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THE
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRI^^In/'
THE BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST
UNTIL
THE YEAR MDCXLVIII.
ENDEAA-OURED
BY THOMAS FULLER, D.D.,
PREBENDARY OF SARUM, &c. &c.
AUTHOR OF '«THE WORTHIES OF ENGLAND," "THE HOLY STATE," "THE
HISTORY OF THE HOLY WAR," " PISGAH SIGHT OF PALESTINE,"
" ABEL REDIVIVUS," &c. &c.
A NEW EDITION.
WITH THE AUTHOR'S CORRECTIONS.
IN THREE YOLUMES.
YOL. III.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THOMAS TEGG AND SON, 73, CHEAPSIDE ;
R. GRIFFIN AND CO., GLASGOW;
TEGG AND CO., DUBLIN:
ALSO, J. AND S. A. TEGG, SYDNEY AND HOBART TOWN.
18^7.
London : — rrinted by James Nicliols, 46, Hoxton-square.
CONTENTS.
BOOK IX.
SECTION IV. CENTURY XVI.
A.D. 1580—1582. 23 TO 25 ELIZABETH.
A PETITION, in the name of the whole convocation, for the restitution of
archbishop Grindal — The model and method of prophesyings — The
inconveniences of prophesyings detected or suspected — The most
remarkable letter of archbishop Grindal, in defence of prophecies and
church-jurisdiction — Lambeth-house, Grindal's guilt — The death of
Cope and Bullock. Popish locusts swarm into England — Necessary
severity of the parliament against them — Many against money-mulcts
for conscience. Others conceive the proportion of the fine uncon-
scionable— Arguments pro and con, whether Jesuits are to be put to
death — The execution of this law moderated. Worst of offenders
escape best — The acts of a silent convocation. Query, on whom the
law was first hanselled — The death of bishop Berkeley — A meeting of
the presbyterians at Cockfield. Another at Cambridge. The activity
of the presbyterians — Beza's letter to Travers in the behalf of Geneva
— Geneva's suit was coldly resented — Why the rigorous pressing of
subscription was now remitted. Pages 3 — 29.
SECTION V.
A.D. 1582, 1583. 25 AND 26 ELIZABETH.
A form of discipline considered of by the brethren in a solemn synod, with
the several decrees thereof — Several observations on these decrees — A
blasphemous heretic reclaimed. The character of Mr. Henry Smith —
The death of Richard Bristow. The death of Nicholas Harpsfield.
The death of Gregory Martin — Letter-history best history. Objection
against letters' want of date, answered — The petition of the Kentish
ministers — The archbishop's letter in answer thereof — The character
of Mr. Beal, who brought the bills— Archbishop Whitgift's letter,
complaining of Beal's insolent carriage towards him — The privy coun-
sellors' letter to the archbishop in favour of the nonconformists — The
archbishop's answer to the privy counsellors' letter — The archbishop's
gratulatory letter to Sir Christopher Hatton — The treasurer's letter to
the archbishop, for some indulgence to the ministers — The return of
the archbishop of Canterbury to the lord treasurer's letter — The lord
treasurer's smart letter to the archbishop— The archbishop's calm
letter to the half-angry treasurer— Sir Francis Walsingham a good
friend to nonconformists. His letter to the archbishop in favour of
A 2
IV CONTENTS,
nonconformists— The archbishop's answer to secretary Walsingham's
letter — A transition to other matter. Good Grindal's death. A plea
for Grindal's poverty. Pages 30—60.
SECTION VI.
A.D. 1583—1587. 26 TO 30 ELIZABETH.
Warning to sabbath-breakers — Robert Brown first appears — Brown's
opinions. Extraordinary favour indulged unto him. The author's
observation on him. The occasion of his late death. Two Brownists
executed — Whitgift succeedeth Grindal — Death of Sanders — Lewes
burned at Norwich — Popish libels. The queen's eminent mercy —
Two fruitless conferences. Subscription severely pressed — The Rhe-
mish translation comes forth. Cartwright invited to answer it.
Whitgift stoppeth his book. Dr. Fulke first effected it. A promise
never performed. Confidence of many at last deceived — The death of
George Etheredge — Mr. Rogers writeth on our articles — Three great
corporations now on foot together — The archbishop, afraid of altera-
tion in church-discipline, writes to the queen — Her majesty will alter
nothing material to church-government. Parhament dissolved — John
Hilton in convocation abjureth his heretical opinions. Penance
imposed upon him — Exchange of important letters betwixt the earl of
Leicester and the archbishop — Seminaries enlarged and transported —
The earl of Leicester sent as commander into the Low Countries — The
liturgy supported by its opposers- — Accusations not to be believed in
full latitude — The death of John Feckenham. His courtesy to pro-
testants ; made abbot of Westminster. Queen Ehzabeth sendeth for
him, and proffers him preferment ; kindly used in restraint — A recruit
of English Benedictines made after Feckenham's death — English
papists, why they fell off from the queen of Scots unto the king of
Spain, pretending a title to the crown of England — An act without
precedent. Good reason why the nonconformists were quiet — The
death of Mary queen of Scotland. Her poetry. Her body removed
to Westminster — A design propounded, and blasted by the queen —
Conformity to the height — The high-commission court. A memorable
story in Geneva — First grievance complained of in tendering the oath.
The second, third, and fourth grievance — Four ranks of refusers of
this oath. The first rank, the second, third, and the last rank — Non-
conformists persecuted in the star-chamber — The death of ]Mr. Fox, and
of Dr. Humphrey — The first protestant hospital. Beautiful buildings
begin in England. Nonconformists stir. Pages 61—92!
SECTION VII.
A.D. 1587—1592. 30 TO 35 ELIZABETH.
A sixteenfold i)etition presented by the commons to the lords in parliament
— The archljishop's plea for non-residents. The lord Grey's rejoinder.
The lord treasurer's moderation. Others interpret. The lord Grey
(query, whether of Wilton, or, what most probable, of Ruthyn, after-
wards earl of Kent) replied— The bishops providently petition the
quocn— The death of bishop Barnes, and of Bernard Gilpin ; hardly
CONTENTS. V
escaped in queen Mary^s days : a single man, yet a true father — The
brave coming-forth of the Spanish armada ; the shameful flight and
return thereof. This deliverance principally wrought by God's arm —
Scurrilous pamphlets dispersed. Their reasons for the lawfulness of
such pamphlets. These books disclaimed by the^discreet sort, and why.
The instruments employed in making these books heavily punished —
Acts of the synod of Coventry. The English church distracted
betwixt contrary disciplines. The success of the solemn humiliation
of the ministers at Northampton — The contents of the admonition to
the catholics of England— The death of Edwin Sands, archbishop of
York — Archbishop Whitgift's discretion — Articles objected against J\Ir.
Thomas Cartwright — Mr. Cartwright refuseth to answer on oath —
Wiggington's riddling words — The king of Scots writes in favour of
the nonconformists — Mr. Cartwright discharged the star-chamber by
the intercession of archbishop Whitgift — A preface to the ensuing dis-
course. The character of Hacket. His monstrous opinions and
practices. Proclaimed by his two prophets. An adventure with more
boldness than discretion. Hacket's execution — This accident unhap-
pily improved against the nonconformists — Mr. Stone by his con-
fession discovereth the meeting of the brethren, with the circum-
stances thereof — The reasons why Mr. Stone made this confession
against the hope and expectation of the brethren — Synodical meetings
finally blasted — Perkins's piety procures his peace — Transition to a
more pleasant subject. The foundation of an university in Dublin.
The several benefactors thereto. The addition of two emissary
hostels. Dublin a colony of Cambridge — The death of Arthur Faunt
— The contest betwixt Hooker and Travers. Hooker's character —
Travers takes his orders beyond seas. He with IMr. Cartwright
invited to be divinity-professors in St. Andrew's — The character of
Hooker as to his preaching. The description of Travers. They clash
about m.atters of doctrine — Travers is silenced by the archbishop.
Many pleased with the deed, but not with the manner of doing it.
Travers's plea in his petition. A charitable adversary. Travers must
have no favour. Whitgift's politic carriage. Travers goeth into
Ireland, and returneth His contented life, and quiet death — The
death of worthy Mr. Greenham of the plague ; fellow of Pembroke-
hall, in Cambridge. He is humbled with an obstinate parish. His
dexterity in healing afflicted consciences. He, leaving his cure,
Cometh to London. A great instrument of the good keeping of the
Lord's-day. Pages 93 — 134.
SECTION YIII.
A.D. 1592—1600. 35 TO 43 ELIZABETH.
The uncertain date of JMr. Udal's death — Mr. Udal's supplication to the
lords of the assizes. Various censures on his condemnation. He died
peaceably in his bed. His solemn burial — Henry Barrow, John Green-
wood, and John Penry executed — The queen's last coming to Oxford.
Her Latin oration — The death of archbishop Pierce and bishop Elmar
— The death of William Reginald, and of cardinal Allen — A sad sub-
ject to write of Christian discords. The beginning of the schism
Vi CONTENTS.
betwixt the Seculars and the Jesuits. The Seculars refuse to obey
Weston, and why Weston employed but as a scout to discover the
temper of the Secular priests. He will not stand to the determination
of a grave priest chosen umpire : f\t last is forced by letters from his
provincial to leave off his agency. The schism, notwithstanding, con-
tinues and increases — The strict keeping of the sabbath first revived —
Thomas Rogers first publicly opposeth Dr. Bound's opinions — The
articles of Lambeth. The high opinions some had of these articles.
Others value them at a lower jate. Some flatly condem.ned both
the articles and authors of ^thera. How variously foreign divines
esteemed of them. These articles excellent witnesses of the general
doctrine of England— Bishop Wickham, Dr. Whitaker, Daniel Halse-
■ worth,and Robert Southwell end their lives — The complaint of the Secu-
lars against the Jesuits, and principally against Parsons — A general calm
— The death of bishop Fletcher and bishop Coldwell — The death of Lau-
rence Humphrey — A great antiquary's good intention discouraged —
The charity of a Spanish protestant — The acts in 'parliament — The
death of Thomas Stapleton, and of Dr. Cosine — The death of Robert
Turner — The death of Richard Hooker — An over-politic act disliked —
The death of John Sanderson, and Thomas Case. Pages 134. — 155.
BOOK X.
SECTION I. CENTURY XYII.
A.D. 1601—1604. 43 ELIZABETH TO 2 JAMES I.
The Seculars fomented by the bishop of London against the Jesuits
— Acts in the last parhament of queen Elizabeth. Acts of this
year's convocation — Francis Godwin made bishop of LandafF—
Watson's quodlibets against the Jesuits. The black character of
Jesuits painted with the pencil of a Secular priest — A quiet in
the English church, and the cause thereof — Several reasons assigned
of Mr. Cartwright's moderation. The character of Mr. Cartwright —
Bishop Westphaling, dean Nowell, Mr. Perkins, Gregory Sayer, and
William Harris depart this world — Relief sent to the city of Geneva —
The death of queen Elizabeth — King James sends a welcome message
to the episcopal party — Watson's silly treason. His motley complices.
Their wild means whereby to attain a mad end. The two Priests
executed— Mr. Cartwright dedicates a book to king James. Mr.
Cartwright's death— The presbyterian petition to the king and parha-
ment—The first day's conference at Hampton-court— The second
day's conference at Hampton- court— The third day's conference at
Hampton-court — The general censures of the conferencers. The non-
conformists' complaint. The product of this conference— The copy iof
the millenary petition— The issue of this petition— Universities justly
nettled thereat— Other millenary petitions. Unfair dealing in procur-
ing of hands. Pages 162 — 198.
CONTENTS. vii
SECTION II.
A.D. 1604—1607. 2 TO 5 JAMES I.
The death of archbishop Whitgift— Mr. Prynne, censuring Whitgift, cen-
sured. His untruth of Anselm. His slander of Whitgift, and silly
taxing of his train. Whitgift's care of and love to scholars— His
burial and successor — A beneficial statute for the church. A contriv-
ance by the crown to wrong the church. Two eminent instances of
former alienation of bishopric-lands. Several censures on this new
statute — King James a great church-lover — The acts of this convoca-
tion, why as yet not recovered — Many canons made therein. Bishop
Bancroft sitting president — Bishop Rudd, why opposing the oath
against simony — The petition of the town of Ripon to queen Anne.
King James's bountiful grant. These lands since twice sold — The
petition of the family of love to king James — The familists will in no
wise be accounted puritans. Phrases in their petition censured — Mr.
Rutherford causelessly asperseth the bishops and courtiers of queen
Elizabeth. Familists turned into modern ranters — The death of Hall
and Eli — The plotters in the powder-treason. Garnet's deciding
a case of conscience. Two other difficulties removed. The odium
, must be cast on the puritans. Will-worship a painful labour. God
gives them warning to desist, but they will take none. The latitude
of their design — The apish behaviour of Keyes. The mystical letter.
The first search proves ineffectual. The second search discovers
all — The traitors fly, and are taken. Catesby and Percy fight
desperately for their lives. The Lord is just. The rest are legally
executed — The presumption of a posthume report justly censured.
The memory of this treason perpetuated by act of parliament. Just
complaint that the day is no better observed — The death of archbishop
Hutton. A foul mistake rectified — The death of the bishops of
Rochester and Chichester — Garnet's education and early viciousness
canvassed in the Tower by the Protestant divines. Confession only
of ante-facts. Earl of Salisbury's question answered. Garnet's
arraignment and condemnation. Popish false relations disproved —
The solemn tale of Garnet's straw-miracle. Garnet's picture appears
in a straw. This miracle not presently done ; not perfectly done.
Garnet's beatification occasioned by this mock miracle — Acts against
papists in parliament, but principally the oath of obedience — The
pope's two briefs against this oath — Pens tilting at pens about the
lawfulness of this oath. Pages 198 — 226.
SECTION III.
A.D. 1607—1611. 5 TO 9 JAMES I.
The names, places, and several employments of the translators of the bible
— The king's instructions to the translators — Mr. Lively's death — The
death of Dr. Reynolds. A strange encounter. His admirable parts
and piety. Most conformable in his practice to the church of Eng-
land—Mr. Molle's birth and breeding ; his sad dilemma ; his con-
Vlll CONTE^iTS.
stancy in the inquisition ; his death in durance-*-The death of bishop
Vaughan— Mr. Brightman's birth and breeding. A patron para-
mount. Exceptions against Mr. Brightman's book. His angelical
life. His sudden death. Whence we derive our intelligence— An act
for Chelsea college. The glory of the design. King James's mort-
main and personal benefaction. Dr. Sutcliffe's bounty. The structure.
The fir.st provost and fellows — The king's letters to the archbishop ;
and his to the bishops. Divers opinions touching the non-proceeding
of the college. The present sad condition of it — The death of bishop
Overton, Heton, and Ravis — Nicholas Fuller engages for his clients,
to the loss of his own liberty and life — The last session of a long par-
liament— The death of Gervas Babington ; his parts and praise — The
death of archbishop Bancroft. He is vindicated from cruelty, and the
aspersion of covetousness. Falsely traduced for popish inclinations.
A good patron of church-revenues — The new translation of the
Bible finished, by the command of king James, and care of some
chosen divines — The causeless cavil of the papists thereat — They take
exceptions at the several senses of words noted in the margin — Some
brethren complain for lack of the Geneva annotations — Dr. H. in
Oxford causelessly inveigheth against the Geneva notes. Pages
227—248.
SECTION lY.
A.D. 1611—1619. 9 TO 17 JAMES I.
Dangerous opinions broached by Conradus Vorstius. Reasons moving
king James to oppose him^The States entertain not the motion of
king James against Vorstius, according to just expectation. Vorstius
gives no satisfaction in his new declaration. King James setteth forth
a declaration against Vorstius, first written in French, since by his
leave translated into English, and amongst his other works — The cha-
racter of Bartholomew Legate. Discourse betwixt king James and
Legate. Bishop King gravelleth him with a place of scripture.
"Wholesome caution premised before the naming of Legate's blas-
phemies. Condemned for an obstinate 'heretic. Queries left to
lawyers to decide. Legate burned in Smithfield — Wightman worse
than Legate. The success of this severity — The death of Mr, Sutton,
founder of that famous hospital, the charter-house. The several
manors belonging thereunto — The Jesuits carping at his good work.
His politic modesty in his corrective. Answers to Jesuits' cavils —
Mr. Sutton's constant prayer. Sutton's hospital, how exceeding the
Annunciata — The death of prince Henry — The marriage of the Pala-
tine— The divorce of the earl of Essex discussed. A memorable
speech of bishop King — Wadham college founded, where formerly a
monastery of Augustines — A parliament suddenly called, soon dis-
solved—The death of bishop Rudd. A remarkable passage. The
bishop, by plain preaching, gains the queen's favour ; and, by too
personal preaching, loseth it again : yet died generally beloved and
lamented — Casaubon invited to England; where he dieth, and is
buried — The supposed occasion of Mr. Selden's writing against the
divine right of tithes. Many write in answer to his book — Melvin
CONTENTS. IX
freed from the Tower— The death of bishop Bilson. Campian's false-
hood— Archbishop of Spalato — The king goes into Scotland — The
death of bishop James, bishop Robinson, and bishop Bennet — Dr.
Mocket's translation of our English liturgy cavilled at by many. The
pinching accusation. Imperial decrees command not in England.
On the burning of his book. Dr. Mocket dieth — The death of Robert
Abbot, bishop of Salisbury — The imposture of the boy of Bilston,
found out by bishop Morton — Cheaters of several kinds. King
James's dexterity in detecting them — The king's declaration for
liberty on the Lord's day. The various effects thereof — Reasons of
the refusers to publish this declaration. The arguments for the lawful^
publishing of the declaration. — A third sort resolve on a strange expe-
dient. Lancashire ministers more scared than hurt. A fourth sort
•read it with approbation of the contents therein — The heretical
opinions of John Thraske — The troubles in the Low Countries — The
States' liberal allowance to the English divines. Weekly intelligence
to the king from his divines. Mr. Balcanqual admitted into the
synod— Dr. Hall's return thence. Dr. Goad in the room of Dr. Hall.
Pages 243—279.
SECTION Y.
A.D. 1619—1621. 17 TO 19 JAMES I.
The Belgic confession presented in the synod — The States' bounty to the
British divines — Their letter to king James — The British divines
return into England — The synod diversely censured. The suggester's
surmise most improbable. Bishop Hall's letter to the author — The
death of bishop Montague. A strange accident at his burial. The
death of bishop Overal — A great abuse of the king's favour — Arch-
bishop Abbot casually killed a keeper. The mischance rigidly cen-
sured. Many canonists quickly made. Archbishops may hunt, by the
laws of the land. Bishop Andrews, the archbishop's great friend ;
his restitution and mortification — A project against the clergy to get
money ; declined by the lord treasurer^ who is truly excused — The
lord Bacon outed for bribery. — An essay at his character — Bishop
Williams made lord keeper. Some causelessly offended. His eminent
abilities. Well manages the place — A still-born convocation — Young
Meric Casaubon vindicates his father from railers. The good effect
of his endeavours — William Laud, bishop of St. David's — John King,
bishop of London, dies. His eminencies. A loud lie. William
Cotton, bishop of Exeter, dies, whom Valentine Carew succeeds.
Robert Town son, bishop of Salisbury, dies, whom John Davenant
succeeds — The death of Dr. Andrew Willet, of Dr. Richard Parry, and
of Mr. Francis JMason. Pages 279 — 295.
SECTION VI.
A.D. 1622, 1623. 20 AND 21 JAMRS I.
The causes of Spalato's 'coming-over. His bountiful entertainment. He
is richly preferred by king James. His great avarice. Another
instance of his ungrateful covetousness. His learned writings against
X CONTENTS.
Romish error. The jeerer jeered. Spalato's hypocrisy discovered.
He is incensed with a repidse. Reasons pleaded for his return. Spa-
lato's second letter to king James ; desires in vain still to stay ;
departeth to Rome ; returns to his railing vomit ; lives at Rome not
loved, and dies unlamented. Cardinal Clesel's neglected friendship
destructive to Spalato. Spalato's body burned after his death. The
word " puritan," how first abused by Spalato. His unpartial character
— Three other Italian jugglers — The Spanish match, the discourse-
general. Gondemar procures the enlargement of all Jesuits. A mali-
cious comment on a merciful text. Bitter compliments betwixt Gon-
demar and the earl of Oxford — The death of Mr. Henry Copinger. A
free patron and faithful incumbent well met. His long and good life
— A conference with Jesuits — The fatal vespers at Blackfriars. Death
without giving any warning. " I will sing of mercy and justice." A
^ fair and true verdict. Beware wild wishes. A caveat at Rome. Pages
296—312.
SECTION YII.
A.D. 1623, 1624. 21 AND 22 JAMES I.
The archbishop's letter against a toleration — Toleration, the general table-
talk, argued. The pulpit is loud against the toleration — His majesty's
care to regulate preaching. His directions — Various censures on the
king's letters— A needless subject waved. A crown not joyed in. King
James accused by some ; defended by others. Both the Palatinates
lost. Land of promise, now land of performance — Prince Charles
goes to Spain. His return — The Palatinate beheld desperate — A
happy parliament. The convocation. Dr. Donne, .prolocutor — A book
falsely fathered on Isaac Casaubon. The falsehood detected, yet still
continued — None of the worst counsel — King James falleth sick. A
confluence of four mischiefs. A plaster applied to his wrists, and
julap, without the advice of his physicians. Catechised on his death-
bed in his faith and charity. His death, of a peaceable nature. Made
nobility less respected by the commonness thereof. His eloquence
and piercing wit. King James's return to Gondemar. Judicious,
bountiful, and merciful. Pages 313 — 327.
BOOK XI.
SECTION I. CENTURY XVII.
A.D. 1625—1628. 1 TO 4 CHARLES I.
News of the king's death brought to Whitehall. His solemn funerals—^
Dr. Williams's text, sermon, and parallel betwixt king Solomon and
king James. Exceptions taken at his sermon — Discontents begin in the
court. Dr. Preston a great favourite — Mr. Mountagu's character. He
setteth forth his Appello Casarum— Queen Ma.ry's first arrival at Dover
— The. king rescueth Mr. Mountagu from the house of commons. The
parhament removed to Oxford, and broke up in discontent — Dr.
CONTENTS. XI
James's motion in the convocation. The insolence of papists season-
ably restrained — Several writers against Mr. JMountagu. Mr, Mountagu
left" to defend himself — A maim on the emblem of peace — A dilemma
well waved — The coronation sermon — The solemn advance to the
church. The manner of the king's coronation. The fashion of the
scaffold. The king presented and accepted by the people ; sworn and
anointed ; solemnly crowned, and girt with several swords. Homage
done by the nobility to his majesty, with their solemn oath. A
pardon-general granted. The communion concludes the solemnity.
The return to Whitehall — Our prolixity herein excused. A foul-
mouthed railer. Why the king rode not through the city. A memora-
ble alteration in" a pageant — A conference ^at York-house. A second
on the same subject — The bishop of Lincoln loseth his keeper's place.
The duke incensed against him. The bishop's wariness in resigning
the seal ; but keeps his bishopric — A new college of an old hall in
Oxford, called Pembroke college — Dr, Preston declines in the duke's
favour. The death of godly bishop Lake — The death and character of
bishop Andrews. Unjustly accused for covetousness and superstition.
Causelessly charged with affectation in his sermons. Nicholas Fuller,
his chaplain, that profitable critic — Severe proceedings against arch-
bishop Abbot : suspended from his jurisdiction. Two good effects of
a bad cause — The character of archbishop Abbot"; accounted no great
friend to the clergy ; accused for the fautor of malcontents — A tolera-
tion, blasted in Ireland, hopes to spring in England ; but is rejected.
Sir John Saville's motion — A parliament called, which proves full of
troubles. Mr. Pym's speech against Dr, Manwaring, The severe
censure on the doctor. His humble submission. The acts of this
parliament. Nothing done in the convocation — The death of Dr.
Preston — The]death of bishop Carleton. Mr, Mountagu's confirmation
opposed ; but the opposition ineffectual. Caution seasonably used —
The parliament dissolved. Proclamation against the bishop of Chal-
cedon. He flieth into France — The death and character of Toby
Matthew, — His gratitude unto God. He died yearly — The death of
bishop Felton. Pages 333—359.
SECTION II.
A.D. 1629— IG37. 5 TO 13 CHARLES I.
The birth and death of prince Charles— Oxford Muses— Dr. Leighton's
railing book — Recovered (after his escape) and severely punished—
Feoffees to buy-in impropriations begin and proceed hopefully— The
bishop of Clialcedon's episcopizing in England— Opposed by Nicholas
Smith, alleging a bishop over English catholics, useless in persecution,
. and burdensome, and this bishop no ordinary— Regulars' pride and
proposition condemned — Query, Whether now reconciled ? — Bishop
Davenant's sermon at court ; for which he is convented before the
council — Bishop Davenant's relation of the whole matter in his letter
to Dr. Ward — The death of bishop Dove— Troubles begin in Oxford.
An appeal from the vice-chancellor to the proctors, severely punished,
and ill-resented— The death of Mr. Hildersham ; often silenced and
restored. His long and assiduous preaching— The death of Bolton —
XU CONTENTS.
Impropriation-feoffees questioned. Their first accusation, and answer
thereunto. A second charge against them. They are overthrown —
The death of archbishop Harsnet— Bradborn's erroneous opinion —
Sabbatarian controversies revived — Troubles begin in Somersetshire.
Judge Richardson's order against Lord's-day revels ; which he would
not revoke— The king's declaration. The archbishop excuseth him-
self. No injunction to the ministers ; yet some silenced for refusal to
read the book. Moderation of some bishops therein. Licentiousness
increaseth. Conceived by some, a concurrent cause of our civil wars.
A sad alteration — Irish impropriations restored. The thirty-nine
articles received in Ireland — Bishop Laud refuseth a cardinal's cap —
Bishop Juxon made lord treasurer. His commendable carriage —
Archbishop Laud presses conformity — Our churches succeed not to
the temple, but synagogues. Adoration towards the altar, disliked
by many — Mr. William Prynne, accused for libelling against the
bishops. Dr. Bastwick's accusation. Mr. Burton's character ; the
cause of his discontent. Their fault-general — Mr. Prynne's plea
rejected, and his answer refused. So is Dr. Bastwick's. Mr. Burton's
cast out for imperfect — The severe censure ; esteemed too low, by
some ; too high, by most — Mr. Burton's words on the pillory. Seve-
ral censures on his behaviour. Mr. Bastwick's speech. JMany men,
many minds. ]\Ir. Prynne's speech. His behaviour at the censure.
Their removal — A preparative to the censure of the bishop of Lincoln.
The bishop's discourse at the table with Sir John Lamb, [who]
informed against him in the star-chamber. Deserteth his intents of
compounding with the king. Puts in an especial answer. Kilvert
entertained his prosecutor. Pregion, a principal witness of the bishop,
much molested. Subornation of perjury charged on the bishop. In
vain endeavoureth a composition with the king ; frustrated therein by
his great adversary — His heavy censure, to which the archbishop of
Canterbury did concur. Three of his servants fined with him — The
complaints against the unjust proceedings against him, put in by the
bishop into the parliament. Is examined again in the Tower ; whether
some books were orthodox ? Who had power to license them ? His
cautious answer — Transition to a sad subject. The project of a public
prayer-book began in the reign of king James. Why a differ-
ence betwixt the Scotch and English liturgy. Canonical scripture
only used in the Scotch liturgy. The word " priest " therein
declined. Scotch saints inserted into the calendar — Alterations of
addition in the Scotch liturgy. The most material omission — The
discontented condition of the Scotch nation when the liturgy was first
brought unto them— The book bears the blame of all. The Scotch
church standeth on the terms of its own independency. Archbishop
Laud accused as principal composer of the book — The tumult at
Edinburgh at the first reading the book. More considerable per-
sons engaged in the cause. The occasion of the Scotch covenant.
The author's excuse, why not proceeding in this subject. Pages
359—401.
CONTENTS. xiii
SECTION III.
A.D. 1638—1641. 14 TO 16 CHARLES I.
Bishop Williams's second censure— The third accusation against him—
Scots' broils begin. The reader referred to other authors— A parliament
and convocation called. Dr. Turner's text and sermon. The effect of
the archbishop's Latin speech. The just suspicions of wise men. The
parliament suddenly dissolved ; yet the convocation still continues.
A party dissents, and protests against the continuance thereof. Out
of the burial of an old convocation, the birth of a new synod — Why
the canons of this synod are not by us exemplified. The form of
the oath, &c. A motion for a new edition of the Welsh bible.
Gloucester's singularity, threatened with suspension. His suspension
suspended — First exception against the canons. Second exception.
Third and greatest exception. Endeavoured to be excused. The
over-activity of some bishops — The importation of false-printed bibles
— Parliament and convocation begin. The insolence of anabaptists.
The three exiles brought home in triumph. Dr. Pocklington and
Dr. Bray censured — Superstitions charged on Dr. Cosin. Cruel
usage of Mr. Smart ; relieved by parliament. Dr. Cosin's due praise
— Goodman, a priest, bandied betwixt life and death ; yet he escapeth
with life at last — ^The first mention of the protestation — A committee
of the lords to settle religion. A sub- committee for the same pur-
pose. They consult on innovations in doctrine, and in discipline,
and concerning the common prayer, and regulation of government
— Divers opinions what this conference might have produced ; broken
off — The death of bishop Davenant — Deans and chapters first opposed
by parliament. An unjust charge. The cathedral-men endeavour to
preserve their foundations — Dr. Racket's speech in the defence of
deans and chapters. The speech well-accepted — Dr. Burgess's speech
against deans and chapters. His ability in casuistical divinity— A
medley-bill against bishops, partly granted, partly denied. At last
wholly cast out— Mr. Maynard's speech against the canons. Several
judgments of the clergy's offence — A bill read against the high com-
mission. Pages 402 — 424.
SECTION IV.
A.D. 1641—1643. 16 TO 19 CHARLES I.
The high-commission court put down. The bill for regulation of bishops. A
crying sin of the English clergy — A bill against bishop Wren. The bishops,
impeached*for making of canons, have time and counsel allowed them.
The impeachment of the bishops waved, and why — The bishops, ac-
cused for mean birth, vindicated their parentage. The degrees whereby
the bishops declined in parliament. Bishops refuse willingly to resign
their votes— Multitudes of petitions against bishops. A land-tide of
apprentices flow to Westminster. The manner of the tumult at Westmin-
ster Abbey and Whitehall belongs to the pens of state-historians— Why
xiv CONTENTS.
no more than twelve of the bishops present at the protest. The form
thereof — The bishops impeached of high-treason, and committed to
the Tower — Viscount Newark's two speeches in the behalf of bishops —
Temporal lords, favourers of bishops—The death of bishop Mountagu.
Eminent and popular persons made bishops. All would not do. A
disadvantageous juncture of time for bishops. Bishop Warner, the
best champion for bishops. The principal plea against bishops' ba-
ronies. Earl of Bristol's plea for bishops ; refuted by others. The
king unwilling to consent ; but is importuned thereunto. Keep
in thy calling — The word ** malignant" first coined, and the
word " plunder " — The bishops in the Tower released. A query
worth inquiring. Divines consulted with in parliament. Pages
425—445.
SECTION V.
A.D. 1643—1645. 19 TO 21 CHARLES I.
The first meeting of the assembly — The four English quarters of the
assembly — The Scots' commissioners joined in the assembly. Dr.
Twisse, the prolocutor's, sermon. The royalists' reasons of their
non-appearance — The assembly constituted. The superadded divines.
The assembly's first petition for a fast. The covenant entereth Eng-
land. The covenant first taken ; commanded to be printed ; taken by
gentlemen ; enjoined [on] all in London — Exceptions-general to the
whole : made without the king's consent ; full of doubtful words —
Exceptions to the preface, pretended ancient, yet unprecedented —
Exceptions to the first article. Cannot be taken knowingly : nor
without a double scandal : injury to themselves : perjury to their souls
— Exceptions to the second article. Ill, but forced, equipage of pre-
lacy. Four reasons against extirpation of prelacy — Exceptions against
the third article — Exceptions to the fourth, fifth, and sixth articles —
Exceptions to the conclusion — The author's plea in his own just
defence — The parliament's purge to the clergy. The expelled clergy's
plea. The first century, why without a second. Vacant livings, how
supplied — Dissenting brethren first appear in the assembly. The
cause of their first departing the land. Are kindly entertained in
Holland. How qualified to find out the truth. Their two chief
ground-works. Co-ordination of churches. The manner of their
church-service. [They] are always for new lights — A schism in Rot-
terdam church. A second schism in the same church. The practice
of Arnheim church. The five exiles return home ; gather churches in
England. The presbyterians offended— Dissenting brethren crave a
toleration ; op})osed by others ; but favoured by the parliament— New-
England churches, congregationalists. The rest referred to iNIr. Nor-
ton's book — Mr. Herle succeedeth prolocutor to Dr. Twisse. Mr.
Selden's puzzhng queries. Erastians, why so called, and what they
held. The Erastians in the assembly, favourably listened to. The
assembly shrewdly checked. The Scotch discipline in vain strived
for. Co-ercive power kept in the parliament — Uxbridge's fruit-
less treaty. Mr. Love's indiscretion. The conference of divines.
CONTENTS. XV
Dr. Laney might not be heard. An argument ad homines, if not ad
causas—Bodk^ made by the assembly. The assembly rather sinketh
than endeth — The archbishop prepares for death, and preacheth his
own funeral sermon. Questioned about the assurance of his salvation,
and dieth— His birth in Reading, breeding in Oxford. He chargeth
through all church-preferments. Charged unjustly to be a papist ;
yet endeavoureth a reconciliation betwixt Rome and England ; over-
severe in his censures ; over-meddling in state-matters ; conscientious
in keeping a diary ; temperate and chaste ; an enemy to gallantry in
clergymen's clothes ; not partial to his kindred ; no whit addicted to
covetousness. The grand causer of the repairing of churches, princi-
pally of St. Paul's; his personal character— The birth and breeding of
Mr. Dod. One peaceable in our Israel. Improveth all to piety.
Youth v/ill away. God seen at the first hand in nature, but at the
second in art. An innocent deceiver. Excellent Hebrician. Fare-
well, old puritan. Pages 446—479.
SECTION VI.
A. D. 1645-1648. 21 TO 24 CHARLES I.
The Directory drawn up by the assembly. To which the dissenting bre-
thren at last assent. A discreet and charitable preface. The directory
enforced by ordinance of parliament. A good price, if well paid. A
second ordinance to back the former. The king's proclamation con-
trary to the parliament's ordinance. Arguments pro and con to the
directory — A query for conscience' sake. A word in due season. A
farewell to the subject' — Archbishop Williams strangely altered ; born
in Wales, of good parentage ; bred in St, John's, and proctor of Cam-
bridge. The lord Egerton's boon to this his chaplain. The means of
his speedy and great preferment — The original breach betwixt the
duke and lord-keeper. Not contented with his own wish. Enlarged
out of the Tower, and made archbishop of York. His pleasant answer
to the king. Retires into North Wales, and sinks by degrees into dis-
favour. Incensed with great affronts. Takes a commission from the
parliament. Condemned by all royalists. Human inconstancy. His
acts of charity. Purged from unjust aspersion. A perfect anti-papist.
Favourer of some nonconformists. The character of his person. His
savoury speech. His death on our Lady-day — A list of parliament-
ordinances touching religion — An order for the fifth part for ministers'
wives and children. The copy thereof. Several ways endeavoured to
frustrate this order. First, second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and
seventh evasion. Remember the poor. Pages 479 — 493.
SECTION VII.
A.D. 1648. 24 CHARLES I.
Great alterations by the visiters in Oxford— Clergymen meeting in the
Isle of Wight — All matters managed in wiiting — The effect of his
majesty's first paper — The parliament-divines' answer thereunto — The
king's rejoinder to the parliament-divines — The return of the parlia-
XVI CONTENTS.
ment-divines to the king — Tanta fides, quantus author — The king
fetched from the Isle of Wight, and condemned at London. Extremum
hunc concede mihi. He heareth the last sermon ; and receives the com-
munion. Is patient when affronted — His last question, and speech
falsely printed. Trouble well prevented. His corpse carried to
Windsor — The lords follow after it. The governor's resolution. The
lords, with much searching, find a vault. The description thereof.
One of the order buried therein. Presumed to be king Henry VIII.
The leaden inscription on his coffin. The [corpse deposited. Pages
493—504.
Description of the Plates in each Volume. — Page 505.
THE
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN.
BOOK IX.
CONTAINING THE RKIGN OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
SECTION IV.
Vol. ui.
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRI^i^m
BOOK IX.
THE
SECTION IV.
THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
TO MR. JAMES BOVEY, OF LONDON, MERCHANT.
One (if not the only) good which our Civil War
hath produced, is, that, on the ransacking of studies,
many manuscripts, which otherwise would have
remained concealed, and useful only for private per-
sons, have been" printed for the public benefit; amongst
which, some may suspect the following letter of arch-
bishop Grindal to be one.
But, to clear that scruple, I must avow, that a reve-
rend person* was proprietary of an authentic copy
thereof before the thing plunder was owned in Eng-
land, and may, I shall well hope, notwithstanding his
gray hairs, remain so, after it is disclaimed.
1. A Petition, in the Name of the whole Convocation, for the
Restitution of Archbishop Grindal. 23 Elizabeth. A.D.15S0.
Now that a Parliament and Convocation being this year called,
the latter appeared rather a trunk than a body, because Edmund
Grindal, archbishop of Canterbury, groaning under the queen's dis-
pleasure, was forbidden access to the Convocation. Whereupon, it
began sadly, (not to say sullenly,) without the solemnity of a sermon,
abruptly entering on the small business they had to do. Some hot-
spurs therein motioned that they should refuse to meet together till
* Dr. Usher, archbishop of Armagh.
B 2
4 CHURCH HISTORY OF ERITAIK. A. D. 1580.
tlieir company were completed, and the archbisliop restored unto
them. But the gravity of the rest soon retrenched this distemper,
and at last all agreed that Toby Matthew, dean of Christ- Church,
commanding a pure and fluent pen, should, in the name of the Con-
vocation, draw a humble supplication to her majesty for the restitu-
tion of the archbishop to his place, which was done according to the
tenor following : —
Serenissimce ac potentissimce regina3 Elizabethan^ Angliw.Franciw^
et Hiberniw reginw, fidei defensatrici^ Sfc. — Etsi majestatem regiam
siveverho^ sivescripto interpeUare (serenissima princeps Elizahetha)
non decere nisi rariiis, non licere nisi gramoribus de causis, arbi-
tramur ; tamen cum pra^cipiat apostolus^ ut^ dum tempus habeamus^
benefacimus omnibus^ maxime vero domesticis fidei ^ committer e nidlo
modo possumus quin illud hoc tempore a tua celsitate humiliter con-
tendamus^ quod 7iobis ad petendum utile et necessarium toti ecclesia^
et reipublicce ad obtinendum salutare et fructuosum^ tiiw denique
majestati ad concedendum^ perfacile et honorificum sit futurum.
Quanquam igitur ucerbissime dolemus et contristamur^ reverendis-
simum patrem^ Cantuariensem urchiepiscopum, post tot annos^ in
tantam tamque diuturnam majestatis tucv offensionem incidisse;
tamen Tialde vehementer speramus^ nos veniam adepturos, si pro imo
multi, pro archiepiscopo episcopi^ pro tanto pransule tot ministri^
serid et suppliciter inter cedamiis. Quod si deprecantium authoritas in
petitione valeret^ hwc causa jamdudum a nobilibus viris ; si voluntas^
ab amicissimis ; si experientia^ a prudentissimis ; si religio^ a reve-
rendissimis; simultitudo, aplurimis: sicid nostrce partes nullce nunc
alice mdeantur^ quam ut arationem cum illorum rationibus, nostras
preces cum illorum petitionibus supplicissime ac demississime con-
jungamus.
Ut enim Ccesar Octatius jucundissimus propterea fuisse scribitur,
quod apud eum^ quoties quisque Toluit^ dixit^ et quod voluit^ dum
humiliter ; sic ex infinitis illis mrtutibus, quibus regium tuum
pectus abunde cumulatur^ mx ulla "eel majestati tuw honor ificentior^
"cel in populum tuum gratiosior existit^ quam in admitte^idis homi-
nibus facilitas^ iii causis audiendislenitas^ prudentiainsecernendis,
in satisfaciendis pietas et dementia. Nihil est enim tam popular e
quam bonitas ; atque principes ad prwpotentem Deum nulla re pro-
pius accedunt^ quam offensionibus deponendis^ et obliviscendis injuriisy
non decimus septies, sedseptuagiessepties. Namsi decern millia talento-
rum dimittantur nobis, 7ionne nosfratribus, conserms, subditis, centum
denarios condonabimu>< f Liceat enim nobis illud Christi prwcep-
tum ad istud institutum, bona tud cum pace, accommodare. Prwser-
tim cam hortetur apostolus, ut mansuetudo nostra nota sit omnibus ,•>
Christtisque juheat, ut misericordes simus sicut Pater noster Cwlestis
23 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 5
misericoi's est. Vinum in mdnus infimdere salutare est, et saliita-
rius oleum ; Christus utrumqiie adhibuit. Judicium cantare^ domino
jucundum est, ac jucimdius misericordiam ; David utrumque per-
fecit. Gratiosa est in omnibus hominibiis dementia, in procei^ibus
gratiosior, in principe 'eero gratiosissima. Gloriosa est regi man-
suetudo, reginw gloriosior, tirgini vero ghriosimma : si non semper,
at swpius ; si non in omnes, at in pios ; si non in vulgus, at in
magistratus, at in ministros, at in eum qui, in tam sublimi loco con-
stitutus, magna apud nos authoritate, ma^na apud alios existima-
tione, summd in sacratissimam tuam majestatem fide et observantid
prwditus ; ut non swpe in mtd deliquisse, sed semel tantum in mtd
displicuisse mdeatur, idque non tam prwfractd Toluntate, quam
tenerd conscientid, ciijus tantam esse mm, magni authores, et optimi
quique mri scripserunt, ut quicquid, ed vel reclamante, xel errante,
Tel hwsitante, fiat, non leve peccatum esse statuerint. Ac ut, quod
verum est, ingenue et humiliter attendamus ; et illud omnium quod
■unum agitur, xel necessario silentio, tel Toluntarid ohlectatione obru-
cimus. /S'^ laudahile est, mtam non modo oh omni crimi7ie, sed sus-
picione criminis, liberam traduxisse, traduxit ; si honestum, reli-
gionem ah omni non modo papisticd corrupteld, sed a schismaticd
pramtate, integram conservare, consevTamt ; si Chi^istianum, non
modo, propter justitiam persecutionem passum esse, sed per cwteras
nationes propter etangelium oberrasse, et passus est, et oberratit,
<^uw cum ita sint, regina clementissima, omnes hw nostrw voces ad
celsitudinem tuam profectw, hoc unum demississime et, qudm fieri
pjotest, subjectissime comprecantur, idque per singular em naturw
tuoe bonitatem, per anteactm turn vitw consuetudinem, per pietatem
regiam in subditos, per charitatem Christianam in inimicos, perque
earn, qud reliquos omnes et privatos et principes excellis, lenitatem ;
ut velis majestatem tuam mansuetudine, justitiam misericordid,
iram placabilitate, ofimsionem indulgentid mitigare ; et archiepis-
copum masrore fractum et debilitatum, non modo extollere jacentem,
sed ecclesiam ipsi, ipsum ecclesice, tuis civibus, suis fratribus, exteris
nationibus, denique piis omnibus tandem aliquando restituere. Quod
si fecerit majestas tua, velpotiiis ciimfecerit, (quodenim summe cupi-
mus, summe etiam ^perare jucundum est,) non dubitamus quin ilium
reverendissimum patrem, supplicem et abjectum, non tam ad pedes,
qudm ad nutus tuos perpetud sis habitura. Ita celsitati tuw persancte
pollicemur, nobis neque in ecclesid constituendd curam, neque in reli-
gione propagandd studium, neque inschismatibus tollendisdiligentiam,
neque in hoc beneficio prwcipue recolendo memoriam, neque in
ferendo quas debemus gratias, gratam animi henevolentiam ullo
uiiquam tempore defuturam. Dominus Jesus majestatem tuam, ad
reipublicw tranqnilUtatcm, ad ecclesslw conserrationem, ad suw
^ CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1580.
xeritatls amplijicationem, omni fwlicitatis genere diutissime 'pro-
sequatur.
This petition, though presented with all advantage, found no
other entertainment than delays, which ended in a final denial ; it
being daily suggested to the queen, that Grindal was a great patron
of prophesyings, now set up in several parts of the land ; which, if
permitted to take place, would in fine prove the bane of the church
and commonwealth.
2. The Model and Method of Prophesyings.
These prophesyings were pretended to be grounded on the
apostle's precept : " For, ye may all prophesy one by one, that all
may learn, and all be comforted," 1 Cor. xiv. 81 ; but so, as to make
it out, they were fain to make use of human prudential additions,
modelling their prophesyings as followeth : —
1. The ministers of the same precinct, by their own appoint-
ment, (not strictly standing on the old division of deaneries,) met
at the principal place therein.
2. The junior divine went first into the pulpit, and for half an
hour, more or less, as he could with clearness contract his medita-
tions, treated upon a portion of Scripture, formerly by a joint
agreement assigned unto him. After him, four or five more,
observing their seniority, succcs^sively dilated on the same text.
3. At last a grave divine, appointed on purpose, as father of the
Act, made the closing sermon, somewhat larger than the rest,
praising the pains and performance of such who best deserved it :
meekly and mildly reproving the mistakes and failings of such of
those, if any were found in their sermons. Then all was ended as
it was begun, with a solemn prayer ; and, at a public refection of
those ministers together, (with many of the gentry repairing unto
them,) the next time of their meeting was appointed, text assigned,
preachers deputed, a new moderator elected, or the old one conti-
nued ; and so all were dissolved.
This exercise proved, though often long, seldom tedious ; and
people's attentions, though travelling far, were little tired, because
entertained with much varictv.
3. The Inconveniences of Prophesyings detected or suspected.
However, some inconveniences were seen, and more foreseen, by
wise (or, at least, suspected by fearful) men, if these prophecies
might generally take place in the land.
1. Many modest ministers, and those profitable preachers in their
private parishes, were loath to appear in this public way ; which
made them undeservedly slighted and neglected by others.
23 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CEKT. XVf. 7
2. Many young men, of more boldness than learning, readiness
than solidity, carried away the credit, to the great disheartening of
those of more age and ability.
3. This consort of preachers kept not always time and tune
amongst themselves, much jarring of personal reflections often dis-
turbing their harmony.
4. Many would make impertinent excursions from their text, to
inveigh against the present discipline and government of the church;
such preachers being more plausible to the people, generally best
pleased with them who manifest their displeasure against the pre-
sent authority.
5. A wise person was often wanting to moderate the moderator,
partially passing his censures, rather according to affection than
judgment.
6. People factiously cried up, some one minister, some another,
to the disgrace of God's ordinance.
7. These prophesyings, being accounted the fairs for spiritual
merchandises, made the weekly markets for tlie same holy commo-
dities, on the Lord's day, to be less respected, and ministers to be
neglected in their respective parishes.
8. In a word, the (jueen was so perfectly prepossessed with preju-
dice against these prophesyings, (as if they foretold the rise of
schism and faction,) that she was implacably incensed against arch-
bishop Grindal, as the principal patron and promoter thereof.
However, the good archbishop, to vindicate himself and state the
usefulness of these prophesyings, wrote a large letter to the queen ;
and although we cannot exactly tell the just time thereof,* yet,
knowing it will be welcome to the pious reader at any time, here we
present the true copy thereof.
4. The most remarkable Letter of Archbishop Grindal^ in
Defence of Prophecies and Church-jurisdiction'
" With most humble remembrance of bounden duty to your
majesty. It may please the same to be advertised, that the speeches
which it pleased you to deliver unto me when I last attended on
your Highness, concerning the abridging the number of preachers,
and the utter subversion of all learned exercises and conferences
amongst the ministers of the church, allowed by the bishops and
ordinaries, have exceedingly dismayed and discomforted me ; not so
much for that the said speeches sounded very hardly against my own
person, being but one particular man, and not so much to be accounted
of; but, most of all, for that the same might tend to the public harm
of God's church, whereof your majesty by office ought to be imtricia^
* To the day and mojith, being confident this was the year.
S CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1580.
and also the heavy burden of your conscience before God, if they
should be put to strict execution. It was not your majesty's plea-
sure then (the time not serving thereto) to hear me at any length
concerning the said two matters then expounded. I thought it
therefore my duty, by writing, to declare some part of my mind
unto your Highness, beseeching the same with patience to read over
this which I now send written with my own rude scribbling hand,
which secmeth indeed to be of more length than it is : for I say
with Ambrose, ad Yalentiniaimm Imperatorem : Scribo manu mea
quod sola legas.
*' Madam, first of all, I must and will, during my life, confess that
there is no earthly creature to whom I am so much bounden as to
your majesty, who (notwithstanding mine insufficiency, which com-
mendeth your Grace the more) hath bestowed upon me so many and
so great benefits, as I could never hope for, much less deserve. I
do therefore, according to my bounden duty, with all thanksgiving,
bear towards your majesty a most humble, thankful, and faithful
heart, and that knoweth He that knoweth all things. Neither do I
intend ever to offend your majesty in any thing, unless, in the cause
of God or his church, by necessity of office and burden laid upon me
and burden of conscience, I shall thereunto be enforced ; and in these
cases, which I trust in God shall never be urged upon me, if I should
use dissembling silence, I should very ill requite so many your
majesty's and so great benefits. For in so doing, both you might
fall into peril towards God, and I myself into endless damnation.
The prophet Ezekiel termeth us ministers of the church specidatores,
and not adulatores. If we therefore see the sword coming by reason
of any offence towards God, we must of necessity give warning, else
the blood of those that perish will be required at our hands. I
beseech your majesty thus to think of me, that I do not conceive any
ill opinion of you, although I cannot assent unto those two Articles
then expounded. I do, with the rest of all your good subjects,
acknowledge that we have received, by your government, many and
most excellent benefits, as, amongst others, freedom of conscience,
suppression of idolatry, sincere preaching of the Gospel, with public
peace and tranquillity.
" I am also persuaded, that ever, in these matters which you seem
to urge, your meaning and zeal is for the best. The like hath hap-
pened to many of the best princes that ever were, yet have not refused
afterwards to be better informed, and instructed out of God's word.
King David, so much commended in the Scriptures, had no evil
meaning when he commanded the people to be numbered ; he thought
it good policy, in so doing, to understand what forces he had in
store to employ against God's enemies, if occasion so required. Yet
23 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 9
afterwards, saith the Scripture, his own heart struck him, and God,
by the prophet Gad, reprehended him for his offence ^ and gave him,
for the same, choice of three hard penances, — that is to say, famine,
war, and pestilence. Good king Hezekiah of courtesy and good
affection showed to the ambassadors of the king of Babylon the trea-
sures of the house of God, and of his own house ; and yet the pro-
phet Isaiah told him that God was therewith displeased. The
godly king Jehosaphat, making league with his neighbour king
Ahab, and of like good meaning, no doubt, was likewise reprehended
by Jehu the prophet in this form of words : Impio prwhes auxilium^
et Us qui oderunt Doniinum amicitid junyeris. Ambrose, writing to
Theodosius the emperor, useth these words: Noti pietatem tuam
erga Deum^ lenitatem in homines^ ohlectatus sum heneficiis tuis,
(Sfc And yet, for all that, the said Ambrose dolh not forbear in
the same epistle to persuade the said emperor to revoke an ungodly
edict, wherein he had commanded a godly bishop to re-edify a Jewish
synagogue pulled down by the Christian people.
"And so, to come to the present case, I may very well use to
your Highness the words of Ambrose above Avritten, Novl pietatem,
Sfc. But surely I cannot marvel enough how this strange opinion
should once enter into your mind, — that it should be good for the
church to have few preachers. Alas, madam, is the Scripture more
plain in any thing than that the Gospel of Christ should be plentifully
preached ? and that plenty of labourers should be sent into the Lord's
harvest, which, being great and large, standeth in need, not of a few
but of many workmen ? There was appointed to the building of
Solomon's material temple artificers and labourers, besides three thou-
sand overseers ; and shall we think that a few preachers may suffice
to the building and edifying of the spiritual temple of Christ, which
is his church ? Christ, when he sent forth his disciples and apostles,
said unto them, Ite, prwdicate Exangelium omni creaturw ; but all
God's creatures cannot be instructed in the Gospel, unless all possible
means be used to have multitudes of preachers and teachers to preach
unto them. Sermo Christi inhabitet in tobis opulenter, saith St. Paul,
Colossians iii. 16 ; and 2 Timothy iv. 2 : Prcedica sermonem^ insta
tempestive intempestive^ argue, increpa, exhortare, S^c. which thing
cannot be done without often and much teaching and preaching.
To this agreeth the practice of Christ's apostles : Qui constituebant
per singulas ecdesias presbyter os. Acts xiv. 23. St. Paul likewise
writeth to Titus, i. 5: Hujus rei gratia, reliqui tein Cretd, ut quw
desunt pergas corrigere, et constituas oppidatim presbyter os. And
afterwards describes how the same presbytery were to be qualified,
not such as we are compelled to admit for mere necessity, unless we
should have a great many of churches utterly desolate ; but «uch.
10 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITA.1N. A.D. 1580.
indeed, as were able to exhort, per mam doctrinam, et contradicentes
convincere. And in this place, I beseech your majesty to note one
thing necessary to be noted, which is this : If the Holy Ghost pre-
scribeth expressly that preachers should be placed oppidatim^ how
can it then well be thought that three or four preachers may suffice
for a shire ?
*' Public and continual preaching of God's word is the ordinary
means and instrument of the salvation of mankind. St. Paul calleth
it ' the ministry of reconciliation ' of man unto God. By the preach-
ing of God's word, the glory of God is increased and enlarged, faith
nourished, and charity increased. By it the ignorant are instructed,
the negligent exhorted and incited, the stubborn rebuked, the weak
conscience comforted, and to all those that sin of malicious wickedness
the wrath of God is threatened. By preaching, also, due obedience to
God, and Christian princes and magistrates, is planted in the hearts
of subjects : for obedience proceedeth of conscience, conscience is
grounded upon the word of God, and the word of God worketh his
effect by preaching ; so as generally, where preaching wanteth, obe-
dience faileth.
" No prince ever had more lively experience hereof than your
majesty hath had in your time, and may have daily. If your majesty
comes to the city of London never so often, what gratulations, what
joy, what concourse of the people is there to be seen ! Yea, what
acclamations and prayers to God for your long life, and other mani-
fest significations are there to be heard of inward and unfeigned love,
joined with most humble and hearty obedience are there to be heard !
Whereof cometh this, madam, but of the continual preaching of
God's word in that city ? whereby that people hath been plentifully
instructed in their duty towards God and your majesty. On the
contrary, what bred the rebellion in the north ? Was it not papistry,
and ignorance of God's word, through want of often preaching in
the time of that rebelling ? Were not all men of all states, that made
profession of the Gospel, most ready to offer their lives for your
defence ? Insomuch that one poor parish in Yorkshire, which, by
continual preaching, hath been better instructed than the rest,
(Halifax I mean,) was ready to bring three or four thousand able men
into the field, to serve you against the said rebels. How can your
majesty have a more lively trial and experience of the effects of
much preaching, or little or no preaching ? The one worketh most
faithful obedience, the other working most unnatural disobedience
and rebellion.
" But it is thought that many are admitted to preach, and
few able to do it well. That unable preachers be removed is
very requisite, if ability and sufficiency may be rightly weighed and
23 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. II
judged ; and therein I trust as much is and shall be done as can
be. For, both I for my own part, (let it be spoken without any
ostentation,) I am very careful in allowing of such preachers only
as be able both for their knowledge in the Scriptures, and also for
testimony of their godly life and conversation ; and, beside that,
I have given very great charge to the rest of my brethren, the
bishops of this province, to do the like. We admitted no man to
the office of preaching, that either professeth papistry or puritan ism.
The graduates of the universities are only admitted to be preachers;
unless it be some few, which have excellent gifts of knowledge in
the Scriptures, joined with good utterance and godly persuasions.
I myself procured above forty learned preachers and graduates
within less than these six years, to be placed within the diocess of
York, beside those I found there ; and there I left them: the fruits
of whose travail in preaching your majesty is like to reap daily, by
most assured dutiful obedience of your subjects in those parts.
" But, indeed, this age judgeth hardly, and nothing indifferently,
of the ability of preachers of our time, judging few or none to be
able in their opinion ; which hard judgn^ent groweth upon divers
ill dispositions of men. St. Paul doth command the preaching of
Christ crucified be absque eminentia sermonis ; but, in our time,
many have so delicate ears, that no preaching can satisfy them unless
it be sauced with much sweetness and exornation of speech ; which
the same apostle utterly condemneth, and giveth this reason, ne
e'cacuetur crux Chrlsti.
" Some there be also, that are mislikers of the godly Reformation
in religion now established ; wishing indeed, that there were no
preachers at all, and so, by depraving of ministers, impugn religion,
noil aperto Marte^ sed iii cuniculis, much like to the popish
bishops in your father's time, who would have had the English
translation of the Bible called in, as evil-translated, and the new
translation thereof to be committed to them, which they never
intended to perform.
^' A number there is, and that exceeding great, whereof some are
altogether worldly-minded, and altogether bent covetously to gather
worldly goods and possessions, serving all carnal, vain, dissolute,
and lascivious life. Voluptatis amoves^ magis quam Dei; et
semetipsos dediderunt ad patrandum omnem immunditiem cum am-
ditate^ Eph. iv. 19. And because the preaching of God's word
(which to all Christians' conscience is sweet and delectable) to them,
having cauterizatas couscientias, is bitter and grievous ; for, as St.
Ambrose saith, super Psalmum cxix. Quomodo possunt terba Dei
dulcia esse infaucibus tuis, in quibus est amaritudo ? There they
wish also that there were no preachers at all ; but, because they dare
12 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1580.
not directly condemn tlie office of preaching, so expressly commanded
by God's word, for that the same were open blasphemy ; they turn
themselves altogether, and with the same meaning as others do, to
make exceptions against the persons of them that be admitted to
preach.
*' But, God forbid, madam, that you should open your ears to
any of these wicked persuasions, or any way to diminish the preach-
ing of Christ"'s Gospel ; for that you would ruinate altogether at
length. Cum defecerit prophetia, dissipabitur populus^ saith Solo-
mon, Proverbs xxix. 18. Now, where it is thought that the reading
of godly Homilies, set forth by public authority, may suffice, (I
continue in the same mind I was when I attended upon your
majesty,) the reading of Homilies hath his commodities ; but it is
nothing comparable to the office of preaching. The godly preacher
is learned in the Gospel. Fidelis servus qui novif, who can apply
his speech to the diversity of times, places, and hearers, which can-
not be done in Homilies. Exhortations, reprehensions, and persua-
sions, are uttered with more affections to the moving of the hearers
in sermons, than in Homilies.
" Besides, Homilies were devised by godly bishops in your
brother's days, only to supply necessity, by want of preachers ;
and are, by the statute, not to be preferred, but to give place t©
sermons, wheresoever they may be had, and were never thought in
themselves to contain alone sufficient instruction for the church of
England. For it was then found, (as it is found now,) that this
church of England hath been, by appropriations, and that not with-
out sacrilege, spoiled of the livings which at the first were appointed
to the office of preaching and teaching ; which appropriations were
first annexed to abbeys, and after came to the Crown, and now are
disposed to private men's possessions, without hope to reduce the
same to the original institution. So that at this day, in my opinion,
where one church is able to yield sufficient living to a learned
preacher, there are at the least seven churches unable to do the same,
where there be * souls, (the more is the pity I) there are not
seven pounds a-year reserved for the minister. In such parishes, as
it is not possible to place able preachers for want of convenient
stipend, if every flock might have a preaching pastor, which is
rather to be wished than hoped for, then were reading of Homilies
altogether unnecessary. But to supply that want of preaching
God's word which is the food of the soul, growing upon the necessi-
ties before-mentioned, both in your brother's time, and in your time
• The word not being easily legible, I have left a blank, (as sometimes ])efore and
after,) preferring to refer the sense to the judicious reader's own coujeeture, than to
ijnposc uiy guess upon him.
23 ELIZABETH.
BOOK IX. CENT. XVI.
also, certain Homilies have been devised, that the people should not
altogether be destitute of instruction ; for it is an old proverb,
' Better a loaf than no bread."'
" Now, for the second point, which is concerning the learned
exercises and conferences amongst the ministers of the church : I
have consulted with divers of my brethren the bishops, who think of
the same as I do, — a thing profitable to the church, and therefore
expedient to be continued : and I trust your majesty will think the
like, when your majesty shall have been informed of the matter and
order thereof, what authority it hath of the Scriptures, what commo-
dity it bringeth with it, and what discommodities will follow if it be
clean taken away.
"1. The authors of this exercise are the bishops of the diocess
where this same is used, who, by the law of God, and by the canons
and constitutions of the church now in force, have authority to
appoint exercise to their inferior ministers for increase of learning
and knowledge in the Scriptures, as to them seemeth most expe-
dient, for that pertaineth ad disciplinam clericalem. The time
appointed for this exercise is once in a month, or once in twenty or
fifteen days, at the discretion of the ordinary. The time of this
exercise is two hours ; the place the church of the appointed
for the assembly. The matter entreated of is as followeth '.
Some text of Scripture, before appointed to be spoken, is inter-
preted in this order. First. The occasion of the place is showed.
Secondly. The end. Thirdly. The proper sense of the place.
Fourthly. The property of the words, and those that be learned in
the tongues showing the diversity of interpretations. Fifthly.
Where the like phrases are used in Scriptures. Sixthly. Places of
Scripture that seem to repugn are reconciled. Seventhly. The argu-
ments of the text are opened. Eighthly. It is declared what virtues
and vices are therein couched, and to which of the commandments
they do appertain. Ninthly. How the like hath been wrested by
the adversary, if occasion so require. Tenthly, and Lastly. What
doctrine of faith and manners the said text doth contain. The con-
clusion is with a prayer for your majesty and all estates, as is
appointed by the book of Common-Prayer, and a Psalm.
" 2. These orders following are also observed by the said
exercise : First : Two or three of the gravest and best learned
pastors are appointed of the bishops to be Moderators in every
assembly. No man may speak unless he be first allowed by the
bishop ; with this proviso, that no layman be suffered to speak at
any time. No controversy of this present time and state shall be
moved and dealt withal. If any attempt the contrary, he is put to
silence by the Moderator. None is suffered to glance openly or
14 CHURCH HISTORY OV BRITAIN. A.B. 1580.
covertly at persons public or private ; neither yet any one to confute
one another. If any man utter a wrong sense of Scripture, he is
privately admonished thereof, and better instructed by the Mode-
rators and other his fellow-ministers. If any man use immoderate
speeches, or unreverend gesture or behaviour, or otherwise be sus-
pected in life, he is likewise admonished as aforesaid. If any man
do vilify or break these orders, he is presented to the bishop to be
corrected.
"3. The ground of this or like exercise is of great and ancient
authority ; for Samuel did practise such like exercises in his time at
Naioth in Ramath and Bethel, 1 Sam. x. 5 — 13 ; xix. 18 — 24.
So did Elizeus the prophet at Jericho, 2 Kings ii. 5 — 22 ; which
studious persons in those days were called /ilu prophetariim, ' the
disciples of the prophets,"* that, being exercised in the knowledge and
study of the Scriptures, they might be able men to serve in God's
church as that time required. St. Paul also doth make express
mention, 1 Cor. xiv. 1 — 40, that the like in effect was used in the
primitive church, and giveth order for the same, that two or three
should speak, (by course, he meaneth,) and the rest shall keep silence.
That exercise in the church in those days St. Paul calleth prophetia^
and the speakers joro/'/^^^«5, — terms very odious in our days to some,
because they are not rightly understood ; for, indeed, prophetia^ in
that and like places of the same Paul, doth not (as it doth some-
times) signify prediction of things to come, which thing, or which
gift, is not now ordinary in the church of God, but signifieth thereby
the assent and consent of the Scriptures. And, therefore, doth St.
Paul attribute unto these that be called prophetce in that chapter,
doctrinam ad cedificationem^ exhortationem^ et consolationem. This
gift of expounding and interpreting the Scriptures was, in St. Paul's
time, given unto many by a special miracle without study ; so was
also by miracle the gift to speak strange tongues which they had
never learned. But now, miracles ceasing, men must attain to the
Hebrew, Greek, and Latin tongues, &c. by travail and study ; God
giveth the increase. So must men also attain by the like means to
the gifts of expounding and interpreting the Scriptures ; and,
amongst other helps, nothing is so necessary as these above-named
exercises and conferences amongst the ministers of the church ;
which in effect are all one with the exercises of students in divinity
in the universities, saving that the first is done in a tongue under-
stood, to the more edifying of the learned hearers.
" 4. Howsoever report hath been made to your majesty concern-
ing these exercises, yet I and others of York, whose names are
noted as followeth, — (1.) Cantuariensis ; (2.) London ; (3.) Wine.
(4.) Bathon. (.5.) Lichfield ; (6.) Gloucester ; (7.) Lincoln; (8.) .
23 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 15
Chester; (9.) Exon. (10.) Meneven. als. David's; — hereof as they
have testified unto me by their letters, have found by experience
that these profits and commodities following have ensued of them.
(1.) The ministers of the church are more skilful, and more ready
in the Scriptures, and more apt to teach their flocks. (2.) It with-
draweth them from idleness, wandering, gaming, &c. (3.) Some,
afore suspected in doctrine, are brought to the knowledge of the
truth. (4.) Ignorant ministers are driven to study, if not for con-
science, yet for shame and fear of discipline, (o.) The opinion of
laymen touching the ableness of the clergy is hereby removed.
(6.) Nothing by experience beateth down popery more than that.
(7.) Ministers, as some of my brethren do confess, grow to such
knowledge by means of those exercises, that where afore were not
able ministers, not three, now are thirty able and meet to preach at
PauFs Cross, and forty or fifty besides, able to instruct their own
cures : so, as it is found by experience the best means to increase
knowledge in the simple, and to continue it in the learned, only
backward men in religion, and contemners of learning in the
countries abroad, do fret against it ; which, in truth, doth the more
commend it.
"- 5. The dissolution of it would breed triumph to the adversary,
and great sorrow and grief to the favourers of religion, contrary to
the counsel of Ezekiel xiii. 3 — 22 ; who saith, Cor justi non est
contristandum ; and although some have abused this good and
necessary exercise, there is no reason that the malice of a few should
prejudice all. Abuses may be reformed, and that which is good
may remain. Neither is there any just cause of offences to be
taken, if divers men make divers senses of one sentence of Scripture,
so that all the senses be good and agreeable to the analogy and pro-
portion of faith ; for otherwise we must needs condemn all the
ancient fathers, and divers of the church, who most commonly
expound one and the same text of Scripture diversely, and yet all
to the good of the church. And therefore doth Basil compare the
Scriptures to a well, out of which the more a man draweth, the
better and sweeter is the water. I trust when your majesty hath
considered and weighed the premisses, you will rest satisfied ; and
judge, that no such inconveniences can grow of such exercises as
these, as you have been informed, but rather the clean contrary.
" And, for my own part, because I am well assured by reasons,
and also by arguments taken out of the holy Scriptures, by experi-
ence, the most certain seal of sure knowledge, that the said exercises
for the interpretation and exposition of the Scriptures, and for the
exhortation and comfort drawn out of the same, are both profitable
to increase knowledge amongst ministers, and tendeth to the edifying
16 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1580.
of the hearers ; I am enforced with all humility and yet plainly
to profess, that I cannot with safe conscience, and without the
offence of the majesty of God, give mine assent to the suppressing
of the said exercises ; much less can I send out any injunction for
the utter and universal subversion of the same. I say with St.
Paul, ' I have no power to destroy, but only to edify ; "" and, with
the same apostle, ' I can do nothing against the truth, but with the
truth.' If it be your majesty's pleasure, for this or any other cause,
to remove me out of this place, I will with all humility yield there-
unto, and render again unto your majesty that which I have received
of the same. I consider with myself, quod terrendum est incidere
in manus Dei viventis. I consider also, quod qui facit contra con-
scientiam (divinis in rebus) wdificat ad geliennam. And what
shall I win if I gained, I will not say, a bishopric, but the whole
world, and lose my own soul "^ Bear with me, I beseech you,
madam, if I choose rather to offend your earthly majesty, than to
offend the heavenly majesty of God.
" And now, being sorry that I have been so long and tedious to
your majesty, I will draw to an end, most humbly praying the
same, that you would consider these short petitions following. The
First, that you would refer all these ecclesiastical matters which touch
religion, or the doctrine or discipline of the church, unto the
bishops and divines of the church of your realm, according to the
example of all Christian emperors and princes of all ages : for,
indeed, they are to be judged, as an ancient father writeth, in
ecclesid seu synodo^ non in palatino. When your majesty hath
questions of the laws of your realm, you do not decide the same in
your court or palace, but send them to your judges to be deter-
mined. Likewise, for the duties in matters in doctrine or discipline
of the church, the ordinary way is to defer the decision to the
bishops and other head ministers of the church. Ambrose to Theo-
dosius useth these words : 8i de causis pecuniariis comites ttios
consuUs, quanto magis^ in causa religionis^ sacerdotes Domini wquum
est consulas ! And likewise to the emperor Valentinian, Epist. 32 :
Si de fide conferendum est^ sacerdotum debet esse justa collatio ; si
enim factum est Constantino Augustw memorice principi, qui nullas
leges ante prwmisit sed liberum dedit judicium sacerdotis. And in
the same place, the same father saith, that Constantius the emperor,
son to Constantine the Great, began well, by reason he followed his
father's steps at the first, but ended ill, because he took upon him
difficile intra palatinum judicare^ and thereby fell into Arianism,—
a terrible example ! The said Ambrose, so much commended in
all histories for a godly bishop, goeth further, and writeth to the said
emperor in this form : Si docendus est episcopus a laicoy quid
23 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 17
seqiiitiir ? Laicus ergo disputet^ et episcopus audiat a laico. At
certcy si vel Scripturm^um serlem Divinaru7n, vel xetera tempora
retractemus^ quis est qui abundat in causa fidm^ inquam fidei, epis-
copos solere de imperatoribus Christianisy non imperatores de epis-
copis judicare? Would God your majesty would follow this
ordinary ! You should procure to yourself much quietness of
mind, and better please God, avoid many offences, and the church
should be more peaceable and quietly governed, much to the comfort
and quietness of your realm.
'' The second petition I have to make to your majesty is this, —
that when you deal in matters of faith and religion, or matters that
touch the church of Christ, which is the spouse bought with so dear
a price, you would not use to pronounce so resolutely and perempto-
rily, quasi ex autlioritate^ as you may do in civil and extern matters ;
but always remember, that, in God's cause, the will of God, and
not the will of any earthly creature, is to take place. It is the anti-
christian voice of the pope : 8ic wlo ; sic juheo ; stet pro ratione
voluntas. In God's matters, all princes ought to bow their sceptres to
the Son of God. and to ask counsel at his mouth what they ought to do.
David exhorteth all kings and rulers to serve God with fear and
trembling. Remember, madam, that you are a mortal creature.
Look not only, as was said to Theodosius, upon the people and
princely array wherewith you are apparelled, but consider withal
what it is that is covered therewith. Is it not flesh and blood ?
Is it not dust and ashes ? Is it not a corruptible body, which must
return to her earth again ? God knoweth how soon ! Must you not
one day appear, ante tremendum tribunal Criicifixi^ ut recipias ibi
prout gesseris in corpore^ sive bo?ium sive malum ? 2 Cor. v. 10. And
although you are a mighty prince, yet remember that he that d\yell-
eth in heaven is mightier, as the Psalmist saith, Terribilis est Is
qui aufert spiritum princip)um^ terribilis super omnes reges^ Psalm
Ixxvi. 12. Wherefore I beseech you, madam, in visceribus Christie
when you deal in these religious causes, set the Majesty of God
before your eyes ; laying all earthly majesty aside, determine with
yourself to obey his voice, and with all humility, say unto him, Non
mea sed tua voluntas fiat !
" God hath blessed you with great felicity in your reign, now
many years ; beware you do not impute this same to your own
deserts or policy, but give God the glory ; and, as to instruments
and means, impute your said felicity. First, to the goodness of the
cause which you set forth ; I mean Christ's true religion ; and,
Secondly, to the sighs and groans of the godly in fervent prayer to
God for you, which have hitherto as it were tied and bound the
hands of God, that he could not pour out his plagues upon you and
Vol. III. c
18 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1580.
your people, most justly deserved. Take heed that you never think
of declining from God, lest it be verified of you which is written of
Joash, 2 Chronicles xxvi. 16, who continued a prince of good and
godly government for many years together, and afterwards, cum
corroboratus esset, eletatum est cor ejus in inter Hum suum et neg-
lexit Deum.^ You have done many things well ; but unless you
persevere to the end, you cannot be blessed. For if you turn from
God, then will he turn his merciful countenance from you ; and
what remaineth then to be looked for, but only a horrible expectation
of God's judgment, and a heaping-up of God's wrath against the day
of wrath ! But I trust in God your majesty will always humble
yourself under his mighty hand, and go forward in the godly and
zealous setting-forth of God's true religion ; always yielding true
obedience and reverence to the word of God, — the only rule of faith
and religion. And if you so do, although God hath just cause
many ways to be angry with you and us for our unthankfulness, yet
I doubt nothing but, for his own name's sake, he will still hold his
merciful hand over us, shield and protect us under the shadow of his
wings, as he hath hitherto done. I beseech God, our heavenly
Father, plentifully to pour his principal Spirit upon you, and always
direct your heart in his holy fear. — Amen, Amen."
AVhat could be written with more spirit and less animosity, more
humility and less dejection? I see, a lamb in his own — can be a
lion in God's and his church's — cause. Say not, that orhitas and
senectus (the two things Avhicli made the man speak so boldly to the
tyrant,)"!* only encouraged Grindal, in this his writing; whose
necessary boldness did arise, partly from confidence in the goodness of
the cause for which, — partly from the graciousness of the queen to
whom, — ^he made his address. But, alas ! all in vain. Leicester had
so filled her majesty's ears with complaints against him, there was no
room to receive his petition.
5. Lambeth-house, GrlndaVs Guilt.
Indeed, Leicester cast a covetous eye on Lambeth-house, alleging
as good arguments for his obtaining thereof as ever were urged by
Ahab for Naboth's vineyard. Now Grindal, though generally con-
demned for remissness in this kind, (parting with more from his see
than ever his successors thanked him for,) stoutly opposed the alien-
ating of this his principal palace, and made the Leicestrian party to
malice him ; but more hereof hereafter.^ Mean time may the
reader take notice, that a great scholar and statesman,§ and no enemy
* This was recorded concerning Uzziabi, and not Joash. — Edit. f Plutarch's
" Morals." t In Griudal's character at his death. A. D. 1583. § Sir Francis
Bacon.
23 ELIZABETH, SOOS- IX. CENT. XVI, 19
to the liierarcliy, in his worthy " Considerations about Church Govern-
ment,"*' (tendered to king James,) conceiveth, that such prophesy-
ings which Grindal did favour might be so discreetly cautioned
and moderated, as to make them, without fear of faction, profitable
for advancing of learning and religion. But so jealous were some
bishops of that age of these prophesyings, (as having too much
presbyterian analogy and classical constitution therein,) they decried
the motion of them as schismaticaL
6, The Death of Cope and Bullock. Popish Locusts swarm
into England,
I find no mortality of protestant worthies this year ; but amongst
the catholics much moan for the death of Allan Cope, Harpsfield's
great correspondent, and agent for those of his religion at Rome^
where he died, and was buried in the English College ; and George
Bullock, bred in St. John"'s in Cambridge, and after lived in
Antwerp, in the monastery of St. MichaePs.
Now began priests and Jesuits to flock faster into England than
ever before ; having exchange of clothes, and names, and pro-
fessions. He, who on Sunday was a priest or Jesuit, was, on Mon-
<lay, a merchant ; on Tuesday, a soldier ; on Wednesday, a cour-
tier, &c. and, with the sheers of equivocation, (constantly carried
about him,) he could cut himself into any shape he pleased. But,
under all their new shapes, tli^y retained their old nature ; being
akin, in their turbulent spirits, to the wind pent in the subterranean
concavities, which will never be quiet, until it hath vented itself
with a state-quake of those countries wherein they abide. These
distilled traitorous principles into all people wheresoever they came,
and endeavoured to render them disaffected to her majesty ; main-
taining that she neither had nor ought to have any dominion over
her subjects, whilst she persisted in a heretical distance from the
church of Rome.
7- Necessary Severity of the Parliament against them.
Hereupon the parliament, which now met at Westminster,
January 16th, was enforced, for the security of the state, to enact
severe laws against them : First. That it should be treason to draw
any from that faith established in England, to the Romish religion.
Secondly. That it should be treason to be reconciled to the Romish
religion. Thirdly. That to maintain or conceal any such person,
longer than twenty days, should be misprision of treason. Fourthly.
That saying mass should be two hundred marks' penalty, and one
year's imprisonment. Fifthly. Hearing mass should be one hun-
dred marks' penalty, and one year's imprisonment. Sixthly.
c2
20 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1580.
Absence from the church one month, finable at twenty pounds.
Seventhly. All they shall be imprisoned who will not or cannot pay
the forfeiture. Eighthly. It was provided, that such should pay
ten pounds a-month, who kept a schoolmaster in their house, who
repaireth not to church. Where, by the way, we may mention,
that some since conceive themselves to have discovered a defect in
this law, because no order is taken therein against popish school-
mistresses. And although schoolmaster may seem of the common
gender, and inclusive of both sexes ; yet, by the letter of the law,
all she-teachers (which did mischief to little children) evaded the
punishment. Thus when authority hath carefully shut all doors and
windows imaginable, some little offenders will creep through the
crannies thereof.
8, 9. Many against Money-Mulcts for Conscience. Others
conceive the Proportion of the Fine unconscionable.
When sovereigns have made laws, subjects sometimes take the
boldness to sit in judgment upon them ; to commend them for just,
or condemn them for cruel ; as here it came to pass. Some (and
those far enough from all popery) misliked the imposing of money-
mulcts on men's consciences. If the mass were lawful, let it freely
be permitted ; if unlawful, let it wholly be prohibited. It is a sad
case to make men pay dear for their damnation, and so sell them a
license to do that which the receivers of their money conceive to be
unlawful. It is part of the character of the whore of Babylon,
(which protestants generally apply to Rome,) that she traded, or
made a mart of the souls of men. Rev. xviii. 13 ; as this was little
better.
Others, not disliking a pecuniary penalty, yet conceived the pro-
portion thereof unreasonable. Twenty pounds a-month ! a vast
sum, (especially as exacted by lunary months, consisting of twenty-
eight days, and so making thirteen months in the year,) enough to
shatter the containment of a rich man's estate. They commended
the moderation of the former statute, which required twelve-pence
a-Sunday of all such as could not give a reasonable excuse of their
absence from church. That did smart, yet did not fetch blood ;
at the worst, did not break bones. Whereas now twenty pounds
a-month, paid severally by every recusant for himself, and as much
for his wife, (which, though one flesh in divinity, yet are two per-
sons in law,) held so heavy as to cripple their estates. And as the
rich hereby were almost undone, so the poor papists, who also had
souls to save, passed wholly unpunished, paying nothing, because
unable to pay all the penalty. And, although imprisonment was
imposed by law on persons not solvable, yet officers were unwilling
23
ELIZABETH.
BOOK IX. CENT. XV:
21
to cast them into gaol, where they might lie, and fill the gaols, and
rot without hopes of enlargement.
10. Arguments pro and con, ivhether Jesuits are to he put to
Death.
La'ger were the debates, both then and since, in discourse and
writing, about the capital punishment, in taking away the lives of
Jesuits : some being zealous for the vigorous execution of those
laws, and others as earnest for the confining only of Jesuits close
prisoners during their life ; conceiving it conducing most to the
tranquillity of the kingdom. But see their reasons : —
1. It is safest for England to
keep Jesuits in perpetual du-
rance, without taking away their
lives. All sinners are not devils,
and all devils are not Beelzebubs.
Some priests and Jesuits are of
a milder temper, and better
metalled, who by moderation
may be melted into amendment.
2. The point and edge of the
sword of justice (understand, the
law itself) may remain as sharp
as it was before ; only the arm
may and ought to strike with less
strength, and use more modera-
tion, in inflicting such severe
punishments. The most whole-
some laws would be poison, (jus-
tice, hot in the fourth degree, is
cruelty,) if enforced at all times,
and on all persons, to the utmost
extremity. Let the law stand
unrepealed, only some mitiga-
tion be used in the execution
thereof.
1. It is safest for England
with vigour and rigour to inspirit
the laws, and put Jesuits to
death. Their breath is con-
tagious to English air, whose
appearance in any protestant
state is as sure a presage, as
the playing of porpoises above
water, that foul weather is to
follow therein.
2. It would render the reputa-
tion of our state lighter in the
balance of the best friends there-
of, if it should enact severe laws
against offenders, and then hang
those laws up, (like forfeits in a
barber's shop,) only to be looked
on and laughed at, as never put
in execution. What was this
but to make the sword of jus-
tice (which ought always to be
kept keen and sharp) but to be
like fencers' swords, when they
play in jest-earnest, having the
edge dunted, and the point
buttoned up ? Might not felons
and murderers, even with some
justice, promise much mercy unto
themselves, (whose offences are
terminated in spoiling or killing
of particular persons,) if priests
and Jesuits, public incendiaries
22
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN,
A.D.
1580.
of the state, have such mercy
indulged unto them ?
3. Favour in this kind indulged
to Jesuits would be generally mis-
interpreted, to proceed, not from
her majesty's pity, but either
from her fearfulness, as not
daring longer to enrage the
popish party ; or from her guilti-
ness, who, out of remorse of
conscience, could not find in her
heart to execute such cruel laws
as she had enacted.
4. Tliis in all probability will
be the most effectual course to
extirpate Jesuitism out of the
land. For, their superiors beyond
the seas, seeing all such as they
send hither impartially cut off by
the hand of justice, will either
out of pity forbear, for the fu-
ture, to thrust more men into the
jaws of death ; or else such sub-
ject Jesuits out of policy will
refuse to be sent by them on
unavoidable destruction.
5. The dead do not bite; and,
being despatched out of the way.
S. Princes ought not to be af-
frighted from doing what is good
and honourable in itself, with
the scarecrows of people*.'^ mis-
interpretations thereof. If such
misconstructions of her majesty's
mercy be taken up wilfully, let
such persons bear the blame and
shame of their voluntary and af-
fected errors. If they be only
ignorant mistakes of ingenuous
persons, time will rectify their
judgments, and beget in them a
better opinion of her majesty's
proceedings, However, better it
is that the queen's lenity should
hazard such misconstructions
thereof, than that otherwise she
should be certainly censured for
cruelty, and the state taxed as
desirous to grow fat by sucking
the blood of catholics.
4. It will rather be the way to
continue and increase the same.
The blood of martyrs, whether
real or reputed, is the seed of
that church (true or false) in
maintenance whereof they lose
their lives. We know, clamour-
ousness and multitude do much
in crying up matters; and herein
the papists (at home and beyond
the seas) will play their parts, to
roar out such men for martyrs.
A succession of Jesuits to be sent
over will never fail, seeing that
service amongst erroneous judg-
ments will never want volunteers,
where merit of heaven is the be-
lieved wages thereof.
5. The greater rage moveth
to the greater revenge, and the
23 ELIZABETH.
BOOK IX. CENT. XVI.
23
are forgotten. Whereas if Jesuits
be only condemned to perpetual
durance, their party abroad will
be restless in plotting and prac-
tising their brethren's enlarge-
ment. It is safer, therefore, to
take siway subject um conatus^ "the
subject and object of their en-
deavours,"''' by ridding them quite
out of the way, that their com-
plices may despair to relieve them.
For, though prisoners may be
rescued with much might, dead
men cannot be revived without
miracle.
6. No precedent could ever
yet be produced of any priest or
Jesuit, who was converted wdth
imprisonment. It is therefore
but just, that they who will not
be mended w'ith the gaol should
be ended with the gallows.
7. The rather, because no
Jesuit is put to death for his re-
ligion, but rebellion. They are
never examined on any article of
their faith, nor are their con-
sciences burdened with any inter-
rogatories touching their belief;
but only practices against the
state are charged upon them.
greater apprehended injury caus-
eth the greater rage. It will ra-
ther sharpen the edge of popish
zeal, more earnestly to revenge
their deaths, than to rescue them
from durance.
6. Though the instance cannot
be given of any priest or Jesuit,
who hath totally renounced his
religion, yet some have been made
semi-converts, so far as to dis-
claim the treacherous part and
principles thereof. This is most
visible in the secular priests; the
queen's lenity so working on many
of them, that, both in writing
and preaching, they have detested
and confuted all such traitorous
practices, as against the laws of
God.
7. The death of Jesuits in such
cases may fitly be styled, " the
c/^27(^ of their rebellion,'' but ^^tJie
grandchild of their religion ; "
which is removed but a degree
farther. For their obedience to
their superiors putteth them on
the propagation of their religion,
and by all means to endeavour
the same, which causeth them out
of an erroneous conscience to do
that which rendereth them of-
fenders to our state. Now, in
all ages, such as have suffered for
24 CHURCH HISTOUY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1582.
their consciences, not only imme-
diately and in a direct line, but
also at the second hand and by
implication, receive pity from all
such as behold their sufferings,
(whether as a debt due, or as an
alms given unto them, let others
dispute,) and therefore such put-
ting of Jesuits unto death, will
but procure unto them a general
commiseration.
These, and many other reasons, too many and tedious to be here
inserted, were brought, and bandied on both sides, every one cen-
suring as they stood affected.
11, 12. The Execution of this Law moderated. Worst of
Offenders escape best. A.D. 1581.
In the execution of these laws against Jesuits, queen Elizabeth
embraced a middle and moderate way. Indeed, when a new
rod is made, some must be whipped therewith, though it be
but in terrorem of others. When these statutes were first in the
state or magisteriality thereof, they were severely put in practice on
such offenders as they first lighted on. But some years after, the
queen and her judges grew remiss in the execution thereof. Witness
the only confining of many of them to Wisbeach Castle, where
they fell out amongst themselves. And in king James's days, this
dormant law against Jesuits only awakened, some once in four or
five years, to show the world that it was not dead ; and then fairly
fell asleep again, being very sparingly put in execution against some
notorious offenders.
The worst was, the punishment happened heaviest on those which
were the least offenders. For, whereas the greatest guilt was in the
senders, all the penalty fell on the messengers ; I mean, on such
novices which, sent hither at their superiors' commands, and who,
having lost their sight beyond the seas, (by blind obedience,) came
over to lose their lives in England. Now Jesuitism is a weed,
whose leaves, spread into our land, may be cut off; but the root
thereof is out of reach, as fixed in Rome, and other foreign parts.
For, in the mean time, their superiors, staying at Rome, ate, slept,
wrote, railed, complained of persecution ; making of faces, and they
themselves crying out, " O !'' whilst they thrust the hands of others
of their own religion into the fire.
25 ELIZABETH. EOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 25
13, 14. The Acts of a silent Convocation. Query, on whom
the Law was first hanselled.
A loud parliament is always attended with a silent Convocation ;
as here it came to pass. The activity of the former in church-
matters left the latter nothing to do. Only this account I can give
thereof out of our records : First. Archbishop Grindal appeared not
at all therein ; age, blindness, and disgrace keeping the good father
at home. Secondly. John Aylmer, bishop of London, was appointed
his locum-te?iens, or " deputy." Thirdly. This Convocation began in
St. Paul's, January 17th, (where it continued without any removal,)
with reading the Litany mdgari sermo7ie, " in the English tongue.''
Fourthly. The bishops commended three ; namely. Dr. Humfries,
dean of Winchester ; Dr. George * Day, dean of Windsor ; and
Dr. Goodman, dean of Westminster, to the inferior clergy, to choose
one of them for their Referendary or Prolocutor. Fifthly. Dr. Day
was elected, and presented for that office. Sixthly. Motion was
made of drawing-up some articles against the dangerous opinions of
" the Family of Love,'' a sect then much increasing ; but nothing
was effected. Seventhly. At several sessions they met, and prayed,
and conferred, and prorogued their meeting, and departed. Lastly.
The clergy granted a subsidy, (afterwards confirmed by the Parlia-
ment,) and so, March 25th, the Convocation was dissolved.
Now, can I not satisfy myself, on my strictest inquiry, what
Jesuit or priest had the first hansel of that severe statute made
against them. Indeed, I find a priest, John Pain by name, executed
at Chelmsford, March 31st, (which w^as but thirteen days after the
dissolution of the Parliament,) for certain speeches by him uttered ;
but cannot avouch him for certainly tried on this statute. More
probable it is, that Thomas Ford, JohnShert, and Robert Johnson,
priests, executed at London May 28th, were the first-fruits of the
state's severity.
15. The Death of Bishop Berkeley.
No eminent clergyman protestant died this year, save Gilbert
Berkeley, bishop of Bath and Wells, May 8th ; who, as his arms do
attest, was allied to the ancient and honourable family of the
Berkeleys.
16 18. A Meeting of the Presbyterians at Cockfield. Another
at Cambridge. The Activity of the Presbyterians. A.D.
1582.
The presbyterian party was not idle all this while, but appointed
a meeting at Cockfield, (Mr. Knewstubs's cure,) in Suffolk, where
* So called I'V mistake in Records ; otherwise his name Tvas William.
26 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIX. A.D. 1582.
three-score ministers of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridgeshire, met
together, " to confer of the Common-Prayer Book, what might be
tolerated, and what necessary to be refused in every point of it,
apparel, matter, form, days, fastings, injunctions," &c. Matters
herein were carried with such secrecy, that we can see no light thereof,
but what only shineth through one crevice, — in a private letter of
one thus expressing himself to his friend : " Concerning the meet-
ing, I hope all things were so proceeded in as yourself would like of,
as well for reverence to other brethren as for other matters. I sup-
pose, before this time, some of the company have told you by word,
for that was permitted unto you." ^
\Ye are also at as great a loss, what was the result of their meet-
ing at the Commencement at Cambridge, July 2nd ; this being all
we find thereof in a letter of one to his private friend : " Concerning
the Commencement, I like well the motion, desiring it might so
come to pass, and that it be procured to be as general as might be,
which may easily be brought to pass, if you at London shall so think
well of it, and we here may understand your mind, we will, we trust,
as we can, further it. Mr. Allen liketh well of the matter." -j-
The year proved very active, especially in the practices of presby-
terians, who now found so much favour, as almost amounted to a
connivance at their discipline. For, whilst the severity of the state
was at this time intended to the height against Jesuits, some lenity
of course, by the very rules of opposition, fell to the share of the
nonconformists, even on the score of their notorious enmity to the
Jesuitical party.
19. Beta's Letter to Travers in the Behalf of Geneva.
The city of Geneva was at this time reduced to great difficulties
by the Savoyard, her potent adversary, and forced to purchase
peace on dear and bitter terms ; saving that extremity sweetens all
things, and her present condition was incapable of better conditions.
Hereupon Mr. Beza, the tongue and pen of that state to foreign
parts, addressed himself by letter to Mr. Walter Travers, whom I
may term the neck (allowing Mr. Cartwright for the head) of the
presbyterian party, the second in honour and esteem, then chaplain
to the lord treasurer ; of whom more hereafter. The tenor of the
letter is here inserted, subscribed by Beza's own hand, (and in my
possession,) which though it be of foreigii extraction, carries much
in it of English concernment.
Gratiam et pacem a Domino. — Si quoties tui et C. nostri sum
recordaftis, mi f rater., toties ad te scripsissem^ jampridem esses
Uteris meis ohrutus, Nidlus enhn dies ahit quin de vobis testrisque
* Mr. Pigg, in his letter to Mr. Fie. dated May 16th. [ Idem, ibidem.
25 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. GENT. XVI. 27
rebus solicite cogitem^ quod ita postulare non amicitia modo tetus
nostra, sed etiam rerwn ipsaruni de quihus laboratis magnitudo
tideatur.
Sed cum in ea tempora nos incidisse mderem, quihus silere me
quam nobis scribere prwstaret, silentium adhuc mihi inmtissimo
indixi. Nunc verd quum ilium quorundam ardor em audiam^per Dei
gratiam deseruisse nolui liunc nostrum absque meis ad te Uteris
pervenire, quihus eundem esse me qui fui, testarer, et abs te pete-
rem, ut me mcissim de rebus vestris certiorem facere ne graveris.
Sed et alia sese prwhuit scribendi occasio ; kujus, videlicet, reipub-
liccc maximw, imo tantce difficultates, ut, nisi aliunde sublexetur,
parta nobis admodum tuendce inconsueto statu ecclesice ac scholce
spes super sit : quod ita esse tel ex eo cognosses quod hoec plane in
'cerecunda consilia caper e cogamur. Nam concessw quidem nobis
sunt per Dei gratiam aliquw inducice; sed parum, ut apparet,
firmce futurcB, et tantis 'celuti redemptoe sumptihus ut in ceris etiam.
alieni mluti freto jactati non temere naufragium metuamus.
Amabo te igitur, mi f rater, et precibus assiduis nos juvare perge,
et siquid prccterea apud nonnullos authoritate tales, quantum 7ios
ames in Domino, qudcunque honestd ratione poteris ostende. Scripsi
mrd etiam ego testris plerisque proceribus, et episcoporum quoque
collegium ausi sumus communibus Uteris hac de re compellare.
Verum quod sit mearum literarum pondus futurum Telex eo conjicio,
quod ciim Oxoniensi Scholw superiore vere meam sim obsertantiam,
misso renerandoB plane tetustatis Noxi Testamenti Grwco-Latini
codice, testatus, qui puhlicm bibliothecw consecraretur, ne Uterulam
quidem inde accepi, ex qua meam hanc mluntatem ipsis non ingra^
tam fuisse cognoscerem. Cujusmodi etiam quiddam apud unum et
alterum ex prioribus testris sum expertus. Sed hoc, quwso, inter
Tios dictum esto. Ego 'derd frustra etiam quidtis tentare, qudm
officio in Itanc rempub. ecclesiam ac scholam deesse tam necessa-
rio tempore malui. Bene vale, mi carissime f rater. Dominus
Jesus tibi magis ac magis, et omnibus ipsius gloriam serid cupienti-
bus benedicat.
Tuus BEZA,
aliend jam manu saqje uti coactus, sua ipsius vacillante,
Geneva, Octobris^* 1582.
" Grace and peace from the Lord. — If as often, dear brother, as I
have remembered thee and our Cartwright, so often I should liave
■written unto thee, long since you had been overwhelmed "svith my
letters. For there not passes a day wherein I do not carefully
think both of you and your matters ; which not only our ancient
friendship, but also the greatness of those affairs wherein you take
* The figure of the day not legible.
28 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1582.
pains, seemeth so to require. But seeing I perceive, we are fallen
into those times wherein my silence may be safer for you than my
writing, I have, though most unwillingly, commanded myself silence
hitherto. But now seeing that I hear, that the heat of some men
by God's grace is abated, I would not have this my friend come to
you without my letters, that I may testify myself still the same
unto you what formerly I was, and that I may request of you not to
think much at his return to certify me of your affairs. Also another
occasion of writing offereth itself, namely, the great straits of this
commonwealth ; yea, so great, that, except it be relieved from other
parts, very small hope remaineth unto us to maintain the church and
university in the former state thereof. That these things are so,
you may know from hence, — that we are forced to adventure on these
bold and unmannerly courses for our support. For by God's
grace a kind of peace is granted unto us ; but, as it seems, not likely
to last long, and that also purchased at so great a price, that, tossed
as it were in the sea of a great debt, we have great cause to fear
shipwreck therein.
" I beseech thee therefore, my brother, both proceed to help us
with thy daily prayers ; and besides, if you have any power to pre-
vail with some persons, show us, by what honest means you may, how
much you love us in the Lord. I also have written to most of your
noblemen, and we have been bold with our public letters to acquaint
your college of bishops of this matter : but what weight my letters
are likely to bear, I can guess by this, — that, when last spring I
testified my respects to the University of Oxford, by sending them a
New Testament Greek and Latin, truly of venerable antiquity,
which should be kept in their public library, I did not so much as
receive the least letter from them, whereby I might know that this
my good- will was acceptable to them. And some such requital also
I liave found from one or two of your noblemen ; but this I pray let
it be spoken between us alone. For my part, I had rather try any
thing, though in vain, than to be wanting in my duty to this state,
church, and university, especially in so necessary a juncture of time.
Farewell, my dear brother ; the Lord Jesus every day more and more
bless thee, and all that earnestly desire his glory.
''Thine, BEZA,
" Often using another man's hand, because of the
shaking of my own.
" Geneva, October, 1582."
We must not let so eminent a letter pass without some observa-
tions upon it. See we here the secret sympathy betwixt England
and Geneva, about discipline ; Geneva helping England with her
prayers, England aiding Geneva with her purse.
25 ELIZABETH. . BOOK TX. CENT. XVI. 29
20. Geneva's Suit was coldly resented.
By " the college of bishops'**' here mentioned by Beza, we under-
stand them assembled in the last Convocation. Wonder not that
Geneva's wants found no more pity from the episcopal party, seeing
all those bishops were dead who, formerly exiles in the Marian days,
had found favour and relief in Geneva ; and now a new generation
arose, having as little affection as obligation to that government.
But, however it fared with Geneva at this time, sure I am that, some
years after,* preferring her petition to the prelacy, (though frequent
begging makes slender alms,) that commonwealth tasted largely of
their liberality.
21. Whi/ the rigorous Pressing of Subscription ivas now
remitted.
Whereas mention is made of " the heat of some abated,'' this
relateth to the matter of subscription, now not pressed so earnestly
as at the first institution thereof. This remissness may be imputed,
partly to the nature of all laws : for, though knives (if of good
metal) grow sharper (because their edge thinner) by using ; yet laws
commonly are keenest at the first, and are blunted in process of time,
in their execution : partly it is to be ascribed to archbishop Grindal-s
age and irnpotency, who in his greatest strength did but weakly urge
conformity : partly to the earl of Leicester's interposing himself
patron-general to non-subscribers, being persuaded, as they say, by
Roger lord North, to undertake their protection.
SECTION V.
TO DANIEL HARVEY, ESQUIRE, HIGH SHERIFF OF
SURREY.
I AM sufficiently sensible of the great distance and
disproportion betwixt my meanness and your worth, as
at all other times, so now especially, whilst you are a
prime officer in public employment. Despairing, there-
fore, that my pen can produce any thing meet for your
entertainment, I have endeavoured in this Section to
accommodate you with company fittest for your con-
verse, being all no meaner than statesmen, and most
* Vide anyium. 1602, parag. 11, book x. sect. i.
30 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1582.
of them Privy Counsellors, in their several letters about
the grand business of conformity.
God in due time bless you and your honourable con-
sort with such issue as may be a comfort to you, and a
credit to all your relations.
1. A Form of Discipline considered of hy the Brethren in a
solemn Synod, with the several Decrees thereof
Very strongly Leicester, (though at the Council-table politically
complying with the rest of the lords, and concurring always with tlieir
results when sitting in conjunction with them,) when alone, engaged
his affections in favour of the nonconformists, and improved his
power, at this time very great, with the queen to obtain great liberty
for them. Hence it was that many bishops, active in pressing sub-
scription in their diocess, when repairing to court were checked
and snibbed by this great favourite, to their no small grief and dis-
couragement. Heartened thereat, the brethren, who hitherto had no
particular platform of discipline amongst themselves, (as universally
owned and practised by their party,) began, in a solemn council held
by them, (but whether at Cambridge or London, uncertain,) to con-
clude on a certain form, as followeth in these their decrees, faithfully
translated out of their own Latin copy. The title thereof, videlicet^
^' THESE BE THE THI^JGS THAT (dO SEEM) MAY WELL STAND
WITH THE FEACE OF THE CHURCH.
"'The decrees. — Let no man (though he be an university-
man) offer himself to the ministry, nor let any man take upon him
an uncertain and vague ministry, though it be offered unto him. But
such as be called to the ministry by some certain church, let them
impart it unto that classis or conference whereof themselves are, or
€lse to some greater church-assembly : and if such be found fit by
them, then let them be commended by their letters unto the bishop,
that they may be ordained ministers by him. Those ceremonies in
the Book of Common-Prayer which, being taken from popery, are
in controversy, do seem that they ought to be omitted and given
over, if it may be done without danger of being put from the
ministry. But if there be any imminent danger to be deprived, then
this matter must be communicated Avith the classis in which that
church is; that by the judgment thereof it may be determined what
ought to be done. If subscription to the Articles of Religion and to
the Book of Common-Prayer shall be again urged, it is thought that
the Book of Articles may be subscribed unto, according to the sta-
tute thirteenth Elizabeth ; that is, unto such of them only as contain
25 ELIZA EETHr BOOK IX. CENT. XVT. 31
the sum of Christian faith, and doctrine of the sacraments. But for
many weighty causes, neither the rest of the Articles in that book,
nor the Book of Common- Prayer, may be allowed ; no, though a
man should be deprived of his ministry for it. It seemeth that church-
wardens and collectors for the poor might thus be turned into elders
and into deacons, when they are to be chosen. Let the church have
warning, fifteen days before, of the time of election, and of the ordi-
nance of the realm ; but especially of Christ's ordinance, touching
appointing of watchmen and overseers in his church, who are to
foresee that none offence or scandal do arise in the church ; and if
any shall happen, that by them it may be duly abolished. And
touching deacons of both sorts, (xidelicet^ men and women,) the
church should be monished what is required by the apostle, and that
they are not to choose men of custom and of course, or for their
riches, but for their faith, zeal, and integrity ; and that the church is
to pray (in the mean time) to be so directed that they make choice
of them that be meet. Let the names of such as are so chosen be
published the next Lord's day ; and, after that, their duties to the
church, and the church's towards them, shall be declared. Then let
them be received into the ministry to which they are chosen, with
the general prayers of the whole church. The brethren are to be
requested to ordain a distribution of all churches, according to these
rules (in that behalf) that are set down in the synodical discipline,
touching classical, provincial, comitial, or of comniencements and
assemblies for the whole kingdom.
" The classes are to be required to keep acts of memorable matters,
which they shall see delivered to the comitial assembly, that from
thence they may be brought by the provincial assembly : Also they
are to deal earnestly with patrons, to present fit men, whensoever any
church is fallen void in that classis. The comitial assemblies are to
be monished to make collections for relief of the poor and of scholars,
but especially for relief of such ministers here as are put out for not
subscribing to the Articles, tendered by the bishops, also for relief
of Scottish ministers and others ; and for other profitable and neces-
sary uses. All the provincial synods must continually aforehand
foresee, in due time, to appoint the keeping of their next provincial
synods ; and for the sending of chosen persons, with certain instruc-
tions, unto the national synod, to be holden whensoever the parlia-
ment for the kingdom shall be called at some certain set time every
year." *
See we here the embryo of the presbyterian discipline, lying as
yet (as it were) in the womb of episcopacy ; though soon after it
* Under Mr. "Wight's hand, (a man of the brotherhood,) cited by Bishop Bancroft,
his *' Dangerous Positions," page 46.
32 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1582.
swelled so great, that the mother must violently be cut before the
child could be delivered into the world, as to the public practice
thereof.
2. Several Observations on these Decrees.
Many observables in these decrees offer themselves to our consi-
deration.
1. That they were written in Latin, (whereof they had two ele-
gant penners, Cartwright and Travers,) showing themselves no
enemies to that tongue, which some ignorant sectaries afterward
condemned for superstitious ; counting every thing Romish which
was Roman, and very cordials to be poison if lapped up in Latin.
2. Probably, as artists hang a curtain before their works whilst
yet imperfect, so these synodists thought fit in Latin as yet to veil
their decrees from vulgar eyes ; seeing nothing can be projected
and perfected together. Yea, the repetition of those words " doth
seem,"" and '• it seemeth," carrying something of uncertainty in
them, showeth these decrees as yet admitted but as probationers,
expecting confirmation on their good behaviour.
o. The election of the people is here made the essence of a call
to a pastoral charge, to which the presentation of the most undoubted
patron is called in but ad corrohorandum. As for institution from
the bishop, it was superadded, not to complete his ministerial function
in point of conscience, but legally to enable the minister to recover
his maintenance from the detainers thereof.
4. Partial subscription is permitted to the Articles of Religion ;
namely, only to the doctrinal part thereof, but none to those wherein
discipline is mentioned, especially to the clause at the end of the
twentieth Article : " The church hath power to decree rites and cere-
monies,"" &c. accounted by the brethren the very sting in the tail of
the locusts.
5. Those words, "If subscription shall be urged again," plainly
intimate, that the reins of episcopal government were but loosely
held, and the rigour thereof remitted, for the reasons by us fore-
alleged.
6. That churchwardens, and collectors for the poor, are so quickly
convertible, even in their opinion, into elders and deacons, only Avith
a more solemn and public election, shows the difference betwixt
those officers to be rather nominal than real.
7. By women-deacons here mentioned, we understand such
widows which the apostle appointeth in the primitive church, to
attend strangers and sick people ; and which Mr. Cartwright affirmeth*
• lu his "Admonitions," page 1G3, sect. 2.
25 ELIZABETH. ^OOK IX. CENT. XVI.
ought still to be continued, although, he confesseth, '^ there be
1-earned.men tliat think otherwise."
8. Their " comitial assemblies," kept in the universities at the Com-
mencements, (wisely they had an eye on the two eyes of the land,) were
conveniently chosen, as safely shadowed under a confluence of people.
See we here, though the matter of their discipline might he jure divino,
human prudence concurred much in the making thereof, as in order-
ing a national synod always to run parallel with the parliament.
9. Mention being made of " relieving Scottish ministers," if any
ask what northern tempest blew them hither, know they quitted their
own country about this time, upon refusal of conformity, and found
benevolence in England a better livelihood than a benefice in Scotland.
10. The grand design driven on in these decrees was, to set up
a discipline in a discipline, presbytery in episcopacy; which (as
appears in the preface) they thought " might well stand with the
peace of the church ;" but this peace proved but a truce, this truce
but a short one, before both parties brake into irreconcilable hostility.
Thus it is impossible to make a subordination in their practices
who have an opposition in their principles. For, though such
spheres and orbs which agree in onecentre may proportionably move
one within another ; yet such as are eccentrical can never observe
equal distance in their motion, but will sag aside to grind and
grate one the other. But enough hereof at this time, having jetted
out a little already into the next year ; no offence, we hope, seeing
it makes our History more entire in this subject.
S, 4. A blasphemous Heretic reclaimed. The Character of
Mr. Henry Smith.
This year, Robert Dickons, a Leicestershire youth, but, it seems,
apprentice at Mansfield, in Nottinghamshire, having parts and
pregnancy above his age and profession, arrived at such a height of
profaneness as not only to pretend to visions, but to account himself
Elijah, sent from God to perfect some defects in the prophecy of
Malachi. But by God's blessing on the endeavours of Mr. Henry
Smith, (whom his uncle, Mr. Briant Cave, this year sheriff of
Leicestershire, employed therein,) this heretic was reclaimed,*
renouncing his blasphemies, by subscription under his own hand ;
and, for aught I find to the contrary, lived peaceably and painfully
the remainder of his life.
This is that Henry Smith, born at Withcock in Leicestershire,
of a worshipful family, (and elder brother to Sir Roger Smith, still
surviving,) bred in Oxford, and afterwards became that famous
preacher at St. Clement's Danes in London, commonly called " the
• See Mr. Smith's sennon *' Of the lost Sheep found."
Vol. III. J)
34 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAI\\ A. D. 1582.
silver-tongued" Smith, being but one metal, in price and purity,
beneath St. Chrysostom himself. Yea, whereas generally the ser-
mons of those days are now grown out of fashion, (such is our age's
curiosity and aiFectation of novelty,) Smith's sermons keep up their
constant credit, as appears, by their daily impressions, calculated for
all times, places, and persons : so solid, the learned may partly
admire — so plain, the unlearned may perfectly understand — them.
The wonder of his worth is increased by the consideration of his
tender age, dying very young* about fifty years ago.
5 — 7- ^^^^ Death of Richard Bristoiv. The Death of Nicholas
Harpsfield, The Death of Gregory Martin.
I find three of such who seemed pillars in the Romish church
deceased this year. First. Richard Bristow, born in Worcester-
shire, bred in Oxford, in Exeter College ; whence he fied beyond
the seas, and by cardinal Allen was made overseer of the English
college, first at Douay, then at Rheims. He wrote most in English
humili quidem stylo ^ (saith one of his own opinion,-|-) but very solidly ;
for proof whereof, let his books against Dr. Fulke be perused.
For the recovery of his health, he was advised to return into his
native land, and died quietly near the city of London.
The Second. Nicholas Harpsfield, bred first in Winchester school,
then New College in Oxford, where he proceeded doctor of law, and
afterward became archdeacon of Canterbury. Under king Edward
VI. he banished himself; under queen Mary he returned, and was
advanced ; and, under queen Elizabeth, imprisoned for denying her
supremacy. Yet such was his mild usage in restraint, that he had
the opportunity to write much therein ; and amongst the rest his
" Ecclesiastical History," no less learnedly than painfully performed;
and, abating his partiality to his own interest, well deserving of all
posterity. He wrote also " Six Dialogues," in favour of his religion ;
but (because in durance) he durst not set it forth in his own, but
under the name of Alan Cope. Yet lest truth should be concealed,
and friend defraud friend of his due praise, he caused these capital
letters to be engraved at the end of his book : A. H. L. N. H. E.
V. E.A.C. Hereby mystically meaning, Auctor Hujus Libri
Nicholaus Harpesfeldus. Edidit Verd Eum Alanus Copiis. He
died this year at London in prison, after twenty years' restraint,
leaving behind him the general reputation of a religious man.
The Third. Gregory Martin, born at Maxfield in Sussex, bred
with Campian in St. John's College in Oxford ; tutor to Philip earl
of Arundel, eldest son to Thomas duke of Norfolk. Afterwards he
• About the year 1600, as I am iuformed by his brother. t Pitz.eus 2?? illus-
tribus Angl. Scriptoribus.
25 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 35
went over beyond sea, and became divinity professor in the College
of Rheims, died there October 28th, and is buried with a large
epitaph, under a plain monument.
8, 9. Letter- History best History. Objection ngainst Letters^
Want of Date, answered.
' I shall now withdraw myself, or at leastwise stand by a silent
spectator, whilst I make room for far my betters to come forth and
speak in the present controversy of church-government. Call it not
cowardice, but count it caution in me, if desirous in this difference
to lie at a close-guard, and offer as little play as may be on either
side, whilst the reader shall behold the masters of defence on both
sides engaged therein in these following letters of state. Baronius,
the great Roman Annalist, was wont to say, Epistolaris historia est
optima Jiistoria, " That is the best history which is collected out of
letters." How much of the Acts of the Apostles (especially for the
regulation of time) is contained in the Epistles of St. Paul ! Of the
primitive history, the most authentical part is what is gathered out
of the letters of the Fathers ; and, in like manner, the true estate of
ecclesiastical affairs in the days of queen Elizabeth may be extracted
out of the following dispatches and their returns, exhibiting the
inclinations of their authors in pure naturals, without any adulterated
addition, and therefore the surest for others' instruction, and safest
for my own protection.
But one thing I must clear in our entrance thereon, in excuse that
these letters are dateless as to the day and month ; a great omission,
which I have seen in many originals, whose authors so minded the
matter that they neglected the time, the present dispatching of them
being date enough to their purpose, though now the want thereof ~
leaves posterity at a loss. A blue coat without a badge is but a white
coat in effect ; as nothing informing the beholder to what lord the
bearer thereof doth relate : and as little instructive (will some say)
are these letters as to the point of chronology. But be it known,
that no reader's stomach can be so sharp set on the criticalness of
chronology, but that, being fed with the certainty of the year, he will
not be famished with the uncertainty of the month or day. Indeed,
as such whose names are casually omitted in the register may recover
the truth of their age by a comparative computation of their years,
who were born about the same time ; so, by the mixture and com-
paring of these dateless letters with those having date of secular
affairs, I could competently have collected and inserted the time,
save that I loathe to obtrude any thing conjectural on the reader's
belief. But we must begin with the ensuing petition as the ground-
work of all the rest.
d2
36 CHURCH HlSTOllY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1583.
10. The Petition of the Kentish Ministers. A. D. 1583.
THE MfNISTERS OF KENT TO THE PRIVY COUMCIL.
" May it please your Honours, of your great and wonted favour
towards the distressed, to consider these following : Whereas we
have been called to subscribe in the county of Kent to certain
Articles propounded by my Lord's Grace of Canterbury unto the
ministers and preachers. The First, concerning her majesty''s autho-
rity. The Second concerning no contrariety to the word of God in
the Book of Common-Prayer and administration of the sacraments,
the Book of ordering bishops, priests, and deacons. And the Third,
that we believe all things in the Book of the Articles of Religion to be
agreeable to the word of God. Whereupon all have most willingly
offered to subscribe unto the other two. And being pronounced in
the open court contumaces reservata poend^ and so referred to answer
at law the 11th and 13th of February ; (which we feared would be
prosecuted with much trouble, and no resolution to our consciences ;)
we, amongst the rest, repaired with that careful avoiding, that we
could, of offence to his lordship's Grace ; to whom when we had the
first day made known some of our doubts concerning the first book
only, (many more in number, and as great in weight, concerning the
first and second, and some concerning the third, remaining besides,)
we have — upon our refusal, and record taken by public notary, of
one point only, from every particular refuser, which moved him there-
unto, and one place of Scripture adjoined, without collection or the
reason of the same — been suspended from our ministry ; by which
occasion, as we fear, that that account which hath been made of the
consequence of our cause, both in public sermons and pronouncing
of sentence against us, — namely, that, in denying to subscribe to the
two aforesaid Articles, w^e separated ourselves from the church, and
condemned the right service of God in prayer, and administration of
the sacraments in the church of England, and the ministry of the
same, and disobeyed her majesty's authority, — hath been intimated
to your Honours. So we think it our bound duties, most humbly
on our knees to beseech your Honours to know and make manifest
in our behalf to her majesty that which we before the Lord in sim-
plicity protest : We, in all reverence, judge of the authority which is
established, and the persons which were authors of those books, that
they did not only speak, but also did highly to the glory of God pro-
mote, the true religion of God, and the glorious Gospel of Jesus
Christ ; and that w^e so esteem of those books, and there is nothing
in them to cause us to separate ourselves from the unity of the church,
which, in the execution of our ministry, in participation of the
public prayers and sacraments, we have in our own example testified,
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 37
and by public doctrine maintained ; and that the ministry of the wor'd
preached, and public administration of the sacraments exercised in
this land according to autliority, is, as touching the substance of it,
lawful and greatly blessed of God : And, Lastly, that we have and
always will show ourselves obedient to her majesty's authority in all
causes ecclesiastical and civil, to whomsoever it be committed ; and,
therefore, that as poor but most faithful subjects to her majesty, and
ministers of Jesus Christ the great cause we have in hand,
and which consequently (as we under your Honours' correction judge)
the necessary reformation of many things in the church according
unto God's word, may have that sufficient hearing, as all causes of our
refusal to subscribe may be known, and equally out of God's word
judged of; and the lamentable estate of the churches to which we
appertain, with the hard condition of us, may, in that manner, that
your Honours' most excellent wisdom shall find expedient in the pity
of Jesus Christ, for the mean time be relieved. The Lord Almighty
vouchsafe, for Jesus Christ's sake, long to continue, and bless your
Honours' wisdom and counsel to the great glory of God, and the
happy government of her majesty, and flourishing estate of this
church of England.
" Your Honours daily and faithful orators,
" The Ministers of Kent,
" Which are suspended from the execution of their ministry."
The lords of the council sent this petition, with another bill of
complaint exhibited unto them, against Edmund Freake, bishop of
Norwich, unto the archbishop of Canterbury. What his answer
was thereunto, the reader may inform himself out of the following
letter.
11. The Archbishop's Letter in Ansiver thereof.
to the lords of the council.
" Most Honourable,
" Upon Sunday last in the afternoon, Master Beale brought unto
me, in your lordships' names, two supplications, or bills of complaint
exhibited unto your lordships ; the one by certain ministers of Sufl^olk,
against their diocesan there ; the other by some of Kent against
myself, with this further message, — that it was your desires I should
come to the court on Sunday next. It may please your good lord-
ships to be advertised, that it seemeth somethingstrange to me, that the
ministers of Suffolk, finding themselves aggrieved with the doings
of their diocesan, should leave the ordinary course of proceeding
by law, (which is to appeal unto me,) and extraordinarily trouble
38 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. ■ A.D. 158o.
y'our lordships in a matter not so incident (as I think) to that most
honourable Board ; seeing it hath pleased her majesty her own self
in express words to commit these causes ecclesiastical to me, as to
one who is to make answer to God, to her majesty in this behalf,
my office also and place requiring the same.
" In answer of the complaint of the Suffolk men of their
ordinary's proceeding against them, I have herewith sent to your
lordships a copy of a letter which I lately received from his lord-
ship ; wherein I think that part of their bill to be fully answered,
and his doings to have been orderly and charitable. Touching the
rest of their bill, I know not what to judge of it, neither yet of what
spirit it Cometh. But, in some points, it talketh (as I think)
modestly and charitably. They say they are no Jesuits sent from
Rome to reconcile, &c. True it is, neither are they charged to be
so ; but, notwithstanding, they are contentious in the church of
England, and by their contentions minister occasion of oifence to
those which are seduced by Jesuits, and give the arguments against
the form of public prayer, used in this church, and by law estab-
lished, and thereby inci-ease the number of them, and confirm them
in their wilfulness. They also make a schism in the church, and
draw many other of her majesty's subjects to a misliking of her
laws and government in causes ecclesiastical, so far are they from per-
suading them to obedience, or at least if they persuade them to it in
the one part of her authority, it is in causes civil ; they dissuade
them from it as much in the other, that is, in causes ecclesiastical :
so that, indeed, they pluck down with the one hand that which they
seem to build with the other. They say that they have faithfully
travailed in persuading to obedience, &c. and have therein prevailed,
&c. It is but their own testimony. I think it were hard for them
to show whom they converted from papistry to the Gospel. But
what stirs and dissensions they have made amongst those which pro-
fessed the Gospel before they were taught by them, I think it to be
apparent. It is notorious that in king Edward's time, and in the
beginning of her majesty's reign, for the space of divers years,
when this self-same book of public prayers was uniformally used, and
by all learned preachers maintained, and impugned by none, the
Gospel mightily prevailed, took great increase, and very few were
known to refuse to communicate with us in prayer and participation
of the sacraments. But since this schism and division, the contrary
effect hath fallen out : and how can it otherwise be, seeing we our-
selves condemn that public form and order of prayer and adminis-
tration of the sacraments, as in divers points contrary to the word of
God, from which (as in like manner condemning the same) the
papists do absent themselves ? In the latter part of their bill con-
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 89
taining the reasons why they cannot submit themselves to observe
the form prescribed by the book in all points, I wonder either at
their ignorance or audacity. They say that the learned writers of
our time have showed their mislikings of some of our ceremonies.
The most learned writers in our times have not so done, but rather
reproved the mislikers. Those few that have given contrary judg-
ment therein, have done more rashly than learnedly, presuming to
give their censures of such a church as this is, not understanding the
fruits of thg cause, nor alleging any reason worth the hearing; espe-
cially one little college in either of our universities containing in it
more learned men than in their cities. But if the authority of men
so greatly move them, why make they so small account of those
most excellent and learned Fathers who were the penners of the
book ? whereof divers have sealed their religion with their blood,
which none yet have done of the impugners of the book. The
pope (say they) hath changed his offichum B. Marice, ^c. And so it
is : neither is there any man that doubteth, but the Book of Com-
mon-Prayer may also be altered, if there appear good cause why to
those in authority. But the pope will not suffer that officium B.
Mariw, S^c. to be preached against, or any part thereof, till it was by
public order reformed ; neither will he confess that he hath reformed
it in respect of any errors, but such only as did creep into the said book
through private men's affections, without authority. Therefore,
that argument is against them, and only used by them (as it seemeth)
in contempt : the rest is frivolous, and argueth their presumption in
writing this to so honourable a Board of so worthy and godly a book,
which hath a hundred learned men to justify it, for one that will
impugn it. And thus much concerning them, which I have written
rather to satisfy your lordships, than that I thought the matter
worthy my labour. The complaint which those of Kent, being of
my own diocess, and by oath bound to me in canonical obedience,
have exhibited unto your lordships, doth make me more to wonder,
that they, most of them being unlearned and young, (such as I
would be loath to admit into the ministry, if they were not already
admitted thereunto, much less to allow as preachers,) dare presume
to bring my doings against them into question before your lordships,
seeing I have done nothing but that which God, the law, her
majesty, and my duty forceth me unto, dealing with them not as an
archbishop with the inferior sort of the clergy, nor as a master of a
coUeo-e with liis fellows, nor as a magistrate with his inferiors, but as
a friend and a brother ; which, as I think, hath so puffed them
up, and caused them to be so presumptuous. They came to me
\msent for, in a multitude ; which I reproved, because it imported a
conspiracy, and had the show of a tumult or unlawful assembly.
40 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1583.
Notwithstanding I was content to hear their complaint ; I spent
with them the whole afternoon, from two of the clock till seven, and
heard their reasons ; whereof some were frivolous and childish; some
irreligious, and all of them such as gave me occasion to think that
they rather sought quarrel against the book than to be satisfied ;
which indeed is true, as appeareth by some of their own confessions,
which I am able to show when I shall be thereunto urged. The
two whole days following, I spent likewise for the most part in deal-
ing severally with them ; requiring them to give unto me the chief
and principal of their reasons which moved them not to subscribe ;
meaning to hear them in the rest, if I could have satisfied them in
it, or else not to spend any further time ; which reasons (if I may
so term them) they gave unto me, and I havcj and mean to make
known when occasion shall serve. Whereas they say in their bill,,
that the public administration of the sacraments in this land is, as
touching the substance of it, lawful, &c. they say no more than the
papists themselves do confess, and in truth they say nothing in
effect to that wherewith they are charged. And yet therein they
are contrary to themselves, for they have pretended matter of sub-
stance against the book. But of what spirit cometh it, tha.t they,
being no otherwise than they are, dare, to the greatest authority in
this land next to her majesty, so boldly offer themselves thus to
reason and dispute, as in their bill they vaunt, against the state
established in matters of religion, and against the book so learnedly
and painfully penned, and by so great authority from time to time
confirmed ? It is not for me to sit in this place, if every curate
within my diocess or province may be permitted so to use me ;
neither is it possible for me to perform the duty which her majesty
looketh for at my hands, if I may not, without interruption, proceed
in execution of that which her Highness hath especially committed
imto me. The Gospel can take no success, neither the number of
papists be diminished, if unity be not procured ; which I am not in
doubt in short time to bring to pass, without any great ado or incon-
venience at all, if it be not hindered. The number of those which
refuse to subscribe is not great ; in most parts of my province, not
one ; in some, very few ; and in some, none ; whereof many also
and the greater part are unlearned, and unworthy the ministry. In
mine own little diocess in Canterbury threescore preachers and above
have subscribed ; whereas there are not ten worthy the name of
preachers which have as yet refused, and most of them also not
allowed preachers by lawful authority ; and so I know it to be in all
other diocesses within my province, the diocess of Norwich only
excepted ; wherein, nevertheless, the number of the disordered is
far less than the number of such as are obedient and quietly-disposed.
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. ' 41
Now if these few disordered, which the church may well spare,
having meeter men to place in their rooms, shall be countenanced
against the best, the wisest in all respects, the worthiest and in
effect the whole state of the clergy ; it will not only discourage the
dutiful and obedient persons, but so increase the schism, that there
will never hereafter be hope of appeasing the same. This disordered
flocking together of them at this time from divers places, and gad-
ding from one to another, argueth a conspiracy amongst them, and
some hope of encouragement and of prevailing; which I am per-
suaded is not meant, nor shall ever be by me willingly consented
unto. Some of them have already (as I am informed) bruited
abroad, that your lordships have sent for me to answer their com-
plaints ; and that they hope to be delivered : wherein I know they
report untruly, as the manner is. For I cannot be persuaded that
your lordships have any such intent as to make me a party, or to
call my doings into question, which from her majesty are imme-
diately committed unto me, and wherein, as I suppose, I have no
other judge but herself. And for as much as I am by God and her
majesty lawfully, without any ordinary, or extraordinary, or unlawful
means, called to this place and function, and appointed to be your
pastor, and to have the greatest charge over you in matters pertain-
ing to the soul ; I am the more bold to move, and desire you to aid
and assist me in matters belonging to my office ; namely, such as
appertain to the quietness of the church, the credit of religion
established, and the maintenance of the laws made for the same.
And here I do protest and testify unto your lordships, that the
three Articles, whereunto they are moved to subscribe, are such as I
am ready by learning to defend in manner and form as they are set
down, against all mislikers thereof in England or elsewhere. And
thus desiring your lordships to take this my answer in good part,
and to forbear my coming thither in respect of this advantage that
may be taken thereof by these wayward persons, I beseech Almighty
God long to prosper you.
" Your good lordships' in Christ,
" JOHN CANTUAR."
12. The Character of Mr. Beal, who brought the Bills.
Who this Mr. Beal was, who brought these letters, is worthy our
inquiry. I find his Christian name Robert, his office clerk of the
Council, his abilities very great, as may appear by the public nego-
tiations wherein he was employed ; for he was joined with Sir
William Winter, anno 1576, in a commission to the Zealanders,
about their reprisals ; and again, anno 1583, he was sent to the
queen of Scots, sharply to expostulate with her concerning some
42 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1583.
querulous letters. Well knew queen Elizabeth what tools to use
on knotty timber; our author* giving Mr. Beal this character,
that he was homo mheinens^ et austere acerb us ^ " an eager man, and
most austerely bitter." His affections were wholly presbyterian,
and I behold him as one of the best friends (of the second magni-
tude) that party had. What he wanted in authority, he had in
activity on their sides. And what influence sometimes the hands
have on the head (I mean notaries on the judges themselves) at
Council-board, others may conjecture. He either compiled or coun-
tenanced a book made against the bishops ; and the reader may
receive a further confirmation of his character herein from the fol-
lowing complaint.
13. Archbishop WhitgifCs Letter^ complaining of BeaPs insolent
Carriage towards hitn.
TO THE LORD TREASURER.
"My SINGULAR GOOD LoRD,
" I HAVE borne much with Mr. BeaPs intemperate speeches,
unseemly for him to use, though not in respect of myself, yet in
respect of her majesty whom he serveth, and of the laws established,
whereunto he ought to show some duty. Yesterday he came to my
house, as it seemed, to demand the book he delivered unto me. I
told him that the book was written to me, and therefore no reason
why he should require it again ; especially, seeing I was assured that
he had a copy thereof, otherwise I would cause it to be written out
for him. Whereupon he fell into very great passions with me
(which I think was the end of his coming) for proceeding in the
execution of his Articles, &c. and told me in effect, that I would
be the overthrow of this church, and a cause of tumult, — with many
other bitter and hard speeches, which I heard patiently, and wished
him to consider with wdiat spirit he was moved so to say. For I
said, 'It cannot be by the Spirit of God, because the Spirit of God
worketh in men humility, patience, and love ; and your words
declare you to be very arrogant, proud, impatient, and uncharitable.
Moreover, the Spirit of God moveth men to hear the word of God
with meekness, &c. and you have almost heard with disdain every
sermon preached before her majesty this Lent, gibing and jesting
openly thereat even in the sermon-time, to the offence of many, and
especially at such sermons as did most commend her majesty and
the state, and moved the auditory to obedience ;"* which he con-
fessed and justified, accusing some of the preachers of false doctrine,
and wrong allegations of Scripture, &c. Then he began to extol
his book ; and said we were never able to answer it, neither for the
• Camden in his Elizabctha, page 359.
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 43
matter of divinity, nor yet of law. I told him, as the truth is, that
there was no great substance in the book, that it might be very soon
answered, and that it did appear neither his divinity nor law to be
great. I further wished him to be better advised of his doings ; and
told him indeed, that he was one of the principal causes of the way-
wardness of divers, because he giveth encouragement to divers of
them to stand in the matter ; telling them that the Articles shall be
shortly revoked by the Council, and that my hands shall be stopped,
&c. which saying is spread abroad already in every place, and is the
only cause why many forbear to subscribe ; which is true, neither
could he deny it. All this while I talked with him privately in the
upper part of my gallery, my lord of Winchester, and divers strangers
being in the other part thereof. But Mr. Beal beginning to extend
his voice that all might hear, I began to break off; then he, being
more and more kindled, very impatiently uttered very proud and
contemptuous speeches, in the justifying of his book, and condemn-
ing of the orders established, to the ofFence of all the hearers.
Whereunto (being very desirous to be rid of him) I made small
answer ; but told him that his speeches were intolerable, that he
forgat himself, and that I would complain of him to her majesty ;
whereof he seemed to make small account, and so he departed in
great heat. I am loath to hmt him, or to be an accuser ; neither
will I proceed therein further than your lordships shall think it conve-
nient. But I never was abused more by any man at any time in
my life, than I have been by him since my coming to this place, in
hardness of speech for doing my duty, and for all things belonging
to my charge. Surely, my lord, this talk tendeth only to the increas-
ing of the contention, and to the animating of the wayward in their
waywardness, casting out dangerous speeches, as though there were
likelihood of some tumult in respect thereof. Whereas, in truth,
God be thanked, the matter groweth to greater quietness than I
think he wisheth, and will be soon quieted if we be let alone, and
they not otherwise encouraged. It seemeth, he is some way discon-
tented, and would work his anger on me. The tongues of these
men taste not of the Spirit of God. Your lordship seeth how bold
I am to impart unto you my private causes. Truly, if it were not
that my conscience is settled in these matters, and that I am fully
persuaded of the necessity of these proceedings in respect of the
peace of the church, and due observation of God^s laws, and that I
received great comfort at her majesty's hand, (as I did most effec-
tually at my last being at the court,) and that I were assured of your
lordship's constancy in the cause, and of your unmovable good-will
towards me, I should be hardly able to endure so great a burden ;
which now, I thank God, in respect of the premisses, seemeth easy
44 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1583,
unto me, neither do I doubt but God will therein prosper me. Thus
being desirous to impart this matter to your lordship, to whose con-
sideration I leave it, I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God.
"JOHN CANTUAR."
Nor have I aught else to say of this Mr. Beal, but that afterwards
I find one of his name and quality dying 1601,* and buried in Lon-
don at Alhallows-in-the-Wall, who by all probability should be the
same person. Now that the presbyterian party was not unfriended
at the Council-board, but had those there which, either out of dic-
tates of conscience, or reasons of state, or reflections on their private
interests, endeavoured to mitigate the archbishop's proceedings against
them, let their ensuing letter to him be perused.
14. The Privy Counsellors' Letter to the Archbishop in Favour
of the Nonconformists.
" After our hearty commendations to both your lordships :
although we have heard of late times sundry complaints, out of
divers countries of this realm, of some proceedings against a great
number of ecclesiastical persons ; — some parsons of churches, some
vicars, some curates, but all preachers ; whereby some were
deprived of their livings, some suspended from their ministry and
preaching; yet we have forborne to enter into any particular exami-
nation of such complaints, thinking that, howsoever inferior officers,
as chancellors, commissaries, archdeacons, and such like, whose
offices are of more value and profit by such like kind of proceed-
ings, might in such sort proceed against the ministers of the church ;
yet your lordship, the archbishop of that province of Canterbury,
have, beside your general authority, some particular interest in the
present jurisdiction of sundry bishoprics vacant. And you also,
the bishop of London, both for your own authority in your diocess,
and as head-commissioner ecclesiastical, would have a pastoral
over the particular officers, to stay and temper them in
their hasty proceedings against the ministers, and, especially, against
such as do earnestly profess and instruct the people against the
dangerous sects of papistry. But yet of late, hearing of the lament-
able estate of the church in the county of Essex ; that is, of a great
number of zealous and learned preachers there suspended from their
cures, the vacancy of the place, for the most part, without any
ministry of preaching, prayers, and sacraments ; and in some places
of certain appointed to those void rooms, being persons neither of
learning nor of good name, and, in other places of that county, a
great number of parsons occupying the cures being notoriously unfit,
• Robert Beal, es(i.— Stow's "Survey of London/' page 183.
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 45
most for lack of learning, many charged or chargeable with great
and erroneous faults, and drunkenness, filthiness of life, gamesters
at cards, haunting of ale-houses, and such like ; against whom we
hear not of any proceedings, but that they are quietly suifered to the
slander of the church, to the offence of good people, yea, to the
famishing of them for lack of good teaching ; and, thereby, dan-
gerous to the subverting of many weaklings from their duties to God
and the queen's majesty, by secret Jesuits and counterfeit papists.
And having thus in a general sort heard out of many parts of the
like of this lamentable estate of the church ; yet, to the intent we
should not be deceived with the generality of reports, we sought to
be informed of some particulars, namely, of some parts of Essex ;
and, having received the same credibly in writing, we have thought
it our duties to her majesty and the realm, for the remedy hereof,
without intermeddling ourselves with your jurisdiction ecclesiastical,
to make report unto your lordships, as persons that ought most
specially to have regard thereto, as we hope you will ; and, there-
fore, have sent you herewith in writing a catalogue of the names of
persons of sundry natures and conditions ; that is, one sort, being
reported to be learned, zealous, and good preachers deprived and
suspended, and so the cures not served with meet persons. The
other sort, a number of persons, having cures, being in sundry sorts
far unmeet for any offices in the churcli, for their many defects and
imperfections, and so, as it seems by the reports, have been and are
suifered to continue without reprehension or any other proceedings
against them, and thereby a great number of Christian people
untaught : a matter very lamentable in this time. In a third sort, a
number having double livings with cure, and so not resident upon
their cures, but yet enjoying the benefit of their benefices without
any personal attendance upon their cures. Against all these sorts
of lewd, and evil, and unprofitable, corrupt members, we hear of
no inquisition, nor of any kind of proceeding to the reformation of
those horrible offences in the church ; but yet of great diligence,
yea, and extremity, used against those that are known diligent
preachers. Now, therefore, we, for the discharge of our duties,
being by our vocation under her majesty bound to be careful that
the universal realm may be well governed, to the honour and glory
of God, and to the discharge of her majesty, being the principal
governor over all her subjects under Almighty God, do most
earnestly desire your lordships to take some charitable consideration
of these causes, that the people of the realm may not be deprived
of their pastors, being diligent, learned, and zealous, — though in some
points ceremonial they may seem doubtful only in conscience, and
not of wilfulness ; nor that their cures be suffered to be vacant
46 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1583.
without good pastors, nor that such as be placed in the rooms of
cures be insufficient for learning, or unmeet for their conversation.
And though the notes which we send you be only of parsons
belonging to Essex, yet we pray you to look into the rest of the
country in many other diocesses ; for we have and do hear daily of
the like in generality in many other places ; but we have not sought
to have their particulars so manifestly delivered of other places as of
Essex, or, rather, to say the truth, of one corner of the country.
And we shall be most glad to hear of your cares to be taken for
remedy of these enormities, so as we be not troubled hereafter, or
hear of the like complaints to continue : and so we bid your good
lordships right heartilv farewell.
" Your lordships' loving friends,
"WILL. BURLEIGH, GEORGE SHREWSBURY,
A. WARWICK, ROBERT LEICESTER,
C. HOWARD, J. CROFT,
CHRIST. HATTON, ERA. WALSINGHAM."
Amongst these Privy Counsellors, I miss one who was mainly
material ; namely, Sir Francis Knowles, treasurer of the queen's
household, and knight of the garter ; father-in-law to the earl of
Leicester, and no less considerable in himself than in his relations.
This knight, being bred a banished man in Germany during the
reign of queen Mary, and conversing with Mr. Calvin at Geneva,
was never after fond of episcopacy ; and, though now casually
absent from the Council- Board, was a great patron of the noncon-
formists. But see the archbishop's answer to their letter.
15. The Archbishop's Answer to the Privy Counsellors'' Letter.
" It may please your good lordships to be advertised, that I
have received your letters of the twentieth of this month, with a
schedule inclosed therein, concerning certain ministers in Essex ;
whereunto as yet I cannot make any full answer, by reason of the
absence of my lord of London, to whom the letter is also directed,
and the parties therein named best known as being in his diocess.
Nevertheless, in the mean time, I thought it my part to signify
unto your lordships, that I hope the information to be in most parts
unjust. Certain men being in and about Maiden, because they
cannot have such among them as by disorderliness do best content
their humours, did not long since in like manner, in a generality,
make an information to the same effect ; which coming to mine and
others' hands of the ecclesiastical commission, we did direct our
letters to some of the principal of them by name, requiring them to
exhibit unto us at the beginning of this next term, now next
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 47
ensuing, the names of such offensive ministers as they thought to bo
touched with such dishonest conversation, together with their proofs
thereof, promising on our parts to see the same redressed accord-
ingly. It seemeth by this which is exhibited now to your lordships,
they have prevented the time, hoping thereby to alter the course.
Whereunto it tendeth, I leave to your lordships^ consideration.
Surely if the ministers be such as this schedule reporteth, they are
worthy to be grievously punished. And for my own part, I will
not be slack or remiss, God willing, therein. But if that fall out
otherwise upon trial, and that they or many of them, in respect of
their obedience to her majesty's laws, be thus depraved by such as
impugn the same, then I doubt not but your lordships will judge
those amusers to deserve just punishment. This I can assure your
lordships of, that my lord of London affirmed in my hearing, that,
not long since upon that occasion, that none or few at his or his
archdeacons' visitations had at any time, by the churchwardens or
sworn men, been detected or presented for any such misdemeanours
as are now supposed against them. Of the preachers, which are
said to be put there to silence, I know but few. Notwithstanding
1 know those few to be very factious in the church, contemners in
sundry points of the ecclesiastical laws, and chief authors of dis-
quietness in that part of the country ; and such as I for my part
cannot (doing my duty with a good conscience) suffer without their
further conformity to execute their ministry. But your lordships,
God willing, shall have a more particular answer to every point of
your letter, when my lord of London (who is now at his house in
the country) and I shall meet and have conferred thereupon. In
the mean time, I trust, that neither there nor elsewhere within this
province, either by myself or others of my brethren, any thing is or
shall be done, which doth not tend to the peace of the church, the
working of obedience to laws established, the encouragement of the
most, the godliest, and most learnedest ministers in this church of
England, and to the glory of God ; to whose protection I commit
your good lordships.''
. Now although we find Sir Christopher Hatton (for company's sake,
as we humbly conceive it) amongst the Privy Counsellors, subscribing
for moderation to nonconformists, yet we take him to be a zealous
stickler for the pressing church-ceremony. And although I look on
the words of the Jesuit* as a mere scandal, when he saith, that this
Hatton was animo catholicus, " a papist in his heart ; " yet I know
him to be no favourer of the presbyterian party, but a great counte-
nancer of Whitgift's proceedings against them, as appears by the
following address of the archbishop unto him.
* Peter Ribadeneira in his "Appendix to Sanders," page 41.
48 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN, A,D. 1583.
16. The Archbishop's gratulatory Letter to Sir Christopher
Hatton,
to sir christopher hatton.
" Right Honourable,
" I GIVE you most hearty thanks for that most friendly message
"which you sent unto me by your man, Mr. Kemp ; I shall think my-
self bound unto you therefore as long as I live. It hath not a little
comforted me, having received not long since unkind speeches where
I least looked for them, only for doing my duty in the most necessary
business which I have in hand. I marvel how it should come to
pass, that the self-same persons will seem to wish peace and uniform-
ity in the church, and to mislike of the contentious and disobedient
5ort, yet cannot abide that any thing should be done against them,
wishing rather the whole ministry of the land to be discountenanced
and discouraged, than a few wayward persons (of no account in
comparison) suppressed and punished. Men in executing the laws
according to their duties were wont to be encouraged and backed by
such ; but now it falleth out clean contrary. Disobedient wilful
persons (I will term them no worse) are animated, laws contemned,
her majesty's will and pleasure little regarded, and the executors
thereof in word and deed abused. Howbeit these overth warts grieve
me, yet, I thank God, they cannot withdraw me from doing that
duty in this cause which, I am persuaded, God himself, her majesty,
the laws, and the state of this church and commonwealth, do require
of me. In respect whereof, I am content to sustain all these dis-
pleasures, and fully resolved not to depend upon man, but upon God
and her majesty. And therefore your Honour, in offering me that
great courtesy, offered unto me as great a pleasure as I can desire.
Her majesty must be my refuge ; and I beseech you that I may use
you as a means when occasion shall serve, whereof I assure myself,
and therein rest.
«' JOHN CANTUAR."
As for the lord Burleigh, such was his moderation, that both
parties beheld him as their friend, carrying matters not with passion
and prejudice, but prudently as became so great a statesman. He
was neither so rigid as to have conformity pressed to the height, nor
so remiss as to leave ministers to their own liberty. He would argue
the case, both in discourse and by letters, with the archbishop.
Amongst many of the latter kind, let not the reader grudge to peruse
this here inserted.
20 ELIZARETir. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 49
17. I'he Treasurer''s Letter to the Archbishop^ for some Indul-
gence to the Ministers.
" It may please your Grace, I am sorry to trouble you so often
as I do, but I am more troubled myself, not only with many private
petitions of sundry ministers recommended for persons of credit, and
for peaceable persons in their ministry, and yet, by complaints to
your Grace and other your colleagues in Commission, greatly troubled ;
but also I am daily now charged by counsellors and public persons
to neglect my duty, in not staying of those your Grace's proceedings,
so vehement and so general against ministers and preachers ; as the
papists are thereby greatly encouraged, and all evil-disposed persons
amongst the subjects animated, and thereby the queen's majesty's
safety endangered. With these kind of arguments I am daily assailed :
against which I answer, that I think your Grace doth nothing, but,
being duly examined, tendeth to the maintenance of the religion
established, and to avoid schism in the church. I also have for
example showed, by your papers sent to me, how fully the church is
furnished with preachers, and how small a number there are that do
contend for their singularity. But these reasons do not satisfy all
persons ; neither do I seek to satisfy all persons but with reason and
truth. But now, my good lord, by chance I have come to the sight
of an instrument of twenty-four articles of great length and curiosity,
formed in a Romish style, to examine all manner of ministers in this
time without distinction of persons ; which articles are entitled,
apud Lamheth, Maii^ 1584, to be executed, ex officio mero^ S^c.
And upon this occasion I have seen them : I did recommend unto
your Grace's favour two ministers, curates of Cambridgeshire, to be
favourably heard ; and your Grace wrote to me that they were con-
tentious, seditious, and persons vagrant maintaining this controversy;
wherewith I charged them sharply, and they both denied those
charges, and required to be tried, and so to receive punishment. I
answered, that your Grace would so charge them, and then I should
see afterwards what they should deserve ; and advised them to resort
to your Grace, comforting them that they should find favourable
proceedings, and so I hope upon my former commendations the
rather. What may be said to them, I know not ; nor whether they
have been so faulty as your Grace hath been informed, do I know ;
neither do I mean to treat for to favour such men ; for pardon I may
speak upon their amendment. But now they coming to me, I offer
how your Grace proceeded with them. They say, they are com-
manded to be examined by the register at London ; and I asked them
whereof : they said, of a great number of articles ; but they could
have no copies of them. I answered, that they might answer to the
truth : they said that they were so many in number, and so divers.
Vol. III. E
•^0 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1583.
as they were afraid to answer them for fear of captious interpretation.
Upon this I sent for the register, who brought me the articles ; which
I have read, and find so curiously penned, so full of branches and
circumstances, that I think the Inquisitions of Spain use not so many
questions to comprehend and to entrap their preys. I know your
canonists can defend these with all their particles. But surely, under
your Grace's correction, this juridical and canonical siftener of poor
ministers, is not to edify and reform. And, in charity, I think they
ought not to answer to all these nice points, except they were very
notorious offenders in papistry or heresy. Now, good my lord, bear
with my scribbling. I write with testimony of a good conscience.
I desire the peace of the church. I desire concord and unity in the
exercise of our religion. I fear no sensual and wilful recusant. But
I conclude, that, according to my simple judgment, this kind of
proceeding is too much savouring the Romish Inquisition, and is
rather a device to seek for offenders than to reform any. This was
not that charitable instruction that I thought was intended if these
poor ministers should in some few points have any scrupulous con-
ceptions to be removed ; this is not a charitable way, to send
them to answer to your common register, upon so many articles at
one instant, without commodity of instruction by your register, whose
office is only to receive their answers ; by which the parties are first
subject to condemnation before they be taught their errors. It may
be, I say, that canonists may maintain this proceeding by rules of
their laws ; but though omnia licent, omnia non expediunt. I pray
your Grace bear this, (and perchance a fault,) that I have willed them
not to answer these articles, except their consciences may suffer them ;
and yet I have sharply admonished them, that if they be disturbers
in their churches, they must be corrected. And yet upon your
Grace's answer to me Ne sutor ultra erepidam^ neither will I put
falcem i?i alterius messem. My paper teacheth me to make an end,
Your Grace must pardon my hasty writing, for that I have done this
raptim and without correction.
" Your Grace's at command,
" WILLIAM BURLEIGH."
One may say, " Is not the hand of Mr. Travers in all this ? "
who, being the Lord Burleigh's chaplain, by him much respected,
and highly affected to the Geneva-discipline, was made the mouth of
the ministers, to mediate to his lord in their behalf. But, it seems,
the archbishop had set up his resolution, (called " constancy" by
some, " cruelty" by others, as they stand affected,) whose unmova-
bleness herein will appear by his follow^ing letter.
20 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 51
18. The Return of the Archbishop of Canterbury to the Lord
Treasurer'^s Letter.
TO THE LORD TREASURER.
" My singular good lord, in the very beginning of tliis action,
and so from time to time, I have made your lordship acquainted
with all my doings, and so answered all objections and reasons to
the contrary, as I persuade myself no just reply can be made there-
unto. I have likewise, by your lordship's advice, chosen this kind
of proceeding with them, because I would not touch any for not
subscribing only, but for breach of order in celebrating of divine
service, administering the sacraments, and executing other ecclesias-
tical functions, according to their fancies, and not according to the
form of law prescribed ; which neither your lordship nor any other
seemed to mislike, but to wish and require. And therefore I am
much troubled at your last letters, which seem so to be written as
though your lordship had not been in these points already answered.
The complaints which your lordship saith are made of me and
other my colleagues, have hitherto been general, and therefore can-
not otherwise be answered but by a bare denial. But if any man
shall charge me or them with particularities, I doubt not but we are
and shall be ready to answer them, and to justify our doings. My
proceedings are neither so vehement nor so general against ministers
and preachers as some pretend; doing me therein great injury. I
have divers times satisfied your lordship therein. If any offence be,
it is in bearing too much with them, and using of them so friendly ;
which causeth them thus, contrary to their duties, to trouble the
church, and to withstand me their ordinary and lawful judge. The
objection of encouraging the papists, &c. hath neither probability
nor likelihood. For how can papists be animated by urging of
men to subscribe against the pope's supremacy, and to the justifying
of the Book of Common-Prayers, and Articles of Religion, which
they so greatly condemn ? But papists, &c. are animated, be-
cause they see these kind of persons, which herein after a sort come
in with them, so greatly so many borne with, and so animated
and maintained in their disordered doings against both God's
laws and man's, and against their chief governors both civil and
ecclesiastical. This, I say, encourageth the papists, and maketh
much for them. The other is but a fallacy, a non causa ad caiisam,
O my lord, I would to God some of those who use this argument,
had no papists in their families, and did not otherwise also counte-
nance them ; whereby, indeed, they receive encouragement, and do
become too malapert. Assure yourself, the papists are rather grieved
at my proceedings, because they tend to the taking away of their
e2
5'2 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1583.
chief argument ; that is, that we cannot agree among ourselves, and
that we are not of the church because we lack unity. And I am
credibly informed, that the papists give encouragement to these
men, and commend them in tlieir doings ; hereof I have also some
experience. But if these reasons, and sundry others, notwithstand-
ing, some will not be satisfied thereby, I am sure your lordship
thinketh it not convenient to yield unto their wills, but unto their
reasons. Touching the twenty-four articles, which your lordship
seemeth so to mislike, as written in a Romish style, smelling of a
Romish Inquisition, &c. I cannot but greatly marvel at your lord-
ship''s vehement speeches against them, I hope without cause. The
men are preachers, peaceable, your lordship saith; and that they are
orderly, and observe the books, as some of them say of themselves ;
and you think it not meet that, being such persons, they should be
deprived for not subscribing only. Wherein I have yielded unto
you ; and therefore have caused these articles to be drawn accord-
ing to law, by the best-learned in the laws ; who, I dare say, hate
the Romish doctrine, and the Romish Inquisition ; to the intent I
may truly understand whether they are such manner of men or no
as they pretend to be ; which I also take to be the ordinary course
in other courts, as in the Star-chamber and other places. Sure I
am, it is most usual in the Court of the Marches (Arches rather)
whereof I have the best experience. And without offence be it
spoken, I think these articles more tolerable, and better agreeing
with the rule of justice and charity, and less captious, than those in
other courts ; because their men are often examined at the rela-
tion of a private man, concerning private crimes, et de propria titr-
pitudine ; whereas here men are only examined of their public
actions in the public calling and ministry, and much more in the
cause of heresy ; because the one toucheth life, and the other not.
And therefore I see no cause why our judicial and canonical pro-
ceedings in this point should be misliked. Your lordship writeth
that the two for whom you write are peaceable persons, that they
deny the things wherewith they are charged, and desire to be tried,
&c. Now they are to be tried, why do they refuse it ? Qui male
agit^ odit lucem. Indeed, they show themselves to be such as I
have before showed to your lordship, — the most troublesome persons
in all that country : and one of them, Mr. Brown, is presented for
his disorders by the sworn men of the parish, as I am informed by
the official there. Wherefore I beseech your lordship not to be-
lieve them against me, (either their own words, or testimony of any
such as animate them in their disobedience, and count disorder
order, and contention peace,) before they be duly and orderly tried
according to that law which is yet in force, and will hardly, in my
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVT. 53
opinion, in these judicial actions be bettered, though some abuse
may be in the execution thereof, as there ; ay, elsewhere, also, and
that peradventure more abundantly. Your lordship saith. These
articles are a device rather to seek for offenders, than to reform any.
The like may be said of the like orders in other courts also ; but
that were the fault of the judge, not of the law. And I trust your
lordship hath no cause to think so evil of me. I have not dealt
with any as yet, but such as have given evident tokens of contempt
of orders and laws : which my acts remaining on record will testify :
and though the register do examine them, (as I think other officers
do in other courts likewise, and the law doth allow of it,) yet are
they repeated before a judge, where they may reform, add, or
diminish, as they think good. Neither hath there been any man
thus examined, or otherwise dealt with, who hath not been conferred
with, or might not have been if he would : these two especially.
And if they have otherwise reported to your lordship, they do but
antiquum obtinere, which is to utter untruths : a quality wherewith
these kind of men are marvellously possessed, as I, on my own
knowledge and experience, can justify against divers of them. I
know your lordship desireth the peace of the church, and unity in
religion : but how is it possible to be procured, (after so long liberty
and lack of discipline,) if a few persons so meanly qualified^ as
most of them are, shall be countenanced against the whole estate of
the clergy, of greatest account both for learning, years, stayedness,
wisdom, religion, and honesty ? and open breakers and impugners
of the law, young in years, proud in conceit, contentious in dis-
position, maintained against their governors, seeking to reduce them
to order and obedience ? Hcec sunt initia hwreticorimi^ et ortus
atque conatus schismaticorum male cogitantium^ iit sibi placeant^
ut prwpositum superbo tumor e contemnant ; sic ab ecclesid receditur^
sic altare profanum collocatur foris^ sic contra pacem Christi et
ordinationem atque unitatem Dei rebellatur. For my own part, I
neither have done nor do any thing in this, matter, which I do not
think, in my conscience and duty, I am bound to do, which her
majesty hath with earnest charge committed unto me, and which I
am not well able to justify to be most requisite for this state and
church, whereof, next to her majesty, though most unworthy, or, at
least, most unhappy, the chief is committed unto me ; which I will
not by the grace of God neglect, whatsoever come upon me. There-
fore I neither care for the honour of the place, (which is onus to
me,) nor the largeness of the revenues, nor any other worldly thing.
I thank God, in respect of doing my duty, neither do I fear the
displeasure of man, nor the evil tongues of the uncharitable, who
call me ' tyrant, pope, knave,' and lay to my charge things which I
54 CHURCH HISTOKY OF BRITAIN. A.J). 1583.
never thought. S'cio hoc enim opus esse diaholi^ ut servos Dei
mendacio laceret^ et opinionihus falsis gloriosum nomen infamet^ ut
qui cojiscientke suw luce clarescunt^ alienis rumor ibus sordidentur.
So was Cyprian himself used, and other ancient and godly bishops ;
to whom I am not comparable. The day will come, when all men's
hearts shall be opened ; in the mean time, I will depend on Him
who never forsakes those that put their trust in him. If your lord-
ship shall keep those two from answering according to the order set
down, it will be of itself a setting at liberty of all the rest, and of
undoing of all that which hitherto hath been done. Neither shall I
be able to do my duty according to her majesty's expectation. And
therefore I beseech your lordship to leave them unto me ; I will not
proceed against them, till I have made you privy to their answers,
and further conferred with you about them, because I see your lord-
ship so earnest in their behalf: whereof also they have made public
boasts, (as I am informed,) which argueth what manner of persons
they are. I beseech your lordship to take not only the length, but
also the matter, of this letter in good part, and to continue to me
as you have done ; whereof I doubt not. For assuredly if you
forsake me, (which I know you will not after so long trial and expe-
rience, with continuance of so great friendship,) especially in so
good a cause, I shall think my coming to this place to have been for
my punishment ; and my hap very hard, that when I think to deserve
best, and in a manner to consume myself, to satisfy that which God,
her majesty, the church, requireth of me, I should be so evil rewarded.
8ed meliora spero. And I know your lordship doth all, as you are
persuaded, for the best. I beseech God long to bless and preserve
you.
"JOHN CANTUAR."
It seems, the lord treasurer took exceptions at some passages
herein. I dare not say with those, — That the letter was brought to
him when he was indisposed with the fit of the gout, which made him
so offended. But, whatsoever was the cause of his passion, see some
signs thereof in what followeth.
19. The Lord Treasurer''s smart Letter to the Archbishop.
" I HAVE received your Grace's long letter, answering sundry
speeches, as I think, delivered by your chaplain, Doctor Cozens ;
and I perceive you are sharply moved to blame me, and clear your-
self. I know I have many faults, but I hope I have not given such
cause of offence, as your letter expresseth. I deny nothing that your
Grace thinketh meet to proceed in, with these whom you call fac-
tious ; and therefore there is no controversy between vou and me.
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 55
expressed in your letter. The controversy is passed in your Grace''s
letter in silence ; and so I do satisfy. Your Grace promised me to
deal, I say, only with such as violated order, and to charge them
therewith, which I allow well of. But your Grace, not charging
them with such faults, seeketh by examination to urge them to accuse
themselves ; and then I think you will punish them. I think your
Grace's proceeding is, I will but say, * rigorous or captious,"* but I
think, it is scant charitable. I have no leisure to write more, and
therefore I will end ; for, writing will but increase offence, and I mean
not to offend your Grace. I am content that your Grace, and my lord
of London, where I hear Brown is, use him as your wisdoms shall
think meet. If I had known his fault, I might be blamed for writing
for him ; but when by examination only it is meant to sift him with
twenty- four articles, I have cause to pity the poor man.
" Your Grace's as friendly as any,
'' WILLIAM BURLEIGH."
Short but sharp. I see though anger only " resteth in the bosom
of fools," Eccles. vii. 9 ; it may light on the breast of a wise man.
But no fear that these friends will finally fall out, who alternately
were passionate and patient. So that now it came to the turn of
Whitgift to be calm, as he expressed himself in the following return.
20. The Archbishop's calm Letter to the half-angry Treasurer.
to the lord treasurer.
" My singular good Lord,
" God knoweth how desirous T have been from time to time to
satisfy your lordship in all things, and to have my doings approved
to you. For which cause, since my coming to this place, I have
done nothing of importance without your advice. I have risen early,
and sat up late, to write unto you such objections and answers as on
either side were used. I have not the like to any man : and shall I
now say I have lost my labour ? or shall my just dealing with
two of the most disordered ministers in a whole diocess, (the obsti-
nacy and contempt of whom, especially of one of them, you yourself
would not bear in any subjected to your authority,) cause you so to
think and speak of my doings, yea, and of myself? No man living
should have made me believe it. Solomon saith, ' An old friend is
better than a new ;"* and I trust your lordship will not so lightly cast
off your old friends for any of these new-fangled and factious sectaries,
whose fruits are to make divisions wheresoever they come, and to
separate old and assured friends. Your lordship seemeth to charge
me with breach of promise, touching my manner of proceeding,
56 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1583.
whereof I am no way guilty ; but I have altered my first course of
depriving them for not subscribing only, justifiable by the law and
common practice, both in the time of king Edward and from the
beginning of her majesty's reign, and chosen this, only to satisfy your
lordship. Your lordship also objecteth, that it is said, I took this
course for the better maintenance of my book. My enemies say so,
indeed ; but I trust my friends have a better opinion of me. What
should I seek for any confirmation of my book after twelve years, or
what should I get thereby more than already ? And yet if subscrip-
tion may confirm it, it is confirmed long ago by the subscription of
all the clergy almost in England before my time, even of Brain also,
who now seemeth to be so wilful. Mine enemies, and tongues of
this slanderous and uncharitable sect, report, that I am revolted and
become a papist, and I know not what ; but it proceedeth from their
lewdness, not from any desert of mine ; and I disdain to answer to
any such notorious untruths, which the best of them dare not avouch
to my fiice. Your lordship seemeth further to burden me with
wilfulness. I am sure that you are not so persuaded of me. I will
appeal to your own conscience. There is difference betwixt wilful-
ness and constancy. I have taken upon me the defence of the
religion and rights of the church of England, to appease the sects of
schisms therein, and to reduce all the ministers thereof to uniformity
and due obedience : herein I intend to be constant, and not to waver
with every wind ; the Avhich also my place, my person, my duty, the
laws, her majesty, and the goodness of the cause doth require of me ;
and wherein your lordship and others (all things considered) ought
in duty to assist and countenance me. It is strange that a man in
my place, dealing by so good warranties as I do, should be so
encountered ; and, for not yielding, to be counted wilful. But I
must be contented : Vincit qui patrtur ; and if my friends forsake
me herein, I trust God will not, neither the law, nor her majesty
who hath laid the charge on me, and are able to protect me. But
of all other things it most grieveth me, if your lordship should say,
that two ministers fare the worse because your lordship hath sent
them. Halh your lordship ever had any cause so to think of me .?
It is needless for me to protest my heart and affection towards you
above all other men ; the world knoweth it ; and I am assured,
that your lordship nothing doubteth thereof. I have rather cause to
com])lain to yonr lordship of yourself, that, upon so small an occasion,
j^nd in the behalf of two such, you will so hardly conceive of me ;
yea, and, as it were, countenance persons so meanly qualified in so
evil a cause against me, your lordship's so long-tried friend, and their
ordinary. That hath not so been in times past ; now, it should
least of all be. I may not suffer the notorious contempt of one of
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 57
them especially, unless I will become ^'Esop'*s block, and undo all
that -syhich hitherto have been done. Well, because I would be
loath to omit any thing whereby your lordship might be satisfied, I
have sent unto you herein enclosed certain reasons to justify the
manner of my proceedings ; which I marvel should be so misliked in
this cause, having been so long practised in the same, and never before
this time found fault with. Truly, my lord, I must proceed this
way, or not at all : the reasons I have set down in this paper. And
I heartily pray your lordship not to carried away, either from the
cause or from myself, upon unjust surmises and clamours, lest you be
the occasion of that confusion which hereafter you would be sorry
for. For mine own part, I desire no further defence in these
occasions, neither of your lordship nor any other, than justice and
law will yield unto me. In my own private affairs, I know I shall
stand in need of friends, especially of your lordship ; of whom I have
made always an assured account. But in these public actions, I see
no cause why I should seek for friends ; seeing they to whom the
care of the commonwealth is committed ought, of duty, therein to
join with me. To conclude, I am your lordship's assured ; neither
will I ever be persuaded, but you do all even of hearty good-will
towards me.
"JOHN CANTUAR."
21. Sir Francis Walsirighmn a good Friend to Nonconformists.
His Letter to the Archbishop in Favour of Noficonformists.
Now, amongst all the favourers of the presbyterians, surely
honesty and wisdom never met more in any than in Sir Francis
Walsingham ; of whom it may be said, (abate for the disproportion,)
as of St. Paul, " though poor, yet making many rich.'"* Having but
one only daughter, (whose extraordinary handsomeness, with a
moderate portion, would considerably prefer her in marriage,) he
neglected wealth in himself; though I may say, he enriched many,
not only his dependents, but even the English nation, by his pru-
dent steering of state-affairs. How he interceded to qualify the
archbishop, for a semi-nonconformist, we learn from his following
letter : —
" It may please your Grace to understand, that this bearer, Mr.
Leverwood, of whom I wrote unto your Grace, hath been here with
me ; and finding him very conformable, and willing to observe such
orders as are appointed to be used in the church, as your Grace
shall partly perceive by certain articles subscribed with his own
hand, and herein enclosed, I willed him to repair unto your Grace ;
and in case these articles may be allowed, then I pray your Grace to
be his good lord, and that with your good-will and favour he may
58 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1583.
proceed in his suit ; upon knowledge whereof I do mean to deal
further therein with her majesty thereof for him, as I have already-
begun to do, upon the good report I heard of the man, before your
Grace's message sent to Mr. Nicasius for the stay thereof. And so
I humbly take my leave.
" Your Grace's at command,
" FRANCIS WALSINGHAM."
What this letter effected, the next will inform us.
22. The Archbishop's Answer to Secretary Walsinghatri's Letter,
" Right Honourable,
" I thank you heartily for your letter, written unto me in the
behalf of Leverwood ; wherein I perceive the performance of your
honourable speeches to myself, in promising to join with me against
such as shall be breakers of the orders of the church established,
and movers of contentions therein. Upon that, and other like
speeches of yours with me at your last being at Lambeth, I have
forborne to suspend or deprive any man already placed in any cure
or charge, for not subscribing only, if hereafter he would promise
unto me in writing the observing of the Book of Common-Prayer,
and the orders of the church by law set down : and I do now
require subscription to the said Articles, of such only as are to be
admitted to the ministry and to ecclesiastical livings, wherein I find
myself something eased of my former troubles : and as yet none or
very few of the last-named persons do refuse to subscribe to the said
Articles, though some of them have been accounted heretofore very
precise. I also very well remember that it was her own wish and
desire, that such as hereafter should be admitted to any living should
in like manner be tied to the observing the orders ; which as it hath
already wrought some quietness in the church, so I doubt not but
that it will in time perfect the same. And I cannot break that
order in one, but other will look for the like favour, to the renewing
and increasing of the former atheism, not yet already extinguished.
Wherefore I heartily pray you to join with me herein. Touching^
the Articles enclosed in your letter, whereunto Leverwood hath sub-
scribed ; they are of no moment, but such as may easily be deluded.
For whereas he first saith, that he will willingly subscribe as far as
the law requircth at his hand ; his meaning is, that the law requireth
no such subscription ; for so I am infonued that some lawyers
(therein deceived) have persuaded him and others : and in saying
that he will always in the ministry use the Book of Common -Prayer,
and none else ; his meaning is, that he will use but so much of the
book as plcascth him, and not that he will use all things in the book
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 59
required of hira. I have dealt witli him in some particularities,
which he denieth to use, and therefore his subscription is to small
purpose. I would, as near as I can, promise, that none should here-
after come into the church to breed new troubles. I can be better
occupied otherwise. And God would bless our labours more amply,
and give better success to the word so commonly and diligently
preached, if we could be at peace and quietness among ourselves,
which I most heartily wish, and doubt not to bring to pass by God's
grace ; the rather through your good help and assistance, whereof I
assure myself; and so, with my hearty prayers, &c.
" JOHN CANTUAR."
23 — 25. A Transition to other Matter. Good GrindaVs Death.
A Plea for GrindaVs Poverty.
Thus have we presented to the reader some select letters out of
many in my hand, passing betwixt the highest persons in church-
matters. I count it a blessing that Providence hath preserved such
a treasure unplundered, esteem it a favour in such friends as imparted
them unto me, and conceive it no ungrateful act in our communi-
cating the same to the reader. And now we (who hitherto accord-
ing to good manners have held our peace, while such Avho were far
our betters, by their pens spake one to another) begin to resume our
voice, and express ourselves as well as we may in the following
history.
By the changing of Edmond into John Cantuar. it plainly
appears, that, as all these letters were written this year, so they
were indited after the sixth of July, (and probably about December,)
when bishop Grindal deceased ; our English Eli, for office, (highest
in spiritual promotion,) age, (whereby both were blind,) and manner
of his death, thus far forth as heart-broken with sorrow. GrindaPs
grief proceeded from the queen's displeasure, undeservedly procured
by the practices of his malicious enemies. There want not those
who will strain the parallel betwixt Eli and Grindal in a fourth
respect, both being guilty of dangerous indulgence and lenity to
offenders. Indeed, Grindal, living and dying sole and single, could
not be cockering to his own children ; but as a father of the church,
he is accused for too much conniving at the factious disturbers
thereof. Sure I am, he was an impartial corrector of men's vicious
conversations : witness his sharp reproving of Julio, the Italian
physician, for marrying another man's wife ; which bitter but whole-
some pill the physician himself, not being able to digest, incensed
the earl of Leicester, and he the queen's majesty, against the good
archbishop. But all was put on the account of Grindal's noncon-
formitv, for favouring the factious meetings, called " prophesyings."
60 CHUllCH HISTOiir OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1583.
Grindal, sensible of the queen's displeasure, desired to resign his
place, and confine himself to a yearly pension ; not, as some may
pretend, that it was against his conscience to keep it ; but because
above his impotent age to manage so great a charge. The place
was proffered to Whitgift ; but he, in the presence of the queen,
utterly refused it : yet, what he would not snatch soon after fell
into his hands by GrindaFs death.
Whoso beholds the large revenues conferred on Grindal, the
long time he enjoyed them, (bishop of London, archbishop of York
and Canterbury, above eighteen years,) the little charge encumber-
ing him, dying a single man, will admire at the mean estate he left
behind him. Yea, perchance they will erroneously impute this to
his prodigality, which more truly is to be ascribed to his contempt
of the world, unwilling to die guilty of much wealth ; not to speak
of fat servants made under a lean master. The little he had, as it
was well-gotten, was well-bestowed, in pious uses on Cambridge and
Oxford, with the building and endowing of a school at St. Bees in
Cumberland, where he was born. Yea, he may be beheld as a bene-
factor to the English nation, for bringing tamarisk first over into
England. As the inventors of evil things are justly taxed by the
apostle, Rom. i. 13 ; so the first importers of good things deserve
due commendation ; that plant being so sovereign to mollify the
hardness of the spleen ; a malady whereof students (betrayed there-
unto by their sedentary lives) too generally do complain.
SECTION VI.
TO THE
MASTER, WARDENS, AND ALL THE MEMBERS OF THE
HONOURABLE COMPANY OF MERCERS, OF LONDON.
As it would be a sin of omission in me, (so much
obliged to your Society,) should no share in my History
be allowed unto you ; so I should commit a great incon-
gruity, if assigning it any where else than in the reign
of queen Elizabeth ; whose great-grandfather Sir God-
frey Boleyn, 1458, mayor of London, is generally
believed one of your Company : so that the crowned
maidenhead in your arms may, in some sort, seem
prophetical, presaging such a queen-virgin should be
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. Gl
extracted from one of your Society, as the Christian
world could not parallel in all particulars.
Indeed, much of credit is unported in your very
name. For, seeing all buyers and sellers are ^* mercers"
a mercando, custom hath confined and fixed the term
eminently on your Corporation, as always the prime
chapmen of our nation, in which respect you have the
precedency of all other Companies.
I will detain you no longer from better customers,
wishing you sound wares, quick vent, good prices, sure
payment ; one commodity alone excepted, 1 mean the
truth itself: this buy, and sell it not, Prov. xxiii. 23 ;
purchase it on any terms, but part with it on no con-
ditions.
1. Warning to Sabbath-breakers. A,D.\5H3.
About four o'clock in the afternoon on the Lord's day, January
13th, a sad accident happened in Paris-Garden, on the south side of
Thames, over against London. Whilst multitudes were beholding
the baiting of the bear, the old under-propped scaffolds, overladen
■with people, suddenly fell down, killed eight outright, hurt and
bruised many more, to the shortening of their lives.* The assertors
of the strict observation of the sabbath vigorously improve this (as
well they may) against them who profane the Lord's day, which
afterwards (the joyful effect of a doleful cause) was generally kept
with more carefulness.-f*
2. Robert Brown first appears.
Robert Brown began at this time to broach his opinions. He
was born in Rutlandshire, of an ancient and worshipful family, (one
whereof founded a fair hospital in Stamford,) nearly allied to the lord
treasurer Cecil. J He was bred for a time in Cambridge, (I conceive
in Corpus Christi College,) but question whether ever a graduate
therein. He used some time to preach at Benet Church, where the
vehemency of his utterance passed for zeal among the common
people, and made the vulgar to admire, the wise to suspect him.
Dr. Still, afterwards master of Trinity, (out of curiosity or casually
present at his preaching,) discovered in him something extraordinary,
which he presaged would prove the disturbance of the church, if not
seasonably prevented. Some years after, Brown went over into
* HoLiNSHED, page 1353. t t>R. Bound. X CamuExN's Britannia in
Lincolnshire.
62 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1583.
Zealand, to purchase himself more reputation from foreign parts.
For a smack of travel gives a high taste to strange opinions, making
them better relish to the licourish lovers of novelty. Home he
returns with a full cry against the church of England, as, having so
much of Rome, she had nothing of Christ in her discipline. Norfolk
was the first place whereon Brown (new-flown home out of the Low
Countries) perched himself, and therein in the city of Norwich ; a
place which then spake little more than medietatem linguw^ having
almost as many Dutch strangers as English natives inhabiting therein.
Brown, beginning with the Dutch, soon proceeded to infect his own
countrymen, for which he was confined as the following letter of
the lord treasurer Burleigh to bishop Phreke [Freake] of Norwich
will inform us :
" After my very hearty commendations to your lordship : whereas
I understand that one Brown, a preacher, is, by your lordship and
others of the ecclesiastical commission, committed to the custody of
the sheriff of Norfolk, where he remains a prisoner, for some matters
of offence uttered by him by way of preaching ; wherein I perceive,
by sight of some letters written by certain godly preachers in your
lordship's diocess, he hath been dealt with and by them dissuaded
from that course he hath taken. Forasmuch as he is my kinsman, if
he be son to him whom I take him to be, and that his error seemeth
to proceed of zeal rather than of malice, I do therefore wish he
were charitably conferred wdth and reformed ; which course I pray
your lordship may be taken with him, either by your lordship or
such as your lordship shall assign for that purpose ; and in case
there shall not follow thereof such success as may be to your liking,
that then you would be content to permit him to repair hither to
London, to be further dealt with as I shall take order for upon his
coming : for which purpose I have written a letter to the sheriff, if
your lordship shall like thereof. And so I bid your lordship right
heartily farewell. From the court at Westminster, this 21st of
April, '1581.
" Your lordship's very loving friend,
" WILLIAM BURLEIGH."
Brown, being thus brought up to London, by the advice of his
friends was wrought to some tolerable compliance ; and, being dis-
charged by the archbishop of Canterbury, was by the lord treasurer
sent home to his father, Christopher Brown, at Tolethorp, in
Rutland, esquire : one, I assure you, of ancient and right worshipful
extraction, having myself seen a charter granted by king Henry
VII I. (the IGth of July, in the 18th of his reign,) and confirmed
by Act of Parliament, to Francis Brown, father to the aforesaid
26 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 63
Christopher, giving him leave to put on his cap, in the presence of
the king or his heirs, or any lord spiritual or temporal in the land,
and not to put it off but for his own ease and pleasure.* But let us
see the lord treasurer's letter, in the behalf of Brown, to his
father : —
" After my very hearty commendations : understanding that
your son, Robert Brown, had been sent for up by my lord bishop
of Canterbury, to answer to such matters as he was to be charged
withal, contained in a book made by him, and published in print
(as it was thought) by his means ; I thought good, considering he
was your son and of my blood, to send unto my lord of Canterbury
in his behalf, that he might find what reasonable favour he could
show him ; before whom I perceive he hath answered in some good
sort : and although I think he will not deny the making of the
book, yet by no means will he confess to be acquainted with the
publishing or printing of it. He hath besides yielded unto his
lordship such further contentment, as he is contented (the rather at
my motion) to discharge him ; and, therefore, for that he purposeth
to repair to you, I have thought good to accompany him with these
my letters, and to pray you, for this cause or any his former
dealings, not to withdraw from him your fatherly love and affection,
not doubting but with time he will be fully recovered and withdrawn
from the relics of some fond opinions of his ; which will be the
better done, if he be dealt withal in some kind and temperate
manner. And so I bid you very heartily farewell. From my house
near the Savoy, this 8th of October, 1585.
" Your loving friend and cousin,
" WILLIAM BURLEIGH."
But it seems Brown's errors were so inlaid in him, no conference
with divines could convince him to the contrary, whose incorrigible-
ness made his own father weary of his company. Men may wish —
God only can work — children to be good. The old gentleman
would own him for his son no longer than his son owned the church
• Oar historians record a similar instance in the daj's of queen Mary, to whom, says
bishop Burnet, " RatclifFe, earl of Sussex, had done the most considerahle service of all
those noblemen who had assisted the (^ueen. For to him she had given the chief com-
mand of her army ; and he had managed it with that prudence, that others were thereby
encouraged to come in to her assistance : So an imiisaal honour was contrived for him, —
that he might cover his head in her presence : which passed under the Great Seal, October
2nd • he being the only peer of England on whom this honour was ever conferred, as far
as I know." In Tindal's notes iipon Rapin, it is added, " Courcy, baron of Kinsale in
Ireland, enjoys this pri\nlege of sitting covered in the royal presence, by a grant made
from king John to the famous Coiu-cy, earl of Ulster. The present baron asserted thia
ancient right of his family in the reigns of the late and the present king."— Edit.
04 CHURCH HISTOTIY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1583.
of England for his mother ; desiring to rid his hands of him, as by
the ensuing letter will appear : —
"After my very hearty commendations: I perceive by your
letters, that you have little or no hopes of your son's conformity,
as you had when you received him into your house ; and, therefore,
you seem desirous that you might have liberty to remove him
further off from you, as either to Stamford, or some other place ;
which I know no cause but you may very well and lawfully do,
where I wish he might better be persuaded to conform himself, for
his own good, and yours and his friends'* comfort. And so I very
heartily bid you farewell. — From the court, this 17th of February,
1585.
" Your very loving friend and cousin,
" WILLIAM BURLEIGH."
Thus to make our story of the troublesome man the more entire,
we have trespassed on the two following years, yet without discom-
posing our chronology on the margin.
3 — 7- Brown's Opinions. Eootraordinary Favour indulged
unto him. The Authors Observation on him. The Occa-
sion of his late Death. Two Brownists executed.
With his assistant, Richard Harrison, a petty pedagogue, they
inveighed against bishops, ecclesiastical courts, ceremonies, ordina-
tion of ministers, and what not ; fancying here on earth a platform
of a perfect church, without any faults (understand it thus, save
those that are made by themsehes) therein. The reader, if desirous
to know their opinions, is referred to the large and learned treatises
written against them ; particularly to the pains of Dr. Fulke,
proving, that the Brownists (so named fiom this Brown, their ring-
leader) were in effect the same with the ancient Donatists, only
newly revived. Thus there is a circulation, as in fashion of clothes,
so of opinions, the same after some years' return ; Brownism being
no more than Donatism vamped with some new additions. The
queen and her council seriously set themselves, first, by gentleness
to reduce — and (that not succeeding) by severity to suppress — the
increase of this faction. Brown himself used to boast, that he had
been committed to thirty-two prisons, and in some of them he could
not see his hand at noon-day : yet for all this he came off at last
both with saving his life, and keeping his living (and that none of
the meanest, Achurch in Northamptonshire) until the day of his
death.
One may justly wonder, when many meaner accessaries in this
schism were arraigned, condemned, executed, how this Brown, the
20 ELIZABETH. BOOK TX. CENT, XVI. 65
principal, made so fair an escape, yea, enjoyed such preferment. I
will never believe, that he ever formally recanted his opinions, either
by word or writing, as to the main of what he maintained. More
probable it is, that the promise of his general compliance with the
church of England (so far forth as not to make future disturbance
therein) met with the archbishop^s courteous acceptance thereof;
both which, effectually improved by the countenance of Thomas
Cecil, earl of Exeter, (Brown*'s near kinsman and patron,) procured
this extraordinary favour to be indulged unto him. His parsonage
he freely possessed, allowing a sufficient salary for one to discharge
the cure ; and (though against them in his judgment) was con*
tented, and, perchance, pleased, to take the tithes of his own parish.
For my own part, (whose nativity Providence placed within a
mile of this Brown's pastoral charge,) I have, when a youth, often
beheld him. He was of an imperious nature ; offended, if what he
affirmed but in common discourse were not instantly received as an
oracle. He was then so far from the Sabbatarian strictness to which
some preciser Brownists did afterwards pretend, that both in judg-
ment and practice he seemed rather libertine therein. In a word,
he had in my time a wife, with whom for many years he never lived,
parted from her on some distaste ; and a church, wherein he never
preached, though he received the profits thereof.
As for his death in the prison in Northampton, many years after,
(in the reign of king Charles, anno 1630,) it nothing related to
those opinions he did or his followers do maintain. For as I am
credibly informed, being by the constable of the parish (who
chanced also to be his godson) somewhat roughly and rudely
required the payment of a rate, he happened in passion to strike
him. The constable (not taking it patiently as a castigation from a
godfather, but in anger as an affiont to his office) complained to
Sir Rowland St. John, a neighbouring justice of the peace, and
Brown is brought before him. The knight, of himself, was prone
rather to pity and pardon, than punish his passion ; but Brown's
behaviour was so stubborn, that he appeared obstinately ambitious
of a prison, as desirous (after long absence) to renew his familiarity
with his ancient acquaintance. His mittimus is made ; and a cart
with a feather-bed provided to carry him ; he himself being so
infirm (above eighty) to go, too unwieldy to ride, and no friend so
favourable as to purchase for him a more comely conveyance. To
Northampton jail he is sent ; where, soon after, he sickened, died,
and was buried in a neighbouring churchyard : and it is no hurt
to wish, that his bad opinions had been interred with him.
The tenets of Brownists daily increasing, their books were prohi-
bited by the queen's authority. Notwithstanding which prohibition,
Vol. III. F
6^ CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1584.
some presumed to disperse the same, and paid dearly for their
contempt therein. For, Elias Thacker* was hanged on the fourth,
and John Coping on the sixth of June, at the same place, St.
EdmundVBury, and for the same offence, — the scattering such schis-
matical pamphlets.
8. Whitgift succeedeth Grindal.
John Whitgift, succeeding in the archbishopric, September 24th,
found it much surcharged in the valuation, and impaired in the
revenues, through the negligence of his predecessor, who would
pay willingly what they asked of him, and take contentedly what
any tendered to him. First, therefore, Whitgiftf procured an
order out of the exchequer, for the abatement of an hundred pounds
for him and his successors in the payment of his first-fruits. After-
wards he encountered no meaner man than that gi-eat courtier,
soldier, and Privy Counsellor, Sir James Crofts ; or rather he
legally contested with the queen in him, and recovered from both,
Long Beachwood,! in Kent, (containing above a thousand acres of
land,) detained from his predecessor under colour of a lease from
her majesty.
9. Death of Sanders.
This year Nicholas Sanders § (more truly Slanders) had in Ireland
a woful end of his wretched life. He was born in Surrey, bred
first in Winchester, then in New College in Oxford, where he was
king's professor of canon law ; but afterwards banishing himself,
fled to Rome, there made priest, and doctor of divinity. He accom-
panied cardinal Hosius to the Council of Trent ; and there is said,
by disputing and declaiming, to have gained himself great reputa-
tion. At last he was sent over, pope's nuncio into Ireland, con-
ceived then a desperate employment, and therefore many catholics
regretted thereat. Yea, some were overheard to say, (but it is
Pitzseus, Sanders's own sister's son, who reports it,) || " Why does his
Holiness send our Sanders into Ireland ? We value him more
than all Ireland is worth." There, amongst the bogs and moun-
tains was he starved to death ; justly famished for want of food,
who formerly had surfeited on improbable lies, by him first forged,
on the nativity of queen Elizabeth.
10. Lewes burned at Norwich.
We must not forget, how, this year, one John Lewes was burned
at Norwich for denying the Godhead of Christ, and holding other
detestable heresies. He called himself Abdoit,^ (let him tell you
• Stow's " Chronicle," page 697. + Sir George Pall in his Life, page 28.
J Idem, page 29. 'j Camden's Elizabetfm in hoc anno. \\ Be Scriptoribus
jinglican. cctate 16, page 773. ^ Stow's " Chronicle," page 69/.
27 ELIZ.ABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 67
what he meant thereby,) alluding therein to the promise of " a new
name which no man knowethbut him that receiveth it,'' Rev. ii. 17;
having in it a little mock Hebrew, to make himself the more
remarkable.
11, 12. Popish Libels. The Queen s eminent Mercy. J. D. 1584.
Now, so great was the malice of the Jesuits against her majesty,
that at this time they set forth many slanderous libels, stirring up
her subjects and servants to do the same to her as Judith did to
Holofernes.* One of their principal pamphlets was entitled, " A
Treatise of Schism." The suspicion of making it fell on Gregory
Martin ; one probable enough for such a prank, (as being Divinity-
Professor in Rheims,) did not his epitaph there insure me he was
dead and buried, two years before.-j* Though it is possible, his
posthume work might be born abroad, after the death of the author
thereof. But, whoever made it, AVilliam Carter, the stationer,
paid dearly for publishing it, being executed at Tyburn. And in
the next month five seminaries, John Fen, George Haddock, John
Munden, John Nutter, and Thomas Hemmerford, were hanged,
bowelled, and quartered for treason, at Tybuni ; and many others,
about the same time, executed in other places.
Yet, even in the midst of this necessary severity, her majesty was
most merciful unto many popish malefactors, whose lives stood for-
feited to the laws, in the rigoiu- thereof. For, no fewer than seventy
priests, some of them actually condemned to die, all legally
deserving death, were, by one act of grace, pardoned, and sent over
beyond sea. Amongst these were — ]. Gaspar Heywood, son to
that eminent epigrammatist, the first Jesuit that &ver set foot in
England-! 2. James Bosgrave. 3. John Hart, a learned man,
zealous to dispute — not dangerous to practise — for his religion. 4.
Edward Rishton, ungrateful wretch, who afterwards railed in print
on the queen, who gave him his life. Her majesty's mercy herein
was the more remarkable, because done at a time when treasons
against her person (by Arden, Summerfield, Throgmorton, &c.)
did follow, or, rather, tread one on another. If hereafter the edge
of justice fall sharper on Jesuits, let them thank their own treachery,
which whetted it against themselves.
13,14. Two fyuitless Conferences. Subscription severely pressed.
This year two conferences or disputations were kept, (the last at
Lambeth,) about the discipline and ceremonies of the church. 1.
Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury, Sandys of York, and Cooper
• Camden's Elizabetha in hoc anno. t Pitz.'EUS De Scriptoi-ibus Anglic, page
782. X Camden's Elizabetha, 1584.
f2
68 CHUEXH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1584.
of Winchester, for the same. 2. Unconforming ministers (whose
names I cannot certainly attain) against it. S. The lords of her
majesty's Privy Council, and some other persons of honour, auditors
thereof. This conference effected nothing on the disputants, (as to the
altering of their opinions,) little on the auditors, but as much on all as
any judicious person ever expected. What Elijah said passionately,
" I am not better than my fathers," 1 Kings xix. 4, may be soberly
said of this conference : It was no happier than any of its ancestors,
which went before it. Let me add also, and no unhappier than its
successors that shall come after it ; it being observed, that meetings
of this nature, before or after this time, never produced any great
matter on persons present thereat, who generally carry away the same
judgment they brought with them. And yet the lords were pleased
to say, their judgments were satisfied in the point on the bishops'*
behalf: not conceiving their adversaries' arguments so slight and
trivial as now they appeared. This was in some of them but a
court-compliment, who afterwards secretly acted against the arch-
bishop, in favour of the other party.
Whitgift, finding this first way unsuccessful, fell from other reasoning
to aflat argumentfrom authority, enjoining all admitted to the ecclesias-
tical orders and benefices, the subscription of the following articles:—
1. That the queen had supreme authority over all persons born
within her dominions, of what condition soever they were ; and that
no other prince, prelate, or potentate, hath or ought to have, any
jurisdiction, civil or ecclesiastical, within her realms or dominions.
2. That the Book of Common-Prayer, and the ordination of
bishops, priests, and deacons, containeth nothing contrary to the
word of God, but may lawfully be used, and that they will use that,
and none other.
3. That the Articles of Religion, agreed in the synod holden at
London, in the year of our Lord 1562, and published by the queen's
authority, they did allow of, and believe them to be consonant to the
word of God.
The severe enforcing of subscription hereunto, what great dis-
turbance it occasioned in the church, shall hereafter, by God's
assistance, be made to appear ; leaving others to judge whether the
offence was given or taken thereby.
15 — ^20. The Rhemish Translation comes forth. Cartwright
invited to answer it. Whitgift stoppeth his Book. Dr.
Fulke first effected it. A Promise never performed. Con-
fidence of many at last deceived.
Now came forth the Rhemish translation of the New Testament ;
a translation which needeth to be translated, neither good Greek,
27 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX CENT. XVI. 69
Latin, nor English, as every where bespeckled with hard words,
(pretended not renderable in English without abatement of some
expressiveness,) which transcend common capacities. Besides, it is
taxed by our divines as guilty of abominable errors therein. It was
printed in large paper, with a fair letter and margin ; all which I
have charity enough to impute to their desire to do it for the more
dignity of God's word ; whilst others interpret it, that thereby
purposely they enhanced the price, to put it past the power of poor
men's purses to purchase it. Another accident raised the dearness
thereof, because, so many books being seized on by the queen's
searchers, the whole price of the edition fell the more heavy on the
remainder. But, suppose a poor lay catholic so rich, through his
industry, as secretly to purchase one of these Rhemish Testaments,
he durst not avouch the reading thereof without the permission of
his superiors licensing him thereunto.
Secretary Walsingham, by his letters, solicited Mr. Thomas
Cartwright to undertake the refuting of this Rhemish translation ;
and, the better to enable him for the work, sent him an hundred
pounds out of his own purse :* a bountiful gift for one who was,
though a great statesman, a man of small estate, contracting honour-
able poverty on himself by his expense on the public, f as dying
not so engaged to his private creditors, as the whole church and
state was indebted to his endeavours. Walsingham's letters to
Cartwright were seconded by another from the doctors and heads of
houses (and Dr. Fulke amongst the rest) at Cambridge, beside the
importunity of the ministers of London and Suffolk, soliciting him
to the same purpose. Hereupon Cartwright buckled himself to the
employment, and was very forward in the pursuance thereof.
No sooner had Whilgift gotten notice what Cartwright was
a-writing, but presently he prohibited his farther proceeding therein.
It seems, Walsingham was secretary of state, not of religion, wherein
the archbishop overpowered him. Many commended his care, not
to intrust the defence of the doctrine of England to a pen so disaf-
fected to the discipline thereof. Others blamed his jealousy, to
deprive the church of so learned pains of him whose judgment would
so solidly, and affections so zealously, confute the public adversary.
Distasteful passages, (shooting at Rome, but glancing at Canter-
bury,) if any such were found in his book, might be expunged ;
whilst it was pity so good fruit should be blasted in the bud for
some bad leaves about it. Disheartened hereat, Cartwright desisted;
but, some years after, encouraged by an honourable lord, resumed
the work ; but, prevented by death, perfected no further than the
fifteenth chapter of the Revelation. Many years lay this worthy
* See the preface to CartM-right's book. f Camden's " Elizabeth," anno 1590,
70 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1585.
work neglected, and the copy thereof mouse-eaten in part, whence
the printer excused some defects therein in his edition ; which,
thougli late, yet at last came forth, anno 1618; a book which, not-
withstanding the foresaid defects, is so complete, that the Rhemists
durst never return the least answer thereunto.
Mean time, whilst Cartwright's refutation of the Rhemish was
thus retarded. Dr. William Fulke, master of Pembroke-Hall, in
Cambridge, entered the list against them ; judiciously and learnedly
performing his undertaking therein. His daughter, and (as I take it)
the only survivor of his children, lately set forth the fourth and fairest
edition of this his confutation, and dedicated it to king Charles.
The Rhemists profess, in their preface to the New Testament,
that "the Old Testament also lieth by them, for lack of good
means to publish the whole in such sort, as a work of so great charge
and importance requireth ; " which seemeth strange to a judicious
consideration. For had a voluminous legend of saints^ lives, with
pictures as costly as superstitious, been to be set forth, a mass, a
mint, a mine of money could easily be advanced to defray the
expenses thereof. Thus papists can be poor or rich, as they please
themselves. Some behold this their promise to set forth the Old
Testament, as not really intended, but given out to raise men's ex-
pectations; which in process of time would fall of itself, and the proffer
by degrees be forgotten. Others interpret their resolutions real, but
purposely revoked, seeing the ill success of their New Testament,
so canvassed and confuted by the protestant divines. Perceiving that
their small pinnace, which they first set forth, met at sea with such
boisterous weather, wisely they would not adventure a greater vessel
after it ; but rather left it to rot on the dock, than they would launch
it forth in such danger. A third sort behold this their promise as a
modest and mannerly, alias a crafty and cunning, begging of a con-
tribution of the catholic party for settmg-forth of the same, which
never as yet came into public view. Yea, the Old Testament,
some said, would be old indeed, before the translation thereof in
English were by them set forth ; insomuch that some conceived a
lease of land, till this their promise be performed, almost as good as
the fee-simple thereof.
But now though men were so generally confident, that these long-
expected Rhemish notes on the Old Testament would not come
forth till the Greek Calends, they have since found themselves
deceived, seeing, some twenty years after, that long-looked-for work
crept forth into the world, little notice being taken thereof by the
protestants ; partly, because no great eminency therein to entitle it
to their perusal ; partly, because that moiety of the Bible is of least
concernment in the controversies betwixt us and the church of Rome.
28 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 71
21. The Death of George Ether edge.
I find not this year the death of any eminent English protestant
divine. Amongst the papists, George Etheredge departed this life,
much lamented by those of his own persuasion. He was bachelor
of physic in Corpus-Christi College in Oxford, and king's Professor
of Greek in that university ; which place he quitted at the coming-
in of queen Elizabeth, and betook himself there to a private life.
His house was an hospital to relieve those of his own religion, on
whom he expended his estate. He was one of the primitive catho-
lics, saith my author,* persecuted for his conscience. As he started
soon, he ran long in the race of patience, used to all the jails in
Oxford and London, for thirty years together ; insomuch that he
professed, that the variety of prisons was some pleasure, and the
custom of durance had made fetters to be freedom unto him.
22. Mr. Rogers writeth on our Articles. A.D. 1585.
This year came forth the exposition of Mr. Thomas Rogers, on
the Articles of the church of England ; which at first met not with
that welcome entertainment which seemed due to his endeavours.
For, beside the two extremes, papists and schismatics, highly
enraged, many protestants of a middle temper were much offended
thereat. Some conceived it presumption for any private minister to
make himself the mouth of the church, to render her sense in
matters of so high concernment. Others were offended, that his
interpretation confined the charitable latitude, formerly allowed in
those Articles. The composers whereof, providentially foreseeing
that doctrinal differences would inevitably arise, in so large a church
as England was, even betwixt protestants agreeing, in fundamentals
of religion, purposely couched the Articles in general terms, not
that falsehood should take shelter under the coveit thereof, but to
include all such dissenters within the comprehensiveness of the
expressions. Whereas now Mr. Rogerss restrictive comment shut
out such from their concurrence with the church of England, which
the discreet laxity of the text admitted thereunto. However, the
worth of the work, in some years, wrought itself into good esteem,
as dedicated to and countenanced by the archbishop, though the
author thereof never got any higher preferment.
23. Three great Corporations now on Foot together.
Three great societies at this time in London were busily employed,
the tv/o former of them avouched by law, and the third avouching
itself: namely, —
* PiTZ-iiUS Dc ^hujlic. Scriploribux, page 785.
72 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1585.
The Parliament. — Begun and holden at Westminster, the
twenty-third day of November last ; and there continued till the
twenty-ninth of March following ; wherein the statute against Jesuits
and priests departing out and not coming into the realm, was made,
with penalty for the relieving them.
The Convocation. — Kept in St. PauFs, London, beginning
with a most learned Latin sermon,* preached by John Capcotes,
doctor of divinity, (afterwards master of Benet College in Cambridge,)
taking for his text, Prcecipio tihi coram Deo, &c. 1 Tim. vi. 13.
Hence the Convocation was removed to the collegiate church of St-
Peter's in Westminster, where Dr. Goodman, dean thereof, made a
solemn protestation with his fellow-prebends, that the said meeting
ought not to be prejudicial to the privileges of his church. His pro-
testation was accepted, and assurance given that the said Convoca-
tion met not there in any manner to infringe their immunities, but
only for the maturation of business with the more expedition through
the conveniency of the place. William Redman, doctor of divinity,
archdeacon of Canterbury, was chosen and presented Prolocutor.
The Assembly of Ministers. — The certain place of their
convening not known, being clandestine, arbitrary, and changeable,
as advised by their conveniences. They are better discovered by
their moving than by their meeting, and their practices more conspi-
cuous than their places. Some agents for them were all day at the
door of the parliament-house, and some part of the night in the
chambers of parliament-men, effectually soliciting their business with
them.
24. The Archbishop, afraid of Alteration in Church-Discipline,
writes to the Queen.
Wonder not if archbishop Whitgift repaired seldom to — and
resided but a short time in — the Convocation, having other work to
do in the Parliament ; where what impression was made by the agents
of the ministers, will appear by his ensuing letter to her majesty.
to the queen's most excellent majesty.
'* May it please your majesty to be advertised, that, notwith-
standing the charge of late given by your Highness to the Lower
House of Parliament for dealing in causes of the church ; albeit also,
according to your majesty's good liking, we have set down orders for
the admitting of meet men into the ministry hereafter ; yet have they
passed a Bill in that House yesterday, touching the matter, which,
beside other great inconveniences, (as, namely, the trial of the minis-
Fenusta et eloqucns concio, saitli the Register of Canterbury, out of which I tran-
Fcribed it.
28 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 7$
ters"* sufficiency by twelve laymen, and such like,) hath this also, that
if it pass by Parliament, it cannot hereafter but in Parliament
be altered, what necessity soever shall urge thereunto ; which I am
persuaded in short time will appear, considering the multitude of
livings, not fit for men so qualified, by reason of the smallness thereof:
whereas if it pass but as a canon from us, by your majesty's authority,
it may be observed or altered at your pleasure. They have also
passed a Bill giving liberty to marry at all times of the year, without
restraint, contrary to the old canons, continually observed amongst
us ; and containing matter which tendeth to the slander of this
church, as having hitherto maintained an error. There is likewise
now in hand in the same House, a Bill concerning ecclesiastical
courts, and visitations by bishops, which may reach to the overthrow
of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and study of the civil laws. The pre-
tence of the Bill is against excessive fees, and exactions in ecclesias-
tical courts, which fees are none other than have been of long time
accustomed to be taken ; the law already established providing a
sharp and severe punishment for such as shall exceed the same ;
beside an order also which we at this present have taken amongst
ourselves for the better performance thereof. I therefore most
humbly beseech your majesty to continue your gracious goodness
towards us, who with all humility submit ourselves to your Highness,
and cease not daily to pray for your happy estate, and long and
prosperous reign over us.
" Your majesty's chaplain and daily orator most bounden,
"JOHN CANTUAR.*
'' March 2mr
Thus, the old year (on the last day whereof this letter was dated)
ended sadly and suspiciously with the prelates ; but the next year
began cheerfully, and presented good tidings unto them.
25, 26. Her Majesty will alter Nothing material to Church-
Government. Parliament dissolved.
For the queen to verify her motto, semper eadem, and to disprove
that inconstancy generally charged on her sex, acquitted herself more
than woman in her masculine resolutions ; and nothing of moment
was altered in church- discipline. Many things, indeed, were oiFered
to both Houses, debated, agitated, and (as it seems) passed the
Commons; but nothing in fine was effected. Thus the Major
may propound what it pleaseth, and the Minor assume what it
listeth ; but no conclusive argument could then be framed without
• Out of bishop Whitgift's manuscripts of his own letters, afterwards in Sir Pelei
^lanwood'^ and since in my own possession.
74 CHURCH HISTORY OF BUITAIN. A.D. 1585.
the Ergo of the royal assent, which the queen refused to affix to any
material alteration.
And, few days after, March 29th, the session of the Parliament
for the present broke off, wherewith ended the assembly of the
ministers. And now all of them had leave to depart to their own
homes : otherwise, such members thereof as formerly went away
without leave were obnoxious to censure. Witness one of them in
his ingenious confession : " Touching my departure from that holy
assembly without leave, &c. I crave pardon both of you and them,
&c. And thus commending this holy cause to the Lord himself, and
your godly Council to the president thereof, I take my leave."'*
27, 28. John Hilton in Convocation abjureth his heretical
Opinions. Penance imposed upon him.
The next day, March 30th, the Convocation ended, having effected
nothing of moment, save that in the ninth session thereof, John
Hilton, priest, made a solemn abjuration of his blasphemous heresies,
according to the tenor ensuing : —
" I?i Dei nomine. Amen ! — Before you, most reverend father in
God, lord John archbishop of Canterbury, primate and metropolitan
of all England, and the reverend fathers in God the bishops of this
your province of Canterbury, here congregated and assembled
together in this holy Synod and Convocation, I, John Hilton, priest,
of my pure heart and free will, voluntarily and sincerely, knowledge,
confess, and openly recognise, that, in times past, I thought, believed,
said, held, and presumptuously , affirmed and preached the errors,
heresies, blasphemies, and damnable opinions following,^"* &c."f*
Here he distinctly read a schedule containing his heresies, (which
what they were may be collected by that which ensueth,) and then
proceeded as followeth : —
" Wherefore I, the said John Hilton, detesting and abhorring all
and every such my said heresies, blasphemies, and damned opinions ;
willing, and with all my power affecting, hereafter firmly to believe
in the true and perfect faith of Christ and his holy church, purposing
to follow the doctrine of Christ and his holy apostles, with a pure and
free heart, voluntary mind, will, and intent, utterly forsake, relinquish,
renounce, and despise the said detestable errors, heresies, blasphemies,
and abominable opinions ; granting and confessing,
" That the blessed Trinity consisteth in three distinct persons,
and one Godhead ; as God the Father, God the Son, and God the
Holy Ghost, co-equal in power and might.
• Mr. Gelibrand to Mr. Field, cited b}' Bishop Bancroft in his " Dangeroxis Posi-
tions," page 75. t Tlxisi was by nie fuithfully transcribed out of the records of Can-
terbury.
28 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. J5
" Secondly. That Jesus Christ is both God and man, and my
Saviour and Redeemer, and of all other baptized and believing in
him ; who, of his Father, of his own substance, in his humanity,
was conceived by the Holy Ghost, incarnate, and for our redemption,
being very God, became man.
" And that by the death of Jesus Christ we be not only made
partakers of his Testament, and so deduced to the knowledge of his
godly will and power, but also that we have full redemption and
remission of our sins in his blood.
" And where I did most ungodly, detestably, and blasphemously
affirm, that the Old and New Testaments were fables ; now, being
most sorry for that abominable and damnable assertion, I do most
humbly and * believe the same Testaments to contain all
truths necessary to salvation, and that I and all others are bound to
believe the same, as the undoubted word of God, and that without
that I cannot be saved.
" And therefore the said errors, blasphemies, and all other heresies,
false doctrines, and damned opinions in general, contrary and repug-
nant to the faith of Christ, I utterly abjure, forsake, and purely
renounce, before you, most reverend father in God, and the rest of
this holy synod here assembled. And moreover, I swear by this
holy Evangelist, by me here bodily touched, that from henceforth I
shall never hold, teach, believe, or affirm the said errors, heresies,
blasphemies, or damned opinions, or any other against, contrary, or
repugnant to the holy faith of Christ's church. Nor yet shall I, by
myself or any other person, privately or apertly defend, maintain,
succour, favour, or support any person that to my knowledge holdeth,
believeth, affirmeth, or teacheth any such heresies, errors, or damned
opinions. So help me God, and these holy evangelists. In witness
whereof to this ray present abjuration and renunciation, I have, with
my own hand, voluntarily subscribed my proper name.
"JOHN HILTON."
Upon this his abjuration, penance was imposed on him. First, that
he should attend at Paul's Cross upon the preacher, Sunday next,
all the time of the sermon, and there penitently stand before, the
said preacher, with a faggot on his shoulders. Secondly. That he
should not preach, minister sacraments, nor exercise any ecclesiastical
function in the church, except specially licensed by the archbishop
thereunto. Thirdly. That he should recant the said heresies and
damnable opinions, in the church of St. Martin's -in-the-Fields, at a
sermon there to be made by the archdeacon, and there to show him-
self very penitent. I find in the records a recognizance of five hun-
* Here the record is so ill written, that this word is not legible.
76 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1585.
dred pounds drawn up to the queen, whereby the said Hilton bound
himself for the performance hereof; but, because the rude draught
of the bond is crossed, I conceive it not insisted on, and, finding
nothing to the contrary, presume the aforesaid penance by him
exactly performed.
29. Exchange of important Letters betwixt the Earl of Leicester
and the Archbishop.
The ministers or brethren, now missing their mark, abated much of
their former activity, insomuch as that Mr. Cartwright, whom I con-
jecture the president mentioned in the last assembly, began to make,
by the mediation of the earl of Leicester, (who now designed him
master of his new-built hospital in Warwick,) compliance with
Whitgift, though the wary archbishop, not over-fond of his friend-
ship, kept him at distance, as these two letters, here inserted, will
sufficiently inform us.
*'My good Lord,
"I MOST heartily thank you for your favourable and courteous
usage of Mr. Cartwright ; who hath so exceeding kindly taken it
also, as I assure your Grace he cannot speak enough of it. I trust
it shall do a great deal of good ; and he protesteth and professeth to
me to take no other course, but to the drawing of all men to the
unity of the church, and that your Grace hath so dealt with him
as no man shall so command him and dispose of him as you shall ;
and doth mean to let his opinion publicly be known even in the pul-
pit, if your Grace so permit him, what he himself will and would all
others should do for obedience to the laws established ; and if any
little scruple be, it is not great, and easy to be reformed by your
Grace, whom I do most heartily entreat to continue your favour and
countenance towards him, with such access, sometimes, as your leisure
may permit. For I perceive he doth much desire and crave it. I
am to thank your Grace also very heartily for Mr. Fenn ; albeit, I
understand he is something more opinionate than I wish him. But
I trust he will also yield to all reasons : and I mean to deal with the
bishop of Coventry and Lichfield to make some trial of him : for
surely he is an honest man. Thus, my good lord, praying to God
to bless his church, and to make his servants constant and faithful,
1 bid your Grace farewell.
" At the Court, this 14th of July,
" Your Grace's very assured friend,
"R. LEICESTER."*
• Taken out of the mamiscript of bishop Whitgift's letters, belonging to Sii- Peter
Manwood, and sincf;? in my possession.
28 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 77
"My singular good Lord,
"Master Cartwright shall be welcome to me at all
times ; and, using himself quietly as becometh him, and as I hope
he will, he shall find me willing to do him any good. But to grant
unto him, as yet, my license to preach, without longer trial, I can-
not ; especially seeing he protesteth himself to be of the same mind
he was at the writing of his book, for the matter thereof, though not
for the manner. Myself also, I thank God, not altered in any point
by me set down to the contrary ; and knowing many things to be
very dangerous ; wherefore, notwithstanding I am content, and
ready to be at peace with him, so long as he liveth peaceably, yet
doth my conscience and duty forbid me to give unto him any fur-
ther public approbation, until I be better persuaded of his confor-
mity. And so, being bold to use my accustomed plainness with
your lordship, I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God, this
17thof July, 1585.
"JOHN CANTUAR."
30. Seminaries enlarged and transported.
September 15th, seminaries and priests to the number of
thirty-two, late prisoners in the Tower, Marshalsea, King's Bench,
and other places, were pardoned, enlarged, and transported over
into Normandy, though occasionally they were forced to land at
Boulogne.
31. The Earl of Leicester sent as Commander into the Low
Countries.
December 8th, the earl of Leicester, who hitherto had done but
little good in England, went now over to do less in the Low Coun-
tries, commanding a great army and name, with the illustrious title
of "general of the auxiliaries of the queen of England." He was
not so much pleased with his place there, but that some of his back-
friends were as much delighted with his room here. Mean time the
ministers lost the best stake in their hedge, in his absence their
patron paramount. For, though by letters he might solicit their
cause, yet the greatest strength is not so extensive but to have the
virtue thereof abated at such a distance ; and afterwards it fared
worse with the ministers when Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury,
February 2nd, was sworii of the Privy Council, (an honour which
his predecessor Grindal never obtained, yea, never desired,) by the
procurement (as it is believed) of the lord Burleigh.
32. The Liturgy supported by its Opposers.
Now for the present, I will trouble the reader no longer with these
brawls about discipline, only one story must not be omitted, though it
78 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1585.
be fathered rather on public report, than fixed on any particular author
in those days avowing the same. Some complained against the
liturgy to the lord Burleigh, of whom he demanded, whether they
desired the taking away thereof. They answered, "" No. But only
the amendment of what was offensive therein."" He required them
to make a better, such as they would have settled in the stead
thereof. Whereupon the first classis framed a new one, somcAvhat
according to the form of Geneva. The second classis, disliking it,
altered it in six hundred particulars.* The third quarrelled at these
alterations, and resolved on a new model. The fourth classis dis-
sented from the former. Thus because they could not agree amongst
themselves, that wise statesman put them off for the present, until
they should present him a pattern with a perfect consent.
33. Accusations not to be believed in full Latitude.
Three protestant bishops this year exchanged this life for another.
The first was Richard Curteys, (some time fellow of St. John's in
Cambridge.) bishop of Chichester. The second, Nicholas Robinson,
bishop of Bangor, and John Scory, bishop of Hereford. Of the two
former we have not enough to furnish out their character. Of the
latter too much, if all be true which I find charged upon him. Sure
I am, he began very well, being an exile and confessor in the days
of queen Mary ; but is accused afterwards to be so guilty of oppres-
sions, extortions, and simonies, that a Bill was put up against him
in the Star-chamber, containing matter enough not only to disgrace
but degrade him, if prosecuted. But he bought out his innocence
with his money. Here know, that our author, -[- though a person of
wit and worship, deriveth his intelligence from a French writer dis-
affected in religion, and therefore not to be believed in full latitude,
when calling him Scoria or " Dross,"' in allusion to his name ; but
as all is not gold that glisters, all is not dross, reputed so by our
popish adversaries.
34 — 38, The Death of John Fecke^iham. His Courtesy to
Protestants ; made Abbot of Westminster. Queen Eliza-
beth sendeth for him^ and proffers him Preferment ; kindly
used in Restraint.
The same year also John Feckenham, late abbot of Wesminster,
ended his life ; whereon we must enlarge ourselves, if not for his, for
history's sake, seeing he was a landmark therein ; his personal expe-
rience being a chronicle, who, like the axletree, stood firm and fixed
• See " the View of the Dh-ectory," printed at Oxford, 1G4G. t SlR John
Haukincton in his character of the bishop, page 131.
28 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. " 79
in his own judgment, whilst the times, like the wheels, turned back-
wards and forwards round about him. He was born in Worcester-
shire, in the forest of Feckenham, (whence he fetched his name,)
bred a Benedictine monk in the abbey of Evesham, where he sub-
scribed with the rest of his Order to the resio-nation of that house
into the hands of king Henry VIII. Afterwards he studied in
Oxford, then applied himself first to Bell, bishop of Worcester, and
after his death to Bonner, of London, where he crossed the proverb,
'' Like master, like man," the patron being cruel, the chaplain
kind, to such who in judgment dissented from him. He never dis-
sembled his religion, being a zealous papist, and under king Edward
VI. suffered much for his conscience.
In the reign of queen Mary, he w^as wholly employed in doing
good offices for the afflicted protestants, from the highest to the
lowest. The earl of Bedford, and (who afterwards were) of War-
wick and Leicester, tasted of his kindness : so did Sir John Cheke,
yea, and the lady Elizabeth herself; so interposing his interest with
queen Mary for her enlargement, that he incurred her Grace's dis-
pleasure. Hence it is that papists complain, that in the reign of
queen Elizabeth he reaped not a crop of courtesy proportionable to
his large seed thereof in the days of queen Mary.
Queen Mary afterwards preferred him from being dean of PauFs to
be abbot of Westminster ; which church she erected and endowed for
Benedictine monks, of which Order fourteen only could be found in
England, then extant since their dissolution, which were unmarried,
unpreferred to cures, and unaltered in their opinions.* These also
were brought in with some difficulty at first and opposition, for the
prebendaries of Westminster, legally settled in their places, would
not resign them, till cardinal Pole, partly by compulsion, partly by
compensation, obtained their removal.
Queen Elizabeth, coming to the crown, sent for abbot Feckenham
to come to her, whom the messenger found setting of elms in the
orchard of Westminster abbey. But he would not follow the
messenger till first he had finished his plantation, which his friends
impute to his soul employed in mystical meditations,"!- — that as the
trees he there set should spring and sprout many years after his
decease, so his new plantation of Benedictine monks in Westminster
should take root and flourish, in defiance of all opposition ; which
is but a bold conjecture of others at his thouglits. Sure I am, those
monks long since are extirpated ; but how his trees thrive at this
day, is to me unknown. Coming afterwards to the queen, what
discourse passed betwixt them, they themselves knew alone. Some
• Sanders De Schismate Angliccmo, in the reign of c^ueen Mary. t Reinerius
in ylpost. Bened. page 235.
80 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1585.
have confidently guessed she proffered him the archbishopric of
Canterbury, on condition he would conform to her laws ; which he
utterly refused.
In the treaty between the protestants and papists, primo Eliza-
bethce^ he was present : but in what capacity, I cannot satisfy
myself : surely more than a disputant, (amongst whom he was not
named,) yet not so much as a moderator. And yet his judgment,
perchance because abbot, and so principal man in that place, was
asked with respect, and heard with reverence, his moderation being
much commended:* Now, although he was often confined, some-
times to the Tower, sometimes to friends'' houses, (and died, it
seems, at last in restraint in Wisbeach Castle,) yet generally he
found fair usage from the protestants. He built a conduit in Hol-
born, and a cross in Wisbeach, and relieved the poor wheresoever
he came. So that flies flock not thicker about spilt honey than
besfg'.'irs constantly crowded about him.
39- A Recruit of English Benedictines made after Fechenhams
Death,
Abbot Feckenham thus being dead, the English Benedictines
beyond the seas began to bestir themselves (as they were con-
cerned) about the continuation of their Order. We know some
maintain, that if any one species or kind of creatures be utterly
extinct, the whole universe, by sympathy therewith, and conscious-
ness of its own imperfection, will be dissolved. And the catholics
suspected what a sad consequence there would be, if this ancient
Order of English black monks should suffer a total and final defec-
tion. The best was, Unus homo nohls^ " there was one, and but
one, monk left ;'** namely, father Sigebert Buckley : and, therefore,
before his death, provision was made for others to succeed him, and
they (for fear of failing) disposed in several countries in manner
following : —
In Rome. — 1. Father Gregory Sayer ; 2. Father Thomas
Preston ; 3. Father Anselm of Manchester ; 4. Father Anthony
Martin, commonly called Athanasius.
In Valladolid in Spain. — 1. Father Austin St. John ; 2.
Father John Mervin ; 3. Father Mark Lambert ; 4. Father
Maurice Scot ; 5. Father George Gervis.-f-
From these nine new Benedictines the whole Order (which hung
formerly on a single string) was then replenished to a competent —
and since to a plentiful — number.
• Fox's "Acts and Monuments)." t Reinerius De Apost. Bened. page 24'2.
so ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 81
40 — 42. English Papists^ why they fell off from the Queen of
Scots unto the King of Spain^ pretending a Title to the
Crown of England.
Hitherto our English papists affectionately leaned (not to say,
fondly doted) on the queen of Scots, promising themselves great
matters from her towards the advancing of their religion. But now
they began to fall off in their affections ; partly, because beholding
her a confined person, unable to free herself, and more unlikely to
help others ; partly, because all catholics came off with loss of life
w^hich practised her enlargement. As for her son, the king of Scots,
from whom they expected a settlement of popery in that land, their
hopes were lately turned into despairs, who had his education on
contrary principles.
Whereupon hereafter they diverted their eyes from the north to
the west, expecting, contrary to the course of nature, that their sun
should rise therein, in magnifying the might of the king of Spain,
and his zeal to propagate the Roman Catholic faith. And this was
the practice of all Jesuits, to possess their English proselytes with
high opinions of the Spanish power, as the nation designed, by
Divine Providence, to work the restitution of their religion in
England.
In order hereunto, and to hearten their countrymen, some (for it
appears the result of several persons employed in the designing
and effecting thereof) drew up a title of the king of Spain to the
English crown, as much admired by their own party, as slighted by
the queen and her loyal subjects, for being full of falsehoods and
forgeries. Indeed, it is easy for any indifferent herald so to derive
a pedigree, as, in some seeming probability, to entitle any prince in
Christendom to any principality in Christendom ; but such will
shrink on serious examination. Yea, I believe queen Elizabeth
might pretend a better title to the kingdoms of Leon and Castile in
Spain, (as descended by the house of York, from Edmond earl of
Cambridge, and his lady, co-heir to king Peter,) than any claim
that the king of Spain could make out to the kingdom of England.
However, much mischief was done hereby, many papists paying
their good wishes where they were not due, and defrauding the
queen (their true creditor) of the allegiance belonging unto her.
43, 44. An Act without Precedent. Good Reason why the
Nonconformists were quiet.
Now did the queen summon a parliament ; wherein her majesty
appeared not in person, but passed over the presidentship of that
her great council unto John Whitgift archbishop of Canterbury,
William Cecil lord treasurer, and to the earl of Derby : a thing done
Vol. III. a
82 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1587.
without precedent, when the king at home and in health. But the
pleasure of so powerful a princess might create a leading case in
things of this nature.
Wonder not if the nonconformists were very quiet in this parlia-
ment ; beholding the archbishop, their great adversary, in so great
power and place. However, their activity in the next — will make
their party amends for their stillness in this — session.
45 — 47. The Death of Mary Queen of Scotland. Her Poetry,
Her Body removed to Westminster.
This year ended the doleful life of a distressed lady, — Mary queen
of Scots ; whose trial and death belongeth to the state-historian.
She was aged forty-six years, passing the last twenty in imprison-
ment : one of a sharp wit, undaunted spirit, comely person, beautiful
face, majestic presence ; one reason why queen Elizabeth declined
(what the other so much desired) a personal conference with her, as
unwilling to be either out-shone or even-shone in her own hemi-
sphere. For her morals, the belief of moderate men embraceth as
middle courts betwixt Buchanan aspersing, and Causinus's hyper-
bolical commending her, because zealous in his own religion.
She was an excellent poet, both Latin and English. Of the for-
mer I have read a distich made, and written by her own hand on a
pane of glass at Buxton- Wells :-^
Buxtona, guce calidce celebraris • nomine lymphtz
Forte mihi posthac non adeunda, Vale.
** Buxton, wlio dost witli waters warm excel,
By me, perchance, never more seen, Farewell."
And at Fotheringhay-Castle I have read, written by her in a window,
with a pointed diamond : —
" From the top of all my tnist,
Mishap hath laid me in the dust."
But her adversaries conceive, had she not been laid there, the
happiness of England had been prostrated in the same place. She was
buried in the choir of Peterborough ; and Dr. Wickham, bishop
of Lincoln, preached her funeral sermon ; causelessly carped at by
the Martin Mar-Prelate, as too favourable concerning her final cori-
dition, though he uttered nothing inconsistent with charity and
Christian discretion.
Some twenty years after, king James caused her corpse to be
solemnly removed from Peterborough to Westminster, where, in the
• So it is in the glass I had in my hand, though it be celebrubere in Camden's
Britannia in Derbyshire.
so ELIZABETH. LOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 83
south side of tlie cliapel of king Henry VII. lie erected a stately-
monument to her memory, and thereon this epitaph, wherein such
cannot but commend the piety of her son, who will not believe all
the praises of his mother : —
JD, 0. M.
Marice Stuartw, Scotorum regmcie^ Franciw dotarice^ Jqcohi V.
Scotorum regis filice^ et hwredis unicce Henrici VII. Ang. regis
ex Margaretd majori natu filia (Jacobi IIII regi Scotorum
matrimonio copulata) proneptis^ Edivardi IIII. Angliw regis ex
Elizabetha filiarum natu maxima ahneptis, Francisci II. Gallo-
rum regis conjugis^ coronw A?iglic^, dtim tixit, certw et indubitatm
hmredis^ et Jacobi Magnw Britannice monarchw potentissimi
matris.
Stirpe 'cere regid et afitiquissimd prognata erat, maximis totius
Europce principibus agnatione et cognatione conjuncta^ et exquisitissi-
mis animi et corporis dotibus et ornamentis cumulatissima. Verilm^
ut sunt varies rerum humanarum vices, postquam amios plus minus
viginti in custodid detenta, fortiter et strenue, (sed frustrd,) cum
malewlorum obtrectationibus, timidorum suspicionibus^ et inimi-
corum capitaUum insidiis conflictata esset ; tandem inaudito et infesto
regibus exemplo securi percutitur.
Et contempto mundo, devictd morte, lassato (nrnifice, Christo Ser-
tatori animce salutem, Jacobo filio spem regni et posteritatis, et
universis ccedis infaustoe spectatoribus exemplum patientice com-
mendans, pie et intrepide cermcem regiam securi maledictm subjecit^
et vitw caducm sortem cum ccelestis regni perennitate commutamt.
Beside this, there is a long inscription in verses, one distich whereof
I remember, because it is the same in effect with what was made of
Maud the empress.
ON MAUD.
Magna ortu, majorque viro, sed inaxiuia partUy
Hie jacet Henrici filiay sponsa, parens.
ON aUEEN MARY.
Magna viro, major natUy sed maxima partUy
Conditur hie regis Jiliay sponsay parens.
So that it is no disgrace for a queen to wear part of an epitaph at
the second-hand with some little alteration.
48, 49. A Design propounded^ and blasted hy the Queen.
About this time it was that some Privy Counsellors endeavoured
to persuade queen Elizabeth to raise and foment a difference betwixt
the pope and king of Spain, and to assist the former (not as pope,
but temporal prince) by her shipping to regain Naples, detained
Cr2
84 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1587.
from him by the Spanish king. They alleged the design advanta-
geous, to work a diversion of Spanish forces, and prevent an invasion
of her own land.
But her majesty would not listen to the motion to entertain com-
pliance in any capacity, on any conditions with the pope ; as dis-
honourable in herself, distasteful to the protectant princes; nor
would she touch pitch in jest, for fear of being defiled in earnest;
but crushed the design in the birth thereof.
50. Conformity to the Height.
A first onset was now made by the nonconformists against the
hierarchy ; though the more they opposed it, the more the queen
did countenance their persons and preserve their power ; insomuch
that she would not in Lent feed on any fish, (as forbidden by the
canons of the church,) until she had first attained a solemn license *
from the archbishop of Canterbury, and every year of her life
renewed the same.
51 , 52. The High-Commission Court. A memorable Story in
Geneva.
The power of the High Commission began now to extend far,
and penalties to fall heavy on offenders. Whereupon the favourers
of the nonconformists much opposed it in their printed books ;
some questioning the court as not warranted by law, others taxing
their proceedings, as exceeding their commission. But hear their
arguments on both sides : —
AGAINST THE HIGH COM- FOR THE HIGH COMMISSION.
MISSION.
It is pretended founded on the The words in the statute run
sisitvLte, prima Elizabetkce^^here- thus: "They shall have full
in the parliament empowered the power and authority by virtue of
queen by her letters patents to this Act, and of the letters patents
appoint commissioners to punish under your Highness, your heirs,
offenders in ecclesiastical causes, and successors, to exercise, use,
But no mention therein of tem- execute all the premisses accord-
poral penalties ; and therefore ing to the tenour and effect of
the commissioners are to confine the said letters patents, any
themselves to church-censures, matter or cause to the contrary
by excommunicating, &c. — ille- in any wise notwithstanding."
gaily inflicting any other punish- Now their letters patents enable
ments. them to attack, fine, or imprison,
^c. in doing whereof they are
* Camden's " Elizabeth :" manuscript shortly likely to be printed.
30 ELIZABETH.
BOOK IX. CENT. XVI.
85
Such commissioners proceed-
ing against offenders by attach-
ment^ fine^ or imprisonment^ are
contrary to the express words
of Charta Magna, providing,
that " no free man shall be taken
or imprisoned, or be disseised of
his freehold and liberty, and but
by the lawful judgment of his
peers, or of the law of the land."
Theirwhole Commission is void
in law ; because it beareth date
in July, but was not signed till
November next after, contrary
to the statute, which enjoineth,
that letters patents should be
dated the day of their delivery
into Chancery, or els^e they shall
be void.
sufficiently empowered by the
Commission.
When Charta Magna was
made, ecclesiastical jurisdiction,
though it was de jure^ it was not
de facto, in the king. Whereby
it plainly appears, that those
words related not to the ecclesi-
astical jurisdiction, but only to
crimes belonging to the common
law. But since the parliament
hath declared ecclesiastical juris-
diction in the queen, the eccle-
siastical persons might impose
such penalties, even to the con-
demning of their titles, though
never tried by a jury.
It appeareth by the preamble
of that statute, that the words
cannot be stretched to letters
patents of that nature, but be-
long only to such, — to private
persons, wherein grantees are un-
justly expelled out of their right,
by colour of letters patents bear-
ing an elder date.
But the most general exception against the High Commission was
this : that proceeding ex officio mero by way of inquiry against
such whom they pleased to suspect, they tendered unto them an
oath which was conceived unjust, that, in cases criminal, a party
should be forced to discover what might be penal to himself. The
lawfulness of which oath was learnedly canvassed with arguments
on both sides.
AGAINST THE OATH EX
OFFICIO.
The common laws have ever
rejected and impugned it ; never
put in ure by any civil magistrate
in the land, but as it is corruptly
crept in amongst other abuses by
the sinister practices and pre-
tences of the Romish prelates
and clergymen. And where loss
FOR THE OATH EX OFFICIO.
It is true, to give this oath to
the defendant in causes of life
and death, is contrary to the jus-
tice of the land. But where life
or -limb is not concerned, it is
usually tendered in Chancery,
Court of Requests, Council of
Marches, and Council in the
86
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN.
A. D. 1587.
of life, liberty, or good name,
may ensue, the common law hath
forbidden such oath.
It is contrary to the fundamen-
tal law of liberty — Nemo tenetiir
' mtm prodere.
It appeareth by the lord Dyer^s
book, that one Hynde, called be-
fore the commissioners ecclesias-
tical for usury, refused to swear ;
whereupon he was committed.
But upon an information in the
Common Pleas, he had a corpus
cum causa., to remove him ; so
(as it scemeth) the judges were
then of opinion, that the com-
missioners could not give him
such an oath.
North, yea, in other Courts of
Record at Westminster; where
the judges (time out of mind)
by corporal oath did examine any
person, whom (in discretion) they
suspected to have dealt lewdly
about any writ, return, entry of
rule, pleading, or any such like
matter, not being capital.
It is granted, but withal pro-
ditusperdenunciationem^famam^
(Sfc. tmetur seipsum ostendere.
Some faults are simply secret, no
way bruited or published abroad ;
in which cases the person guilty
is not bound to make confession
thereof, though urged on his oath,
to any officer civil or ecclesiasti-
cal. But if once discovery be made
by presentment, denunciation,
fame, &c. according to law, then
is not the fault merely secret, but
revealed (in some sort) to the
magistrate, or abroad ; who, for
avoiding scandal to Christian re-
ligion, and reformation of the
party, may thus inquire of the
offence, to see it redressed and
punished.
There is no such report in the
lord Dyer: all that is extant is only
this marginal note, upon Skroggs's
case in Michaelmas term, 18th
of Elizabeth : Simile M. \^ fol.
per Hynde^ qui noluit jurare
coram justiciariis ecclesiasticis,
super articu OS pro usurd. Which
seems added by some unskilful
person ; it being improbable so
learned a judge would have
termed the commissioners justi-
ciarios ecclesiasticos. Besides,
this cause of Hynde can no
where else be found.
so ELIZABETH.
BOOK IX. CENT. XVI.
87:
Though such proceedings ex
officio were practised by the
popish prelates against the saints
and servants of God, yet it was
never used by protestants in their
ecclesiastical censures.
The justice of the land de-
testeth that the judge should
himself be an accuser. For by
law no man may be accuser and
witness, indicter and juror; there-
fore, much less judge and accu-
ser; whicli, notwithstanding, he
is that tendereth the oath ex
officio.
Even the Heathen Romans
were so Christian, that by ancient
custom no vestal virgin or fla-
men of Jupiter was restrained to
swear ; § whereof Plutarch || ren-
dereth three reasons. First. Be-
cause an oath is a kind of torture
to a free man. Secondly. It is
absurd in smaller matters not to
credit their words xclio^ in higher
matters touching God, are be-
lieved. Thirdly. An oath, in
case they were forsworn, draweth
a curse on them, a detestable
omination towards the priests of
God. And why may not as
much be allowed to the true mi-
nisters of the Gospel?
* Fox's '' Acts and Moniiments," folio 1512
folio 1536. § GfiLLius, lib. x. cap. 15.
Certain commissioners, — where-
of some bishops, some Privy
Counsellors, some civilians, and
some judges and common law-
yers,— in the reign of king Ed-
ward VI. charged bishop Bonner
with a corporal oath, ex officio,^
to answer to questions ministered
unto him ; and for refusal he was
pronounced contumacious.-]" The
like oath, in matter criminal and
penal, was tendered to Stephen
Gardiner,J as appeareth by the
sentence of his deprivation of the
bishopric of Winchester.
The laws civil and ecclesiastical
hold not the ]\i^gt proceeding of
office to be an accuser ; but that
whereupon the inquiry is ground-
ed to represent the accusation.
By the granting of this pecu-
liar privilege to these persons it
plainly appeareth, that all others
might by magistrates be put to
their oaths. Besides, such were
superstitiously freed from swear-
ing absolutely, and not only in
matters criminal, here contro-
verted ; an unreasonable immu-
nity, which none will challenge
to themselves.
t Ibid. foUo 1516. X Ibid.
Plutarch's " Problems," 43.
88
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN.
A.D. 1587.
The Scripture, which ought to
be the rule of our actions, affords
neither precepts nor precedent of
such proceedings, where witnesses
were produced, and the accusers
brought face to face.
It is not necessary that a posi-
tive or affirmative warrant be cited
out of Scripture for all our prac-
tices : sufficeth it that may be
done which is not contrary to
God's word, and conformable to
the politic laws of the land.
Yet have we some footsteps of
inquiry in the Judaical law. When
one was found secretly murdered
in the field, and the murderer
neither known nor suspected, the
elders of the next city (of whose
guiltiness there was no detection
nor cause of presumption, save
only the vicinage and nearness
of the place) were solemnly and
secretly to swear before the
priest, conceptis rerbis, that their
hands had not shed this blood,
&c. Deut. xxi. 7. If this was
equal in matters capital, how can
it be challenged for tyrannical in
matters criminal?
Allowing all due respect to
martyr, in his comment on the TindaFs memory, his judgment
much failed him in matters of
oaths. For, in the following
words, he taketh away all neces-
sary oaths, (and leaveth none but
voluntary,) which no wise man
will defend.
Even Geneva itself doth some-
times proceed by oaths, ex officio,
against such suspected offenders,
as in the two following cases will
appear: —
There was one Cumperel, of Geneva, ordained minister for a
parish in that territory, called Drallian, who had a secret design
underhand to place himself in the state of Berne ; which in him
was esteemed a heinous fault. The Consistory, coming at some
notice hereof, ministered unto him an oath of mere office^ to answer
William Tindal, a worthy
fifth of Matthew,* saith plainly,
that " a judge ought not to com-
pel a man to swear against him-
self.^'
No protestant church beyond
the seas hath made use of such
tyrannical proceedings.
* Page 208.
so ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 89
to several questions. Bat because Cumperel answered not directly
to those interrogatories, (two whereof concerned the very cogitations
of his heart,) and because there were mhementia indicia^ " great
presumption" in the common fame, the Consistory* pronounced
that they had just cause to depose him from his ministry.
There was a wealthy widow living in Geneva, called Balthaser ; in
whose house there was a dancing held, which is a grievous crime in
that church, and condemned by their last form of discipline.
Amongst these dancers one was a syndic, (one of the four chief
magistrates of the city,) the other an elder (Henrith by name) of
the church for that year. The matter coming to Calvin's ear, they
were all convented before the Consistory without any accuser or
party, and therefore of mere office put to their corporal oaths to con-
fess the truth. The elder f pleaded for himself the words of St.
Paul, '' Receive not an accusation against an elder under two or
three witnesses C which would nothing bestead him ; so that he was
deposed from his eldership, and the syndic from his magistracy,
until he should show some public testimony of his repentance.
53 — BQ. First Grievance complained of in tendering the Oath,
The second^ thirds and fourth Grievance.
But, enough of this unwelcome subject : only 1 must add, that
some there were, not offended with the oath itself, which took excep-
tions at the injurious manner of offering it. They complained
(how justly God knows) of some created fames oil no grounds, and
pretended suspicions of crimes against those persons to whom they
bare ill affection, and then tendered this oath (the picklock of con-
science) unto them, merely to find matter to ensnare them.
Secondly. They complained, that, to discover their complices,
(in their disciplinary assemblies,) children were, on their oaths, inter-
rogated against their own fathers, contrary to the ride in civil law,
Filius non torquetur in caput patris, " A child ought not to be
tortured in point of peril to his father's life."" And although these
accusations were not capital, yet because their parents' credit was
so deeply concerned therein, such proceedings had a strong tang of
tyranny.
Thirdly. The party to whom the oath was given might not before-
hand be acquainted (a favour usually afforded in the Star-chamber)
with the particulars whereon they were to be examined. And if by
the rule of Solomon, " He that answereth a matter before he
heareth it, it is folly and shame unto him," Prov. xviii. 13 ; much
more is it indiscreet to swear to answer a matter before a man hear it.
* Inter Epistol. Calvini in fol. pages 421, 422. t Calvin in his Letter to
Farellus, page 64.
90 GHURCH HISTORY OF BKITAIN. A.D. 1587.
Fourthly. They complained, this oath ex officio (like what is said
of black witches) had only power to do mischief, not to heal and
help any. For, none were cleared by the taking thereof, if deny-
ing what was charged upon them ; but the judges ecclesiastical oft-
times proceeded to a further inquiry by examination of witnesses,
on the points denied by the parties.
57 — 61. Four Ranks of Refusers of this Oath. The Jirst
Raiik^ the second, third, and the last Rank.
The nonconformists who refused to take this oath may be ranked
into four forms. First. Such as would answer neither yea nor nay,
what they would resolve to do concerning the oath ; but returned,
" If our faults be hidden, ' tarry till the Lord come and make the coun-
sels of our hearts manifest,' 1 Cor. iv. 5. But if they be manifest,
let our accuser and the witnesses come forth before us."
A second sort refused not the oath in a cause criminal, but did it
with this limitation and protestation, — that they intended not to be
bound thereby to accuse either themselves or their brethren.
A third sort conceived themselves bound to reveal their own and
brothers' crimes and offences, to remove evil from the land, as they
said ; but, as for such actions of their brothers'* falsely-reputed
offences, which were none in the judgment of the party examined,
these they held themselves not bound to reveal.
The last sort, though they took the oath as to other things, yet
protested they counted not themselves bound to answer to any
such things whereon witnesses may be had ; but if the crime was so
hidden and secret that witnesses may not be had, they thought they
might lawfully be charged. For instance : they held a preacher
might not be examined on oath concerning any thing he had
preached in public, alleging the words of our Saviour, " Why askest
thou me ? ask them that heard me ; they know what I said,"
John xviii. 21. It is hard to make the opinion of the first and last
form to dwell peaceably together.
We take our leave of this subject, when we have told the reader,
that, some twenty years since, one being urged by archbishop Laud
to take the oath ex officio, refused it on this reason : "An oath," saith
he, " by the words of the apostle ' is an end of all strife,' Heb. vi.
IG ; whereas this," saith he, " is the beginning of strife, yields matter
for the lawyers to molest me." But since the High Commission and
this oath are taken away by Act of Parliament, it is to be hoped,
that (if such swearing were so great a grievance) nihil analogum
" nothing like unto it" (which may amount to as much) shall
hereafter be substituted in the room thereof.
so ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 91
62. Nonconformists persecuted in the Star-Chamber.
Let it not here be forgotten, that, because many did question the
legality and authority of the High Commission, archbishop Whitgift
so contrived the matter, that the most sturdy and refractory noncon-
formists (especially if they had any visible estates) were brought
into the Star-chamber, the power whereof was above dispute ; where
some of them, beside imprisonment, had very heavy fines imposed
upon them. And because most of the queen's Council were present
at the censures, this took off the odium from the archbishop, (which
in the High Commission lighted chiefly, if not only, upon him,) and
fell almost equally on all present therein.
63 — Q5. The Death of Mr. Fox, and of Dr. Humphrey.
John Fox this year ended his life, to whom in some respect, our
History of him may resemble itself. For he in his life-time was so
large a reliever of poor people, (to and above his estate,) that no
wonder if at his death with some charitable churls he bequeathed
no legacies unto them. Thus have we been so bountiful in de-
scribing the life, and transcribing the letters, of this worthy confessor,
that the reader will excuse us if, at his death, we give no farther
character of his piety and painfulness. Only let me add, that
whereaa there passeth a tradition, grounded on good authority, that
Mr. Fox foretold the ruin and destruction of the invincible (so called)
armada in the eighty-eight ; the story is true in itself, though he
survived not to see the performance of his own prediction.
Nor will it be amiss to insert his epitaph, as we find it on his
monument in St. Giles, nigh Cripplegate in London.
CHRISTO S. S.
Johanni Focco ecclesiw Anglican w Martyrologo Jidelissimo^
antiquitatis historicoe indagatori sagacissimo^ ecangelicw "ceritatis
propugnatori acerrimo^ thaumaturge admirabili^ qui martyres
Marianos^ tanquam phwnices, ex cinerihus redivicos pra'stitit.
His dear friend^ Dr. Laurence Humphrey, may be said to die
with him, (though his languishing life lasted a year longer,) so great
his grief to be parted from his fellow-colleague ; bred together in
Oxford, and banished together into Germany. But see more of his
character in the year 1596, where, by mistake, (which here I freely
confess,) his death is inserted.
(j6 — 69. The first Protestant Hospital. Beautiful Buildings
begin in England. Nonconformists stir.
About this time Mr. William Lambert finished his hospital at
Greenwich, founded and endowed by him for poor people. He was
92 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1587.
the first protestant who erected a charitable house of that nature, as
our antiquary* observeth ; though I cannot wholly concur with his
observation, seeing king Edward VI. founded Christchurch and St.
Thomas's Hospitals.
Indeed now (pardon a short disgression) began beautiful buildings
in England as to the generality thereof; whose homes were but
homely before, as small and ill-contrived, much timber being need-
lessly lavished upon them. But now many most regular pieces of
architecture were erected, so that, as one saith, they began to dwell
latliis and lautius, but I suspect not Iwtius, hospitality daily much
decaying.
Amongst other structures, Wimbledon House in Surrey was this
year begun, (and finished the next, as appeareth by an inscription
therein,) by Sir Thomas Cecil, afterwards lord Burleigh, on the
selfsame token, that, many years after, Gondemar (treated therein by
the lord with a plentiful feast) was highly affected with his enter-
tainment, and much commended the uniformity of the fabric, till the
date thereof, showed unto him, dashed all, as built when the Spanish
armada was defeated.
Indeed, at this time there was more uniformity in the buildings,
than conformity in the church-behaviour of men ; the sticklers
against the hierarchy appearing now more vigorous, though for a
time they had concealed themselves.
SECTION VIL
TO MR. HAMOND WARD, AND MR. RICHARD FULLER,
OF LONDON, MERCHANTS.
It is usual for the plaintiff to put two or three names
upon the same writ, taken out of the Upper Bench,
always provided the persons dwell in the same county ;
and this is done to save charges. My thanks do here
embrace the same way of thrift ; that so the small stock
of my History may hold out the better amongst my
many friends and favourers. And this my joint Dedi-
cation is the more proper, because you live in the same
city, are of the same profession, and, if not formerly,
* Camden's Britannia in Kent.
80 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 93
this may minister the welcome occasion of your future
acquaintance.
1. A Sioeteenfold Petition presented hy the Commons to the
Lords in Parliament.
But now a session of parliament was held at Westminster, wherein
the House of Commons presented to the Lords Spiritual and Tem-
poral a petition ; complaining how many parishes, especially in the
north of England and Wales, were destitute of preachers, and no
care taken to supply them. Sixteen were the particulars ; whereof
the six first were against insufficient ministers, very earnestly press-
ing their taking the same into their serious consideration, for speedy
redress of the grievances therein contained.
" 7. That no oath or subscription might be tendered to any at
their entrance into ministry, but such as is expressly prescribed by
the statutes of this realm, except the oath against corrupt entering.
" 8. That they may not be troubled for omission of some rites or
portions prescribed in the Book of Common-Prayer.
" 9. That they may not be called and urged to answer before the
officials and commissaries, but before the bishops themselves.
" 10. That such as had been suspended or deprived for no other
offence, but only for not subscribing, might be restored ; and that
the bishops would forbear their excommunication ex officio mero^ of
godly and learned preachers, not detected for open offence of life or
apparent error in doctrine.
" 11. That they might not be called before the High Commission,
or out of the diocess where they lived, except for some notable
offence.
" 12. That it might be permitted to them, in every archdeaconry,
to have some common exercises and conferences amongst themselves,
to be limited and prescribed by the ordinaries.
" 13. That the high censure of excommunication may not be
denounced or executed for small matters.
" 14. Nor by chancellors, commissaries, or officials, but by the
bishops themselves, with assistance of grave persons.
" 15, 16. That non-residency may be quite removed out of the
church, or at least that, according to the queen s injunctions, (Article
44,) no non-resident, having already a licence or faculty, may enjoy
it, unless he depute an able curate, that may weekly preach and
catechize, as is required in her majesty's Injunctions.''
Of all these particulars, the House fell most fiercely on the debate
of pluralities, and (the effect thereof) non-residents.
94 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1587-
2 — 8. The Archbishop's Plea for Non-residents. The Lord Greifs
Rejoinder. The Lord Treasurer'' s Moderation. Others
interpret. The Lord Grey (query, whether of Wilton, or,
what most probable, of Ruthyn, afterwards Earl of Kent)
replied.
Archbishop Whitgift pleaded, that licences for non-residency were
at the present but seldom granted. And yet,' in way of recovering
health by changing of air, of study for a time in the university, of
mortal enmity borne by some in the parish, of prosecution of law,
or of being employed in public affairs, they cannot be wholly abro-
gated. That there were in England four thousand five hundred
benefices with cure, not above ten, and most of them under eight
pounds in the first-fruits"* book, which cannot be furnished with able
pastors, as the petitioners desire, because of the smallness of their
livings. Moreover, he affirmed that, whatever was pretended to the
contrary, England at that time flourished with able ministers more
than ever before, yea, had more than all Christendom besides.
The lord Grey rejoined to this assertion of more learned ministers
in the church of England than ever heretofore, nay, than in all the
Reformed churches in Christendom, this : That it was not to be
attributed to the bishops or their actions, but to God, who now
opened the hearts of many to see into the truth, and that the
schools were better observed.
The lord treasurer Burleigh seeming to moderate betwixt them,
after a long and learned oration concluded, that he was not so scru-
pulous as absolutely to like of the Bill against pluralities without any
exception : for he did favour both learning, and wished a competent
reward to it ; and therefore could like and allow a learned man to have
two benefices, so they were both in one parish, that is to say, in one
diocess, and not one in the diocess of Winchester, and another in the
north, where the several diocesans would have no regard of them ;
whereas, being both in one diocess, the bishop would look unto
them.
Here it was signified that her majesty was acquainted with the
matter, and that she was very forward to redress the faults, and there-
fore required the bishops not to hinder her good and gracious pur-
pose, for that her majesty would confer with them.
The lord Grey again said, he greatly wondered at her majesty, that
she would make choice to confer with those who were all enemies to
reformation, for that it merely touched their freeholds ; and therefore
he thought it good the House should make choice of some to be
joined with them ; also he wished the bishops might be served as
they were in king Henry the eighth's days, when, as in the case of
praemunire, they were all thrust out of doors.
30 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI, d5
Then the lord treasurer said, that the bishops, if they were wise,
would themselves be humble suitors to her majesty to have some of
the temporal lords joined with them.
The lord chamberlain utterly disliked the lord Grey's motion,
alleging that it was not to be liked of, that the lords should appoint
her majesty any to confer withal, but that it should be left to her
own election.
9. The Bishops providently petition the Queen.
Matters flying thus high, the archbishop, with the rest of the
clergy, conceived it the safest way to apply themselves by petition to
the queen ; which they presented as followeth : —
" The woful and distressed state whereinto we are like to fall,
forceth us with grief of heart, in most humble manner, to crave your
majesty's most sovereign protection. For the pretence being made
the maintenance and increase of a learned ministry, when it is
thoroughly weighed, decayeth learning, spoileth their livings, taketh
away the set form of prayer in the church, and is the means to bring
in confusion and barbarism. How dangerous innovations are in a
settled estate, whosoever hath judgment perceiveth. Set dangers
apart, yet such great inconveniences may ensue, as will make a state
lamentable and miserable. Our neighbours' miseries might make
us fearful, but that we know who rules the same. All the Reformed
churches in Europe cannot compare with England in the number of
learned ministers. These benefits of your majesty's most sacred
and careful government with hearty joy we feel and humbly
acknowledge; senseless are they that repine at it, and careless who
lightly regard it. The respect hereof made the prophet to say, Dii
estis. All the faithful and discreet clergy say, 0 dea certe^ ' nothing
is impossible with God.' Requests without grounded reasons are
lightly to be rejected. We, therefore, not as directors, but as hum-
ble remembrancers, beseech your Highness's favourable beholding
of our present state, and what it will be in time to come, if the Bill
against pluralities should take any place."
To the petition were annexed a catalogue of those inconveniences
to the state present, state to come, cathedral churches, universities,
to her majesty, to religion, in case pluralities were taken away, here
too large to be inserted. So that, in eflfect, nothing was effected as
in relation to this matter, but things left in statu quo prius^ at the
dissolution of this parliament.
96 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A«D. 1588.
10 — 13. The Death of Bishop Barnes, and of Bernard Gilpin,
hardly escaped in Queen Mary's days : A single Man, yet
a true Father.
Amongst the mortalities of this year, most remarkable the
death of Richard Barnes, bishop of Durham ; one commendable
in himself, but much suffering for the corruption and viciousness of
John Barnes, his brother and chancellor.* This bishop was bred in
Brazen-nose College, made suffragan of Nottingham, the last I
believe who wore that title, and behaved himself very gravely in his
diocess ; a great friend at last to Bernard Gilpin, though at first by
some ill instruments incensed against him ; and, seeing they were
loving in their lives, their memories in my book shall not be divided,
though I confess the latter died some three years before.
This Bernard Gilpin, born of a right worshipful family, at Kent-
mere in Westmoreland, had Cuthbert Tonstall, bishop of Durham,
for his great uncle. He was bred first in Queen's College, then
Christ's Church, in Oxford ; and no doubt the prayers of Peter
Mart}T conduced to his conversion, to be a protestant. For he hear-
ing this Gilpin dispute cordially on the popish party, desired of God
that so good affections might not be misguided, and at last obtained
his desire.
He weathered out the reign of queen Mary ; partly with his tra-
vels beyond the seas, chiefly residing at Louvain and Paris ; partly,
after his return, by the favour of his uncle Tonstall ; before whom
he was often cited, (chiefly about the eucharist,) but was discharged
by confessing the real presence, and that the manner thereof tran-
scended his apprehension ; Tonstall not enforcing him to the particu-
larity of transubstantiation, as using himself to complain on pope
Innocent, for defining de modo to be an article of faith. However,
his foes so hardly beset him, that once he ordered his servant to pro-
vide for him a long shroud, not for his winding but burning sheet,
as expecting at last he should be brought to the stake for his religion.
But men may make clothes either for mirth or for mourning, whilst
God alone orders whether or no they shall wear them.
After the coming of queen Elizabeth to the crown, he with more
earnestness refused a bishopric, than others affected it. His par-
sonage at Houghton-le-Spring, as it might seem a bishop's palace for
building, so was it no less for hospitality ; fourteen villages belong-
ing to that mother -church, the poor whereof, beside many others,
were daily relieved at his door. Twenty scholars he commonly
boarded in his house, which seemed a little college. In a word, he
was commonly called Father Gilpin ; and well deserved it for his
• See '< the Life of Bernard Gilpin," page 190.
31 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 97
paternal affections to all ; making liis yearly progress into Readsdale,
and Tynedale in Northumberland, (where people sat in darkness of
ignorance, and shadow of death,) and instructing them by his hea-
venly preaching.
14 — 16. The hra-ce Coming-forth of the Spanish Armada ; the
shameful Flight and Return thereof This Deliverance
principalhj ivronght by God's Arm. A. D. 1588.
Now began that fatal year generally foretold that it would be won-
derful ; as it proved no less. Whence the astrologers fetched their
intelligence hereof, — whether from heaven or hell, from other stars or
from Lucifer alone, — is uncertain. This is most sure, that this pre-
diction, though hitting the mark, yet missed their meaning, who
both first reported and most believed it. Out comes their invin-
cible navy and army, perfectly appointed for both elements, water
and land, to sail and march complete in all warlike equipage ; so that
formerly, with far less provision, they had conquered another new
world. Mighty was the bulk of their ships, the sea seeming to groan
under them, (being a burden to it as they went, and to themselves
before they returned,) with all manner of artillery, prodigious in num-
ber and greatness ; so that the report of their guns do still and ought
ever to sound in the ears of the English, not to fright them with any
terror, but to fill them with deserved thankfulness.
It is said of Sennacherib, coming against Jerusalem with his num-e-
rous army, " By the way that he came shall he return, and shall not
come into this city, saith the Lord," 2 Kings xix. 33. As the latter
part of this threatening was-verified here, no Spaniard setting foot on
English ground under other notion than a prisoner ; so God did not
them the honour to return the same way, who coming by south-east,
a way they knew, went back by south-west, a way they sought,
chased by our ships past the fifty-seventh degree of northern latitude,
then and there left to be pursued after by hunger and cold. Thus,
having tasted the English valour in conquering them, the Scotch
constancy in not relieving them, the Irish cruelty in barbarous butcher-
ing them, the small reversion of this great navy which came home
might be looked upon by religious eyes, as relics, not for the adora-
tion but instruction of their nation hereafter, not to account any
tiling invincible which is less than infinite.
Such as lose themselves by looking on second causes impute the
Spanish ill success, partly to the prince of Parma, who either mind-
bound or wind-bound, staying himself, or stopped by the Hollander,
would or could not come to their seasonable succour ; and partly to
the duke of Medina's want of commission to fight with the English,
(save on the defensive,) till joined with Parma. Thus, when God
Vol. hi. h
98 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1588.
will have a design defeated, amidst tlie plenty, yea, superfluity, of
all imaginable necessaries, some unsuspected one shall be wanting to
frustrate all the rest. We will not mention (save in due distance of
helps) the industry and loyalty of the lord Howard, admiral, the
valour of our captains, the skill of our pilots, the activity of our ships ;
but assign all to the goodness of God, as queen Elizabeth did.
Leave we her in the choir of St. PauFs church, devoutly on her knees,
with the rest of her nobles in the same humble posture, returning their
unfeigned thanks to the God and Giver of all victory; whilst, going
abroad, we shall find some of her subjects worse employed, — in im-
placable enmity about ecclesiastical discipline one against another.
And let not the mentioning of this deliverance be censured as a
deviation from the " Church History of Britain ;" silence thereof
being a sin. For had the design taken effect, neither protestant
church in Britain had remained, nor history thereof been made at
this present.
17 — 20. Scurrilous Pamphlets dispersed. Their Reasons for the
Lawfulness of such Pamphlets, These Books disclaimed hy
the discreet Sort, and why. The histruments employed in
making these Books heavily punished.
But bullets did not fly about so much at sea, as bastardly libels
by land ; so fitly called, because none durst father them for their
issue. They are known, though not by their parents, by their
names. 1. "The Epitome ;" 2. " The Demonstration of Discipline;"
3. "The Supplication;" 4. "Diotrephes ;" 5. "The Minerals;"
6. "Have you any Work for the Cooper?" 7. "Martin Senior
Mar-prelate ; " 8. "Martin Junior Mar-prelate ; " 9. "More Work
for the Cooper," &c. The main drift and scope of these pamphlets
(for, know one and know all, these foul-mouthed papers, like Black
Moors, did all look alike) was to defame and disgrace the English
prelates, scoffing at them for their garb, gait, apparel, vanities of
their youth, natural defects, and personal infirmities. It is strange
how secretly they were printed, how speedily dispersed, how ge-
nerally bought, how greedily read, yea, and how firmly believed,
especially of the common sort, to whom no better music than to
hear their betters upbraided.
Some precise men of that side thought these jeering pens well
employed. For having formerly, as they say, tried all serious and
sober means to reclaim the bishops, which hitherto proved unefFec-
tual ; they thought it not amiss to try this new way, that whom they
could not in earnest make odious, in sport they might render ridicu-
lous. Wits will be working ; and such as have a satirical vein
cannot better vent it than in lashing of sin. Besides, they wanted
•^1 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 99
not a warrant (as they conceived) in Holy Writ, where it was no
solecism to the gravity of Elijah to mock Baafs priests out of their
superstition chiefly, 1 Kings xviii. 27. This was conceived would
drive on their design, strengthen their party by working on the peo-
ple's affections, which were marvellously taken with the reading
thereof.
But the more discreet and devout sort of men, even of such as
were no great friends to the hierarchy, upon solemn debate then
resolved, (1 speak on certain knowledge from the mouths of such
whom I must believe,) that, for many foul falsehoods therein sug-
gested, such books were altogether unbeseeming a pious spirit, to
print, publish, or with pleasure peruse ; which, supposed true both
in matter and measure, charity would rather conceal than discover ;
the best of men being so conscious of their own badness, that they
are more careful to wash their own faces, than busy to throw dirt on
others. Any man may be witty in a biting way : and those that
have the dullest brains have commonly the sharpest teeth to that
purpose. But such carnal mirth, whilst it tickles the flesh, doth
wound the soul. And, which was the main, these base books would
give a great advantage to the general foe : and papists would make
too much use thereof against protestant religion, especially seeing an
archangel thought himself too good to bring — and Satan not bad
enough to have brought — railing speeches against him, Jude 9.
But, leaving private men to abound in their own sense : how
highly the state (as it then stood) distasted these books, will plainly
appear by the heavy censures inflicted on such as were but acces-
sary thereunto. To pass by John Penry and John Udall, ministers,
accused for making some of them, (of whom in due place,) together
with the printers, and Humphry Newman, a cobbler, chief disperser
of them : the Star-chamber deeply fined Sir Richard Knightly and
Sir Wigston, for entertaining and receiving the press ; gentle-
men, whom their adversaries allow qualified with piety, gravity,
and wisdom ; * which made many admire how their discretion could
be deluded, and more bemoan that their goodness should be abused
by others, who had designs upon them. Here archbishop Whitgift
bestirred himself to improve his interest with the queen, till his
importunity had angered her, and till his importunity had pleased
her again, that they might be delivered out of prison, and eased of
their fines : which, upon their submission, was performed : f whose
mildness to mediate for his adversaries, as it was highly commended
by some, so there wanted not those who imputed his moderation
therein to declining of envy, gaining of applause, and remorse of his
• Sir George Paul in " the Life of Archbishop Whitgift," page 40. -f Camden's
Elizabetha in anno 1588.
H 2
100 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1588.
own conscience for over-rigorous proceedings : it being no charity to
cure the wound he hath caused, and solicit the remitting of those
fines which he had procured to be imposed. Thus impossible it is
to please froward spirits, and to make them like the best deed who
dislike the doer thereof. And if any desire to know the motions
and stages of the press which printed these books, know it was first
set up at Moulsey, near Kingston in Surrey,* thence conveyed to
Fausley in Northamptonshire, thence to Norton, and afterwards to
Coventry. Hence it was removed to Welstone in Warwickshire,
whence the letters were sent to another press, in or near Manchester,
and there discovered by Henry earl of Derby, in the printing of
"More Work for the Cooper .'"' No wonder then if many errata
were committed by this (call it as you please "pilgrim" or "vaga-
bond"*') press, when itself was ever in a wandering and straggling
condition.
21 — 23. Jets of the Synod of Coventry. The English Church
distracted betwixt contrary Disciplines. The Success of the
solemn Humiliation of the Ministers at Northampton.
A synod of the presbyterians, of the Warwickshire classis, was
called at Coventry, die decimo quarti ; that is, " on the tenth of
April ; " wherein the questions, brought the last year from the
brethren of Cambridge synod, were resolved in manner as fol-
io weth : —
" 1. That private baptism was unlawful.-f*
" 2. That it is not lawful to read Homilies in the church.
" 3. That the sign of the Cross is not to be used in baptism.
" 4. That the faithful ought not to communicate with unlearned
ministers ; although they may be present at their service, if they
come of purpose to hear a sermon. The reason is, because laymen
as well as ministers may read public service.
" 5. That the calling of bishops, &c. is unlawful.
" 6. That as they deal in causes ecclesiastical, there is no duty
belonging unto — nor any publicly to be given — them.
" 7- That it is not lawful to be ordained ministers by them, or to
denounce either suspensions or excommunications sent from them.
" 8. That it is not lawful to rest in the bishop's deprivation of any
from the ministry, except (upon consultation with the neighbour-
ministers adjoining and his flock) it seems so good unto them ; but
that he continue in the same until he be compelled to the contrary
by civil force.
• Sill George Paul, page 39. t Transcribed out of Bishop Bancroft's book
called " England's Scottizing for Discipline by Practice," pages 86, 87 ; who may seem
to have had the original in Latin.
t3J ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 101
" 9. That it is not lawful to appear in a bishop's court, but with
protestation of their unlawfulness.
"10. That bishops are not to be acknowledged either for doctors,
elders, or deacons, as having no ordinary calling.
" 11. That touching the restoration of their ecclesiastical Disci-
pline, it ought to be taught to the people as occasion shall serve.
" 12. That as yet the people are not to be solicited publicly to
the practice of the Discipline, till they be better instructed in the
knowledge of it.
" 13. That men of better understanding are to be allured pri-
vately to the present embracing of the Discipline and practice of it,
as far as they shall be well able, with the peace of the church.''
Likewise in the same assembly the aforesaid Book of Discipline
was approved to be ''a draught essential and necessary for all
times ;" and certain articles, devised in approbation — and for the
manner of the use — thereof, were brought, treated of, and subscribed
unto, by Mr. Cartwright and others ; and afterwards tendered far
and near to the several classes, for a general ratification of all the
brethren.
Now, if Rebekah found herself strangely affected when twins
struggled in her womb. Gen. xxv. 22 ; the condition of the English
church must be conceived sad, which at the same time had two
disciplines, both of them pleading Scripture and primitive practice,
each striving to support itself, and suppress its rival : The Hierarchy
commanded by authority, established by law, confirmed by general
practice, and continued so long by custom in this land, that, had
one at this time lived the age of Methuselah, he could not remember
the beginning thereof in Britain : The Presbytery, though wanting
the stamp of authority, claiming to be the purer metal, founded by
some clergymen, favoured by many of the gentry, and followed by
more of the common sort, who, being prompted with that natural
principle, — that the weakest side must be most watchful, what they
wanted in strength they supplied in activity ; but what won them
most repute was their ministers' painful preaching in populous
places ; it being observed in England, that those who hold the
helm of the pulpit always steer people's hearts as they please. The
worst is, that, in matters of fact, all relations in these times are
relations ; I mean, much resent of party and interest, to the preju-
dice of truth. Let me mind the reader to re-flect his eye on our
quotations, (the margin in such cases being as material as the text,
as containing the authors,) and his judgment may, according to the
credit or reference of the author alleged, believe, or abate from, the
reputation of the report. Let me add, that, though it be a lie in
the clock, it is but a falsehood in the hand of the dial when pointing
102 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1588.
at a wrong hour, if rightly following the direction of th^ wheel which,
moveth it. And the fault is not nmine, if I truly cite what is false
on the credit of another. The best certainty in this kind we are
capable of is what we find in the confessions of the parties them-
selves, deposed on oath, taken by public notaries, and recorded in
court. For, such who herein will fly higher for true intelligence
than the Star-chamber, must fetch it from heaven himself.
In that court we find confessed by one Mr. Johnson,* (formerly
a great presbyterian, but afterwards, it seems, falling from that side,
he discovered many passages to their disadvantage,) how that when
" the Book of Discipline" came to Northampton to be subscribed
unto, there was a general censuring used amongst the brethren there,
as it were to sanctify themselves ; partly by sustaining a kind of
penance and reproof for their former conformity to the Orders of
the church ; and, partly, to prepare their minds for the devout
accepting of the aforesaid book. In which course of censuring used
at. that time, there was such a ripping-up one of another's life, even
from their youth, as that they came to bitterness and reviling temis
amongst themselves ; one growing thereby odious to another, and
some did thereupon utterly forsake those kinds of assemblies. O,
how woful the vessel of the English church, whilst her vTrsprjrai, her
ministers, and under-towers, some tugged it one way, and others
towing it another, — enough almost to split her in pieces with the
violence of their contrary discipline.
24. The Contents of the Admonition to the Catholics of
England.
Leave we them for a while, to behold how the popish clergy were
employed ; who, in the beginning of this year, were as busy as bees,
newly ready to swarm. A book was set forth called " the Admoni-
tion,'" dispersed amongst catholics, and highly cried up, consisting
of several parts, not unfit to be here recited.
1. The authors make their entrance into the discourse, with a
most odious and shameful declamation against her majesty, stirring
up her subjects' hearts to contempt of her Highness, as being one
odious to God and man. They threaten the nobility, gentry, &c.
with loss of all their goods, their lands, their lives, and with damna-
tion besides ; except that presently, upon the landing of the
Spaniards, they joined themselves and all their forces, — men, muni-
tion, victuals, and whatsoever else they could make, — with their
catholic army, (forsooth,) for the words be these : *' If you will
avoid," say they, " the pope's, the king's, and other princes' high
• See "'England's Scottizing for Discipline,'' 3 cap. 6, page 88,
31 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. lOo
indignation, let no man of what degree soever abet, aid, defend, or
acknowledge her,^' &c. adding that otherwise they should " incur the
angels"* curse and malediction, and be as deeply excommunicated as
any, because that, in taking her majesty's part, they should fight
against God, against their lawful king, against their country, and
that, notwithstanding all they should do, they should but defend
her Highness bootless, to their own present destruction and eternal
shame."
2. After all those, and many other such threats, in a high and
military style, to scare fools with, then they come to some more
mild persuasions, and promise the noblemen, that so they join with
the duke of Parma upon the receipt of their Admonition, they will
entreat that their whole houses shall not perish. For Parsons did
instigate the English cardinal to swear by his honour, and in the
word of a cardinal, that, in the fury of their intended massacre,
there should as great care be taken of every catholic and penitent
person as possibly could be, and that he was made a cardinal of
purpose to be sent then into England for the sweet managing of
those affairs.
3. Other arguments they used, drawn from the certainty of the
victory ; as that all the protestants would either turn their coats,
copies, arms, or fly away in fear and torment of the angel of God
prosecuting them ; that, although none of her majesty's subjects
should assist the Spaniards, yet their own forces, which they brought
with them, were strong enough, their provision sufficient, their
appointment so surpassing, that they had more expert captains than
her majesty had good soldiers, all resolute to be in the cause which
they had undertaken ; that the blood of all the blessed bishops shed
in this land, and all the saints in heaven, prayed for the Spaniards'
victory ; that all the virtuous priests of our country, both at home
and abroad, had stretched forth their sacred hands to the same end ;
that many priests were in the camp to serve every spiritual man's
necessity ; that their forces were guarded with all God's holy angels,
with Christ himself in the sovereign sacrament, and with the daily
most holy oblation of Christ's own dear body and blood ; that the
Spaniards being thus assisted with so many helps, though they had
been never so few, they could not lose ; and that her majesty and
her assistants wanting these helps, although they were never so
fierce, never so proud, never so many, never so well appointed, yet
they could not prevail. " Fear you not," say they to such as would
take their part ; " they cannot." And thus far out of their said
Jesuitical " Admonition."
The book goes under the name of Cardinal Allen, though the
secular priests say he was but the cloak-father thereof, and that
104 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1590.
Parsons the Jesuit made it.* Others conceive it equivocally
begotten, as the result and extract of several brains. No doubt,
had the Spanish invasion succeeded, happy he who could have laid
claim to so prophetical a piece : and they would have fallen out, as
the two harlots about the living child, — who should have been
parent thereof, 1 Kings iii. Whereas now, on the miscarriage of
their great navy, all disclaimed the book, and Parsons procured the
whole impression to be burned, (save some few sent abroad before-
hand to his friends,-|-) that it might not remain a monument of their
falsehood. And now the popish priests, some lurked here in holes,
others fled into foreign parts, their confusion being the greater for
their former confidence. Thus Sisera comes off the more coldly,
when stripped out of the garment of divers colours wdierewith his
mother had arrayed him, in her fancy running faster than the wheels
of her son's chariot to his imaginary conquest, Judges v. 30.
25. The Death of Edivin Sands, Archbishop of York.
This year, August 8th, died Edwin Sands, archbishop of York ;
born in Lancashire of worshipful parentage, bred in Cambridge,
banished to Germany, after this promoted to be bishop of Wor-
cester, then succeeded Grindal in London and York ; an excellent
and painful preacher, and of a pious and godly life, which increased
in his old age, so that, by a great and good stride, whilst he had one
foot in tbe grave, he had the other in heaven. He was buried in
Southwell ; and it is hard to say, whether he was more eminent in
his own virtues, or more happy in his flourishing posterity.
26. Archbishop Whitgiffs Discretion, A.D. 1589.
The next year produced not any great church-matters in itself,
but was only preparatory to the ripening of business, and raising the
charges against the principal patrons of nonconformity. Indeed,
archbishop Whitgift, according to his constant custom and manner,
repaired daily to the Council-table early in the morning ; and, after
an usual apprecation of a " Good morrow" to the lords, he requested
to know if there were any church-business to be debated ; and, if
the answer were returned in the affirmative, he stayed and attended
the issue of the matter. But if no such matter appeared, he craved
leave to be dispensed withal ; saying, " Then, my lords, here is no
need of me ;" and departed : a commendable practice, clearing him-
self from all aspersions of civil pragmaticalness, and tending much to
the just support of his reputation.
* Watsok's Quodlibets, page 240. f Watson ut prius.
33 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 105
27. Articles objected against Mr. Thomas Cartwright.
A.D. 1590.
On the first of September, Mr. Cartwright, bachelor in divinity,
Avas brouglit before her majesty's commissioners, there to take his
oath, and give in his positive answer to the following articles : — *
" 1. Imprimis. We do object and articulate against him, that he,
being a minister (at least a deacon) lawfully called, according to the
godly laws and orders of this church of England, hath forsaken,
abandoned, and renounced the same orders ecclesiastical, as an anti-
christian and unlawful manner of calling unto the ministry or dea-
conship.
" 2. Item. That he, departing this realm into foreign parts, with-
out license, as a man discontented with the form of government eccle-
siastical here by law established, the more to testify his dislike and
contempt thereof, and of the manner of his former vocation and
ordination, was contented in foreign parts, as at Antwerp, Middle-
burgh, or elsewhere, to have a new vocation, election, or ordination,
by imposition of hands unto the ministry, or unto some other order
or degree ecclesiastical, and in other manner and form than the laws
ecclesiastical of this realm -do prescribe. Let him declare upon his
oath the particular circumstances thereof.
" 3. Item. That by virtue or colour of such his later vocation,
election, or ordination, becoming a pretended bishop or pastor of
such congregations as made choice of him, he established, or pro-
cured to be established, at Antwerp and at Middleburgh, among
merchants, and others, her majesty's subjects, a certain consistory,
seminary, presbytery, or eldership ecclesiastical, consisting of him-
self, being bishop or pastor, (and so president thereof,) of a doctor,
of certain ancients, seniors, or elders for government ecclesiastical,
and of deacons for distributing to the poor.
" 4. Item. That [to] the said eldership, and the authority thereof,
certiiin English-born subjects, were called, elected, or ordained by
imposition of hands, to be ministers or ecclesiastical doctors, (being
not of that degree before,) as Hart, Travers, Grise, or some of
them ; and some that were also ministers afore according to the
orders of the church of England, as Fenner, Acton, were so called,
and other English subjects were also called, and likewise ordained
elders ; and some others were ordained deacons, in other manner
and form than the laws ecclesiastical of the realm do prescribe or
allow of.
" 5. Item. That such eldership so established, under the pre-
sidentship of him the said Thomas Cartwright, had used (beside
* The copy of these articles was found b)^ a friend, iu Mr. Travers's study, after his
death ; viko as kindiy communicated as I have truly transcribed them.
106 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1590.
this authority of this vocation and ordination of officers ecclesiastical)
the censures and keys of the church, — as public admonition, suspen-
sion from the supper, and from execution of offices ecclesiastical,
and the censures of excommunication ; likewise authority of making
laws, degrees, and orders ecclesiastical, and of dealing with the doc-
trine and manners of all persons in that congregation, in all matters
whatsoever so far as might appertain to conscience.
" 6. Item, That he the said Thomas Cartwright, in the public
administration of his ministry there, among her majesty"'s subjects,
used not the form of Liturgy, or Book of Common-Prayer, by the
laws of this land established, nor in his government ecclesiastical,
the laws and orders of this land, but rather conformed himself in
both to the use and form of some other foreign churches.
" 7. Item. That since his last return from beyond the seas,
being to be placed at Warwick, he faithfully promised (if he might
be but tolerated to preach) not to impugn the laws, orders, policy,
government, nor governors in this church of England; but to persuade
and procure, so much as he could, both publicly and privately, the
estimation and peace of this church.
" 8. Item. That he, having no ministry in this church, (other
than such as before he had forsaken, and still condemneth as unlaw-
ful,) and without any license, (as law requireth,) he hath since taken
upon him to preach at Warwick, and at sundry other places of this
realm.
" 9. Item. That since his said return, in sundry private con-
ferences with such ministers and others as at sundry times, by word
and letter, have asked his advice or opinion, he hath showed mislike
of the laws and government ecclesiastical, and of (livers parts of
the Liturgy of this church ; and thereby persuaded and prevailed
also with many in sundry points to break the orders and form of
the Book of Common-Prayer, who observed them before, and also
to oppose themselves to the government of this church, as himself
well knoweth, or verily belie veth.
" 10. Item. That in all or most of such his sermons and exer-
cises, he hath taken occasion to traduce and inveigh against the
bishops, and other governors under them in this church.
" 11. Item. That he hath grown so far in hatred and dislike
towards them, as that at sundry times, in his prayer at sermons, and
namely, preaching at Banbury, about a year since, in such place as
others well-disposed pray for bishops, he pmyed to this or like effect :
' Because that they which ought to be pillars in the church do bend
themselves against Christ and his truth, therefore, O Lord, give us
grace and power, all as one man, to set ourselves against them."'
And this in effect, by way of emphasis, he then also repeated.
O'S ELIZABETH. BOOK. IX. CENT. XVI. 107
" ]2. Item. That preaching at sundry times and places, he
usually reacheth at all occasions to deprave, condemn, and impugn
the manner of ordination of bishops, ministers, and deacons ; sun-
dry ] oints of the polity, government, laws, orders, and rites eccle-
siastical, and^of the public Liturgy of the church of England, con-
tained in the Book of Common-Prayer ; as, namely, the use of the
surplice, the interrogatories to godfathers, &c. in the name of the
infants, the cross in baptism, the ring in marriage, the thanksgiving
after child-birth, burials by ministers, the kneeling at communion,
some points of the Litany, certain collects and prayers, the reading
of portions of Scripture for the Epistle and Gospel, and the manner
of singing in cathedral churches, and others.
" 13. Item, That preaching at the baptizing of one of Job
Throgmorton's children, he spoke much of the unlawfulness and in
derogation of the government, polity, laws, and Liturgy ecclesias-
tical of this realm ; and to the justification of a government by
elderships in every congregation, and by conference and synods, &c.
abroad, as Divine institutions commanded by Christ, and the only
lawful church-government ; seeking to prove and establish such
elderships out of that word in one of the Psalms, where thrones are
mentioned.
" 14. Item. That by toleration and impunity he did grow so con-
fident, and withal implacable, against the laws, government, and
orders of this church of England, that he could not endure Mr. Bourd-
man and others (preaching sundry times at Warwick) to speak
in defence thereof; but took upon him to confute, in sundry sermons
there, these things which the said Bourdman had truly and duti-
fully in that behalf spoken and delivered.
" 15. Item. That in his sermons at Warwick and elsewhere,
within the said time, he often delivered many frivolous, strange, and
undiscreet positions ; as, namely, that to kneel down and pray when
a man comes into the church, or pray there privately, was but to
offer the sacrifice of fools ; that it was requisite, all the hearers that
were able should stand upon their feet during sermons ; and, dis-
coursing about women, and their child-birth, &c. did speak thereof
so indiscreetly and offensively that sundry of them, in great grief, had
conspired to have mischieved him with stones in the open streets.
" 16. Item. That by his persuasions privately and publicly
delivered, sundry persons in and about Warwick were appointed to
impugn, both in words and deeds, the laws, orders, and rites pre-
scribed by the Book of Common- Prayer ; insomuch as both his
own wife, by his procurement and consent, refused, after child-birth,
to come and give thanks in such place of the church, and in that
solemn manner as thereby is prescribed ; and some other women
108 CHURCH HISTORY OF JBRITAIN. A.D. 1590.
also of that town, by such persuasion and example, did use the like
contempt.
" 17. Item. That sundry times (or at least once) when he com«
municated at the Lord's supper there, he sate, or stood upon his
feet ; and divers others, induced by his persuasions* and example,
both then and at other times did the like. And that, at other times,
there or in other places where he hath communicated, both himself
and otliers (as he had appointed or persuaded afore) did walk along,
and receive the sacrament of the minister as they passed by him.
" 18. Item. That for these, and such like disorders, he was pre-
sented to the bishop of Wigorne, his ordinary : before whom, being
convented in the consistory there, he spake to the justification and
upholding of such doing of his and of others, and there very pub-
licly and oflfensively affirmed and disputed, that the Book of
Common-Prayer, &c. is not established by law.
" 19. Item. That when, by authority from the said bishop, for
his contempt he was suspended from preaching, et ah omni functione
ministerii^ he appealed from the said suspension, yet did not prose-
cute within a year after ; whereby (the cause being according to law
remitted again to the bishop) he, the said Thomas Cartwright,
according to the former proceedings, falling again into the sentence
of suspension, (which was also intimated and made known unto
him,) nevertheless, in contempt of the authority ecclesiastical, he
hath preached at Warwick, Coventry, and elsewhere since the said
time.
" 20. Item. When one of his men-servants had committed for-
nication, and gotten a bastard in his house, he, taking upon him
the authority of the ordinary, did appoint unto the delinquent a
public form of penance, or satisfaction, in St. Mary's church at
Warwick, and caused him to perform the same.
*' 21. Item. Since his placing at Warwick, he, with others, at
such times as they thought fit, have agreed to have, and so have had,
divers public fasts, without the queen's authority, and have invited
and persuaded both sundry persons to be there present, and also cer-
tain to preach, to the number of three, four, or five, successively,
one after another ; being all noted to be such as mislike and impugn
sundry points of the laws, government, and Liturgy ecclesiastical of
this church of England. In which sermons, both he the said Cart-
wright, and such others also as then preached, did impugn and
inveigh against the present laws, government, polity, and Liturgy
ecclesiastical of this church of England.
" 22. Item. That, from time to time, since his abode in Warwick,
by his practice and dealing, he hath nourished a faction and heart-
burning of one inhabitant there against another, severing them in
2S ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 109
his own and his followers'' speeches, by the names of the godly ^ or
brethren favour ing sincerity^ and the profane.
" 23. Item. That he doth know, or [hath] credibly heard, who
were the penners, printers, or some of the dispersers of the several
libels, going under the name of Martin Mar-prehate, of the ' Demon-
stration of Discipline,' of Diotrephes, and such like books, before
it was known to authority ; and yet, in favour of such, and contempt
of good laws, did not manifest the same to any who had authority to
punish it.
" 24. Item. That being asked his opinion of such books, he
answered thus in effect, or something tending this way, namely,
meaning the bishops, and others there touched, would not amend by
grave books and advertisements, and therefore it was meet they
should thus be dealt with, to their further reproach and shame.
" 2^. Item. That for and in the behalf of the church of England,
he penned, or procured to be penned, all or some part of a little
book entitled in one part, Disciplina Ecclesiw sacra V^rbo Dei
descripta; and in the other part, Disciplina Synodica ex Ecclesi-
arum Usu^ ^c. And, after it was perused by others, whom he first
acquainted therewith, he recommended the same to the censures and
judgments of more brethren, (being learned preachers,) and some
others assembled together by his means, for that and other like pur-
poses : which, after deliberation, and some alterations, was by them,
or most of them, allowed, as the only lawful church-government, and
fit to be put in practice ; and the ways and means for the practising
thereof in this realm were also then, or not long after, agreed or con-
cluded upon by them.
" 26. Item. That for the better and more due practice of it
within the space of these seven, six, five, four, three, two, or one
year last past, the said Thomas Cartwright, and sundry others, (as
aforesaid, according to former appointment and determinations by
them made,) have met in assemblies, termed synods, more general,
(as at London, at terms and parliament-times ; in Oxford at the
Act; in Cambridge at the times of Commencement, and Stour-
bridge-fair,) and also more particular and provincial synods, and at
classes or conferences of certain selected ministers, in one or more
places of sundry several shires, as, Warwick, Northampton, Rut-
land, Oxford, Leicester, Cambridge, Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and
others.
" 27. Iteyn. That at such synods and conferences it hath been
concluded, that all the ministers which should be received to be
either of the said general synods, or of any more particular and
provincial, or of a classis or conference, should subscribe to the said
discipline, that they did allow it, would promote it, practise it, and
110 CHURCti HISTOUY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1590.
be governed by it. And according to the form of a schedule here-
unto annexed, or such like, both he the said Thomas Cartwright,
and many others, at sundry or some general assemblies, as at
provincial and at several conferences, have, within the said time,
subscribed the same, or some part thereof.
" 28. Item. That at such synods and all other assemblies, a
moderator of that meeting was first by him and them chosen,
according to the prescription of the said book. And at some of
such meetings and assemblies, amongst other things, it was re-
solved and concluded, that such particular conferences in several
shires should be erected ; how many persons, and with what letters
from every of them, should be sent to the general assembly ; and
that one of them, at their coming home to their conference, should
make known the determinations of the general assembly, to be by
every of them followed and put in practice; which course, in sundry
places of this realm, hath, within the time aforesaid, been accord-
ingly followed and performed.
"29. Item. That he, with others, in some such classis or con-
ference, or in a synod, or more general assembly holden, did treat
and dispute, among other points, these six articles contained in
another schedule annexed, and set down their resolution and
determination of them.
" 30. Item. That he, with others, assembled in such a general
assembly or synod at Cambridge, did conclude and decree, as in
another schedule annexed, or in some part thereof, is contained ;
which decrees were made known afterwards at Warwick to sundry
classes there by his means assembled, and allowed also by them then
met together in the same or like form.
*' 31. Item. That all such several meetings, synods, and con-
ferences, within the said time, many other determinations, as well
what should be done and performed, or omitted ; as also what
should be holden consonant to God's word, or disagreeing from it ;
have been set down by the said Thomas Cartwright and others : as,
namely, that all admitted to either assembly should subscribe the
said Book of Discipline, holy and synodical ; that those who were
sent from any conference to a synod should bring letters fiduciary
or of credence ; that the last moderator should write them ; that
the superscription thereof should be to a known man of the assembly
then to be holden ; that no book made by any of them should be
put in print, but by consent of the classis at least ; that some
of them must be earnest, and some more mild and temperate,
whereby there may be both of the spirit of Elias and Elizeus ; that
all admitted amongst them should subscribe, and promise to conform
themselves in their proceedings, administration of sacraments, and of
33 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. Ill
discipline, to the form of that book ; and that they would subject
themselves to the censuring of the brethren, both for doctrine and
life ; and, lastly, that upon occasion, when any their brethren shall
be sent by them upon affairs of the church, (as to the great meet-
ings, parliament, &c.) they all would bear their charges in common ;
that there might be no superiority amongst them, and that the
moderatorship (as it happened) is not a superiority or honour, but a
burden : that no profane writer, or any other than canonical Scrip-
ture, may be alleged in sermons : that they should all teach, that
the ministry of those who did not preach is no ministry, but a mere
nullity : that it is not lawful to take any oath, whereby a man may
be driven to discover any thing penal to himself, or to his brother,
especially if he be persuaded the matter to be lawful for which the
punishment is like to be inflicted, or, having taken it, in this
case need not discover the very truth : that to a bishop, or other
officer ecclesiastical, (as is used now in the church of England,)
none obedience ought to be given, neither in appearing before them,
in doing that which they command, nor in abstaining from that
which they inhibit : that in such places as the most of the people
favoured the cause of sincerity, eldership should warily and wisely
be placed and established, which consistory in some places hath been
either wholly or in part erected accordingly : yea, in some colleges
in the university, as he knoweth, hath heard, or verily belie veth.""
These Articles were tendered to Mr. Cartwright in the consistory
of Paul's, before John Aylmer, bishop of London, the two Lord
Chief Justices, Justice Gawdy, serjeant Puckering, afterwards Lord
Keeper, and Attorney-General Popham.
28. Mr. Cartwright refuseth to answer on Oath.
These commissioners did move him to give in his answer, the
rather because the chief points in the interrogatories were delivered
in general terms unto him ; and they severally assured him, on their
credits, that, by the laws of the realm, he was to take his oath, and
to answer as he was required. Bui Mr. Cartwright desired to be
borne withal ; pleading, that he thought he was not bound by the
laws of God so to do. Hereupon he was sent to the rest of his
brethren to the Fleet, where he secretly and silently took up his
lodging ; many admiring at the panic peaceableness, and so quiet a
calm, where so violent a tempest was feared to arise.
29. Wiggington's riddling Words.
Some, soon after, November 6th, expected the appearance of the
presbyterian party, accounting it more valour to free, than to keep
their friends, from prison ; the rather, because of a passage in a
112 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.J). 1591.
letter of Mr. Wiggington's to one Mr. Porter at Lancaster : " Mr.
Cartwright is in the Fleet for the refusal of the oath, as I hear ; and
Mr. Knewstubs is sent for ; and sundry worthy ministers are dis-
quieted, who have been spared long. So that we look for some
bickering ere long, and then a battle which cannot long endure.**'
Words variously expounded, as men's fancies directed them. Some
conceived that this "bickering" and "battle" did barely import
a passive conflict, wherein their patience was to encounter the
power of their adversaries, and to conquer by suffering ; parallel
to the apostle's words, " Without were fightings," 2 Cor. vii. 5 ;
meaning combats to wrestle with in many difficulties opposing their
proceedings. Others expounded the words literally, (not of a tame
but wild battle,) and of some intended violence, as if shortly they
would muster their (hitherto invisible) forces to storm the Fleet,
and rescue their friends therein. A third sort beheld Wiggington,
the writer of these words, as one but " of the sober sort of distracted
men ; " and therefore in vain do staid heads make serious comments
on light men's random expressions, where the knot is neither to be
untied nor cut, but cast away.
30. The King of Scots ivrites in Favour of the Nonconformists.
A.D. 1591.
Now the principal pillars of the presbyterian party — being some in
restraint, more in trouble, all in fear — applied themselves, by their
secret solicitors, to James, king of Scotland; and procured his letter to
the queen in their behalf, seconded with another to the same effect.
They conceived so potent a petitioner must needs prevail, especially
in this juncture of time ; the queen having lately (since she put his
mother to death) adulced him with fair language and kind carriage.
This letter was sent to one Mr. Johnson, a Scotch merchant in Lon-
don ; by him presented to the queen, perused by her majesty, and
remitted to her Privy Council. But behold the tenour thereof: —
'* Right excellent, high and mighty Princess, our
DEAREST Sister and Cousin,
" In our heartiest manner we recommend us unto you. Hearing
of the apprehension of Mr. Udall and Mr. Cartwright, and certain
other ministers of the Evangel within your realm, of whose good
erudition and faithful travails in the church we hear a very credible
commendation, howsoever that their diversity from the bishops and
others of your clergy, in matters touching them in conscience, hath
been a mean, by their dilation, to work them your misliking ; at this
present we cannot (weighing the duty which we owe to such as are
afflicted for their conscience in that profession) but by our most
o4 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 113
efFectuous and earnest letter interpone us at your hands to stay any
harder usage of them for that cause ; requesting you most earnestly
that for our cause and intercession it may please you to let them be
relieved of their present strait, and whatsoever further accusation or
pursuit depending on that ground, respecting both their former
merit, in setting forth the Evangel, the simplicity of their conscience
in this defence which cannot well be, their let by compulsion, and
the great slander which could not fail to fall out upon their further
streighting [straitness] for any such occasion. Which we assure
us your zeal to religion, beside the expectation we have of your good-
will to pleasure us, will willingly accord to our request, having such
proofs from time to time of our like disposition to you in any matters
w^hich you recommend unto us ; and thus, right excellent, right high,
and mighty princess, our dear sister and cousin, we commit you to
God's protection.
" Edinburgh, June 12th, 1591.''
This letter prevailed little with the queen ; nor do I find that the
king of Scotland was discontented thereat ; princes politically under-
standing their mutual secret language, (not to say silent signs,) whose
desires to foreign princes for private persons carry this tacit reserva-
tion,— If it may stand with the conveniency and pleasure of him to
whom it is written. Besides, they know by their own experience,
that often there is the least of themselves in their own letters, as
granted merely for quietness' sake, to satisfy the importunity of
others.
31. Mr Cartwright discharged the Star-Chamher hy the Inter-
cession of Archbishop Whit gift.
One word from archbishop Whitgift befriended Mr. Cartwright
more than both the letters from the king of Scotland. This prelate,
reflecting on his abilities, and their ancient acquaintance in Trinity
College ; and remembering, as an honourable adversary, they had
brandished pens one against another ; and considering that both of
them now were well-stricken in years ; and, some will say, fearing
the success in so tough a conflict ; on Mr. Cartwright's general pro-
mise to be quiet, procured his dismission out of the Star-chamber
and prison wherein he was confined. Henceforward Mr. Cartwright
became very peaceable : not that he began to desert the cause, but
the cause him ; the original state of the point of nonconformity being
much altered and disguised from itself, and many state-businesses
(which Mr. Cartwright disclaimed) by turbulent spirits shuffled
into it.
Vol. III. I
114 CHURCH HISTORY OF RIIITAIN. A.D. 1591.
32 — 37- A Preface to the ensuing Discourse. The Character of
Hacket. His mofistrous Opinions and Practices. Pro-
claimed by his two Prophets- Jfi Adventure with more
Boldness than Discretion. Hacket?s Eocecution.
Next followeth the just death of Hacket for his damnable blas-
phemy ; and I am sensible of a sad dilemma concerning the same.
For not relating the story will be interpreted favouring of him and
wronging the truth. Relating it may be accounted gracing his im-
pieties by recording them. And seeing it is hard for one soul to
attend two things at once, some will say, no author can write and
detest, nor reader peruse and detest, these his blasphemies so, at the
same instant, but that there will be a short interval betwixt them,
yet long enough to have piety wounded therein. However, arming
ourselves and others with caution premised, we enter on this sorrow-
ful subject ; the rather because the best may be bettered by the
worst of men, when considering that natural corruption in their
hearts is not less headstrong, but more bridled. Think not that
Hacket and his two companions were worse by nature than all others
of the English nation. I tell you, Nay; for if God's restraining
grace be taken from us, we shall all run into the same excess of riot.
This William Hacket was born in Oundle in Northamptonshire ;
of so cruel and fierce a nature, that he is reported to have bit off and
eaten down the nose of his schoolmaster : a maltster by trade ; which
calling being too narrow for his active soul, he undertook to be a dis-
coverer of and informer against recusants ; an employment which
often procured his admittance into the presence of great persons,
when his betters were excluded ; one of a bold and confident nature,
Avho though but an invited guest where many clergymen were present,
would always presume to say grace and pray before them ; a great
stickler for the Geneva discipline, being very great with AViggington
and other the most violent of that faction ; always inculcating that
some extraordinary course must be presently taken with the obstruc-
tors thereof. Once he desperately took his dagger, and violently
struck the same into the picture of the queen, aiming at her heart
therein by proportion. He pretended also to revelations, immediate
raptures and discourses with God, as also to bufFetings of satan,
attesting the truth thereof with most direful oaths and execrations.
One argument Hacket used to allege, to prove his own invulnera-
bility,— because he proffered leave to any one to kill him that would ;
the cunning impostor knowing full well that it was death for any to
do it, beings ecured from such violence, not by any secret quality in
himself, but by the good laws of the queen, against whom he so
bitterly inveighed. He railed also against the archbishop Whitgift
o4 ELIZABETH. BOOK TX. CEXT. XVI. 115
and chancellor Hatton, with other of the Privy Counsellors; pre-
tending himself sent from heaven to reform church and state, and
bring in a new discipline into both by extraordinary means.
Afterwards he gave it out, that the principal spirit of the Messias
rested in him ; and he had two attendants ; Edmund Coppinger, the
queen's servant and one of good descent, for his prophet of mercy ;
and Henry Arthington, a Yorkshire gentleman, for his prophet of
judgment. These proclaimed out of a cart in Cheapside, July 16th,
that Christ was come in Hacket, with his fan in his hand, to purge
the godly from the wicked ; with many other precedent, concomitant,
and consequent impieties. For who can otherwise conceive but such
a prince-principal of darkness must be proportionably attended with
a black guard of monstrous opinions and expressions ? They cried
also, " Repent, England ! repent ! " good counsel for all that heard,
but best for them that gave it. With much ado (such the press of
people) they got home to Broken- Wharf, where Hacket lay ; and,
next day, all three were sent to Bridewell, though some conceived
Bedlam the more proper place for them. And, some days after,
Hacket, being solemnly arraigned before the Judges at Westminster,
demeaned himself very scornfully, but was found guilty on a double
indictment and condemned.
During his imprisonment in Bridewell, one Dr. Childerly, rector
of St. Dunstan's-in-the-East, repaired unto him, and proffered to
gripe arms with him and try the wrists ; which Hacket unwillingly
submitted to do ; though otherwise boasting himself invulnerable and
impenetrable. The doctor, though with some difficulty, (Hacket
being a foul, strong lubber,) yet fairly twisted his wrists almost to the
breaking thereof, but not to the bowing of him to any confession or
remorse ; whilst the other presently hasteth home to his house, locked
himself up in his study, and with fasting and prayer begged pardon of
God for his pride and boldness, that, having neither promised precept
nor precedent for his practice in Scripture, he should adventure on
such a trial, Wherein justly he might have been worsted for his pre-
sumption ; and discreet men will more commend the relenting tender-
ness of his heart, than the sleight and strength of his hands.
Hacket was brought to the gibbet near to the Cross in Cheapside ;
and there belched forth most blasphemous execrations, till the halter
stopped his breath. I know what one lawyer pleadeth in his behalf,
though it be little credit to be the advocate of such a client, — that
the bishops had made him mad with persecuting of him. Sure it
was, if he were mad, not any learning but overmuch pride made him
so ; and sure it is, he discovered no distemper in other particulars,
personating, at least wise, if not performing, all things with a com-
posed gravity. But there is a madness which physicians count most
I 2
116 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1591.
imcurable, and call it modesta insania ; when one is mad as to one
particular point alone, whilst serious and sober in all other things.
Whether Hacket were not touched with this or no, I will not decide ;
but leave him to stand or fall to his own master. Coppinger died
in Bridewell, starving himself (as it is said) by wilful abstinence.
Arthington, the prophet of judgment, lived to prove the object of
God's and the queen's mercy, and printed a plain book of his hearty
repentance : Happy herein that he met with a general belief of his
serious sorrow and sincere amendment !
38. This Accident unhappily improved against the Noncon^
formists.
This business of Hacket happened very unseasonably for the
presbyterians. True it is, they as cordially detested his blasphemies
as any of the episcopal party. And such of them as loved Hacket
the nonconformist, abhorred Hacket the heretic, after he had
mounted to so high a pitch oP impiety. But, beside the glutinous
nature of all aspersions to stick where they light, they could not wash
his odium so fast from themselves, but their adversaries were as ready
to rub it on again. This rendered them at this time so hated at
court, that, for many months together, no favourite durst present a
petition in their behalf to the queen, being loath to lose himself, to
save others, so offended was her majesty against them.
39. J/r. Stone by his Confession discovereth the Meeting of
the B7'ethren, with the Circumstances thereof
The same day wherein Hacket was executed, July 27th, Thomas
Stone, parson of Warkton in Northamptonshire, (by virtue of an oath
tendered him the day before by the queen''s attorney, and solemnly
taken by him,) was examined by the examiner for the Star-chamber
in Gray's Inn, from six of the clock in the morning, till seven at night,
to answer unto thirty-three articles ; but could only effectually depose
to these which follow, faithfully by me transcribed out of a confession
written with his own hand, and lately in my possession.
Interrogation I. — Who and how many assembled and met
together with the said defendants, T. C, H.E., E. S., &c. all or
any of them where, when, how often ? &c.
The answer of Thomas Stone — To the interrogatory
touching the circumstances of, 1. Places of meeting :
(1.) Greater. — First. In London, i. At Traverses house ; ii. At
Egerton's house ; iii. At Gardener's house ; iv. At Barber's house.
Second. In Cambridge. — In St. John's College. (2.) Less. —
First. In Northampton, i. At Johnson's house; ii. At Snape's
34 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 117
house. Second. In Kettering, or near it. i. At Damme''s house ;
ii. At Stone's house.
2. Times : (1.) Since the beginning of the last parliament.
(2.) Sundry times at London, how oft he remembered not. (3.)
Sundry times at Northampton, how oft not remembered. (4.)
Sundry times at Kettering, how not remembered. (5.) Once at
Cambridge, about Stourbridge-fair time was one or two years. (6.)
Once at London, a little before Mr. Cartwright was committed, at
Mr. Gardener's house. (7.) Once at this deponent's house, the
certain time not remembered.
3. Persons : (1.) Meeting in London jointly or severally. —
Mr. Travers, Mr. Chark, Mr. Egerton, Mr. Gardener, Mr. Barber,
Mr. Brown, Mr. Somerscales, Mr. Cartwright, Mr. Chatterton,
Mr. GyfFord, Mr. Allen, Mr. Edmunds, Mr. Gyllybrand, Mr.
Culverwell, Mr. Oxenbridge, Mr. Barbon, Mr. Fludde, this depo-
nent. (2.) Meeting in Cambridge. — Mr. Chatterton and others of
Cambridge, Mr. Cartwright, Mr. GyfFord, Mr. Allen, Mr. Snape,
Mr. Fludde, this deponent. (3.) Meeting in Northampton, jointly
or severally. — Mr. Johnson, Mr. Snape, Mr. Sybthorpe, Mr.
Edwards, Mr. Fludde, this deponent, Mr. Spicer, Mr. Fleshware,
Mr. Harrison, Mr. Littleton, Mr. Williamson, Mr. Rushbrook,
Mr. Baxter, Mr. Barbon, Mr. King, Mr. Proudtome, Mr. Massie,
Mr. Bradshaw. (4.) Meeting at Kettering, or near to it. — Mr.
Dammes, Mr. Pattison, Mr. Okes, Mr. Baxter, Mr. Rushbrook,
Mr. Atkinson, Mr. Williamson, Mr. Massie, this deponent.
Inter ROG. II. — Who called these assemblies, by what authority,
how, or in what sort ?
Answer. — That he knew not by whom they were called, neither
knew he any other authority therein, saving a voluntary or free
motion, one giving another intelligence as occasion served, some-
times by letters, and sometimes by word of mouth.
Intekrog. III. — Who were moderators in them, and what their
office ?
Answer. — That he remembered not who were moderators in any
meeting particularly, saving once at Northampton, when Mr. Johnson
was admonished ; and that was either himself, or Mr. Snape, he
knew not well whether.
Interrog. IV. — What things were debated in those meetings
or assemblies ?
Answer. — That the things chiefly and most often considered of
in those assemblies were these : — First. The subscription to the
Book of Common- Prayer ; how far it might be yielded unto, rather
than any should forego his ministry. Secondly. The Book of Dis-
cipline was often perused, discussed, &c. Thirdly. Three petitions
118 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1591.
OT supplicatiops were agreed upon to be drawn, 1. To lier majesty.
2. To the lords of the Council. 3. To the bishops. The thiugs
debated of in particular, he remembered not more than these : 1. The
perfecting of the Book of Discipline, and purpose to subscribe to it
at Cambridge. 2. This question disputed : Whether it were con-
venient for Mr. Cartwright to reveal the circumstances of the con-
ference, a little before he was committed ? 3. The admonishing of
Mr. Johnson once at Northampton. 4. The debating of this ques-
tion : Whether the books called Apocrypha were warrantable to be
read publicly in the church as the canonical Scriptures ?
Interrog. V. — Whether any censures were exercised, what
kinds, when, where, upon whom, by Avhom, for what cause ?
Answer. — That he never saw any censure exercised, saving ad-
monition once upon Mr. Johnson of Northampton, for miscarrying
himself in his conversation, to the scandal of his calling; neither
was that used with any kind of authority, but by a voluntary
yielding unto it, and approving of it, as well in him that was
admonished, as in him which did admonish.
Interrog. VI. — Whether any of the said defendants had
moved or persuaded any to refuse an oath, and in what case ? &c.
Answer. — That he never knew any of the defendants to use
words of persuasion to any to refuse an oath ; only Mr. Snape sent
him down in writing certain reasons drawn out of the Scripture,
which moved him to refuse the general oath, e.r officio, which I
stood persuaded tliat he sent to none other end, but to declare that
he refused not to swear upon any contempt, but only for conscience'
sake.
I have insisted the longer on this deposition, because the first
^and fullest that I find in the kind thereof, containing their classes
more formally settled in Northamptonshire, than any where else in
England. For as the west part of that shire is observed to be the
highest place of England, as appeareth by the rivers rising there,
and running thence to the four winds ; so was that county a pro-
bable place (as the midst of the land) for tlie presbyterian discipline,
there erected, to derive itself into all the quarters of the kingdom.
40. The Reasons why Mr. Stone made this Confession against
the Hope and Expectation of the Brethren.
But when the news of Mv. Stone's answer was brought abroad, he
was generally censured by those of his party ; — as well such as were
yet at liberty, conceiving themselves endangered by his discovery,
as by those already in prison, complaining tliat he added affliction
to their bonds. Yea, his embracing a difl^erent course from the
rest cast an aspersion on others of his side, as less sound in judg-
34 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 110
ment, or tender in conscience, because peremptorily concealing what
lie thought fitting to confess. Many that highly esteemed him
before, hereafter accounted him no precious but a counterfeit
stone : so that he found it necessary in his own vindication to
impart the reasons of his confession to such as condemned him, if
not for a traitor, at least for a coward in the cause.
1. He judged it unlawful to refuse an oath, limited and bounded
within the compass of the conferences, being required before a law-
ful magistrate, in a plea for the prince, to a lawful end, to try out the
truth in a doubtful fact, suspected and feared to be dangerous both
to church and common- weal ; but such was that oath which was ten-
dered to him, ergo —
2. He, being lawfully sworn, judged it unlawful to be mute,
much more to speak any untruth.
•J. If he had not been urged by oath to reveal, yet did he judge
that silence unlawful which justly causeth suspicion of evil, — as of
treason, rebellion, sedition, &c.
4. He judged that concealment unlawful which was not only
scandalous, but also dangerous ; as this that might occasion and
encourage wicked persons to hide their complices in their worst
attempts.
5. He judged that the clearing of a doubtful fact requireth the
clearing of the circumstances, which cannot be cleared till they be
known.
6. He judged that silence unlawful which leaveth the truth friend-
less, or few friends when she hath need of many.
7. He judged it a point or note of Puritanism for any to stand
so upon the integrity of their own actions as that they should not
be doubted of, suspected, examined, censured, &c.
8. He saw no probability nor possibility in reason to have the
circumstances longer concealed. (1.) Because many of them are
already made known, partly by the letters and writings of the bre-
thren in bonds, which have been intercepted ; partly also by certain
false brethren ; and, lastly, by certain faithful but weak brethren,
whose confessions are to be seen under their own hands. (2.)
Because the magistrate is resolutely set to search them out : And,
Lastly, Because divers are to be called and to answer upon oath,
which approve not the concealing of them.
9. He judged the inconveniences which come by the concealing
to be, if not more in number, yet greater in weight, and more
inevitable than those that come by reveal ings, which as it may
appear in some of the former reasons alleged to prove the unlawful-
ness of concealing, so may it further appear in these that follow : —
10. The good name and credit of any (of a minister much more)
120 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1591.
ought to be dearer to liim, and to all those that love him, than his
liberty, &c. But, by this concealing, the credit of many good
ministers is eclipsed.
11. This concealing hath caused a continuance of some in bonds
and imprisonment hitherto, would cause others to be committed,
and withal causeth suspicion of evils, — treason, rebellion, sedition,
&c. and thereby also evil report, slander, &c.
12. As, by concealing, the aforesaid suspicion and slander lieth
still upon us all which have been in these actions ; so doth the same
grow every day more grievous by the wicked attempts of hypocrites
and profane persons, which carry the name of Puritans, Precisians,
&c. as those of late in Cheapside.
15. Although it be very like, that the revealing will bring punish-
ment upon the rest, yet is it not certain nor necessary ; but the con-
cealing doth certainly cause suspicion, slander, &c.
14. The concealing argueth either some guiltiness, or at the
least some faintness and fear, to be seen or known in these actions.
15. It leaveth the truth (which now travaileth) poor, naked,
destitute, and void of friends. It casteth the care, credit, counte-
nance, defence, and maintenance of it upon those few which are in
prison, which ought to be supported and maintained by all.
16. It leaveth the burden upon eight or nine men's shoulders,
which ought to be eased by many.*
What satisfaction this gave to his party, I know not. Sure I
am, the bishops, till his dying day, beheld him as an ingenuous
man, carrying his conscience with the reason thereof in his own
breast, and not pinning it on the precedent of any other; where-
upon they permitted him peaceably to possess his parsonage, (being
none of the meanest,) though he continued a stiff nonconformist,
only quietly enjoying his own opinion. Indeed, he was a downright
Nathanael, if not guilty of too much of the dove in him ; faulty in
that defect wherein more offend in the excess, — not minding the
world so much as became a provident parent. But we leave him
Avhen we have told the reader, that he was bred a student in Christ
Church, and was Proctor of Oxford,f anno 1580, and died quietly
an old man, anno 1617, at Warkton in Northamptonshire.
41. Sy nodical Meetings finally blasted.
Thus, one link being slipped out, the whole chain was quickly
broken and scattered. Stone's discovery marred for the future all
their formal meetings, as classically or synodically methodized. If
any of these ministers hereafter came together, it was for visits, not
• Carefully by me transcribed out of his own letters to his friends. f Brian
Twine in Jppcndkc Aid, Ac Oxon.
34 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 121
visitations ; to enjoy themselves, not enjoin others orders to be
observed by them.
42. Perkins's Piety procures his Peace.
Whereas Mr. Stone confesseth their meeting in Cambridge, with
Mr. Chadderton and others, I find some of these others elsewhere
specified;* namely, Mr. Perkins, and Mr. Thomas Harrison, after^
wards the reverend vice-master of Trinity-College, both of them
concurring, though neither of them very active in this cause. Mr.
Perkins, whatsoever his judgment was in point of church- discipline,
never publicly meddled with it in his preaching ; and, being pressed
by others about the lawfulness of subscription, he declined to mani-
fest his opinion therein, glad to enjoy his own quiet, and to leave
others to the liberty of their own consciences. Solomon's observation
found truth in him : " When a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh
even his enemies to be at peace with him,"" Pro v. xvi. 7 ; whose piety
procured freedom to his preaching, and fair respect to his person
even from those who in affections differed, and in opinion dissented,
from him : for all held Perkins for a prophet ; I mean, for a painf J
and faithful dispenser of God's will in his word.
43 — 47. Transition to a more pleasant Subject. The Founda-
tion of an University in Dublin. The several Benefactors
thereto. The Addition of two Emissary Hostels. Dublin
a Colony of Cambridge.
But I am weary of writing these sad dissensions in our church,
and fain would pass over to some more pleasing subject ; from the
renting of God's church, to the repairing of it ; from the confound-
ing thereof to the founding and building of some eminent place for
learning and religion. But finding none of that nature this very
year in England, I am fain to seek one beyond the seas; and at last
have lighted on the university and college of Dublin, which now
began to be erected.
Anciently Ireland was the seminary of saints ; people from all
parts of Christendom repairing thither, there to find and thence to
fetch the perfect pattern of monastical devotion. Many hundred
years after, namely, in the reign of king Edward II. Alexander
Bickner, archbishop of Dublin, obtained license of the pope to erect
an university in Dublin. But the design succeeded not according to
his desire and others' expectation. Now at the last the same was
effected by royal authority, and a college there erected, and dedi-
cated to the Holy Trinity. This mindethme of a pleasant passage :
In the reign of king Henry YIII. it was enjoined, that all churches
• Dr. Ba.ncroft in his book of " Dangerous Positions," chap. vii. page 39,
122 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1591.
dedicated to St. Thomas Becket, shc-kl be new named, and con-
signed over to some real saint. Now, whilst country people sate in
consultation, Avhat new saint such churches should assume, being
divided in their opinions, to whom the same should be dedicated, an
old man gave this advice, "Even dedicate it to the Holy Trinity,
which will last and continue when all other saints may chance to be
taken away.""
Many eminent persons concurred to advance so worthy a work.
And because we are to speak of a college, wherein seniority takes
place, we will rank these persons, not according to their dignity, but
time of their benefaction.
1. Henry Usher, then archdeacon of Dublin, bred in Cambridge,
(afterward archbishop of Armagh, and uncle to James Usher the
present archbishop thereof,) took a journey with nmch danger into
England, and with more difficulty procured the mortmain from,
2. Queen Elizabeth, who graciously granted it, naming the cor-
poration. Collegium Sanctce ac Indimduoe Trinitatis^ ex fundatione
Regince Elizahethce, juxta Dublin.
3. William Cecil, baron Burleigh, and treasurer of England, is
appointed in the mortmain first chancellor of the university, as being
an active instrument to procure the same.
4. Sir William Fitz- Williams, Lord-deputy of Ireland, (whose
arms are deservedly graven over the college-gate,) issued out his let-
ters for collection to all the counties in Ireland, to advance so good
a design ; and the Irish (though then generally papists) were very
bountiful thereunto.
5. Mr. Luke Chaloner, fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge,
received and disbursed the moneys, had the oversight of the fabric,
which he faithfully procured to be finished, meriting that verse
inscribed on his fair monument in Dublin-college chapel, built by his
daughter : * —
• Conditur hoc tumulo Chaloneri triste cadavery
Cvjus ope, et i^recibus, coridiur ista doinus.
** This tomb witliin it here contains
Of Chaloner the sad remains ;
By who.se praj'er and helping hand
This house erected here doth stand."
6. The mayor and alderm'en of Dublin bestowed on the College
the site thereof, (with some accommodations of considerable grounds
about it,) being formerly a religious house, termed Allhallows^
which, at the suppression of abbeys, was bestowed on their corpora-
tion.
* Sin-.-e married to the archbishop of Araiagh.
34 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 123
7. Adam Loftus, Fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge, at tliis
present arclibishop of Dublin, and chancellor of Ireland, was the
first master of the College, holding it as an honorary title, though
not so much to receive credit by, as to return lustre to, the place.
8. Sir Warham Saint-Leger was very bountiful in paying yearly
pensions for the maintenance of the first students thereof, before the
college was endowed with standing revenues.
9. Sir Francis Shane, a mere Irishman, but good protestant, was
a principal benefactor, and kept this infant-foundation from being
strangled in the birth thereof.
10. Robert Devereux, earl of Essex, lord -lieutenant of Ireland,
and second chancellor of this university, bestowed, at the entreaty of
the students of this college, a cannoneer's pay, and the pay of cer-
tain dead places of soldiers, to the value well-nigh of four hundred
pounds a-year for the scholars'* maintenance, which continued for
some years.
11. King James, that great patron of learning, to complete all,
confirmed the revenues of this college in perpetuum^ endowing it
with a great proportion of good land in the province of Ulster.
Thus through many hands this good work at last was finished ;
the first stone whereof was laid May 13th, 1591 ; and in the year
1593, scholars were first admitted, and the first of them James
Usher, smce archbishop of Armagh, that mirror of learning and
religion, never to be named by me without thanks to him, and to
God for him. Nor must it be forgotten, that what Josephus reports
of the temple built by Herod, Kar sksIvov tov xuipov 6iKoh[xou[ji.ivov
Tov vuov, Tcig [xh rjfJ^spctg ou^ v=iv, kv de raig vv^\ ylvsa^oii roug Ofx^povg,
ws f/^Yj xMXvorai to 'ipyov, " During the time of the building of the tem-
ple, it rained not in the day-time, but in the night, that the shov/ers
might not hinder the work ; "'* I say, what by him is reported hath
been avouched to me by witnesses above exception, that the same
happened here, from the founding to the finishing of this College ;
the officious heavens always smiling by day, (though often weeping
by night,) till the work was completed.
The whole species of the University of Dublin was for many
years preserved in the individuum of this one College. But, since,
this instrument hath made better music, when what was but a mono-
chord before hath got two other smaller strings unto it, — the addi-
tion of New College, and Kildare Hall. What remaineth, but that
I wish that all those worthy divines bred therein, may have their
doctrine drop as the rain, and their speech distil as the dew, as the
small rain upon the tender herb, and as the showers upon the grass !
Deut. xxxii. 2.
* Jnliq. Jud. lib, xv. x"ap. 20.
124 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1591.
Let none censure this for a digression from our Church History of
England. His discourse that is resident on the son doth not wholly
wander from the father ; seeing none will deny but ihsit proles is pars
parentis, " the child is part of the parent." Dublin University was
a colonia deducta from Cambridge, and particularly from Trinity
College therein, (one motive perchance to the name of it,) as may
appear by the ensuing catalogue of the Provosts thereof : —
1. Adam Loftus, Fellow of Trinity College, first Provost.
2. Walter Travers, Fellow of the same College, second Provost.
3. Henry Alva, Fellow of St. John's College in Cambridge, third
Provost.
4. Sir William Temple, who wrote a learned comment on Ramus,
Fellow of King's College, fourth Provost.
5. Joseph Mede, Fellow of Christ College in Cambridge, chosen
Provost, but refused to accept it.
6.
7. William Chappel, Fellow of the same College, seventh Provost.
Know also that this University did so Cantabrize, that she imitated
her in the successive choice of her chancellors ; the daughter dutifully
approving and following the judgment of her mother therein.
48. The Death of Arthur Faunt.
This year was fatal to no eminent protestant divine ; and I find
but one of the Romish persuasion dyingtherein, — Arthur (shall I
say, or Laurence ?) Faunt, born of worshipful parentage at Folston in
Leicestershire, bred in Merton College in Oxford, whence he fled
(with Mr. Pots, his tutor) to Louvain, and never more returned into
England. From Louvain he removed to Paris, thence to Munich,
an University in Bavaria, (where William the duke exhibited unto
him,) thence to Rome, where he was admitted a Jesuit. Hence
pope Gregory XIIL sent him to be governor of the Jesuits'* College
at Posen in Poland, newly erected by Sigismund, king thereof. Yea,
so great was the fame of this Faunt, that (if his own letters may be
believed) three princes courted him at once to come to them. He
altered his Christian name of Arthur, because (as his kinsman tells us)*
no Calendar-saint was ever of that name ; and assumed the name of
Laurence, dying this year at Wilna in Lithuania, leaving books of
his own making, much prized by those of his own profession.
49, 50. The Contest hetwinct Hooker and Travers. Hookers
Character.
Now began the heat and height of the sad contest betwixt Mr.
Richard Hooker, master — and Mr. Walter Travers, lecturer — of the
• Bl'Hton in his " Description of Leicestershire," page 10.
S4 ELIZABETH. ROOK IX. CENT. XVI. 125
Temple. We will be the larger in the relating thereof, because we
behold their actions, not as the deeds of private persons, but the
public champions of their party. Now, as an army is but a champion
diffused, so a champion may be said to be an army contracted. The
prelatical party wrought to the height in and for Hooker, nor was the
presbyterian power less active in assisting Mr. Travers ; both sides
being glad they had gotten two such eminent leaders, with whom they
might engage with such credit to their cause.
Hooker was born in Devonshire, bred in Oxford, Fellow of Corpus-
Christi College ; one of a solid judgment and great reading, Yea,
such the depth of his learning, that his pen was a better bucket than
his tongue to draw it out : a great defender both by preaching and
writing of the discipline of the church of England, yet never got
(nor cared to get) any eminent dignity therein ; conscience, not covet-
ousness, engaging him in the controversy. Spotless was his conver-
sation ; and, though some dirt was cast, none could stick on his
reputation. Mr. Travers was brought up in Trinity College in
Cambridge ; and because much of church-matter depends upon him,
I give the reader the larger account of his carriage.
51, 52. Travers takes his Orders heyond Seas. He with Mr,
Cartwright invited to be Divinity-professors in St. Andrew'^s.
Travers, meeting with some discontents in the College, after the
death of Dr. Beaumont, (in whose time he was elected Fellow,) took
occasion to travel beyond seas ; and, coming to Geneva, contracted
familiarity with Mr. Beza, and other foreign divines, with whom he
by letters continued correspondency till the day of his death. Then
returned he, and commenced bachelor of divinity in Cambridge, and
after that went beyond sea again, and at Antwerp was ordained
minister by the presbytery there ; whose testimonial I have here
faithfully transcribed out of the original : —
Quam multis de causis sit et cequum et consultum unumquemque
eorum qui ad verbi Dei ministerium adscismmttir, wcationis suw
testimonium habere : asserimus, coactd Antmrpiw ad 8 Mail., 1578,
duodecim ministrorum rerbi cum totidem fere senioribus synodo.,
prcestantissimum pietate et eruditione rirum ac fratrem referendum
doctorem Gualterum Traverseum., omnium qui aderant suffragiis
ardentissimis que votis, consueto ritu fiiisse in sancto mrbi Dei
ministerio institittum, precibusque ac manuum impositione con."
firmatum. Poster o autem die post Sabbatum ab illo in frequenti
Anglorum coetu concionem, rogante eo qui a synodo delegatus erat
ministro, propeiisissimisque totius ecclesiw animis acceptum fuisse.
Quod quidem domini ac fratris nostri colendi apud Anglos minis-
terium., ut benignitate sua D^tis Omnipotens donor um .morum
126 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1591.
incremento et ampUssimo functionis ejus fructu ornare dignetur^
enixe precamur per Jesum Christum. Amen ! Dat Anticerpice^ 14
Mali, 1578.
DET. L0GELERIU8 VILERIU8, verbi Dei minister,
JOHANNES HOCHELCUS, verbi Dei minister,
JOHANNES TAFFINUS, rerbi Dei minister.
Thus put in orders by the presbytery of a foreign nation, he con-
tinued there some years, preached (with Mr. Cartwright) unto the
English factory of merchants at Antwerp, until at last he came over
into England, and for seven years together became lecturer in the
Temple, (refusing all presentative preferment, to decline subscription,)
and lived domestic chaplain in the house of the lord-treasurer Cecil,
being tutor for a time to Robert his son, afterwards earl of Salisbury.
And although there was much heaving and shoving at him, (as one
disaffected to the discipline,) yet God's goodness, his friend's great-
ness, and his own honesty, kept him (but with much difficulty) in
his ministerial employment.
Yea, now so great grew the credit and reputation of Mr. Travers,
that, by the advice of Mr. Andrew Melvin, he and Mr. Cartwright
were solemnly sent for, to be Divinity Professors in the university of
St. Andrew's ; as by this autograph (which I have in my hands, and
here think fit to exemplify) may plainly appear : —
Magno quidem, fr aires charissimi, gaudio nos afficit constantia
testra, et inmcta ilia animi fortitudo, qua contra satanw imperium
et reluctantem Christi imperio mundi fastum armatit vos Domini
Spiritus, in asserendd apud populares vestros ecclesiw sum disci-
plind. Sed permolestum tamen nobis semper fuit, pertinaci inimi-
corum odio et molentid factum esse, ut cum latere et solum subinde
tertere cogimini, minus aliquanto fructus ex laboribus vestris ad
pios omnes perteniat, qudm si docendo publice et concionando
destinatam ecclesiw Dei operam navare licuisset. Hoc quia in
patrid vobis negatum mdebamus, non aliud nobis magis in wtis
erat, qudm ut exulanti in wbis Christo hospitium aliquod in ultima
Scotia prwberetur. Quod ut fieri non incommode possit, speramus
longo nos conatu perfecisse.
Vetus est et non ignobilis apud nos Academia Andreana ; in
qud cum alice artes, turn philosophia imprimis ita hucusque culta
fuit^ ut quod ab exteris nationihus peter etur, parum nobis, aut nihil
in eo genere deesset. Verum divina ilia sapientia, quam vel solam,
Tel proecipuam colere- Christianos decet, neqlecta diu in scholis
jacuit ; quod a primd statim religionis instauratione, summus
omnium ardor exstaret in erudiendd plebe ; in aliis ad sacrum
rerbi ministerium instituendis paucissimi laborarent : nonlemut
34 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 127
periculum subesset, ne (quod propitius nobis Deus a^certat) concio-
natorum aliquando inopid periret^ quod tantd cum spe in hominum
animos conjectum est verce pietatis semen.
Animadvertit hoc tandem ecclesiasticus senattis, et cum regeregni-
que proceribus diligenter egit^ ne hanc officii sui et solicitudinis
partem desiderari amplius paterentur. Placuit et summo omnium
applausu in proximis ordinum comitiis decretum est, ut quod ampli-
tudine ceteris et opulentid collegium prwstat theologian perpetud
studiis consecretur : utque ad verbi Dei ministerium nemo admit-
tatur, nisi linguarum, utriusque Testamenti et locorum communium
curriculo prius confecto : confici autem quadriennii spatio a quinque
professoribus posse. Ex hoc numero adhuc desunt Thomas Cart-
wrigtus et Gualterus Traversus : reliquos nobis domi ecclesia nostra
suppeditabit. Messem hie mdetis singulari vestrd eruditione et
pietate non indignam. Ad quam plus vos princeps et proceres
nostri ; ad quam boni vos omnes et fratres xestri ; ad quam Christi
ws ecclesia et Christus ipse operarios inmtat. Reliquum est, ut
humanissime wcantes sequi 'celitis ; et ad docendi hanc promnciam,
viobis honorificam, ecclesice Dei salutarem maturetis ; magnas a
principe, majores a Christi ecclesid, maximas et immortales a
maximo et immortali Deo gratias inituri. Quod ut sine mora
facere dignemini, per eum ipsum vos etiam atque etiam obtestamur,
cut acceptum ferri debet, quod ecclesiw filii sui prodesse tantopere
possitis. Valete. Edinburgi.
J A. GLASGNEY, Academiw Cancellarius,
ALAYNU8, Bector,
THOMAS SMETONIUS, Decanus,
ANDREAS MEL VI N US, Collegii Prwfectus,
MB. DA VID WEMS, Minister Glascomensis.
This proffer both jointly refused, with return of their most affec-
tionate thanks ; and such who know least are most bold in their
conjectures to adventure at the reasons of their refusal ; — as, that
they would not leave the sun on their backs, and remove so far
north ; or they were discouraged with the slenderness of the salary
assigned unto them. In plain truth they were loath to leave, and
their friends loath to be left by them, conceiving their pains might
as well be bestowed in their native country ; and Travers quietly
continued lecturer at the Temple till Mr. Hooker became the
Master thereof.
53 — ^^, The Character of Hooker as to his Preaching. The De-
scription of Travers. They clash about Matters of Doctrine.
Mr. Hooker^s voice was low, stature little, gesture none at all,
standing stone-still in the pulpit, as if the posture of his body were
128 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1501.
the emblem of his mind, unmovable in his opinions. Where his
eye was left fixed at the beginning, it was found fixed at the end of
his sermon. In a word, the doctrine he delivered had nothing but
itself to garnish it. His style was long and pithy, driving on a
whole flock of several clauses before he came to the close of a
sentence. So that when the copiousness of his style met not with
proportionable capacity in his auditors, it was unjustly censured for
perplexed, tedious, and obscure. His sermons followed the inclina-
tion of his studies, and were for the most part on controversies, and
deep points of school-divinity.
Mr. Traverses utterance was graceful, gesture plausible, matter
profitable, method plain, and his style carried in it indolem pietatis,
" a genius of grace '' flowing from his sanctified heart. Some say,
that the congregation in the T«mple ebbed in the forenoon, and
flowed in the afternoon ; and that the auditory of Mr. Travers
was far the more numerous, — the first occasion of emulation betwixt
them. But such as knew Mr. Hooker, knew him to be too wise to
take exception at such trifles, the rather because the most judicious
is always the least part in all auditories.
Here might one on Sundays have seen almost as many writers as
hearers. Not only young students, but even the gravest benchers,
(such as Sir Edward Coke and Sir James Altham then were,) were
not more exact in taking instructions from their clients, than *in
writing notes from the mouths of their ministers. The worst was,
these two preachers, though joined in affinity, (their nearest kindred
being married together,) acted with different principles, and clashed
one against another. So that what Mr. Hooker delivered in the
forenoon, Mr. Travers confuted in the afternoon. At the building
of Solomon's temple " neither hammer, nor axe, nor tool of iron
was heard therein," 1 Kings vi. 7 ; whereas, alas ! in this temple not
only much knocking was heard, but (which was the worst) the nails
and pins which one master-builder drave in, were driven out by the
other. To pass by lesser differences betwixt them about predes-
tination : —
HooKKR MAINTAINED — The church of Rome, though not a
pure and perfect, yet is a true church ; so that such who live and
die therein,* upon their repentance of all their sins of ignorance,
may be saved.
Travers defended — The church of Rome is no true church
at all ; so that such as live and die therein, holding justification in
part by works, cannot be said by the Scriptures to be saved.
Thus, much disturbance was caused to the disquieting of people's
• Being weak, ignorant, and reduced.
So ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 129
consciences, the disgrace of the ordinance, the advantage of the
common enemy, and the dishonour of God himself.
56 — 63. Travers is silenced by the Archbishop. Many pleased
with the Deed, but not with the Manner of doing it.
Traverses Plea in his Petition. A charitable Adversary.
Tr avers must have no Favour. Whitgiffs politic Carriage.
Travers goeth into Ireland, and returneth. His contented
Life, and quiet Death. A. D. 1592.
Here archbishop Whitgift interposed his power, and silenced
Travers from preaching either in the Temple or any where else. It
was laid to his charge : 1. That he was no lawful-ordained minister
according to the church of England. 2. That he preached here
without licence. 3. That he had broken the order made in the
seventh year of her majesty's reign ; wherein it was provided, that
erroneous doctrine, if it came to be publicly taught, should not be
publicly refuted ; but that notice thereof should be given to the
ordinary, to hear and determine such causes, to prevent public
disturbance.
As for Traverses silencing, many which were well-pleased with
the deed done were offended at the manner of doing it. For all
the congregation on a sabbath in the afternoon were assembled
together, their attention prepared, the cloth (as I may say) and
napkins were laid, yea, the guests set, and their knives drawn
for their spiritual repast, when suddenly, as Mr. Travers was
going up into the pulpit, a sorry fellow served him with a letter,
prohibiting him to preach any more. In obedience to authority,
(the mild and constant submission whereunto won him respect
with his adversaries,) Mr. Travers calmly signified the same to
the congregation, and requested them quietly to depart to their
chambers. Thus was our good Zaccheus struck dumb in the
Temple, but not for infidelity ; unpartial people accounting his fault
at most but indiscretion. Mean time, his auditory (pained that
their pregnant expectation to hear him preach should so publicly
prove abortive, and sent sermonless home) manifested in their variety
of passion, some grieving, some frowning, some murmuring, and the
wisest sort, who held their tongues, shook their heads, as disliking
the managing of the matter.
Travers addressed himself by petition to the lords of the Privy
Council, (where his strength lay, as Hooker's in the archbishop of
Canterbury and High Commission,) grievously complained that he
was punished before he was heard, silenced (by him apprehended
the heaviest penalty) before sent for, contrary to -equity and reason :
Vol. III. K
130 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1592.
'' The law condemning none before it hear him, and know what he
hath done,"'* John vii. 51.
1. To the exception against the lawfulness of his ministry, he
pleaded that the communion of saints allows ordination legal in any-
Christian church. Orders herein are like degrees ; and a doctor
graduated in any university hath his title and place granted him in
all Christendom.
2. For want of licence to preach, he pleaded that he was recom-
mended to this place of the Temple by two letters of the bishop of
London, the diocesan thereof.
S. His an ti -preaching in the afternoon against what was
delivered before, he endeavoured to excuse by the example of
St. Paul, who " gave not place to Peter, no, not an hour, that
the truth of the Gospel might continue amongst them,'' Galatians
ii. 5.
But we are too tedious herein, especially seeing his petition is
publicly extant in print, with Mr. Hooker's answer thereunto ;
whither we refer the reader for his more ample satisfaction.
By the way, it must not be forgotten, that in the very midst of
the paroxysm betwixt Hooker and Travers, the latter still bare (and
none can challenge the other to the contrary) a reverend esteem of
his adversary. And when an unworthy aspersion (some years after)
was cast on Hooker, (if Christ was dashed, shall Christians escape
clean in their journey to heaven ? ) Mr. Travers being asked of a
private friend what he thought of the truth of that accusation : " In
truth," said he, " I take Mr. Hooker to be a holy man." A speech
which, coming from an adversary, sounds no less to the commend-
ation of his charity who spake it, than to the praise of his piety of
whom it was spoken.
The Council-table was much divided about Traverses petition.
All Whitgift's foes were ipso facto made Travers's favourers ;
besides, he had a large stock of friends on his own account. But
Whitgift's finger moved more in church-matters, than all the hands of
all the Privy Counsellors besides ; and he was content to suffer others
to be believed (and perchance to believe themselves) great actors in
church-govcinment, whilst he knew he could and did do all things
himself therein. No favour must be afforded Travers on any terms.
1. Dangerous w^as his person, a Cart w right junior, none in England
either more loving Geneva, or more beloved by it. 2. Dangerous
the place, the Temple being one of the inns (therefore a public) of
court (therefore a principal) place ; and to suffer one opposite to
the English discipline to continue lecturer there, what was it but in
effect to retain half the lawyers of England to be of counsel against
the ecclesiastical government thereof.'' 3. Dangerous the precedent :
S5 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. lol
this leading case would be presumed on for others to follow, and a
rank's breaking may be an army's ruining.
This was the constant custom of Whitgift, — if any lord or lady
sued to him to show favour for their sakes to nonconformists, his
answer to them was rather respectful to the requester, than satisfac-
tory to the request. Pie would profess how glad he was to serve
them, and gratify them in compliance with their desire, assuring
them for his part all possible kindness should be indulged unto
them ; but, in fine, he would remit nothing of his rigour against
them. Thus he never denied any great man's desire, and yet never
granted it, pleasing them for the present with general promises, and
(in them not dissembling, but using discreet and right expressions)
still kept constant to his own resolution. Hereupon afterwards the
nobility surceased making more suits unto him, as ineffectual, and
even left all things to his own disposal.
Thus Mr. Travers, notwithstanding the plenty of his potent
friends, was overborne by the archbishop, and, as he often com-
plained, could never obtain to be brought to a fair hearing. But
liis grief hereat was something abated, when Adam Loftus, arch-
bishop of Dublin, and Chancellor of Ireland, his ancient colleague
in Cambridge, invited him over to be Provost of Trinity-college in
Dublin. Embracing the motion, over he went, accepting the place;
and continued some years therein, till, discomposed with the fear of
their civil wars, he returned into England, and lived here many
years very obscurely, (though in himself a shining light,) as to the
matter of outward maintenance.
Yet had he Agur's wish, " neither poverty, nor riches," though
his ENOUGH seemed to be of shortest size. It matters not whether
men's means be mounted, or their minds descend, so be it that both
meet as here in him in a comfortable contentment. Yea, when the
right reverend and religious James Usher, then bishop of Meath,
since archbishop of Armagh, (brought up under him, and with him
agreeing in doctrine, though dissenting in discipline,) proffered
money unto him for his relief, Mr. Travers returned a thankful
refusal thereof. Sometimes he did preach, rather when he durst,
than when he would ; debarred from all cure of souls by his non-
conformity. He lived and died unmarried ; and though leaving
many nephews (some eminent) scholars, bequeathed all his books of
oriental languages, (wherein he was exquisite,) and plate worth fifty
pounds, to Sion College in London. O ! if this good man had had
a hand to his heart, or rather a purse to his hand, what charitable
works would he have left behind him ! But, in pursuance of his
memory, I have intrenched too much on the modern times. Only
this I will add, perchance the reader will be an^rj with me for saying
k2
132 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1592.
thus much ; and I am almost angry with myself for saying no more
of so worthy a divine.
64 — 69. The Death of worthy Mr. Greenham of the Plague ;
Fellow of Pembroke- Hallu, in Cambridge. He is humbled
with a7i obstinate Parish. His Dexterity in healing
afflicted Coiisciences, He., leaving his Cure, cometh to
London. A great Instrument of the good Keeping of the
Lord^s-Day.
Return we to the year 1592, which we find in London filled with
funerals, so that within twelve months more than ten thousand were
swept away therein of the plague ; and, amongst them, reverend
Mr. Richard Greenham, — the reason why we find not the exact date
of his death. In contagious times, the corpses of those who, living,
were best beloved are rather hurried than carried to the grave ; and,
in such confusions, those parishes who have the best memories prove
forgetful, their registers being either carelessly kept or totally
omitted. Thus our Greenham was mortally visited with the plague,
whereof we find Munster, Franciscus Junius, Kimedontius, and
other worthy divines formerly deceased in Germany ; that patent of
preservation against the pestilence, — " A thousand shall fall at thy
side, and ten thousand at thy right hand, but it shall not come nigh
thee,'" Psalm xci. 7, — running (as all other temporal promises) with
this secret clause of revocation, " If God in his wisdom were not
pleased otherwise to countermand it.^"*
It may be said of some persons, in reference to their history, that
they were born men ; namely, such of whose birth and youth we
find no particular account. Greenham is one of these ; for, for
want of better intelligence, we find him full-grown at the first, when
aiino Domini , he was admitted into Pembroke-Hall, in
Cambridge. In w'hich house, some years after, the youth of Mr.
Lancelot Andrews,* afterwards bishop of Winchester, was well
acquainted with Mr. Greenham ; and I dare boldly say, if Green-
ham gained any learning by Andrews, Andrews lost no religion by
Greenham. He afterwards left the university, and became minister
three miles off at Dry-Drayton.
Dry-Drayton, indeed ! which — though often watered with Mr.
Greenham''s tears, and oftener with his prayers and preaching, who
moistened the rich with his counsel, the poor with his charity —
neither produced proportionable fruitfulness. The generality of his
parish remained ignorant and obstinate, to their pastor's great grief,
and their own greater damage and disgrace. Hence the verses, —
• Some say he had a hand in making some of Mr Greenhani's works.
So ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 133
** Greenham had pastures green,
But sheep full lean."
Thus God alone is the good Shepherd, who doth feed and can fat
his sheep, and can make them to thrive under his keeping.
He used often, at the entreaty of some doctors, to preach at St.
Mary's, in Cambridge ; where, sometimes, so great his zeal in
pressing important points, that he hath lost himself in the driving-
home of some application, even to the forgetting of his text, (as
himself would confess,) till he recovered the same on some short
recollection. He always bitterly inveighed against non-residents ;
professing, that he wondered how such men could take any comfort
in their wealth. "For, methinks," saith he, "they should see
written on every thing which they have, Pretium sanguinis, ' This
is the price of blood."* "*' But his master-piece was in comforting
wounded consciences. For, although Heaven*'s hand can only set a
broken heart, yet God used him herein as an instrument of good to
many, who came to him with weeping eyes, and went from him with
cheerful souls. The breath of his gracious counsel blew up much
smoking flax into a blazing flame.
Hereupon, the importunity of his friends (if herein they proved
so) persuaded him to leave his parish, and remove to London, where
his public parts might be better advantaged for the general good.
They pleaded the little profit of his long pains to so poor and
peevish a parish. Pity it was so good a fisherman should cast his
nets elsewhere than in that ocean of people. What was Dry-
Drayton but a bushel to hide — London a high candlestick to hold
up — the brightness of his parts ? Over-entreated by others, even
almost against his own judgment, he resigned his cure to a worthy
successor, and repaired to London ; where, after some years'*
preaching up and down in no constant place, he was resident on
no cure, but the curing of consciences. I am credibly informed,*
he in some sort repented his removal from his parish, and disliked
his own erratical and planetary life, which made him fix himself
preacher at last at Christ Church, in London, where he ended his
days.
He lived sermons, and was most precise in his conversation ; a
strict observer of the Lord's day, and a great advancer thereof
through the whole realm, by that treatise which he wrote of the
sabbath. No book in that age made greater impression on people's
practice, as one (then a great wit in the university, now a grave
Avisdom in our church) hath ingeniously expressed : — *|*
* By my own father, Mr. Thomas Fuller, who was well acquainted with him.
t Mr. Joseph Hall [afterwards the venerable bishop of Noi-wich].
134 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1592.
ON MR. GREENHAm's BOOK OF THE SABBATH.
" A\'hile Greenbam writeth on the sabbath's rest,
His soul enjoys not what his pen express'd :
His work enjoys not what itself doth say,
For it shall never find one resting-day.
A thousand hands shall toss each page and line.
Which shall be scanned by a thousand eyne ;
That sabbath's rest, or this sabbath's unrest,
Hard is to say whether 's the happiest."
Thus godly Greenham is fallen asleep : we softly draw the curtains
about him, and so proceed to other matter.
SECTION VIII.
TO THE LADY ANNE ARCHER, OF TANWORTH, IN
WARWICKSHIRE.
Madam,
You, being so good a housewife, know, far better
than I, how much strength and handsomeness good
hemming addeth to the end of a cloth. I, therefore,
being now to put a period to this long and important
century, as big as the whole Book besides, (but chiefly
containing her reign, the honour of your sex and our
nation,) have resolved, to prevent the unravelling there-
of, to close and conclude it with this Dedication to your
ladyship. On which account alone you are placed last
in this Book, though otherwise the first and freest in
encouraging my weak endeavours.
1. The uncertain Date of Mr. UdaVs Death. A.D. 1592.
Of Mr. Udafs death come we now to treat : though through
some defect in the records,* (transposed or lost,) we cannot
tell the certain day of his condemnation and death. But this
appears in the office, that two years since (namely 32 of Elizabeth,
July 2'Jrd) he was indicted and arraigned at Croydon, for defaming
the queen's government in a book by him written, and entitled,
" A Demonstration of the Discipline which Christ hath prescribed
in his Word for the Government of his Church, in all Times and
Places, until the World's End." But the mortal words (as I may
* Searched hy me and my friend? in the office of the Clerk of Assize for Sm-rey.
35 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 130
term them) are found in the preface of his book, written " to the
supposed governors of the church of England, archbishops, bishops,"
&c. and are inserted in the body of his indictment as followeth : —
*' Who can without blushing deny you to be the cause of all
ungodliness ? seeing your government is that which giveth leave
to a man to be any thing, saving a sound Christian. For, certainly,
it is more free in these days to be a Papist, Anabaptist, of the
Family of Love, yea, any most wicked whatsoever, than that which
w^e should be. And I could live these twenty years any such in
England, (yea, in a bishop^s house it may be,) and never be much
molested for it ; so true is that which you are charged with in a Dia-
logue lately come forth against you, and since burned by you, that you
care for nothing but the maintenance of your dignities, be it to the
damnation of your own souls and infinite millions more."
To this indictment he pleaded " Not guilty," denying himself
to be the author of the book. Next day he was cast by the jury,
and submitted himself to the mercy of the court, whereby he pre-
vailed that judgment against him was respited till the next assizes,
and he remanded to the Marshalsea.
2 — 5. Mr. UdaVs Supplication to the Lords of the Assises.
Various Censures on his Condemnation. He died peace-
ably in his Bed. His solemn Burial.
March following, (the o3rd of queen Elizabeth,) he was brought
again to the bar before the judges, to whom he had privately pre-
sented a petition with all advantage, but it found no entertainment.
Insomuch, that in this month of March, (the day not appearing in
the records,) he, at the assizes held in Southwark, was there con-
demned to be executed for a felon.
Various were men's censures on these proceedings against him.
Some conceived it rigorous in the greatest (which at the best is
cruel in the least) degree, considering the worth of his person and
weakness of the proof against him. For he was a learned man,
blameless for his life, powerful in his praying, and no less profitable
than painful in his preaching. For, as Musculus in Germany, if I
mistake not, first brought in the plain (but effectual) manner of
preaching by Use and Doctrine ; so Udal was the first who
added Reasons thereunto, — the strength and sinews of a sermon.
His English-Hebrew Grammar he made whilst in prison, as appears
by a subscription in the close thereof. The proof was not pregnant ;
and it is generally believed that he made only the preface, (out of
which his indictment was chiefly framed,) and not the body of the
book laid to his charge. Besides, it was harsh to inflict immediate
and direct death for a consequential and deductory felony, it being
136 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1594,
pent-housed out beyond the foundation and intent of the statute to
build the indictment thereupon. Others thought, that some exem-
plary severity was necessary, not only to pinion the wings of
such pamphlets from flying abroad, but even thereby to crush their
eggs in the nest. Surely, the multitude of visits unto him, during
his durance, no whit prolonged his life. For, flocking to popular
prisoners in such cases is as ominous a presage of their death, as the
flying and fluttering of ravens near and about the house and cham-
ber of a sick body.
But a higher Judge had formerly passed another sentence on
UdaFs death, that his soul and body should not by shameful vio-
lence be forced asunder, but that they should take a fair farewell each
of other. How long he lived after his condemnation, we know not ;
there being a tradition that Sir Walter Raleigh procured a reprieve,
m a fair way to his pardon : this is certain, that without any other
sickness, save heart-broken with sorrow, he ended his days. Right
glad were his friends, that his death prevented his death ; and the
wisest of his foes were well contented therewith ; esteeming it
better, that his candle should go than be put out, lest the snuflP
should be unsavoury to the survivors, and his death be charged as
a cruel act on the account of the procurers thereof.
The ministers of London flocked to his funerals ; and he was
decently interred in the church-yard of St. George^s in Southwark,
not far from bishop Bonner's grave. So near may their bodies,
when dead, in positure be together, whose minds, when Fiving, in
opinion were far asunder. Nor have I aught else to observe of
him, save that I am informed that he was father of Ephraim Udal,
a solid and pious divine, dying in our days, but in point of disci-
pline of a diflferent opinion from his father.
6. Henry Barrow^ John Greenwood^ and John Penry executed.
And now the sword of justice being once drawn, it was not put
up again into the sheath, before others were executed. For, March
31st, Henry Barrow, gentleman, and John Greenwood, clerk, (who
some days before were indicted of felony at the Sessions-Hall without
Newgate, before the lord mayor and the two Chief Justices, for
writing certain seditious pamphlets,) were hanged at Tyburn.* And,
not long after, John Penry, a Welshman, was apprehended at
Stebunhith, by the vicar thereof, arraigned, and condemned of
felony at the King's Bench at Westminster, for being a principal
pcnner and publisher of a libellous book called Martin Mar-Prelate,
and executed at St. Thomas Waterings. Daniel Studely, girdler ;
Saxio Billot, gentleman ; and Robert Bowley, fishmonger, were
• Stow'r " Chromcle," page 765.
87 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 137
also condemned for publishing scandalous books ; but not finding
their execution, I believe them reprieved and pardoned.
7? 8. The Queen's last Coming to Oxford. Her Latin Oration.
About this time, if not somewhat sooner, (for my inquiry cannot
arrive at the certain date,) queen Elizabeth took her last farewell of
Oxford, where a Divinity Act was kept before her, on this question,
" Whether it be lawfid to dissemble in matters of religion P'"* One
of the opponents endeavoured to prove the affirmative by his own
example, who then did what was lawful, and yet he dissembled in
disputing against the truth ; the queen being well pleased at the
wittiness of the argument. Dr. Westphaling, (who had divers
years been bishop of Hereford,) coming then to Oxford, closed all
with a learned determination ; wherein no fault, except somewhat too
copious, (not 'to say tedious,) at that time her Highness intending
that night to make a speech, and thereby disappointed.*
Next day her Highness made a Latin oration to the heads of
houses, (on the same token she therein gave a check to Dr. Reynolds
for his nonconformity.) in the midst whereof, perceiving the old lord
Burleigh stand by, with his lame legs, she would not proceed till
she saw him provided of a stool,*]- and then fell to her speech again,
as sensible of no interruption, having the command as well of her
Latin tongue, as of her loyal subjects.
9, 10. The Death of Archbishop Pierce and Bishop Elmar.
A.D. 1594.
John Pierce, [Piers,] archbishop of York, ended his life, dean of
Christ Church in Oxford, bishop of Rochester, Salisbury, and arch-
bishop of York. When newly-beneficed, a young man in Oxford-
shire, he had drowned his good parts in drunkenness, conversing
with his country-parishioners ; but, on the confession of his fault to
a grave divine, reformed his conversation, so applying himself to his
studies that he deservedly gained great preferment, and was highly
esteemed by queen Elizabeth, whose almoner he continued for many
years ; and he must be a wise and good man whom that thrifty
princess would intrust with distributing her money. He was one of
the most grave and reverend prelates of his age ; and, after his
reduced life, so abstemious, that his physician in his old age could
not persuade him to drink wine. So habited he was in sobriety, in
detestation of his former excess.
The same year died John Elmar, [Aylmer,] bishop of London,
bred in Cambridge, well-learned, as appeareth by his book, titled
* Sir John Harrington in his additional supply to Bishop Godwin, page 134.
t Idem, page 136.
138 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.I>. 1594.
*' the Harborough of Princes :"' * one of a low stature, but stout
spirit ; very valiant in his youth, and witty all his life. Once when
his auditory began at sermon to grow dull in their attentions, he pre-
sently read unto them many verses out of the Hebrew text ; whereat
they all started, admiring what use he meant to make thereof. Then
showed he them their folly, that, whereas they neglected English,
whereby they might be edified, they listened to Hebrew, whereof
they understood not a word. He was a stiff and stern champion of
church-discipline ; on which account none more mocked by Martin
Mar-Prelate, or hated by nonconformists. To his eldest son he
left a plentiful estate ; and his second, a doctor of divinity, was a
worthy man of his profession.
11, 12. The Death of William Reginald^ and of Cardijial
Allen.
But of the Romanists, two principal pillars ended their lives
beyond the seas. First. William Reginald, alias Rose, born at
Pinhoo in Devonshire, bred in Winchester school, then in New-
College in Oxford."!* Forsaking his country, he went to Rome, and
there solemnly abjured the protestant religion ; and thereupon was
permitted to read (a favour seldom or never bestowed on such
novices) any protestant books, without the least restriction, presum-
ing on his zeal in their cause. From Rome, he removed to Rheims
in France ; where he became professor of divinity and Hebrew, in
the English College ; where, saith my author,^ with studying,
writing, and preaching against the protestants, perchance he exhausted
himself with too much labour, and, breaking a vein, almost lost his
life with vomiting of blood. Recovering his strength, he vowed to
spend the rest of his life in writing against protest;mts ; and death
at Antwerp seized on him, (the 24th of August, [in] the fiftieth
year of his age) as he was a-making of a book, called Calmno-
Turcismus, which after, by his dear friend, William GifFord, was
finished, set forth, and dedicated to Albert duke of Austria.
William Allen, [Ailyn, Alan,] commonly called the cardinal of
England, followed him into another world ; born of honest parents,
and allied to noble kindred in Lancashire ; brought up at Oxford in
Oriel College, where he was proctor of the University, in the days
of queen Mary, and afterwards head of St. Mary Hall, and canon of
• This is incorrect. In J55(i, John Knox publirihed at Geneva a treatise under the
title of, " The First Blast against the monstrous Regiment and Empire of Women." His
design was to show, that, by the laws of God, women could not exercise sovereign
authoritj'. This treatise operated greatly to the injiu-y of prote.-tantism, on the minds of
popish kings and princes. Aylmer, perceiving its penncious tendency, published an
answer, a. d. 1559, entitled, ** An Harborowe for faithfull and treue Subjects against the
late-blowne Blaste, concerning the Govenmient of Women," &c. — Edit. 1 PiTZiEL'S
De illuilribux Angliit !Scriploribiis, in anno 1594. X Idem, ibidem.
37 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 139
York. But, on the change of religion, he departed the land, and
became professor of divinity at Douay in Flanders, then canon of
Cambray, master of the English College at Rheims, made cardinal
1587, August 7th, by pope Sixtus Quintus ; the king of Spain
bestowing on him an abbey in the kingdom of Naples,* and nomi-
nating him to be archbishop of Mechlii^ : but death arrested him to
pay the debt to nature, October 16th ;-|- and he was buried in the
church of the English College at Rome. This is that Allen whom
we have so often mentioned, conceived so great a champion for their
cause, that pope Gregory XIII. said to his cardinals, Venite, fra-
tres mei^ ostendam wbis Alanum :| which the author thus translates,
or rather comments on, " Come, my brethren, and I will show you
a man, in England born, to whom all Europe may give place for his
high prudence, reverend countenance, and purport of government.""
His loss was much lamented by the catholics, not without cause ;
whose gravity and authority had done many good offices, in com-
posing the grudgings which began to grow betwixt Secular Priests
and Jesuits ; which private heart-burnings, soon after his death,
blazed out in the prison of Wisbeach into an open scandal, as now
we come to report.
13 — 19. A sad Subject to write of Christian Discords. The
Beginning of the Schism betwixt the Seculars and the
Jesuits. The Seculars refuse to obey Weston^ and why.
Weston employed but as a Scout to discover the Temper of
the Secular Priests. He will not stand to the Determina-
tion of a grave Priest chosen Umpire : at last is forced by
Letters from his Provincial to leave off his Agency. The
Schism, notwithstanding, continues and increases.
Here I protest, (though uncertain how far to find belief,) that I
take no delight in relating these discontents, much less shall my
pen widen the wound betwixt them. For though I approve the
opinions of neither, yet am I so much friend to the persons of both
parties as not to make much to myself of their discords ; the rather,
because no Christian can heartily laugh at the factions of his fiercest
enemies, because that sight at the same time pincheth him with the
sad remembrance, that such divisions that have formerly, do at the
present, or may hereafter, be found amongst those of his own pro-
fession,— such is the frailty of human nature in what side soever.
However, hereafter let not papists without cause or measure vaunt
of their unity, seeing their pretended ship of St. Peter is not so
solidly compacted, but that it may spring a leak. Nor let them
• Camden's Elizabetha in hoc anno. ■\ PiTZ.^us De illus. Ang. Scriptoribus,
page 703. t WATPON't* Qiwdlibcts, page 97.
140 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1594.
boast so confidently of their suiFeringa, and blame our severity unto
them, as if enduring such hard usage in their imprisonment. Surely,
like Joseph, " their feet were not hurt in the stocks, the iron did
not enter into their soul,'*"' Psalm cv. 18 ; neither, with Jeremy,
were they " cast into a dirty dungeon, where they sunk in mire,"
Jer. xxxviii. 6 ; nor, with^eter, were they "bound with two
chains,"' Acts xii. 6 ; nor, with Paul and Silas, were they " thrust
into the inner prison, and made fast," Acts xvi. 24 ; but had, in
their durance, liberty, list, and leisure, to begin, foment, and prose-
cute this violent schism betwixt themselves.
Until this time the prime catholics in Wisbeach Castle had lived
there in restraint, with great unity and concord. And the papists
do brag that then and there the English church was most visible,
until one Father Weston, alias Edmonds, a Jesuit, coming thither,
erected a government amongst them, making certain sanctions and
orders, which all were bound to observe ; secretly procuring subjects
to himself, and claiming a superiority over all the catholics there.
Yet so cunningly he contrived the matter, that he seemed not am-
bitiously to affect but religiously to accept this authority proffered
unto — yea, seemingly forced upon — him. For, one of his friends
writes to Father Henry Garnet, provincial, then living in England,
to this effect : — " Good Father Weston, in the humility of his heart,
lies on his bed, like the man sick of the palsy, in the Gospel. Nor
will he walk confidently before others in the way of the righteous,
except first he be let down through the tiles, and it be said unto him
from the provincial, ' Arise, take up thy bed and walk."* " Yet, if
the Seculars may be believed, he did not only arise but run, before
that word of command given him by Garnet, and put his jurisdiction
in execution. Beside those of his own Society, many of the Secular
Priests, submitted themselves unto him, seduced, say some,* by the
seeming sanctity of the Jesuits, and having their judgments bribed
to that side by unequal proportions of money received, besides pro-
mising themselves, that, in case the land was invaded by the activity
of the Jesuits, all power and preferment would be at their dispose,
and so they should be sooner and higher advanced.
But the greatest number and learned sort of the Secular Priests
stoutly resisted his superiority ; affirming how formerly it had been
offered to Thomas Watson, bishop of Lincoln, (late prisoner amongst
them,) and he refused it, as inconsistent with their present condition,
affliction making them equals, and a prison putting a parity betwixt
them : (if any Order might pretend to this priority, it was most
proper for the Benedictines, extant in England, above a thousand
years ago :) that the Jesuits were punies ; and if all Orders should
• Dcclarutio Mvtuurn ac Tiirbativnum, ^c. ad Clcmcntcm VIII. cxhibita, page 12.
38 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 141
sit down, as Jacob's children at the table of Joseph, " the eldest
according to his age, and the youngest according to his youth,'^
Genesis xliii. 33 ; the last and least place of honour was due unto
them ; that the Secular Priests had borne the heat of the day in
preaching and persecution ; some of them having endured above
twenty years' imprisonment for conscience"* sake, (as Mr. Bluet for
one,*) before some of the Jesuits knew what durance meant ; that
Weston was not eminent fur learning, religion, or any prime quality,
save only the affecting that place which his betters had declined ; that
it was monstrous, that he, being a Jesuit, and so a member of another
society, should be made a head of their body. The lay catholics
were much offended with the schism. Some withheld, others threat-
ening to withhold, their charity from both parties, conceiving it the
ready means, when maintenance was detained from both sides, to
starve them into agreement.
One might admire why father Weston should so earnestly desire
so silly a dominion, having his power, as well as his own person, con-
fined within the walls of Wisbeach Castle, a narrow diocess, only to
domineer over a few prisoners ; the gaoler, yea, the very turnkey,
being his superior to control him, if offering to exceed that compass.
But, O the sweetness of supremacy, though in never so small a cir-
cuit ! It pleased his pride to be prior of a prison, but "agent" was
the title wherewith he styled himself. -|- Indeed, the English Jesuits,
both abroad in England, and beyond the seas, made use of Weston's
forwardness to try the temper of the Secular Priests, and to make
this bold Jesuit to back and break a skittish colt for further designs.
If Weston were unhorsed, his fall would be little lamented ; and he
might thank his own boldness in adventuring, and the ill-managing
of his place. If he sat the beast and it proved tame, then others
would up and ride ; and father Garnet, Provincial of the Jesuits,
intended in like manner to procure from the pope a superiority over
all the Secular Priests in England. Wisbeach prison would be
enlarged all over the kingdom, and the precedent would reach far in
the consequence thereof; which increased the Secular opposition
against this leading case of jurisdiction.
About this time came to Wisbeach an aged priest, who had given
great testimony of the ability of his judgment and ardency of his
affections to the catholic cause, being the General Collector of the
charitable contributions unto the prisoners: in which place he had been
so diligent in gathering, secret in conveying, faithful in delivering,
unpartial in dispensing such sums committed unto him, that
deservedly he had purchased reputation to himself; who as he had
been a benefactor to both parties, so now he was made an arbitrator
* Watson's Qvodlibeis, page 4. t Bedaratio Motnnm, S^c. page 17.
142 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1595.
betwixt them ; -with promise of both sides to rest satisfied with his
decision. He condemned the Jesuits guilty of a scandalous sepa-
ration, and that Weston ought to desist from his superiority. But
the Jesuits ^vould not stand to his sentence, confessing their separa-
tion scandalous, but on\j per accidens, and therefore not to be left
off. And whereas, the aforesaid priest had determined that that
separation could not be continued without sin, the Jesuits, in deri-
sion, demanded of him whether he meant a venial sin or a mortal ?
and so the whole business took no ciFect.
Some months after, two reverend priests, often sent for by both
sides, were, by joint consent, made judges in this cause ; who
resolved that Weston's agency should be abolished, as the original
of evil and seminary of much discord : and because Weston refused
to obey their order, these two priests posted up to London, (where
Garnet, the Jesuits'* Provincial did lodge,) and from him, with much
ado, obtained peremptory letters to Weston, presently to leave off
his pretended superiority : a message which went to the proud
Jesuit's heart, who was formerly heard to say, that he had rather
throw himself headlong from the castle wall, than desist from his
office.* But no-vv there was no remedy, but he must obey, desiring
only he might make a speech to his Society, exhorting them to unity
and concord ; and, in the midst of his oration, as if he w^ould have
surrendered his soul and place both together, he fell speechless into a
swoon, and hardly recovered again ;-|- so mortal a wound it is to a proud
heart to part with authority ! Thus ended Weston's agency, the short
continuance whereof was the best commendation of his command.
But this was but a palliate cure to skin the sore over which festered
within. The enmity still continued ; Seculars complaining that the
Jesuits traduced them to lay catholics, as cold and remiss in the cause,
only dull to follow beaten paths, not active to invent more compen-
dious ways for the advance of religion. The Jesuits also boasted
much of their own merit; how their Order, though last starting, had
with its speed overtaken and over-run all before them. Indeed, they
are excellent at the art of self-praising, not directly, but by certain
consequence ; for though no man blazed his own praise, (for one to
be a lierald to commend himself, the same on the same is false blazon,
as well against the rules of modesty as prudence,) yet every one did
praise his partner, laying an obligation on him to do the like, who in
justice must do as much, and in bounty often did more, gratefully
repaying the commendations lent him with interest : and thus mutu-
ally arching up one another, they filled the ears of all papists with
loud relations of the transcendent industry, piety, learning of the men
• Dcrlaraih Motumn ac, S{c. page 20. t Ibide7n.
So ELIZABETH. BOOK TX. CENT. XVI. 143
of tlierr Society, to the manifest derogation of all other Orders. But,
more of these discords in the year following.
20, 21. The strict Keeping of the Sabbath first revived.
A.D. 1595.
About this time, throughout England, began the more solemn and
strict observation of the Lord's day, (hereafter botli in writing and
preaching, commonly called " the sabbath,") occasioned by a book
this year set forth by one P. Bound, doctor of divinity, (and en-
larged with additions, anno 1606,) wherein these following opinions
are maintained : —
1. That the commandment of sanctifying every seventh day, as
in the Mosaical Decalogue, is moral and perpetual.
2. That whereas all other things in the Jewish church were taken
away, (priesthood, sacrifices, and sacraments,) this sabbath was so
changed that it still remaineth.*
3. That there is a great reason why we Christians should take our-
selves as straitly bound to rest upon the Lord's day, as the Jews
were upon their sabbath ; it being one of the moral commandments,
where all are of equal authority. •(•
4. The rest upon this day must be a notable and singular rest, a
most careful, exact, and precise rest, after another manner than men
are accustomed. J
5. Scholars on that day not to study the liberal arts, nor lawyers
to consult the case, nor peruse men's evidences. §
6. Serjeants, apparitors, and summoners to be restrained from
executing their offices. ||
7- Justices not to examine causes for the conservation of the
peace.^
8. That ringing of more bells than one, that day, is not to be
justified.**
9. No solemn feasts, nor wedding-dinners, to be made on that
day-|"(- — with permission notwithstanding of the same to lords, knights,
and gentlemen of quality ;t+ which some conceive not so fair dealing
with him.
10. All honest recreations and pleasures, lawful on other days,
(as shooting, fencing, bowling,) on this day to be forborne. §§
11. No man to speak or talk of pleasures, or any other worldly
matter. II II
It is almost incredible how taking this doctrine was, partly because
of its own purity, and partly for the eminent piety of such persons
• Dr. Bound's book of the Sabbath, page 91. t Page 247. X Page 124.
§ Page 163. H Page 164. H Page 1G6. *• Page 102. tj Pages
206, 209. XX Page 211. §§ Page 102. |1!| Pages 272, 275.
144' CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1595.
as maintained it ; so tliat tlie Lord's day, especially in corporations,
began to be precisely kept, people becoming a law to themselves,
forbearing such sports as yet by statute permitted ; yea, many
rejoicmg at their own restraint herein. On this day the stoutest
fencer laid down the buckler ; the most skilful archer unbent his bow,
counting all shooting beside the mark ; May-games and morris-dances
grew out of request ; and good reason that bells should be silenced
from gingling about men's legs, if their very ringing in steeples were
adjudged unlawful. Some of them were ashamed of their former
pleasures, like children, which, grown bigger, blushing themselves
out of their rattles and whistles. Others forbore them for fear of
their superiors ; and many left them off out of a politic compliance,
lest otherwise they should be accounted licentious.
Yet learned men were much divided in their judgments about
these Sabbatarian doctrines. Some embraced them as ancient truths
consonant to Scripture, long disused and neglected, now seasonably
revived for the increase of piety. Others conceived them grounded
on a wrong bottom ; but, because they tended to the manifest advance
of religion, it was pity to oppose them, seeing none have just reason
to complain, being deceived into their own good. But a third sort
flatly fell out with these positions, as galling men's necks with a
Jewish yoke, against the liberty of Christians ; that Christ, as Lord
of the sabbath, had removed the rigour thereof, and allowed men
lawful recreations ; that this doctrine put an unequal lustre on the
Sunday on set purpose to eclipse all other holy-days, to the derogation
of the authority of the church ; that this strict observance was set up
out of faction to be a character of difference, to brand all for libertines
who did not entertain it.
22. Thomas Rogers first publicly opposeth Dr. BountTs Opinions.
However, for some years together in this controversy, Dr. Bound
alone carried the garland away, none offering openly to oppose, and
not so much as a feather of a quill in print did wag against him.
Yea, as he in his second edition observeth, that many, both in their
preachings, writings, and disputations, did concur with him in that
argument ; and three several profitable treatises, one made by Mr.
Greenham, were within few years successively written, by three
godly learned ministers.* But the first that gave a check to the full
speed of this doctrine, was Thomas Rogers, of Horn ingsheath in Suffolk ;
in his preface to the Book of Articles. And now because our present
age begins to dawn, and we come within the view of that truth whose
footsteps heretofore we only followed at distance, I will interpose no-
thing of my own ; but of a Historian only turn a Notary, for the behoof
* Dr. Bound iu his preface to the reader, second edition.
38 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 14o
of the reader, faithfully transcribing such passages as we meet with
in order of time.
*' Notwithstanding, what the Brethren wanted in strength and
learning, they had in wiliness ; and though they lost much one way
in the general and main point of their discipline, yet recovered they
not a little advantage another way, by an odd and new device of
theirs in a special article of their classical instructions. For while
worthies of our church were employing their engines and forces,
partly in defending the present government ecclesiastical, partly in
assaulting the presbytery and new discipline, even at that very instant
the Brethren (knowing themselves too weak either to overthrow our
holds, and that which we hold, or to maintain their own) abandoned
quite the bulwarks which they had raised and gave out were impreg-
nable, suffering His to beat them down without any or very small
resistance ; and yet, not careless of their affairs, left not the wars for
all that, but, from an odd corner, and after a new fashion which we
little thought of, (such was their cunning,) set upon us afresh again,
by dispersing (in printed books, which, for ten years'* space before
they had been in hammering among themselves to make them com-
plete) their sabbath-speculations, and presbyterian, that is, more than
either kingly or popely, directions for the observation of the Lord's
day."*
And in the next page he proceedeth : " It is a comfort unto my
soul, and will be till my dying hour, that I have been the man and
the means that the Sabbatarian errors and impieties are brought into
light and knowledge of the state, whereby, whatsoever else, sure I
am, this good hath ensued, — namely, that the said books of the
sabbath, comprehending the above-mentioned, and many more such
fearful and heretical assertions, have been both called in and forbid-
den any more to be printed and made common. Your Grace's
predecessor, archbishop Whitgift, by his letters and officers at synods
and visitations, anno 1599, did the one, and Sir John Popham, Lord
Chief Justice of England, at Bury St. Edmund's in Suffolk, anno
1600, did the other.'t
But though both minister and magistrate jointly endeavoured to
suppress Bound's book, with the doctrine therein contained, yet
all their care did but for the present make the Sunday set in a
cloud to arise soon after in more brightness. As for the archbishop,
his known opposition to the proceedings of the Brethren rendered
his actions more odious ; as if out of envy he had caused such a
pearl to be concealed. As for Judge Popham, though some con-
ceived it most proper for his place to punish felonious doctrines,
(which robbed the queen's subjects of their lawful liberty,) and to
* Rogers's preface to tlie Articles, paragraph 20. t Jdem. paragraph 23.
Vol. III. . L
146 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1595.
behold them branded with a mark of infamy ; yet others accounted
him no competent judge in this controversy. And though he had
a dead hand against offenders, yet these Sabbatarian doctrines,
though condemned by him, took the privilege to pardon themselves,
and were published more generally than before. The price of the
doctor**s book began to be doubled ; as, commonly, books are then
most called on when called in, and many who hear not of them
when printed inquire after them when prohibited ; and though the
book's wings were clipped from flying abroad in print, it ran the
faster from friend to friend in transcribed copies ; and the Lord's day
in most places was most strictly observed. The more liberty people
were offered, the less they used it ; refusing to take the freedom
authority tendered them. For, the vulgar sort have the actions of
theiB superiors in constant jealousy, suspecting each gate of their
opening to be a trap, every hole of their digging to be a mine,
wherein some secret train is covertly conveyed, to the blowing up of
the subject's liberty ; which made them almost afraid of the recrea-
tions of the Lord's day allowed them ; and, seeing it is the greatest
pleasure to the mind of man to do what he pleaseth, it was sport for
them to refi-ain from sports, whilst the forbearance was in themselves
voluntary, arbitrary, and elective, not imposed upon them. Yea,
six years after, Bound's book came forth, with enlargements, pub-
licly sold ; and scarce any comment, catechism, or controversy was
set forth by the stricter divines, wherein this doctrine (the diamond
in this ring) was not largely pressed and proved ; so that, as one
saith, the sabbath itself had no rest. For now, all strange and un-
known writers, without further examination, passed for friends and
favourites of the presbyterian party, who could give the word, and had
any thing in their treatise tending to the strict observation of the
Lord's day. But more hereof, God willing, in the fifteenth year of
king James.
23 — 28. The Articles of Lambeth. The high Opinions some
had of these Articles. Others value them at a lower Rate,
So7ne Jlatly condemned both the Articles and Authors of
them. How variously foreign Divines esteemed of them.
These Articles excellent Witnesses of the general Doctrine
of England.
Now also began some opinions about predestination, free-will,
perseverance, &c. much to trouble both the schools and pulpit.
Whereupon archbishop Whitgift, out of his Christian care to pro-
pagate the truth and suppress the opposite errors, caused a solemn
meeting of many grave and learned divines at Lambeth; where,
beside the archbishop, Richard Bancroft, bishop of London,
•38 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 14?
Richard Vauglian, bishop elect of Bangor, Humphrey Tyndall,
dean of Ely, Dr. Whitaker, queen's professor in Cambridge, and
others were assembled. These, after a serious debate and mature
deliberation, resolved at last on the now following articles : —
1 . Deus ah ceterno prcedestinavit quosdam ad mtam : quosdam
reprohamt ad mortem.
2. Causa motens aut efficiens prcedestinationis ad mtam non est
prcBmsio fidei^ aut per sever antice^ aut honorum operum^ aut idlius
rei quce insit in personis prwdestinatis^ sed sola voluntas beneplaciti
Dei.
*S. Prc^destinatorum proefinitus et certus est mwierus, qui nee
auger i nee minui potest.
4. Qid non sunt prcedestinati ad salutem^ necessarid propter pec-
cata sua damnabuntur.
5. Vera^ viva et justificans fides ^ ^t Spiritus Dei justificantis^ non
extinguitur^ non excidit^ non etanescit in electis^ aut finaliter^ aut
totaliter.
6. Homo Tere fidelis, id est, fide justificante prceditus, certus est
plerophorid fidei de remissione peccatorum suorum, et salute sempi-
ternd sua per Christum.
7. Gratia salutaris non tribuitur, non excommunicatur, non
conceditur universis hominibus, qua serxari possint si Telint.
8. Nemo potest venire ad Christum, nisi datum ei fuerit, et nisi
Pater eum traxerit ; et omnes homines non trahuntur a Patre ut
teniant ad Filium.
9. Non est positum in arhitrio aut potestate uniuscujusque
hominis servari.
" 1. God from eternity hath predestinated certain men unto life ;
certain men he hath reprobated.
" 2. The moving or efficient cause of predestination unto life is
not the foresight of faith, or of perseverance, or of good works, or of
any thing that is in the person predestinated ; but only the good-
will and pleasure of God.
" 3. There is predetermined a certain number of the predestinate,
which can neither be augmented nor diminished.
" 4. Those who are not predestinated to salvation shall be neces-
sarily damned for their sins.
" 5. A true, living, and justifying faith, and the Spirit of God
justifying, is not extinguished, falleth not away, it vanisheth not
away in the elect, either finally or totally.
" 6. A man truly faithful, that is, such an one who is endued
with a justifying faith, is certain, with the full assurance of faith,
of the remission of his sins, and of his everlasting salvation by
Christ.
l2
148 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 159.5,
" 7. Saving grace is not given, is not granted, is not conamuni-
cated to all men, by which they may be saved if they will.
" 8. No man can come unto Christ unless it shall be given unto
him, and unless the Father shall draw him ; and all men are not
drawn by the Father, that they may come to the Son.
" 9. It is not in the will or power of every one to be saved."
Matthew Hutton, the right reverend archbishop of York, did
also fully and freely in his judgment concur with these divines, as
may appear by his letter here inserted : —
Accept ja?7ipridem liter as tuas, reterendissime prcmul, ceteris
illius bene'colentice et amoris erga me tui plenas ; in quihus efflagitas
opinionem meam de articidis quibusdam nuper Cantahngiw agi-
tatis, non sine aliqiod piorum offensione, qui gramter molesteque
feriint matrem academiam, jam multitudine liberorum et quidem
doctissimorum florentem, ed dissensione filiorum nonnihil contrista-
tam esse. Sed fieri non potest qiiin veniant offendicida ; neque
desinet inimicus Jiomo inter triticum zizania seminare, donee eum
Dominus sub pedibus co7itriverit. Legi articulos et relegi, et dum
pararem aliquid de singidis dicere, Tisum est mihi midto potius de
ipsa electione et reprobatione^ unde ilia dissensio orta esse mdetur,
meam sententiam et opinionem paucis mrbis explicare, quam sin-
gidis sigUlatim respondens fratrum forsitan quorundam animas,
quos in Teritate diligo, exacerbare. Meminisse potes, ornatissime
a?itistes, cum Cantabrigiw una essemus, et sacras literas in scholis
publicis interpretaremur^ eandem regidam seculi eam semper fuisse
inter nos consensionem in omnibus reUgionis causis, et ne minima
quidem xel dissensionis^ Tel simultatis suspicio unquam appareret.
Igitur hoc tempore si judicio dominationis tuce^ id quod pingui
Minerm scripsi probatum ire intellexero^ multo mihi minus dis-
placebo. Deus te diutissime servet incolumem^ ut turn reginw sere-
nissimw et toti regno fidelissimus coiisiliarius^ turn etiam ecclesice
huic nosirw Anglicance pastor utilissimus midtos adhuc annos esse
possis. Vale. E muswo meo apud Bishop-Thorp. Calend, Octob.
anno Domini 1595.
But when these articles came abroad into the world, men's brains
and tongues, as since their pens, were employed about the authority
of the same, and the obedience due unto them ; much puzzled to
find the new place, where rightly to rank them in reputation ; how
much above the results and resolutions of private divines, and how
much beneath the authority of a provincial synod. Some there
[were] that almost equalled their authenticalness with the acts of a
synod, requiring the like conformity of men's judgments unto them.
They endeavoured to prove that those divines met not alone in their
private capacities, but also representing others; alleging this passage
S8 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVT. 149
in a public letter from Cambridge,* subscribed with the hands of the
Leads of that university : — " We sent up to London by common
consent in November last, Dr. Tyndall and Dr. Whitaker, (men
especially chosen for that purpose,) for conference with my lord of
Canterbury, and other principal divines there,"' &c.
Others maintain the contrary. For, grant each man, in this con-
ference at Lambeth, one of a thousand for learning and religion ;
yet was he but one in power and place, and had no proxy or depu-
tation, the two Cambridge doctors excepted, to appear in the behalf
of others ; and therefore their determinations, though of great use
to direct, could be but of little authority to conclude and command
the consent of others.
But a third sort, offended with the matter of the articles, thought
that the two archbishops, and the rest at this meeting, deserved
censure for holding an unlawful conventicle. For they had not
express command from the queen to meet, debate, and decide such
controversies. Those of the opposite party were not solemnly
summoned and heard ; so that it might seem rather a design to
crush them than clear the truth. The meeting was warranted with
no legal authority, rather a private action of Dr. John Whitgift,
Dr. Matthew Hutton, &c. than the public act of the archbishops of
Canterbury and York. One gO€th further to affirm, that those
articles of Lambeth were afterwards forbidden by public authority ;
but when, where, and by whom, he is not pleased to impart unto
us.-|- And strange it is, that a public prohibition should be whis-
pered so softly, that this author alone should hear it, and none other
to my knowledge take notice thereof.
As for foreign divines, just as they were biassed in judgment, so
on that side ran their affections, in raising or decrying the esteem of
these articles. Some printed,^ set forth, and cited them,§ as the
sense of the church of England ; others as fast slighted them, as
the narrow positions of a few private and partial persons. As for
Corvinus, as we know not whence he had his intelligence, so we find
no just ground for what he reporteth, that archbishop Whitgift for
his pains incurred the queen's displeasure, and a praemunire. || We
presume this foreigner better acquainted with the imperial law and
local customs of Holland, than with our municipal statutes, and the
nature of a praemunire. Indeed, there goes a tradition, that the
queen should in merriment say jestingly to the archbishop, " My
• See it cited at large in our ••* Hiritory of Cambridge," anno 1595, f Mr.
MouNTAGU in his "Appeal/ pages 55, 56, 71, 7'2. t Thysius twice printed them
at Harderwick, anno 1613. § Bogerman in his 107th and 108th notes on the second
part of Grotius. ll In his " Answer to the Notes of Bogerman," second part, page
566, and so forward to page 570,
150 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1596.
lord, I now shall want no money ; for I am informed all your goods
are forfeited unto me by your calling a council without my consent.^
But how much of truth herein, God knows. And be it referred to
our learned in the law, whether, without danger of such a censure,
the two archbishops, by virtue of their place, had not any implicit
leave from the queen to assemble divines, for the clearing, declaring,
and asserting of difficult truths, provided they innovate or alter
nothing in matters of religion.*
And now I perceive, I must tread tenderly, because I go not (as
before) on men''s graves, but am ready to touch the quick of some
yet alive. I know how dangerous it is to follow truth too near to
the heels ; yet better it is that the teeth of an historian be struck
out of his head for writing the truth, than that they remain still and
rot in his jaws, by feeding too much on the sweetmeats of flattery.
All that I will say of the credit of these articles is this, — that as
medals of gold and silver, though they Avill not pass in payment for
current coin, because not stamped wntli the king's inscription, yet
they will go with goldsmiths for as much as they are in weight ; so,
though these articles want authentic reputation to pass for provincial
Acts, as lacking sufficient authority, yet will they be readily received
of orthodox Christians for as far as their own purity bears con-
formity to God's word. And though those learned divines be not
acknowledged as competent judges to pass definitive sentence in those
points, yet they will be taken as witnesses beyond exception; whose
testimony is an infallible evidence what was the general and received
doctrine of England in that age, about the fore-named controversies.
29. Bishop Wickham, Dr. Whitakei\ Daniel Halseworth, and
Robert Southwell end their Lives.
This year ended the life. First, of Dr. AVilliam Wickham, bred
in King's College, in Cambridge, first bishop of Lincoln, after of
Winchester, whose name-sake, William Wickham, in the reign of
king Edward III. sat in the same see more years than this did
weeks. Indeed, w^e know little of his life, but so much of his
death, as we must not mention it without some pity to him, whilst
in pain, and praise to God for our own health ; such was his torture
with the stone before his death, that for fourteen days together he
made not water.f Secondly. Worthy Dr. William Whitaker,
whose larger character we reserve, God willing, for our " History of
Cambridge." And amongst the Romanists, Daniel Halseworth, who,
* On tljiis -wliole aiTair, as well as ou otlier collateral matters belonging to that impor-
tant period, Fuller's information was very incon-ect ; a circumstance that operated as one
of the piii^cipal inducements with Strj-pe to write his accurate " Life ot Whitgift." —
Edit. t Bishop Godwin in his <' Catalogue of the Bishop? of Winchester,"
39 ELIZABETH. BOOK JX. CENT. XVI. 151
as Pitzseus describes him,* (papists give no scant measure in praising
those of their own party,) was well skilled in Latin, Greek, and
Hebrew ; an elegant poet, eloquent orator, acute philosopher, expert
mathematician, deep-studied lawyer, and excellent divine. Flying
from England, he lived successively in Savoy, Rome, and Milan,
having too many professions to gather wealth ; and, with all his arts
and parts, both lived in poverty and died in obscurity. More
eminent, but more infamous, was the death of Robert Southwell, a
Jesuit, born in Suffolk, -[- bred beyond the seas, where he wrote
abundance of books ; who, returning into England, was executed,
March 3rd, for a traitor at London, and honoured for a martyr
amongst men of his own religion.
30. The Complaint of the Seculars against the Jesuits^ and
principally against Parsons. A.D. 1596.
The Secular Priests continued their complaints, as against Jesuits
in general, so particularly against Robert Parsons. This Parsons
about eighteen years since was in England, where, by his statizing
and dangerous activity, he had so incensed the queen's Council, that
the Secular Priests made him a main occasion why such sharp laws
were so suddenly made against catholics in England. | But no
sooner did danger begin to appear, but away went Parsons beyond
the seas ; wherein some condemned his cowardliness, and others
commended his policy, seeing such a commander-in-chief as he was
in the Romish cause, ought to repose his person in safety, and
might be nevertheless virtually present in the fight, by the issuing-
out of his orders to meaner officers. Nor did Parsons, like a
wheeling cock, turn aside with intent to return, but ran quite out of
the cockpit, and then crowed in triumph when he was got on his
own dunghill, safely resident in the city of Rome. Here he com-
piled— and hence he dispatched — many letters and libels into
England ; and, amongst the rest, that book of the succession to the
English, (entitling the Spaniard thereunto,) setting it forth under
the false name of Doleman,§ an honest, harmless Secular Priest, and
his professed adversary. And, surely, Parsons was a fit fellow to
derive the pedigree of the kings of England, who might first have
studied to deduce his own descent from a lawful father, being
himself (otherwise called " Cowback"")///«5 populi et filius peccati,
as catholics have observed. || Many letters also he sent over, full of
threats, and assuring his party that the land would be invaded by
foreigners ; writing therein, not what he knew or thought was — but
* Be AnglidB Script oribus cetate 16, page 794. t Idem, ibidem. X Beclaratio
Motuum ad Clcmcntem rHL page 24. ^ Camden's FJizabdha in anno 1594,
page 72. II Watson's Quodlibch, pages 109, 23(».
152 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAI^^ A.D. 159G.
"vvliat lie desired and endeavoured should be — true. Some of these
letters being intercepted, made the queen's officers (as they had just
cause) more strict in searching — as her judges more severe in
punishing — the papists. Hereupon the Seculars complained, that
such proceedings against them (termed "persecution'' by them,
and "justice" by our state) were caused by the Jesuits, and that
Parsons especially, though he had kindled the fire, left others to
bear the heat thereof. Yea, which were more, he was not himself
contented to sleep in a whole skin at Rome, but lashed others of his
own religion, and having got his neck out of the collar, accused
others for not drawing weight enough, taxing the Seculars as dull
and remiss in the cause of religion ; and, to speak plainly, they
differed as hot and cold poison, the Jesuits more active and prag-
matical, the Seculars more slow and heavy, but both maintaining
treacherous principles, destructive to the commonwealth.
31. A general Calm.
If we look now on the nonconformists, we shall find them all still
and quiet. After a storm comes a calm. Wearied with a former
blustering, they began now to repose themselves in a sad silence,
especially since the condemnation of Udal and Penryhad so terrified
them, that, though they miglft have secret designs, we meet not
their open and public motions ; so that this century affordeth little
more than the mortalities of some eminent men.
32. The Death of Bishop Fletcher and Bishop Coldwell.
We begin with Richard Fletcher, bishop of London, bred in
Benet College in Cambridge ; one of a comely person and goodly
presence, — qualities not to be cast away in a bishop, though a
bishop not to be chosen for them. He loved to ride the great
horse, and had much skill in managing thereof ; condemned for very
pi-oud, (such his natural stately garb,) by^such as knew him not;
and commended for Jmmility by those acquainted with him. He
lost the queen's favour because of his second unhappy match, and
died suddenly, more of grief than any other disease. With him
let me couple another heart-broken bishop, John Coldwell, of Salis-
bury, doctor of physic, (St. Luke, we know, was both an evangelist
and physician,) who never enjoyed himself after he had consented
(though little better than surprised thereunto) to the alienation of
Sherborn manor from the bishopric.
33. The Death of Laurence Humphrey.
Here I am at a loss for the date of the death of Laurence
Humphrey, but confident I hit the butt, though miss the mark, as
59 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 153
about this time. He was a conscientious and moderate noncon-
formist, (condemned for lukewarm by sucli as were scalding-hot,)
dean of Winchester and Master of Magdalen College in Oxford, to
which he bequeathed a considerable sum of gold, left in a chest, not
to be opened, except some great necessity urged thereunto. But,
lately, whilst Dr. John Wilkinson was President of the College,
this gold was shared between him and the Fellows.* And though
one must charitably believe the matter not so bad as it is reported,
yet the most favourable relation thereof gave a general distaste.
34. A great Antiquary's good Intention discouraged.
Sure I am, a great antiquary, lately deceased, (rich as well in his
state, as learning,) at the hearing hereof quitted all his intentions of
benefaction to Oxford or any place else, on suspicion it would be
diverted to other uses. On the same token that he merrily said,
" I think the best way for a man to perpetuate his memory, is to
procure the pope to canonize him for a saint ; for then he shall be
sure to be remembered in their calendar : whereas, otherwise, I see
all protestant charity subject to the covetousness of posterity to
devour it, and bury the donor thereof in oblivion."
35. The Charity of a Spanish Protestant.
Mr. Balthazar Zanches, a Spaniard, bom in Xeres in Estre-
madura, founded an alms-house, at Tottenham High-Cross in
Middlesex, for eight single people, allowing them competent mainte-
nance. Now, seeing protestant founders are rare, Spanish protes-
tants rarer, Spanish protestant founders in England rarest, I could
not pass this over with silence ; nor must we forget, that he was the
first confectioner or comfit-maker in England, bringing that mystery
to London ; and, as I am informed, the exactness thereof continues
* In the relation of this affair some errors occur, which are thus corrected hy Heylin :
** Our author is mistaken in Dr. Humphrey, though he he wiUing to entitle him to some
benefaction. The sum there foimd amounted to above twelve htmdred double pistolets j
the old Doctor [Wilkinson] having no fewer than one himdred for his part of the spoil,
and every Fellow thirty a-piece for theirs : each pistolet exchanged at sixteen shillings
and sixpence, and yet the exchanger got well by the bargain too. Too gi-eat a sum for
Dr. Humphrey — who had many childi'en, and no provident woman to his wife — to leave
behind him to the college, had he been so minded. The money (as the tradition went in
that college) was left there by the foimder, [bishop Wainfleet,] to remedy and repair such
niiDS as either the casualty of fire, or the ravages of a civil war, might bring upon it : to
which the nature of the coin (being all French pieces) — remember that the English at
that time [a. d. 1459] were masters of a great part of France — gives a farther testi-
mony." FuUer thus candidly acknowledges his mistake : " As I have been mistaken in
the person. Dr. Humphrey for bishop Wainfleet, donor of this gold, following common
report therein ; so I could heartily have wished I had also erred in the thing itself j — I
mean, that an amotion of such devoted treasure had never been done." — Edit.
154 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1600.
still in his family, in which respect they have successively been the
queens'* and kings' confectioners.
36. The Acts in Parliament. A. D. 1597-
A Parliament [was] held at Westminster, wherein the deprivation
of popish bishops in the first of this queen's reign was declared legal.
Some will wonder what need is of this statute at so many years'*
distance ; but the preface intimates the necessity thereof. The
legality also of our bishops, and their officers, were again by Act
of Parliament confirmed. And whereas there was a pretended con-
cealment of some lands of the bishopric of Norwich, the same by
Act of Parliament were settled on that see, and the exchange of
lands ratified, made in the reign of king Henry VIII. The con-
temporary Convocation did nothing of moment.
37, 38. The Death of Thomas Stapleton, and of Dr. Cosine.
A.D. 1598.
Thomas Stapleton this year ended his life, and was buried at St.
Peter"'s church in Lou vain. It is written in his epitaph, qui Cices-
trice in Anglid nohili loco hiatus., where Cicestriw is taken not for
the city^ but diocess of Chichester ; having otherwise good assurance
that he was born at Henfield in Sussex, the same year and month
wherein Sir Thomas More was beheaded,* observed by the
catholics as a grand providence. He was a most learned assertor of
the Romish religion, wanting nothing but a true cause to defend.
On one account I am beholding unto him ; namely, for dissuading
Pitzseusf from being a soldier to be a scholar, whose History of our
English writers hath so often been useful unto me.
Richard Cosine, doctor of the law and dean of arches, this year
ended his life ; one of the greatest civilians which our age or
nation hath produced ; a most moderate man in his own nature, but
most earnest assertor of the ecclesiastical discipline ; as by his
printed works doth appear.
39. The Death of Robert Turner. A.D. 1599.
Robert Turner's death was now much bemoaned by the papists.
He was born at Barnstaple in Devon, bred for a while in Oxford ;
whence flying beyond the seas, he became canon of Breslaw in
Silesia, and at the same time Privy Counsellor to the duke of
Bavaria, falling afterward into his displeasure, probably because more
pragmatical than became a foreigner. However, Ferdinand of Gratz,
afterwards emperor, took him frou) the duke to be his own secretary
for the Latin tongue, wherein he excelled ; as by his printed
• See PjTZ.4;t.s in his Life. \ Idem, ihidcm.
43 ELIZABETH. BOOK IX. CENT. XVI. 155
*' Orations"'* doth appear. He lieth buried at Gratz under a hand-
some monument.
40. The Death of Richard Hooker.
Great was the grief of protestants for the decease of Richard
Hooker, Turner's countryman, as born also in Devonshire and bred
in Corpus Christi College in Oxford, living and dying a single man ;*
of whom largely before : his innocency survived to triumph over
those aspersions which the malice of others (advantaged by his
own dove-like simplicity) had cast upon him. I am informed Sir
Edwin Sands hath erected a monument over him, in his parish-
church in Kent, where he lieth interred.
41. An over-politic Act disliked.
I cannot omit what I find in this year in Mr. Camden's manu-
script Life of queen Elizabeth. -f* A report was cast out by our poli-
ticians, in the midst of harvest, of the danger of a present foreign
invasion ; done out of design, to prevent the popularity of the earl
of Essex, and to try the people's inclinations. Instantly all were
put into a posture of defence ; mowers, reapers, all harvest-folk left
their work to be employed in musters. This afterwards appeared
but a court -project, whereat the country took much distaste, so ill
it is to jest with edged tools, especially with scithes and sickles.
My author addeth, that people affirmed that such May-games had
been fitter in the spring, (when sports were used amongst the Romans
to Flora,) and not in the autumn, when people were seriously employed
to fetch in the fruits of the earth. But, by his leave, these expressions
flow from critics, and fly far above the capacities of countrymen.
42. The Death of John Sanderson^ ajid Thomas Case.
A.D. 1600.
This century concluded the lives of two eminent Roman
catholics ; John Sanderson, born in Lancashire, bred in Trinity
College in Cambridge, where he set forth an excellent Logic, called
Sanderson's Logic, forty years ancienter than that which his worthy
name-sake of Oxford (of a different judgment in religion) hath since
printed on the same subject. From Cambridge he fled to Cambray
in Artois, where he lived with good comfort, and died with great
credit with those of his own persuasion. The other, Thomas Case,
of St. John's in Oxford, doctor of physic ; it seems, always a
Romanist in his heart, but never expressing the same, till his mortal
sickness seized upon him.
• Hooker's "Life," by Izaak Walton, was not published at this time; otherwise Fuller
could not have committed such a mistake as the one here recorded.— Edit. f Which
shorllv wiU be set forth in a new edition.
THE
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN.
BOOK X.
CONTAINING THE RKIGN OF KING JAMES.
TO THE
HONOURABLE ROBERT LORD BRUCE,
SOLE SON TO
THE RIGHT HON. THOMAS EARL OF ELGIN.
Having, by God's assistance, drawn down my His-
tory to the death of queen EKzabeth, some dissuade me
from continuing it any further ; because that, as St.
Peter out of wariness (alias cowardUness) followed
Christ (who was "the Truth," Matt. xxvi. 58) "afar
off;" so they lay this down for a maxim, — that the
story of modern times must not be written by any
alive ; a position, in my poor opinion, both disgraceful
to historians, and prejudicial to posterity.
Disgraceful to historians — As if they would make
themselves like unto the beasts of the forest, as charac-
tered by David, "who move in the darkness till the
sun ariseth, and they get them away," Psalm civ. 20,
22 : loving to write of things done at distance, where
obscurity may protect their mistakes froni discovery ;
but putting up their pens as soon as the day dawns of
modern times, and they within the reach of reputation.
Prejudicial to posterity — Seeing, intentions in this
nature, long-delayed, are at last defeated. The young
man, moved by his mother to marry, returned, that as
yet it was " too soon;" and, some years after, pleaded,
that now it was " too late." * So some say, truth is
not ripe enough to be written in the age we live in,
which proveth rotten too much for the next generation
faithfully to report, when the impresses of memorable
* Plutarch in his " Morals."
160 DEDICATION.
matters are almost worn out ; the histories then written
having more of the author's hand than footsteps of truth
therein.
Sure I am, the most informative histories to posterity,
and such as are most highly prized by the judicious,
are such as were written by the eye-witnesses thereof;
as Thucydides, the reporter of the Peloponessian war.
However, one may observe such as write the story of
their own times like the two messengers which carried
tidings to David. Of these, Ahimaaz (sent the rather
by permission than injunction) only told David what he
knew would please him, acquainting him with his
victory. But being demanded of his son's death, he
made a tale of a tumult, (no better than an officious lie
for himself,) the issue whereof was to him unknown,
2 Sam. xviii. 29. Cushi, the other messenger, having
his carriage less of cunning, and more of conscience ;
informing the king of his son's death, but folding it up
in a fair expression : ^^ The enemies of my lord the
king, and all that rise against thee to do thee hurt, be
as that young man is !" 2 Sam. xviii. 32.
Ahimaaz is imitated by such historians who leave
that unwritten which they suspect will be unwelcome.
These, following the rule, Summa lex solus authorise
when they meet with any necessary but dangerous
truth, pass it over with a blank flourished up with
some ingenious evasion.
Such writers succeed to plain Cushi in their relations
who give a true account of actions ; and, to avoid all
exasperating terms, (which may make a bad matter
worse in relating it,) use the most lenitive language in
expressing distasteful matter, adventuring with their
own danger to procure the information of others.
Truly one is concerned in conscience to transmit to
the next age some short intimations of these times,
out of fear that records are not so carefully kept in
these so many and sudden changes as they were in
former ages.
DEDICATION. 161
I know Machiavel was wont to say, that " he who
undertakes to write a history must be of no rehgion ;"
if so, he himself was the best-quahfied of any in his
age to be a good historian.
But I beheve his meaning was much better than his
w^ords ; intending therein, that " a writer of histories
must not discover his inchnation in religion to the pre-
judice of truth :" Levi-like, who said to his father and
mother, " I have not seen them," — owning no acquaint-
ance of any relations.
This I have endeavoured to my utmost in this Book ;
knowing, as that oil is adjudged the best that hath no
taste at all ; so that historian is preferred who hath the
least tang of partial reflections.
However, some candour of course is due to such his-
torians, (wherein the courtesy not so great in giving as
the injury in detaining it,) which run the chiding of
these present times in hope that after-ages may
excuse them. And I am confident, that these my
labours shall find the same favour, which may he in
mere men, should be in all gentlemen, must he in true
Christians ; the rather because this Book appeareth
patronized by a Dedication to your Honour.
I have selected your lordship for a patron to this
part of my History, wherein the reign of king James is
contained ; under whose peaceable government your
grandfather was his Privy Counsellor, and Master of
the Rolls ; when your family was not brought, but
brought back into England, where it had flourished
barons many years before. Plants are much melio-
rated by transplanting, especially when after many
years they are restored to their native soil as cordial
unto them. And thus, the continuance and increase
of all happiness to yourself and noble consort, is the
unfeigned prayer of
Your Honour's most obliged servant,
THOMAS FULLER.
Vol. tit. m
THE
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN.
BOOK X.
SECTION I.
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
1. The Seculars fomented hy the Bishop of London against the
Jesuits. 43 Elizabeth. A.D. 1601.
The difference betwixt the Seculars and the Jesuits still continued
and increased. AVherefore, bishop Bancroft, counting the Seculars
the better but weaker side, afforded them countenance and mainte-
nance in London-house, accommodating them with necessaries to
write against their adversaries, hoping the protestants might assault
the Romish cause with the greater advantage, when they found a
breach made to their hand by the others' own dissensions. But
such who bore no grood-will to the bishop, beholding the frequent
repairing and familiar conversing of such priests in his house, made
a contrary construction of his actions, and leported him popishly
affected. Thus those who publicly do things in themselves liable
to offence, and privately reserve the reasons of their actions in their
own bosoms, may sufficiently satisfy their consciences towards God,
but will hardlv avoid the censures of men, to which too unwarily
thev expose themselves. With more general applause was the
bounty of archbishop Whitgift bestowed ; who now finished his
hospital, founded and endowed by him at Croydon in Surrey, for a
Warden, and eight-and-twenty Brethren ; as also a free-school, with
liberal maintenance, for the education of youth. God, the best of
creditors, no doubt, long since hath plentifully repaid what was
lent to him, in his members.
2, 3. Acts in the last Parliament of Queen Elizabeth. Acts of
this Years Convocation.
The last Parliament in this queen's reign was now begun at
Westminster, October 27th, and dissolved the month next following,
43 ELIZABETH. LOOK X. CENT. XVII. 103
November 1.9th. OF such things whicli at distance may seem to
relate to churcli-affairs, in this Parliament it Avas enacted, tliat over-
seers of the poor should be nominated yearly in Easter-week under
the hand and seal of two Justices-of-Peace,* and that these with
t';e churchwardens should take care for the relief of the poor,
binding-out of apprentices, &:c. As also, that the Lord Chancellor
should award commissions under the Great Seal, into any part of the
realm, (as cause should require.) to the bishop of every diocess,-f- and
his chancellor, and any four or more persons of honest behaviour, to
inquire by oaths of twelve men, into the mis-emplo)Tnent of any
lands or goods given to pious uses ; and by their orders to appoint
them to be duly and faithfully paid or employed to their true uses and
intents. In pursuance of this statute, much good was and is done
to this day, in several parts of the kingdom, the law being very
tender, that the true intentions of the donor should take effect, as
by this eminent instance may appear : By the rule of the law,
copyhold land cannot be aliened, but by surrender ; but yet if a
man devise such land to a charitable use, though it had not been
surrendered, this is adjudged good, and shall be construed an
appointment to a charitable use within this statute. ;):
Xow if we look into the Convocation, parallel to this Parliament,
therein we shall find, that it began with a Latin sermon of William
Barlow, doctor of divinity, and one of her majesty\s chaplains, (after-
wards bishop of Rochester, then of Lincoln.) preaching on this text,
Xegotiamini dum tenio^ Luke xix. 13. In this Convocation,
Matthew Sutcliife, doctor of the law, and dean of Exeter, was
chosen Prolocutor ; but nothing save matters of course passed
therein. Xor find I any eminent divine deceased this year.
4. Franch Godwm made Bishop of Landaff.'^
Francis Godwin, doctor of divinity, sub-dean of Exeter, son of
Thomas Godwin, bishop of Wells, (like another Gregory Xazianzen,
a bishop, son to a bishop, §) was promoted to the church of Landaff.
He was bom in the fourth year of queen Elizabeth, who was not a
little sensible of and thankful for God's favour unto her, in suffering
her so long to hold the helm of the English church, till one bom
within her reign was found fit to be a bishop. He was stored with
all polite learning, both judicious and industrious in the study of
antiquity ; to whom not only the church of Landaff, (whereof he
well deserved,) but all England is indebted, as for his other learned
writings, so especially for his " Catalogue of Bishops.^ He was
• StattUo 43 of queen EiizaLeth, cap. 2. t PAd. cap. 4. * 15 Ja.cobi I. in
Rivet 'g case ia Cbancery. $ /« ^it^ Greg. Nazienzen.
m2
1G4 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1602-
trans. ated, anno 1617, to Hereford ; and died many years after, a
very old man, in the reign of king Charles.
5, 6. Watson's Quodlihets against the Jesuits. The black
Character of Jesuits painted with the Pencil of a Secular
Priest. A.D. 1602.
Now came forth a notable book against the Jesuits, written in a
scholastic way, by one Watson, a Secular Priest, consisting of ten
quodlihets^ each whereof is subdivided into as many articles. It
discovereth the Jesuits in their colours, ferreting them out of all
their burrows of equivocation and mental reservation, holding
Proteus so hard to it, that, in despite of his changing into many
shapes, he is forced to appear in his own proper form. No entire
answer, for aught I can learn, was ever returned to this book ; the
Jesuits, according to their old trick, slighting what they cannot con-
fute, and. counting that unworthy to be done which they found them-
selves unable to do. Indeed, for matters of fact therein, they are
so punctually reported with the several circumstances of time and
place, that the guilty consciences of such as are concerned therein
(though snapping and snarling at pieces and passages thereof) for
the main may well give it over for unanswerable.
Yet the whole book is written with an imbittered style, so that
protestant charity hath a better conceit of Jesuits, than to account
them altogether so bad. Take one passage of many : — " No, no,
their course of life doth show what their study is, and that, how-
soever they boast of their perfections, holiness, meditations, and
exercises, yet their platform is heathenish, tyrannical, satanical, and
able to set' Aretine, Lucian, Machiavel, yea, and Don Lucifer, in a
sort, to school, as impossible for him, by all the art he hath, to
besot men as they do."* This is the same Watson, who, though
boasting of the obedience of the Secular Priests to their sovereigns,
and taxing the Jesuits for want thereof, was, notwithstanding, him-
self afterwards executed for a traitor in the reign of king James.
It seems, as well Seculars as Jesuits are so loaden with loyalty, that
both need the gallows to ease them of the burden thereof.
7. A Quiet in the English Church, and the Cause thereof.
Great at this time was the calm in the English church, the Bre-
thren not endeavouring any thing in opposition to the hierarchy.
This some impute not to their quietness, but weariness, because so
long they had in vain sought to cast off that yoke from them.
Besides, they did not so much practise for the present, as project
for the future, to procure hereafter an establishment of their eccle-
* Second Qnodlibet, third article, page G2.
44 ELIZABETH. BOOK X. (ENT. XVII. 105
siastical government. For they beheld the queen's old ag; as a
taper of virgin-wax now in the socket, ready to be extinguished ;
which ^nade them address and apply themselves with all diligence
to James king of Scotland, the heir-apparent to the crown, as to the
rising sun, whom they hoped will be more favourable to their pro-
ceedings : hopes not altogether groundless, whilst they considered
the power of the presbytery in the church of Scotland, where bishops,
though lately restored to their place, were so restrained in their
power, that small wvas their command in church-affairs ; which made
the Brethren in England thence to promise great matters to them-
selves ; but with what success, shall be seen hereafter. As for Mr.
Thomas Cartwright, the chieftain of that party in England, we find
him at this time growing rich in the town of Warwick, (there
master of an hospital,) by the benevolence and bounty of his
followers, where he preached very temperately, according to his pro-
mise made to the archbishop.*
8, 9. Several Reasons assigned of Mr. Cartwrighfs Modera-
tio7i. The Character of Mr. Cartivright.
Some ascribe this his mildness to his old age and experience ; it
being commonly observed, that, in controversies of this kind, men,
when they consult with their own gray hairs, begin to abate of their
violence. Others conceive that archbishop Whitgift had conquered
him with his kindness, having formerly procured him both his pardon
and dismission out of all his troubles; so that his coals of courtesies,
heaped on Mr. Cartwright's head, made the good metal (the ingenuity
in him) to melt into moderation. For, in his letters written with his
own hand, March 24th, afino 1601, he confcsseth himself much ob-
liged unto him, vouchsafing him the style of " a right reverend father
in God, and his lord the archbishop's Grace of Canterbury," which title
of " Grace," he also often yieldeth him through out his letters, acknow-
ledging his bond of most humble duty so much the straiter, because his
Grace's favour proceedeth from a frank disposition, without any
desert of his own.-[- Others, and that not improbably, do think that
Mr. Cartwright grew sensible, with sorrow, how all sects and schisms,
being opposite to bishops, (Brownists, Barrowists, &c.) did shroud
and shelter themselves under his protection, whom he could neither
reject with credit, nor receive with comfort ; seeing his conscience
could not close with their enormous opinions, and his counsel could
not regulate their extravagant violences, which made him by degrees
decline their party. Yet, for all this, there want not those who will
maintain, that all this while Mr. Cartwright was not more remiss, but
* Sir George Paul, in "the Life of ArcUbishop Whitgift," page 54. t Idem,
lit piiuf.
I(i6 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1602.
more reserved, in his judgment ; being still as sound, but not as sharp,
in the cause, out of politic intents ; like a skilful pilot in a great tem-
pest, yielding to the violence of a storm, therewith to be carried away,
contrary to his intents for the present, but waiting when the wind
should soon turn about to the north, and blow him and his a pros-
perous gale, according to their desires.
What hisop inions were, may appear by the premisses ; and his life
may be presumed most pious, it concerning liim to be strict in his
conversation \Uio so stickled for the reformation of all abuses in the
church : an excellent scholar, pure Latin ist, (his travels advantaging
the ready use thereof,) accurate Grecian, exact Hebrician ; as his
Comments on the Proverbs, and other works, do sufficiently testify.
But the master-piece of all his writings was, that his Confutation of
the Rhemish Translation of the New Testament into English, at the
importunity of many ministers of London and Suffolk ; and Sir
Francis Walsingham, the queen''s secretary, Mr. Cartwright''s especial
patron, gave him a hundred pounds to buy him books, and encourage
him in that work.* However, the setting-forth thereof was stopped
by archbishop Whitgift ; probably we may conceive, because some
passages therein did glance at and gird the episcopal discipline in
England ; and after it had lain thirty years neglected, it was first set
forth anno 1618, and then, without cither privilege or licence ; except
any will say that truth is a licence for itself. In a word, no English
champion in that age did, with more valour or success, charge and
rout the Romish enemy in matters of doctrine. But when that
adversary sometimes was not in the field, then his active spirit fell
foul, in point of discipline, with those which otherwise were of his
own religion.
10. Bishop Westphaling, Deem Nowelk Mr. Perkins^ Gregory
Sayer^ and William Harris^ depart this World.
The same year proved fatal to many other eminent clergymen ;
and I hope, without offence, I may join them together, their bodies
at the same time meeting at the grave, though their minds before
had parted in different opinions.
1. Herbert Westphaling, bishop of Hereford, though, perchance,
his ambiguous death is more properly referred to the last year ;
brought up in Christ Church in Oxford, being the first bishop of that
foundation ; a man of great piety of life, and of such gravity, that
he was seldom or never seen to laugh ;-[- leaving no great but a well-
gotten estate, out of which he bequeathed twenty pounds ^^r annum
to Jesus College in Oxford.
• See llie preface of JMr, Cartvvi-ight's book. f GornriN De Prj-siilibus Anglice,
page .540.
44 elizabp:th. book x. cent. xvii. 167
2. Alexander Nowell, doctor of divinity, and dean of St. Paul's
in London, born in Lancashire, bred in Oxford, afterwards fled into
Germany, in the reign of queen Mary. He was the first of English
exiles that returned in the days of queen Elizabeth.* And I have
read how in a parliament he was chosen burgess of a town of Cornwall ;
but his election pronounced void^ because he was a deacon : a man
of a most angelical life and deep learning : a great defender of justifi-
cation by faith alone, and yet a great practiser of good works ; witness
two hundred pounds a-year rent, for the maintenance of thirteen
students, bestowed on Brazen-nose College, wherein he had his
education if a great honourer of the marriage of the clergy, and yet
who lived and died single himself: an aged man, of ninety years of
age, yet fresh in his youthful learning ; yea, like another Moses, his
eyes w^ere not dim, nor did he ever make use of spectacles to read the
smallest print.j
3. William Perkins, who was born in the first, and died in the
last, of queen Elizabeth; so that his life, (as we have elsewhere
observed, § to which we remit the reader,) running parallel with this
queen's reign, began, continued, and ended therewith.
4. Gregory (before his entrance into religion, Robert) Sayer,
bred in Cambridge, then, leaving the University, fled beyond sea,
where he became a Benedictine monk, of the congregation of St.
Justin in Padua. He lived in several parts of Europe, as at Rheims,
Rome, Montcassino in Venice, Avhere he died, and was buried, October
30th, having written many volumes in great esteem with men of his
profession. II
5. William Harris, as obscure among protestants, as eminent with
the popish party : a Master of Arts of Lincoln College in Oxford ;
whence, leaving the land, he fled beyond sea, living at Douay, and
afterwards he came over into England ;5[ where, it seems, he had
the hap to escape the queen's oflScers, and to die in his bed. His
book called " the Theatre of the most true and ancient Church of
England," is highly accounted of Roman catholics.
11. Relief sent to the City of Geneva.
About this time the low estate of the city of Geneva, the nursery
of the Reformed religion, was lively represented to the prelates,
clergy, and w^ell-disposed persons of England ; being for the present
in a very doleful condition. Long since it had been undone, but
because it had so many enemies to undo it ; so that, by God's
• Donald Lupton in Lis "Life." t Camden's "Elizabeth" in anno 1602.
X Hugh Holland in bis Icones Firorum Illustrium,. § In " the Holy State,"
where see his Life at large. li Pitz^bus Dc Scriptorihus Anglicis, ictate ckcimd
septi/nu, page 801. ^ Idem, ibidem.
168 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1602.
providence, " out of the devourer came meat,'' Judges xiv. 14 ; such
neighbouring princes and states, which were both willing and able
to swallow up this Zoar, did preserve it. For, rather than Savoy-
should suppress it, Venice, Florence, the popish Cantons in Switzer-
land, and France itself, would support. Butforall this politic geometry,
Avherewith long it had hung safe betwixt several competitors, it was,
lately, shrewdly shaken by the puissance of the duke of Savoy ; who,
addicted to the Spanish faction, had banished all protestants out of
his dominions. Archbishop Whitgift, whose hand was ever open
to any pious design, led with his liberal example, and the rest
cheerfully followed ; so that large sums of money Avere seasonably-
made over for the relief of Geneva.
12. The Death of Queen Elizabeth.
Queen Elizabeth, the mirror of her sex and age, having, above
forty years, to the admiration of envy itself, managed this kingdom,
finding, when she began, few friends that durst help, and leaving no
foes that could hurt her, exchanged her earthly for a heavenly crown ;
who, as she lived and died an unspotted virgin, so her maiden
memory is likely, in this respect, to remain sole and single ; seeing
history aiFords no prince to be matched to her fame in all consider-
able particulars. Her corpse were solemnly interred under a fair
tomb in Westminster ; the lively draught whereof is pictured in
most London — and many country — churches ; every parish being
proud of the shadow of her tomb : and no wonder, when each loyal
subject erected a mournful monument for her in his heart. But,
soon after, all English souls were employed equally to divide them-
selves betwixt exclamations of sorrow for her death, and acclamations
of joy for king James succeeding her.
13. King James sends a welcome Message to the episcopal
Party. 1 James I. J.D. 1602.
And now it is strange with what assiduity and diligence the two
potent parties, the defenders of episcopacy and presbytery, with
equal hopes of success, made, beside private and particular ad-
dresses, public and visible applications to king James, the first to
continue, the latter to restore, or rather set up their government ; so
that whilst each side was jealous his rival should get the start by
early stirring, and rise first in the king's favour, such was their vigi-
lancy, that neither may seem to go to bed ; incessantly diligent
both before and since the queen's death, in dispatching posts and
messages into Scotland to advance their several designs. We take
notice of two principal : — Mr. Lewis Pickering, a Northampton-
shire gentleman, and zealous for the prcsbytcrian party, was the
1 JAMES I. ISOOK X. CENT. XVII. 169
third person of quality, who, riding incredibly swift, (good news
makes good horsemen,) brought king James the tidings of queen
Elizabeth's death. But how far, and with what answer, he moved
the king in that cause, is uncertain. Dr. Thomas Nevill, dean of
Canterbury, came into Scotland some days after him, (except any
will say, that he comes first that comes really to effect what he was
sent for,) being solemnly employed by archbishop Whitgift * to his
majesty in the name of the bishops and clergy, of England, to ten-
der their bounden duties, and to understand his Highnesses plea-
sure for the ordering and guiding of ecclesiastical causes. He
brought back a welcome answer, to such as sent him, of his High-
nesses purpose, which was to uphold and maintain the government of
the late queen, as she left it settled.
14 — 17- Watsons silly Treason. His motley Complices. Their
wild Mea?is whereby to attain a mad End. The two
Priests executed.
Soon after followed the treason of William Watson, on this
occasion : This Watson, Secular Priest, had written a bitter book
against the Jesuits, as being one knowing (though not so secret) of
their faults, as their own confessors, taxing them with truth so plain
they could not deny, so foul they durst not confess it. Now, such
is the charity of Jesuits, that they never owe any man any ill-will,
making present payment thereof. These holy fathers, as Watson
intimated on the scaffold, -f* at his death, and forgave them for the
same, cunningly and covertly drew him into this action, promoting
him, who was ambitious, (though pretending to much mortification,)
treasonably to practise his own preferment.
Watson, with William Clark, another of his own profession,
having fancied a notional treason, imparted it to George Brooke, one
angry with nature, not so much for making him lame, as a younger
brother. These break it to Brooke's brother, the lord Cobham, to
the lord Gray of Whaddon, and Sir Walter Raleigh, the one a
known protestant, the other a reputed Puritan, the third an able
statesman ; beside some other knights, displeased Avith their present
fortunes, (how quickly is discontent inflamed into disloyalty !)
because, since the turning of the wheel, at the queen's death, on the
wrong side of preferment. Watson devised an oath of secrecy for
them all, which was no more than needful, considering their differ-
ent interests, rather pieced than united, patched than pieced
together.
* Sir George Pall in the arc-hbishop's " Life,"' uum. 126. i Stow^s " Clure-
rik'le," page 831.
170 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.]). 1603.
Had one lost his religion, he might have found it (though I con-
fess a treason is but a bad place to seek it in) in this conspiracy,
wherein men of all persuasions were engaged. Their parts were as
different as their opinions ; some of them being conceived too wise
to begin — and others too weak to finish — so dangerous a design.
The ends they propounded to themselves, (as they were charged
therewith,) were to kill the king, raise rebellion, alter religion, at
least gain a toleration, and procure a foreign invasion, with many
more things, which may be spoken easier in a minute than done in
an age, especially their interest being not much at home, and
nothing abroad. They ante-divided all offices of state betwixt
themselves, — lord marshal to one, treasurer to another, master of
the horse to a third, secretary to a fourth, &c. Only Sir Walter
Raleigh, able to discharge any, had no particular office assigned
unto him. Watson was to be lord chancellor, being very fit for the
place, had he but as much skill to decide causes as write quodlibets.
There wanted nothing to estate them in all these offices, but only
their getting of them.
Wonder not that this treason was discovered so soon, but covered
so long. The tw^o priests alone, with George Brooke, were executed,
November 2.9th, who, to use the words of king James in his letter
to Sir Benjamin Tichbourne, sheriff of Hampshire, (for the plague
being in London, term was removed to Winchester, where they
were tried,) taire the principall plotter is and intisaris of all the rest ^
to the emhracing of the saidis treasonabil machinations. The rest
were pardoned their lives, not their lands. We must not forget,
that the priests pleaded the silliest for themselves of all that were
arraigned; alleging that their practice against the king could not be
treason, because done against him before he was crowned ; Watson
instancing in Saul, who ^vas anointed in Ramah, 1 Sam. x. 1, and
afterw^ard made king in Mizpeh, 1 Sam. x. 24. Clark insisted on Re-
hoboam, as being no king till the people had made him so, 1 Kings
xii. 1 ; not remembering (what our lawyers there minded them of)
the difference betwixt successive kings, deriving their claim from their
ancestors, and one newly-elected ; the English Crown also being as
incapable of an interregnum, as nature of a vacuity. Mean time the
Jesuits looked on, and laughed at Watson's execution, to see how
bunglingly Secular Priests went about a treason, resolving in the next
platform thereof (wdiich now they were contriving) to rectify the
errors Watson had committed : not to engage in a squint-eyed
company, where two did not look the same way, but to select a
competency of cordial catholics for the purpose.
1 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 171
18, 19. Mr, Cartwright dedicates a Book to King James. Mr,
Cartwrighfs Death.
No sooner was king James settled on the English throne, but
Mr. Cartwright presented unto him his Latin comment on Eccle-
siastes, thankfully mentioning in his Dedication, how he had, some
twenty years before, been chosen to be Professor in a Scotch
University, though declining the acceptance thereof, because of his
pastoral charge, being then minister to the English congregation at
Antwerp : Thanks, perchance, not so proper to the person of king
James, (though in loyalty and good manners justly tendered unto
him,) as due rather to those who in his minority steered the affairs
of Scotland. Nor let any wonder, that an Englishman should be
proffered preferment in Scotland, seeing it was but one for another,
remembering that I have read in the Life of Mr. Knox that he was
offered an English bishopric in the reign (as I take it) of king
Edward VL and likewise refused the same.
But Mr. Cartwright survived not long after, (otherwise, no doubt,
we should have heard of him in Hampton-court Conference, as the
champion of his party,) who died at the age of sixty, on the 27th of
December following. To what we have formerly largely written of
his character, we now only add, that he was born in Hertfordshire,
and married the sister of Mr. Stubbs, whose hand was struck off for
writing an interpreted libel against queen Elizabeth\s marriage with
Monsieur.* This I dare boldly say, she was a most excellent wife,
if she proved like her brother, whom Mr. Camden (no great friend
of Puritans) cordially commendeth for a right honest man, gene-
rally beloved whilst living, and lamented when dead. He was
afflicted towards his old age with many infirmities, insomuch that he
was forced continually to study upon his knees. "I- My ears shall be
deaf to the uncharitable inference of those, who impute this extraor-
dinary painful posture as a just punishment upon him, in that he
had so bitterly inveighed against the gesture of those as superstitious
who reverently received the sacrament on their knees. Mr. Dod
preached his funeral sermon.
20. The Presbyterian Petition to the King and Parliament.
And now, because there was a general expectation of a parliament
suddenly to succeed, the presbyterian party, that they might not be
surprised before they had their tackling about them, went about to
get hands of the ministers to a petition, which they intended season-
ably to present to the king and parliament. Mr. Arthur Hildersham,
and Mr. Stephen Egerton, with some others, were chosen, and
chiefly intrusted to manage this important business. This was
• Camdkn in his '* Elizabeth." 1 Sec his Life latt^ly set forth hy Mr. Clark.
172 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1604.
called " the Millenary Petition,"" as one of a thousand ; * though
indeed there were but seven hundred and fifty preachers' hands set
thereunto : but those all collected only out of five-and-twenty
counties. However, for the more rotundity of the number, and
grace of the matter, it passeth for a full thousand; which, no doubt,
the collectors of the names (if so pleased) might easily have com-
pleted. I dare not guess what made them desist before their num-
ber was finished ; whether they thought that these were enough to
do the deed, and more were rather for ostentation than use ; or,
because disheartened by the intervening of the Hampton-court
Conference, they thought that these were even too many to petition
for a denial. It is left as yet uncertain, whether this Conference
was by the king's favour graciously tendered, or by the mediation
of the lords of his Council powerfully procured ; or by the bishops,
as confident of their cause, voluntarily proffered ; or by the minis-
ters' importunity effectually obtained. Each opinion pretends to
probability, but the last most likely. And, by what means soever
this Conference was compassed, Hampton-Court was the place, the
14th of January the time, and the following names the persons
which were employed therein.
For Conformity. — Archbishop of Canterbury, Whitgift;
bishops of London, Bancroft ; Durham, Matthews ; Winchester,
Bilson ; Worcester, Babington ; St. David's, Rudd ; Chichester,
Watson ; Carlisle, Robinson ; Peterborough, Dove : Dean of the
Chapel, of Christ-Church, of Worcester; Westminster, Andrews ; St.
Paul's, Overall ; Chester, Barlow ; Salisbury, Bridges;-)* of Windsor
Dr. Field and Dr. King.
Against Conformity. — Dr. Reynolds and Dr. Sparks ; Mr.
Knewstubs and Mr. Chaderton. These remaining in a room with-
out, were, not called in the first day.
Moderator, king James ; spectators, all the lords of the Privy
Council, whereas some at times interposed a few words ; place, a
withdrawing-room within the privy chamber.
21. The Jirst Day's Conference at Hampton Court. ^. Z>. 1604.
To omit all gratulatory preambles, as necessary when spoken, as
needless if now repeated, we will present only the substance of this
day's Conference ; his majesty thus beginning it : —
" It is no novel device, but according to the example of all Chris-
tian princes, for kings to take the first course for the establishing of
* See Mr. Hildersh.am's " Life," set forth by Mr. Clark. t Though all these
deans were summoDetl by letters, and present in the Presence-chamber ; yet only five
(namely, of the Chapel, W't'itniiuster, Paxil's, Chester, and Salisbury) on the first day
were called in. ,
1 JAMES T. BOOK X. CENT. XVIT. 17^
the church, both in doctrine and policy, To this the very Heathen
related in their proverb, A Jove principium : particularly, in this
land, king Henry VUI. toward the end of his reign, altered much,
king Edward VI. more, queen Mary reversed all, and, lastly, queen
Elizabeth (of famous memory*) settled religion as now it standeth.
" Herein I am happier than they, because they were fain to alter
all things they found established ; whereas I see yet no such cause
to change, as to confirm what I find well-settled already. For,
blessed be God's gracious goodness, who hath brought me into the
promised land, where religion is purely professed, where I sit amongst
grave, learned, and reverend men, not as before, elsewhere, a king
without state, without honour, without order, where beardless boys
would brave us to the face.
" And, I assure you, we have not called this assembly for any
innovation ; for we acknowledge the government ecclesiastical, as now
it is, to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself,
both for the increase of the Gospel, and with a most happy and
glorious peace. Yet because nothing can be so absolutely ordered,
but that something may be added thereunto, and corruption in any
state (as in the body of man) will insensibly grow either through
time or persons ; and because we have received many complaints since
our first entrance into this kingdom, of many disorders and much
disobedience to the laws, with a great falling away to popery ; our
purpose therefore is, like a good physician, to examine and try the
complaints, and fully to remove the occasions thereof if scandalous,
cure them if dangerous, and take knowledge of them if but frivolous ;
thereby to cast a sop into Cerberus's mouth, that he bark no more.
For this cause we have called you, bishops and deans, in, severally by
yourselves, not to be confronted by the contrary opponents ; that if
any thing shall be found meet to be redressed, it might be done
without any visible alteration.
" Particularly, there be some special points wherein I desire to be
satisfied, and which may be reduced to three heads : 1. Concerning
the Book of Common-Prayer, and Divine Service used in the church.
2. Excommunication in ecclesiastical courts. 3. The providing of
fit and able ministers for Ireland.
" In the Common-Prayer Book I require satisfaction about three
things :
" First, about Confirmation. For the very name thereof, if argu-
ing a confirming of baptism, as if this sacrament without it were of no
validity, is plainly blasphemous. For though at the first use thereof
in the church it was thought necessary that baptized infants, who for-
merly had answered by their patf'i?ii^ should, when come to years of
• Note, his majesty never remembered her, but with some honourable addition.
174 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1604.
discretion, after tlieir profession made by themselves, be confirmed
>vitli the blessing of the bishop, I abhor the abuse wherein it is made
a sacrament, or corroboration to baptism.
"2. As for Absolution, I know not how it is used in our church,
but have heard it likened to the pope's pardons. There be indeed
two kinds thereof from God : One general ; all prayers and preach-
ing importing an absolution: The oi\\Qx particular^ to special par-
ties, having committed a scandal, and repenting. Otherwise where
excommunication precedes not, in my judgment there needs no abso-
lution.
" 3. Private Baptism is the third thing wherein I would be satisfied
in the Common-Prayer. If called private from the place, I think it
agreeable with the use of the primitive church ; but if termed/»ru*a/^,
that any beside a lawful minister may baptize, I utterly dislike it."*'
And here his majesty grew somewhat earnest in his expressions,
against the baptizing by women and laics.
" In the second head of Excommunication, I offer two things to
be considered of: First, the matter; Secondly, the persons.
" For the First : I would be satisfied whether it be executed (as
it is complained of to me) in light causes, and that too commonly,
which causeth the undervaluing thereof.
"For the persons: I would be resolved, why chancellors and
commissaries, being laymen, should do it, and not rather the bishops
themselves, or some minister of gravity and account, deputed by
them for the more dignity to so high and weighty a censure. As for
providing ministers for Ireland, I shall refer it, in the last day's
Conference, to a consultation."
Archbishop of Canterbury.* — Confirmation hath been used
in the catholic church ever since the apostles ; and it is a very
untrue suggestion, (if any have informed your Highness,) that the
church of England holds baptism imperfect without it, as adding to
the virtue and strength thereof.
Bishop or London. — The authority of Confirmation depends
not only on antiquity, and the.practice of the primitive church, but
is an apostolical institution, named in express words, Heb. vi. 2;-(*
and so did Mr. Calvin expound the very place, earnestly wishing
the restitution thereof in the Reformed churches.
The bishop of Carlisle is said gravely and learnedly to have
urged the same, and- the bishop of Durham noted something out of
St. Matthew for the imposition of hands on children.
The conclusion was this, " For the fuller explanation that we
make Con-fir mation, neither a sacrament nor a corroboration thereof^
• He addressed himself to the king on his knee. f Citing Cyprian Er). 73, and
Jer. ofh'pr.fux T.Kriferiam.
1 JAMES T. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 175
their lordships shoukl consider whether it might not without alter-
ation (whereof his Majesty was still very wary) be entitled an
Examination with a confirmation^''
Archbishop of Canterbury. — As for the point of Abso-
lution, wherein your majesty desires satisfaction : it is clear from all
abuse or superstition, as it is used in our church of England, as will
appear on the reading both of the Confession and Absolution
following it, in the beginning of the Communion Book.
Here the king perused both, and returned.
His Majesty. — I like and approve them, finding it to be very
true what you say.
Bishop of London. — It becometh us to deal plainly with your
majesty. There is also in the book a more particular and personal
Absolution in the Visitation of the Sick.
Here the dean of the chapel turned unto it and read it.
Bishop of London. — Not only the Confessions of Augusta,
Boheme, and Saxon,* retain and allow it, but Mr. Calvin also doth
approve both such a general and such a private (for so he terms it)
Confession and Absolution.
His Majesty. — T exceedingly well approve it, being an apos-
tolical and godly ordinance, given in the name of Christ, to one
that desircth it, upon the clearing of his conscience.
The conclusion was this, — that the bishops should consult,
whether unto the Rubric of the General Absolution, these words,
'* Remission of sins," might not be added for explanation-sake.
Archbishop of Canterbury. — To the point of Private
Baptism : the administration thereof by women and lay persons is
not allowed in the practice of the church, but inquired of, and
censured by bishops in their visitations.
His Majesty. — The words of the book cannot but intend a
permission of women and private persons to baptize.
Bishop of Worcester. — The doubtful words may be pressed
to that meaning ; yet the compilers of the book did not so intend
them, as appeareth by their contrary practice. But they propounded
them ambiguously, because otherwise (perhaps) the book would not
(then) have passed the parliament.
To this he cited the testimony of the archbishop of York.
Bishop of London. — Those reverend men intended not by
ambiguous terms to deceive any, but thereby intended a permission
of private persons to baptize, in case of necessity. [Here he pro-
duced the letters of some of those first, compilers.] This is
agreeable to the practice of the ancient church, when three thousand
being baptized in a day. Acts ii. 41, (which for the apostles alone
• These lie severrlly recited.
176 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITATX. A.D. 1604.
to do, was at the least improbable,) some, being neither priests nor
bishops, must be presumed employed therein ; and some Fathers
are of the same opinion.
Here he spake much, and earnestly about the necessity of baptism.
His Majesty. — That in the Acts was an act extraordinary, and
done before a church was settled and grounded ; wherefore no sound
reasoning thence to a church stablished and flourishing. I maintain
the necessity of baptism, and always thought the place, John iii. 5,
" Except one be born again of water," &c. was meant thereof. It
may seem strange to you, my lords, that I think you in England
give too much to baptism, seeing, fourteen months ago, in Scotland,
I argued with my divines there for attributing too little unto it ;
insomuch that a pert minister asked me, if I thought baptism so
necessary, that, if omitted, the child should be damned. I answered,
" No : but if you, called to baptize a child, though privately, refuse
to come, I think you shall be damned."" But this necessity of
baptism I so understand, that it is necessary to be had, if lawfully
to be had ; that is, ministered by lawful ministers, by whom alone,
and no private person in any case, it may be administered : though
I utterly dislike all re-baptization on those whom women or laics
have baptized.
Bishop of Winchester. — To deny private persons to baptize
in case of necessity, were to cross all antiquity, and the common
practice of the church ; it being a rule agreed on amongst divines,
that the minister is not of the essence of the sacrament.
His Majesty. — Though he be not of the essence of the sacra-
ment, yet is he of the essence of the right and lawful ministry
thereof, according to Christ's commission to his disciples, " Go
preach, and baptize," &c. Matt, xxviii. 19.
The result was this, — to consult, whether in the Rubric of Private
Baptism, which leaves it indifferently to all, these words, " Curate
or lawful minister," may not be inserted.
For the point of Excommunication, his majesty propounded,
whether in causes of lesser moment the name might not be altered.
CT
and the same censure retained ? Secondly. Whether, in place
thereof, another coercion, equivalent thereunto, might not be invented.
Which all sides easily yielded unto, as long and often desired ; and
so was the end of the first day's Conference.
22. The second Day's Conference at Hampton Court.
On Monday, January IGtb, they all met in the same place, with
all the deans and doctors above-mentioned ; Patrick Galloway,
minister of Perth, in Scotland, admitted also to be there ; and
hopeful prince Henry sate on a stool by his father.
1 JAMES r. fiOOK X. CENT. XVH. 177
The king made a piiliy speech to tlie same purpose whicli he
made the first day, differing only in the conclusion thereof, being an
address to the four opposers of conformity, there present, whom he
understood the most grave, learned, and modest of the aggrieved
sort, professing himself ready to hear at large what they could object,
and willed them to begin.
Dii. Reynolds. — All things disliked or questioned may be
reduced to these four heads : —
1. That the doctrine of the church might be preserved in purity,
according to God's word.
2. That good pastors might be planted in all churches to preach
the same.
o. That the church-government might be sincerely ministered
according to God's word.
4, That the Book of Common-Prayer might be fitted to more
increase of piety.
For the First : May your majesty be pleased, that the Book of
Articles of Religion, concluded on 1562, may be explained where
obscure, enlarged where defective ; namely, whereas it is said, article
XVI. " After we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart
from grace ;" those words may be explained with this or the like
addition, " Yet neither totally nor finally." To which end it
would do very well, if the nine orthodoxal assertions concluded on
at Lambeth might be inserted into the Book of Articles.
Secondly. Whereas it is said in article XXIII. that it is not
lawful for any in the congregation to preach, before he be
lawfully called ; these words ought to be altered, because imply-
ing one out of the congregation may preach, though not lawfully
called.
Thirdly. In article XXV. there seemeth a contradiction, one
passage therein confessing Confirmation to be a depraved imitation
of the apostles, and another grounding it on their example.
Bishop of London. — May your majesty be pleased, that the
ancient canon may be remembered : Schismatlci contra episcopos
non sunt audiendi. And, there is another decree of a very ancient
council, — that no man should be admitted to speak against that
whereunto he hath formerly subscribed. And as for you, Dr.
Reynolds, and your sociates, how much are ye bound to his
majesty's clemency, permitting you, contrary to the statute lyrimo
EUzahethw., so freely to speak against the Liturgy and discipline
established ! Fain would I know the end you aim at, and whether
you be not of Mr. Cartwrighfs mind, who affirmed, that we ought
in ceremonies rather to conform to the Turks than to the papists.
I doubt you approve his position, because here appearing before
Vol. hi. n
178 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1604
his majesty in Turkey-gowns, not in your scholastic habits, accord-
ing to the order of the universities.
Hrs Majesty. — My lord bishop, something in your passion I
may excuse, and something I must mislike. I may excuse you thus
far, — that I think you have just cause to be moved, in respect that
they traduce the well-settled government, and also proceed in so
indirect a course, contrary to their own pretence, and the intent of
this meeting. I mislike your sudden interruption of Dr. Reynolds,
whom you should have suffered to have taken his liberty ; for, there
is no order, nor ean be any effectual issue of disputation, if each
party be not suffered, without chopping, to speak at large. Where-
fore, either let the Doctor proceed, or frame your answer to his
motions already made, although some of them are very needless.
Bishop of London. — Upon the first motion concerning falling
from grace, may your majesty be pleased to consider how many in
these days neglect holiness of life, presuming on persisting in grace
upon predestination : "If I shall be saved, I shall be saved ."''^ A
desperate doctrine, contrary to good divinity, wherein we should
reason rather ascendendo than descendendo^ from our obedience to
God and love to our neighbour, to our election and predestination.
As for the doctrine of the church of England touching predestina-
tion ; it is in the very next paragraph, namely, " We must receive
God's promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in
Holy Scripture, and in our doings the will of God is to be followed
■which we have expressly declared unto us in the word of God."
His Majesty. — I approve it very well, as consonant with the
place of Paul, " Work out your salvation with fear and trembling."
Yet let it be considered of, whether any thing were meet to be added
for clearing of the doctor's doubt, by putting in the word " often,"
or the like. Mean time, I wish that the doctrine of predestination
may be tenderly handled, lest on the one side God's omnipotency
be questioned by impeaching the doctrine of his eternal predestina-
tion, or on the other side a desperate presumption ar-reared, by
inferring the necessary certainty of persisting in grace.
Bishop of London. — The second objection of the doctor's is
vain ; it being the doctrine and practice of the church of England,
that none but a licensed minister may preach, nor administer the
Lord's supper.
His Majesty. — As for Private Baptism, I have already with
the bishops taken order for the same.
Then came they to the second point of Confirmation : and, upon
the perusal of the words of the article, his majesty concluded the
pretended contradiction a cavil.
Bishop of London. — Confirmation is not so much founded ou
1 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 179
the place in the Acts of the Apostles, but upon Heb. vi. 2; which
was the opinion (beside the judgment of the Fathers) of Mr.
Calvin, on Heb. vi. 2; and Dr. Fulk, on Acts viii. 17; neither
needeth there any farther proof, seeing (as 1 suppose) he that
objected this holds not Confirmation unlawful ; but he and his
party are vexed that the use thereof is not in their own hands, for
every pastor to confirm his own parish ; for then it would be accounted
an apostolical institution, if Dr. Reynolds were pleased but to spe? k
his thoughts therein.
Dr. Reynolds. — Indeed, seeing some diocess of a bishop
hath therein six hundred parishes, it is a thing very inconvenient to
permit Confirmation to the bishop alone ; and I suppose it impos-
sible that he can take due examination of them all which come to be
confirmed.
Here the bishop of London thought himself touched, because
about six hundred and nine in his diocess.
Bishop of London. — To the matter of fact, I answer, that
bishops in their visitations appoint either their chaplains, or some
other ministers, to examine them which are to be confirmed, and
lightly confirm none but by the testimony of the parsons and
curates, where the children are bred and brought up. To the opi-
nion I answer, that none of all the Fathers ever admitted any to
confirm but bishops alone. Yea, even St. Jerome himself (other-
wise no friend to bishops) confesseth the execution thereof was
restrained to bishops only.*
Bishop of Winchester. — Dr. Reynolds, I would fain have
you, with all your learning, show where ever Confirmation was used
in ancient times by any other but bishops. These used it, partly
to examine children, and, after examination, by imposition of hands,
(the Jewish ceremony of blessing,) to bless and pray over them :
and partly to try whether they had been baptized in the right form
or no. For in former ages some baptized (as they ought) " in the
name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost." Some (as the Arians)
"in the name of the Father"*'' as the greater, " and the. Son"" as the
less. Some " in the name of the Father, by the Son, in the Holy
Ghost."'"' Some not in the name of the Trinity, but only " in the
death of Christ."'"' Whereupon catholic bishops were constrained to
examine them who were baptized in remotis, concerning their bap-
tism, if right, to confirm them, — if amiss, to instruct them.
His Majesty. — I dissent from the judgment of St. Jerome in
his assertion, that bishops are not of divine ordination.
Bishop of London. — Unless I could prove my ordination
• EcclesicB sains in smnmi sacerdotis dignitate pendet, cui si non e.vors quadam et a'i
omnibus eininms data jjoie.stas, tot in errfpsiis efiidvntur schisinntu tpiol smerdoles,
N 2
180 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN, A.D. 1604.
3awful out of the Scriptures, I would not be a bishop four hours
longer.
His Majesty. — I approve the calling and use of bishops in the
church ; and it is my aphorism, " No bishop, no king ;" nor intend
I to take Confirmation from the bishops, Avhich they have so long
enjoyed ; seeing as great reason that none should confirm, as that
none should preach without the bishop's licence. But let it be
referred, whether the word " examination '"* ought not to be added to
the Rubric in the title of Confirmation in the Communion-Book.
And now, Dr. Reynolds, you may proceed.
Dr. Reynolds. — I protest I meant not to gall any man, though
I perceive some took personal exceptions at my words, and desire
the imputation of schism may not be charged upon me.* To pro-
ceed on article XXXVII. wherein are these words, " The bishop
of Rome hath no authority in this land:'*' these are not sufficient,
unless it were added, " nor ought to have any."
His Majesty'. — Habemus jure quod hahemus ; and, therefore,
inasmuch as it is said " he hath not,'' it is plain enough that he ought
not to hate.
Here passed some pleasant discourse betwixt the king and lords
about Puritans, till, returning to seriousness, there began the
Bishop of London. — May it please your majesty to remember
the speech of the French ambassador. Monsieur Rognee, upon the
view of our solemn service and ceremony ; namely, that if the
Reformed churches in France had kept the same order, there would
have been thousands of protestants more than there are.
Dr. Reynolds. — It were well if this proposition might be
added to the Book of Articles, " The intention of the minister is
not of the essence of the sacrament ;" the rather, because some in
England have preached it to be essential : and here again I could
desire that the nine " Orthodoxal Assertions," concluded at Lam-
beth, may be generally received.
His Majesty. — I utterly dislike the first part of your motion,
thinking it unfit to thrust into the Book of Articles every position
negative ; which would swell the book into a volume as big as the
Bible, and confound the reader. Thus one Mr. Craig in Scotland,
with his, " I renounce and abhor," his multiplied detestations and
abrenunciations, so amazed simple people, that, not able to con-
ceive all their things, they fell back to popery, or remained in their
former ignorance. If bound to this form, the confession of my
faith must be in my table-book, not in my head.
Because you speak of intention, I will apply it thus : If you
• It seems tlie bishop of London, jealous that he was reflected on, (as is afore said,)
called the Doctor " schismatic."
1 JAMES I. BOOK. X. CENT. XVII. 181
come hither with a good intention to be informed, the whole work
will sort to the better effect ; but if your intention be to go as you
came, (whatsoever shall be said,) it will prove the intention is very
material and essential to the end of this present action.
As for the nine " Assertions" you speak of, I cannot suddenly
answer, not knowing what those propositions of Lambeth be.
Bishop of London. — May it please your majesty, this was the
occasion of them : By reason of some controversies arising in Cam-
bridge about certain points of divinity, my lord's Grace assembled
some divines of special note to set down their opinions, which they
■drew into nine " Assertions,'' and so sent them to the university
for the appeasing of those quarrels.
His Majesty. — When such questions arise amongst scholars,
the quietest proceedings were to determine them in the university,
and not to stuff the Book of Articles with all conclusions theological.
Secondly. The better course would be to punish the bjoachers
of false doctrine, than to multiply Articles ; which, if never so
many, cannot prevent the contrary opinions of men till they be heard.
Dean of St. Paul's. — May it please your majesty, I am
nearly concerned in this matter, by reason of a controversy betwixt
me and some other in Cambridge, upon a proposition, which I there
delivered, namely, that " whosoever (though before justified) did
commit any grievous sin, as adultery, murder, &c. do become, ipso
facto, subject to God's wrath, and guilty of damnation, quoad prm-
sentem statiim^ until they repent ; yet so that those who are justi-
fied according to the purpose of God's election, (though they might
fall into grievous sin, and thereby into the present estate of damna-
tion,) yet never totally nor finally from justification ; but were in
time renewed by God's Spirit unto a lively faith and repentance."
Against this doctrine some did oppose, teaching that persons once
truly justified, though falling into grievous sins, remained still in
the state of justification, before they actually repented of these sins ;
yea, and, though they never repented of them through forgetfulness
or sudden death, they nevertheless were justified and saved.
His Majesty. — I dislike this doctrine, there being a necessity
of conjoining repentance and holiness of life with true faith ; and
that is hypocrisy, and not justifying faith, which is severed from
them. For although predestination and election depend not on any
■qualities, actions, or works of man which are mutable, but on God's
eternal decree ; yet such is the necessity of repentance, after knowtj
sins committed, that without it no reconciliation with God, or
remission of sins.
Dr. Reynolds. — The Catechism in the Common-Prayer Book is
too brief, and that by Mr. Noweli, (late dean of Paul's,) too long for
182 CHUKCH HISTORY OF BKITAIX. A.D. 1G04.
nt vices to \earn by heart. I request, therefore, that one uniform
Catechism may be made, and none other generally received.
His Majp:sty. — I think the doctor's request very reasonable ;
yet so, that the Catechism may be made in the fewest and pfeinest
affirmative terms that may be, not like the many ignorant Cate-
chisms in Scotland, set out by every one who was the son of a good
man ; insomuch that what was Catechism-doctrine in one congre-
gation was scarcely received as orthodox in another. And herein I
would have two rules observed : First. That curious and deep
questions be avoided in the fundamental instruction of a people.
Secondly. That there should not be so general a departure from the
papists, that every thing should be accounted an error wherein we
agree with them.
Dr. Reynolds. — Great is the profanation of the sabbath-day,
and contempt of your majesty's proclamation ; which I earnestly
desire may be reformed.
This motion found an unanimous consent.
Dr. Reynolds. — May your majesty be pleased that the Bible
be new translated, such as are extant not answering the original.
And he instanced in three particulars : —
Gal. iv. 25, in the original crva-Toix^l is ill translated, " Bordereth."*
Psalm cv. 28, in the original, '* They M-ere not disobedient,'"* is ill
translated, " They were not obedient." Psalm cvi. 30, in the original,
*' Phinehas executed judgment," is ill translated, " Phinehas prayed."
Bishop of London. — If every man's humour might be followed,
there would be no end of translating.
His Majesty. — I profess I could never yet see a Bible well
translated in English ; but I think, that, of all, that of Geneva is
the worst. I wish some special pains were taken for an uniform
translation, which should be done by the best-learned in both univer-
sities, then reviewed by the bishops, presented to the Privy Council,
lastly, ratified by royal authority, to be read in the whole church,
and no other.
Bishop of London. — But it is fit that no marginal notes should
be added thereunto.
His Majesty. — That caveat is well put in ; for in the Geneva
translation, some notes are partial, untrue, seditious, and savouring
of traitorous conceits : As, when from Exodus i. 19, disobedience
to kings is allowed in a marginal note ; and, 2 Chron. xv. 16, king
Asa taxed in the note for only deposing his mother for idolatry,
and not kiding her. To conclude this : let errors in the matter of
faith be amended, and indiiferent things be interpreted, and a gloss
added unto them. For as Bartolus de Regno saith, that " a king
with some weakness \^ better than still a change ;" so. rather a
1 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 183
church with some faults than an innovation. And surely, if these
were the greatest matters that grieved you, I need not have been
troubled with such importunate complaints.
Dk. Reynolds. — May it please your majesty, that unlawful
and seditious books be suppressed, such as Ficlerus, a papist, De
Jure Magistratus in Suhditos, applied against the late queen for the
pope.
Bishop of London. — There is no such licentious divulging of
those books ; and none have liberty, by authority, to buy them,
except such as Dr. Reynolds, who was supposed would confute them.
And if such books come into the realm by secret conveyances,
perfect notice cannot be had of their importation. Besides, Ficlerus
was a great disciplinarian : whereby it appears what advantage that
sort gave unto the papists, who mutatis per'sonis, ^PP^y ^^^^^ own
arguments against princes of their religion, though for my part I
detest both the author and applier alike.
The Lord Cecil. — Indeed, the unlimited liberty of dispersing
Popish and seditious pamphlets in Paul's Church-yard, and both the
Universities, hath done much mischief; but especially one called
Speculum Tragicum.
His Majesty. — That is a dangerous book, indeed.
Loud H. Howard. — Both for matter and intention.
Lord Chancellor. — Of such books, some are Latin, some are
English ; but the last dispersed do most harm.
Secretary Cecil. — But my lord of London (and no man else)
hath done what he could to suppress them.
His Majesty. — Dr. Reynolds, you are a better college-man
than a states-man, if meaning to tax the bishop of London for suffer-
ing those books, between the Secular Priests and Jesuits, to be
published ; which he did by warrant from the Council, to nourish a
schism betwixt them.
Lord Cecil. — Such books were tolerated, because by them the
title of Spain was confuted.
Lord Treasurer. — And because therein it appears, by the
testimony of the priests themselves, that no papists are put to death
for conscience only, but for treason.
Dr. Reynolds. — Indeed, I meant not such books as were
printed in England, but only such as came from beyond the seas.
And now, to proceed to the second general point, concerning the
planting of learned ministers : I desire they be in every parish.
Hisr Majesty. — I have consulted with my bishops about it,
whom I have found willinp: and ready herein. But, as siibita
evacuatio is periculosa ; so subita mutatio. It cannot presently be
performed, the Universities not affording them. And yet they afford
184 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1604.
more learned men than tlie realm doth maintenance ; which must
be first provided. Id the mean time, ignorant ministers, if young,
are to be removed, if there be no hope of amendment ; if old, thek
death must be expected, because Jerusalem cannot be built up in
a day.
Bishop of Winchester. — Lay-patrons much cause the insuf-
ficiency of the clergy, presenting mean clerks to their cures ; (the law
admitting of such sufficiency;) and, if the bishop refuseth them,
presently a quare impedit is sent out against him.
Bishop of London. — Because this, I see, is a time of moving
petitions, [this he spake kneeling,] may I humbly present two or
three to your majesty .? First. That there may be amongst us a
praying ministry, it being now come to pass, that men think it is the
only duty of ministers to spend their time in the pulpit. I confess,
in a church newly to be planted, preaching is most necessary, not
so, in one long-established, that prayer should be neglected.
His Majesty. — I like your motion exceeding well, and dislike
the hypocrisy of our time, who place all their religion in the ear,
"whilst prayer (so requisite and acceptable, if duly performed) is
accounted and used as the least part of religion.
Bishop of London. — My second motion is, that, until learned
men may be planted in every congregation, godly Homilies may be
read therein.
His Majesty. — I approve your motion, especially where the
living is not sufficient for the maintenance of a learned preacher.
Also, where there be multitudes of sermons, there I would have
Homilies read divers times. [Here the king asked the assent of
the plaintiffs, and they confessed it.] A preaching ministry is best ;
but, where it may not be had, godly prayers and exhortations do
much good.
Lord Chancellor.* — Livings rather want learned men, than
learned men livings ; many in the universities pining for want of
places. I wish, therefore, some may have single coats [one living]
before others have doublets [pluralities]. And this method I have
observed in bestowing the king's benefices.
Bishop of London. — I commend your honourable care that
Svay ; but a doublet is necessary in cold weather.
Lord Chancellor. — I dislike not the liberty of our church, in
granting to one man two benefices, but speak out of mine own
purpose and practice, grounded on the aforesaid reason.
Bishop of London. — My last motion is, that pulpits may not
be made pasquils, wherein every discontented fellow may traduce his
superiors .
• Egeiton, kuxl Ellctiaere,
.1 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 185
His Majesty. — I accept Avliat you offer ; for the pulpit
is no place of personal reproof. Let tliem complain to me, if
injured.
Bishop of London If your majesty shall leave yourself open
to admit of all complaints, your Highness shall never be quiet, nor
your under-officers regarded ; whom every delinquent, when censured,
will threaten to complain of.
His Majesty. — I mean, they shall complain to me by degrees.
First, to the ordinary ; from him to the archbishop ; from him to
the lords of the Council ; and, if in all these no remedy be found,
then to myself.
Dr. Reynolds. — I come now to subscription,* as a great
impeachment to a learned ministry ; and therefore entreat it may not
be exacted as heretofore ; for which many good men are kept out,
though otherwise willing to subscribe to the statutes of the realm,
Articles of Religion, and the king's supremacy. The reason of their
backwardness to subscribe, is, because the Common-Prayer enjoinetli
the Apocrypha-books to be read in the church, although some
chapters therein contain manifest errors repugnant to Scripture. For
instance : Ecclesiasticus xlviii. 10, Elias in person is said to come
before Christ, contrary to what is in the New Testament of Elias in
resemblance, that is, John the baptist, Matt. xi. 14 ; Luke i. IJ.
Bishop of London. — Most of the objections against those books
are the old cavils of the Jews, renewed by St. Jerome, who first
called them Apocrypha ; which opinion, upon Ruffinus's challenge,
he, after a sort, disclaimed.
Bishop of Winchester. — Indeed, St. Jerome saith, Oa/^o^^^(?^
stmt ad informandos mores ^ non ad confirmandam fidem.
His Majesty. — To take an even order betwixt both : I would
not have all canonical books read in the church :+ nor any chapter
out of the Apocrypha, wherein any error is contained. Wherefore,
let Dr. Reynolds note those chapters in the Apocrypha-books wherein
those offences are, and bring them to the archbishop of Canterbury
against Wednesday next. And now, doctor, proceed.
Dr. Reynolds. — The next scruple against subscription, is,
because it is twice set down in the Common-Prayer Book, " Jesus
said to his disciples,"" when by the text in the original, it is plain,
that he spake to the pharisees.
His Majesty. — Let the word " disciples" be omitted, and the
words, " Jesus said,"' be printed in a different letter.
Mr. Knewstubs. — I take exceptions at the Cross in baptism ;
* This concemeth the fourth general head, (namely, the Communion Book,) as he first
propounded it ; however, here he took occasion to lu-ge it. t Namely, in the Domi-
nical Gospels.
186 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1604.
\vliereat the weak brethren are offended, contrary to the counsel of tlie
apostle, Romans xiv. 1 Corinth, viii.
Here we omit Mr. Knewstubs's exception against the interro-
gatories in baptism ; because he spake so perplexedly that his meaning
is not to be collected therein.
His Majesty. — Distingue tempora^ et concordahunt Scripturw^
great the difference betwixt those times and ours. Then, a church
not fully settled ; now, ours long established. How long will such
brethren be weak ? Are not forty-five years sufficient for them to grow
strong in ? Besides, who pretends this weakness ? We require not
subscriptions of laics and idiots, but of preachers and ministers,
who are not still (I trow) to be fed with milk, being enabled to feed
others. Some of them are strong enough, if not headstrong ; con-
ceiving themselves able enough to teach him who last spake for them,
and all the bishops in the land.
Mr. Knewstubs. — It is questionable whether the church hath
power to institute an outward significant sign.
Bishop of London. — The Cross in baptism is not used other-
wise than a ceremony.
Bishop of Winchester. — Kneeling, lifting up of the hands,
knocking of the breast, are significant ceremonies, and these may
lawfully be used.
Dean of the Chapel. — The Rabbins write, tHat the Jews
added both signs and words at the institution of the passover ;
namely, when they ate sour herbs, they said, " Take and eat these
in remembrance," &c. when they drank wine, they said, " Drink
this in remembrance," &c. Upon which addition and tradition, our
Saviour instituted the sacrament of his last supper, thereby approv-
ing, a church may institute and retain a sign significant.
His Majesty. — I am exceeding well satisfied in this point, but
would be acquainted about the antiquity of the use of the Cross.
Dr. Reynolds. — It hath been used ever since the apostles'
time. But the question is, How ancient the use thereof hath been
in baptism ?
Dean of Westminster. — It appears out of Tertullian,
Cyprian, and Origen, that it was used i7i immortali lavacro.
Bishop of Winchester. — In Constantine's time it was used
in baptism.
His Majesty. — If so, I see no reason but that we may con-
tinue it.
Mr. Knewstubs. — Put the case, the church hath power to add
significant signs, it may not add them where Christ hath already
ordained them ; which is as derogatory to Christ's institution, as if
one should add to the Great Seal of England.
1 JAMES r. BOOK X» CENT. XVII. 187
His Majesty. — The case is not alike ; seeing, the sacrament
is fully finished, before any mention of the Cross is made therein.
Mr. Knewstubs. — If the church hath such a power, the greatest
scruple is, how far the ordinance of the church bindeth, without
impeaching Christian liberty.
His Majesty. — I will not argue that point with you but
answer as kings in parliament, Le Roy savisera. This is like Mr.
John Black, a beardless boy, who told me, the last Conference in
Scotland,* that he would hold conformity with his majesty in
matters of doctrine ; but every man, for ceremonies, was to be left
to his own liberty. But I will have none of that ; I will have one
doctrine, one discipline, one religion, in substance and in ceremony.
Never speak more to that point, — how far you are bound to obey.
Db. Reynolds. — Would that the Cross (being superstitiously
abused in popery) were abandoned, as the brasen serpent was
stamped to powder by Hezekiah, because abused to idolatry.
His Majesty. — Inasmuch as the Cross was abused to supersti-
tion in time of popery, it doth plainly imply that it was well used
before. I detest their courses who peremptorily disallow of all
things which have been abused in popery ; and know not how to
answer the objections of the papists, when they charge us with
novelties, but by telling them, we retain the primitive use of things,
and only forsake their novel corruptions. Secondly. No resem-
blance betwixt the brasen serpent, (a material, visible thing,) and
the sign of the Cross, made in the air. Thirdly. Papists, as I am
informed, did never ascribe any spiritual grace to the Cross in
baptism. Lastly. Material Crosses, to which people fell down in
time of popery, (as the idolatrous Jews to the brasen serpent,) are
already demolished, as you desire.
Mr. Knewstubs. — I take exception at the wearing of the
Surplice, a kind of garment used by the priests of Isis.
His Majesty. — I did not think, till of late, it had been bor-
rowed from the Heathen, because commonly called " a rag of
Popery." Seeing now we border not upon Heathens, neither are
any of them conversant with or commorant amongst us, thereby to
be confirmed in Paganism ; I see no reason but for comeliness -sake
it may be continued.
Dr. Reynolds. — I take exception at these words in the mar-
riage, " With my body I thee worship."
His Majesty. — I was made believe, the phrase imported no
less than Divine adoration,, but find it an usual English term; as
when we say " a gentleman of worship ;" and it agreeth with the
Scriptures, " giving honour to the wife." As for you, Dr Reynolds,
* In December, ItJOl.
188 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1604.
[this tlie king spake smiling,] many men speak of Robin Hood,
-who never shot in his bow : If you had a good wife yourself, you
would think all worship and honour you could do her were well
bestowed on her.
Deak of Sarum. — Some take exception at the ring in
marriage.
Dr. Reynolds. — I approve it well enough.
His Majesty. — I was married with a ring, and think others
scarce well-married without it.
Dr. Reynolds. — Some take exceptions at the churching of
women, by the name of " purification."'
His Majesty. — I allow it very well. Women being loath of
themselves to come to church, I like this or any other occasion to
draw them thither.
Dr. Reynolds. — My last exception is against com.mitting
ecclesiastical censures to lay-chancellors, the rather, because it was
ordered, anno 1571, that lay-chancellors, in matters of correction,
and, anno 1589, in matters of instance, should not excommunicate
any, but be done only by them who had' power of the keys, though
the contrary is commonly practised.
His Majesty. — I have confeiTcd with my bishops about this
point, and such order shall be taken therein as is convenient.
Meantime, go on to some other matter.
Dr. Reynolds. — I desire, that, according to certain provincial
constitutions, the clergy may have meetings every three weeks : —
1. First, in rural deaneries, therein to have prophesying, as arch-
bishop Grindal and other bishops desired of her late majesty.
2. That such things as could not be resolved on there, might be
referred to the archdeacons'* visitations.
8. And so to the episcopal synod, to determine such points before
not decided.
His Majesty. — If you aim at a Scottish presbytery, it agree tli
as well with monarchy, as God and the devil. Then Jack, and
Tom, and Will, and Dick shall meet and censure me and my
Council. Therefore I reiterate my former speech, Le roy samsera.
Stay, I pray, for one seven years, before you demand ; and then if
you find me grow pursy and fat, I may, perchance, hearken unto
you ; for that government will keep me in breath, and give me
work enough. I shall speak of one matter more, somewhat out of
order, but it skilleth not. Dr. Reynolds, you have often spoken
for my supremacy, and it is well. But know you any here or else-
where, who like of the present government ecclesiastical, and dislike
my supremacy ?
Dr. Reynolds. — I know none.
1 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 189
His Majesty. — Why, then, I will tell you a tale : After that
the religion restored by king Edward VI. w^as soon overthrown by
queen Mary here in England, we in Scotland felt the effect of it. For,
thereupon, Mr. Knox writes to the queen regent, a virtuous and
moderate lady ; telling her, that she was the supreme head of the
church, and charged her, as she would answer it to God's tribunal,
to take care of Christ's Evangel, in suppressing the popish prelates,
who withstood the same. But how long, trow you, did this con-
tinue ? Even till, by her authority, the popish bishops were
repressed, and Knox, with his adherents, being brought in, made
strong enough. Then began they to make small account of her
supremacy, when, according to that 7nore light wherewith they were
illuminated, they made a farther reformation of themselves. How
they used the poor lady my mother, is not unknown, and how they
dealt with me in my minority. I thus apply it : my lords the
bishops, [this he said, putting his hand to his hat,] I may thank
you that these men plead thus for my supremacy. They think
they cannot make their party good against you, but by appealing
unto it. But if once you were out and they in, I know what would
become of my supremacy ; for, " No bishop, no king ! *" I have
learned of what cut they have been, who, preaching before me since
my coming into England, passed over, with silence, my being
supreme governor in causes ecclesiastical. AVell, doctor, have you
any thing else to say ?
Dn. Rkynolds. — No more, if it please your majesty.
His Majesty. — If this be all your party hath to say, I will
make them conform themselves, or else I will harry them out of the
land, or else do worse.
Thus ended the second day's Conference ; and the third began on
the Wednesday following, January 18th, many knights, civilians,
and doctors of the law, being admitted thereunto, because the High
Commission was the principal matter in debate.
23. The third Days Conference at Hampton Court.
His Majesty. — I understand, that the parties named in the
High Commission are too many, and too mean ; and the matters
they deal w'ith, base, such as ordinaries at home in their courts
might censure.
Archbishop of Canterbury. — It is requisite their number
should be many, otherwise I should be forced often-times to sit
alone, if, in the absence of the lords of the Council, bishops, and
judges at law, some deans and doctors were not put into that Com-
mission, whose attendance I might command with the more autho-
rity. I have often complained of the meanness of matters handled
l.yi) CHURCH HISTORY OF LUUTAIN. A.D. 1604.
therein, but cannot remedy it. For though the offence be so small,
that the ordinary may — the offender oft-times is so great and contu-
macious that the ordinary dare not — punish him ; and so is forced
to crav^ help at the High Commission.
A NAMELESS LoRD.* — The proceedings in that Court are like
the Spanish Inquisition ; wherein men are urged to subscribe more
than law requireth ; and, by the oath ex officio^ forced to accuse
themselves, being examined upon twenty or twenty-four articles on
a sudden, without deliberation, and for the most part against them-
selves.
In proof hereof, he produced a letter of an ancient honourable
Counsellor, anno 1584, verifying this usage to two ministers in
Cambridgeshire.
Archrishop of Canterbury. — Your lordship is deceived in
the manner of proceeding. For, if the article touch the party for
life, liberty, or scandal, he may refuse to answer. I can say nothing
to the particulars of the letter, because twenty years since ; yet
doubt not but at leisure to give your lordship satisfaction.
Here we omit a discourse about subscription, because not
methodized into the speech of several persons.
Lord Chancellor. — There is necessity and use of the oath
ex officio^ in divers courts and causes.
His Majesty. — Indeed, civil proceedings only punish facts;
but it is requisite that fame and scandals be looked unto in courts
ecclesiastical ; and yet great moderation is to be used therein.
1. In gramoribus criminihus.
2. In such whereof there is a public fame, caused by the inordi-
nate demeanour of the offender.
And here he soundly described the oath ex officio^ for the ground
thereof, the wisdom of the law therein, the manner of proceeding
thereby, and profitable effect from the same.
Archbishop of Canterbury. — Undoubtedly your majesty
speaks by the special assistance of God's Spirit.
Bishop of London. — I protest, my heart melteth with joy, that
Almighty God, of his singular mercy, hath given us such a king, as,
since Christ's time, the like hath not been.
This he spake on his knee.
Then passed there much discourse between the king, the bishops,
and the lords, about the quality of the persons and causes in the
High Commission, rectifying excommunications in matters of le?s
moment, punishing recusants, providing divines for Ireland, Wales,
and the northern borders. Afterwards the four preachers were
called in, and such alterations in the Liturgy were read unto them,
* I (lave not guess liiiii, for fear of failing.
1 JAMES T. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 191
which the bishops, by the king's advice, had made, and to which, by
their silence, they seemed to consent.
His Majesty. — I see the exceptions against the Communion-
Book are matters of weakness; therefore if the persons reluctant be
discreet, they will be won betime?, and by good persuasions ; if
indiscreet, better they were removed ; for by their factions many are
driven to be papists. From you, Dr. Reynolds, and your associates,
I expect obedience and humility, the marks of honest and good
men ; and that you would persuade others abroad by your example.
Dr. Reynolds. — We here do promise to perform all duties to
bishops, as reverend fathers, and to join with them against the com-
mon adversary for the quiet of the church.
Mr. Chaderton. — I request, the wearing of the Surplice, and
the Cross in baptism, may not be urged on some godly ministers in
Lancashire, fearing, if forced unto them, many won by their
preaching of the Gospel will revolt to popery ; and I particularly
instance in the vicar of Rochdale.
This he spake kneeling.
Archbishop of Canterbury.-— You could not have light
upon a worse ; for, not many years ago, (as my lord chancellor*
knows,) it was proved before me, that, by his unreverent usage of
the eucharist, (dealing the bread out of a basket, every man putting
in his hand, and taking out a piece,) he made many loathe the com-
munion, and refuse to come to church.
His Majesty. — It is not my purpose, and I dare say it is not
the bishops' intent, presently and out of hand, to enforce these
things without fatherly admonitions, conferences, and persuasions
premised. But I wish it were examined, whether such Lancashire
ministers, by their pains and preaching, have converted any from
popery, and withal be men of honest life and quiet conversation.
If so, let letters be written to the bishop of C]iester,-f- (who is a
grave and good man,) to that purpose, that some favour may be
afforded unto them, and let the lord archbishop write the letters.
Bishop of London. — If this be granted, the copy of these
letters will fly all over England ; and then all nonconformists will
make the like request, and so no fruit follow of this Conference, but
things will be worse than they were before. I desire, therefore, a
time may be limited, within the compass whereof they shall con-
form.
His Majesty. — I assent thereunto ; and let the bishop of the
diocess set down the time.
Mr. Knewstubs. — I request [here he fell down on his knees]
* Who, being tliere present, averred the same. t This was Richard Vanghaii,
afterwards bishop of London.
102 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1604.
the like favour of forbearance to some honest ministers in Suffolk.
For, it will make much against their credits in the country, to be
now forced to the surplice, and cross in baptism.
Archbishop of Canterbury. — Nay, sir,
His Majesty. — Let me alone to answer him. Sir, you show
yourself an uncharitable man. We have here taken pains, and, in
the end, have concluded on unity and uniformity ; and you, for-
sooth, must prefer the credits of a few private men before the peace
of the church. This is just the Scotch argument, when any thing
^vas concluded which disliked some humours. Let them either con-
form themselves shortly, or they shall hear of it.
Lord Cecil. — The indecency of ambling communions is very
offensive, and hath driven many from the church.
Bishop of London. — And, Mr. Chaderton, I could tell you of
sitting communions in Emmanuel College.
Mr. Chaderton. — It is so, because of the seats so placed as
they be ; and yet we have some kneeling also in our chapel.
His Majesty. — No more hereof for the present, seeing they have
jointly promised hereafter to be quiet and obedient.
Whereat he rose up to depart into an inner chamber.
Bishop of London. — God's goodness be blessed for your
majesty, and give health and prosperity to your Highness, your
gracious queen, the young prince, and all the royal issue !
24 — 26. The general Censure of the Conferencers. The Non-
conformists' Complaint. The Product of this Co7iference.
Thus ended the three days' Conference ; wherein hoAv discreetly
the king carried himself, posterity, out of the reach of flattery, is the
most competent judge — such matters being most truly discerned at
a distance. It is generally said, that herein he went above himself;
that the bishop of London appeared even u'ith himself; and Dr.
Reynolds fell much beneath himself. Others observed, that arch-
bishop Whitgift spake most gravely ; Bancroft, when out of passion,
most politicly ; Bilson, most learnedly; and of the divines, Mr.
Reynolds, most largely ; Knewstubs, most affectionately ; Chaderton,
most sparingly. In this scene, only Dr. Sparks was xo^tfov Tr/joVcoTrov,
making use of his hearing, not speech, converted (it seems) to the
truth of what was spoken, and soon after setting forth a treatise of
unity and uniformity.
But the nonconformists complained, that the king sent for their
divines, not to have their scruples satisfied, but his pleasure pro-
pounded ; not that he might know what they could say^ but they
what he would do in the matter. Besides, no wonder if Dr. Rey-
nolds a little lost himself, whose eyes were partly dazzled with the
1 JAMES I. JiOOK X. CENT. XVII. 193
light of the king's majesty, partly daunted with the heat of his dis-
pleasure. Others complain that this Conference is partially set forth
only by Dr. Barlow, dean of Chester, their professed adversary,
to the great disadvantage of their divines. And when the Israelites
go down to the Philistines, to whet all their iron tools, no wonder if
they set a sharp edge on their own, and a blunt one on their enemies'*
weapons.
This Conference produced some alterations in the Liturgy;
women's baptizing of infants, formerly frequent, hereafter forbidden ;
in the Rubric of absolution, "remission of sins'" inserted. Confirma-
tion termed also " an examination '^ of children ; and some words
altered in the Dominical Gospels, with a resolution for a new transla-
tion of the Bible. But whereas it was hitherto disputable whether
the north, where he long lived, or the south, whither he lately came,
should prevail most on the king"'s judgment in church-government ;
this doubt was now clearly decided. Henceforward many cripples
in conformity were cured of their former halting therein ; and such
who knew not their own till they knew the king's mind in this matter,
for the future quietly digested the ceremonies of the church.
27. The Copy of the Millenary Petition.
We have formerly made mention of the Millemanus petition for
reformation, which about this time was solemnly presented to his
majesty, and which here we have truly exemplified : —
"the humble petition of the ministers of the church
uf england, desiring reformation of certain cere-
monies and abuses of the church.
" To the most Christian and excellent prince, our gracious
and dread sovereign, James by the grace of God, &c. We, the
ministers of the church of England that desire reformation, wish a
long, prosperous, and happy reign over us in this life, and in the
next everlasting salvation.
" Most gracious and dread sovereign, seeing it hath pleased the
Divine Majesty, to the great comfort of all good Christians, to advance
your Highness, according to your just title, to the peaceable govern-
ment of this church and commonwealth of England ; we, the ministers
of the Gospel in this land, neither as factious men affecting a popu-
lar parity in the church, nor as schismatics aiming at the disso-
lution of the state ecclesiastical ; but as the faithful servants of
Christ, and loyal subjects to your majesty, desiring and longing for
the redress of divers abuses of the church, could do no less, in our
obedience to God, service to your majesty, love to his church, than
acquaint your princely majesty with our particular griefs. For, as
Vol. III. o
194 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1604.
your princely pen writeth, ' The king, as a good physician, must first
know what peccant humours his patient naturally is most subject
unto, before he can begin his cure.** And, although divers of us that
sue for reformation have formerly, in respect of the times, subscribed
to the Book, some upon protestation, some upon exposition given
them, some with condition, rather than the church should have been
deprived of their labour and ministry ; yet now, we, to the number
of more than a thousand, of your majesty's subjects and ministers,
all groaning as under a common burden of human rites and ceremo-
nies, do, with one joint consent, humble ourselves at your majesty"'s
feet to be eased and relieved in this behalf. Our humble suit, then,
unto your majesty is, that [of] these offences following, some may be
removed, some amended, some qualified : —
" I. In the church-sermce. — That the Cross in baptism, interroga-
tories ministered to infants. Confirmation, as superfluous, may
be taken away : baptism not to be ministered by women, and so
explained : the cap and surplice not urged : that examination may go
before the communion : that it be ministered with a sermon : that
divers terms o^ priests and absolution^ and some other used, with the
ring in marriage, and other such like in the Book, may be corrected :
the longsomeness of service abridged : church-songs and music
moderated to better edification : that the Lord's day be not profaned,
the rest upon holy-days not so strictly urged : that there may be an
uniformity of doctrine prescribed : no popish opinion to be any
more taught or defended: no ministers charged to teach their people
to bow at the name of Jesus : that the canonical Scriptures only be
read in the church.
" II. Concerning church-ministers. — That none hereafter be
admitted into the ministry but able and sufficient men ; and those to
preach diligently, and especially upon the Lord's day : that such as
be already entered, and cannot preach, may either be removed, and
some charitable course taken with them for their relief; or else to be
forced, according to the value of their livings, to maintain preachers :
that non-residency be not permitted : that king Edward's statute for
the lawfulness of ministers' marriage be revived : that ministers be
not urged to subscribe but, according to the law, to the Articles of
Religion, and the king's supremacy only.
*' III. For church-livings and maintenance. — That bishops leave
their commendams ; some holding prebends, some parsonages, some
vicarages with their bishoprics : that double-beneficed men be not
suffered to hold, some two, some three benefices with cure : and some
two, three, or four dignities besides : that impropriations annexed to
bishoprics and colleges be demised only to the preachers incumbents,
for the old rent : that the impropriations of laymen's fees may be
1 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 195
charged with a sixth or seventh part of the worth, to the maintenance
of the preaching minister.
" IV. For church-discipline. — That the discipline and excom-
munication may be administered according to Christ's own institu-
tion ; or, at the least, that enormities may be redressed : as, namely,
that excommunication come not forth under the name of lay persons,
chancellors, officials, &c. that men be not excommunicated for trifles,
and twelve-penny matters: that none be excommunicated without con-
sent of his pastor : that the officers be not suffered to extort unrea-
sonable fees : that none having jurisdiction, or registers' places, put
out the same to farm : that divers popish canons (as for restraint of
marriage at certain times) be reversed : that the longsomeness of
suits in ecclesiastical courts, which hang sometimes two, three,
four, five, six, or seven years, may be restrained : that the oath ex
officio., whereby men are forced to accuse themselves, be more sparingly
used : that licences for marriage, without bans asked, be more cau-
tiously granted.
" These, with such other abuses yet remaining, and practised in
the church of England, we are able to show not to be agreeable to
the Scriptures, if it shall please your Highness farther to hear us, or
more at large by writing to be informed, or by conference among
the learned to be resolved. And yet we doubt not but that, with-
out any farther process, your majesty, of whose Christian judgment
we have received so good a taste already, is able of yourself to
judge of the equity of this cause. God, we trust, hath appointed
your Highness our physician to heal these diseases. And we say
with Mordecai to Esther, ' Who knoweth, whether you are come
to the kingdom for such a time ?' Thus your majesty shall do that
which, we are persuaded, shall be acceptable to God ; honourable
to your majesty in all succeeding ages ; profitable to his church,
which shall be thereby increased ; comfortable to your ministers,
which shall be no more suspended, silenced, disgraced, imprisoned
for men's traditions ; and prejudicial to none, but to those that seek
their own quiet, credit, and profit in the world. Thus, with all
dutiful submission, referring ourselves to your majesty's pleasure,
for your gracious answer, as God shall direct you ; we most humbly
recommend your Highness to the Divine Majesty; whom wc
beseech for Christ's sake to dispose your royal heart to do herein
what shall be to his glory, the good of his church, and your endless
comfort.
" Your majesty's most humble subjects, the ministers of the
Gospel, that desire not a disorderly innovation, but a due and godly
reformation."
o2
196 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1604.
28. The Issue of this Petition.
This calm and still but deep petition, being (as is aforesaid) pre-
sented to the king, it was given out that his majesty lent it a favour-
able ear ; that some great ones about him gave it a consenting enter-
tainment ; that some potent strangers (I understand of the Scottish
nation) had undertaken the conduct and managing thereof. Whe-
ther indeed it was so, God knows, or whether these things were
made to make the people, — the van pretending a victory, that the
rear might follow the more comfortably. Sure it is, this petition ran
the gantlet throughout all the prelatical party, every one giving it
a lash, some with their pens, more with their tongues ; and the
dumb ministers (as they term them) found their speech most vocal
against it. The universities (and justly) found themselves much
aggrieved, that the petitioners should proportion a seventh part
only out of an impropriation in a layman''s fee ; whilst those belong-
ing to colleges and cathedrals should be demised to the vicars at the
old rent, without fine, without improvement : whereas scholars,
being children of the prophets, counted themselves most proper for
church-revenues ; and this motion, if effected, would cut off more
than the nipples of the breasts of both universities in point of main-
tenance.
29. Ufiiversities justly nettled thereat.
Cambridge therefore began, and passed a Grace in their Congregation,
that whosoever in their university should, by word or writing, oppose
the received doctrine and discipline of England, or any part thereof,
should ipso facto be suspended from their former and excluded
from all future degrees. Oxford followed, recompensing the slow-
ness of her pace with the firmness of her footing, making a strong
and sharp confutation of the petition. But, indeed, king James
made the most real refutation thereof, not resenting it (whatsoever
is pretended) according to the desires and hopes (not to say the
reports) of such who presented it. And after his majesty had dis-
countenanced it, some Hotspurs of the opposite party began to
maintain, (many copies thereof being scattered into vulgar hands,)
that now the property thereof was altered from a petition into a libel,
and such papers [were] defamatory of the present government,
punishable by the statute, primo Elizabethce.
30, 31 . Other Millenary Petitions. Unfair Dealing in pro-
curing of Hands.
Under favour, I conceive this petition, by us lately exemplified,
the pro]>er Millenary Petition. Otherwise I observe, that Millenary
2 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVll. 1^7
Petition is vox wquiwca^ and attributed to all petitions with
numerous and indefinite subscriptions, which were started this year
concerning church-reformation. Many there were of this kind,
moving for more or less alteration, as the promoters of them stood
affected. For all men's desires will then be of the same size, when
their bodies shall be of the same stature. Of these, one, most
remarkable, required a subscription in manner as followeth: — " We,
whose names are under written, do agree to make our humble
petition to the king's majesty, that the present state of the
church may be farther reformed in all things needful,' according
to the rule of God's holy word, and agreeable to the example of
other Reformed churches, which have restored both the doctrine
and discipline, as it was delivered by our Saviour Christ, and his
holy apostles."
Two things are remarkable therein : First. That this was
no present petition, but a preparative thereunto, which in due
time might have proved one, if meeting with proportionable
encouragement. Secondly. That it went farther than the former,
as not being for the xaQoipslv, but for the a<pe<v ; not for '* the
paring, pruning, and purging," but for " the extirpating and abolish-
ing" of bishops, and conforming church-government to foreign
presbytery. Whether the subscribers to this petition were, for
the main, a recruit of new persons, or a resumption of those who
under-writ the former, I dare not define. Probably many,
sensible that before they were petition-bound, enlarged them-
selves now in their additional desires. For, such who ask no
more than what they would have, commonly receive less than
what they ask ; seeing petitions of this nature are seldom granted
in full latitude, without some abatement. They allow^ed there-
fore some over-measure in their requests, that, the surplusage
being defaulked, the remainder might, in some manner, give
them satisfaction.
Sure I am, the prelatical party complained, that, to swell a
number, the nonconformists did not choose but scrape sub-
scribers ; not to speak of the ubiquitariness of some hands, the
same being always present at all petitions. Indeed, to the first,
only ministers were admitted ; but to the latter brood of
petitions, no hand which had five fingers was refused. Insomuch
that Master George (since lord) Goring, who then knew little and
cared less for church-government, (as unable to govern himself,)
being then (fifty years since) rather a youth than a man, a boy than
a youth, set his hand thereunto, in the right, I believe, of his
mother, a good lady, much addicted to that party; and king James
would in merriment make sport with him, to know what reasons
198 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1604.
moved him at that age, to this subscription. But, enough of these
petitioners : Perchance we shall hear more of them the next par-
liament.
SECTION 11.
TO MATTHEW GILL YE, ESQUIRE.
Solomon saith, " And there is a Friend that is nearer
than a brother," Prov. xviii. 24. Now, though I have
read many writers on the text, your practice is the best
comment; which hath most truly expounded it unto
me. Accept this, therefore, as the return of the thanks
of your respectful friend.
1. The Death of Archbishop Whitgift AD. 1604.
Causeless jealousies attend old age ; as appears by archbishop
Whitgift, who ended his life, according to his own desire, that he
might not live to see the parliament ; being more scared than hurt,
as fearing some strange opposition therein, and an assault of uncon-
formists on church-discipline, fiercer than his age-feebled body
should be able to resist.* Born he was of ancient parentage at great
Grimsby in Lincolnshire, bred in Cambridge, admitted in Queen's
College, removed Scholar to Pembroke Hall, (where Mr. Bradford
was his tutor,) translated Fellow to Peter-house, returned Master
to Pembroke, thence advanced Master of Trinity College ; suc-
cessively parson of Teversham, prebend of Ely, dean of Lincoln,
bishop of Worcester, where the queen forgave him his first-fruits, —
a rare gift for her, who Avas so good an housewife of her revenues.
Yea, she constantly called him her "little black husband ; '"* which
favour nothing elated his gravity, carrying himself as one uncon-
cerned in all worldly honour. He survived the queen not a full
year, getting his bane by going in a cold morning by barge to
Fulham, there to consult with the bishops about managing their
matters in the ensuing parliament. And no wonder if those few
sparks of natural heat were quickly quenched with a small cold in
him, who was then above seventy-two years of age. He died of the
palsy ; one of the worthiest men that ever the English hierarchy
did enjoy.
• See the preface (.0 Hampton-Court Conference.
2 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XV If. 100
2 — 6. Mr. Prynne^ censuring Whitgift, censured. His Untruth
of Jnselm. His Slander of Whitgift^ and silly Taxing of
his Train. WkiigifCs Care of and Love to Scholars.
But a modern writer, in liis voluminous book against the practices
of English prelates, bitterly inveighetli against him whom he termeth
" a pontifical " (meaneth he paganish, or popish ?) "bishop,'' and
chargeth him with many misdemeanours. Give me leave a little,
without bitterness, both to pass my censure on his book, and make
this archbishop's just defence against his calumniation. First. Tn
general, behold the complexion of his whole book ; and it is black
and swarthy in the uncharitable subject and title thereof: "An
Historical Collection of the several execrable Treasons, Con-
spiracies, Rebellions, Seditions, State-schisms, Contumacies, anti-
monarchical Practices, and Oppressions of English Prelates," &c.
Thus he weeds men's lives, and makes use, only to their disgrace, of
their infirmities ; mean time suppressing many eminent actions,
which, his own conscience knows, were performed by them. What
a monster might be made out of the best beauties in the world, if a
limner should leave what is lovely, and only collect into one picture
what he findeth amiss in them ! I know there be white teeth in the
blackest Black- Moor, and a black bill in the whitest swan. Worst
men have something to be commended, best men something in them
to be condemned. Only to insist on men's faults to render them
odious, is no ingenuous employment. God, we know, so useth his
fan, that he keepeth the corn, but driveth away the cliaflP. But who
is he that winnoweth so, as to throw away the good grain, and
retain the chaff only ?
Besides, it containeth tmtruths, or, at the best, uncertainties ;
■which he venteth with assurance to posterity. For instance : speak-
ing of Walter Tyrrel, the French knight, casually killing king
William Rufus in Nevv^ Forest, with an arrow glancing fi-om a tree,
he saitli, that, in all likelihood, Anselm archbishop of Canterbirry,
our Whitgift's predecessor, with fore-plotted treason hired Tyn-el
to murder the king in this manner.* Now, to condemn the memory
of so pious and learned a man as Anselm was, (though I will not
excuse him in all things,) five hundred years after the fact pretended,
on his own single bare surmise, contrary to the constant current of
all authors, (no one whispering the least suspicion thereof,) hath,
I believe, but little of law and nothing of Gospel therein. Let the
glancing of Tyrrel's arrow mind men how they "bend their bows to
shoot arrows, even bitter words," Psalm Ixiv. 3, at the memory of
the deceased, lest it rebound back, (not as his did to hit a stander-by,
but) justly to wound him who unjustly delivered it.
• Page 10.
200 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1G04.
But, to come to our reverend Whitgift : First, he chargeth him
for troubling the judges with his contestations about prohibitions,
endeavouring to enlarge his ecclesiastical jurisdiction. This, being
the accusation but of a common lawyer, and that in favour of his
own courts, I leave to some doctor of the civil or canon law, as most
proper to make answer thereunto. Only, whereas he saith, that
Whitgift did it to the prejudice of the queen's prerogative, surely
she knew her own privileges so well, (beside those of her Council to
teach her,) that she would never have so favourably reflected on him,
if sensible (wise princes having a tender touch in that point) that he
any way went about to abridge her royal authority.*
Secondly. He taxeth him for his extraordinary train, of above
sixty men-servants, (though not so extravagant a number, if his per-
son and place be considered,) " who were all trained up to martial
affairs, and mustered almost every week ; his stable being well
furnished with store of great horses.'" But was it a fault in those
martial days, when the invasion of a foreign foe was daily suspected,
to fit his family for their own and the kingdom's defence ? Did
not Abraham, that heavenly prophet and holy patriarch, arm his
" trained servants in his own house," in his victorious expedition
against the king of Sodom ? Gen. xiv. 14. Yea, if churchmen of
an anti-prelatical spirit had not since tampered more dangerously
with training of servants, (though none of their own,) both learning
and religion had, perchance, looked, at this day, with a more cheer-
ful countenance.
Whereas it intimates, that this archbishop had been better
employed " in training up scholars for the pulpit, than soldiers for
the field ; " know, that as the latter was performed, the former was
not quitted by him. Witness many worthy preachers bred under
him in Trinity College, and more elsewhere relieved by him. Yea,
his bounty was too large to be confined within the narrow seas;
B&za, Drusius, and other foreign protestant divines, tasting freely
thereof Nor was his liberality only a cistern for the present age,
but a running river from a fresh fountain, to water posterity in that
school of Croydon, which he hath beautifully built, and bountifully
endowed. More might be said, in the vindication of this worthy
prelate from his reproachful pen. But I purposely forbear ; the
rather, because it is possible, that the learned gentleman since, upon
a serious review of his own work, and experimental observation of
the passages of this age, may be more offended with his own writing
herein, than others take just exception thereat.
• Page 140.
JAMES 1. BOOK X. CENT. XVII.
201
7. His Burial and Successor.
Archbishop Wliitgift was buried at Croydon, March 27th, the
earl of Worcester and lord Zouch, his pupils, attending his hearse ;
and bishop Babington, his pupil also, made his funeral sermon,
choosing for his text, 2 Chron. xxiv. 15, 16, and paralleling the
archbishop's life with gracious Jehoiada. Richard Bancroft, bishop
of London, brought up in Jesus College, succeeded him in the
archbishopric ; whose actions, in our ensuing History, will suffi-
ciently deliver his character, without our description thereof.
8—11. A beneficial Statute for the Church. A Contrivance by
tJie Crown to wrong the Church. Two eminent Instances
of former Alienation of Bishopric-Lands. Several Censures
on this neiv Statute.
Come we now to the parliament assembled ; and amongst the
many Acts which passed therein, none more beneficial for the
church than that which made the king himself and his successors
incapable of any church-land to be conveyed unto them, otherwise
than for three lives, or twenty-one years. Indeed, a statute had
formerly been made, the thirteenth of queen Elizabeth, which, to
prevent final alienation of church-land, did disable all subjects from
accepting them ; but in that statute a liberty was left unto the
Crown to receive the same.* It was thought fit to allow to the
Crown this favourable exception, as to the patron-general of the
whole English church ; and it was but reason for the sovereign,
who originally gave all the loaf to the church, on occasion to resume
a good shiver thereof.
But he who shuts ninety-nine gates of Thebes, and leaveth one
open, shuts none in effect. Covetousness (shall I say, an apt
scholar to learn, or an able master to teach, or both ?) quickly found
out a way to invade the lands of the church, and evade the penalty
of the law ; which thus was contrived : Some potent courtier first
covertly contracts with a bishop, (some whereof, though spiritual
in title, were too temporal in truth, as more minding their private
profit than the public good of the church,) to pass over such a
proportion of land to the Crown. This done, the said courtier
begs the land of the queen even before her Highness had tasted
thereof, or the lips of her exchequer ever touched the same ; and
so an estate thereof is settled on him and his heirs for ever. And
thus covetousness came to her desired end ; though forced to go a
longer journey, and fain to fetch a farther compass about.
For instance : Dr. Col dwell, doctor of physic, and bishop of
Salisbury, gave his sec a very strong purge, when he consented to
• Becau.se it was not forbidden in the statute in express words.
2i)2 CHURCH HISTOKY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1G04.
the alienation of Sherborne manor from his bishopric. Indeed, the
good old man was shot between wind and water, and his consent was
assaulted in a dangerous juncture of time to give any denial. For,
after he was elected bishop of Salisbury, and after all his church-
preferments were disposed of to other persons, yet before his election
was confirmed past a possibility of a legal reversing thereof, Sir W.
Raleigh is importunate with him to pass Sherborne to the Crown,
and effected it, though indeed a good round rent was reserved to
the bishopric. Presently Sir Walter beggeth the same of the
queen, and obtained it. Much after the same manner Sir
Killegrew got the manor of Crediton, a bough almost as big as all
the rest of the body, from the church of Exeter, by the consent of
Dr. Babington the bishop thereof.
To prevent future wrong to the church in that kind, it was now
enacted, that the Crown itself, henceforward, should be incapable of
any such church-land to be conveyed unto it. Yet some were so
bold as to conceive this law void in the very making of it, and that
all the obligation thereof consisted, not in the strength of the law,
but only in the king's and his successors'* voluntary obedience there-
unto ; accounting it injurious for any prince in parliament to tie his
successors, who neither can nor will be concluded thereby farther
than it stands with their own convenience. However, it was to stand
in force, till the same power should be pleased to rescind it. But
others beheld this law, not with a politic, but religious eye, con-
ceiving the King of heaven, and the king of England, the parties
concerned therein, and accounting it sacrilege for any to alienate
what is given to God in his church.
12. King James a great Church-Lover.
Thus was the king graciously pleased to bind himself for the
liberty of the church. He knew full well all courtiers', and espe-
cially his own countrymen's, importunity in asking, and perhaps
was privy to his own impotency in denying ; and, therefore, by this
statute, he eased himself of many troublesome suitors. For here-
after no wise man would beg of the king what was not in his power
to grant, and what, if granted, could not legally be conveyed to any
petitioner. Thus his majesty manifested his good- will and affection
to religion ; and, althougli this law could not finally preserve
church-lands to make them immortal, yet it prolonged their lives
for many years together.
13. The Jets of this Convocation, why as yet not recovered.
Pass we now into the Convocation, to see what was done there.
But here the history thereof, as I may say, is " shot betwixt the
2 JAMES I. BQOK X. CENT. XVII. 203
joints of the armour ;**' in the interval, after Whitgift's death, and
before Bancroft's removal to Canterbury; so that I can find the
original thereof neither in the office of the vicar-general, nor in the
registry of London ; nor can I recover it, as yet, from the office of
the dean and chapter of Canterbury, where most probably it is to be
had, the jurisdiction belonging to them in the vacancy.
14. Many Canons made therein^ Bishop Bancroft sitting
President.
Take this as the result thereof : a book of canons was compiled,
not only being the sum of the queen's articles, orders of her com-
missioners, advertisements, canons of 1571 and 1597, which were in
use before ; but also many more were added, the whole number
amounting unto one hundred and forty-one. Some wise and mode-
rate men supposed so many laws were too heavy a burden to be
long borne, and that it had been enough for tlie episcopal party to
have triumphed, not insulted over their adversaries in so numerous
impositions. However, an explanation was made, in one of the
canons, of the use of the Cross in baptism, to prevent scandal ;
and learned Thuanus, in his History, taketh an especial notice
thereof.
15. Bishop Rudd, why opposing the Oath against Simony.
Motion being made in this Convocation about framing an oath
against simony, to be taken by all presented to church-preferment,
bishop Rudd of St. David's, as conscientious as any of his Order,
and free from that fault, opposed it ; chiefly, because he thought
it unequal, that the patron should not be forced, as well as the
clerk, to take that oath. Whereupon it was demanded of him,
whether he would have the king to take that oath when he presented
a bishop or dean ; and hereat the bishop sat down in silence.
16, 17- The Petition of the Town of Ripon to Queen Anne.
King James'' s bountiful Grant. These Lands since twice
sold.
About this time the corporation of Ripon in Yorkshire pre-
sented their petition to queen Anne on this occasion : They had a
fair collegiate church, stately for the structure thereof, formerly
erected by the nobility and gentry of the vicinage ; the means
whereof, at the dissolution of abbeys, were seized on by the king,
so that small maintenance was left to the minister of that populous
parish. Now, although Edwin Sands, archbishop of York, with the
earl of Huntingdon, lord Burleigh and Sheffield, successively Pre-
sidents of the North, had recommended their petition to queen
204 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1604.
Elizabeth, they obtained nothing but fair unperformed promises :
whereupon, now the Riponeers humbly addressed themselves to
queen Anne ; and hear her answer unto them : —
"Anna R. — Anne, by the grace of God, queen of England,
Scotland, France, and Ireland, &c. to all, to whom these presents
shall come, greeting : — Whereas there hath been lately exhibited and
recommended unto us a frame and platform of a College general, to
be planted and established at Ripon in the county of York, for the
manifold benefit of both the Borders of England and Scotland :
upon the due perusing of the plot aforesaid, hereunto annexed, and
upon signification given of the good liking and approbation of the
chief points contained therein, by sundry grave, learned, and religious
parties, and some other of honourable place and estate ; we have
thought good, for the ample and perpetual advancement of learning
and religion, in both the Borders of our aforesaid realms, to conde-
scend to yield our favour and best furtherance thereunto : and for
the better encouraging of other honourable and worthy personages
to join with us in yielding their bounty and benevolence thereunto,
we have and do signify and assure, and by the word of a sacred
princess and queen, do expressly promise to procure, with all con-
venient speed, to and for the yearly better maintenance of the said
College, all and every of the requests specified and craved to that
end, in a small schedule hereunto annexed. In confirmation
whereof, we have signed these presents by our hand and name
above-mentioned, and have caused our privy signet to be set unto
the same. Dated at our Honour at Greenwich, July 4th, anno
Domini 1604, and of our reign,'' &c.
After the sealing thus subscribed ; Gulielmus Toulerius^ Secreta-
rius de mandato serenissimce Annw reginw Anglice, Scotiw^ Fran-
cioe^ Hibernice.
Such need never fear success who have so potent a person to solicit
their suit. King James, being forward of himself to advance learning
and religion, and knowing Christ's precept, " Let your light shine
before men ; " knew also that Ripon was an advantageous place for
the fixing thereof ; as which by its commodious position in the north,
there would reflect lustre almost equally into England and Scotland.
Whereupon he founded a dean and chapter of seven prebends,
allowing them two hundred forty-seven pounds a year, out of his own
Crown-land, for their maintenance.
I am informed, that lately the lands of this church are, by mistake,
twice sold to several purchasers ; namely : Once under the notion of
dean-and-chapter's lands ; and again, under the property of king's
lands. I hope the chapmen, when all is right-stated betwixt them,
will agree amongst themselves on their bargain. Mean time, Ripon
2 JAMES I. - BOOK X. CENT. XVTI. 205
churcli may the better comport with poverty, because only remitted
to its former condition.
18. The Petition of the Family of Love to King James.
The Family of Love (or lust rather) at this time presented a
tedious petition to king James ; so that it is questionable, whether his
majesty ever graced it with his perusal ; wherein they endeavoured
to clear themselves from some misrepresentations, and, by fawning
expressions, to insinuate themselves into his majesty's good opinion ;
which here we present :
" To the king's most excellent majesty, James the first, by the
grace of God king of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland,
Defender of the Faith, &c.
" Most gracious and sovereign lord, whereas there is published
in a book written by your Highness, as an instruction to your most
noble son,* (whom Almighty God bless with much honour, happiness,
and long life,) of a people that are of a vile sect among the Anabap-
tists, called ' the Family of Love,"* who do hold and maintain many
proud, uncharitable, unchristian, and most absurd opinions, unto
whom your Highness doth also give the name of Puritans, assuming in
the said book, that divers of them (as Brown, Penry, and others) do
accord with them in their foul errors, heady and fantastical opinions ;
which are there set down at large by your majesty ; advising your
royal son (as is most meet) to punish them, if they refuse to obey
the law, and will not cease to stir up rebellion.
" Now, most gracious sovereign, because it is meet that your
Highness should understand, by their supplication, and declaration
of the truth herein by themselves, (of whom your majesty hath been
thus informed,) prostrate at your princely feet, as true, faithful, loyal,
and obedient subjects, to all your laws and ordinances, civil, politic,
spiritual, temporal ; they with humble hearts do beseech your princely
majesty to understand, and that the people of the Family of Love,
or of God, do utterly disclaim and detest all the said absurd and
self-conceited opinions, and disobedient and erroneous sorts of the
Anabaptists, Brown, Penry, Puritans, and all other proud- minded
sects and heresies whatsoever ; protesting, upon pain of our lives,
that we are not consenting nor agreeing with any such brain-sick
preachers, nor their rebellious and disobedient sects whatsoever, but
have been, and ever will be, truly obedient to your Highness and
your laws, to the effusion of our blood, and expenses of our goods
and lands in your majesty's service ; highly lauding Almighty God,
who hath so graciously and peaceably appointed unto us such a
virtuous, wise, religious, and noble king, and so careful and impartial
* lu liis Basilicon Doron.
206 CHdRCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1604.
a justiciar to govern over us ; beseeching Him daily to bless your
Highness with his godly wisdom and holy understanding, to the
furtherance of his truth and godliness, and with all honour, happiness,
peace, and long life, and to judge rightly between falsehood and
truth.
" And because your majesty shall have a perfect view, or an
assured persuasion, of the truth of the same our protestation, if
therefore there be any indifferent man of the kingdom, that can justly
touch us with any such disobedient and wicked handling of ourselves,
as seemeth by your majesty's book it hath been informed unto your
Highness, unless they be such mortal enemies, the disobedient
Puritans, and those of their heady humours, before-named, who are
much more zealous, religious, and precise, in the tithing of mint,
anise, and cummin, and in the preferring of such like pharisaical
and self-chosen outward traditions and grounds, or hypocritical righte-
ousness, than in the performing of judgment, mercy, and faith, and
such like true and inward righteousness, which God doth most chiefly
require and regard. Matt, xxiii. 23, &c. and whose malice hath — for
twenty-five years past and upwards, and ever since, with very many
untrue suggestions, and most foul errors, and odious crimes, the
which we could then, if need were, prove — ^sought our utter overthrow
and destruction. But that we have behaved ourselves in all orderliness
and peaceableness of life where we dwell, and with whom w^e had to
deal, or if we do vary or swerve from the established religion in this
land, either in service, ceremonies, sermons, or sacraments, or have
publicly spoken or inveighed, either by word or writing, against our
late sovereign princess''s government in cases spiritual or temporal,
then let us be rejected for sectaries, and never receive the benefit of
subjects.
" Only, right gracious sovereign, we have read certain books
brought forth by a German author, under the characters of H. N.*
who affirmeth therein, that he is prepared, chosen, and sent of God
to minister and set forth the most holy service of the love of God,
and Christ, or of the Holy Ghost, unto the children of men upon
the universal earth ; out of which service or writings we be taught all
dutiful obedience towards God and magistrates, and to live a godly
and honest life, and to love God above all things, and our neighbours
as ourselves ; agreeing therein with all the Holy Scriptures as we
understand them. Against which author and his books we never yet
heard or knew any law established in this realm by our late gracious
sovereign, but that we might read them without offence ; whose
writings we suppose, under your Highnesses correction, your majesty
hath yet never seen or perused, heard of by any indifferent nor true
* Hem-y Nicholas.
2 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 207
information. For the said H. N. in all his doctrine and writings,
(being, as we are credibly informed, as much matter in volume, if
they were all compiled together, as the whole Bible containeth,) doth
neither take part with nor write against any particular party or
company whatsoever, as naming them by their names, nor yet praise
or dispraise any of them by name ; but doth only show in particular in
his said writings, as saith he, the unparlial service of love requireth what
is good or evil for every one, wherein the man hath right or wrong in
any point, whether it be in the state of his soul towards God, or in
the state of his body towards the magistrates of the world and towards
onfe another, to the end that all people (when they hear or read his
writing, and do thereby perceive their sin, and estranging from God
and Christ) might endeavour them to bring forth the due fruits of
repentance, which is reformation and newness of life, according as all
the Holy Scriptures doth likewise require the same of every one, and
that they might in that sort become saved through Jesus Christ, the
only Saviour of all the world.
" Notwithstanding, dear sovereign, yet hath the said author and
his doctrine a long time, and still is most shamefully and falsely
slandered by our foresaid adversaries both in this land, and in divers
others, as to be replenished with all manner of damnable errors, and
filthy liberty of the flesh.
" And we his well-wil'lers and favourers in the upright drift of his
doctrine, as aforesaid, have also been of them complained of and
accused unto our late gracious sovereign, and the magistrates of this
land, both long time past, and now lately again, as to be a people
so infected and stained with all manner of detestable wickedness and
errors, that are not worthy to live upon the earth, but yet would
never present any of his books unto his majesty to peruse ; nor yet
set them forth in any indifferent or true manner to the view of the
world, lest their malicious and slanderous reports and accusations
against the same and us, should thereby be revealed and disproved
to their great shame. Through which their most odious and false
complaints against us, the magistrates did then, and also have now
lately, cast divers of us into prison, to our great hinderance and dis-
credit ; but yet have never proved against us, by sufficient and true
testimony, any one of their foul accusations, as the records in such
cases, and the magistrates that have dealt therein, can testify ; but
are so utterly void of due and lawful proof thereof, that they have
framed divers subtile articles for us, being plain and unlearned men,
to answer upon our oath, whereby to urge and gather some things
from ourselves, so to prove their false and unchristian accusations to
be true, or else will force us to renounce, recant, and condemn
that wliich we do not wilfully maintain nor justify ; (much like as it
208 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1604.
was practised in the primitive church against the Christians;) yea,
they are not ashamed to lay their own and all other men's disobe-
dient and wicked acts (of what profession soever it be) upon our
backs, to the end cunningly to purchase favour and credit to them-
selves, and to make us seem monstrous and detestable before the
magistrates and the common people everywhere ; for that we and
the doctrine of H. N. might without any indifferent trial, and lawful
or orderly proceedings as heretofore hath been used in the Christian
church in such cases for confuting and condemning of heresy, be
utterly rooted out of the land ; with divers other most cruel prac-
tices, proceeding out of their bitter and envious hearts towards us,
tending to the same unchristian and merciless purpose ; the which
we will here omit to speak of, because we have already been over-
tedious to your Highness, and most humbly crave your most gracious
pardon and patience therein, in respect we speak to clear ourselves
of such matters as may touch our lives and liberties, (which are two
of the chiefest jewels that God hath given to mankind in this
world,) and also for that we have few friends, or any other means
than this, to acquaint your Highness with the truth and state of our
cause, whereof we think your majesty is altogether ignorant ; but
have very many enemies, whom we do greatly suspect will not be
slack to prosecute their false and malicious purpose against us unto
your Highness, even like as they have accustomed in times past to
do unto our late sovereign queen ; through which prevailing in their
slanderous defacing of us and our cause, divers of us, for want of
friends to make it rightly known unto her majesty, have sundry
times been constrained to endure their injurious dealing towards us
to our great vexation and hinderance.
" Wherefore, most gracious sovereign, this is now our humble
suit unto your Highness, that when your kingly affairs of impor-
tance, which your majesty hath now in hand, shall be well overpast,
(for the prosperous performance whereof we will, as duty bindeth
us, daily pray unto Almighty God,) that then your Highness will
be pleased (because we have always taken the same author's work
aforesaid to proceed out of the great grace and love of God and
Christ, extended towards all kings, princes, rulers, and people, upon
the universal earth, as he in many of his works doth witness no less,
to their salvation, unity, peace, and concord m the same godly love)
to grant us that favour, at your majesty's fit and convenient time, to
peruse the books yourself with an impartial eye, conferring them
with the Holy Scriptures, wherein it seemeth by the books that are
set forth under your Highness's name, that you have had great
travail, and are therefore better able to judge between truth and
falsehood. And we will, whensoever it shall please your Highness
2 JAMES I. EOOK X. CENT. XVII. 209
to appoint the time, and to command and license us thereto, do our
best endeavours to procure so many of the books as we can out of
Germany, (where they be printed,) to be delivered unto your
majesty, or such godly, learned, and indifferent men, as it shall
please your majesty to appoint.
" And we will also, under your Highnesses lawful licence, and
commandment in that behalf, do our like endeavour to procure
some of the learned men in that country, (if there be any yet
remaining alive that were well-acquainted with the author and his
works in his life-time, and which likewise have exercised his works
ever since,) to come over and attend upon your majesty at your
appointed time convenient ; who can much more sufficiently instruct
and resolve your Highness in any unusual words, phrase, or matter,
that may haply seem dark and doubtful to your majesty, than any
of us in this your land are able to do.
" And so, upon your Highnesses advised consultation and censure
thereupon, (finding the same works heretical or seditious, and not
agreeable to God's holy word and testimonies of all the Scriptures,)
to leave them, to take them as your majesty's laws shall therein
appoint us ; having no intent or meaning to contend or resist there-
against, however it be, but dutifully to obey thereunto according to
the counsel of Scriptures, and also of the said author's work.
" And our further humble suit unto your Highness is, that, of
your gracious favour and clemency, you will grant and give order
unto your majesty's officers in that behalf, that all of us your faith-
ful loving subjects, which are now in prison in any part of this your
realm for the same cause, may be released upon such bail or bond
as we are able to give ; and that neither we, nor any of that
company, (behaving ourselves orderly and obediently under your
Highness's laws,) may be any further persecuted or troubled therein,
until such time as your majesty and such godly, learned, and indif-
ferent men of your clergy, as your Highness shall appoint thereto,
shall have advisedly consulted and determined of the matter,
whereby we may not be utterly wasted by the great charge of
imprisonment and persecution, and by the hard dealing of our
adversaries ; for we are but a people few in number, and yet most
of us very poor in worldly wealth.
" O sacred prince ! we humbly pray that the Almighty wnll move
your princely heart with true judgment to discern between the right
and the wrong of our cause, according to that most certain and
Christian rule set down by our Saviour Christ unto his disciples,
' Ye shall know the tree by the fruit,' Matt. xii. 33 ; and in our
obedience, peaceable and honest lives and conversation, to protect
us ; and in our disobedience and misdemeanour to punish us, as
Vol. III. p
210 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1604.
resisters of God's ordinance, of tlie kingly authority, and most high
office of justice committed to your majesty to that putpose towards
your subjects, Rom. xiii.
" And, gracious sovereign, we humbly beseech your Highness
with princely regard in equity and favour to ponder and grant the
humble suit contained in this most lowly supplication of your loyal,
true-hearted, faithful subjects ; and to remember that your majesty,
in your book of princely, grave, and fatherly advice, to the happy
prince, your royal son, doth conclude, Principis est par cere subjectis
et deheliare superbos ; and then, no doubt, God will bless your
Highness, with all your noble offspring, with peace, long life, and
all honours and happiness, long to continue over us ; for which we
will ever pray with incessant prayers to the Almighty."
I find not wdiat effect this their petition produced ; whether it
was slighted, and the petitioners looked upon as inconsiderable, or
beheld as a few frantic folk out of their wits ; which consideration
alone often melted their adversaries' anger into pity unto them.
19 — 22. The Familists will in no wise he accounted Puritans.
Phrases in their Petition censured. Mr. Rutherford cause-
lessly asperseth the Bishops and Courtiers of Queen JEli^a-
beth. Familists turned into modern Ranters.
The main design driven on in the petition is, to separate them-
selves from the Puritans, (as persons odious to king James,) that
they might not fare the worse for their vicinity unto them ; though
these Familists could not be so desirous to leave them as the others
were glad to be left by them. For if their opinions were so sense-
less, and the lives of these Familists so sensual, as is reported, no
purity at all belonged unto them.
Some take exceptions at their prayer for king James ; wishing
him, and his, " peace, long life, all honour and happiness," without
mentioning of life eternal and the blessings thereof.* Whilst
others are so much of " the Family of Charity" to this Family of
Love, as to excuse the omission as casual, or else extend happiness
as comprehensive of the world to come. Others are more justly
offended to see gold and dung joined together ; God's word and
the words of H. Nicholas equally yoked by them as infallible alike.
They confess in this book " some unusual words which are dark and
doubtful," which at this day is affected by many sectarists, (whilst
truth is plain and easy,) amusing people with mystical expressions,
which their auditors understand not, and, perchance, not they them-
selves. So that, as one saith very well of their high-soaring pre-
• SamPei Ri'THERFORD in his '* Survey," page 353.
S JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 211
tended spiritual language, that " it is a great deal too high for this
world, and a great deal too low for the world to come.""
I find one, in his confutation of this petition, inveighing against
our bishops, that they were friends unto Familism, and favoured
the promoters thereof; adding moreover, that *' few of the prelatical
way refuted them." Now, though the best friends of bishops, yea,
and the bishops themselves, will confess they had too many faults ;
yet, I am confident, this is a false and uncharitable aspersion upon
them. No better is that when he saith, that " divers of the court
of queen Elizabeth, and some nobles, were Familists;"* wherein I
am sure plenty of instances hath put him to such a penury that he
cannot insist upon any one. But I am inclined the rather to pardon
his error herein, because the author reporting this is a foreigner then
living in Scotland ; and, should I treat of the character of the
court of king James at Edinburgh at the same time, possibly my
pen, at so great a distance, might commit far worse mistakes.
Some will say, " Where are these Familists now a-days ? Are
they utterly extinct, or are they lost in the heap of other sects, or
are they concealed under a new name.'^'' The last is most probable.
This family, which shut their doors before, keeps open house now.
Yea, " Family" is too narrow a name for them, they are grown so
numerous. Formerly, by their own confession in this petition, they
had three qualities, — " few, poor, and unlearned ; " for, the last
billa 'cera, their lack of learning, they still retain, being otherwise
many, and some rich, but all under the name of ''* Ranters ;'' and
thus I fairly leave them, on condition they will fairly leave me, that
I may hear no more of them for delivering truth and my own con-
science in what I have written concerning their opinions.
23. The Death of Hall and Eli.
I find no protestant tears dropped on the grave of any eminent
divine this year. But we light on two Romanists dying beyond
sea, much lamented: One, Richard Hall, bred in Christ's College,
in Cambridge, whence he ran over to Rome, whence he returned
into the Low Countries, and died canon and official of the cathedral
of St. Omer : The other, Humphrey Eli, an Herefordshire-man by
birth, Fellow of St. John's, in Oxford ; whence going beyond sea,
at Rome he commenced doctor of law, and afterwards died professor
thereof, in the university of Ponta Mousan.-|- He is charactered to
"be, jurisperitus doctus., paupet\ et pacificus^ " a lawyer learned,
poor, and peaceable." And thus much my charity can easily believe
* In his notes on his " Petition of SuiTey," page 349. t IJi the duchy of
Lon-aine.
p2
212 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1605.
of him : but the distich* (the epitaph I take it on his tomb) is
damnably hyperbolical : —
Albion hcereseos velatur node, viator,
Desine mirari, sol suus hie latitat.
" Wonder not, England 's dark with error's night ;
For, lo, here buried lies her sun so bright."
Or else the poet lies who made the verses. But his ashes shall not
be disturbed by me.
24 — 30. The Plotters in the Powder Treason. Garnefs deciding
a Case of Conscience. Two other Difficulties removed.
The Odium must be cast on the Puritans. Will-worship a
painful Labour. God gives them Warning to desist, but
they tvill take none. The Latitude of their Design. A. D.
1605.
The Romish Catholics now utterly despairing, either by flattery
to woo, or force to wrest, any free and public exercise of their reli-
gion, some of them entered into a damnable and devilish conspiracy,
to blow up the Parliament-house with gunpowder. In this plot
were engaged, — 1. Robert Catesby ; 2. Thomas Percy; 3. Sir
Everard Digby ; 4. Francis Tresham ; 5. Robert Winter ; 6.
Thomas Winter ; 7- John Wright ; 8. Christopher Wright ;
9. Ambrose Rookwood ; 10. Robert Keyes ; 11. John Grant ; 12.
Thomas Bates, Catesby's man ; 13. Guido Faux [Guy Fawkes].
Twelve, beside their foreman. But, how '■'• honest and true,"" let
their ensuing action declare. Surely, all of resolute spirits, most of
ancient families, some of plentiful fortunes, and Percy, though weak
in purse himself, pretended to command the wealthiest coffers of
another.
But, a treason without a Jesuit or one of Jesuitical principles
therein is like a dry wall without either lime or mortar. Gerrard
must be the cement, with the sacrament of secrecy, to join them
together. Garnet and Tismond (whelps of the same litter) com-
mended and encouraged the design. But here an important scruple
was injected, — How to part their friends from their foes in the
parliament, they having many in the House, of alliance, yea, of the
same (in conscience a nearer kindred) religion with themselves. To
slay the righteous with the wdcked, be it far from God, Gen. xviii. 25,
and all good men. And yet, as such an unpartial destruction was
uncharitable ; so an exact separation seemed as impossible. Here
Garnet, instead of untying, cut this knot asunder with this his sharp
decision : " That, in such a case as this, it was lawful to kill friend
• PiTZ.Ei's Dp ilhtstrilmx Angli<£ Srriptorihus, page 804.
4 JAMES I. BOOK X. CKNT. XVII. 213
and foe together."' Indeed, the good husbandman in the Gospel
permitted the tares to grow for the corn's sake, Matt. xiii. 29 ;
whereas here, by the contrary counsel of the Jesuit, the corn (so
they reputed it) was to be rooted up for the tares' sake.
This scruple in conscience thus satisfied by Garnet, two other
difficulties in point of performance presented themselves. For,
Charles, duke of York, probably by reason of his minority, would
not be present, and the lady Elizabeth would certainly be absent
from the Parliament-house. How then should these two (the next
heirs to the crown) be compassed within their power ? But for the
first, Percy proffered his service, promising to possess himself, by a
fraudulent force, of the person of the duke. Catesby undertook
the other difficulty, under a pretended hunting-match, (advantaged
thereunto by the vicinity of Ashby to the lord Harrington's, where
the princess had her education,) to train her into their command.
All rubs thus removed, their way was made as smooth as glass, —
and as slippery too, as by the sequel may appear.
But first be it remembered, that, though these plotters intended
at last with honour to own the action, when success had made all
things secure ; yet they purposed, when the blow was first given,
and whilst the act was certain, but the success thereof doubtful, to
father the fact on the Puritans. They thought their backs were
broad enough to bear both the sin and shame ; and that this saddle,
for the present, would finely fit their backs, Avhose discontent, as
these plotters would pretend, unable otherwise to achieve their
desired alteration in church-government, had, by this damnable
treason, effected the same. By transferring the fact on the then
most innocent Puritans, they hoped, not only to decline the odium
of so hellish a design, but also, by the strangeness of the act and
unsuspectedness of the actors, to amuse all men, and beget an uni-
versal distrust, that every man would grow jealous of himself. And
whilst such amazement tied, in a manner, all men's hands behind
them, these plotters promised themselves the working-out their own
ends, part by their home-strength, and the rest by calling in the
assistance of foreign princes.
They fall a-working in the vault. Dark the place, in the depth
of the earth ; dark the time, in the dead of the night ; dark the
design, all the actors therein concealed by oath from others, and
thereby combined amongst themselves. O ! how easy is any work,
when high merit is conceived the wages thereof ! In piercing
through the wall nine feet thick, they erroneously conceived that
they thereby hewed forth their own way to heaven.* But they
digged more with their silver in an hour, than with their iron in
* Si'EED's *' Cbronicle '' in king James.
214 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1G05.
many days ; namely, when discovering a cellar hard by, they hired
the same, and these pioneers saved much of their pains by the
advantage thereof. And now all things were carried so secretly, no
possibility of any detection, seeing the actors themselves had
solemnly sworn that they would not — and all others might as safely
swear they could not — make any discovery thereof.
But so it fell out, that the sitting of the parliament was put off
from time to time ; namely, from the seventh of February,
(whereon it was first appointed to meet,) it was adjourned till the
fifth of October, and afterward from the fifth of October, put off
till the fifth of November ; and accordingly their working in the
vault, which attended the motion of the parliament, had several
distinct intermissions, and resumptions thereof; as if Divine
Providence had given warning to these traitors, by the slow pro-
ceeding and oft adjourning of the parliament, mean time seriously
to consider what they went about, and seasonably to desist from so
damnable a design, as suspicious at^last it would be ruined which so
long had been retarded. But no taking-oflp their wheels will stay
those chariots from drowning which God hath decreed shall be
swallowed in the Red Sea, Exodus xiv. 25.
" Behold ! here is fire and wood ; but where is the lamb for the
burnt-offering ? '''' Alas ! a whole flock of lambs were not far off,
all appointed to the slaughter. The king, prince Henry, peers,
bishops, judges, knights, and burgesses, all designed to destruction.
*' Let me smite him," said Abishai of Saul, " even at once, and I
will not smite him the second time," 1 Sam. xxvi. 8. So here, a
blow so sound, secret, and sudden, was intended it would not need
iteration : Once and ever, the first act would finish all in an instant.
But, thanks be to God, nothing was blown up but the treason, or
brought to execution but the traitors.
31 — 34. The apish Behaviour of Keyes. The mystical Letter.
The first Seai^ch proves ineffectual. The second Search
discovers all.
Indeed, some few days before the fatal stroke should be given.
Master Keyes, being at Tichmarsh in Northamptonshire, at the
house of Master Gilbert Pickering, his brother-in-law, (but of a
different religion, as a true protestant,) suddenly whipped-out his
sword, and in merriment made many offers therewith at the heads,
necks, and sides of many gentlemen and gentlewomen tlien in his
company. This then was taken as a mere frolic, and for the present
passed accordingly ; but afterwards, when the treason was dis-
covered, such as remembered his gestures thought thereby he did act
what he intended to do if the plot had taken effect ; hack and hew.
4 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 215
kill and slay, all eminent persons of a different religion from
themselves.
" Curse not the king, no, not in thy thought ; for a bird of the
air shall carry the voice, "" Eccles. x. 20 ; as here such a discovery
was made. With a pen, fetched from the feather of a fowl, a letter
was written to the lord Mounteagle, in manner following : —
" My Lord,
" Out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care
of your preservation ; therefore, I would advise you, as you tender
your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this
Parliament. For, God and man have concurred to punish the
wickedness of this time. And think not slightly of this advertise-
ment, but retire yourself into your country, where you may expect
the event in safety. For, though there be no appearance of any
stir, yet, I say, they shall receive a terrible blow this Parliament,
and yet they shall not see who hurts them. This counsel is not to
be contemned, because it may do you good, and can do you no
harm ; for the danger is past so soon as you have burned the letter.
And I hope God will give you the grace to make good use of it ;
to whose holy protection I commend you."*"*
A strange letter, from a strange hand, by a strange messenger ;
without date to it, name at it, and (I had almost said) sense in it :
a letter, which, even when it was opened, was still sealed, such the
affected obscurity therein.
The lord Mounteagle, as loyalty advised him, communicates the
letter to the earl of Salisbury, he to the king. His majesty, on the
second perusal, expounded the mystical "blow" meant therein
must be by gunpowder ; and gives order for searching the rooms
under the Parliament-house, under pretence to look for lost hang-
ings, which were conveyed away. The first search, about evening,
discovered nothing but Percy's cellar, full of wood, and Johnson his
man (under that name was Faux disguised) attending therein.
However, the name of Percy and sight of Faux so quickened the
jealousy of the lord Mounteagle, that this first slight search led to a
second scrutiny, more strictly and secretly performed.
This was made at midnight by Sir Thomas Knevet, gentleman of
his majesty's privy chamber, and others, into the vault under the
Parliament-house. There " the mystery of iniquity" was quickly
discovered ; a pile of fuel, faced over with billets, lined under with
thirty-six ban-els of powder, beside iron bars, to make the force of
the fire more effectual. Guido Faux was apprehended in the out-
ward room, with a dark lantern in his hand, (the lively emblem of
216 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1605.
their design, whose dark side was turned to man, whilst the light
part was exposed to God,) and three matches, ready to give fire to
the train. This caitiff professed himself only grieved that he was
not in the inner room, to blow himself and them all up together ;
affirming moreover, that, not God, but the devil made the discovery
of the plot.
35 — 38. The Traitors jly^ and are taken. Cateshy and Percy
fight desperately for their Lives. The Lord is just. The
Rest are legally eocecuted.
Mean time, Catesby, Percy, Rookwood, both the Wrights, and
Thomas Winter, were hovering about London, to attend the issue
of the matter. Having sate so long abrood and hatching nothing,
they began to suspect all their eggs had proved addle. Yet,
betwixt hope and fear, they and their servants post down into the
country, through Warwick and Worcester into StaiFordshire. Of
traitors they turn felons, breaking up stables, and stealing horses as
they went. But many of their own men, by a far more lawful
felony, stole away from their masters, leaving them to shift for
themselves. The neighbouring counties, and their own consciences,
rise up against these riotous roisters, as yet unknown for traitors.
At last Sir Richard Walsh, High Sheriff of Worcestershire, over-
took them at Holbeck in Staffordshire, at the house of Mr. Stephen
Littleton ; where, upon their resistance, the two Wrights were
killed, Rookwood and Thomas Winter shrewdly wounded.
As for Percy and Catesby, they fought desperately for their lives,
as knowing, no quarter but quartering would be given unto them ;
and, as if they scorned to turn their backs to any but themselves,
setting back to back, they fought against all that assaulted them.
Many swords were drawn upon them, but gunpowder must do the
deed, which discharged that bullet which dispatched them both.
Never were two bad men's deaths more generally lamented of all
good men ; only on this account, — that they lived no longer, to be
forced to a farther discovery of their secret associates.
It must not be forgotten, how, some hours before their appre-
hension, as these plotters were drying dank gunpowder in an inn, a
miller, casually coming in, (haply not heeding the black meal on the
hearth,) by careless casting-on of a billet, fired the gunpowder.
Up flies the chimney, with part of the house: all therein are
frighted, most hurt ; but especially Catesby and Rookwood had
their faces soundly scorched, so bearing in their bodies, not
o-TjyjOtaTce, " the marks of our Lord Jesus Christ,'"' Gal. vi. 17, but
the print of their own impieties. Well might they guess, how good
that their cup of cruelty was, whose dregs they meant others should
5 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 217
drink, by this little sip which they themselves had unwillingly
tasted thereof.
The rest were all at London solemnly arraigned, convicted, con-
demned. So foul the fact, so fair the proof, they could say nothing
for themselves. Master Tresham dying in the prison, prevented a
more ignominious end.
1. Sir Everard Digby, Robert Winter, Grant and Bates, were
hanged, drawn, and quartered, at the west end of St. Paul's,
January 30th. Three of them, but especially Sir Everard Digby,
died very penitently and devoutly ; only Grant expressed most
obstinacy at his end.
2. Thomas Winter, Ambrose Rookwood, Keyes, and Faux were
executed, as the former, in the Parliament-yard in Westminster,
January :31st. Keyes followed Grant in his obstinacy, and Faux
showed more penitency than all the rest.*
3. Garnet, Provincial of the English Jesuits, was arraigned
some weeks after, by four several names,-]- and executed on the
Saturday ; which he said was called institutio crucis ; of whom
largely in the next year.
They all craved testimony, that they died Roman catholics. My
pen shall grant them this their last and so equal petition, and bears
witness to all whom it may concern, that they lived and died in
the Romish religion. And although the heinousness of their
offence might, with some colour of justice, have angered severity
into cruelty against them ; yet so favourably were they proceeded
with, that most of their sons or heirs, except since disinherited by
their own prodigality, at this day enjoy their paternal possessions.
39 — 41 . The Presumption of a posthume Report justly censured.
The Memory of this Treason perpetuated hij Act of Par-
liament. Just Complaint that the Day is no better observed.
Heaven having thus defeated hell of its desired success, earth
since hath endeavoured to defraud heaven of its deserved praise. A
posthume report is brought forth into the world, (nursed as it is fit,
by the mothers thereof,) that king James was privy to this plot all
along ; and that his observing ran parallel with the traitors' acting
therein, so that he could discover it when he pleased, but was not
pleased to discover it until the eve of the fifth of November : a fancy
inconsistent with that ordinary piety which all charitable men must
allow king James as a Christian, and with that extraordinary policy
which his adversaries admire in him as a statesman. Was it pro-
bable, that he would tempt God so profanely, as solemnly to thank
him for revealing that to him which he knew before.? Would king
* Stow's " Chronicle," page 882. t If>id. page 883.
218 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1605.
JaQies's wisdom (not to say, his wariness, not to say, his fearful-
ness) dally so long with destruction, as to put it off to the last hour,
•when, U710 actu^ tactu; ictu^ nictii, all might have been confounded?
Was it not hard for him to equivocate before such a master of equi-
vocation as Garnet the Jesuit was ? who, certainly, if he had smelt
any juggling of king James therein, would, no doubt, have pro-
claimed it to all the world at his execution. I deny not, but that
the king, both by intelligence from foreign parts, and secret infor-
mation from those secular priests tliat bishop Bancroft secretly kept
in his house, was advertised in general of some great plot which the
Jesuited papists were hatching against the ensuing parliament : but,
for the particulars, that riddling letter brought him the first notice
thereof, whatsoever is fancied to the contrary. But, if wild con-
jectures in such cases from obscure authors shall be permitted to
justle for credit against received records, all former unquestionable
history wdll be quickly reduced to an universal uncertainty. But
there is a generation of people, who, to enhance the reputation of
their knowledge, seem not only, like moths, to have lurked under
the carpets of the council-table, but, even like fleas, to have leaped
into the pillows of princes' bed-chambers ; thence deriving their pri-
vate knowledge of all things, which were, or were not, ever done or
thought of. In defiance of whom I add, " Give unto Caesar the
things that are Csssar's, and unto God the things that are God's."**
Let king James, by reading the letter, have the credit of discovering
this plot to the world, and God the glory for discovering it unto
king James.
A learned author,* making mention of this treason, breaketh forth
into the following rapture : —
Excidat ilia dies avo, ne postera credant
Secula y nos cert^ taceamus, et obruta viultd
Node tcgi propricB patiamur crimina gentis.
" O ! let tliat day be quite dash'd out of time,
And not believed by the next generation ;
In nigbt of silence we '11 conceal the crime,
Thereby to save the credit of onr nation."
A. wish, which, in my opinion, hath more of poetry than of piety
therein, and from which I must be forced to dissent. For, I con-
ceive not the credit of our countrymen concerned in this plot ; not
beholding this as a national act, whose actors were but a party of a
party, — a desperate handful of discontented persons of the papistical
faction. May the day indeed be ever forgotten as to the point of
imitation, but be ever remembered to the detestation thereof! May
it be solemnly transmitted to all posterity, that they may know how
t C-amden's Britannia in Middlesex.
4 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 219
bad man can be to destroy, and how good God hath been to deliver !
that especially we Englishmen may take notice, how woful we might
have been, how happy we are, and how thankful we ought to be. In
order whereunto the parliament (first moved therein by Sir Edward
Mountague, afterward baron of Boughton) enacted an annual and
constant memorial of that day to be observed.
Certainly, if this plot had taken effect, the papists would have
celebrated this day with all solemnity, and it should have taken the
upper hand of all other festivals. The more therefore the shame
and pity, that, amongst protestants, the keeping of this day, not as
yet full fifty years old, begins already to wax weak and decay. So
that the red letters, wherein it is written, seem daily to grow dimmer
and paler in our English Calendar. God forbid, that our thankful-
ness for this great deliverance, formerly so solemnly observed, should
hereafter be like the squibs which the apprentices in London make
on this day ; and which give a great flash and crack at the first, but
soon after go out in a stink.
42, 43. The Death of Archbishop Hutton. A foul Mistake
rectified.
Matthew Hutton, archbishop of York, ended his religious life;
descended from an ancient family of Hutton Hall, as I take it, in
Lancashire; Fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge, to the
enlarging whereof he gave a hundred ,marks ; afterwards Master of
Pembroke Hall, and Margaret Professor ; then bishop of Durham,
and archbishop of York. One of the last times that ever he
preached in his cathedral was on this occasion : The catholics in
Yorkshire were commanded by the queen's authority to be present
at three sermons; and at the two first behaved themselves so obstre-
perously, that some of them were forced to be gagged before they
would be quiet. The archbishop preached the last sermon most
gravely and solidly, taking for his text, " He that is of God heareth
God's words : ye therefore hear them not, because ye are not of
God,'' John viii. 47.
Here I must clear the memory of this worthy prelate from a mis-
take committed, surely not wilfully, but through false intelligence,
by a pen,* otherwise more ingenuous, and professing respect to him,
and some familiarity with him : —
" This archbishop's eldest son is a knight, lately sheriff of York-
shire, and of good reputation. One other son he had, Luke Hutton
by name, so valiant that he feared not men, nor laws ; and, for a
robbery done on St. Luke's day, for name's sake, he died as sad a
death (though I hope with a better mind) as the thief of whom St.
• Sir John Harrington in his additional to bishop Godwin, page 192.
220 CHUllCH HISTOllY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1606.
Luke writes. The arclibishop herein showed that constancy and
severity worthy of his place ; for he would not endeavour to save
him, as the world thought he easily iuight."'''
The Truth. — This worthy prelate had but three sons : 1. Mark,
who died young. 2. Sir Timothy Hutton, knighted anno 1605, and
sheriff of Yorkshire. 3. Sir Thomas Hutton, knight, who lived and
died also respected in his own country. As for this Luke Hutton,
he was not his, but son to Dr. Hutton, prebendary of Durham.
This archbishop was a learned man, excepted even by a Jesuit,
(who wrote in disgrace of the English as neglecting the reading of
Fathers,) and another Matthew more, qui unus in paiicis versari
patres dicitur. He founded a hospital in the north, and endowed
it wdth the yearly revenue of thirty-five pounds.
44. The Death of the Bishops of Rochester and Chichester.
Two other bishops this year also ended their lives. In March,
John Young,* doctor in divinity, once master of Pembroke Hall in
Cambridge, bishop of Rochester, in which see he sat above twenty-
seven years. And Anthony Watson, fellow of Christ's College, in
Cambridge ; first dean of Bristol, and afterwards bishop of Chichester ;
whom queen Elizabeth made her almoner; namely, after bishop
Fletcher, at whose indiscreet second man*iage the queen took distaste.
Bishop Watson died in September, and always led a single life.
45 — 50. Garnefs Education and early Viciousness canvassed
in the Tower by the Protestant Divines. Confession only of
Ante-facts. Earl of Salisbiirifs Question answered. Garnefs
Arraignment and Condemnation. Popish false Relations
disproved. A.D. 1606.
Father Henry Garnet was now most solemnly and ceremoniously
brought to the scaffold ; who, because he is cried up by the papists
for so precious a piece of piety, we will be the larger in the delivery
of his true character. For, although we will not cast dirt on the
foulest face, it is fit we should wash off the paint of counterfeit
holiness from the hypocritical pretenders thereunto. Bred he was in
Winchester school ; where, with some other scholars, he conspired
to cut off his schoolmaster's, Bilson's, right hand, -|- (early his enmity
against authority retrenching his riot,) but that his design was dis-
covered. Being prepositor of the school, (whose frown or favour
was considerable to those under his inspection,) he sodomitically
abused five or six of the handsomest youths therein. J Hereupon
his schoolmaster advised him, yea, he advised himself rather silently
• See Bishop Godwin in his " Catalogue." t Attested by bishop Bilson of
Winchester, alive at Garnet's death, and many years after. { Robert Abbot in
his yJntilof/i(i, Epistle to the Reader.
5 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVTT. 221
to slink away, than to stand candidate for a repulse in liis preferment
to New College. Over he fled to Rome ; where, after some years,
he so improved himself, that, from a prepositor over boys, he was
m.ade Provincial over men, even the whole Order of English Jesuits.
Hence he returned into England, and was not only privy to, but
a principal plotter of, the gunpowder- treason. Being attached, and
imprisoned in the Tower, the earl of Salisbury, and Dr. Overal, dean
of St. Paul's, with other divines, repaired unto him, charging it on
his conscience for not revealing so dangerous a conspiracy. Garnet
pleaded for himself, that it was concredited unto him under the
solemn seal of confession ; the violation whereof he accounted the
highest impiety. This they disproved ; because he had discoursed
thereof, frequently and publicly, with Catesby, Gerrard, and Green-
wood,— circumstances inconsistent with the essential secrecy of confes-
sion. Garnet sought to salve himself with a fine distinction, so fine
that it brake to pieces in the spinning, — that it was told him in via
ad confessionem^ " in order to confession ; "" which, though wanting
some formalities thereof, did equally oblige his conscience to
conceal it.
Dean Overal rejoined, that confession was of ante-facts^ not
post-facts ; and that it' is not confession^ but menacing^ to impart to a
priest intended villanies. He farther urged, that their most conscien-
tious casuists allowed, yea, enjoined priests'* discovery in such case,
when a greater good accrued by revealing than concealing such
secrecies. " I was minded," quoth Garnet, " to discover the plot,
but not the persons therein."
Here the earl of Salisbury interposed : " And who," said he, " hin-
dered you from discovering the plot." " Even you yourself,"
answered Garnet ; *' for I knew full well, should I have revealed the
plot, and not plotters, you would have racked this poor body of mine
to pieces, to make me confess." And, now we have mentioned the
rack, know, that never any rack was used on Garnet, except a wit-rack,
wherewith he was worsted, and this cunning archer outshot in his own
bow. For being in prison with father Oldcorne, alias Hall, his
confessor, they were put into an equivocating room, as I may term
it, which pretended nothing but privacy, yet had a reservation of
some invisible persons within it, ear-witnesses to all the passages
betwixt them, whereby many secrecies of Garnet''s were discovered.*
In Guildhall he was arraigned before the lord mayor, and the
lords of the Privy Council ; Sir Baptist Hicks, afterwards viscount
Camden, being foreman of the jury, consisting of knights, esquires,
and the most substantial citizens, whose integrities and abilities were
above exception. I see, therefore, no cause why the defender of
• Abbot in A)itUogia, cap. i. fol. 5.
222 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1607-
Garnet, after his death, accuseth those men as incompetent or
improper for their place, as if he would have had him tiled per pa7^es,
by a jury of Jesuits, (and would he have them all Provincials too ?)
which I believe, though summoned, would unwillingly have appeared
in that place. Garnet, pleading little against pregnant proofs, was
condemned, and some days after, (May ord,) publicly executed in
St. Paul's church-yard.
The secretary of the Spanish ambassador, (for we charitably
believe his master honester and wiser,) writing into Spain and Italy
what here he took upon hearsay, filled foreign countries with many
falsehoods concerning Garnet's death.
A3 NAMELY, WHEREAS,
1. That he manifested much 1. He betrayed much servile
alacrity of mind, in the cheerful- fear and consternation of spirit,
ness of his looks at his death. much beneath the erected resolu-
tion of a martyr.
2. His zealous and fervent 2. Plis prayers were faint, cold,
prayers much moved the people, and perplexed, oft interrupted
with his listening to and answer-
ing of others.
3. The people hindered the 3. That favour, by special
hangman from cutting the rope, order from his majesty, was mer-
quartering him while alive. cifully indulged unto him.
4. The people so clawed the 4. No violence was done unto
executioner, that he hardly es- him, able many years after to
caped with life. give a cast of his office, if need
required.
5. When he held up Garnet's 5. Acclamations in that kind
head to the people, there was a were as loud and general, as
panic silence, none saying, " God heretofore on the same occasion,
save the king."
Thus suffered father Garnet; after whose death some subtle
persons have impudently broached, and other silly people senselessly
believed, a certam miracle of his working, which we here relate as we
find it reported : —
51 55. The solemn Tale ofGarnefs Straw-Miracle. Garnefs
Picture appears in a Straw. This Miracle not presently
done ; not perfectly done. Garnefs Beatification occa-
sioned by this mock Miracle. A. D. I6O7.
John Wilkinson, a thorough-paced catholic, living at St. Omers,
posted over into England, as having a great desire to get and keep
some of Garnet's relics. Great was his diligence in coming early
5 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 223
before others to the place of his execution, which advantaged him
near to Garnet's person ; and greater his patience in staying till all
was ended, and the rest of the people departed : when, behold, a
straw, besprinkled with some drops of his blood, and having an ear of
corn at the end thereof, leaped up on this Wilkinson, not taking the
rise of its leap from the ground, he was sure ; but whether from the
scaffold, or from the basket wherein Garnet's head was, he was
uncertain.* Was not this Wilkinson made of jet, that he drew this
straw so wonderfully unto him ? Well, however it came to pass,
joyfully he departs with this treasure, and deposits the same with the
wife of Hugh Griffith, a tailor, a zealot of his own religion, who
provided a crystal case for tlie more chary keeping thereof.
Some weeks after, upon serious inspection of this strj^w, the face
of a man (and we must believe it was Garnet's) was perceived
therein, appearing on the outside of a leaf, which covered a grain
within it, and where the convexity thereof represented the pro-'
minency of the face with good advantage. Wilkinson, Hugh
Griffith, and his wife, Thomas Laithwaite, and others, beheld the
same ; though there be some difference in their depositions, whose
eyes had the first happiness to discover this portraiture. Soon after,
all England was belittered with the news of this straw, and catholics
cried it up for no less than a miracle.
There are two infallible touchstones of a true miracle, which always
is done euSfcof, "presently," and rsXe/o;^, "perfectly." Neither of
these on examination appeared here. For when this straw salient
leaped first up into Wilkinson's lap, it is to be presumed, that he,
having it so long in his possession, critically surveyed the same, the
volume whereof might quickly be perused ; and yet then no such
effigiation was therein discovered, which, some nineteen weeks after,
became visible, about the nineteenth of September following.
Surely, had this pregnant straw gone out its full time of forty
weeks, it would have been delivered of a perfect picture indeed ;
whereas now, miscarrying before that time, wonder not if all things
were not so complete therein.
For the face therein was not so exact, as which might justly
entitle heaven to the workmanship thereof. Say not, " It was done
in too small a scantling to be accurate ; " for Deus est maximus in
minimis^ " God's exquisiteness appears the most in models,*"
Exodus viii. 18. Whereas, when witnesses were examined about
this mock miracle before the archbishop of Canterbury, Francis
Bowen deposed, that he believed that a good artisan might have
drawn one more curiously; and Hugh Griffith himself attested, that
* Abbot, lib. ut prius, cap. xiv. fol. 198 ; out of whom, for the mitin, all this story
is taken, with the confutation thereof.
224 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1607-
it was no more like Garnet, than to any other man who had a
beard ; and that it was so small, none could affirm it to resemble
him ; adding moreover, that there was no glory or streaming rays
about it, which some did imprudently report.
However, this inspirited straw was afterward copied out, and at
Rome printed in pomp, with many superstitious compartments
about it, (as a coronet, a cross, and nails,) more than ever were in
the original. Yea, this miracle, how silly and simple soever, gave
the ground- work to Garnet's beatification by the pope some months
after. Indeed, Garnet complained before his death, that he could
not expect that the church should own him for a martyr ; and sig-
nified the same in his letter to his dear mistress Anne, (but for her
surname call her Garnet, or Vaux, as you please,) because nothing
of religion, and only practices against the state, were laid to his
charge. It Seemed good therefore to his Holiness, not to canonize
Garnet for a solemn saint, much less for a martyr, but only to
beatificate him, which, if I mistake not, in their heavenly heraldry
is by papists accounted the least and lowest degree of celestial dig-
nity, and yet a step above the commonalty, or ordinary sort of such
good men as are saved. This he did to qualify the infamy of
Garnet's death, and that the perfume of this new title might out-
scent the stench of his treason. But we leave this Garnet (loath
longer to disturb his blessedness) in his own place, and proceed to
such church-matters as were transacted in this present parliament.
56. Acts against Papists in Parliament, but principally the
Oath of Obedience.
Evil manners prove often, though against their will, the parents of
good laws ; as here it came to pass. The parliament, begun and
holden at Westminster, November 5th, and there continued till
May 27th following, enacted many things for the discovering and
repressing of popish recusants, extant at large in the printed
Statutes. Whereof none was more effectual, than that oath of
obedience which every catholic was commanded to take, the form
whereof is here inserted ; the rather, because this oath may be
termed, like two of Isaac's wells, ^^'^Zc and Sit/iah, "contention'"*
and "hatred," Genesis xxvi. 20, 21 ; the subject of a tough con-
troversy betwixt us and Rome, about the legal urging and taking
thereof;- protestants no less learnedly asserting than papists did
zealously oppose the same. The form of which oath is as fol-
loweth : —
" I, A. B. do truly and sincerely acknowledge, profess, testify,
and declare in my conscience before God and the world, that our
sovereign lord king James is lawful and rightful king of this realm,
•^ JAMES I. BOOK X. CE^^T. XVII. 22o
and of all other his majesty's dominions and countries ; and that
the pope, neither of himself, nor by any authority of the church or
see of Rome, or by any other means with any other, hath any
power or authority to depose the king, or to dispose any of his
majesty's kingdoms or dominions, or to authorize any foreign prince
to invade or annoy him or his countries, or to discharge any of his
subjects of their allegiance and obedience to his majesty, or to give
licence or leave to any of them to bear arms, raise tumult, or to
offer any violence or hurt to his majesty's royal person, state, or
government, or to any of his majesty's subjects within his majesty's
dominions.
"Also I do swear from my heart, that, notwithstanding any
declaration or sentence of excommunication or deprivation, made or
granted, or to be made or granted, by the pope or his successors, or
by any authority derived or pretended to be derived from him or
his see, against the said king, his heirs, or successors, or any absolu-
tion of the said subjects from their obedience ; I will bear faith and
true allegiance to his majesty, his heirs and successors, and him and
them will defend to the uttermost of my power, against all con-
spiracies and attempts whatsoever, which shall be made against his
or their persons, their crown, and dignity, by reason or colour of
any such sentence or declaration, or otherwise; and will do my best
endeavour to disclose and make known unto his majesty, his heirs,
and successors, all treasons, and traitorous conspiracies, which I
shall know, or hear of, to be against him, or any of them.
" And I do farther swear, that I do from my heart nbhor, detest,
and abjure, as impious and heretical, this damnable doctrine and
position, that princes, which be excommunicated or deprived by the
pope, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or any other
whatsoever.
" And I do believe, and in conscience am resolved, that neither
the pope nor any person whatsoever hath power to absolve me of
this oath, or any part thereof; which I acknowledge by good and
full authority to be lawfully ministered unto me, and do renounce
all pardons and dispensations to the contrary. And all these things
I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear, according to-
these express words, by me spoken, and according to the plain and
common sense, and understanding of the same words, without any
equivocation or mental evasion or secret reservation whatsoever.
And I do make this recognition and acknowledgment heartily,
willingly, and truly, upon the true faith of a Christian. So help
ME God ! "
This oath was devised to discriminate the pernicious from the
peaceable papists. " Sure bind, sure find." And the makers of
Vol. hi. q
226 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1607.
this "were necessitated to be larger therein, because it is hard to
strangle equivocation ; >vhich, if unable by might to break — will
endeavour by sleight to slip — the halter.
57. The Pope's two Briefs agaiiist this Oath,
No sooner did the news thereof arrive at the ears of his Holiness,
but presently he dispatcheth his brief into England, prohibiting all
catholics to take this oath, so destructive to their own souls and the
see of Rome ; exhorting them patiently to suffer persecution, and
manfully to endure martyrdom.* And, because report was raised,
that the pope wrote this brief "not of his own accord, and proper
will, but rather for the respect, and at the instigation of others ; ""
next year he sent a second to give faith and confirmation to the
former. -[- Notwithstanding all w^iich, this oath, being tendered to,
was generally taken by catholics, without any scruple or regret.
And particularly, George Blackwell, arch-priest of the English,
being apprehended and cast into prison, by taking this oath wrought
his own enlargement ; which made cardinal Bellarmine, some forty
years ago acquainted with him, in his letters kindly to reprove him
for the same. J
58. Pens tilting at Pens about the Lawfulness of this Oath.
And now, the alarm being given, " whether this oath was lawful
or no,*" both parties of protestants and papists drew forth their
forces into the field. King James undertook the pope himself; the
wearer of three, against the w^earer of a triple crown, (an even
match,) effectually confuting his briefs. Bishop Andrews takes
Bellarmine to task ; bishop Barlow pours out upon Parsons ; Dr.
Morton, Dr. Robert Abbot, Dr. Buckeridge, Dr. Collins, Dr.
Burrel, Mr. Thomson, Dr. Peter Moulin, maintain the legality of
the oath, against Suarez, Eudsemon, Becanus, Cofteteus, [Coef-
fetau,] Peleterius, and others ; to whose worthy works the reader is
referred for his farther satisfaction. I may call at — not go into —
these controversies, lest, by staying so long, I be benighted in my
way ; the rather, because the nearer we approach our home, the
■ longer the miles grow ; I mean, matter multiplieth toward the con-
clusion of our work. And now it is not worth the while to go into
the contemporary Convocation, where we meet with nothing but
formality and continuations.
* See King James's Works, page 250. t Extant, ibid, page 258. 1 Extant,
ihid. page 206.
5 JAMES r. ROOK X. v ENT- XVI F. 227
SECTION IIL
THOM^ DACRES, DE CHESHUNT, ARMIGERO.
AuDiSTi saepius de rotunda tabula, quam Wintonia
jactitat : banc regem Arthurum instituisse ferunt ; ne
inter milites ejus discumbentes aliquid discordiae ob
^fcoToxahdpUv oriretur.
Nosti quales oUm libri fuerunt cum in gyrum rota-
rentur. Hinc adbuc inter Latinos volumen a volvendo
obtinet. Nihil igitur interest quo ordine patroni mei
collocentur, cum in circulari forma inter primum et
imum nihil sit discriminis.
Sed quorsiim haec ? Cum genus tuum, licet splen-
didum, (tanta est comitas quae te illustrem reddidit,)
non fastuose consulas. Tibi omnia prospera. Vale.
1. The Names, Places, and several Emplo?/ments of the
Translators of the Bible.
We may remember, that one of the best things produced by
Hampton-Court Conference was a resolution in his majesty for a
new translation of the Bible. Which religious design was now
effectually prosecuted ; and the translators, being seven-and -forty
in number digested into six companies, and several books assigned
them, in order as folio we th, according unto the several places
wherein they were to meet, confer, and consult together ; so that
nothing should pass without a general consent.
Westminster, Ten. — Dr. Andrews, Fellow and Master of
Pembroke Hall in Cambridge, then Dean of Westminster, after
Bishop of Winchester : Dr. Overai, Fellow of Trinity College,
Master of Catherine Hall in Cambridge, then Dean of St. PauFs,
after Bishop of Norwich : Dr. Sara via : Dr. Clarke, Fellow of
Christ College in Cambridge, Preacher in Canterbury : Dr. Laifield,
Fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge, Parson of St. Clement-
Danes ; being skilled in architecture, his judgment was much relied
on for the fabric of the tabernacle and temple : Dr. Leigh, arch-
deacon of Middlesex, Parson of Allhallows-Barking : Mr. Burgley :
Mr. King : Mr. Thompson : Mr. Bedwell of Cambridge, and, I
think, of St. John's, Vicar of Tottenham nigh London. — The Pen-
tateuch; the story from Joshua to the first book of the Chronicles,
excluswely.
q2
22^ CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIK. A. D. 1607^.
Cambridge, Eiaht. — Mr. Lively : Mr. Richardson, Fello^v of
Emmanuel, after D. D. ^Master first of Peter-house, then of Trinity
College : Mr. Chaderton, after D. D. Fellow first of Christ College,
the Master of Emmanuel : Mr. Dillingham, Fell aw af Cln-ist Col-
lege, beneficed at in Bedfordshire, where he died a single and a
"wealthy man : Mr, Andrews, after D.D. brother to the Bishop of
"Winchester, and Master of Jesus College : Mr. Harrison, the
reverend Vice-Master of Trinity College : Mr. Spalding, Fellow of
St. John's in Cambridge, and Hebrew Professor therein :* Mi*.
Bing, Fellow of Peter-House in Cambridge, and Hebrew Professor
therein. — From the first of the Chronicles^ icith the rest of the story j
and the Hagiographa ; nam^hf^ Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Canticlesy
Ecdesiastes.
Oxford, Seven. — Dr. Harding, President of Magdalen College r-
Dr. Reynolds, President of Corpus-Christi College : Dr. Holland^
Rector of Exeter College, and King''s Professor : Dr. Kilby, Rector
of Lincoln College, and Regius Professor : Mr. Smith, after D. D.
and Bishop of Gloucester. He made the learned and religious
preface to the translation : Mr. Brett, of a worshipful family, bene-
ficed at Quainton in Buckinghamshire : Mr. Faireclowe. — The four
greater Prophets, with the Lamentations, and the twelve lesser
Prophets.
Cambridge, Seven. — Dr. Duport, Prebend of Ely, and Master
of Jesus College : Dr. Brainthwait, first Fellow of Emmanuel, then
JSIaster of Gonvile and Caius College : Dr. Radcliffe, one of the
senior Fellows of Trinity College : Mr. Ward, Emmanuel, after
D. D. Master of Sidney College, and Margaret Professor : Mr.
Downes, Fellow of St. John's College, and Greek Professor: Mr,
Boyse, Fellow of St. John's College, Prebend of Ely, Parson of
Boxworth in Cambridgeshire ; Mr. AV^ard, Reg-al, after D.D. Pre-
bend of Chichester, Rector of Bishop- Waltham in Hampshire. —
The Prayer of Manasseh, and the rest of the Ap'rocrypha.
Oxford, Eight. — Dr. Ravis, Dean of Christ Church, after-
wards Bishop of London : Dr. Abbot, Master of University Col-
lege, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury : Dr. Eedes r Mr,
Thompson : Mr. Savill : Dr. Peryn : Dr. Ravens : Mr. Harmer. —
The four Gospels, Acts of the Apostles, Apocalypse.
^yESTMl^'STER, Seveii. — Dr. Barlow, of Trinity Hall in
Cambridge, Dean of Chester, after Bishop of Lincoln : Dr.
Hutchenson : Dr. Spencer : Mr. Fenton : Mr. Rabbet : Mr,
Sanderson : Mr. Dakins. — The Epistles of St. Paul, the Canonical
Epistles.
• See our catalogne of flie Hebrew professors in Cambridge to marslial tlieir snc-
ee«3ion.
5 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVIT. 229
2. The King's Instructions to the Translators.
Now, for the better ordering of their proceedings, his majesty
recommended the following rules by them to be most carefully
observed : —
1. The ordinary Bible read in the church, commonly called the
Bishops' Bible, to be followed, and as little altered as the original
will permit.
2. The names of the prophets, and the holy writers, with the
other names in the text, to be retained as near as may be, accord-
ingly as they are vulgarly used.
3. The old ecclesiastical words to be kept, namely, as the word.
"" church '"* not to be translated congregation^ &c.
4. When any word hath divers significations, that to be kept
which hath been most commonly used, by the most eminent
FathcTs, being agreeable to the propriety of the place, and the
analogy of faith.
5. The division of the chapters to be altered either not at all,
or as little as may be, if necessity so require.
6. No marginal notes at all to be affixed, but only for the expla-
nation of the Hebrew or Greek words, which cannot without some
circumlocution so briefly and fitly be expressed in the text.
7. Such quotations of places to be marginally set down, as shall
serve for the fit reference of one Scripture to another.
8. Every particular man of each company to take the same chapter
or chapters ; and, having translated, or amended them severally by
himself where he thinks good, all to meet together, confer what they
have done, and agree for their part what shall stand.
9. As any one company hath dispatched any one book in this
manner, they shall send it to the rest, to be considered of seriously
and judiciously ; for, his majesty is vety careful in this point.
10. If any company, upon the review of tho book so sent, shall
doubt or differ upon any places, to send them word thereof, note
the places, and therewithal send their reasons : to which if they con-
.sent not, the difference to be compounded at the general meeting,
which is to be of the chief persons of each company, at the end of
the work.
11. When any place of special obscurity is doubted of, letters to
be directed by authority, to send to any learned in the land for his
judgment in such a place.
12. Letters to be sent from every bishop, to the rest of his
clergy, admonishing them of this translation in hand ; and to move
and charge as many as, being skilful in the tongues, have taken pains
in that kind, to send his particular observations to the company
•either at Westminster, Cambridge, or Oxford.
230 CHUKCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN?. A.D. 1607.
13. The directors in each company to be the deans of Westminster
and Chester, for that place ; and the king'*s professors in the Hebrew
and Greek in each uniyersity.
14. These translations to be used, when they agree better witb
the text than the bishop's Bible; namely, TindaFs, Matthew's,
Coverdale's, Whitchurch's^ the Geneva.
Besides the said directions before-mentioned, three or four of
the most ancient and grave divines in either of the nniversities, not
employed in translating, to be assigned by the vice-chancellor, upon
conference with the rest of the heads, to be overseers of the trans-
lations, as well Hebrew as Greek, for the better observation of the
fourth rule above-specified.
3. Mr. Lively^s Death,
The untimely death of Mr. Edward Lively, much weight of the
^ork lying on his skill in the oriental tongues, happening about this
time, (" happy that servant whom his master, when he cometh,
findeth so doing,"} not a little retarded their proceedings. How-
ever, the rest vigorously, though slowly, proceeded in this hard,,
lieavy, and holy task ; nothing offended with the censures of impa-
tient people, condemning their delays, though indeed but due deli-
beration, for laziness. Our pen for the present taketh its leave of
them, not doubting but within two years to give a good account of
them, or rather that they will give a good account of themselves..
4 — 6. The Death of Dr. ReynMs, A strange Encounter, His
admirable Parts and Piety. Most conformable in his
Practice to the Church of England.
In the translating of the Bible, one of the eminent persons
employed therein was translated into a better life, May 21st ;
namely. Dr. John Reynolds,* king's professor in Oxford, born in
Devonshire, with bishop Jewel and Mr» Hooker, and all three bred
in Corpus-Christi College in Oxford. No one county in England
bare three such men, (contemporary at large,) in what college
soever they were bred ; no college in England bred such three men,
in what county soever they were bom.
This John Reynolds at the first was a zealous papist, whilst
William his brother was as earnest a protestant ; and afterwards
Providence so ordered it, that, by their mutual disputation, John
Reynolds turned an eminent protestant, and William an inveterate
papist, in which persuasion he died.
This gave the occasion to an excellent copy of verses, concluding
with this distich : —
* He was liachelor of arta before bishop Jewel's death.
5 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 231
Quod genns hoc pugnce est ? ubi victus gaudet uterqiie,
Et simul cdteruter se superdsse dolet.
^' What war is tliis ? when conquered both axe glad,
And either to have conquer'd other sad."
Daniel saith, " Many sliall run to and fro, and knowledge shall
be increased," Dan. xii. 4. But here indeed was a strange trans-
cursion, and remarkable the effects thereof.
His memory was little less than miraculous, he himself being the
truest table to the multitude of voluminous books he had read over ;
whereby he could readily turn to all material passages in every leaf,
page, volume, paragraph, — not to descend lower, to lines and letters.
As his memory was a faithful index, so his reason was a soYidi judex,
of what he read ; his humility set a lustre on all, (admirable that
the whole should be so low, whose several parts were so high,) com-
municative of w'iich he knew to any that desired information herein,
like a tree loauen with fruit, bowing down its branches to all that
desired to ease it of the burden thereof, deserving this epitaph : —
Incertum est utrum doctioi' an melior.
His disaffection to the discipline established in England was not
so great as some bishops did suspect, or as more nonconformists did
believe. No doubt he desired the abolishing of some ceremonies
for the ease of the conscience of others, to which in his own prac-
tice he did willingly submit, constantly wearing hood and surplice,
and kneeling at the sacrament. On his death-bed he earnestly
desired absolution, according to the foim of the church of England,
and received it from Dr. Holland, whose hand he affectionately
kissed,* in expression of the joy he received thereby. Dr. Featley
made his funeral oration in the college ; Sir Isaac Wake, in the
university.
7 — 10. Mr. Molle's Birth and Breeding; his sad Dilemma;
his Constancy/ in the Inquisition ; his Death in Durance.
About this time Mr. John Molle, governor to the lord Ross in
his travels, began his unhappy journey beyond the seas. This Mr.
Molle was born in or near South-Molton in Devon. His youth
was most spent in France, where both by sea and land he gained
much dangerous experience. Once the ship he sailed in sprung a
leak ; wherein he and all his company had perished, if a Hollander,
bound for Guernsey, passing very near, had not speedily taken
them in ; which done, their ship sunk immediately. Being trea-
surer for Sir Thomas Shirley of the English army in Brittany,
he was in the defeat of Cambray wounded, taken prisoner, and
* Dr. CrackenthortE; in his defence of the English ngainst Spalato.
232 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1607-
ransomed ; Providence designing him neither to be swallowed by
the surges, nor slain by the sword, but in due time to remain a
land-mark of Christian patience to all posterity. At last he was
appointed by Thomas, earl of Exeter, who formerly had made him
examiner in the Council of the North, to be governor in travel to his
grandchild, the lord Ross ; undertaking the charge with much
reluctancy, (as a presage of ill success,) and with a profession and a
resolution not to pass the Alps.
But a vagary took the lord Ross to go to Rome ; though some
conceive this motion had its root in more mischievous brains. In
vain doth Mr. Molle dissuade him, grown now so wilful he woidd
in some sort govern his governor. What should this good man do?
To leave him, were to desert his trust; to go along with him, was
to endanger his own life. At last his affections to his charge so pre-
vailed against his judgment, that unwillingly-willing he went with
him. Now, at what rate soever they rode to Rome, the fame of
their coming came thither before them ; so that no sooner had they
entered their inn, but officers asked for Mr. Molle, took and carried
him to the Inquisition-house, where he remained a prisoner, whilst the
lord Ross was daily feasted, favoured, entertained ; so that some will
not stick to say, that here he changed no religion for a bad one.
However, such Mr. Molle's glorious constancy, that, whilst he
looked forward on his cause, and upwards to his crown, neither
frights nor flattery could make any impression on him. It is ques-
tionable, whether his friends did more pity his misery or admire his
patience. The pretence and allegation of his so long and strict
imprisonment was, because he had translated Du Plessis's book of
" The Visibility of the Church," out of French into English ; but,
besides, there were other contrivances therein, not so fit for a public
relation. In vain did his friends in England, though great and
many, endeavour his enlargement by exchange, for one or more
Jesuits or priests, who were prisoners here ; papists beholding this
Molle as " a man of a thousand," who, if discharged the Inqui-
sition, might give an account of Romish cruelty to their great dis-
advantage.
In all the time of his durance, he never heard from any friend,*
nor any from him, by word or letter ; no Englishman being ever
permitted to see him, save only one, namely, Mr. Walter Strickland,
of Boynton-house, in Yorkshire. With very much desire and
industry, he procured leave to visit him, an Irish friar being
appointed to stand by and be a witness of their discourse. Here he
remained thirty years in restraint ; and in the eighty-first year of
• So I am informed bv a letter from Mr. HenrA- Molle, his son.
5 JAMES I. J300K X. CENT. XVII. 233
his age died a prisoner, and constant confessor of Christ's cause.
God be magnified in and for the sufferings of his saints !
11. The Death of Bishop Vaughan.
In this year Richard Vaughan, doctor of divinity, bred in St.
John's College, in Cambridge, successively bishop of Bangor,
Chester, and London, ended his life : a corpulent man, but spirit-
ually-minded ; such his integrity, not to be bowed (though force
was not wanting) to any base connivance to wrong the church
he was placed in. His many virtues made his loss to be much
bemoaned,
12 — 17. Mr. Brightmaris Birth and Breeding. A Patron para-
mount. Eccceptions against Mr. BrightmarCs Book. His
angelical Life. His sudden Death. Whence we derive
our Intelligence.
Greater was the grief, which the death of Mr. Thomas Brightman
caused to the disafFectors of the church-discipline of England. He
was born in the town of Nottingham, bred in Queen's College, in
Cambridge ; where a constant opposition, in point of judgment
about ceremonies, was maintained between him and Dr. Meryton,
afterwards dean of York. Here he filled himself with abilities for
the ministry, waiting a call to vent himself in the country.
It happened, this very time, that Sir John, son to Mr. Peter
Osborne, (both lovers of learned and godly men,) not only bought
and restored the rectory of Hawnes, in Bedfordshire (formerly
alienated) to the church, but also built thereon from the ground a
fair house, which he furnished with fitting utensils for the future
incumbent thereof. This done, at his desire of an able minister,
Dr. Whitaker recommended Mr. Brightman unto him, on whom
Sir John not only freely conferred the living, but also the profits of
two former years, which the knight inned at his own cost, and kept
in his possession.
Here Mr. Brightman employed himself, both by preaching and
writing, to advance God's glory, and the good of the chm-ch ;
witness his learned Comments in most pure Latin on the Canticles
and Revelation ; though for the latter greatly grudged at on several
accounts : —
1. For the title thereof, conceived too insolent for any creature
to affix, " A Revelation of the Revelation ;" except immediate
inspiration, which made the lock, had given the key unto it.
2. For being over-positive in his interpretations ; the rather,
because the Rev. Mr. Calvin himself, being demanded his opinion
234 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1609.
of some passages in the Revelation, (as a learned man reporteth,*)
answered ingenuously, that he knew not at all what so obscure a
writer meant.
8. For over-particularizing in personal expositions ; applying
several angels mentioned therein, to the lord Cromwell, archbishop
Cranmer, Cecil lord Burleigh, &c.*f" such restrictiveness being unsuit-
able with the large concernment of Scripture ; as if England, half
an island in the western corner, were more considerable than all
the world besides, and the theatre whereon so much should be per-
formed.
4. In resembling the church of England to lukewarm Laodicea,
praising and preferring the purity of foreign protestant churches.
Indeed, his daily discourse was against episcopal government,
which, he declared, would shortly be pulled down. He spake also
of great troubles, which would come upon the land ; of the destruc-
tion of Rome, and the universal calling of the Jews ; affirming, that
some then alive should see all these things effected.
However, his life was most angelical, by the confession of such
wdio in judgment dissented from him. His manner was always to
carry about him a Greek Testament, which he read over every fort-
night; reading the Gospels and the Acts, the first ; the Epistles
and the Apocalypse, the second week. He was little of stature,
and (though such commonly choleric) yet never known to be moved
with anger ; and therefore when his pen falls foul on Romish super-
stition, his friends account it zeal, and no passion.
His desire was to die a sudden death, if God so pleased ; — surely
not out of opposition to the English Liturgy, praying against the
same, but for some reasons best known to himself. God granted
him his desire, — a death, sudden in respect of the shortness of the
time, though premeditated on and prepared for by him, who " waited
for his change," and, being a watchful soldier, might be assaulted,
not surprised. For, riding in a coach with Sir John Osborne, and
reading of a book, (for he would lose no time,) he fainted ; and,
though instantly taken out in a servant's arms, and set on his lap, on
a hillock, all means affordable at that , instant being used for his
recovery, died on the place, on the twenty-fourth of August, and is
buried in the chancel of Hawnes, (Rev. Dr. Bulkley preaching his
funeral sermon,) after he had faithfully fed his flock therein for
fifteen years.
He was a constant student, much troubled before his death with
• BoDiN in his " Metliod of Historj'," cap. 7. t Rev. xiv. 18, lie maketh
arclibibhop Cranmer the angel to have power over the fire ; and, Rev. xvi. 5, he makes
William Cecil, lord tveasiirer of England, the angel of the waters, (if lord admiral, it had
been more proper,) justifying the pouring out of the third, \ial.
7 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 235
obstructions both of the liver and gall ; and is supposed by physi- ,
clans to have died of the latter, about the fifty-first year of his age.
And now, no doubt, he is in the number of those virgins, who
" were not defiled with women, and follow the Lamb whithersoever
he goeth,'' Rev. xiv.4; who always led a single life, as preferring a bed
unfilled^ before a bed undefiled. This my intelligence I have received
by letter, from my worthy friend, lately gone to God, Mr. William
Buckly, bachelor of divinity, and once Fellow of Queen's College,
in Cambridge, who, living hard by Hawnes, at Clifton, at my
request diligently inquired, and returned this his character, from
aged, credible persons, familiar with Mr. Brightman.
18. A.D. 1608.
This year silentl}^ slipped away in peace, plenty, and prosperity ;
being ended before eflTectually begun, as to any memorable church-
matter therein. Indeed, all the reign of Jving James was better for
one to live under, than to write of ; consisting of a champaign of
constant tranquillity, without any tumours of trouble to entertain
posterity with.
19 — 24. An Act for Chelsea College. The Glory of the Design.
King James''s Mortmain and personal Benefaction. Dr.
Sutcliffes Bounty. The Structure. The first Provost
and Fellows. A. D. 1609.
In the Parliament now sitting at Westminster, (in whose parallel
Convocation nothing of consequence,) the most remarkable thing
enacted was the Act made to enable the Provost and Fellows of
Chelsea College to dig a trench out of the river Lea ; " to erect
engines, water-works, &c. to convey and carry water in close pipes
under-ground, unto the city of London and the suburbs thereof, for
the perpetual maintenance and sustentation of the Provost and
Fellows of that College, and their successors, by the rent to be
made of the said waters so conveyed." Where, first lighting on the
mention of this College, we will consider it in a fourfold capacity :
1. As intended and designed. 2. As growing and advanced. 3.
As hindered and obstructed. 4. As decaying and almost, at the
present, ruined. I shall crave the reader pardon, if herein I make
excursions into many years, (but without discomposing of our chro-
nology on the margin,) because it is my desire, though the college be
left imperfect, to finish and complete my description thereof, so far as
my best intelligence will extend ; being herein beholding to Dr.
Samuel Wilkinson, the fourth and present Provost of that College,
courteously communicating unto me the considerable records thereof.
It was intended for a spiritual garrison, with a magazine of all
236 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1609*
books for that purpose ; where learned divines should study and
write in maintenance of all controversies against the papists. Indeed,
the Romanists herein may rise up, and condemn those of the pro-
testant confession. For, as Solomon used not his military men for
any servile work, in building the temple, whereof the text assigneth
this reason, " For they were men of war," 2 Chron. vlii. 9 ; so the
Romish church doth not burden their professors with preaching, or
any parochial incumbrances, but reserves them only for polemical
studies. Whereas in England, the same man reads, preacheth,
catechizeth, disputes, delivers sacraments, &c. So that, were it not
for God's marvellous blessing on our studies, and the infinite odds
of truth on our sides, it were impossible, in human probability,
that we should hold up the bucklers against them. Beside the
study of divinity, at the least two able historians were to be main-
tained in this College, faithfully and learnedly to record and
publish to posterity all memorable passages in church and common-
wealth.
In pursuance of this design, his majesty incorporated the said
foundation, by the name of " king James'*s College in Chelsea ;" and
bestowed on the same, by his letters patents, the reversion of good
land in Chelsea, then in possession of Charles earl of Nottingham,
the lease thereof not expiring till about thirty years hence ; and also
gave it a capacity to receive of his loving subjects any lands, not
exceeding in the whole the yearly value of three thousand pounds.
Next king James, let me place Dr. Matthew SutclifFe, dean of
Exeter ; who, though no prince by birth, seems little less by his
bounty to this college. As Araunah, but a private subject, gave
things "as a king*" to God's service, 2 Sam. xxiv. 23; such the
royal liberality of this doctor, bestowing on this college the farms
of, 1. Kingston, in the parish of Staverton ; 2. Of Hazzard, in the
parish of Haberton ; 3. Of Appleton, in the parish of Churchton ;
4. Of Kramerland, in the parish of Stoke-rivers : all in the county
of Devon, and, put together, richly worth three hundred pounds per
annum. Beside these, by his will, dated November 1st, 1628, he
bequeathed unto Dr. John Prideaux, and Dr. Clifford, (as feoffees
in trust, to settle the same on the college,) the benefit of the extent
on a statute of four thousand pounds, acknowledged by Sir Lewis
Stukeley, &c. a bountiful benefaction, and the greater, because the
said doctor had a daughter, and she children of her own. And,
although this endowment would scarce make the " pot of pottage "
seethe for " the sons of the prophets," 2 Kings iv. 38, 39 ; yet,
what feasts would it have made in his private family, if continued
therein ! Seeing therefore so public a mind in so private a man,
the more the pity that this good doctor was deserted, Uriah-like,
7 James i. book x. cent. xvir. 237
engaged in the fore-front to figlit alone against an army of diffi-
culties, 2 Sam. xi. 15 ; which he encountered in this design, whilst
such men basely retired from him, which should have seasonably
succoured and seconded him in this action.
The fabric of this college was begun on a piece of ground called
Thameshot, containing about six acres, and then in possession of
Charles earl of Nottingham, who granted a lease of his term therein
to the said Provost, at the yearly rent of seven pounds ten shillings.
King James laid the first stone thereof, and gave all the timber
requisite thereunto, which was to be fetched out of Windsor Forest.
And yet that long range of building, which alone is extant, scarce
finished at this day, (thus made, though not of free stone, of free
timber,) as I am informed, cost (O the dearness of church and
college-work I) full three thousand pounds. But, alas ! what is this
piece (not an eighth part) to a double quadrant, beside wings on
each side, which was intended ? If the aged fathers, which remem-
bered the magnificence of Solomon's — wept at the meanness of the
second — temple, Ezra iii. 12 ; such must needs be sad which con-
sider the disproportion betwixt what was performed, and what was
projected in this college ; save that I confess, that the destruction
of beautiful buildings, once really extant, leave greater impressions
in men's minds, than the miscarriages of only intentional structures,
and the faint ideas of such future things as are probably propounded,
but never effected.
And here we will insert the number and names of the Provost
and first Fellows, (and some of them probable to be last Fellows,
as still surviving,) as they were appointed by the king himself,
an?io 1610, May 8th.
Provost. — Matthew Sutcliffe, dean of Exeter.
Fellows. — 1. John Overal, dean of St. Paufs ; 2. Thomas
Morton, dean of Winchester ; iJ. Richard Field, dean of Glouces-
ter; 4. Robert Abbot, D.D. 5. John Spenser, D.D. 0. Miles
Smith, D.D. T.William Covitt, D.D. S.John Howson, D.D.
9. John Layfield, D.D. 10. Benjamin Charrier, D.D. 11. Martin
Fotherby, D.D. 12. John Boys, D.D. 13. Richard Bret, D.D.
14. Peter Lily, D.D. 15. Francis Burley, D.D. 16. William
Hellier, archdeacon of Barnstable ; 17. John White, fellow of
Manchester College.
Historians. — William Camden, Clarencieux ; John Haywood,
doctor of law.
See here none, who were actual bishops, were capable of places
in this college. And, when some of these were afterwards advanced
to bishoprics, others translated to heaven, king James by his now
letters patents, November 14th, 1622, substituted others in their
238 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D, 1609.
room. Amongst whom the archbishop of Spalato, (but no more
than dean of Windsor in England,) was most remarkable.
25 — 27. The King's Letters to the Archbishop ; and his to the
Bishops. Divers Opinioiis touching the Non-Proceeding
of the College. The present sad Conditio?! of it.
To advance this work, his majesty, anno 1616, sent his letters to
the archbishop of Canterbury, to stir up all the clergy in his province
to contribute to so pious a work, according to the tenor thereof here
inserted : —
"Whereas the enemies of the Gospel have ever been forward
to write and publish books for confirming of erroneous doctrine,
and impugning the truth, and now of late seem more careful than
before to send daily into our realms such their writings, whereby
our loving subjects, though otherwise well-disposed, might be
seduced, unless some remedy thereof should be provided : we, by
the advice of our Council, have lately granted a corporation, and
given our allowance for erecting a college at Chelsea, for learned
divines to be employed to write, as occasion shall require, for main-
taining the religion professed in our kingdoms, and confuting the
impugners thereof. Whereupon, Dr. SutclifFe, designed Provost
of the said college, hath now humbly signified unto us, that, upon
divers promises of help and assistance, towards the erecting and
endowing the said college, he hath at his own charge begun, and
well proceeded in building, as doth sufficiently appear by a good
part thereof already set up in the place appointed for the same :
we, therefore, being willing to favour and farther so religious a
work, will and require you to write your letters to the bishops of
your province, signifying unto them, in our name, that our pleasure
is, they deal with the clergy, and others of their diocess, to give
their charitable benevolence for the perfecting of this good work so
well begun : and, for the better performance of our desire, we have
given order to the said Provost and his associates to attend you,
and others whom it may appertain, and to certify us from time to
time of their proceeding."*"*
A copy of this his majesty's letter was sent to all the bishops of
England, with the archbishop'^s additional letter, in order as fol-
loweth : —
" Now because it is so pious and religious a work, conducing both
to God's glory, and the saving of many a soul within this kingdom ;
I cannot but wish that all devout and well-affected persons should
by yourself, and the preachers in your diocess, as well publicly as
otherwise, be excited to contribute in some measure to so holy an
intendment now well begun. And, although these and the like
7 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 239
motions have been frequent in these latter times, yet let not those
whom God hath blessed with any wealth be weary of well-doing,
that it may not be said, that the idolatrous and superstitious papists
be more forward to advance their falsehoods, than we are to maintain
God's truth.
" Whatsoever is collected, I pray your lordship may be carefully
brought unto me ; partly that it pass not through any defrauding
hand, and partly that his majesty may be acquainted what is done in
this behalf."
Yet, for all these hopeful endeavours, and collections in all the
parishes of England, slow and small were the sums of money brought
in to this work. Many of them were scattered out, in the gathering
them up ; the charges of the collectors consuming the profit thereof.
If (as it is vehemently suspected) any of these collections be but
detained by private persons, I conceive it no trespass against Christian
charity to wish, that the pockets which keep such money may
rot all their suits that wear them, till they make true restitution
thereof.
Various are men's conjectures (as directed by their own interest)
what obstructed so hopeful proceedings ; and it is safer for me to
recite all, than resolve on any of them.
Some ascribe it to, 1. The common fatality which usually attends
noble undertakings. As partus octimestres, " children born in the
eighth month," are always not long-lived ; so good projects quickly
expire.
2. The untimely death of prince Henry, our principal hope, and
the chief author of this design.* If so, Brubuit domino firmius
esse sua.
" Tbe modest college bliislied to be stronger
Than was its lord ; he dead, it lived no longer."
But, upon my serious perusal of the records of this college, I find
not so much as mention of the name of prince Henry, as in any
degree visibly contributive thereunto.
y. The large, loose, and lax nature thereof ; no 'one prime person
(Sutcliffe excepted, whose shoulders sunk under the weight thereof,
zealously engaging therein ; king James's maintenance amounting to
little more than countenance of the work. Those children will have
thin chaps and leanjcheeks, who have every body (and yet nobody)
nurses unto them.
4. The original means of the college, principally founded on the
fluid and unconstant element, " unstable as water," — the rent of a
new river, when made ; which at the best (thus employed) was
* Continuation of Srow's " Siu-vey of London," page 533.
240 £HURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1609.
bebeld but as a religious monopoly. And, seeing that design then
took no effect, (though afterwards in another notion and nature it
was perfected,) no wonder if the college sunk with the means
thereof.
5. Some of the greatest prelates,* (how much self is there in all
men ! ) though seemingly forward, really remiss in the matter ; sus-
pecting these controversial divines would be looked on as the princi-
pal champions of religion, more serviceable in the church than them-
selves, and haply might acquire privileges prejudicial to their episcopal
jurisdiction.
6. The jealousy of the universities, beholding this design with
suspicious eyes, as which, in process of time, might prove detri-
mental unto them ; two breasts, Cambridge and Oxford, being
counted sufficient for England to suckle all her children with.
7. The suspicion of some patriots and commoners in Parliament,
such as carried the keys of countrymen'^s coffers under their girdles,
(may I safely report what I have heard from no mean mouths ? )
that this college would be too much courtier ; and that the divinity
(but especially the history thereof) would 'Iajtw/3/^siv, " propend
too much in favour of king James,'' and report all things to the dis-
advantage of the subject. Wherefore, though the said patriots in
parliament countenanced the act, (as counting it no policy, publicly
to cross the project of king James, especially as it was made popular
with so pious a plausibility,) yet, when returned home, by their Sus-
picious items and private instructions, they beat off and retarded
people's charities thereunto. The same conceived this foundation
superfluous, to keep men to confute popish opinions by writings,
whilst the maintainers of them were everywhere connived at and
countenanced, and the penal laws not put in any effectual execution
against them.
8. Its being begun in a bad time, when the world swarmed with
prowling projectors, and necessitous courtiers, contriving all ways to
get moneys. We know, that even honest persons, if strangers,
and casually coming along with the company of those who are bad,
contract a suspicion of guilt, in the opinions of those to whom they
are unknown. And it was the unhappiness of this innocent, yea,
useful, good design, that it appeared in a time when so many
monopolies were on foot.
9. Some great churchmen, who were the more backward because
Dr. Sutcliffe was so forward therein. Such as had not freeness
enough to go before him had frowardness too much to come after
him, in so good a design ; the rather because they distasted
•Tliis fifth and sixtli obstruction signify nothing to discreet men;^ however, they must
pass for company-sake, and are alleged by some as very material.
i JAMES 1. BOOK. X. CENT. XVII. 241
his person and opinions ; Dr. Sutcliffe being a known, rigid anti-
remonstrant ; and when old, very morose and testy in his writings
against them ; an infirmity, which all ingenuous people will pardon
in him, that hope and desire to attain to old age themselves.
Thus have I opened my wares, with sundry sorts of commodi-
ties therein, assigning those reasons which I have either read, or
heard from prime men of several interests ; and am confident, that,
in the variety, yea, contrariety, of judgments, now a-days, even those
very reasons which are cast away by some, as weak and frivolous,
will be taken up, yea, preferred by others, as most satisfactory and
substantial.
At this present it hath but little of the case, and nothing of the
jewel, for which it was intended. Almost rotten before ripe, and
ruinous before it was finished, it stands bleak like " a lodge in a
garden of cucumbers ;" having plenty of pleasant water (the
Thames) near it, and store of wholesome air about it, but very
little of the necessary element of earth belonging unto it. Yea,
since, I am informed, that, seeing the College taketh not eflfect,
according to the desire and intent of the first founders, it hath been
decreed in chancery, (by the joint consent of Dr. Daniel Featley,
the third Provost of this College, and Dr. John Prideaux, the sur-
viving feoflTee intrusted in Dr. Sutcliffe 's will,) that the foresaid
farms of Kingstone, Hazzard, and Appleton, should return again to
the possession of Mr. Halce, as the heir-general to the said Dr.
Sutcliffe. On what consideration, let others inquire; it is enough
to persuade me. it was done in equity, because done by the lord
Coventry, in the High Court of Chancery : So that now, only the
farm of Kramerland, in Devonshire, of Sutcliffe's donation, remains
to this college. All I will add is this : as this college was intended
for controversies, so now there is a controversy about the college ;
costly suits being lately commenced betwixt William lord Mounston,
(who married the widow of the aforesaid earl of Nottingham,) and
the present Provost thereof, about the title of the very ground
whereon it is situated.
28. The Death of Bishop Overton, Heton, and Ravis.
Three bishops, all Oxford-men, ended their lives this year. First.
William Overton, about the beginning of April ; bred in Magdalen
College ; one sufficiently severe to suppress such whom he suspected
of nonconformity. The second, Martin Heton, first, dean of Win-
chester, and then bishop of Ely ; I say, of Ely, which see had stood
empty almost twenty years in the reign of queen Elizabeth, after
the death of bishop Cox. So long the lantern of that church (so
artificial for the workmanship thereof) wanted a light to shine
Vol. hi. r
242 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1610.
therein.* Some suspected, this place, so long empty, would never
be filled again ; seeing no bishopric so large in revenues was so little
in jurisdiction, not having the small county of Cambridge wholly
belonging unto it.-f* Some cunning courtiers, observing this breach
in Ely minster, as fiercely assaulted it, with hope to get gain to them-
selves. During the vacancy, it was offered to many churchmen, (or
chapmen, shall I say ?) but either their consciences or coffers would
not come up to the conditions thereof. Amongst others, Mr. Parker,
brought up in Peter House in Cambridge, and archdeacon of Ely,
(saith my author,j) iniquis conditionihus episcopatum ohlatum
respuit, tantam opum usuram, nisi salvd ecclesid, negligens. At
last, but with the revenues much altered and impaired, it was con-
ferred on Dr. Heton, who, after ten years' possession thereof, died
July 14th ; and seems the more obscure because of the lustre and
learning of Dr. Lancelot Andrews, who immediately succeeded him.
The third bishop deceasing this year, December 14th, was Thomas
Ravis, some time dean of Christ Church, and successively bishop of
Gloucester and London ; born at Maiden in Essex, " of worthy
parentage,'' claris parentibus^ saith the epitaph on his tomb in St.
Paul's,) who left the memory of a grave and good man behind him.
Nor must it be forgotten, that, as he first had his learning in
Westminster -school ; so he always continued, both by his counsel
and countenance, a most especial encourager of the studies of all
deserving scholars belonging to that foundation.
29, 30. Nicholas Fuller engages for his Clients^ to the Loss
of his own Liberty and Life.
As archbishop Bancroft was driving on conformity very fiercely
throughout all his province, he met with an unexpected rub, which,
notwithstanding, he quickly removed. For, about this time,
Nicholas Fuller, a bencher of Gray's Inn, eminent in his profession,
pleaded so boldly for the enlargement of his clients that he procured
his own confinement. The case thus : Thomas Lad, a merchant of
Yarmouth in Norfolk, was imprisoned a long time by the High
Commission, and could not be bailed, because (having formerly
answered upon his oath twice before the chancellor of Norwich^ to
certain articles touching a conventicle) he refused to answer upon a
new oath without sight of his former answers. Richard Mansel, a
preacher, charged to be a partaker in a petition exhibited to the
House of Commons in Parliament, and refusing the oath eon officio,
to answer to certain articles to him propounded, was long impri-
soned by the commissioners at Lambeth, and could not be bailed.
• Camden's BrifAitmia in Cainbridgesliire. ) Part is of the diocess of Norwich
\ A inaiinscript of the bishops of Ely., lent me ])y Mr. A\right.
8 JAMES r. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 24o
Both prisoners were brought to the bar upon the writ of habeas
corpus^ where Nichohis Fuller pleaded they ought to be discharged,
endeavouring by a large argument (lately printed) to prove, that the
ecclesiastical commissioners have no power by virtue of their com-
mission to imprison, to put to the oath ex officio^ or to fine any of
his majesty's subjects.
Archbishop Bancroft got some legal advantage against Mr. Fuller
in the managing thereof, and then let him alone to improve the
same. Fuller's friends complained, that only by the colour of right,
and the rigour of might, he was cast into prison. Here this learned
counsellor could give himself no better nor other advice, but only
pure patience. Many were his petitions to the king for his enlarge-
ment, whom the archbishop had pre-acquainted with the case, repre-
senting him to the king as the champion of nonconformists ; so that
there he lay, and died in prison. However, he left behind him the
reputation of an honest man, and a plentiful estate to his family,
(besides his bountiful benefaction to Emmanuel College, and other
pious uses,) at this day enjoyed by his grandchild,* a gentleman
deservedly beloved in his country.
31. The last Sessio7i of a long Parliament. A.D. 1610.
On the twenty-sixth of October began the fifth session of this long-
lasting parliament ; a session which may be found in the records,
though it be lost in our statute-book, because nothing therein was
enacted, as soon after dissolved by proclamation.
32, 33. The Death of Gervase Bahington ; his Parts and
Praise.
Gervase Babington, bishop of Worcester, ended his pious life,
May 17th. He was born in Nottinghamshire, of worshipful extrac-
tion. Now, although lately the chief of the family, abused by papists,
(otherwise in himself an accomplished gentleman,*|*) had tainted
his blood with treason against the queen ; the learning, loyalty, and
religion of this worthy prelate may serve to rectify the surname, and
justly restore that family to its former repute with all posterity. He
was bred Fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge ; first, chaplain
to Henry earl of Pembroke, whose countess made an exact transla-
tion of the Psalms ; and they first procured him to be preferred
treasurer' of Landaif.
He was soon after made bishop of LandafF, which in merriment he
used to call " Aflfe," the land thereof long since being alienated.
• Mr. Douse Fuller, of Berks, esq. 1 Anthony Babington, of Detliick [Deddick]
in Derbyshire.
r2
244 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1611.
Thence was he translated to Exeter, thence to Worcester, thence to
heaven. He was an excellent pulpit-man ; happy in raising the
affections of his auditory ; which, having got up, he would keep up
till the close of his sermon : an industrious writer ; witness his large
Comment on the five books of Moses, the Lord's Prayer, Creed,
and Commandments, with other portions of Scripture. Nought
else have I to observe of this bishop, save that as a Babington"'s
arms were argent^ ten torteauxes, (four, three, two and one,)
Gules, the self-same being the arms of the bishopric of Worcester ;
his paternal coat being just the same with that of his episcopal see,
with which it is empaled.
34 — 3y. The Death of Archbishop Bancroft. He is vindicated
from Cruelty, and the Aspersion of Covetousness. Falsely
traduced for Popish Inclinations. A good Patron of
Church-Revenues.
The same year, November 2nd, expired Richard Bancroft, arch-
bishop of Canterbury. He was brought up in Jesus College in
Cambridge, preferred by degrees to the bishopric of London. Sir
Christopher Hatton was his patron, who made him his examiner.
His adversaries character him a greater statesman than divine, a
better divine than preacher, though his printed sermon sufficiently
attesteth his abilities therein. Being a Cambridge-man, he was
made chancellor of Oxford, to hold the scales even with cardinal
Pole, an Oxford-man, made chancellor of Cambridge.
I find two faults charged on his memory, — cruelty and covetous-
ness ; un-episcopal qualities, seeing a bishop ought to be godly and
hospitable. To the first, it is confessed he was most stiff and stern
to press conformity; and what more usual than for offenders to
nickname necessary severity to be " cruelty ? "* Now, though he
was a most stout champion to assert church-discipline, let me pass
this story to posterity from the mouth of a person therein con-
cerned:— An honest and able minister privately protested unto him,
that it went against his conscience to conform, being then ready to
be deprived. "Which way,'"* saith the archbishop, "will you live,
if put out of your benefice ? " The other answered, he had no way
but to go a-begging, and to put himself on Divine Providence.
" Not that,"" saith the archbishop, *' you shall not need to do ; but
come to me, and I will take order for your maintenance." What
impression this made on the minister's judgment, I am not able to
report.
As for his covetousness, a witty writer * (but more satirist than
historian) of king James's Life, reports this pasquin of him : —
• Mr. Arthur Wilson.
9 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 245
** Here lies his Grace, in cold clay clad,
Who died for want of what he had.''
True it is, he maintained not the state of officers, like predecessor
or successor in house-keeping, having a citizen-tradesman (more
acquainted with thrift than bounty) for his domestical steward ; yet
"was he never observed in his own person to aim at the enriching of
his kindred, but had intentions to make pious uses his public heirs ;
bequeathing his library, the confluence of his own collections with his
predecessors, Whitgift, Grindal, Parker, to Chelsea-College ; and,
if that took not effect, to the public library in Cambridge; where at
this day they remain. His clear estate at his death exceeded not six
thousand pounds ; no sum to speak a single man covetous who had
sat six years in the see of Canterbury, and somewhat longer in London.
It is needless to clean his memory from the aspersion of popery,
two eminent acts of his own being his sufficient compurgators :
One, in setting the Secular Priests against the Jesuits, (as St. Paul
did the Pharisees against the Sadducees,) thereby so dividing their
languages, as scarce they can understand one another at this day :
The other, his forwardness in founding Chelsea-College, which, as
a two-edged sword, was to cut on both sides, to suppress papists and
sectaries.
One passage more of this prelate, and I have done : a company
of young courtiers appeared extraordinarily gallant at a tilting, far
above their fortunes and estates. These gave for a private motto
amongst themselves, Sohat ecclesia, " Let the church pay for all."
Bancroft, then bishop of London, arriving at the notice thereof,
finds, on inquiry, that the queen was passing a considerable parcel of
church-land unto them. The prelate stops the business with his
own and his friends'* interest, leaving these gallants to pay the shot
of their pride and prodigality out of their own purses. Add to
this, that I am credibly informed from a good hand, how in the
days of king James, a Scotchman and a prevalent courtier had
swallowed up the whole bishopric of Durham, had not this arch-
bishop seasonably interposed his power with the king, and dashed
the design. George Abbot succeeded Bancroft in Canterbury, of
whom largely hereafter.
38. The new Traiislatimi of the Bible finished, hy the Command
of King James, and Care of some chosen Divines.
^.D. 1611.
And now, after long expectation and great desire, came forth the
new translation of the Bible, (most beautifully printed,) bv a select
and competent number of divines, appointed for that purpose ; not
being too many, lest one should trouble another ; and yet many,
246 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1611.
lest any things might haply escape them : Avho, neither coveting
praise for expedition, nor fearing reproach for slackness, (seeing, in
a business of moment, none deserve blame for convenient slowness,)
had expended almost three years in the work, not only examining
the channels bv the fountain, translations with the oriorinal, which
was absolutely necessary ; but also comparing channels with channels,
which was abundantly useful, in tlie Spanish, Italian, French, and
Dutch languages. So that their industry, skilfulness, piety, and
discretion, have therein bound the church unto them in a debt of
special remembrance and thankfulness. These, with Jacob, " rolled
away the stone from the mouth of the -well "^ of life. Genesis xxix. 10 ;
so that now even Rachels, weak women, may freely come, both to
drink themselves, and water the flocks of their families at the same.
39. The causeless Cavil of the Papists thereat.
But day shall sooner lack a night to attend it, and the sunshine
be unseconded with the sullen shade, than a glorious action shall
want detractors to defame it. The popish Romanists much excepted
hereat. " Was their translation," say they, "good before? Why
do they now mend it ? AVas it not good ? Why then was it
obtruded on the people ?"*"* These observe not, that, whilst thus in
their passion they seek to lash the protestants, their whips fly in the
faces of the most learned and pious Fathers, especially St. Jerome,
who, not content with the former translations of the Septuagints,
Aquila, Symmachus, and others, did himself translate the Old Tes-
tament out of the Hebrew. Yea, their cavil recoils on themselves,
and their own vulgar translation, whereof they have so many and
diflferent editions. Isidorus Clarius, a famous papist, (first a friar,
afterward a bishop,) " observed and amended," as he said, " eight
thousand faults in the vulgar Latin."* And since his time, how do
the Paris editions differ from the Louvain, and Hentenius's from
them both ! How infinite are the differences (many of them
weighty and material) of that which pope Clement VHl. published,
from another which Sixtus V. his immediate predecessor, set forth !
Thus, we see, to better and refine translations, hath been ever
counted a commendable practice even in our adversaries.
40. They take Exceptions at the several Senses of Words noted
in the Margin.
Beside this, the Romanists take exception, because in this our
new translation the various senses of words are set in the margin.
This they conceive a shaking of the certainty of the Scriptures ;
" Loca ad octo millia annotala atquc emendata a nobis sunt.— IsiDORUS Clarkts in
Prafatioiie Bihliorum Sacrosanct, edit, renitiis, 1542; but which in the following
•^tion is left out.
9 JAMES I. LOOK X. CENT. XVII. 247
sucli variations being, as suckers, to be pruned off, because they rob
the stock of the text of its due credit and reputation. Somewhat
conformable whereto pope Sixtus V. expressly forbade that any
variety of readings of the vulgar edition should be put in the mar-
gin.* But on serious thoughts it will appear, that these translators,
affixing the diversity of the meaning of words in the side-column,
deserve commendations for their modesty and humility therein. For
though, as St. Chrysostom-[- observeth, Travra ra otvayKcact o>jXa,
"all things that are necessary to salvation are plainly set down in
the Scriptures ; " yet, seeing there is much difficulty and doubtful-
ness, not in doctrinal but in matters of less importance, fearfulness
did better beseem the translators than confidence, entering in such
cases a caution, where words are of diiFerent acceptations.
41. Sofne Brethren complain for Lack of the Geneva
Annotations.
Some of the Brethren were not well pleased with this translation,
suspecting it would abate the repute of that of Geneva, with their
Annotations made by English exiles in that city, in the days of
queen Mary, dedicated to queen Elizabeth, and printed w^ith the
general liking of the people above thirty times over. Yea, some
complained, that they could not see into the sense of the Scripture
for lack of the spectacles of those Geneva Annotations. For,
although a good translation is an excellent Comment on the Bible,
w^herein much darkness is caused by false rendering of it, and
wherein many seeming riddles are read, if the words be but read,
expounded if but truly rendered ; yet some short exposition on the
text was much desired of the people. But, to say nothing of the
defects and defaults of the Geneva Annotations, (though the best
in those times, which are extant in English,) those notes were so
tuned to that translation alone, that they would jar with any other,
and could no way be fitted to this new edition of the Bible. Leave
we then these worthy men, now all of them gathered to their fathers,
and gone to God, however they were requited on earth, well
rewarded in heaven for their worthy work. Of whom, as also of
that gracious king that employed them, we may say, " Wheresoever
the Bible shall be preached or read in the whole world, there shall
also this that they have done be told in memorial of them."
42. Dr. H. in Oxford causelessly inveigheth against the Geneva
Notes.
And as, about this time, some perchance overvalued the Geneva
notes, out of that especial love they bare to the authors and place
• SiXTUS QuiNTLij Praf. BiOL \ On 2 Tliess. ii.
248 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1011.
whence it proceeded ; so, on the other side, some without cause did
slight, or rather without charity did slander the same. For in
this or the next year, a doctor [Howson] in solemn assembly in the
university of Oxford, publicly in his sermon at St. Mary's, accused
them as guilty of misinterpretation touching the Divinity of Christ,
and his Messiahship, as if symbolizing with Arians and Jews
against them bolh; for which he was afterwards suspended by Dr.
Robert Abbot, propter condones puhlicas minus orihodoxas^ et
offensionis pleiias. But more properly hereof, God willing, here-
after in our particular History of Oxford. We will proceed to
report a memorable passage in the Low Countries, not fearing to
lose my way, or to be censured for a wanderer from the English
church-story, whilst I have so good a guide as the pen of king
James to lead me out, and bring me back again. Besides, I am
afraid that this alien accident is already brought home to England,
and, though only Belgic in the occasion, is too much British in the
influence thereof.
SECTION IV.
TO EDWARD LLOYD, ESQUIRE.
Rivers are not bountiful in giving, but just in restor-
ing, their waters unto the sea, Eccles. i. 7. However,
they may seem grateful also, because openly returning
thither what they secretly received thence. This my
Dedication unto you cannot amount to a present, but a
restitution ; wherein only I tender a public acknow-
ledgment of your private courtesies conferred upon me.
1, 2. Dangerous Opinions broached by Conradus Vorsfius.
Reasons moving King James to oppose him. A.D. 1611.
King James took into his princely care the seasonable sup-
pression of the dangerous doctrines of Conradus Vorstius. This
doctor had lived about fifteen years a minister at Steinfurt, within
the territories of the counts of Tecklenburg, Bentheim, &c. The
counts whereof (to observe by the way) were the first in Germany,
not in dignity or dominion, but in casting-oiF the yoke of papacy,
and ever since continuing protestants. This Vorstius had both
■written and received several letters from certain Samosatenian here-
tics in Poland, or thereabouts; and it happened that he had
9 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 249
handled pitch so long that at last it stuck to his fingers, and became
infected therewith. Hereupon, he set fortli two books, the one
entitled, Tractatus Theologicus de Deo^ dedicated to the landgrave
of Hesse ; the other. Exegesis apologetica^ printed in this year, and
dedicated to the states ; both of them farced with many dangerous
positions concerning the Deity. For, whereas it hath been the
labour of the pious and learned in all ages to mount man to God,
(as much as might be,) by a sacred adoration (which the more
humble, the more high) of the Divine Tncomprehensibleness ; this
wretch did seek to stoop God to man, by debasing his purity,
assigning him a material body ; confining his immensity, as not
being everywliere ; shaking his immutability, as if his will were
subject to change ; darkening his omnisciency, as uncertain in
future contingents : with many more monstrous opinions, fitter to
be remanded to hell, than committed to writing. Notwithstand-
ing all this, the said Vorstius was chosen, by the Curators of
the University of Leyden, to be their public Divinity Professor, in
the place of Arminius lately deceased ; and, to that end, his Excel-
lency, and the States-General, by their letters, sent and sued to the
count of Tecklenburg, and obtained of him, that Vorstius should
come from Steinfurt, and become public Professor in Leyden.
It happened that his majesty of Great Britain, being this autumn
in his hunting progress, did light upon and perused the aforesaid
books of Vorstius. And whereas too many do but sport in their
most serious employment, he was so serious amidst his sports and
recreations, that, with sorrow and horror, he observed the dangerous
positions therein, determining speedily to oppose them, moved there-
unto with these principal considerations. First. The glory of God ;
seeing this " anti-St.-John,"' (as his majesty terms him,)* mounting
up to the heavens, belched forth such blasphemies against the Divine
ineffable Essence. And was not a king on earth concerned, when
the King of heaven was dethroned from his infiniteness, so far as
it lay in the power of the treacherous positions of an heretic ?
Secondly. Charity to his next neighbours and allies. And, Lastly,
a just fear of the like infection within his own dominions, consider-
ing their vicinity of situation and frequency of intercourse ; many
of the English youth travelling over to have their education in
Leyden. And, indeed, as it hath been observed that the sin of
drunkenness was first brought over into England out of the Low Coun-
tries, about the midst of the reign of queen Elizabeth ;-f- (before
which time, neither general practice nor legal punishment of that
vice in this kingdom ;) so we must sadly confess, that since that
• In his " Declaration against Vorstius," page 365. j See Camden's " Eliza-
beth," anno 1581.
2o0 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1611.
time, in a spiritual sense, many English souls have taken a cup
too much of Belgic wine ; whereby their heads have not only grown
dizzy in matters of less moment, but their whole bodies stagger in
the fundamentals of their religion.
3 — 5. The States entertain not the Motion of King James
against Vorstius, according to just Expectation. Vorstius
gives no Satisfaction in his new Declaration. Xing James
setteth forth a Declaration against Vorstius, first written
in French, since by his Leave translated into English, and
amongst his other Works.
Hereupon king James presently dispatched alettertoSir Ralph Win-
wood, his ambassador, resident with the States, willing and requiring
him to let them to understand how infinitely he should be displeased,
if such a monster as Vorstius should receive any advancement in
their church. This was seconded with a large letter of his majesty's
to the States, dated October 6th, to the same effect. But neither
found that success which the king did earnestly desire, and might
justly expect, considering the many obligations of the Crown of
England on the States : " the foundation of whose commonwealtli,""
as the ambassador told them, " was first cemented with English
blood." Several reasons are assigned of their non-concurrence with
the king's motion. The Curators of Leyden University conceived
it a disparagement to their judgments, if, so near at hand, they
could not so well examine the soundness of Vorstius's doctrine, as
a foreign prince at such a distance. It would cast an aspersion of
levity and inconstancy on the States, solemnly to invite a stranger
unto them, and then so soon recede from their resolution. An indig-
nity would redound to the count of Tecklenburg, to slight that
which so lately they had sued from him. The opposition of Vorstius
was endeavoured by a mal-contented party amongst themselves, dis-
affected to the actions of authority ; who, distrusting their own
strength, had secretly solicited his majesty of Great Britain to
appear on their side ; that as king James's motion herein proceeded
rather from the instance of others, than his own inclination, so they
gave out that he began to grow remiss in the matter, careless of the
success thereof; that it would be injurious, yea, destructive to
Vorstius and his family, to be fetched from his own home, where
he lived with a sufficient salary, (promised better provisions from
tlie landgrave of Hesse, to be Divinity Professor in his dominions,)
now to thrust him out with his wife and children, lately settled at
Leyden ; that if Vorstius had formerly been faulty in unwary and
offensive expressions, he had since cleared himself in a new
declaration.
9 JAMES 1. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 25-1
For, lately he set forth a book, entitled, *' A Christian and
modest Answer," which notwithstanding by many was condemned,
as no revocation, but a repetition of his former opinions, not less
pernicious, but more plausible, with sophistical qualifications. So
that he was accused to aim, neither at the satisfaction of the learned,
whom he had formerly offended ; nor the safety of the ignorant,
whom he might hereafter deceive ; but merely his own security for
the present. His grand evasion was this, — that what he had written
before " was but probably propounded, not dogmatically delivered.""
But, alas ! how many silly souls might easily be infected, mistaking
his slanting problems for downright positions ! In a word, he took
not out any venom, but put in more honey into his opinions, which
the corruption of man's nature would swallow with more greediness.
And how dangerous it is for wit-wanton men to dance with their
nice distinctions, on such mystical precipices, where slips in jest
may cause deadly downfals in earnest, the Roman orator doth in part
pronounce. Mala est et impia consuetudo^ contra Deum disputandi^
sive serio id fit^ swe simulate.
Now king James being as little satisfied in judgment with the
writings of Vorstius in his own defence, as ill pleased, in point of
honour, with the doings of the States, in return to his request, gave
instructions to his ambassador to make public protestation against
their proceedings ; which Sir Ralph Winwood, in pursuance of his
master's command, most solemnly performed. Nor did his majesty's
zeal stop here, with Joash king of Israel, smiting only but thrice,
and then desisting ; but, after his request, letter, and protestation
had missed their desired effect, he wrote in French a declaration
against Vorstius : a work well beseeming the " Defender of the
Faith;" "by which title," to use his ambassador's expression,
" he did more value himself, than by the style of king of Great
Britain." Once I intended to present the reader with a brief of his
majesty's Declaration, till deterred with this consideration, — that
although great masses of lead, tin, and meaner metals, may by the
extraction of chymists be epitomized and abridged into a smaller
quantity of silver, yet what is altogether gold already cannot, with-
out extraordinary damage, be reduced into a smaller proportion.
And seeing each word in his majesty's Declaration is so pure and
precious, that it cannot be lessened without loss, we remit the reader
to the same in his majesty's Works ; and so take our leave of Vor-
stius for the present ; whose books, by the king's command, were
publicly burned at St. Paul's Cross in London, and in both
universities.
252 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1611.
6 — 12. The Character of Bartholomew Legate. Discourse
hetwixt King James and legate. Bishop King gravelleth
him with a Place of Scripture. Wholesome Caution pre-
mised before the Naming of Legates Blasphemies. Con-
demned for an obstinate Heretic. Queries left to Lawyers
to decide. Legate burned in Smithjield.
But leaving this outlandish — let us come to our English — Vorstius,
though of far less learning, of more obstinacy and dangerous
opinions : I mean, that Arian, who this year suffered in Smithfield.
His name, Bartholomew Legate ; native county, Essex ; person,
comely ; complexion, black ; age, about forty years ; of a bold spirit,
confident carriage, fluent tongue, excellently skilled in the Scrip-
tures : and well had it been for him if he had known them less, or
understood them better ; whose ignorance abused the word of God,
therewith to oppose " God the Word." His conversation, for
aught I can learn to the contrary, very unblamable ; and the poison
of heretical doctrine is never more dangerous then when served up
in clean cups and washed dishes.
King James caused this Legate often to be brought to him, and
seriously dealt with him to endeavour his conversion. One time
the king had a design to surprise him into a confession of Christ^s
Deity, (as his majesty afterwards declared to a right reverend
prelate,*) by asking him whether or no he did not daily pray to
Jesus Christ ? Which had he acknowledged, the king would have
infallibly inferred, that Legate tacitly consented to Christ's Divinity,
as a " Searcher of the hearts."" But herein his majesty failed of his
expectation, Legate returning, that indeed he had prayed to Christ
in the days of his ignorance, but not for these last seven years.
Hereupon the king in choler spurned at him with his foot. " Away,
base fellow ! "'' saith he, " it shall never be said, that one stayeth in
my presence, that hath never prayed to our Saviour for seven years
together."
Often was he con vented before the bishops in the Consistory of St.
Paul's; where he persisted obstinate in his opinions, flatly denying
the authority of that court. And no wonder that he slighted the
power of earthly bishops, denying the Divinity of Him who is " the
Shepherd and Bishop of our souls,'" 1 Peter ii. 25. The disputa-
tion against him was principally managed by John King, bishop of
London, who gravelled and utterly confuted him with that place of
Scripture : '' And now, O Father, glorify thou me with thine own
self with the glory which I had with thee before the world was,"
John xvii. 5. This text, I say, was so seasonably alleged, so plainly
• James arclibisliop of Armagh ; from whose mouth I had the relation.
9 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 253
expounded, so patlietically enforced, by the eloquence and gravity of
that bishop, (qualities wherein he excelled,) that it gave marvellous
satisfaction to a multitude of people there present, that it is con-
ceived it happily unproselyted some inclinable to his opinions ;
though Legate himself remained pertinacious, both against the
impressions of arguments and Scripture, daily multiplying his
enormous opinions. It is the happiness nature indulgeth to
monsters, that they are all barren ; whereas, on the contrary, mon-
strous positions are most procreative of the like, or worse than
themselves.
Before we set down his pestilent opinions, may writer and reader
fence themselves with prayer to God against the infection thereof;
lest, otherwise, touching such pitch (though but with the bare
mention) defile us, casually tempting a temptation in us, and awaking
some corruption, which otherwise would sleep silently in our souls.
And if, notwithstanding this our caution, any shall reap an accidental
evil to themselves by reading his damnable opinions, my pen is no
more accessary to their harm, than that apothecary is guilty of murder,
if others, out of a licourish curiosity, kill themselves with that poison
which he kept in his shop for sovereign use to make antidotes
thereof. His damnable tenets were as followeth : —
1. That the Creeds called the Nicene Creed, and Athanasius's
Creed, contain not a profession of the true Christian faith.
2. That Christ is not " God of God ; begotten, not made ; '' but
begotten and made.
3. That there are no persons in the Godhead.
4. That Christ was not God from everlasting, but began to be
God when he took flesh of the virgin Mary.
5. That the world was not made by Christ.
6. That the apostles teach Christ to be man only.
7. That there is no generation in God, but of creatures.
8. That this assertion, " God to be made man,'' is contrary to the
rule of faith, and monstrous blasphemy.
9. That Christ was not before the fulness of time, except by
promise.
10. That Christ was not God, otherwise than an anointed God.
11. That Christ was not in the form of God equal with God,
that is, in substance of God, but in righteousness, and giving sal-
vation.
12. That Christ by his Godhead wrought no miracle.
13. That Christ is not to be prayed unto.
For maintaining these opinions. Legate had long been in prison in
Newgate, yet with liberty allowed him to go abroad ; not contented
wherewith, he openly boasted, and often threatened to sue the court
254 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A,D. 1611.
which committed him, for reparations for false imprisomnent ; so that
his own indiscretion in this kind hastened his execiltion.
For hereupon bishop King finally con vented him in the Consistory
of St. Paul's ; and that worthy prelate, foreseeing that his proceedings
herein would meet with many listening ears, prying eyes, and prating
tongues, chose many reverend bishops, able divines, and learned
lawyers to assist him. So that the Consistory, so replenished for the
time being, seemed not so much a large Court, as a little Convocation.
By the counsel and consent of these, by his definitive sentence,
March 3rd, he " pronounced, decreed, and declared the foresaid
Bartholomew Legate an obdurate, contumacious, and incorrigible
heretic.'"* And by an instrument called a significavit^ certified the
same into the chancery, delivering him up unto the secular power;
the church-keys in such cases craving the help of the civil sword.
Whereupon, king James, with his letters, dated March 11th, under
the Privy-Seal, gave order to the Broad-Seal to direct the writ de
hwretico comburendo to the sheriffs of London, for the burning of
the foresaid Legate.
Now, as the bishop herein surrendered Legate to the secular power,
my Ecclesiastical History in like manner resigns him to the civil
historian, together with all the doubts, difficulties, and legal scruples
attending on or resulting from his condemnation. Let the learned
in the law consider on what statute the writ for his burning was
grounded, — whether on those old statutes enacted in the reigns of
Richard IL and Henry IV. or on the branch of some other new
statute to that eifect. Let them satisfy us how far those laws were
repealed m primo Elizahethce^ and how far they still stand in force ;
as, though not to pretended Lollardism, yet to blasphemy. Let
them examine the judgment of the learned Fitz-Herbert, whether
sound in his assertion., that " heretics, before the writ of their burning
be issued out against them, must first be convicted of heresy before
a provincial Convocation."* Whilst others affirm, that they being
convicted before their ordinary, sufficeth ; provided it be for such
opinions which Convocations have formerly condenmed for heretical.
To Smithfield he was brought to be burned, March 18th. See
here : It is neither the pain, nor the place, but only the cause makes
a martyr. In this very Smithfield, how many saints, in the Marian-
days, suffered for the testimony of .lesus Christ ! Whereas now one
therein dieth in his ow^n blood for denying him. Vast was the
conflux of people about him. Never did a scare-fire at midnight
summon more hands to quench it, than this at noon-day did eyes to
behold it. At last, refusing all mercy, he was burned to ashes.
• Be Natura Brcviu/n, fol. 2G9, a.
9 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 255
And so we leave him, tlie first that for a long time suffered death in
that manner : and, O that he might be the last to deserve it !
13, 14. Wightman worse than Legate. The Success of this
Severity.
In the next month, April 11th, Edward Wightman of Burton-
upon-Trent, convicted before Richard Neile, bishop of Coventry
and Liclifield, was burned at Lichfield for far worse opinions (if
worse might be) than Legate maintained. Mary Magdalene indeed
was once possessed with seven devils ; but ten several heresies were
laid to Wightman's charge ; namely, those of Ebion, Cerinthus,
Valentinian, Arius, Macedonius, Simon Magus, Manes, Manichseus,
Photinus, and of the Anabaptists.* Lord ! what are we when God
leaves us ! Did ever man maintain one heresy, and but one heresy ?
" Chains of darkness," Jude 6, we see, have their links, and errors are
complicated together.
God may seem well-pleased with this seasonable severity ; for, the
fire, thus kindled, quickly went out for want of fuel. I mean,
there was none ever after that openly avowed these heretical doctrines ;
only a Spanish Arian, who, condenmed to die, was notwithstanding
suffered to linger out his life in Newgate, where he ended the same.
Indeed, such buniing of heretics much startled common people,
pitying all in pain, and prone to asperse justice itself with cruelty,
because of the novelty and hideousness of the punishment. And
the purblind eyes of vulgar judgment looked only on what was next
to them, (the suffering itself,) which they beheld with compassion,
not minding the demerit of the guilt, which deserved the same.
Besides, such, being unable to distinguish betwixt constancy and
obstinacy, were ready to entertain good thoughts even of the opinions
of those heretics who sealed them so manfully with their blood.
Wherefore king James politicly preferred, that heretics hereafter,
though condemned, should silently and privately waste themselves
away in the prison, rather than to grace them, and amuse others,
with the solemnity of a public execution, which in popular judgments
usurped the honour of a persecution.
15, 16. The Death of Mr. Sutton, Founder of that famous
Hospital, the Charter-House. The several Manors belong-
ing thereunto.
I find no eminent divine or scholar deceased in this year ; only
one, whose bounty made many of both kinds, ended his life ; namely,
Richard Sutton, the Phoenix of our age, and sole founder of Charter-
house Hospital, esquire ; born of genteel parentage at Knaith in
• So reckoned up in the warrant for his burning.
25(5 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1611.
Lincolnshire : in his youth bred a soldier, gaining both wealth and
credit by his valour ; but afterwards embracing a more peaceable
profession of a merchant. This his foundation he called, " the
Hospital of king James ; " all discreet subjects having learned this
lesson from politic Joab, — calling Rabbah after the name of king
David, 2 Sam. xii. 28, — to entitle their sovereign to the honour of
their achievements, which are of extraordinary proportion. Children
not yet come to — and old men already past — helping of themselves,
have in this hospital their souls and bodies provided for ! The latter
nmst be " decayed gentlemen," the most proper objects of charity, as
whose ingenuous spirits are most sensible of want, and most unable
to provide for themselves.
It is utterly improbable that it will ever come within the compass
of my power to found any place for pious uses. All, wherein my
weak ability can express its forwardness, is to honour the charity of
others, and, for the present, alphabetically to methodize the manors
which Mr. Sutton in several counties settled for the maintenance
of this his hospital : —
1. Balsham manor, in Cambridgeshire. 2. Bassingthorpe manor,
in Lincolnshire. 3. Blacke-grove manor, in Wiltshire. 4. Broad-
hinton, land, in Wiltshire. 5. Castle-camp manor, in Cambridge-
shire. 6. Chilton manor, in Wiltshire. 7- Dunsby manor, in Lin-
colnshire. 8. Elcombe manor and park, in Wiltshire. 9. Hackney,
land, Middlesex. 10. Hallingbury-bouchers manor, in Essex.
11. Missenden manor, in Wiltshire. 12. Much-stanbridge manor,
in Essex. 13. Norton manor, in Essex. 14. Salthorpe manor, in
Wiltshire. 15. South-minster manor, in Essex. 16. Tottenham,
land, in Middlesex. 17- Ufford manor, in Wiltshire. 18. Wateles-
cote manor, in Wiltshire. 19. Westcot manor, in Wiltshire.
20. Wroughton manor, in Wiltshire.
See here the most liberal endowment made by one man. May it
most truly be said of our London merchants, as of those of Tyre,
'' whose merchants are princes .?" Isaiah xxiii. 8.
17 — 19. The Jesuits carping at his good work. His politic
Modesty in his Corrective. Answers to Jesuits'' Cavils.
But no work so virtuous which some malicious spirits will not
endeavour to disgrace. One who writeth himself, J. H. but gene-
rally conceived to be Mr. Knott, the Jesuit, in his answer to
Dr. Potter's book of " Charity mistaken,"'* lets fly asfolloweth: —
" Do your hospitals deserve so much as to be named ? Have you
anything of that kind in effect of particular note, saving the few
• Part ii. cliap. 1, parag, 2.
0 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVJT. 257
mean nurseries of idle beggai^s and debauched people ? Except,
perhaps, Sutton's hospital, which, as I have been informed, was to
take no profit till he was dead. He, who, as I have also understood,
died so without any children, or brothers, or sisters, or known kin-
dred, as that, perad venture, it might have escheated to the king.
He, who lived a wretched and penurious life, and drew that mass of
wealth together by usury ; in which case, according to good con-
science, his estate, without asking him leave, was, by the law of God,
obnoxious to restitution, and ought to have been applied to pious
uses. Whereas anciently in this country, and at all times, and
specially in this last age, men see abundance of heroical actions of
this kind performed in foreign parts. And if it were not for fear of
noting many other great cities, as if there were any want of most
munificent hospitals in them, wherein they abound ; I could tell
you of one called the linnunciata, in the city of Naples, which spends
three hundred thousand crowns per annum ; which comes to above
fourscore thousand pounds sterling by the year; which ever feeds
and cures a thousand sick persons, and pays for the nursing and
entertaining of three thousand sucking children of poor people ; and
hath fourteen other distinct hospitals under it, where the persons of
those poor creatures are kept, and where they are defrayed of all
their necessary charges every week. I could also tell you of an
hospital in Rome, called St. Spirito, of huge revenues ; but it is
not my meaning to enter into particulars, which would prove
endless."
Before we come to the particular examination of this his accusation,
it is observable how many qualificatives, correctives, and restrictives,
('' perhaps, as I have been informed, as I have also understood,
perad venture,'') he inserteth in this his relation. Indeed, such quali-
fications are better than equivocations ; yet, what some may impute
to modesty is his policy, if well considered. For if any protestant
confute what he hath written, this accuser will take sanctuary under
the protection of those restrictions, defending himself that he de-
livered nothing positively ; whilst ignorant papists of his own pro-
fession, not heeding his doubting limitations, swallow all down for
dogmatical truth.
More particularly the Reformed religion in England hath been the
mother of many brave foundations : many famous hospitals, as that
at Warwick, built by the earl of Leicester ; Croydon, by archbishop
Whitgift ; Guildford, by archbishop Abbot; (not to speak of
Christ Church, and St. Thomas's Hospital, built by king Ed-
ward VI.) though none of them have thrived and battled so fast
and so fairly as this of Sutton's foundation. Whereas he chargeth
him to have had no children, it is confessed, seeing he died a bachelor ;
Vol. III. s
258 CHURCH history of Britain. a.d. 1613.
whose life, had he been of their opinion, had been cried up for a
precious piece of virginity. That he had no known kindred, is
false ; some of them afterwards, but in vain, endeavouring to over-
throw his will ; though he made the poor to be his " mother, and
sister, and brother." As for his getting wealth by unlawful ways, I
am not to justify the particular circumstances of any man's actions.
Should a secret scrutiny be made how all founders of monasteries
first came by their wealth, many would be found justly obnoxious
to censure.
20, 21 . Mr. Sutton's constant Prayer. Sutton'^s Hospital^ how
exceedmg the Annunciata.
Indeed, our Sutton began with a good stock, had no charge to
burden him, lived to be very aged, seventy-nine years ; and, by
God's blessing on his providence, industry, and thrift, advanced the
main of his estate. This I can confidently report from the mouth
of a credible witness, who heard it himself, and told it- to me, that
Mr. Sutton used often to repair into a private 'garden, where he
poured forth his prayers to God ; and, amongst other passages, was
frequently overheard to use this expression : " Lord, thou hast given
me a large and liberal estate ; give me also a heart to make use
thereof; " which at last was granted to him accordingly.
As for the overgrown hospital of the Aimwiciata at Naples, we
envy not the wealth thereof; though reports, at such distance,
lose nothing in the relation. Nor do we wonder that it cureth
yearly a thousand sick persons, considering what disease first came
from Naples, and was thence denominated. As for the three thou-
sand children nursed therein, it is to be feared many wanted fathers to
own them ; and this not so much the fruit of charity as of wanton-
ness. However, that hospital hath at several times been advanced
by a College of benefactors : whereas Sutton's may stand peerless
in this respect, — that it was founded, finished, and endowed by him-
self alone ; disbursing thirteen thousand pounds * (paid down
before the ensealing of the conveyance) for the ground whereon it
stood, with some other appurtenances ; beside six thousand pounds
expended in the building thereof, and that vast yearly endowment,
whereof heretofore. We mention not the large sums bequeathed
by him to the poor, to prisons, to colleges, to mending highways,
to the Chamber of London, beside twenty thousand pounds left to
the discretion of his executors. What remaineth, but that we pray,
that, according to his pious intentions, the same may be continued
to the glory of God, credit of the protestant religion, comfort to the
poor, good example to the rich, and perpetual memory of king James,
* Stow's '* Survey of London," page 43.
10 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 25Q
the honorary — and Mr. Sutton, the effectual — founder thereof!
that this sun, amongst the lesser lights of protestant charities, may-
shine on earth, as long as the sun, that faithful witness, endureth in
heaven ! Being more confident that my desire herein will take
effect, considering the honourable governors of this hospital are per-
sons so good they will not abuse it themselves, and so great they
will not suffer it to be abused by others.
22. The Death of Prince Henry. A.D. 1612.
England at this time enjoying abundance of peace, plenty, and
prosperity, in full speed of her happiness, was checked on a sudden
Avith the sad news of the death of prince Henry, November 6th, in
the rage of a malicious extraordinary burning fever. He was gene-
rally lamented of the whole land ; both universities publishing their
verses in print ; and give me leave to remember four made by Giles
Fletcher, of Trinity College in Cambridge, on this prmce's plain
grave, because wanting an inscription : and it will be honour enough
to me, if I can make thereof a translation : —
Si sapis, attonitus saci'o decede sejmlchro,
Nee cineri quce sunt nomina qucere novo,
Prudens celavit sculptor, nam quisque rescivit,
Protinus in lachrymas solvitur, et moriiur.
" If wise, amazed depart tHs holy grave ;
Nor these new ashes ask, what names they havei
The graver, in concealing them, was wise ;
For, whoso knows, straight melts in tears, and dies."
Give me leave to add one more, made by Mr. George Hei'bert,
untranslatable for its elegancy and expressiveness : —
Ulteriora tittieyis cum 'morte paciscitur orhis.
And thus we take our leave of the memory of so worthy a prince,
never heard by any alive to swear an oath ; for which archbishop
Abbot commended him in his Funeral Sermon ; the prince being
wont to say, that he knew no game or value to be won or lost, that
could be worth an oath.
23. The Marriage of the Palatine. A.D.\6\S.
" One generation goeth, and another generation cometh ; but the
earth remaineth for ever."*"* The stage stands, the actors alter.
Prince Henry's funerals are followed with the prince Palatine's
nuptials, solemnized with great state, February 14th, in hopes of
happiness to both persons, though sad in the event thereof, and
occasioning great revolutions in Christendom.
s 2
2G0 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1C14.
24, 25. The Divorce of the Earl of Essex discussed. A memo-
rahle Speech of Bishop King.
Expect not of me an account of the divorce of the lady Frances
Howard from the earl of Essex, and of her re-marriage to Robert
Carr, earl of Somerset ; which divorce divided the bishops of the
land in their judgments : —
Against it. — George Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury ; John
King, bishop of London ; alleging the common fame of incontinency
betwixt her and the earl of Somerset.
For it. — Thomas Bilson, bishop of Winchester; Lancelot
Andrews, bishop of Ely ; Richard Neile, bishop of Coventry and
Lichfield : these proceeded, secundum allegata et probata., of the
earl's inability, quoad hanc ; and the lady's untainted virginity.
Only I will insert one passage : Bishop Overal discoursing with
bishop King about the divorce, the latter expressed himself to this
effect : " I should never have been so earnest against the divorce,
save that because persuaded in my conscience of falsehood in some
of the depositions of the witnesses on the lady's behalf." This sure
I am, from her second marriage is extracted as chaste and virtuous
a lady as any of the English nation.*
26, 27. Wadham College founded, where formerly a Monastery
of Augustines.
Nicholas Wadham, esquire, of Merryfield [Merefield] in the
county of Somerset, did by his last will bequeath four hundred
pounds per anuum^ and six thousand pounds in money, to the
building of a College in Oxford ; leaving the care and trust of the
whole to Dorothy his wife ; one of no less learned and liberal than
noble extraction ; a sister to John lord Petre, and daughter to Sir
William Petre, secretary to four kings, and a worthy benefactor to
All Souls' College. In her life-time she added almost double to
what her husband bequeathed ; whereby, at this day, it is become
one of the most uniform buildings in England, as no additional
result at several times of sundry fancies and founders, but the entire
product all at once of the same architect.
This year the same was finished, built in a place where formerly
stood a monastery of the Augustine friars ; who were so eminent
for their abilities in disputing, that the university did by a particular
statute impose it as an exercise upon all those that were to proceed
Master of Arts, that they should first be disputed upon by the
Augustine friars : which old statute is still in force, produced at this
day for an equivalent exercise, yet styled, '' answering Augustines.''
• Anne coixntess of Beilfortl.
12 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 261
The College hath from its beginning still retained something of its
old genius, having been continually eminent for some that were
acute philosophers and good disputants.
Wardens. — Dr. Wright, admitted 1613 ; Dr. Flemming,
admitted 1613 ; Dr. Smith, 1616 ; Dr. Escott, 1635 ; Dr. Pitt,
1644; Dr. John Wilkins, 1648.
Bishops. — Robert Wright, bishop of Bristol, then of Coventry
and Lichfield.
Benefactors. — Philip Bisse, doctor of divinity, canon of
Wells, and archdeacon of Taunton, gave one thousand eight hun-
dred and forty-nine books for their library, valued at twelve hundred
pounds.
Learned Writers. — Humphrey Sydenham, a very eloquent
preacher.
So that very lately * there were in this College, one Warden,
fifteen Fellows, fifteen Scholars, two Chaplains, tw^o Clerks, besides
Officers and Servants of the foundation, with many other Students ;
the whole number one hundred and twenty. As for Dr. John
Wilkins, the present Warden thereof, my worthily-respected friend,
he hath courteously furnished me with my best intelligence from
that university.
28. A Parliament suddenly called^ soon dissohed.
A parliament was called ; wherein many things were transacted,
nothing concluded. In this parliament. Dr. Harsnet, bishop of
Chichester, gave oflfence in a sermon preached at court, pressing the
word, Beddite Cwsari quw sunt Cc&saris, as if all that was levied by
subsidies, or paid by custom to the crown, was but a redditum of
what was the king's before. Likewise Dr. Neile, bishop of
Rochester, uttered words in the House of the Lords, interpreted to
the disparagement of some reputed zealous patriot in the House of
Commons. Both these bishops were questioned upon it ; and, to
save them from the storm, this was the occasion chiefly (as was sup-
posed) of the abrupt breaking-up of the parliament.
29 — 33. The Death of Bishop Rudd. A remarkable Passage.
The Bishop^ by plain Preaching^ gains the Queen's
Favour ; a7id, by too personal Preaching^ loseth it again :
yet died generally beloved and lamented. A.D. 1614.
Anthony Rudd, bishop of St. David's, ended his life, March 27th.
He was born in Yorkshire, bred in Trinity College in Cambridge,
where he became Fellow : a most excellent preacher, whose sermons
• Namely, anno 1634,
262 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1615.
were very acceptable to queen Elizabeth. Hereon dependeth a
memorable story ; which because but defectively delivered by Sir
John Harrington, I request the reader^s patience, and require his
belief, to this large and true relation thereof.
Bishop Rudd preaching in his course before queen Elizabeth at
Whitehall, her majesty was highly affected with his sermon ; inso-
much that she commanded archbishop Whitgift to signify unto him,
that he should be his successor in case the archbishopric ever fell in
the queen's disposal.
Not long after the archbishop, meeting bishop Rudd, " Brother,"
said he, " I bring good tidings to you, though bad to myself ; for
they cannot take full effect till after my death. Her Grace is so
pleased with your last sermon, she enjoined me to signify to you
her pleasure, — that you shall be my successor in Canterbury, if
surviving me." The bishop modestly declined his words, desiring
the long life of his Grace ; and, in case of his advancement to
heaven, confessed many other in England far fitter for the place
than his own unworthiness ; adding, after some other exchange of
words, *' Good my lord, might I be my own judge, I conceive I
have preached better sermons at court, surely such as cost me more
time and pains in composing them." "I tell you," replied the
archbishop, *' the truth is this, — the queen now is grown weary of
the vanities of wit and eloquence, wherewith her youth was formerly
affected ; and plain sermons, which come home to her heart, please
her the best." Surely his Grace was too mortified a man, (though
none naturally love their successors whilst themselves are alive,)
intentionally to lay a train to blow up this archbishop-designed,
though by the other"'s unadvised practice of his words it proved so in
the event.
For, next time when it came to the bishop's course to preach at
Court, then lying at Richmond, anno 159G, he took for his text.
Psalm xc. 12 : " O teach us to number our days, that we may
incline our hearts unto wisdom :" and, in the close of his sermon,
touched on the infirmities of age, '' when the grinders shall be few
in number, and they wax dark that look out at the windows,"
Eccles. xii. 3 ; personally applying it to the queen, how age had
furrowed her face, and besprinkled her hair with its meal. Wliereat
her majesty, to whom inrfratissimum acroama^ to hear of death, was
highly displeased. Thus, he not only lost liis reversion of the
archbishopric of Canterbury, (which indeed never fell in the queen's
days,) but also the present possession of her majesty's fiivour.
Yet he justly retained the repute of a reverend and godly prelate,
and carried the same to the grave. He wrought much on the
Welsh by his wisdom, and won their affections; and, by moderate
IS JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 263
tlirift, and long staying in the same see, left to his son, Sir Rise
Rudd, baronet, a fair estate at Aberglaseny in Carmarthenshire.
34, 35. Casauhon invited into England ; where he dieth, and is
buried.
Some three years since, on the death of king Henry IV. Isaac
Casaubon, that learned critic, was fetched out of France by king
James, and preferred prebendary of Canterbury. Thus desert will
never be a drug, but be vented at a good rate in one country or
another, as long as the world afFordeth any truly to value it. King
Henry is not dead to Casaubon, as long as king James is alive.
He who formerly flourished under the bays, now thriveth altogether
as well under the olive. Nor is Casaubon sensible that England is
the colder climate, whilst he finds the beams of his majesty so
bright and warm unto him ; to whom also the lesser lights of
prelates and peers contributed their assistance.
Presently he falls a-writing, as natural, and almost as necessary,
as breathing unto him : First : To Fronto Ducseus his learned
friend. Then : To cardinal Perron, in the just vindication of our
English church. After these, he began his " Exercitations on
Baronius's Ecclesiastical Annals,*''' which more truly may be termed,
" the Annals of the Church of Rome.*" But, alas ! death here
stopped him in his full speed, July 1st ; and he lieth entombed in
the south aisle of Westminster Abbey : not on the east or poetical
side thereof, where Chaucer, Spenser, Drayton, are interred, but on
the west or historical side of the aisle, next the monument of Mr.
Camden ; both whose plain tombs, made of white marble, show the
simplicity of their intentions, the candidness of their natures, and
perpetuity of their memories. Mr. Casaubon''s was erected at the
cost of Thomas Morton, bishop of Durham, that great lover of
learned men, dead or alive.
36, 37. T?te supposed Occasion of Mr. Selden's Writing against
the Divine Right of Tithes. Many write in Answer to his
Book. A.D. 1615.
The king comes to Cambridge in a sharp winter, March 7th,
when all the world was nothing but air and snow. Yet the scholars'*
wits did not freeze with the weather : witness the pleasant play of
" Ignoramus,'''' which they presented to his majesty. Yet whilst
many laughed aloud at the mirth thereof, some of the graver sort
were sad to see the common lawyers made ridiculous therein. If
gowns begin once to abase gowns, cloaks will carry away all.
Besides, of all wood the pleaders'* bar is the worst to make a stage
of. For, once in an age, all professions must be beholding to their
264 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1610.
patronage. Some conceive,* that, in revenge, Mr. John Selden
soon after set forth his book of tithes, wherein he historically
proveth that they were payable jure humano^ and not otherwise.
I cannot suspect so high a soul guilty of so low reflections, that
his book related at all to this occasion ; but only that the latitude
of his mind, tracing all paths of learning, did casually light on the
road of this subject. His book is divided into two parts ; whereof
the first is a mere Jew, of the practice of tithing amongst the
Hebrews ; the second, a Christian, and chiefly an Englishman, of
their customs in the same. And although many divines undertook
the answer of this book, — as Mr. Stephen Nettles, fellow of Queen's
College in Cambridge, (applying himself to the Judaical part,) Dr.
Tillesly, and Mr. Montague, (all writing sharply, if strongly
enough,) — yet, sure it is, never a fiercer storm fell on all parsonage
barns since the Reformation, than what this treatise raised up.
38, 39. Melmn freed from the Tower.
By this time Mr. Andrew Melvin, a Scotchman, got to be
enlarged out of the Tower ; whither he had been committed for
writing some satirical verses against the ornaments on the altar, or
communion-table, in the king's chapel. When first brought into
the Tower, he found Sir William Seymour (now the right honour-
able, most truly noble, and religious marquis of Hertford) there
imprisoned for marrying the lady Arabella, so nearly allied to the
crown, without the king's consent. To whom Melvin, being an
excellent poet, (but inferior to Buchanan his master,) sent this
distich : —
Causa mihi tecum comviunis carceHs^ Ara
ReGIA BELLA tM, REGIA SACRA mihi.
As for his invective verses against the chapel-ornaments, I con-
ceive the following copy most authentic ; though there be various
lections of them, bat all in the main agreeing together : —
Quod duo stent libri clausi Anglis regid iii ard,
Lumina co'cu duo, poUubra sicca duo.
An clausum caecumque Dei tenet Anglia cultum
Lumine caeca suo, sorde scpulta sua?
Romano ct ritu dum regalem instruit aram,
Purpuream pingit hLVuriosa ■\ lupam.
Mr. George Herbert, of Trinity College in Cambridge, made a
most ingenious retortion of this hexastich, which as yet all my
industry cannot recover. Yet it much contenteth me, that I am
certainly informed, that the posthume remains (shavings of gold are
• Author of Dr. rreston's Life. t -V//(/.s, rcligiosa.
14 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 265
carefully to be kept !) of that not less pious than witty writer
are shortly to be put forth into print, when this his Anti-pelvi-
Melti
But now at last Melvin's liberty was procured by the intercession
of the chief of the Reformed in France ; and, being released, he
afterwards became Professor at Sedan, in the duke of Bouillon's
country. Here he ceased not to traduce the church of England,
against which he wrote a scroll of sapphics, entitled, " Tami-Chami-
Categeria^
40, 41 . The Death of Bishop Bilson. CampiarCs Falsehood.
This year Thomas Bilson, bishop of Winchester, who carried
prelature in his very aspect, ended his life ; first schoolmaster, then
warden of Winchester ; afterwards bishop of Worcester, and lastly,
of Winchester : a deep and profound scholar, excellently well read
in the Fathers, principally showed in his defence of Christ's descent
into hell.
By the way, it is a falsehood what Campian writes confidently,
that Cheyney, bishop of Gloucester, had affirmed unto him ; namely,
that concerning this article it was moved in a Convocation at
London, Quemadmodum sine tumultu penitus eximatur de Symbolo,
" How it might without any noise be wholly taken out of the
Creed.''' For, no such debate appeareth upon record in our Convo-
cations ; and as for Campian, his single affirmation is of no validity.
42. Archbishop of Spalato.
Marcus Antonius de Dominis, archbishop of Spalato, came over
into England, December 6th ; was here courteously welcomed, and
plentifully preferred ; of whose hypocrisy and ingratitude largely
hereafter ; namely, anno 1622.
43. The King goes into Scotland. A. D. 1616.
March 14th, king James went into Scotland to visit his native
country, with a princely train. In his passage thither, he was
much affected with a sermon which one of his chaplains preached
upon this text : " And Abraham was very rich in cattle, in silver,
and in gold. And he went on his journeys from the south even to
Bethel, to the place where his tent had been at the beginning,"
Gen. xiii. 2, 3. As for his entertainment in Scotland, we leave it
to their historians to relate. For may my pen be plundered by the
Borderers, or moss-troopers, if offering to cross Tweed into another
country !
266 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. IGVf.
44, 45. The Death of Bishop James, Bishop Robinson, and
Bishop Bennet.
This year died Dr. William James, born in Cheshire, Master
first of the University College, then Dean of Christ Church in
Oxford, Chaplain to Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester, and Con-
fessor to him at his death ; and at last made bishop of Durham.
He expended much on the repairing of the chapel of Durham-
house, in the Strand, and in his younger days was much commended
for his hospitality.
Two other prime prelates accompanied him to the other world,
Dr. Henry Robinson, Provost of Queen"*s College, in Oxford,
Bishop of Carlisle ; of great temperance, mild in speech, but weak
in constitution. The other, Robert Bennet, Fellow of Trinity
College, in Cambridge, Chaplain to the lord Burleigh, termed by a
great divine, eruditiis Benedictus, Bishop of Hereford, well-deserving
of his see, whose houses he repaired.
46 — 49. Dr. Mockefs Translation of our English Liturgy;
cavilled at by many. The pinching Accusation. Imperial
Decrees command not in England. On the Burning of
his Book Dr. Mocket dieth. J.D. I617.
Dr. Mocket, Warden of All Souls in Oxford, Chaplain to George
Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury, set forth a book in pure Latin,
containing " the Apology of the Church of England ;'*' " the
greater and lesser Catechism ;" " the nine-and-thirty Articles ;"
" the Common Prayer ;""' " the Ordination of Bishops, Priests, and
Deacons ;" " the Polity, or Government of the Church of England."'
As for the Homilies, too tedious to be translated at large, he
epitomized them into certain propositions, by him faithfully
extracted.
No sooner appeared this book in print, but many faults were
found therein. Indeed, it fared the worse for the author, the author
for his patron the archbishop, against whom many bishops began
then to combine. Some accused him of presumption for under-
taking such a task without commission from the king;* it being
almost as fatal for private persons to tamper with such public
matters, as for a subject to match into the blood-royal without leave
of his sovereign. Others complained, that he enlarged the liberty
of a translator into the licence of a commenter, and the propo-
sitions out of the Homilies by him collected were made to lean to
the judgment of the collector. James Montague, bishop of Win-
chester, a potent courtier, took exceptions that his bishopric in the
• Yet cum privilcffio is prefixed oii the first page.
15 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 267
marshalling of them was wronged in the method, as put after any
whose bishop is a privy counsellor.*
But the main matter objected against it was, that this doctor was
a better chaplain than a subject, contracting the power of his prince
to enlarge the privilege of his patron ; allowing the archbishop of
Canterbury's power to confirm the election of bishops in his pro-
vinces, citing for the same, the sixth canon of the first Nicene
Council established by imperial authority :f " If any be made a
bishop without the consent of his metropolitan, he ought not to be
a bishop."
This was counted a high offence, to attribute an obliging authority
either to canon or civil law ; both which, if crossing the common
law of the land, are drowned in their passage as they sail over from
Calais to Dover ; and king James, justly jealous of his own prero-
gative, approved not such a confirming power in the archbishop,
which might imply a negative voice, in case he disliked such elects
as the king should recommend unto him.
Hereupon, Dr. Mockefs book was censured to be burned ; which
was done accordingly. Now, although the imperfections and indis-
cretions of this translator might be consumed as dross in the fire,
•yet the undoubted truth of the Articles of the English church
therein contained, as flame-free and perfectly refined, will endure to
all eternity. The doctor took this censure so tenderly, especially
so much defeated in his expectation — to find punishment where he
looked for preferment ; as if his life were bound up by sympathy in
his book, he ended his days soon after.
50. The Death of Robert Abbot, Bishop of Salisbury,
Though his death much affected his friends in Oxford, yet far
greater the grief of that university for the decease of Robert Abbot,
bishop of Salisbury, who died this year, March 2nd : one of the
honours, not only of that see, but of the church of England ; born
at Guildford, in Surrey, of religious parents ; as persevering in the
truth, though persecuted for the same in the reign of queen Mary ; J
whose two younger brothers, George and Maurice, the one came to
be archbishop of Canterbury, the other was lord-n.ayor of London,
and the first knight of king Charles's dubbing. This good bishop's
deserts, without any other friend or spokesman, preferred him to all
his promotions. For, upon his oration made on queen Elizabeth's
inauguration, he was chosen Scholar (and afterwards Fellow and
Master) of Balliol College. Upon a sermon preached at Worcester,
he was made lecturer of that city. Upon a sermon preached at
* In his Politica Ecclesi<ie Anjlicana:, cap. v. page 314. f ibid, page 309.
t Abel Rcclivims, page 540.
268 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1618.
Paul's Cross, Mr. John Stanhope preferred him to the rich benefice
of Bingham, in Nottinghamshire. Upon a sermon preached before
king James, he was nominated successor to Dr. Holland, in the
king's professor's place, in Oxford.
Upon the fame of his incomparable lectures de Potestate Begid^
and other labours, he was made bishop of Salisbury. In conferring
which place, the king conquered all opposition, which some envious
persons raised against him. Witness his majesty's pleasant speech :
" Abbot, I have had much to do to make thee a bishop ; but I
know no reason for it, unless it were because thou hast written a
book against a popish prelate," meaning William Bishop, entitled
by the pope, " the nominal bishop of the aerial diocess of Chal-
cedon ;" which enraged the court-papists against him to obstruct his
preferment. " The hour-glass of his life," saith my author,* " ran
out the sooner for having the sand or gravel thereof stopped;" so
great his grief of the stone ; though, even whilst his body was on
the rack, his soul found ease in the assurance of salvation.
51, 52. The Imposture of the Boy of Bilston, found out by
Bishop Morton. A. D. 1618.
About this time, a boy dwelling at Bilston in Staffordshire,
William Perry by name, not full fifteen years in age, but above
forty in cunning, was practised on by some Jesuits, (repairing to the
house of Mr. Gifford in that county,) to dissemble himself possessed.
This was done on design that the priests might have the credit to
cast out that devil, (which never was in,) so to grace their religion
with the reputation of a miracle.
But now the best of the jest (or rather the worst of the earnest,)
was, the boy, having gotten a habit of counterfeiting, leading a lazy
life thereby, to his own ease and parents' profit, (to whom he was
more worth than the best plough-land in the shire,) would not be
un-deviled by all their exorcisms, so that the priests raised up a spirit
which they could not allay. At last, by the industry of Dr.
Morton, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, the juggling was laid open
to the world by the boy's own confession and repentance ; who,
being bound an apprentice at the bishop's cost, verified the proverb,
that " an untoward boy may make a good man."
53, 54. Cheaters of several Kinds, King James'^s Dexterity in
detecting them.
Indeed, all this king's reign was scattered over with cheaters in
this kind. Some papists, some sectaries, some neither ; as who dis-
sembled such possession, either out of malice, to be revenged on
• Dr. Fe^tley, in " the Life of Biahop Abbot," page 549.
IC JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 269
those whom they accused of ^Yitchcraft, or covetousness, to enrich
themselves ; seeing such, who, out of charity or curiosity, repaired
unto them, were bountiful in their relief. But take a few of many : —
Papists. — Sarah Williams,* lying past all sense in a trance, had
a devil, say the Romanists, slipped up into her leg.
Grace Sourebuts,-|- of Samlesbury, in the county of Lancaster, '
was persuaded, by Southworth, a priest, to dissemble possession,
to gain himself credit by exorcising her.
Mary and Amie, two maids of Westminster,| pretended them-
selves in raptures from the virgin Mary and Micliael the archangel.
Edward Hance,§ a popish priest, born at Lutterworth in Leicester-
shire, gave it out that he was possessed of the Blessed Trinity.
No Papists. — Richard Haydok, Fellow of New College in
Oxford, preached in his dreams Latin sermons against the hierarchy.
He afterwards recanted, lived in good esteem to a great age in Salis-
bury, practising physic, being also an excellent poet, limner, and
engraver.
Anne Gunter, a maid of Windsor, gave it out she was possessed
of a devil, and was transported with strange ecstatical phrensies.
A maid at Standon in Hertfordshire, which personated a demo-
niac so lively, that many judicious persons were deceived by her.
See we this catalogue consists most of the weaker sex ; either
because satan would plant his battery where easiest to make a
breach ; or because he found such most advantaged for dissembling,
and his cloven-foot best concealed under long coats. Indeed,
some feminine weaknesses made them more strong to delude ; the
ruins of the disease of the mother being the best foundation to build
such imposture thereon.
King James remembering what Solomon saith, " It is the honour
of a king to search out a matter,'^ Prov. xxv. 2, was no less dex-
terous than desirous to make discovery of these deceits. Various
were his ways in his detecting them; awing some into confession
with his presence, persuading others by promise of pardon and fair
usage. He ordered it so, that a proper courtier made love to one of
these bewitched maids, and quickly Cupid's arrows drove out the
pretended darts of the devil. Another there was, the tides of whose
possession did so ebb and flow, that punctually they observed one
liour till the king came to visit her. The maid loath to be so
unmannerly as to make his majesty attend her time, antedated her
fits many hours, and instantly ran through the whole zodiac
of tricks which she used to play. A third, strangely-affected when
the first verse of St. John's Gospel was read unto her in our trans-
• See Bishop Harsnet's book on this subject, page 81. t John Gee's " Foot
oat of the Snare," page 53. t Idevi, page 54, § Idcviy page 5.5.
270 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.J). 1618.
lation, was tame and quiet whilst the same was pronounced in
Greek ; her English devil, belike, understanding no other language.
The frequency of such forged possessions wrought such an altera-
tion upon the judgment of king James, that he, receding from what
he had written in his " Demonology," grew first diffident of, and
then flatly to deny, the workings of witches and devils, as but
falsehoods and delusions.
55, 56. The King's Declaration for Liberty on the Lord's Day.
The various Effects thereof.
King James, having, last year, in his progress passed through
Lancashire, took notice, that, by the preciseness of some magistrates
and ministers, in several places of this kingdom, in hindering people
from their recreations on the Sundays, the papists in this realm
being thereby persuaded that no honest mirth or recreation was
tolerable in our religion. Whereupon, May 14th, the Court
being then at Greenwich, he set forth a Declaration to this effect,
that, " for his good people''s lawful recreations, his pleasure was,
that, after the end of Divine service, they should not be disturbed,
letted, or discouraged from any lawful recreations ; such as dancing
either of men or women ; archery for men, leaping, vaulting, or any
such harmless recreations ; nor from having of May-games, Whit-
sun-ales, or morris-dances, and setting-up of May-poles, or other
sports therewith used, so as the same be had in due and convenient
time, without impediment or let of Divine service ; and that
women should have leave to carry rushes to the church for the
decoring of it, according to their old custom ; withal prohibiting all
unlawful games to be used on the Sundays only, as bear-baiting,
bull-baiting, interludes, and (at all times in the meaner sort of people
by law prohibited) bowling.""
But when this Declaration was brought abroad, it is not so hard
to believe, as sad to recount, what grief and distraction thereby
was occasioned in many honest men''s hearts ; who looked on it, not
as local for Lancashire, but what in process of time would enlarge
itself all over England.* Some conceived the recreations specified
impeditive to the observation of the Lord's day ; yea, unsuitable
and unbeseeming the essential duties thereof. But others main-
tained, that if private men's speeches must not be pressed to an
odious construction, much more men were bound candidly to inter-
pret the acts of authority ; and in charity must presume and be
persuaded, that religious princes will command nothing what they
conceive either to be unjust or not expedient, all things considered.
They considered, moreover, (which was mainly material,) tliat this
• So it was in the reign of king Charles, «««o 1633.
16 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XYIl. 271
Declaration was not dogmatical or doctrinal, to say or aver these things
to be theologically lawful ; but it was edictiim civile, what the king
thought fit upon just reasons to permit, without restraint or punish-
ment. The hardness of men's hearts on one side, which will break
loose though restrained, and the hope of gaining others on the other
side by a favourable allowance, might be just motives in authority
to give way to things cimliter, that they may be done impune, and
yet not prejudice any point of religion, and not to be done licite,
as in divorces extra ccisum adulterii, usury, &c.
57 — 60. Reasons of the Refusers to publish this Declaration.
The Arguments for the lawful publishing of the Decla-
ration. A Third Sort resolve on a strange E.vpedient.
Lancashire Ministers more scared than hurt. A Fourth
Sort read it with Approbation of the Contents therein.
But the difficulty was increased, when ministers daily feared to be
urged upon their canonical obedience, to promulgate and publish the
said Declaration in their parish- churches; which some resolved flatly
to refuse, especially such who formerly had strictly preached and
pressed the observation of the Lord's day, alleging for and apply-
ing to themselves that place of St. Paul : " For, if I build again
the things which I have destroyed, I make myself a transgressor,''
Gal. ii. 18. Beside this, they enforced the reasons following for
their recusancy; yea, though the king himself should enjoin them
on their allegiance : —
1. That the publishing of this Declaration w^ould be inter-
pretative an approbation thereof; whereas, on the contrary, they
are commanded, to "have no fellowship with the unfruitful works
of darkness, but rather to reprove them," Ephesians v. 11.
2. That hereby they should draw a just woe upon them, pro-
nounced by the prophet: "Woe unto them that decree unrighteous
decrees, and that write grievousness which they have prescribed,"
Isaiah x. 1. Where, as the learned interpret, even public notaries,
which are but instrumental, are threatened w^ith a curse.*
o. That the promulgation of a law is de essentia legis ; so that
people would neither take notice of this Declaration, nor liberty by
it, till it were published, and so the publisher should per se be a
promoter of a sin.
4. That obedience to authority obligeth only in licitis et
honestis ; and the apostle confer- seth, that he himself had "power
to edification, and not to destruction," 2 Cor. xiii. 10; whereunto
the publishing thereof did manifestly tend.
On the other side, some learned and pious ministers, who in their
• JuNics and Piscator on the place.
272 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIl^r. A.D. 1618.
judgments were convinced that some of the aforesaid recreations
were incompatible with the sanctification of the sabbath ; notwith-
standing, in case his majesty should enjoin it, on serious deliberation
resolved, in obedience to the king, publicly to read or cause the
reading of the Declaration, not looking at the contents therein, but
at the authority commanding the publication thereof; the rather,
because no subscription was required, or vocal assent, to approve
what therein was contained to be just, or affirm it to be true ; but
a bare ministerial declaring of the king's will and pleasure therein,
which they conceived themselves bound in conscience to perform,
for the reasons ensuing : —
1. The refusal, well observed, doth resolve into a principle, which
would take away the necessity of obedience universally, when the
party commanded can pretend the magistrate ought not to com-
mand him any such thing; and, if the prince must suspend his
edicts upon each subject''s doubt, he should never set forth any, con-
sidering the variety of judgments and the distractions which are in
his subjects.
2. A sheriff may, yea, must, disperse the king's proclamations,
which he liketh not; and a clerk, at the command of his master, a
Justice of Peace, may lawfully write the mittimus of that person to
prison whom in his particular judgment he conceiveth to be inno-
cent ; and (what is most proper to our purpose, because a religious
instance) a minister, without any sin, may safely pronounce an
excommunication, legally delivered unto him, though in his own
private conscience he be convinced that the party is unjustly excom-
municated.
3. There are many precedents hereof in antiquity. A Father *
gives this censure, that when the Jews, commanded by Antiochus,
gave up the Divine Books to his officers, to be destroyed, it was
peccatum imperantis et minantis; non jyopuli, cum dolor e et tremor e
tradentis^ " a sin of him that commanded and threatened it ; not of
the people, who surrendered up those volumes with fear and sorrow.""
And St. Augustine resolveth it in the case of a Christian soldier,
fighting under a sacrilegious emperor ; that, though he be not
satisfied in the lawfulness of the commands, he may notwithstanding
lawfully obey. Ita ut fortasse reum faciat regem iniquitas imper-
andi^ innocentem militem ostendat ordo sermendi.^ And, what is
most apposite to the matter in hand, (because the edict of a godly
emperor, seriously distasted by a godly bishop,) Mauritius set forth
a command, that no soldier should be admitted into a monastery;
and though Gregory the Great was persuaded, the prohibition was
* Optatus Milevitanus, lib. 7. t Contra Fausluin, lib. xxii. cap. 75.
16 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 273
in itself injurious and unlawful, yet he did, in dkersas terrarum
partes transmitter e legem^ quia erat subjectus ejus jussionibus.*
Convinced with these reasons, some ministers (not with any
delight in the message, but in duty to the authority which sent)
intended, if put to the trial, sadly and unwillingly to publish the
Declaration.
A third sort took up a resolution to read the Declaration, or
suffer it to be read, and presently after to preach against the con-
tents of what they had published ; hoping, so, warily to avoid the
danger of disobedience in refusing to promulgate it, and of profane-
ness in seeming to approve it. But, whether by this middle way,
setting God and the king as openly opposite, they would have
declined or contracted more odium, it is hard to determine.
But now, after so long and many diversities of opinions and argu-
ments on several sides, their own fear proved at last their only foe ;
the king's goodness taking away the subject of their jealousy ; so
that no minister in the county was enjoined to read the book in his
parish, wherewith they had so affrighted themselves. However,
their arguments may be kept cold, and laid up provisionally against
the time they had use thereof; especially for such who survived till
the seventh of king Charles, when the Declaration for liberty on the
Lord's day was enjoined (though not by the king) the ministers to
publish clean through the land.
However, there wanted not many, both in Lancashire and
elsewhere, who conceived the Declaration came forth seasonably, to
suppress the dangerous endeavour of such who now began in their
pulpits to broach the dregs of Judaism, and force Christians to drink
them. So that those legal ceremonies, long since dead, buried, and
rotten in the grave of our Saviour, had now their ghosts, as it were,
walking ; frighting such people with their terrible npparitions, who
were persuaded by some preachers to so rigorous observation of the
sabbath, that therein it was unlawful to dress meat, sweep their
houses, kindle the fire, or the like. Yea, and the papists in
Lancashire especially, — a frontier country, as I may term it, of
papists and protestants, where the Reformed religion had rather a
truce than a peace, standing on its guard and posture of defence ; I
say, in Lancashire the Romanists made advantage of this strictness to
pervert many to popery, persuading them, that the protestant
religion was the school of Tyrannus, where no lawful liberty was
allowed. And no wonder if many common people were hereby
fetched off unto them ; " starting aside as a broken bow," chiefly
because overbent for lack of lawful recreation. But enough hereof,
• Lib. ii. Ep. Gl.
Vol. hi. t
274 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1618.
and too much, (if not pressed thereunto in pursuance of our History,)
and yet ere long we must have more on the same sad subject.
61. The heretical Opinions of John Thraske.
Now of the broakers* of Judaism, John Thraske was a principal.
Whether ever he sucked on the breasts of either university, or only
was brought up by hand in some petty school, I know not. This I
know, that, seeking to be made deacon or minister, by James
bishop of Bath and Wells, Dr. Samuel Ward, then poser and the
bishop's chaplain, refused him, as altogether insufficient. However,
afterwards he got Orders, and then began to vent his opinions; that
the Lord's day was to be observed with the same strictness by
Christians, as it was by Jews ; and that all meats and drinks for-
bidden in the Levitical law bound Christians to the same obser-
vance; thereby opening a door to let in the rabble of all ceremonies.
Thus he brought in a constant Lent of his own making. And,
whereas divines can forbid no meat as unlawful, (though politicians
may, as unthrifty for the state; and physicians, as unheal thful for the
body,) because Christ hath given us that licence, " To the clean all
things are clean ; '' yet he seduced many souls with his tenets, and
his own wife amongst many others. For these he was censured in
the Star-chamber, but afterwards recanted his opinions, and lived,
as unsettled in judgment as place, in several parts of the kingdom
I have heard him preach a sermon, nothing relating to the aforesaid
doctrine; and when his auditors have forgotten the matter, they will
remember the loudness of his stentorious voice; which, indeed, had
more strength than any thing else he delivered. He afterwards
relapsed, not into the same but other opinions, rather humorous
than hurtfid, and died obscurely at Lambeth, in the reign of king
Charles. Nor must we forget, that his wife could never be unper-
verted again, but perished in her Judaism ; because, as our Saviour
observeth, proselytes in general are twofold worse than their leader,
Matt, xxiii. 15 ; and her sex, as pliable to receive as tenacious to
retain, had weakness enough to embrace an error, and obstinacy too
much to forsake it.
62, 63. The Troubles in the Low Countries.
At this time began the troubles in the Low Countries about
matters of religion, heightened between two opposite parties, —
Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants ; their controversies being
chiefly reducible to five points : Of predestination and reprobation ;
of the latitude of Christ's death; of the power of man's free-will,
both before and after his conversion ; and of the elect's perseverance
* Whether the word bro/ars, or hroachers, is hei*e mteiuleil, who will decide ? — Edit.
10 JAMES r. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 275
in grace. To decide these difficulties, tlie States of the United
Provinces resolved to call a National Synod at Dort ; and, to give
the more lustre and weight to the determinations thereof, desired
some foreign princes to send them the assistance of their divines for
so pious a work ; especially, they requested our king of Great
Britain to contribute his aid thereunto, (being himself as forward
to do, as they desire, any thing conducible to God's glory and the
church's good,) who, out of his own princely wisdom and free
favour, made choice of George Carleton, doctor of divinity, then
bishop of Landaff, and afterward bishop of Chichester ; Joseph
Hall, doctor of divinity, then dean of Worcester, and afterward
bishop of Exeter and Norwich ; John Davenant, doctor of divinity,
then Margaret Professor, and master of Queen's College in Cam-
bridge, afterwards bishop of Salisbury ; Samuel Ward, doctor of
divinity, then master of Sidney College in Cambridge, and arch-
deacon of Taunton. These, according to their summons, repairing
to his majesty at Newmarket, received from him there these follow-
ing Instructions,* concerning their behaviour in the Synod : —
"1. Our will and pleasure is, that from this time forward, upon
all occasions, you inure yourselves to the practice of the Latin
tongue ; that, when there is cause, you may deliver your minds
with more readiness and facility.
"2. You shall, in all points to be debated and disputed, resolve
amongst yourselves beforeiiand what is the true state of the question,
and jointly and uniformly agree thereupon.
" S. If, in debating of the cause by the learned men there, any
thing be emergent, whereof you thought not before, you shall meet
and consult thereupon again, and so resolve among yourselves
jointly what is fit to be maintained. And this to be done agree-
able to the Scriptures, and the doctrine of the church of England.
" 4. Your advice shall be to those churches, that their ministers do
not deliver in the pulpit to the people those things for ordinary doc-
trines which are the highest points of schools, and not fit for vulgar
capacity, but disputable on both sides.
"5. That they use no innovation in doctrine, but teach the same
things which were taught twenty or thirty years past in their own
churches ; and especially, that which contradicteth not their own
Confessions, so long since published, and known unto the world.
" 6. That they conform themselves to the public Confessions of
the neighbour Reformed churches ; with whom to hold good corre-
spondency, shall be no dishonour to them.
" 7- That, if there be main opposition between any who are over-
much addicted to their own opinions, your endeavour shall be, that
* These Instructions I saw transcribed otit of Dr. Davenant's own manuscript.
t2
276 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1618.
certain positions be moderately laid down, which may tend to the
mitigation of heat on both sides.
" 8. That, as you principally look to God'*s glory, and the peace of
those distracted churches ; so you have an eye to our honour, who
send and employ you thither ; and, consequently, at all times con-
sult with our ambassador there residing, who is best acquainted with
the form of those countries, understandeth well the questions and
differences among them, and shall from time to time receive our
princely directions, as occasion shall require.
" 9. Finally, in all other things which we cannot foresee, you shall
carry yourselves with that advice, moderation, and discretion, as to
persons of your quality and gravity shall appertain."
Dr. Davenant and Dr. Ward presented themselvesa gain to his
majesty at Royston, October 8th, where his majesty vouchsafed his
familiar 'discourse unto them for two hours together, commanding
them to sit down by him, and at last dismissed them with his solemn
prayer, that God would bless their endeavours ; which made them
cheerfully to depart his presence.
Addressing themselves now with all possible speed to the sea-side,
they casually missed that man-of-war which the States had sent to
conduct them over, (though they saw him on sea at some distance,)
and safely went over in a small vessel, landing, October 20th, at
Middleburgh. On the 27th of the same month they came to
Hague, where they kissed the hand of his excellency Grave Maurice ;
to whom the bishop made a short speech, and by whom they were
all courteously entertained. Hence they removed to Dort, where,
November 3rd, the Synod began ; and where we leave them with
the rest of their fellow-divines, when first every one of them had
taken this admission-oath, at their entrance into the Synod : —
" I promise before God, whom I believe and adore, the present
Searcher of the heart and reins, that in all this synodal action,
wherein shall be appointed the examination, judgment, and decision,
as well of the known Five Articles, and difficulties thence arising,
as of all other doctrinals ; that I will not make use of any human
writing, but only of God's word, for the certain and undoubted rule
of faith ; and that I shall propound nothing to myself in this whole
cause, beside the glory of God, the peace of the church, and espe-
cially the preservation of the purity of doctrine therein. So may
my Saviour Jesus Christ be merciful unto me, whom I earnestly
pray, that, in this my purpose, he would always be present with me
with the grace of his Spirit.''*
I say, " we leave them here with their fellow-divines." For, should
my pen presume to sail over the sea, it would certainly meet with
* ^vta Si/nndi Dordraccno', page G4.
16 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 277
a storm in the passage ; the censure of such who will justly con-
demn it for meddling with transmarine matters, especially doctrinal
points, utterly alien from my present subject. Only a touch of
an historical passage therein, confining ourselves to our own coun-
trymen.
64—66. The States' liberal Allowance to the English Divines.
Weekly Intelligence to the King from his Divines. Mr-
Balcanqual admitted into the Synod.
These four divines had allowed them by the States ten pounds ster-
ling a-day, threescore-and-ten pounds by the week ; an entertainment
far larger than what was appointed to any other foreign theologues ;
and politicly proportioned, in grateful consideration of the greatness
of his majesty who employed them. And tliese English divines,
knowing themselves sent over, not to gain wealth to themselves, but
glory to God, and reputation to their sovereign, freely gave what
they had freely received, keeping a table-general, where any fashion-
able foreigner w^as courteously and plentifully entertained.
They were commanded by the king to give him a weekly account
(each one in his several week, according to their seniority) of all
memorable passages transacted in the Synod. Yet it happened,
that, for a month or more, the king received from them no particulars
of their proceedings ; whereat his majesty was most highly offended.
But afterwards, understanding, that this defect was caused by the
countennands of a higher King, even of Him " who gathereth the
wind in his fists," Prov. xxx. 4, stopping all passages by contrary
weather ; no wonder if he, who was so great a peace-maker, was
himself so quickly pacified : yea, afterwards highly pleased, when
four weekly dispatches (not neglected to be orderly sent, but
delayed to be accordingly brought) came all together to his
majesty ""s hands.
On the 10th of December, Gualter Balcanqual, bachelor of
divinity, and fellow of Pembroke Hall, came into the Synod, where
his credential letters from king James were publicly read ; whose
pleasure it was, that he should be added to the four English
colleagues, in the name of the church of Scotland. The president
of the Synod welcomed him with a short oration, which by Mr.
Balcanqual was returned with another, and so was he conducted to
his place ; a place built for him particularly, as one coming after all
the rest, so that his seat discomposed the uniformity of the building,
exactly regular before. But it matters not how the seats were
ordered, so that the judgments of such as sat therein were conformed
to the truth of the Scriptures.
278 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1619.
67,68. Dr. Hair s Return thence. Dr. Goad in the Room of
Dr. Hall. J. D. 1619.
Dr. Joseph Hall, being at tlie Synod of Dort, and finding much
indisposition in himself, the air not agreeing with his health, on his
humble request obtained his majesty's leave to return. Where-
upon, composing his countenance with a becoming gravity, he
publicly took his solemn farewell of the Synod, with this speech
following : —
Non facile Tero meciim in gratiam redierit cadaTerosa hoec moles^
quam wgre usque circumgesto^ quw mihi hujus cowcentus celehritatem
toties inmderit, jamque prorsus i7imtissimum a 'cohis miportune
anocat^ et dimllit. Neqiie enim idlus est profectd sub coelo locus
wque coeli wmulus, et in quo tentorium mini fig I maluerim., cujusque
ade^ gestiet mihi animus oneminisse. Beatos xerb vos, quibus hoc
frui datum ! Non dignus eram ego (ut fidelissimi Romani querimo-
niam imitari liceat) qui et Christi et ecclesia? sua? nomine^ sanctam
hanc protinciam diutiils sustinerem. Illud 'cero ©sou sv yo6va(Ti.
Nempe audito, quod res erat, non alia me quam adversissimd hie
tisum raletudine, serenissimus rex meus^ misertus miselli famidi sui,
revocat me domum^ quippe quod cineres meos, aut sandapilam 'cobis
nihil quicquam prodesse posse norit, succentuHamtque mihi mrum e
suis selectissimum, quantum theologum ! De me profectd (mero jam
silicernio) quicquid fiat., mderit ille Deus metis., cujus ego totus
sum. Vobis quidem itafeliciter prospectum est, ut sit cur infirmitati
mew haud parum gratidemini., quum hujusmodi instructissimo
succedaneo coetum hunc 'cestrum beaverit. Neque tamen committam,
(si Deus mihi mtam et mres indulserit,) ut et corpore simul et
animo abesse mdear. Interea sane huic Synodo, ubicunque terra-
rum sum, et tobis, consiliis conatibusque meis quibuscunque, res
testras me, pro mrili, sedulo ac serid promoturum, sancte wteo.
Interim vobis omnibus ac singulis, honoratissimi domini delegati,
reter&ndissime presses, gravissimi assessores, scribes doctissimi,
symmystce colendissimi, tibique 'cenerandissima synodus universa,
wgrd animo ac corpore ceternum taledico. Rogows omnes obnixiiis,
nt precibus testris imbecillem reducem facere, comitari, prosequi
Thus returned Dr. Hall into his own country ; since, so recovered
(not to say revived) therein that he hath gone over the graves of all his
English colleagues there, and (what cannot God and good air do ?)
surviving in health at this day, three-and- thirty years after, may well,
with Jesse, " go amongst men for an old man in these days," 1 Sam.
xvii. 12. And living privately, having passed through the bishop-
rics of Exeter and Norwich, hath now the opportunity, in these
lioublesomc times, effectually to practise those his precepts of
17 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 279
patience and contentment, which his pen hath so eloquently recom-
mended to others.
On the seventh of January, Thomas Goad, doctor of divinity,
chaplain to George archbishop of Canterbury, came into the Synod,
sent thither by his majesty of Great Britain. The president enter-
tained him with a solemn oration, highly commending king James's
care, not recalling one divine till he had substituted another. The
doctor requited him with a pithy oration, promising the utmost of
his assistance to the general good : a promise by him well-perfonned,
giving 'afterwards ample testimony of his general learning and solid
judgment in divinity ; nothing being wanting in him but that he
came hither so late to this employment.
SECTION V.
TO MR. PETER MOROLOYS, AND MR. THOMAS ROWSE,
OF LONDON, MERCHANTS.
The Netherlands are the scene whereon the begm-
ning of this Section was transacted. They were also
the native countries of your ancestors, flying hither
from persecution. Since, as your fathers then found
safety amongst the English, some of the English, to
my knowledge, have felt bounty from their children.
God increase your store ; and make you like the good
merchant in the Gospel, who, to purchase the great
pearl, '' sold all that he had," Matt. xiii. 46 ; that is,
undervalued all worldly wealth, coming in competition
with God, or grace, or glory.
1. The Belgic Confession presented in the Synod.
Before the end of the hundred forty-fifth session, April
20th, in the forenoon, the Belgic Confession was brought into the
Synod, containing matter both of doctrine and discipline ; and the
public consent thereunto was required. Here the bishop of LandaiF,
in the name of all the rest, approved all the points of doctrine. But
as for matter of discipline, that his mother-church and his own Order
might not suffer therein, and he seem by silence to betray the cause
thereof, a protest was entered by him, as mouth for the rest, to
280 CHUUCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1619.
preserve tlie same, as by tlie perusing the following passage will
appear : —
Interea tamen de disciplind paucis monet. Nunquam in ecclesia
ohtinuisse ministrorum paritatem non tempore Christi ipsius ; tunc
enim duodecim apostolos fuisse discipulis superiores ; non aposto-
lorum cetate^ non subsecutis seculis. Nee Talere ration em in hac
Confessione usurpatam ; nempe^ " quia omnes sunt ceque ministri
Christiy Nam et septuaginta discipuli erant ministri Christi, wque
ac apostoli ; non tamen inde apostolis cequales : et omnes mnnino
homines sunt ceque homines, non inde tamen homo homini non debet
subesse. Hwc, non ad harum ecclesiarum offensionem, sed ad
nostrce Anglicanw defensionem sese monuisse professus est.
Britannorum interpellationi responsum ne gru quidem.
" Notwithstanding, in the mean time, he briefly gave his advice
concerning discipline : That the parity of ministers never prevailed
in the church, no, not in the time of Christ himself; for then the
twelve apostles were superior to the disciples ; not in the time of
the apostles, nor in the ages after them. Nor is that reason of any
force alleged in their Confession, namely, ' Because all are equally
the ministers of Christ."* For, even the seventy disciples were
equally ministers of Christ wdth the apostles ; and yet it follows not
thence, they were equal with the apostles : and all men altogether
are equally men, yet thence it cannot be inferred, that one man
ought not to be subject to another. These things he professed
himself to have hinted, not to ojffend these churches therewith, but
to defend their own church of England. To this interpellation
of the British divines nothing at all was answered."
Hereby the equal reader may judge how candidly Mr. Mountagu,
in his "Appeal," dealeth -with our English divines, charging them,
that *' the discipline of the church of England is in this Synod held
unlawful." * And again : " the Synod of Dort in some points con-
demneth, upon the by, even the discipline of the church of
England." -f- But, let such as desire farther satisfaction herein
peruse " the joint Attestation," which those English divines set
forth, anno 1626, to justify their proceedings herein.
2. The States Bounty to the British Divines.
On the twenty-ninth of April the Synod ended. The States, to
express their gratitude, bestowed on the English divines, at their
departure, two hundred pounds, to bear their charges in their return.
Besides, a golden medal of good value was given to every one of
them, wherein the sitting of the Synod was artificially represented.
And now, these divines, who for many months had, in a manner,
* Appeal, page "0. f Ihid. page 108.
17 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 281
been fastened to their chairs and desks, thought it a right due to
themselves, that, when their work was ended, they might begin their
recreation. Wherefore they viewed the most eminent cities in the
Low Countries, and at all places were bountifully received, Leyden
only excepted. Wonder not, that they, who had most learning,
should show least civility; especially having Professors of Humanity
amongst them, seeing generally the great ones of that university at
this time, being Remonstrants, were disaffected to the decisions of
this Synod. This gave occasion to that passage in the speech of
Sir Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador, when, in the name
of his master, he tendered the States public thanks for their great
respects to the English divines, using words to this effect, that they
had been entertained at Amsterdam, welcomed at the Hague,
cheerfully received at Rotterdam, kindly embraced at Utrecht, &c.
and that they had seen Leyden.
3. Their Letter to King James.
But, how high an esteem the States-General had of these our
Englishmen's service, will best appear by their letter, which they
sent to king James, as followcth : —
Serenissime Rex^
Quemadmoditm hoc tmice propositmi nobis fuit, lit, quce in
civitatibus. proxinciisque nostris, ante annos aliquot ^ exortce erant
infelices de religione contentiones, eruditorum ac piorum hominum
judicio, legitime tolli ac componi possent ; ut, et conscientiis eorum,
quibus nos prwesse Deus Immortalis Toluit, ipsique pariter reipub-
licce, sua in religione acpietate simul ratio constaret et tranquillitas ;
itanos benigne Is respexit, cui hactenus curw fuimus, quiconventui
nostro nationali, quern ex omnibus idem sentientibus ecclesiis conw-
cavimus, ita benedixit, ut, re tantd ad felicem atque optatum exi-
tum perductd, domum et ad suos se conferant ; quibus, benedic-
tionem Domini, studium nostrum in promotendo pietatis negotio,
consensum plane cum aliis ecclesiis unanimem, indicabunt. Inter
quos, cum prwcipui et consilio et loco fuerint Magnce Britannice
theologi, quos, pro singulari et divino in nos et ecclesias nostras
affectu, ad nos mittere dignata est majestas tua ; curce nobis fait,
ut, quantopere hujus benejicii magnitudinem wstimemus, ex nobis
intelligeret majestas tua. Est xero illud, rex serenissime, etiamsi
cum reliquis, quoe infinita sunt, confer atur, tantd majus, quanta
uberiores sunt fructus, quos ex Dei causa expectamus, quantoque id
majestatis tuw nomini est convenientius ; qui, cum nulla re externa
atque humand, quce potissimiim aliis principibus conciliant digni-
tatem, quoquam rege sit inferior, Fidel Defensionem^ tanqiiani Dei
282 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1619.
ecclesiwque patronus in Ms terris, sibi merito asswnit, Neque
dubitare possimius quin et majestatis tuce regna tot et tanta^ reli-
quceque, quw in hoc negotio nobis operam natdrunt^ ecclesice, mag-
nam utilitatem ex hoc instituto nostro percepturw sint, quw exemplo
nostro discent, quanto periculo conjunctum sit^ quoe bene in reli-
gione constituta sunt temere mover e^ quum sint felices atquefortu-
natcv, quamdiu simili remedio opus non habebimt ; cui hactefius
abunde, majestatis tuce curd atque mgilantid^ prospectum fuit. In
theologis porro utriusque regni Testri omnibus^ et singulis^ quorum
agmen ducit 'Gere reverendissimus dominus Georgius, Landavensis
episcopus, imago, atque expressa mrtutis effigies ; eam eruditionem,
pietatem, pads studium, eumque zelum deprehendimus, ut, cum
ipsius benejicii causd majestati tuce multum debeamus, magna pars
ipsius benejicii nobis mdeatur, quod ipsi ad nos missi sint.
Deus immortalis majestati tuce^ rex serenissime, ita benedicat, ut
illius benedictionis partem, orbis Christianus, ex diuturnitate
regni tui, et ecclesice defensione, diu percipiat.
4. The British Divines return into England.
With these testimonial letters, over they came into England ;
and first presented themselves to king James ; who, seeing them out
of a window, when first entering the court : " Here come,"" said he,
" my good mourners," — alluding to their black habit, and late death
of queen Anne. Then, after courteous entertaining of them, he-
fa vourably dismissed them ; and afterward on three of them bestowed
preferment.* So returned they all to their several professions;
bishop Carleton to the careful governing of his diocess ; Dr. Dave-
nant, beside his collegiate cure, to his constant lectures in the
schools ; Dr. Ward, to his discreet ordering of his own College ;
Dr. Goad, to his diligent discharging of domestical duties in the
family of his lord and patron ; and Mr. Balcanqual, to his
fellowship in Pembroke Hall.
5 — 7* This Synod diversely censured. The Suggester''s Surmise
most improbable. Bishop HaWs Letter to the Author.
Since, it hath been the success of this Synod to have the deci-
sions thereof to be approved, applauded, magnified by some : vili-
fied, contemned, condemned by others. If men were divided in
their censures about Christ, some saying, " He is a good man ;''
others, " Nay, but he deceiveth the people,'' John vii. 12 ; no
wonder, if, ever since, all conventions of Christians be subject to
• Removing Carleton to Chicliester j preferring Davenant to Salisbury ; and bestowing
tlie Mastership of the Savoy on Balcanqual.
17 JAMES I. / • BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 283
variety of men's verdicts upon them. Of such as dislike the Synod,
none falls heavier upon it than a London divine,* charging the
synodians to have taken a previous oath, to condemn the opposite
party on what terms soever. But take him in his own words : —
" Far be it from me to subscribe the report or infonuation of
those who charge the respective members of this Synod with suffer-
ing themselves to be bound with an oath, at or before their admis-
sion thereunto, to vote down the Remonstrants, and their doctrines
howsoever ; yet, when I read, and consider, 1. How learnedly,
solidly, and substantially they quit themselves, and argue, whilst
they go along with the Remonstrants, and declare wherein they
agree with them, in the points controverted betwixt them. 2. How
feebly, and unlike themselves, they reason when they come to the
quick of the difference. 3. And lastly, how near at very many
turns, even in those things wherein they pretend to differ, they
come unto them, as if they had a very good mind to be no more
two, but one, with them ; when, I say, I consider all these things,
methinks I see the interest and obligation of an oath, working
much after the same manner, as sometimes it did in Herod, when
for his oath-sake, contrary to his mind and desire otherwise, he
caused John the baptist's head to be given to Herodias in a platter.
Matt. xiv. 9."
See here, how this suggester, though at the first he takes water,
and washeth his hands, with a " Far be it from me to subscribe the
report,'' &c. yet afterwards he crucifies the credit of a whole Synod,
and makes them all guilty of no less than damnable perjury.
I could have wished, that he had mentioned in the margin the
authors of this suggestion ; whereas now the omission thereof will
give occasion to some to suspect him for the first raiser of the
report : a heavy accusation, charging a whole Synod of injustice.
When Festus, the Heathen magistrate, was so much Christian as
not to condemn an accused man " before he hath license to answer
for himself," Acts xxv. 16; could any assembly of Christian
ministers be so Heathen as to bind themselves by an oath, right or
wrong, with blind obedience, to beat down the opposite party ?
Wherein they were all actually forsworn, having publicly taken so
solemn an oath to proceed impartially, according to God's word
and their own conscience. What said Laban to Jacob ? " If thou
shalt take other wives beside my daughters, no man is with us ; see,
God is witness between thee and me," Gen. xxxi. 50. So, if these
divines, having betrothed their faith to God and the world in so
open and public a manner, beside this oath, did bind themselves
* Mr. John Goodwin in Lis "Redemption Redeemed," cap. xv. paragraph 24.
page 395.
284 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1619.
with any other, taken before or after, in a clandestine way, contrary
to their public promise ; would not God, the sole Judge herein,
sensible of this affront offered to him and his truth, heavily punish
so heinous an offence ? And can any charitable-minded man
believe, that learned men would — that godly men could — be guilty
of so deep and damnable dissimulation ?
Musing with myself on this matter, and occasionally exchanging
letters with the sons of bishop Hall, it came into my mind to ask
them Joseph's question to his brethren, " Is your father well, the
old man of whom ye spake ? Is he yet alive ? " Gen. xliii. 27.
And, being informed of his life and health, I addressed myself in a
letter unto him, for satisfaction in this particular ; who was pleased
to honour me with this return herein inserted : —
" Whereas you desire from me a just relation of the carriage of
the business at the Synod of Dort, and the conditions required of our
divines there, at or before their admission to that grave and learned
assembly ; I, whom God was pleased to employ as an unworthy
agent in that great work, and to reserve still upon earth, after all my
reverend and worthy associates, do, as in the presence of that God
to Avhom I am now daily expecting to yield up my account, testify
to you, and (if you will) to the world, that I cannot, without just
indignation, read that slanderous imputation, which Mr. Goodwin, in
his ' Redemption Redeemed,' reports to have been raised, and cast
upon those divines, eminent both for learning and piety, that they suf-
fered themselves to he hound with an oath, at or hef ore their admission
into that Synod^ to tote dozen the Remonstrants^ howsoever ; so as they
came deeply pre-engaged to the decision of those unhappy differences.
'' Truly, sir, as I hope to be saved, all the oath that was required
of us was this : after that the moderator, assistants, and scribes were
chosen, and the Synod formed, and the several members allowed, there
was a solemn oath required to be taken by every one of that assembly,
which was publicly done in a grave manner, by every person in their
order standing up, and laying his hand upon his heart, calling the
great God of heaven to witness, that he would unpartially proceed
in the judgment of these controversies, which should be laid before
him, only out of and according to the written word of God, and no
otherwise ; so determining of them as he should find in his conscience
most agreeable to the Holy Scriptures : which oath was punctually
agreed to be thus taken by the articles of the States, concerning the
indiction and .ordering of the synod, as appears plainly in their
tenth article : and this was all the oath that was either taken or
required. And far was it from those holy souls which are now
glorious in heaven, or mine, (who still for some short time survive,
to give this just witness of our sincere integrity,) to entertain the
17 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 285
least thought of any so foul corruption, as by any over-ruling power
to be swayed to a pre-judgment in the points controverted.
" It grieves my soul therefore to see, that any learned divine
should raise imaginary conjectures to himself of an interest and
obligation of a fancied oath (working upon them, and drawing them
contrary to the dictation of their own conscience, as it did Herod'^s
in the case of John Baptist's beheading,) merely out of his own
comparative construction of the different forms of expressing them-
selves in managing those controversies. Wherein if at any time
they seemed to speak nearer to the tenet of the Remonstrants, it
must be imputed to their holy ingenuity, and gracious disposition
to peace, and to no other sinister respect.
" Sir, since I have lived to see so foul an aspersion cast upon the
memory of those worthy and eminent divines, I bless God that I
yet live to vindicate them, by this my knowing, clear, and assured
attestation ; which I am ready to second with the solemnest oath,
if I shall be thereto required.
" Your much-devoted friend, precessor, and fellow-labourer,
"JOSEPH HALL, B.N.^'
" HiGHAM, Aiipist 30a, 1651."
Let the reader consider with himself, how the suggester speaks
by hearsay of things done at distance, whereat himself not present ;
whose disaffection to the decisions of that Synod inclines him to
credit ill reports against it. And yet, as afraid, though willing to
speak out, in his " methinks I see,'" vents but his own conjectural
surmises. Let him also weigh in the balance of his judgment how
this purgation of this Synod is positive and punctual, from one an
ear- and eye-witness thereof, being such an one as Dr. Hall, and now
aged ; so that his testimoiiium herein may seem testamentum ; his
witness, his will ; and the truth therein delivered, a legacy by him
bequeathed to posterity. T say, the premisses seriously considered,
let the reader proceed to sentence, as God and his conscience shall
direct him ; and either condemn a private person of slander and
falsity, or a whole Synod of injustice and perjury.
8 — 10. The Death of Bishop Montague. A strange Accident at
his Burial. The Death of Bishop Overal.
My desire to make this history of the Synod entire, hath made
me omit the death of James Montague, the worthy bishop of Win-
chester ; who left this life the last year : son to Sir Edward
Montague, of Boughton in Northamptonshire ; bred in Christ's,
afterwards master of Sidney College in Cambridge ; highly favoured
by king James, (whose Works he set forth,) preferring him to the
286 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1621.
bishopric first of Bath and Wells, then to Winchester. In Bath
he lies buried under a fair tomb, though the whole church be his
monument, which his bounty repaired, or rather raised out of the
ruins thereof. One passage at his burial I must not forget, having
received it from the mouth of his younger brother. Sir Sidney
Montague, present at his funeral solemnities : —
A certain officer of Bath church, being a very corjDulent man,
was upon the day of the bishop's burial appointed to keep the doors.
He entered on . this his employment in the morning whereon the
funeral was kept, but was buried himself before night, and before
the bishop's body was put into the ground ; because, being bruised
to death by the pressing-in of people, his corpse required speedy
interment. So needful it is for those to watch for their own change
who wait on the graves of others !
I cannot attain the exact date of the death of John Overal,
carrying superintendency in his surname, the bishop of Norwich :
first, fellow of Trinity College, then master of Catherine Hall, an'd
king's Professor of Divinity in Cambridge : one of a strong brain
to improve his great reading, and accounted one of the most learned
controversial divines of those days.
11. A great Abuse of the King's Favour. A.D. 1620.
A grand grievance was now much complained of, but little
redressed : Some great courtiers there were, to whom the king had
passed his grants to compound with papists for their recusancy.
Some of these grantees abused the king's favour, and compounded
with such persons for light sums, even before their legal conviction ;
whereby the offenders in that kind became the more backward to
conform themselves to the king's lav\'s, his majesty not aiming at
their punishment, but reformation. And although this indirect
course was flatly forbidden by his royal declaration, set forth, 1610 ;
yet was this corruption connived at, and is conceived a main cause
of the great and speedy increase of popery.
12 — 17. Archbishop Abbot casually killed a Keeper. The Mis-
chance rigidly censured. Many Canonists quickly made.
Archbishops may hunt by the Laivs of the La^id. Bishop
Andrews^ the Archbishop'^s great Friend ; his Restitutio?!
and Mortification. A.D. A 621 .
About this time, a sad mischance befell George Abbot, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, in this manner : He was invited by the lord
Zouch to Bramshill in Hampshire to hunt and kill a buck. Tlic
keeper ran amongst the herd of deer to bring them up to the
fairer mark, whilst the archbishop, sitting on his horse-back, let loose
19 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 287
a barbed arrow from a cross-bow, and unhappily hit the keeper. He
was shot through the enmontery of the left arm ; and the arrow
dividing those grand auxiliary vessels, he died of the flux of blood
immediately ; nature having provided, that all the large vessels are
defended externally by bones. He never spake after, as the person,
still alive at Croydon, who brought off his body informed me ; and
died not of the ill-dressing of the wound, as some have printed it.
This presently put an end to the sport of that day, and almost to
the archbishop's mirth to the last of his life.
The fame of this man's death flew faster than the arrow that killed
him. The archbishop's mischance, in many men, met not with so
much pity as so sad a casualty did deserve. He was not much
beloved by the inferior clergy, as over-rigid and austere. Indeed,
he was mounted to command in the church, before he ever learned
to obey therein ; made a shepherd of shepherds, before he was a
shepherd of sheep ; consecrated bishop, before ever called to a pas-
toral charge ; " which made," say some, " him not to sympathize
with the necessities and infirmities of poor ministers." As for the
superior clergy, some for his irregularity and removal expected pre-
ferment, as the second bowl is made first, and the third second,
when that nearest the mark is violently removed.
It is strange to see, how suddenly many men started up canonists
and casuists in their discourse, who formerly had small skill in that
profession. In their ordinary talk they cited councils and synods.
Some had up St. Jerome's speech : Venatorem nunquam legimus
sanctum. Others were busy with the decree of the council of
Orleans : (Gratian 49 B. distinct o4.) Episcopo^ Presbytero^ aid
Diacono canes ad venandum^ aut accipitres habere non licet. * Others
distinguished of a three-fold hunting : 1. Oppressha. 2. Arenaria.
3. Saltuosa. These maintained, that the two former were utterly
unlawful, but the last might lawfully be used. Others distinguished
of homicide : 1. Ex necessitate. 2. Ex voluntate. 3. Ex casu^ —
the case in hand. In a word, this accident divided all great com-
panies mio pro and con^ " for or against" the archbishop's irregula-
rity on this occasion ; yet all the force of their skill could not mount
the guilt of this fact higher than the fountain thereof. When all
was done, it was but casual homicide, who sought not for the man,
but God was pleased to bring the man to his hand.
Sir Henry Saville, the archbishop's old acquaintance as his con-
temporary in Oxon, repaired on his behalf to the oracle of the law.
Sir Edward Coke, whom he found a-bowling for his recreation.
" My lord," said he, " I come to be satisfied of you in a point
of law." " If it be a point of common law," said Sir Edward
* Note, that these canons were never admitted laws in England.
288 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1621.
Coke, " I am unworthy to be a judge, if I cannot presently
satisfy you ; but if it be a point of statute law, I am unworthy to be
a judge, if I should undertake to satisfy you before I have
consulted my books." " It is this,"'"' said Sir Henry, " whether
may a bishop hunt in a park by the laws of the realm .?" " I
can presently resolve you," said the judge ; " he nrtay hunt by the
laws of the realm by this very token, — that there is an old law,""*
(let the young students in that profession find it out,) " that a
bishop, when dying, is to leave his pack of dogs (called muta
canum*) to the king's free use and disposal."
The party, whom the archbishop suspected his greatest foe, proved
his most firm and effectual friend ; even Lancelot Andrews, bishop
of Winchester. For when several bishops inveighed against the irre-
gularity of the archbishop, laying as much (if not more) guilt on
the act than it would bear, he mildly checked them : " Brethren,"
said he, " be not too busy to condemn any for uncanonicals accord-
ing to the strictness thereof, lest we render ourselves in the same
condition. Besides, we all know, Canones^ qui dicunt lapsos post
actam poenitentiam ad clericatum non esse restitiiendos^ de rigore
loquuntur discipUnw^ non injiciunt desperationem indulg entice.''''
King James, being himself delighted in hunting, was sorry
an ill accident should betide the users thereof. But when he was
assured how deeply the archbishop laid this casualty to his heart,
he much pitied him, and said to a lord, discoursing thereof, "It
might have been my chance or thine." So that, not long after, the
archbishop, who had lately retired himself to Guildford alms-house
of his own founding, returned to Lambeth, and to the performance
of his office ; though some squeamish and nice-conscienced elects
scrupled to be consecrated by him. He gave during his own life
twenty pounds a- year to the man's widow ; which was not long a
widow, as quickly re-married. He kept a monthly fast on a Tues-
day, as the day whereon this casualty befell. In a word, this
keeper's death was the archbishop's mortification.
1 8 — 20. A Project against the Clergy to get Money ; declined
hy the Lord Treasurer, who is truly excused.
At this time the king's exchequer grew very low, though Lionel
Cranfield, lord treasurer, and earl of Middlesex, neglected no means
for the improving thereof. In order whereunto, (reader, let this
story pass into thy belief, on my credit, knowing myself suflSciently
assured thereof,) a projector (such necessary evils then much coun-
tenanced) informed his majesty of a way whereby speedily to
advance ranch treasure. And how, forsooth, was it ? Even that a
• From thfl Fvpnch rtiacfe dr chiens.
19 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVIf. 289
new valuation should be made of all spiritual preferments, (wliicli
now in the king's books passed at under-rates) to bring them up to
or near the full value thereof. This would promote both the casual
fines (as I may term them) of first-fruits, and the annual rent of
tenths, to the great advantage of the crown. The king sent to the
lord treasurer, demanding his judgment thereof.
The treasurer returned his majesty an answer to this effect, so
near as I can remember, from the mouth of a noble person then pre-
sent : " Sir, you have ever been beheld as a great lover and advancer
of learned men, and you know clergymen's education is chargeable
to them or their friends. Long it is before they get any preferment ;
which at last, generally, is but small in proportion to their pains and
expenses. Let it not be said, that you gained by grinding them.
Other ways, less obnoxious to just censure, will be found out to furnish
your occasions." The king commended Cranfield, as doing it only
for trial ; adding moreover, " I should have accounted thee a very
knave, if encouraging me herein."" And so the project was blasted
for the present ; as it was, when it budded again, propounded by
some unworthy instrument in the reign of king Charles.
I know, some will suspect the treasurer more likely to start than
crush so gainful a design, as who by all ways and means sought to
increase the royal revenue. I know also, that some accuse him, as
if making his master's wings to moult, thereby the better to feather
his own nest. Indeed, he raised a fair estate ; and surely, he will
never be a good steward for his master, who is a bad one for him-
self. Yet on due and true inquiry it will appear, that though a
high power did afterwards prosecute him, yet his innocence in the
main preserved him to transmit a good estate to his posterity. So
that much of truth must be allowed in his motto, Perdidit fides^*
" he was lost at court for his fidelity"" to king James, in sparing his
treasure, and not answering the expensiveness of a great favourite.
21 , 22. The Lord Bacon outed for Bribery. An Essay at his
Character.
A parliament was called, January 20th, wherein Francis Bacon,
lord chancellor, was outed his office for bribery; the frequent
receiving thereof by him, or his, was plainly proved. Yet, for all his
taking, just and unjust, he was exceedingly poor and much indebted.
Wherefore, when motion was made, in the House of Commons, of
fining him some thousands of pounds, a noble member, *(- standing up,
" desired that for two reasons his fine might be mitigated into forty
shillings : First. Because that would be paid ; whereas a greater
sum would only make a noise, and never be paid. Secondly. The
* Freqiieut in bis house at Copthall. f Sir Fr. S.
Vol. III. u
290 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1621.
shame would be the greater, when such his prodigality that he, who
had been so large a taker in his office, was reduced to such penury
that forty shillings should be conceived a sufficient fine for his
estate." But it was fine enough for him to lose his office, remitted
to a mean and private condition.
None can character him to the life, save himself. He was in
parts more than a man ; who in any liberal profession might be
whatsoever he would himself: a great honourer of ancient authors,
yet a great deviser and practiser of new ways in learning : privy
counsellor, as to king James, so to nature itself, diving into many of
her abstruse mysteries. New conclusions he would dig out with
mattocks of gold and silver; not caring what his experience cost
him, expending on the trials of nature all and more than he got by
the trials at the bar; posterity being the better for his — though he
the worse for his own — dear experiments. He and his servants had
all in common ; the men never wanting what their master had ; and
thus what came flowing in unto him was sent flying away from him,
who, in giving of rewards, knew no bounds but the bottom of his
own purse. Wherefore, when king James heard that he had given
ten pounds to an under-keeper, by whom he had sent him a buck,
the king said merrily, " I and he shall both die beggars ; '"* which
was condemnable prodigality in a subject. He lived many years
after; and in his books will ever survive: in the reading whereof,
modest men commend him in what they do — condemn themselves
in what they do not — understand, as believing the fault in their own
eyes, and not in the object.
23 — 2(1 Bishop Williams made Lord Keeper. Some causelessly
offended. His eminent Abilities. Well manages the Place.
All stood expecting who should be Bacon"*s successor in the chan-
cery. Sure, he must be some man of great and high abilities,
(otherwise it would seem a valley next a mountain,) to maintain a
convenient and comely level in that eminent place of judicature.
Now whilst, in common discourse, some made this judge, others that
Serjeant, lord chancellor, king James made Dr. Williams, July
10th, lately and still * dean of Westminster, soon after bishop of
Lincoln. Though the king was the principal, the duke of Buck-
* In bis E.varnrn Ilistoriciitn, UeyUn says, "At that time Dr. Williams, then arch-
bishop of York, was not dean of Westminster ; that place being bestowed by his majesty
on Dr. Steward, clerk of the closet, anno 16] 5, being full six years before the time cm-
author speaks of." Fuller replies : " The great distance of Exeter (where I lived) from
Oxford may partly excuse my ignorance therein, who always beheld archbishop Williams
as the last dean of Westminster ; as, indeed, he was the last that ever was installed
therein; and Dr. Steward never lived mimite in, or gained farthing from, his deanery."
—Edit.
19 JAMES T. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 291
ingliam was more than the instrumental, advancer of him to the
title of lord keeper, in effect the same in place and power with the
lord chancellor.
The king's choice produced not so much dislike as general won-
der. Yet some cavilled at Dr. Williams's age, as if it were
preposterous for one to be able for that office before ancient ; and as
if one old enough for a bishop were too young for a chancellor.
Others questioned his abilities for the place. " Could any expect to
reap law where it was never sown ? Who can apply the remedy
whilst he is ignorant in the malady ? Being never bred to know the
true grounds and reasons of the common law, how could he mitigate
the rigour thereof in difficult cases ? He would be prone to mistake
the severity of the common law for cruelty ; and then unequal
equity, and unconscionable conscience, must be expected from him.
Besides, the place was proper, not for the plain but guarded gown ;
and the common lawyers prescribed for six descents, (a strong title
indeed,) wherein only men of their robe were advanced thereunto.*
Yet some of these altered their judgments, when considering his
education, who for many years had been house-chaplain, yea, and
more than chaplain, intimate friend-servant to the old lord Egerton,
who understood the chancellor-craft as well as any who ever sat in
that place ; and who, whilst living, imparted many mysteries of that
court ; when dying, bequeathed many choice books and directions
unto him. His parts were eminent, who could make any thing he
read or heard his own, and could improve any thing which was his
own to the utmost. Besides, for a clergyman to be lord chancellor
was no usurpation, but a recovery ; seeing ecclesiastics anciently
were preferred to that place ; and Sir Nicholas Bacon, father to the
last chancellor, received the Broad Seal from a churchman; namely,
Nicholas Heath, archbishop of York.
Considering all disadvantages, he managed the office to admi-
ration. I know it is reported by his adversaries to his discredit, that
never lord keeper made so many orders, which afterwards were
reversed ; which whether true or no, I know not. Sure it is, that
unpartial men of the best and clearest judgments highly commended
him ; and judge Yelverton himself hearing him in a case of concern-
ment, ingenuously professed, " This is a most admirable man."
Here he sat in the office so long, till, disdaining to be a dependent
(as a penthouse) on the duke's favour, and desiring to stand an
absolute structure on his own foundation, at court, he fell ; as, God
willing, shall in due time be related.
* Yet Sir Cliristopher Hatton was never Ijred a lawyer.
292 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1621.
27. A still-horn Convocation.
Should we now look into the Convocation, we should find them
on Wednesdays and Fridays devoutly at the litany, otherwise
having little employment, as empowered by no commission to alter
any thing. So that sitting amongst the tombs in Westminster
cliurch, they were, as once one of their Prolocutors said, Viva
cadavera inter mortuos^ as having no motion or activity allowed
unto them.
28, 29. Young Meric Casauhon vindicates his Father from
Railers. The good Effect of his Endeavours.
About this time, Meric Casaubon set forth a book in defence of
his deceased father, against whom many had spit their venom.
First. Heribert Roswed, a Jesuit ; and after him Andrew Sciop-
pius, a renowned i*ailer ; one that is always incensed against learning
and honesty, wheresoever he finds them severally, but implacable
against such a man in whom both meet together. It seems it is his
policy thus to seek to perpetuate his memory, by railing against
eminent persons ; hoping, that he shall jointly survive with their
worth ; whereas their light shall burn bright, when his snuff shall
be trodden under foot. Then Julius Csesar Bullinger, and Andrew
Eudsemono-Joannes, a vizard-name, composed to fright fools, and
make wise men laugh at it. Yea, though he had formerly met with
a quarternion of learned confuters, — bishop Abbot, Dr. Prideaux,
Dr. Collins, Mr. Burrhill, — young Casaubon, then Student in
Christ-Church, thought it his duty farther to assert his father'*s
memory, and to give a brief account of his life and conversation.
This is the benefit of learned men's marriage ; God oftentimes so
blessing it, that they need not go out of themselves for a champion
to defend them, but have one springing from their own bowels.
And his son, though, by reason of his age, low in himself, is tall
when standing on the advantage-ground of his father''s grave, whose
memory he is to maintain. Yea, God seems so well-pleased with
his piety, that his endeavours took such effect that no railing libels
to that purpose came forth afterwards, which formerly had been so
frequent : — whether because these curs, weary of their own barking,
did even sneak away in silence ; or because they had no more mind
to challenge, seeing a defendant provided to undertake them.
30. William Laud., Bishop of St. David\s.
Upon the removal of Richard Milbourne to Carlisle, William
Laud, President of St. John''s College in Oxford, was made bishop
of St. David's. Of whom, because every one speaks so much, I will
19 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVJI. 2d'}
say tlie less.* The rather, because at this time, and during the
extent of our History, this bishop lived in a private way, bare no
great stream, as being before that the tide of greatness flowed in
upon him. Yea, as yet he took more notice of the world, than the
■world did of him. Indeed, as the matter, whereof china-dishes are
made, must lie some ages in the earth before it is ripened to per-
fection ; so great persons are not fit for an historian's use to write
freely of them, till some years after their decease, when their memo-
ries can neither be marred with envy, nor mended with flattery.
However, his good deeds to St. John's College in Oxford must not
be forgotten ; yea, that whole university (if afraid in English to
speak in praise of his bounty) will adventure with safety to commend
him in the Arabic tongue, whereof he founded them a professor.
SI — 3d. John King, Bishop of London, dies. His Eminencies.
A loud Lie. William Cotton, Bishop of Kooeter, dies,
whom Valentine Carew succeeds. Robert Toivnson, Bishop
of Salishuri/, dies, ivhom John Davenant succeeds.
This year was fatal to many eminent clergymen, beside others of
inferior note. We begin with John King, bishop of London, for-
merly dean of Christ Church, who died on Good-Friday of the
stone : of ancient extraction, m cujus genere ml indole nihil reperio
mediocre, nihil quod non prwcellens ; descended, saith "the Survey
of London," -|- from the Saxon kings in Devonshire by his father
Philip King, some time page to king Henry VIIL nephew and
heir to Robert King, last abbot of Osney, and first bishop of
Oxford, who left him a great personal estate, which it seems was
quickly consumed ; so that this prelate used to say, he believed
there was a fate in abbey-money no less than abbey-land, which
seldom proved fortunate or of continuance to the owners.
He was chaplain to queen Elizabeth ; and, as he was appointed
by her Council to preach the first sermon at court when her body
lay inhearsed in the chapel of Whitehall, so was he designed for the
first sermon to her successor king James, at Charter house, when he
entered London, then sworn his first chaplain ; who commonly
called him "the king of preachers.'' And Sir Edward Coke
would say of him, " He was the best speaker in the Star-chamber
in his time." Soon after he was made dean of Christ Church,
Oxon ; and chosen one of the four preachers in the Conference at
Hampton -Court ; then advanced to the bishopric of London ;
where he let the world see, his high place of government did not
cause him to forget his office in the pulpit ; showing, by his
• When I wrote \\A>>, I intended to close my History at king James's death ; since,
by importunity urged to contimie it farther. t Page 775.
294 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.l). 1621.
example, that a bishop might govern and preach too. In which
service he Avas so frequent, that, unless hindered by want of health,
he omitted no Sunday whereon he did not visit some pulpit in
London, or near it.
Tlie papists raised an aspersion, as false as foul, upon him, that
at his death he M'as reconciled to the church of Rome ; sufficiently
confuted by those eye- and ear-witnesses, present at his pious
dejxarture. These slanders are no news to such as have read how
Luther is traduced, by popish pens, to have died blaspheming ;
Carolostadius to have been carried quick by a devil ; and Beza to
have apostated before his death. In all which truth hath triumphed
over their malicious forgeries. Something bishop King endeavoured
in the repairing of St. Paul's. But, alas ! a private man's estate
may be invisibly buried under the rubbish of the least chapel
therein. By order in his will, he provided, that nothing should be
written on his plain grave-stone, save only Mesurgam; and still he
is alive, both in his memory and happy posterity. George Moun-
taine, bishop of Lincoln,* succeeded him in his see ; who, when his
great house-keeping, and magnificent entertaining of king James,
shall be forgotten, will longer survive for his bountiful benefaction
to Queen's College, in Cambridge, whereof he was Fellow and
Proctor.
Secondly. William Cotton, bishop of Exeter, born in Cheshire,
formerly archdeacon of Lewes : one of a stout spirit, and a great
maintainer of conformity against the opposers thereof in his diocess.
Valentine Carew, dean of St. Paul's, and master of Christ College,
in Cambridge, of a court-like carriage and stout spirit, succeeded
him in Exeter, which place can give the best account of his beha-
viour therein.
Thirdly. Robert Townson, born in Cambridge, Fellow of Queen's
College, dean of Westminster ; of a comely carriage, courteous
nature, an excellent preacher. He left his wife and many children
neither plentifully provided for, nor destitute of maintenance ;
which rather hastened than caused the advancement of John
Davenant, his brother-in-law, to succeed him in the bishopric of
Salisbury,
36—38, The Death of Dr. Andrew Willet, of Dr. Richard
Parry^ and of Mr. Francis Mason.
Therein also expired Andrew Willet, doctor of divinity, god-son
to Andrew Pearne, dean of Ely, where he was born ; brought up
in Christ College, in Cambridge ; who ended liis pious life, being
nuich bruised with a fall from his horse : a man of no little judg-
* Boru at Thame in Oxfordsbire.
19 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVIK 205
ment, and greater industry, not unhappy in controversies, but more
happy in Comments, and one that had a large soul in a narrow
estate. For, his charge being great, (may his children remember
and practise their father's precepts !) and means small, as more pro-
portioned to his desires than deserts, he was bountiful above his
ability, and doubled what he gave by cheerful giving it. He was
buried in his parish at Barley, in Hertfordshire. Happy village !
which lost such a light, and yet was not left in darkness, only
exchanging blessings, the Rev. Dr. Brownrigg succeeding him.
Nor must we forget Richard Parry, doctor of divinity, bishop of
St. Asaph, who this year exchanged this life for a better. He was
first bred in Christ Church, in Oxford, where he made plentiful
proceeding in learning and religion, and thence was advanced to the
deanery of Bangor; on whom bishop Godwin bestows this (call
it compliment or) character : Cui eruditione^ cwterisque episcopa-
lihus virtutibus iitinam egomet tarn illi essem wqiialis^ quam ille
mihi wtate, studiorumque academicorum tempore^ locoque.^
We conclude this year with the death of Mr. Francis Mason, to
whose worthy book, De Ministerio Anglicano^ we have been so
much beholding. Nor will it be amiss to insert his epitaph : —
Prima Deo cui curafuit sacrare labor es^
Cui studium sacris invigilare libris ;
Ecce sub hoc tandem requievit marm.ore Mason,
Expectans Dominum speque Jideque swim,.
He was born in the bishopric of Durham, brought up in the univer-
sity of Oxford, bachelor of divinity, Fellow of Merton College,
chaplain to king James, rector of Orford, in Suffolk, where he lies
buried, and where he built the parsonage-house. He had three
children by his loving wife Elizabeth, who erected a fair monument
to his memory.
SECTION VI.
TO SAMUEL MICO, OF LONDON, ALDERMAN.
You have not spent, but laid out, much time in Italy,
to the great improvement of your judgment and estate.
How cunning chapmen those countrymen are in buy-
ing and selling, is not to you unknown ; but this Section
• Godwin in Episcnpis Asuphcnsibus.
296 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1622.
presents you with an Italian cardinal, a most crafty
broker in matters of religion, till at last he deceived
himself. Peruse it, I pray ; and if the reading thereof
can add nothing to your knowledge, the writing of it
may serve as my acknowledgnient of your favours
received,
1 — 19. The Causes of Spalatd's Coming -over. His hoimtifnl
Entertainment. He is richly preferred by King James.
His great Avarice. Another Instance of his ungrateful
Covetousness. His learned Writings against Romish
Error. The Jeerer jeered, ^palato's Hypocrisy dis-
covered. He is incensed ivith a Repulse. Reasons pleaded
for his Return. Spalato'^s second Letter to King James ;
desires in vain still to stay ; departeth to Rome ; returns
to his railing Vomit ; lives at Rome not loved, and dies
unlamented. Cardinal ClesePs neglected Friendship de-
structive to Spalato. Spalato''s Body burned after his
Death. The Word " Puritan,'''' how first abused by Spalato.
His impartial Character. A. D. 1622.
Lately we made mention of the coming-over of Marcus
Antonius de Dominis, the archbishop of Spalato, into England,*
and now shall prosecute that subject at large. For, this year began
happily, because with the end of that arrant apostata in this land,
and his fair riddance out of the limits thereof. He had fourteen
years been archbishop of Spalato in Dalmatia, under tlie State of
Venice; and some five years since, to wit, a.d. 1616, came over
into England^ Conscience in show, and covetousness in deed,
caused his coming hither. He pretended to have discovered innu-
merable novelties and pernicious errors in t]\e court of Rome,-[-
injuriously engrossing the right and honour of the universal church.
He complained, many points were obtruded on men's consciences as
articles of faith, which Christ in the Scripture never instituted. He
accounted tlie Romish church, "mystical Babylon and Sodom ;"!
and the pope, " Nimrod, a tyrant, schismatic, heretic, yea, even
antichrist himself.""§ But that which sharpeneth his pen against
the pope was a particular grudge against pope Paul, who had
ordered him to pay a yearly pension of five hundred crowns, out of
his bishopric, to one Andreutius, a suffragan bishop ; which this
• J'^ide supra, in this volume, hook ix. sect. iv. parag. 42, page 265. f In his
book called Cunailiuni Profcctionis, pages 15 — 17. t Ibkl. page 34. § Ibid,
page 76.
20 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 297
archbishop refused to do, complaining, it was unjust, and imposed
without his knowledge and consent. The matter is brought to the
Rota^ or Court of Rome, where the wheel went on the wrong side
for our Spalato ; who, angry that he was cast in his cause, posts
out of Italy, through Germany, into the Low Countries. Here he
stayed a while, and tampered for preferment, till, finding the roof
of their church too low for his lofty thoughts, and their presbyterian
government uncomplying with his archi-episcopal spirit, he left the
Netherlands, and came over into England.
It is almost incredible, what flocking of people there was to
behold this old archbishop, now a new convert. Prelates and peers
presented him with gifts of high valuation. Indeed, it is a humour
of our English, strangely to admire strangers, believing invisible
perfections in them, above those of our land : a quality commend-
able in our countrymen, whilst inclining them to hospitality, but
sometimes betraying their credulity to be thereby dangerously
deluded. He was feasted wheresoever he came ; and the univer-
sities, when he visited them, addressed themselves to him in their
solemn reception, as if he himself alone had been an university.
But, above all, king James, whose hands were seldom shut to
any, and always open to men of merit, was most munificent unto
him; highly rejoicing, that Rome had lost — and England got —
such a jewel. " How many of English youth were tolled out of our
universities into Italy, and there taught treason and heresy together !
This aged prelate, of eminent parts, coming thence of his own
accord, would make us plentiful reparation for the departure of
many novices."" The king consigned him to the archbishop of
Canterbury for his present entertainment, till he might be accom-
modated to subsist of himself; and, as an earnest of his bounty,
sent him to Lambeth a fair basin and bowl of silver ; which Spalato
received with this compliment : Misit mihi rex Magnw Britannice
poluhrum argenteum^ ad abstergendas sordes Bommice ecclesiw ; et
poculam argenteum^ ad imhihendam Evangelii puritatem : " The
king of Great Britain hath sent me a silver basin, to wash from me
the filth of the Roman church ; and a silver cup, to mind me to
drink the purity of the Gospel." Preferment is quickly found out,
and conferred upon him : as, the deanery of Windsor, (though
founded, not in a cathedral, but collegiate church,) one of the gen-
teelest and entirest dignities of the land ; the Mastership of the
Hospital of the Savoy, with a good parsonage at West-Ilsley in
Berkshire, being a Peculiar belonging to the episcopal jurisdiction
of the dean of Windsor. And, finding one precedent in Lis prede-
cessor, he collated this parsonage on himself, and there made shift
for so much English as sufficed him to read the ninc-and-thirty
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1622.
Articles, (as an auditor there present hath informed me,*) which
formerly he had subscribed. Thus had he two houses furnished
above plenty, even unto magnificence, and might alternately exchange
society for privacy, at pleasure.
He improved the profit of his places to the utmost, and had a
design to question all his predecessors'* leases at the Savoy ; and
began to be very vexatious to his tenants. Some of them repaired
to Dr. King, bishop of London ; who, at their request, took Spalato
to task, and as gravely as sharply reproved him ; that, being a
foreigner, he would fall out with natives, endeavouring to put
others here out of their peaceable possessions, who himself had fled
hither for his own refuge ; especially, having professed in print, that
he "had deposed all affection to — and gust of — earthly things ;"-f"
and that " he himself, being almost naked, did follow a naked
Christ." I Hereupon, at the reverend bishop's admonition, he let
fall his former design. But, it was not the counsel of this king,
but of a greater king, which deterred him from his project ; namely,
king James himself, to whom Spalato complained, that the lands of
the Savoy were let out for little rents, to the great loss of his place
and poor therein ; not that he cared for the poor, but bare the bag,
and what was put into it ; acquainting his majesty with his intent to
rectify those abuses, and call those leases into question. To whom
the king in some choler, Extraneus^ extraneus es I Relinque res
sicut eas iiixenisti^ " You are a stranger, you are a stranger I Leave
things as you found them." And yet the same man would very
passionately persuade others to bounty to the poor, though he would
give nothing himself: witness his earnest moving the Chapter of
Windsor in this kind ; to whom one of the prebendaries answered,
Qui suadet^ siui det^ " Let him that persuades others give something
of his own.''
I am also credibly informed, from an excellent hand, of the truth
of this story : — Spalato had found a small flaw in a lease of value,
which a gentlewoman of quality held of the dean and chapter of
Windsor. To her house he comes with all his men ; where she
magnificently entertains him, as overjoyed that her chief landlord
came so courteously to visit her. Spalato next morning, after his
plentiful supper, having settled himself in the parlour, suddenly
cries out, Ahscedite omnes^ ahscedite ; " Be ye all gone, be ye gone ;"
intending to take possession for himself. The gentlewoman, per-
ceiving him at this posture, with herself and servants well favouredly
thrust him out of her house, coming oflT with sufficient disgrace.
Afterwards consulting the learned in our laws about the lease, they
• Mr. Caesar Calendrine, minister of tUe Dutch chiu-ch. t in Prafat. lib. 1. Dc
RcpuO. Ecd, num 0. X Sur j'l'i. page 19J.
20 JAMES T. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 290
told him, that though possibly he might get the better of her in^the
common law, yet the chancery would relieve her, who so dearly had
bought, so truly . had paid for, and so peaceably had possessed her
estate therein. " Fie for shame ! " saith Spalato ; " are your English
Jaws so contrived, that what is done by one court may be undone by
another ? " This may suffice to evidence his avarice. Nor must it
be forgotten, though he pretended at his coming -over, that for
conscience he freely left his archbishopric of Spalato, that in very
deed he resigned the same to his nephew, conditionally to pay him
an annual pension out of it. 8ed magnus nebulo nil solvit. " But
the great knave pays me nothing ; *" as he himself complained to my
reverend friend the archbishop of Armagh.
He falls now to perfect his books. For, his works were not now
composed, but corrected ; not compiled, but completed ; as being,
though of English birth, of Italian conception. For, formerly the
collections were made by him at Spalato, but he durst not make
them public for fear of the Inquisition. His works (being three fair
folios, De Bepuhlicd Ecclesiasticd) give ample testimony of his
sufficiency. Indeed, he had a controversial head, with a strong and
clear style ; nor doth a hair hang at the nib of his pen to blur his
writings with obscurity : but, first understanding himself, he could
make others understand him. His writings are of great use for the
protestant cause. " Many,'"* saith the prophet, " shall run to and fro,
and knowledge shall be increased," Dan. xii. 4. And surely the
transcursion of Italians hither added much to the discovery of the
papal abominations. Yet, allowing Spalato diligent in writing, his
expression was a notorious hyperbole, when saying, " In reading,
meditation, and writing I am almost pined away ; " otherwise, his fat
cheeks did confute his false tongue in that expression.*
Amongst other of his ill qualities, he delighted in jeering, and
would spare none who came in his way. One of his sarcasms he
unhappily bestowed on count Gondemar, the Spanish ambassador,
telling him, that three turns at Tyburn was the only way to cure his
fistula. The don, highly offended hereat, pained for the present
more with this flout than his fistula, meditates revenge, and repairs
to king James. He told his majesty, that his charity, an error
common in good princes, abused his judgment, in conceiving Spalato
a true convert, who still in heart remained a Roman catholic ; (indeed,
his majesty had a rare felicity in discovering the falsity of witches,
and forgery of such who pretended themselves possessed ;) but, under
favour, was deluded with this man's false spirit ; and, by his majesty ""s
leave, he would detect unto him this his hypocrisy. The king
* Inlcctione, iiicdUalionc,ct scripliunc pent marccsvo Rts?r. Archiki'is. Si'al. Feb
U, nd Artie. 3, 1622.
300 CHUllCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1622.
cheerfully embraced his motion, and left liim to the liberty of his
own undertakings.
The ambassador writeth to his catholic majesty ; he to his
Holiness, Gregory XV. that Spalato might be pardoned, and preferred
in the church of Rome ; which was easily obtained. Letters are
sent from Rome to count Gondemar, written by the cardinal Millin,
to impart them to Spalato, informing him, that the pope had forgiven
and forgotten all which he had done or written against the catholic
religion ; and, upon his return, would prefer him to the bishopric of
Salerno in Naples, worth twelve thousand crowns by the year. A
cardinal's hat also should be bestowed upon him. And, if Spalato,
with his hand subscribed to this letter, would renounce and disclaim
what formerly he had printed, an apostolical brief, with pardon,
should solemnly be sent him to Brussels. Spalato embraceth the
motion, likes the pardon well, the preferment better, accepts both,
recants his opinions largely, subscribes solemnly, and thanks his
Holiness affectionately for his favour. Gondemar carries his sub-
scription to king James ; who is glad to behold the hypocrite
unmasked, appearing in his own colours ; yet the discovery was
concealed, and lay dormant some days in the desk, which was in due
time to be awakened.
Now, it happened a false rumour was spread, that Toby Matthew,
archbishop of York, who died yearly in report, was certainly deceased.
Presently posts Spalato to Theobald s ; becomes an importunate
petitioner to the king for the vacant archbishopric, and is as flatly
denied ; the king conceiving he had given enough already to him if
grateful, too much if ungrateful ; besides, the king would never bestow
an episcopal charge in England on a foreigner, no, not on his own
countrymen ; some Scottish-men being preferred to deaneries, none
to bishoprics. Spalato, offended at this repulse, (for he had rather
had York than Salerno, as equal in wealth, higher in dignity, nearer
in place,) requests his majesty, by his letter, to grant his good leave
to depart the kingdom, and to return into Italy; pope Paul, his
fierce foe, being now dead, and Gregory XV. his fast friend, now seated
in the chair. The copy of whose letter we have here inserted : —
" TO THE HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE JAMES, BY THE GRACE
OF GOD, KING OF GREAT BRITAIN, &C. DEFENDER OF
THE FAITH, &C.
'' M. Anthony de Dominis, archbishop of Spalato, wisheth
all happiness.
'' Those two popes which were most displeased at my leaving
of Italy, and coming into England, Paulus Quintus, and he which
now liveth, Gregory the fifteenth, have both laboured to call me back
20 JAMES I. nboK X. CENT. XVII. 301
from hence, and used divers messages for that purpose ; to which,
notwithstanding, I gave no heed. But now of late, wlien this same
pope, being certified of my zeal in advancing and furthering the union
of all Christian churches, did hereupon take new care and endeavour
to invite me again unto him, and signified withal, that he did seek
nothing therein but God's glory, and to use my poor help also to
work the inward peace and tranquillity of this your majesty''s
kingdom ; mine own conscience told me, that it behoved me to give
ready ear unto his Holiness. Beside all this, the diseases and incon-
veniences of old age growing upon me, and the sharpness of the cold
air of this country, and the great want (I feel here amongst strangers)
of some friends and kinsfolks, which might take more diligent and
exact care of me, make my longer stay in this climate very offensive
to my body. Having therefore made an end of my Works, and
enjoyed your majesty's goodness, in bestowing on me all things
needful and fit for me, and in heaping so many and so royal benefits
upon me, I can do no less than promise perpetual memory and
thankfulness, and tender to you my continuance in your majesty's
service wheresoever I go, and will become in all places a reporter and
extoller of your majesty's praises. Now, if my business proceed,
and be brought to a good end, I well hope that I shall obtain your
majesty's good leave to depart, without the least diminution of your
majesty's wonted favour towards me. I hear of your majesty's late
great danger, and congratulate with your majesty for your singular
deliverance from it by God's great goodness, who hath preserved you
safe from it, as one most dear unto him, for the great good of his
church, I hope. Farewell, the glory and ornament of princes.
" Your majesty's ever most devoted servant,
" ANT. DE DOMINIS,
" Archbishop of Spalato.
*' From THE Savoy, January 16^/^, 1621."
To this letter no present answer was returned ; but five days
after, January 21st, the bishops of London and Durham, with the
dean of Westminster, by his majesty's direction, repaired to this
archbishop, propounding unto him sixteen queries, all arising out of
his former letter ; and requiring him to give the explanation of five
most material under his hand, for his majesty's greater satisfaction ;
which he did accordingly, yet not so clearly but that it occasioned a
second meeting, January 31st ; wherein more interrogatories were
by command propounded unto him ; which, with his answers there-
unto, because publicly printed, are purposely omitted : and notwith-
standing all obstructions, Spalato still continued his importunity to
depart.
302 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1622.
He pretended many reasons for liis return : First. Longing after
his own country. Who so z>o?2-hearted as not to be drav.n home,
with the loadstone of his native land ? Secondly. To see his friends,
kindred, nephews, but especially his beloved niece. A story hangs
thereon ; and it is strange, what was but whispered in Italy was
heard over so plain into England. In the Hebrew tongue nephews
and nieces are called " sons and daughters ;" but the Italian clergy,
on the contrary, often term their sons and daughters, "nephews and
nieces." Thirdly. The late-pretended discovery of many errors in
our English church, (how quick-sighted did the promised bishopric
make him !) whereof formerly he took no notice, and all w^iich are
learnedly answered in the posthume book of Dr. Crakenthorpe, care-
fully set forth by Dr. Barkham, after the author''s death ; and may
all orphan-works have the happiness of so faithful a guardian !
Lastly, and chiefly : As he confesseth himself, allectus pretio octu-
plicis stipendii^ " allured with the reward of a salary eight times as
great" as his revenues in* England. In which computation, as he
ungratefully depresseth the value of what he had in hand ; so he
undiscreetly advanced the worth of what in hope he promised him-
self: not to speak of the difference of Italian ducats when told oiit^
and when told offoii so great a distance.
In pursuance of which his desire, he wrote a second' letter to king
James : the tenor whereof we thousi-ht fit here to insert for the
better clearing of the matter : —
"Most excellent Prince, and most gracious Lord,
"As I signified lately unto your majesty in my former letter, I
neither ought nor could neglect the pope's fair and gracious invita-
tion of me ; especially when I saw that he dealt with me concern-
ing the service of Christ and his church ; and, being now at length
better certified that all things are in a readiness for me, I am tied
to my former promises. Yet I make it my humble request, that I
may take my journey with your majesty's good-will. And for that
purpose, I do now most humbly and earnestly crave your leave by
these letters, which I would much more willingly have begged by
word of mouth in your presence, that I might have parted with your
majesty with all due thanks and submission, but that my access to
your majesty might have confirmed the vain and foolish rumours of
the people.* I beseech your majesty, therefore, to vouchsafe to
give me some letters, whereby my departure may be made both safe
and creditable. As for the ecclesiastical titles and revenues which
I hold by your majesty's gift, I shall resign them by public inden-
* Namely, that the king had omployod Spahito to tho popo, to make a reconciliation
betwixt us aiid Rome.
20 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVIT. 803
tures. So, from the bottom of my heart, I do commit myself to
your royal favour, and vow myself your servant for ever.
" Your majesty's, &c.
" M. ANTHONY DE DOMINIS,
"Archbishop ofSpalato.
" London : From the Savo2/, Feb. 3rJ."
This letter produced new interrogatories, and several fruitful con-
troversies, one always begetting another ; but the last was a sharp one
at Lambeth, March .30th, which cut off all future discourse. For, a
commision was issued out to the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops
of Lincoln, (lord keeper of the Great Seal of England,) London,
Durham, Winchester, and several other Privy Counsellors ; before
whom Spalato personally appeared : when the archbishop of Can-
terbury, in the name of the rest, by his majesty's special command,
in a long Latin speech, recapitulated the many misdemeanours of
Spalato, principally insisting on his changing of religion, as appeared
by his purpose of returning to Rome ; and that, contrary to the
laws of the realm, he had held correspondency by letters with the
pope, without the privity of the king's majesty. To which charge
when Spalato had made rather a shuffling excuse than a just defence,
the archbishop, in his majesty's name, commanded him to depart
the kingdom, at his own peril, within twenty days, and never to
return again. To this he promised obedience ; protesting he would
ever justify the church of England for orthodox in fundamentals,
even in the presence of the pope or whomsoever, though with the
loss of his life.
However, " loath to depart" was his last tune ; and no wonder,
if well considering whence and whither he went. He left a land
where he lacked nothing, but a thankful heart to God, and a con-
tented soul in himself. He went to a place of promise, suspicious
whether ever it should be performed. He feared (not without cause)
he might lose his gray head to fetch a red hat. And an ominous
instance was lately set before his eyes : one Fulgentius, a Minorite,
had inveighed at Venice against the pope, and was by his nuncio
trained to Rome, on promise of safe-conduct : where being favoured
and feasted at first, soon after in the field of Flora he was burned to
ashes. This made Spalato effectually, but secretly, to deal with his
friends in the English Court, that his majesty would permit him to
stay; but in vain; and, therefore, within the time appointed, he
went over in the same ship with count Schwartzenburgh, the
emperor's ambassador, returning hence into Flanders.
" And, now Spalato is shipped, a good wind and fair weather go
after him ! His sails shall not be stuffed with a blast of my curses.
^04 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1622.
conceiving that liis fault was sufficient punishment. But others *
have compared liim to " the house swept, and garnished," to which
the devil returned " with seven spirits more wicked than himself,'''
Matt. xii. 44 ; which they thus reckon up : Avarice, Ambition,
and Hypocrisy, whilst he stayed here ; Apostasy and Perjury, when
going hence ; Ingratitude and Calumny, when returned to Rome.
Yea, they find as many punishments lighting on him : God angry
with him, the devil tormenting him, his conscience corroding him,
the world cursing him, the true church disdaining him, protestant
pens confuting him, and the pope, at last, in revenge executing
him. And, now the master hath had the just shame for his apos-
tasy, let the man receive the due praise of his perseverance ; — one
Gio Pietro Paravicino, a Grison, who waited on Spalato in his
chamber ; whom neither frights nor flatteries could remove, but he
died in Holland a firm professor of the protestant religion !
Being come to Brussels, he recants his religion, and rails bitterly
on the English church ; calling his coming hither '' an unhappy,
irrational, pestiferous, devilish voyage,-)- to which he was moved
with sickness of soul, impatience, and a kind of phrenzy of anger."" J
Here he stayed six months for the pope"'s brief; which was long
.a-coming, and at last was utterly denied him. Insomuch that Spalato
was fain to run the hazard, and desperately adventure to Rome ;
having nothing in scriptis for his security, but barely presuming on
promises, and the friendship of Gregory XV. now pope, formerly
his colleague and chamber-fellow.
I find not his promised bishopric conferred upon him ; who as
well might have been made primate and metropolitan of Terra
Incognita. Yea, returning to Sodom, (though not turned into " a
pillar of salt,"") he became unsavoury salt, cared for of no side.
Such a crooked stick, which had bowed all ways, was adjudged unfit
to make a beam or rafter, either in popish or protestant church.
And now, what would not make timber to build, must make fuel to
burn ; to which end he came at last. But for some years he lived
at Rome, on a pension which pope Gregory assigned him out of his
own revenues ; until there arose a new pope, who never knew
Spalato with the least knowledge of approbation ; namely, Urban
VIII. brought in by the anti-faction of the French. He, finding
his revenue charged with a pension paid to his adversary, (thrift is a
flower even in the triple crown !) prohibits the future issuing out of
the same. His pension being stopped, Spalato's mouth is open, and
passionately discourseth reputed heresy in several companies.
There was residing at Rome one cardinal Clesel, a High German;
• Dr. Barkh.am in Ms Dedicatoiy Epistle to king James. t In lii^ book called
Consilium Reditus, page 9. t Ilnd. page 5.
20 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. '^^^'5
betwixt whom and Spalato formerly great familiarity, whilst Clesel
was the pope's legate de Latere with the emperor at Vienna, where
Spalato negotiated business for the State of Venice. This cardinal
expected Spalato's applications unto him, after he was returned to
Rome ; which he refused, being (belike) too high in the instep, or
rather too stiff in the knees, to bow to beg a kindness. Clesel,
perceiving his amity made contemptible, resolved to make his enmity
considerable ; yet, dissembling friendship for the better opportunity
of revenge, he invites Spalato to supper ; and, a train of discourse
being laid at a liberal meal, Spalato is as free in talking as m
eating ; and lets fall this expression, that, though divers had endea-
voured it, no catholic had as yet answered his books, De Repuhlicd
Ecclesiasticd; but adding moreover, that he himself was able to
answer them. Presently his person is clapped into prison, his study
seized on, wherein many papers were found speaking heresy enough;
his adversaries being admitted sole interpreters thereof.
As for his death, some months after, some say he w^as stifled,
others strangled, others stabbed, others starved, others poisoned,
others smothered to death. But my intelligence from his own
kindred at Venice informs me, that he died a natural death ; adding
moreover, non sme prwTenienie gratia, " not without God's pre-
venting grace ;" for, had his life been longer, his death had been
more miserable. "Yea," they say, "the pope sent four of his
sworn physicians, to recognise his corpse ; who on their oath deposed,
that no impression of violence was visible thereon." However, after
his death, his excommunicated corpse were put to public shame, and
solemnly proceeded against in the Inquisition for relapsing into
heresy since his return to Rome. His kindred were summoned to
appear for him, if they pleased ; but durst not plead for a dead
man, for fear of infection of the like punishment on themselves.
Several articles of heresy are charged upon him ; and he, found
convict thereof, is condemned to have his body burned by the public
executioner in the field of Flora ; which was performed accordingly.
Such honour have all apostates !
We must not forget, that Spalato (I am confident I am not mis-
taken therein) was the first, who, professing himself a protestant,
used the word " Puritan," to signify the defenders of matters doc-
trinal in the English church. Formerly the word was only taken to
denote such as dissented from the hierarchy in discipline and church-
government ; which now was extended to brand such as were Anti-
Arminians in their judgments. As Spalato first abused the word in
this sense, so we could wish he had carried it away with him in his
return to Rome. Whereas, now leaving the word behind him in
this extensive signification thereof, it hath since by others been
Vol. III. X
306 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1622.
" improved to asperse the most orthodox in doctrine, and religious in
conversation.
He was of a comely personage, tall stature, gray beard, grave
countenance, fair language, fluent expression, somewhat abdominous
and corpulent in his body ; of so imperious and domineering spirit,
that, as if the tenant were the landlord, though a stranger, he offered
to control the archbishop of Canterbury in his own house : an
excellent preacher, (every first Sunday in the morith to the Italian
nation at Mercers' cjiapel,) as his sermon called Scopleos^ or "the
rocks," doth plentifully witness ; wherein he demonstrates, that all
the errors of the Roman church proceed from their pride and covet-
ousness. And (under the rose be it spoken) if the great ship of
Rome split itself on these Rocks, Spalato's own pinnace made ship-
wreck of the faith on the same, 1 Tim. i. 19, which were his bosom
sins. In a word : he had too much wit and learning to be a cordial
papist, and too little honesty and religion to be a sincere protestant.
20. Three other Italian Jugglers.
About the same time three other Italians made their escape into
England. One, Antonio, (as I take it, a Capuchin,) who here
married a wife, and was beneficed in Essex. The other tvro, Bene-
dictines ; living, the one Avith the archbishop of Canterbury ; the
other, with the archbishop of York. All these three were neither
good dough nor good bread, but, like Ephraim, " a cake not
turned," Hosea vii. 8, though they pretended to true conversion.
The first of these, being kin to Spinola, the Low-Country general,
was by him (on what terms I know not) trained over and reconciled
to Rome. The other two (only racking, no thorough-paced pro-
testants) watched their opportunity to run away. Yet let not this
breed in us a jealousy of all Italian converts ; seeing Vergerius,
Peter Martyr, Emmanuel Tremcllius, &c. may reconcile us to a
good opinion of them, and to believe, that God hath "a few names
even in Sardis," Rev. iii. 4, where the throne of the beast is erected.
And, indeed, Italian converts, like Origen, " where they do well,
none better ; where ill, none worse."
21 — 24. The Spanish Match^ the Discourse-general. Gondemar
procures the Enlargement of all Jesuits. A malicious
Comment on a merciful Text. Bitter Complime7its hetwioct
Gondemar and the Earl of Oxford.
All men's mouths were now filled with discourse of prince
Charles's match with Donna Maria, the Infanta of Spain. The
protestants grieved thereat, fearing that this nian-i age would be the
20 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. o07
funerals of their religion :* and their jealousies so descanted thereon,
that they suspected, if taking effect, more water of Tiber, than
Thames, would run under London-bridge. The church-catholics
grew insolent thereat ; and such who formerly had a pope in their
belly, showed him now in their tongues and faces, avouching their
religion, which they concealed before. Yet at last this match (so
probable) brake off, heaven forbidding the bans, even at the third
and last asking thereof.
Count Gondemar was the active instrument to advance this match;
who so carried himself in the twilight of jest-earnest, that with his
jests he pleased his majesty of England, and with his earnest he
pleasured his master of Spain. Having found out the length of
king James's foot, he fitted him with so easy a shoe, which pained
him not, — no, not when he was troubled with the gout ; this cunning
don being able to please him in his greatest passion. And although
the match was never effected, yet Gondemar, whilst negotiating
the same, in favour to the catholic cause, procured of his majesty
the enlargement of all priests and Jesuits through the English
dominions.
The actions of princes are subject to be censured, even of such
people who reap the greatest benefit thereby ; as here it came to
pass. These Jesuits, when at liberty, did not gratefully ascribe
their freedom to his majesty's mercy, biit only to his willingness to
rid and clear his gaols, over-pestered with prisoners ; as if his
majesty, if so minded, could not have made the gallows the besom
to sweep the gaol, and as easily have sent these prisoners from
Newgate up westward by land, as over southward by sea. What
moved king James to this lenity at this time, I neither do know,
nor will inquire. Surely, such as sit at the stern and hold the helm
* In his Examen, Heylin very improperly intimates, that the only persons who enter-
tained such fears were th.e Puritans ; and immediately subjoias : " To these nothing was
more terrible than the match with Spain ; fearing, and perhaps justly fearing, that the
king's alliance with that crown might arm him both, with power and coimsel to suppress
those practices which have since proved the faueral of the chiu-ch of England." To this
remark Fuller's reply, fearlessly wi-itten more than a year prior to the Restoration, is a
very cbaracteristic and touching passage, highly creditable to the integrity of his heart
and his sincerity as a churchman : " By the church of England, the Anhiiadverter
meaneth, as I believe, the hierarchy', the funeral whereof for the present we do behold.
However, I hope there is still a church in England alive, or else we were all in a sad,
yea, in an unsalvable, condition : the state of which church of England 1 compare to
Eutychus, Acts xx. 9. I suspect it hath formerly slept too soimdly in ease and security.
Sure I am, it is since, with him, ' fallen do\yn from the thu'd loft ; ' fi'om honour into con-
tempt, from unity into faction, from verity into dangerous eiTors. Yet I hope, that lior
life is still left in her ; I mean, so much soundness left, that persons bom, Uviiig, and
dying therein are capable of salvation. Let such who think the chiu-ch of England sick
pray for her wonderful recovery, and such as think her dead pray for her miraculous
resurrection." — Edit.
x2
«^08 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1622,
can render a reason why they steer to this or that point of the com-
pass, though they give not to every mariner (much less passenger in
the ship) an account thereof. I, being only by my place oTryjpsrrjj,
" a rower," or minister in the vessel, content myself in silence with
the will of the master thereof. But let us exemplify the lord
keeper's letter to this purpose : —
" TO THE JUDGES.
"After my hearty commendations to you : His majesty, having
resolved, (out of deep reasons of state, and in expectation of the like
correspondence from foreign princes, to the profession of our religion,)
to grant some grace and connivancy to the imprisoned papists of this
kingdom, hath commanded me to pass some Writs under the Broad
Seal to this purpose ; requiring the Judges of every circuit to
enlarge the said j)risoners according to the tenour and effect of the
same. I am to give you to understand (from his majesty) how his
majesty's royal pleasure is, that, upon receipt of these Writs, you
shall make no niceness or difficulty to extend that his princely
favour to all such papists as you shall find prisoners in the gaols of
your circuits, for any church-recusancy whatsoever, or refusing the
oath of supremacy, or dispersing popish books, or hearing, saying of
mass, or any other point of recusancy, which doth touch or concern
religion only, and not matters of state. And so I bid you farewell.
'' Your loving friend,
"JOHN LINCOLN.
" Westminster College, Aiigust 2, 1622.'^
Now, although one will easily believe many priests and Jesuits
were set at liberty, yet surely that gentleman * is no true account-
ant, if affirming no fewer than four thousand to be set free at this
time ; especially considering, that one,-|- who undertakes to give in
a perfect list of all the Jesuits in England, and is since conceived
rather to asperse some protestants than conceal any papists, cannot
hiount their number higher than two hundred twenty-and-five. To
which, if such whom he detects for popish physicians, with all
those whom he accuses for popish books, be cast in, they will not
make up the tithe of four thousand.
However, most distasteful was Gondemar'*s greatness to the
English ancient nobility ; who manifested the same, as occasion was
offered, as by this one instance may appear : — Henry Vere, earl of
Oxford, chanced to meet with count Gondemar at a great entertain-
ment. The don accosted him with high compliments, vowing, that,
timongst all the nobility of England, there was none he had tendered
• Mr. Prynne in loc ] John Gee in his ** Foot wA of the Snare."
20 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 309
his service with more sincerity than to his lordship ; though hitherto
such his unhappiness, that his affections were not accepted according
to his integrity who tendered them. " It seems,'' replied the earl of
Oxford, " that your lordship had good leisure, when stooping in
your thoughts to one so inconsiderable as myself, whose whole life
hath afforded but two things memorable therein." " It is your
lordship's modesty," returned Gondemar, " to undervalue yourself,
whilst we, the spectators of your honour's deserts, make a true
and unpartial estimate thereof. Hundreds of memorables have met
in your lordship's life. But, good my lord, what are those two
signal things more conspicuous than all the rest ? " '• They are
these two," said the earl ; I was born in the eighty-eight, and
christened on the fifth of November."
25 — 27. The Death of Mr. Henry Copinger. A free Patron
and faithful Incumbent well met. His long and good Life.
Henry Copinger, formerly fellow of St. John's College, in Cam-
bridge, prebendary of York, once chaplain to Ambrose earl of
Warwick, (whose funeral sermon he preached,) made master of
Magdalen College, in Cambridge, by her majesty's mandate, though
afterwards resigning his right at the queen's (shall I call it ?) request,
to prevent trouble, ended his religious life. He was the sixth son
of Henry Copinger, of Buxhall in Suffolk, esquire, by Agnes,
daughter of Sir Thomas Jermyn. His father on his death-bed
asking him what course of life he would embrace ; he answered, he
intended to be a divine. " I like it well," said the old gentleman,
" otherwise what shall I say to Martin Luther, when I shall see him
in heaven, and he knows that God gave me eleven sons, and I made
not one of them a minister.^" An expression proportionable
enough to Luther's judgment, who maintained, some hours before
his death, that the saints in heaven shall knowingly converse one
with another.*
Lavenham living fell void, which both deserved a good minister,
being a rich parsonage, and needed one, it being more than sus-
picious that Dr. Reynolds, late incumbent, who ran away to Rome,
had left some superstitious leaven behind him. The earl of Oxford,
being patron, presents Mr. Copinger to it, but adding withal, that
he would pay no tithes of his park, being almost half the land of
the parish. Copinger desired to resign it again to his lordship, rather
than by such sinful gratitude to betray the rights of the church.
" Well ! if you be of that mind, then take the tithes," saith the
earl, "I scorn that my estate should swell with church-goods."
However, it afterwards cost Mr. Copinger sixteen hundred pounds, in
* Pamaleon De iUustribus Gcnnnnicc, in Vita Luilicrl, page 82.
310 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1623.
keeping his questioned — and recovering liis detained — rights, in suit
with the agent for the, next minor, earl of Oxford, and others ; all
which he left, to his church's quiet possession, being zealous in
God's cause, but remiss in his own.
He lived forty-and-five years the painful parson at Lavenham ; in
which market-town there are about nine hundred communicants,
amongst whom, all this time, no difference did arise which he did not
compound. He had a bountiful hand, and plentiful purse, (his
paternal inheritance, by death of elder brothers, and other transac-
tions, descending upon him,) bequeathing twenty pounds in money,
and ten pounds jt?^r annum^ to the poor of the parish; in tlie chancel
Avhereof he lieth buried under a fair monument, dying on St.
Thomas's day, in the threescore-and-twelfth year of his age.
28. A Co7iference with Jesuits.
Papists now appearing very daring, a conference, or dispute, (if
you please,) was entertained bet^tixt Dr. White and Dr. Featley,
protestants, father Fisher and father Sweet, Jesuits, December 21st,
on this occasion : Edward Buggs, esq., living in London, aged
seventy, and a professed protestant, was in his sickness seduced to
the Romish religion ; but, recovering, this dispute was held at his
request, in the house of Sir Humphrey Linde, a learned and religious
gentleman ; about the visibility of the church, and the tenets now
maintained by the protestants to have been before Luther. The
printed book hereof may satisfy the reader ; as this conference did so
satisfy Mr. Buggs, that, renouncing his former wavering, he was
confirmed in the protestant truth.
29 — 34. The fatal Vespers at Blackfriars. Death without
giving any Warning, I will sing of Merely and Justice.
A fair and true Verdict. Beware wild Wishes. A Caveat
at Rome. A.D. 1623.
Now happened the sad vespers, or doleful evening-song, at Black-
friars, in London, October 26th. Father Drury, a Jesuit of excel-
lent morals and ingratiating converse, (w^anting nothing, saving the
embracing of the truth, to make him valuable in himself and accept-
able to others,) preached in a great upper room in Blackfriars, next
to the house of the French ambassador, where some three hundred
persons were assembled. His text, " O thou ungracious servant I I
forgave thee all the debt, because thou desiredst me ; shouldest not
thou also have had compassion on thy fellow-servant .'*" &c.
Matthew xviii. 32. \i\ application whereof, he fell upon a bitter
invective against the protestants.
His sermon began to incline to the middle, the day to the end
21 JAMES 1. BOOK. X. CENT. XVM. 311
thereof; when on the sudden the floor fell down whereon they were
assembled. It gave no charitable warning groan beforehand, but
cracked, brake, and fell, all in an instant. Many were killed, more
bruised, all frighted. Sad sight to behold the flesh and blood of
diflTerent persons mingled together, and the brains of one on the
head of another ! One lacked a leg ; another, an arm ; a third,
whole and entire, wanted nothing but breath, stifled in the ruins.
Some protestants, coming merely to see, were made to suffer, and
bear the heavy burden of their own curiosity. About ninety-five
persons were slain outright ; amongst whom Mr. Drury and Mr.
Rodiat, priests, with the lady Webbe, were of the greatest quality.
Nor must we forget, how, when one comforted a maid-child about
ten years of age, exhorting her to patience for her mother and sister;
the child replied, that, however it fared with them, this would be a
great scandal to their religion ; a speech commendable in any,
admirable in one of her age.
Yet marvellous was God's mercy in the preservation of some
there present. One corner of the first floor rather hung still than
stood, (without any beams,) by the relative strength from the side
walls ; and about twenty persons upon it. These beheld that tragedy
wherein instantly they expected to act, and, which was the worst,
their fall would not only kill them, but by their weight they should
be the unwilling slayers of others, which as yet laboured for life
beneath them. It was put into their minds with their knives (fright
adding force unto them) to cut their passage out of a loam wall into
the next chamber, whereby their lives were preserved. Of those
that fell, one was kept alive, (though embraced by death on either
side,) a chair falling hollow upon her. Thus any arms are of proof,
if Divine Providence be but pleased to put them on.
Next day was empanneled a coroner's inquest of substantial
citizens to inquire into the cause and manner of their death. These
found it done neither by miracle nor malice, no plot or indirect
practice appearing, (as some no less falsely than maliciously gave it
out,) the roof standing, side-wall sound, foundation firm, only the
floor broken, by God's wisdom permitting it, and their own folly
occasioning it. Nor could the carpenter be justly accused for slight
and unfaithful building, making it substantial enough for any pri-
vate purpose ; and none could foresee that they would bring a church
into a chamber. Twenty of the poorer sort were buried hard by in
one grave, and the rest bestowed by their friends in several places
of sepulture.
The sad death of these persons, the object of pity to all good
and wise men, was the subject of envy to some, so sillily supersti-
tious as to repine at it, — that they had not a share in this slaughter.
312 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1623.
On this account, because the priest or clerk after every mass in
the city of London solemnly invited the people present with a
loud voice to say three Pater nosters and three Aw Marias
for the souls of such as died in Blackfriars, particularly, one
Parker,* who narrowly escaped the danger there, professed, that
nothing gTieved him more but that he had not been one of those
that died by the aforesaid mischance. But see what happened :
This man, going over to Douay to take priestly orders the week
following, was drowned in his passage. Thus wild wishes for death
prove sometimes such guests as come home to the inviters before
they be welcome unto them.
This accident fell on Sunday, October 26th, which, according to
the New Style observed beyond sea, (having the speed of ours by
ten days,) fell upon their fifth of November ; a day notoriously
known in the popish Calendar. Whereupon, Mr. Edward Ben-
lowes, a religious and learned gentleman, no small promoter of my
former and present labours, thus expressed himself: —
Quinta Novembris eat, Graias orsura Calendas ;
Sit quocunque stylo, quinta Novembris eat.
Ilia dies Letho Britonum dev&verat aulam }
Letho devotam sospitai ilia dies.
Ista dies duxit sacra ad viiseranda Tnisellos /
Adductos sacris sustulit ista dies.
Lapsa repents dornus vos ird atroce peremity
Quels fuit ird atrox lapsa repenti domtcs.
Drurie, cum cei^ebro conspergis pulpita vano,
Dum spargis cerebri phasmata vana tuiy
Trabe peremptus obis, qui lignea vivus adoras,
Lignea vivus ades, trabe peremptus obis ^
Ligna lapisque nianus infcedera dantia mactanf
HoSy quibus in sacra sunt foedera ligna, lapis.
Quels crux cocca Deus (tenebrosa magistra) colentes
In tenebras ccecos cceca magistra rapit.
Ah ! erit exeinplum cui non hoc triste timori,
Tristis hie exemplum triste timoris erit.
HcBC (Romista cave) domus und ut corruit hord,
Und sic hard Roma, caveto, met.
1 have nothing else to add of this sad disaster, save that the news
thereof next Monday morning, October 27th, was fresh in every
man''s mouth in his majesty's chapel in Whitehall ; at what time
the thirteenth chapter of St. Luke's Gospel was read for the lesson
appointed for the day by the Rubric of the church of England ;
wherein, near the beginning ; " or those eighteen upon whom the
tower of Siloam fell and slew them, think ye that they were sinners
above all men that dwelt in Jerusalem? I tell you, Nay: but
except ye repent, ye shall likewise perish.''
• John Gee in his book called *' the Foot out of the Snare.'
21 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 313
SECTION VII.
TO THOMAS SHUGBOROUGH, OF BURDINGBURY, IN
WARWICKSHIRE, ESQUIRE.
Themistocles was wont to say, that it was the best
music for a man to hear his own commendation.*
Should I play a lesson thereof unto your ears, (insist-
ing on your bounty to public books,) sure I am, the
tune would be more cheerful to me, than grateful to
you, — better pleased in deserving than hearing your
own encomium. I therefore will turn my praising of
you into praying for you, as more proportionable to
my public profession, and acceptable to your modest
disposition.
1. The Archbishop's Letter against a Toleration.
Many papists, not truly humbled with this late sad accident,
so demeaned themselves, that, indeed, most offensive was their
insolence to all true Englishmen ; the rather, because it was gene-
rally reported, that his majesty intended a toleration of religion :
which made the archbishop of Canterbury, though under a cloud for
his disaster, to adventure humbly to present the king with his
apprehensions ; losing, with some, the reputation of a politic states-
man, but preserving, with others, the character of an honest down-
right protestant. Which letter, though sent and delivered with all
privacy, came by some (whether his friends or foes, uncertain) to be
generally known, and afterwards publicly printed, as followeth : —
" May it please your Majesty,
" I HAVE been too long silent, and am afraid, by my silence,
I have neglected the duty of the place it hath pleased God to call
me unto, and your majesty to place me in. And now I humbly
crave leave I may discharge my conscience towards God, and my
duty to your majesty ; and therefore I beseech your majesty give
me leave freely to deliver myself, and then let your majesty do with
me what you please.
" Your majesty hath propounded a toleration of religion. I
beseech you, sir, take into your consideration what the act is, next
what the consequence may be. By your act you labour to set up
that most damnable and heretical doctrine of the church of Rome,
• Plutarch in his " Life."
314 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1623.
the whore of Babylon. How hateful will it be to God, and grievous
unto your good subjects, the true professors of the Gospel, that
your majesty, who hath often disputed and learnedly written against
those wicked heresies, should now show yourself a patron of those
doctrines which your pen hatli told the world, and your conscience
tells yourself, are superstitious, idolatrous, and detestable !
" Add hereunto what you have done in sending the prince into
Spain, without the consent of your Council, the privity and approba-
tion of your people. And though, sir, you have a large interest in
the prince, as the son of your flesh, yet hath the people a greater, as
the son of the kingdom ; upon whom, next after your majesty, their
eyes are fixed, and welfare depends. And so tenderly is his going
apprehended, as, believe it, sir, however his return may be safe, yet
the drawers of him to that action, so dangerous to himself, so
desperate to the kingdom, will not pass away unquestioned and
unpunished.
" Besides, this toleration which you endeavour to set up by pro-
clamation, cannot be done without a parliament, unless your majesty
will let your subjects see that you will take unto yourself a liberty
to throw down the laws of the land at your pleasure. What dread-
ful consequence these things may draw after them, I beseech your
majesty to consider ; aud, above all^ lest by this toleration, and dis-
continuance of the true profession of the Gospel, whereby God hath
blessed us, and under which this kingdom hath for many years
flourished, your majesty do not draw upon the kingdom in general,
and yourself in particular, God's heavy wrath and indignation.
" Thus in discharge of my duty towards God, to your majesty,
and the place of my calling, I have taken humble boldness to
deliver my conscience. And now, sir, do with me what you please."
2. Toleration^ the general Table-Talk, argued. The Pulpit is
loud against the Toleration.
What effect this letter took, is unknown ; sure it is, all men's
mouths were filled with a discourse of a toleration, for or against it.
Some, no professed papists, but who lived at the sign of the pro-
testant, engage in their arguments very earnestly in the defence
thereof ; whilst others were as zealous to prove a toleration intoler-
able by reasons drawn both from piety and policy. We will only
instance in few out of many as they were bandied on both sides, and
chiefly such as concern religion.
PRO. CON.
Argument I.— The papists Answer. — Papists were not
of late were grown very peace- more peaceable, but more politic,
21 JAMES I.
BOOK X. CENT. XVII,
S15
able, justly recovermg tlie repu-
tation of loyal subjects. In the
reign of queen Elizabeth, scarce
escaped a year without a treason
from them ; now they vied obe-
dience with protestants them-
selves. Pity it was but they
should be encouraged, and their
loyalty fixed for ever, by granting
them a toleration.
II. — We see the same liberty
allowed the Hugonots in France,
to whom the king permits their
churches, ministers, service, ser-
mons, sacraments, according to
the direction of their own con-
science.
III. — The king of Spain would
be highly affected with this favour
allowed to the English catholics ;
and this would fasten him in firm
friendship to the English Crown,
to which his amity for the pre-
sent was not only useful but ne-
cessary.
IV. — Truth will ever triumph
over falseliood, and verity gain
the victory of error ; thus protest-
antism, notwithstanding the tole-
ration, would get ground on po-
pery by the demonstration of the
Spirit in the Scriptures.
V. — The apish and mimical
popish pageant, with the toys
and trifles in their service, would
than formerly, for private ends.
Though their practice more plau-
sible, their positions and prin-
ciples were as pernicious as ever
before ; namely, that " princes
excommunicated may be de-
posed : No faith to be kept with
heretics : That the pope," &c.
The case is different. This
liberty was not so much given to,
as gotten by, the Hugonots ; so
numerous and puissant, it was
conceived dangerous to deny them
such privileges. Thanks be to
God! notsuch as yet the condition
of catholics in England, whose
party was not so powerful, but
certain by such a toleration to be
improved.
The necessity of his friendship
at this time was only fancied by
such as desired it. Besides, the
King of heaven must not be of-
fended, that ihe king of Spain
may be pleased.
Though truth itself be strong-
er than falsehood, yet generally
the promoters of falsehood are
more active and sedulous than
the advancers of truth. Besides,
it is just with God, upon the
granting of such an unlawful
toleration, to weaken the convert-
ing power of truth, and strengthen
the perverting power of false-
hood, giving the English over to
be deluded thereby.
The world hath ever consisted
of more, fools than wise people ;
such who carry their judgment
316
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN.
A.D.
1623.
render their religion ridiculous.
No danger that any wise man
should ever be seduced thereby.
VI. — Protestant ministers
would be more painful in preach-
ing, and careful in residing on
their cures, to keep them from
infection.
VII.— The thing, in effect,
was already allowed to papists ;
who, now, though privately, safe-
ly celebrated mass in many
places ; which favourable conni-
vance fell but little short of a
toleration.
more in their eyes than in their
brains. Popery^ being made
luscious to people''s senses, too
probably would court many to
the embracing thereof.
It is no policy to let in the
wolf, merely on design to make
the shepherds more watchful.
Rather, on the contrary, protest-
ant ministers would be utterly
disheartened in the performance
of their place when the parish-
ioners were countenanced to de-
sert them without any punish-
ment.
If the papists already have
what they would have, let them
be contented therewith. Why
desire they any more ? But,
indeed, there is a grand differ-
ence betwixt a state's winking at
their wickedness for a time, and
a formal and final tolerating
thereof. During the former,
catholics sin on their own ac-
count, and at their own peril ;
the laws, though not executed,
standing in full force against
them. But a public toleration of
their superstition adopts the same
to become the act of the Eng-
lish nation.
Here it would be tedious to recite the texts of Scripture, (some
more, some less, proper to the purpose,) alleged by several persons
against the toleration. Some typical: "Thou shalt not plough
with an ox and an ass," Deut. xxii. 10. Some historical : God's
children must not speak two tongues, Ashdod and Hebrew, Neh.
xiii. 24. Some doctrinal : " We must not do evil that good may
come thereof," Rom. iii. 8. The best was, the toleration bare date
with the Spanish match ; with which it was propounded and agi-
tated, advanced, expected, desired by some ; opposed, suspected,
detested by others ; and, at last, both together finally frustrated
and defeated.
21 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. SIJ
3, 4. His Majesty's Care to regulate Preaching. His
Directions.
Now was his majesty informed, that it was high time to apply-
some cure to the pulpits, as sick of a sermon-surfeit, and other exor-
bitances. Some meddled with state-matters ; and generally, by an
improper transposition, the people's duty was preached to the king
at court ; the king's, to the people in the country. Many shallow
preachers handled the profound points of predestination ; wherein,
pretending to guide their flocks, they lost themselves. Sermons
were turned into satires against papists or nonconformists.
To repress the present and prevent future mischiefs in this kind,
his majesty issued out his Directions to be written fair in every
register's office, whence any preacher (if so pleased) might, with his
own hand, take out copies gratis, paying nothing for expedition.*
Herein the king revived the primitive and profitable order of cate-
chising in the afternoon, (better observed in all other Reformed
churches than of late in England,) according to the tenor ensuing: —
" Most reverend father in God, right trusty and entirely beloved
counsellor, we greet you well. — Forasmuch as the abuses and
extravagancies of preachers in the pulpit have been in all times
repressed in this realm, by some act of Council or state, with the
advice and resolution of grave and learned prelates ; insomuch, that
the very licensing of preachers had beginning by an order of Star-
chamber, the eighth day of July, in the nineteenth year of the
reign of king Henry VIII. our noble predecessor : and whereas at
this present, divers young students, by reading of late writers, and
ungrounded divines, do broach many times unprofitable, unsound,
seditious, and dangerous doctrines, to the scandal of the church and
disquiet of the state and present government : we, upon humble
representations unto us of these inconveniencies by yourself, and
sundry other grave and reverend prelates of this church, as also of
our princely care and zeal for the extirpation of schism and dissen-
sion growing from these seeds, and for the settling of a religious
and peaceable government both in church and commonwealth ; do,
by these our special letters, straitly charge and command you to
use all possible care and diligence, that these limitations and cau-
tions herewith sent unto you concerning preachers be duly and
strictly from henceforth put in practice and observed by the several
bishops within your jurisdiction. And to this end our pleasure is,
that you send them forthwith copies of these Directions to be by
them speedily sent and communicated unto every parson, vicar,
curate, lecturer, and minister, in every cathedral or parish-church
• Cabala, part ii. page 191.
318 CHURCH HISTOKY OF JiRITAIN. A.D. 1623.
witliin their several diocesses, and that you earnestly require them
to employ their utmost endeavours in the performance of this so
important a business ; letting them know that we have a special eye
unto their proceedings, and expect a strict account thereof, both of
you and every one of them : and these our letters shall be your
sufficient warrant and discharge in that behalf.
" Given under our signet, at oar castle of Windsor, the fourth of
August, in the twentieth year of our reign/'
" DIIIECTIONS CONCERNING PREACHEHS SENT WITH THE
LETTER.
" 1. That no preacher under the degree and calling of a bishop,
or dean of a cathedral or collegiate church, (and they upon the king's
days and set festivals,) do take occasion (by the expounding of any
text of Scripture whatsoever) to fall into any set discourse or common-
place, otherwise than by the opening the coherence and division of
the text, which shall not be comprehended and warranted in essence,
substance, effect, or natural inference, within some one of the Articles
of Religion, set forth, 1562, or in some of the Homilies set forth by
authority of the church of England, not only for the help of the
non-preaching— but withal for a pattern and boundary (as it were)
for the preaching — ministers. And for their further instructions for
the performance hereof, that they forthwith read over and peruse
diligently the said Book of Articles, and the two Books of Homilies.
" 2. That no parson, vicar, curate, or lecturer, shall preach any
sermons or collation hereafter upon Sundays and holidays in the
afternoon, in any cathedral or parish-church throughout the kingdom,
but upon some part of the Catechism, or some text taken out of the
Creed, Ten Commandments, or the Lord's Prayer, (funeral sermons
only excepted,) and that those preachers be most encouraged and
approved of who spend the afternoon's exercise in the examination of
children in their Catechism, which is the most ancient and laudable
custom of teaching in the church of England,
'^ 3. That no preacher, of what title soever under the degree of a
bishop or dean at the least, do from henceforth presume to preach in
any popular auditory deep points of Predestination, Election, Repro-
bation, or of the Universality, Efficacy, Resistibility or Irresistibility
of God's Grace, but leave those tliemes rather to be handled by the
learned men, and that moderately and modestly by way of use and
application, rather than by way of positive doctrines; being fitter for
the schools than for simple auditories.
" 4. That no preacher, of what title or denomination soever, from
henceforth shall presume, in any auditory within this kingdom, to
declare, limit, or bound out, by way of positive doctrine, in any
21 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 319
lecture or sermon, the power, prerogative, and jurisdiction, authority,
or duty, of sovereign princes, or otherwise meddle with matters of
state and the differences between princes and the people, than as they
are instructed and precedented in the Homilies q/* Obedience^ and
the rest of the Homilies, and Articles of Religion, set forth, as before
is mentioned, by public authority ; but rather confine themselves
wholly to those two heads, ' Of faith and good life,' which are all the
subjects of the ancient sermons and Homilies.
" 5. That no preacher, of what title or denomination soever, shall
presume causelessly, or without invitation from the text, to fall into
bitter invectives and undecent railing speeches against the persons of
either papists or puritans ; but modestly and gravely, when they are
occasioned thereunto by the text of Scripture, free both the doctrine
and the discipline of the church of England from the aspersions of
either adversaries, especially where the auditory is suspected to be
tainted with the one or the other infection.
" 6. Lastly. That the archbishops and bishops of the kingdom
(whom his majesty hath good cause to blame for their former
remissness) be more wary and choice in their licensing of preachers,
and revoke all grants made to any chancellor, official, or commissary,
to pass licences in this kind ; and that all the lecturers throughout
the kingdom of England (a new body severed from the ancient clergy,
as being neither parsons, vicars, nor curates) be licensed hence-
forward in the Court of Faculties, but only from a recommendation
of the party from the bishop of the diocess under his hand and seal,
with a ^at from the lord archbishop of Canterbury, a confirmation
under the Great Seal of England ; and that such as do transgi-ess
any one of these Directions, be suspended by the bishop of the
diocess, or, in his default, by the archbishop of the province, ab
officio et beneficio^ for a year and a day, until his majesty, by the
advice of the next Convocation, shall prescribe some farther punish-
ment.""
5. Various Censuses on the King^s Letter's.
No sooner were these the king's Declarations dispersed into every
diocess, but various were men's opinions thereof. Some counted it
a cruel act, which cut off half the preaching in England (all
afternoon-sermons) at one blow. Others thought the king did but
uti jure siio, doing not only Avhat in justice he might, but what in
prudence he ought in this juncture of time. But hear what I have
heard and read in this case : —
OBJECTIONS. ANSWERS.
I. Christ grants ministers Ministers, if commanded
their commission, " Go teach all " not at all to speak, or teach in
.320
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN.
A.D. 1623.
nations." St. Paul corroborates
the same, " Preach the word, be
instant in season, out of season.""
Man therefore ought not to
forbid what God enjoins.
II. This is the way to starve
souls by confining them to one
meal a-day, or, at the best, by
giving them only a mess of milk
for their supper, and so to bed.
III. Such as are licensed to
make sermons may be intrusted
to choose their own texts, and
not in the afternoons to be re-
strained to the Lord's Prayer,
Creed, and Ten Commandments.
IV. In prohibiting the preach-
ing of predestination, man makes
THAT " the forbidden fruit,"
which God appointed for " the
tree of life ; " so cordial the com-
forts contained therein to a dis-
tressed conscience.
V. Bishops and deans (for-
sooth) and none under the dignity,
may preach of predestination.
What is this but to " have the
word of God in respect of per-
sons ? " as if all discretion were
confined to cathedral-men, and
they best able to preach who use
it the least !
the name of Jesus," are, with the
apostles, " to obey God rather
than man." But vast the differ-
ence betwixt a total prohibition,
and (as in this case) a prudential
regulation of preaching.
Milk (catechetical doctrine) is
best for babes, which generally
make up more than a moiety
of every congregation.
Such restraint hath liberty
enough, seeing all things are
clearly contained in, or justly
reducible to, these three, — which
are to be desired^ believed, and
VI. Papists and puritans in
the king's letters are put into the
same balance ; and papists in the
drime scale ; first named, as pre-
ferred in the king's care, chiefly to
Indeed, predestination, solidly
and soberly handled, is an anti-
dote against despair. But, as
many ignorant preachers ordered
it, the cordial was turned into a
poison ; and therefore such mys-
teries might well be forborne by
mean ministers in popular con-
gregations.
It must be presumed, that
such of necessity must be of age
and experience, and may in
civility be believed of more than
ordinary learning, before they
attained such perferment. Be-
sides, cathedral-auditories, being
of a middle nature for under-
standing, (as beneath the univer-
sity, so above common city and
country-congregations,) are fitter
for such high points to be preach-
ed therein.
The king's letter looks on both
under the notion of guilty persons.
Had puritans been placed first,
such as now take exception at
their post-posing would have
21 JAMES r. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 321
secure them from invectives in collected, that the king esteemed
sermons. them the greatest offenders.
VII. Lecturers are made such Lecturers are no creatures of
riddles in the king's letters, redu- the church of England by their
cible to no ministerial function original ; like those mixed kinds,
in England ; whereas, indeed, little better than monsters in
the flower of piety, and power of nature, to which God, as here
godliness,flourished most in those the state, never said, " Multiply
places where- such preachers are and increase : " and therefore the
most countenanced. king had just cause to behold
them with jealous eyes, who
generally supplanted the incum-
bents of livings in the affections
of their parishioners, and gave
the greatest growth to noncon-
formity.
These Instructions from his majesty were not pressed with equal
rigour in all places ; seeing some over-active officials, more busy
than their bishops, tied up preachers in the afternoon to the very
letter of the Catechism, questioning them if exceeding the questions
and answers therein, as allowing them no liberty to dilate and
enlarge themselves thereupon.
6 — 11. A needless Subject waved. A Crown not joyed in.
King James accused by some; defended by others. Both
the Palatinates lost. Land of Promise^ now Land of Per-
formance.
Expect not of me a particular account of the politic intricacies
touching the Spanish match, or no-match rather. First. Because
Spanish, and so alien from my subject. Secondly. Because the
passages thereof are so largely and publicly in print. Thirdly.
Because, in fine, it proved nothing, though kept on foot so long,
till king James, by endeavouring to gain a daughter-in-law, had, in
effect, lost his own daughter, — her husband and children being
reduced to great extremities.
Truly, king James never affected his son-in-law's acceptance of
the Bohemian crown, nor promised himself any good success thence,
though great the hope of the German protestants therein. Indeed,
some of them were too credulous of a blind prophecy commonly
current amongst them; post ter mginti^ cessabit gloria quinti :
expecting the ending of the Austrian family, sixty years being now-
expired since the death of Charles V. But discreet persons slighted
such vanities, and the Qninti had like to have proved the extirpation
Vol. III. r
'S22 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1623,
of Frederic " fifth" of that name, Palatine of the Rhine, had not
God ahnost miraculously lately countermanded it.
Yea, king James privately foretold to some principal persons,
that this matter would prove the ruin of his daughter. There want
not some who say, that he went about to verify his own prediction,
by not sending seasonable succours for their assistance ; who, had he
turned his embassies into arniies, might probably have prevented
much protestant misery.
Others excuse king James, partly from the just hopes he
had to accommodate all interests in a peaceable way ; partly from
the difficulty of conveying effectual forces into so far-distant a
country.
Mean time both the Palatinates were lost, the Upper seized on by
the emperor, the Nether (but higher in value) by the king of Spain,
the city of Heidelberg taken and plundered, and the inestimable
library of books therein carried over the Alps on mules' backs to
Rome. Each mule laden with that learned burden had a silver
plate on his forehead, wherein was engraven, Fero bihliothecam
Frincipis Palatini. Now those books are placed in the pope's
Vatican, entitling protestants to visit the place ; who one day
may have as good success^ as now they have just rights to recover
them.
As for the Palatinate, satirical tongues commonly called it " the
land of promise,'" so frequently and so solemnly was the restitution
thereof promised to king James, fed only with delays, which
amounted to mannerly denials. Since, it hath pleased God to turn
this "land of promise" into a "land of performance;"* the
present Palatine being peaceably possessed thereof.
12, 13. Prince Charles goes to Spain. His Return.
Prince Charles, with the duke of Buckingham, lately went
privately through France, (where he saw the lady whom after-
wards he married,) into Spain. It is questionable, whether then
more blamed king James for sending him, or afterwards blessed God
for his safe return. Sumptuous his entertainment in the Spanish
court, where it was not the king's fault, but kingdom's defect, that
any thing was wanting. He quickly discovered, (the coarseness of
fine-pretending wares at distance are easily confuted near hand,) that
the Spanish state had no mind or meaning of a match, as who
demanded sucli unreasonable liberty in education of the royal off-
spring, (in case any were born betwixt them,) and other privileges
for English papists, that the king neither could nor would in honour
* The Nether Palatinate.
21 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 323
or conscience consent thereunto.* However, prince Charles (whose
person was in their power) took his fair farewell with courteous com-
pliance.
Though he entered Spain like a private person, he departed it
like himself, and the son of his father ; a stately fleet attending him
home, September 12th. Foul weather forced them to put in at the
Isle at Scilly, (the parings of England, south-west of Cornwall,)
where in two days they fed on more and better flesh than they found
in Spain for many months. Soon after, (October 5th,f ) he arrived at
Portsmouth ; and the next day came to London, to the great
rejoicing of all sorts of people, signified by their bonfires, ringing
of bells, with other external expressions of joy.
14. The Palatinate beheld desperate.
King James now despaired of any restitution, especially since the
duke of Bavaria was invested in the Upper Palatinate ; and so his
son-in-law's land cantoned betwixt a duke, a king, and an emperor ;
whose joint consent being requisite to the restoring thereof, one
would be sure to dissent from the seeming-conseiiting of other two.
Whereupon, king James not only called the great council of his
kingdom together, but also broke off all treaty with Spain.
15 — 17. A happy Parliament, The Convocation. Dr. Donne^
Prolocutor.
Indeed, the malcontents in England used to say, that the king
took physic and called parliaments, both alike ; using both for mere
need, and not caring for either how little time they lasted. But
now there happened as sweet a compliance betwixt the king and his
subjects as ever happened in man's memory ; the king not asking
more than what was granted; both Houses, in the name of the whole
kingdom, promising their assistance with their lives and fortunes
for the recovery of the Palatinate. A smart petition was presented
against the papists, and order promised for the education of their
children in true religion.
As for the Convocation contemporary with this Parliament, large
subsidies were granted by the clergy ; otherwise no great matter of
moment passed therein. I am informed, Dr. Joseph Hall preached
the Latin sermon, and Dr. Donne was the Prolocutor.
• The whole of tlie correspondence between the court of England and the coiirts of
Rome and Spain, relating to this affair, not having been published at the period when
Fuller wTOte, he had not those data for forming a correct judgment about it which we
possess. Every impartial man who has perused those and other cognate documents, will
never extol either the " honour or conscience " of king James, but will draw a very unfa-
vourable estimate of his protestantism. — Edit. t The reader is requested to pardon
our short setting back of time.
y2
324 CHURCH HISTOKY OF BRFTAlK. A.D. 1624.
This is that Dr. Donne, born in London, (but extracted from
Wales,) by his mother's side, great great grandchild to Sir Thomas
More, whom he much resembled in his endowments ; a great
traveller ; first, secretary to the lord Egerton, and after, by the
persuasion of king James and encouragement of bishop Morton,
entered into Orders, made doctor of divinity, (of Trinity College
in Cambridge,) and dean of St. Paul's ; whose Life is no less truly
than elegantly written by my worthily-respected friend, Mr. Izaak
Walton ; whence the reader may store himself with further infor-
mation.
18 — 20. A Book falsely fathered on Isaac Casauhon. The
Falsehood detected , yet still continued. A.D. 1624.
A book was translated out of the French copy, by Abraham
Darcye, entitled, " The Original of Idolatry ; " pretended made by
Dr. Isaac Casaubon, dead ten years before, dedicated to prince
Charles, but presented to king James, and all the lords of the
council ; a book printed in French before the said Isaac Casaubon
was born, whose name was fraudulently inserted in the title-page of
the foregoing copy.
Meric Casaubon, his son, then Student of Christ's Church, by
letter informed king James of the wrong done to his father, by
making him the author of such a book, contrary to his genius and
constant profession ; being full of impertinent allegations out of
obscure and late authors, whom his father never thought worthy the
reading, much less the using their authority. His majesty was much
incensed hereat ; and Dr. Mountaine, bishop of London, had much
ado to make his chaplain's peace for licensing thereof ; the printer
and translator being for some time kept in prison.
Yet, after all this, and after Meric Casaubon had written a Latin
vindication to give satisfaction to all, the same translation is since
printed in Amsterdam, with a justificatory preface of the former
edition. So impudent are some, falsely to father books on worthy
authors, to make them more vendible for their own profit, though it
discredit the memory of others !
21. None of the worst Counsel.
The business of the Palatinate being now debated by mar-
tial ists, the king's council of war, dissuading from regaining it in
kind, advised him rather to recover it in value where he could, with
the best conveniency, out of the Spanish dominions. For, the
Palatinate was not worth the re-winning ; which, grant recovered by
the English, could not recover itself for many years, such the havoc
and waste made therein. Secondly. It was hard to be gotten, such
22 JAMES I. BOOK X. CEXT. XVII. S2o
the distance thereof; and harder to be kept, so ill-neighboured it
was on all sides. So that the king, if so pleased, might, with as
much honour and more ease, carve out his own reparations nearer
home.
22—33. King James falleth sick. A Conjlnence of four Mis-
chiefs. A Plaster applied to his Wrists, and Julap, without
the Advice of his Physicians. Catechised on his Death-bed
in his Faith and Charity. His Death, of a peaceable
Nature. Made Nobility less respected by the Commonness
thereof. His Eloquence and piercing Wit. King James'' s
Return to Gondemar. Judicious, bountiful, und merciful.
During these agitations king James fell sick at Theobald's of " a
tertian ague,""* commonly called, in spring ; for a king, rather
physical than dangerous. But soon after his ague was heightened
into a fever ; four mischiefs meeting therein : —
First. The malignity of the malady in itself, hard to be cured.
Secondly. An aged person of sixty years current. Thirdly. A ple-
thoric body, full of ill humours. Fourthly. The king's averseness
to physic and impatience under it. Yet the last w^as quickly
removed, above expectation ; the king, contrary to his custom, being
very orderable in all his sickness. Such sudden alterations, some
apprehend a certain prognostic of death ; as if when men's minds
acquire new qualities, they begin to habit and clothe themselves for
a new world.
The countess of Buckingham contracted much suspicion to herself
and her son, for applying a plaster to the king's wrists, without the
consent of his physicians. And yet it plainly appeared, that Dr.
John Remington, of Dunmow in Essex, made the same plaster ; one
honest, able, and successful in his practice, who had cured many
patients by the same ; a piece whereof applied to the king, one ate
down into his belly, without the least hurt or disturbance of nature.
However, after the applying thereof, the king grew worse.
The physicians refused to administer physic unto him till the
plasters were taken off; which being done accordingly, his fifth,
sixth, and seventh fits were easier, as Dr. Chambers said. On the
Monday after, the plasters were laid on again without the advice of
the physicians ; and his majesty grew worse and worse ; so that
Mr. Hayes, the king's surgeon, was called out of his bed to take off
the plasters. Mr. Baker, the duke's servant, made the king a julap,
which the duke brought to the king with his own hand, of which
the king drank twice, but refused the third time. After his death
a bill was brought to the physicians to sign, that the ingredients of
the julap and plasters were safe. But most refused it, because they
326 CHURCH HISTORY OF RRITAIN. A,D. 1624.
knew not whether the ingredients mentioned in the bill were the
same in the julap and jDlasters. This is the naked truth delivered
by oath from the physicians to a select Committee two years after,
when the Parliament voted the duke's act " a transcendent presump-
tion ;*" though most thought it done without any ill intention.
March 24th, four days before his death, he desired to receive the
sacrament ; and being demanded whether he was prepared in point
of faith and charity for so great mysteries, he said he was, and gave
humble thanks to God for the same. Being desired to declare his
faith, and what he thought of those books he had written in that
kind ; he repeated the Articles of the Creed one by one, and said,
he believed them all as they were received and expounded by that
part of the catholic church which was established here in England ;
and said, with a kind of sprightfulness and vivacity, that whatever
he had written of this faith in his life, he was now ready to seal witli
his death. Being questioned in point of charity, he answered pro-
sently, that he forgave all men that offended him, and desired to be
forgiven by all Christians, whom he in any wise had offended.
Then, after absolution read and pronounced, he received the
sacrament ; and, some hours after, he professed to the standers-by,
that they could not imagine what ease and comfort he found in
himself since the receiving hereof; and so quietly resigned his
soul to God, March 27th, having reigned twenty-two years and three
days.
He was of a peaceable disposition. Indeed, when he first entered
England at Berwick, he himself gave fire to, and shot off, a piece of
ordnance,* and that with good judgment. This was the only mili-
tary act personally performed by him. So that he may have seemed
in that cannon to have discharged war out of England.
Coming to York, he was somewhat amazed with the equipage of
the northern lords repairing unto him, (especially with the earl of
Cumberland's,) admiring there should be in England so many kings ;
for, less he could not conjecture them, — such the multitude and
gallantry of their attendance. But, following the counsel of his
English secretary there present, he soon found a way to abate the
formidable greatness of the English nobility, by conferring honour
upon many persons :, whereby nobility was spread so broad, that
it became very thin, which much lessened the ancient esteem
thereof.
He was very eloquent in speech, whose Latin had no fault, but
that it was too good for a king, whom carelessness (not curiosity)
becomes in that kind. His Scotch tone he rather affected than
• Siow's " Chronicle," page 819.
22 JAMES I. BOOK X. CENT. XVII. 327
declined ; and though his speaking spoiled his speech in some Eng-
lish ears, yet the masculine worth of his set orations commanded
reverence, if not admiration, in all judicious hearers. But, in com-
mon speaking, (as in his hunting he stood not on the cleanest but
nearest way,) he would never go about to make any expressions.
His wit was passing sharp and piercing, equally pleased in making
and taking a smart jest, his majesty so much stooping to his mirth
that he never refused that coin which he paid to other folk. This
made him please himself so much in the company of count Gon-
demar ; and some will say, the king was contented (for reasons best
known to himself) to be deceived by him, and humoured into a
peace to his own disadvantage.
Once king James in an afternoon was praising the plentiful pro-
vision of England, especially for flesh and fowl ; adding, the like
not to be had in all Spain what one county here did afford. " Yea,
but my master," quoth Gondemar, there present, " hath the gold
and silver in the East and West Indies." " And I, by my saul,"
saith the king, " have much ado to keep my men from taking it
away from him." To which the don's Spanish gravity returned
silence.
His judgment was most solid in matters of divinity, not fathering
books of others, as some of his predecessors ; but his Works are
allowed his own by his very adversaries. Most bountiful to all,
especially to scholars ; no king of England ever doing (though his
successor suffered) more, to preserve the revenues of the English
hierarchy. Most merciful to offenders ; no one person of honour
(without parallel since the Conquest) being put to death in his
reign. In a word : he left his own coffers empty, but his subjects'
chests full, the land being never more wealthy ; it being easier then
to get — than since to save — ^an estate.
THE
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN.
\ ■ .' ■
BOOK XI.
CONTAINING THE RKIGN 0*" KING CHARLES,
TO THE HONOURABLE
EDWARD MOUNTAGUE, ESQUIRE,
SON AND HEIR TO
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
EDWARD LORD MOUNTAGUE OF BOUGHTON.
It is a strange casualty which an historian * report-
eth of five earls of Pembroke successively, (of the
family of Hastings,) that the father of them never saw
his son, — as born either in his absence or after his
death.
I know not whether more remarkable, the fatality of
that — or the felicity of your — family ; where, in a lineal
descent, five have followed one another, the father not
only surviving to see his son of age, but also (yourself
excepted, who in due time may be) happy in their
marriage, hopeful in their issue.
These five have all been of the same Christian name.
Yet is there no fear of confusion, to the prejudice of
your pedigree, which heralds commonly in the like
cases complain of; seeing each of them being, as emi-
nent in their kind, so different in their eminency, are
sufficiently distinguished by their own character to
posterity.
Of these, the first a judge ; for his gravity and learn-
ing famous in his generation.
The second, a worthy patriot, and bountiful house-
keeper ; blessed in a numerous issue ; his four younger
sons affording a bishop to the church, a judge and peer
* Camden's Britannia in Pembrokeshu-c.
332 DEDICATION,
to the state, a commander to the camp, and an officer
to the court.
The third was the first baron of the house ; of whose
worth I will say nothing, because I can never say
enough.
The fourth, your honourable father; who, because
he doth still (and may he long) survive, I cannot do
the right which I would to his merit, without doing
wrong (w^hich I dare not) to his modesty.
You are the fifth in a direct line ; and let me
acquaint you with what the world expecteth (not to
say requireth) of you — to dignify yourself with "some
select and peculiar desert; so to be differenced from
your ancestors, that your memory may not be mistaken
in the homonymy of your Christian names ; which to
me seemeth as improbable, as that a burning beacon
(at a reasonable distance) should not be beheld ; such
the brightness of your parts, and advantage of your
education.
You was bred in that school which hath no superior
in England ; and successively in those two universities,
which have no equal in Europe. Such the stock of
your native perfection, before grafted with the foreign
accomplishments of your travels : so that men con-
fidently promise themselves to read the best, last, and
largest edition of Mercator's Atlas in your experience
and discourse.
That good God who went with you out of your
native country, and since watched over you in foreign
parts, return with you in safety in due time, to his
glory, and your own good ; which is the daily desire of
Your Honour's most devoted servant,
THOMAS FULLER.
THE
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN
BOOK XI.
SECTION I.
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
1, 2. News of the King's Death brought to Whitehall. His
solemn Funerals. 1 Charles I. A.D. 1625.
The sad news of king James's death was soon brought to White-
hall, Sunday, March 27th, at that very instant when Dr. Laud,
bishop of St. David's, was preaching therein. This caused him to
break off his sermon in the midst thereof,* out of civil compliance
with the sadness of the congregation ; and the same day was king
Charles proclaimed at Whitehall.
On the seventh of May following, king James's funerals were
performed very solemnly, in the collegiate church at Westminster ;
his lively statue being presented on a magnificent hearse. King
Charles was present thereat. For, though modern state used of late
to lock up the chief mourner in his chamber, where his grief must
be presumed too great for public appearance ; yet the king caused
this ceremony of sorrow so to yield to the substance thereof, and
pomp herein to stoop to piety, that in his person he sorrowfully
attended the funerals of his father.
3, 4. Dr. Williams^s Tewt, Sermon, and Parallel betwixt King
Solojnon and King James. Eocceptio7is taken at his
Sermon.
Dr. Williams, lord keeper and bishop of Lincoln, preached the
sermon, taking for his text 2 Chron. ix. 29, 30, and part of the 31st
verse, containing the happy reign, quiet death, and stately burial of
kino- Solomon. The effect of his sermon was to advance a parallel
• See his own Diary on tliat day.
3S4
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN.
A.D.
1625.
betwixt two peaceable princes, — king Solomon and king James : a
parallel which willingly went, (not to say, ran of its own accord,)
and, when it chanced to stay, was fairly led on by the art and inge-
nuity of the bishop, not enforcing but improving the conformity
betwixt these two kings in ten particulars ; all expressed in the
text, as we read in the vulgar Latin somewhat different from the
new translation.
KING SOLOMON
1. His eloquence ; " the rest
of the words of Solomon."
2. His actions ; "and all that
he did."
3. A well within to supply the
same; *'and his wisdom .'"*
4. The preservation thereof to
eternity : " Are they not written
in the book of" the acts of Solo-
mon, made by " Nathan the pro-
phet, Ahijah the Shilonite, and
Iddo the Seer ? "
5. He "reigned in Jerusalem ; ''
a gi-eat city, by him enlarged and
repaired.
6. "Overall Israel," the whole
empire.
7. A great space of time, full
" forty years."
8. Then he " slept : " import-
ing no sudden and violent dying,
but a premeditate and affected
kind of sleeping.
9. " With his fathers," David
especially, his soul being dis-
posed of in happiness.
10. «* And was buried in the
city of David."
KING JAMES
Had profluentem^ et qum prin-
cipem deceret^ eloquentiam.'^
Was eminent in his actions of
religion, justice, war, and peace.
So wise *' that there was no-
thing that any would learn, which
he was not able to teach." f
As Trajan was nicknamed
herhaparietaria^ "a wall-flower,"
because his name was engraven on
every wall ; so king James shall
be called hej'ha chartacea, " the
paper-flower," and his glory be
read in all writers. if
He reigned in the capital city
of London, by him much aug-
mented ;
Over Great Britain, by him
happily united, and other do-
minions ;
In all fifty-eight, (though over
all Britain but two-and-twenty
years,) reigning as better, so also
longer, than king Solomon. §
Left the world most resolved,
most prepared, embracing his
grave for his bed.
Reigning gloriously with God
in heaven.
Whilst his body was interred
with all possible solemnity in
king Henry VII.'s chapel.
• Tacitus of Augustus,
t Page 59,
X Page 61
Page (JG.
1 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVTT. 335
Be it here remembered, that, in this parallel, the bishop premised
to set forth Solomon, not in his full proportion, faults and all, but
half-faced, (imagine luscd, as Apelles painted Antigonus to conceal
the want of his eye,) adding, that Solomon's vices could be no
blemish to king James, who resembled him only in his choicest vir-
tues. He concluded all with that verse, " Though his father die,
yet he is as though he were not dead, for he hath left one behind
him that is like himself, " Ecclesiasticus xxx. 4 ; in application to
his present majesty.
Some auditors, who came thither rather to observe than edify,
cavil than observe, found or made faults in the sermon ; censuring
him for touching too often and staying too long on a harsh string,
three times straining the same, making eloquence too essential and
so absolutely necessary in a king, " that the want thereof made
Moses in a manner refuse all government, though offered by Godf'*
*' that no man ever got great power without eloquence ;-|- Nero
being the first of the Caesars qui alienee facundice egui% ' who
usurped another man's language to speak for him.' " Expressions
which might be forborne in the presence of his son and successor,
whose impediment in speech was known to be great, and mistaken
to be greater. Some conceived him too long in praising the past —
too short in promising for the present — king, though saying much of
him in a little ; and of the bishop's adversaries, whereof then no
want at court, some took distaste, others made advantage thereof.
Thus is it easier and better for us to please one God, than many
men, with our sermons. However, the sermon was publicly set forth
by the printer (but not the express command) of his majesty ;
which gave but the steadier mark to his enemies, noting the mar-
ginal notes thereof, and making all his sermon the text of their
captious interpretations.
5, 6. Discontents begin in the Court. Dr. Preston a great
Favourite,
Now began animosities to discover themselves in the court,
whose sad influences operated many years after ; many being dis-
contented, that, on this change, they received not proportionable
advancement to their expectations. It is the prerogative of the
King of heaven alone, that he maketh all his son's heirs, all his
subjects favourites, the gain of one being no loss to the other.
Whereas the happiest kings on earth are unhappy herein, — that,
unable to gratify all their servants, (having many suitors for the
same place,) by conferring a favour on one, they disoblige all other
competitors, conceiving themselves, as they make the estimate of
• Page 16. t Page 5.
y.3G cHirncH history of Britain. a.d. 1625.
their own deserts, as much (if not more) meriting the same prefer-
ment.
As for Dr. Preston, he still continued, and increased in the favour
of the king, and duke ; it being much observed, that, on the day of
king James's death, he rode with prince and duke, in a coach
shut down, from Theobald's to London, applying comfort now to
one, now to the other, on so sad an occasion.* His party would per-
suade us, that he might have chosen his own mitre, much commend-
ing the moderation of his mortified mind, denying all preferment
which courted his acceptance ; verifying the anagram which a
friend -f of his made on his name, Johannes Prestontus, En stas
plus ill honore. Indeed, he was conceived to hold the helm of his
own party, able to steer it to what point he pleased ; which made
the duke as yet much to desire his favour.
7, 8. Mr. MountagiCs Character. He setteth forth his Appello
Ccesarem.
A book came forth, called '^Appello Gcesaremi^'' made by Mr.
Mountagu. He formerly had been Fellow of King's College in
Cambridge, at the present a parson of Essex and Fellow of Eaton :
one much skilled in the Fathers and ecclesiastical antiquity, and in
the Latin and Greek tongues. Our great antiquary % confesseth as
much, Grwce^ simul et Latine doctus^ ihow^ pens were brandished
betwixt them : and virtues allowed by one's adversary may pass for
undeniable truths. These his great parts were attended with tartness
of writing, very sharp the nib of his pen, and much gall in his ink,
against such as opposed him. However, such the equability of the
sharpness of his style he was unpartial therein ; be he ancient or
modern writer, papist or protestant, that stood in his way, they
should all equally taste thereof.
Pass we from the author to his book, whereof this was the occa-
sion : He had lately written satirically enough against the papists in
confutation of " the Gagger of Protestants." Now, two divines of
Norwich diocess, Mr. Yates and Mr. Ward, informed against him
for dangerous errors of Arminianism and popery, deserting our cause,
instead of defending it. Mr. Mountagu, in his own vindication,
writes a second book licensed by Francis White, dean of Carlisle ;
finished and partly printed in the reign of James, to whom the
author intended the dedication. But, on king James's death, it
seems it descended by succession on king Charles, his son ; to whom
Mr. Mountagu applied the words which Occam once used to Lewis of
Bavaria, emperor of Germany, Domine imperator^ defende me gladio^
* See his Life, page 503. t Mr. Ayres of Lincoln's; Inn. X Mr. Selden
in his book, De Diis Syris, page 3G2.
1 CHARLES I. " ROOK XI. CENT. XVII. 337
et ego t& defendam ccdamo^ " Jjord emperor, defend me with
thy sword, and I will defend thee with my pen." Many bitter
passages in this his book gave great exception ; whereof largely
hereafter.
9. Queen Mary's first Arrival at Dover.
On Sunday, being the twelfth of June, about seven of the clock
at night, queen Mary landed at Dover : at what time a piece of
ordnance, being discharged from the castle, flew in fitters ; yet did
nobody any harm. More were fearful at the presage, than thankful
for the providence. Next day, the king, coming from Canterbury,
met her at Dover ; whence with all solemnity she was conducted to
Somerset-house in London, where a chapel was new-prepared for her
devotion, with a convent adjoining of Capuchin Friars, according to
the articles of her marriage.*
10, 11. The King rescueth Mr Mountagu from the House of
Commons. The Parliament removed to Oxford^ and brake
uji in Discontent.
A parliament began at London, wherein the first statute agreed
upon was for the more strict observation of the Lord's day ; which
day, as it first honoured the king, (his reign beginning thereon,) so
the king first honoured it by passing an Act for the greater solemnity
thereof. The House of Commons fell very heavy on Mr. Mountagu,
Thursday, July 7th, for many bitter passages in his book ; who,
in all probability, had now been severely censured but that the king
himself was pleased to interpose in his behalf, Saturday, 9th ; signi-
fying to the House, that those things which were then spoken and
• Heylin animadverts thus on the whole of this passage, and Fuller frankly acknow-
ledges his mistake, a " printed author" hanng " misguided " him. '* 1 . Although there
was a chapel prepared, yet was it not prepared for the queen, nor at Somerset-house.
The chapel which was then prepared was not prepared for her, hut for the lady Infanta,
built in the king's house of St. James, at siich time as the treatj^ with Spain stood upon
good terms, and then intended for the devotions of the princess of Wales, not for the
queen of England. 2. The articles of the marriage make no mention of the Capuchin
Friars, nor any convent to be built for them. The priests who came over with the queen
were, by agreement, to be all of the Oratorian Order, as less suspected by the English,
whom they had never provoked, as had the Jesuits, and most other of the monastic
orders, by their mischievous practices. Biit these Oratorians being sent back with the
rest of the French, anno 1626, and not willing to expose themselves to the hazard of a
second expulsion, the Capuchins, under Father Joseph, made good the place. The
breach with France, the action at the Isle of Rhee, and the loss of Rochelle, did all occur
before the Capuchins were thought of or admitted hither. And, 3. Some years after the
making of the peace between the two crowns, (which was in the latter end of 1628, and
not before,) the queen oljtained that these Friars might have leave to come over to her,
some lodgings being fitted for them in Somerset-house, and a new chapel then and there
built for her devotion." — Edit.
Vol. III. z
SSS CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN, A.D. 1620.
determined concerning Monntagu, without his privity, did not please
him ; who by his court-friends being employed in the king's service,
his majesty signified to the Parliament that he thought his chaplains
(whereof Mr. Mountagu was one) might have as much protection
as the servant of an ordinary burgess. Nevertheless, his bond of
two thousand pounds, wherewith he was tailed, continued uncan-
celled, and was called on the next Parliament.
The plague increasing in London, the Parliament was removed
to Oxford. But, alas ! no avoiding God's hand. The infection
followed, or rather met the Houses there, whereof worthy Dr.
Chaloner died, much lamented. Yet were the members of Parlia-
ment not so careful to save their own persons from the plague, as to
secure the land from a worse and more spreading contagion, — the
daily growth of popery. In prevention whereof they presented a
petition to his majesty, containing sixteen particulars, all which were
most graciously answered by his majesty, to their full satisfaction.
Thus this meeting began hopefully and cheerfully, proceeded turbu-
lently and suspiciously, brake off suddenly and sorrowfully ; the
reason whereof is to be fetched from our civil historians.
12, 13. Dr. Ja7nes's Motion in the Convocation. The Insolence
of Papists seasonably restrained.
The Convocation kept here is scarce worth the mentioning ; see-
ing little the appearance thereat, nothing the performance therein.
Dean Bowles, the Prolocutor, absented himself, for fear of infec-
tion ; Dr. Thomas Goad officiating in his place ; and their meeting
was kept in the chapel of Merton College. Here Dr. James, that
great book-man, made a motion, — " That all manuscript-fathers in
the libraries of the universities, and elsewhere in England, might be
perused ; and that such places in them as had been corrupted in
popish editions "" (much superstition being generated from such cor-
ruptions) " might faithfully be printed according to those ancient
copies." Indeed, though England, at the dissolving of abbeys,
lost more manuscripts than any country of Christendom (of her
dimensions) ever had ; yet still enough were left her, if well
improved, to evidence the truth herein to all posterity. This
design might have been much beneficial to the protestant cause, if
prosecuted with as great endeavour as it was propounded with good
intention ; but, alas ! this motion was ended, when it was ended, —
expiring in the place with the words of the mover thereof.
The king, according to his late answer in the Parliament at
Oxford, issued out a commission, Nov. 11th, to the Judges to see the
law against recusants put in execution. This was read in all the courts
of Judicature at Reading, (where Michaelmas Term was kept,) and
BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. '*io9
a letter directed to the arclibisliop of Canterbury to take special care
for the discovery of Jesuits, Seminary Priests, &c. within his pro-
vince : a necessary severity, seeing papists, presuming on protection
by reason of the late match, were grown very insolent. And a
popish lord, when the king was at chapel, was heard to prate on
purpose louder in a gallery adjoining than the chaplain prayed ;
whereat the king was so moved that he sent him this message :
" Either come and do as we do, or I will make you prate
further off."
14j 15. Several Writers against Mr. Mount agu. Mr, Moun-
tagu left to defend himself A.D. 1626.
In this and the next year, many books, from persons of several
abilities and professions, were written against Mr. Mountagu ; by,
1. Dr. Sutcliffe, dean of Exeter : one who was miles emeritus^
age giving him a supersedeas ; save that his zeal would employ
itself; and some conceived that his choler became his old age.
2. JMr. Henry Burton, who then began to be well (as afterwards
too well) known to the world.
3. Mr. Francis Rowse, a layman by profession.
4. Mr. Yates, a minister of Norfolk, fomerly a Fellow of
Emmanuel in Cambridge : he entitles his book, Ibis ad Ccesarem.
5. Dr. Carleton, bishop of Chichester.
6. Anthony Wootton, divinity-professor in Gresham-college.
In this army of writers the strength is conceived to consist in the
rear ; and that the last wrote the solidest confutations. Of the six,
dean Sutcliffe is said to have chidden heartily, Mr. Rowse meant
honestly, Mr. Burton wrote plainly, bishop Carleton very piously,
Mr. Yates learnedly, and Mr. Wootton most solidly.
I remember not at this time any of Mr. Mountagu's party
engaged in print in his behalf; whether, because they conceived
this their champion sufficient -of himself to encounter all opposers ;
or, because they apprehended it unsafe (though of the same judg-
ment) to justify a book which was grown so generally offensive. Inso-
much as his majesty himself, sensible of his subjects' great distaste
thereat, (sounded by the duke of Buckingham to that purpose,)
was resolved to leave Mr. Mountagu to stand or fall, according to the
justice of his cause. The duke imparted as much to Dr. Laud,
bishop of St. David's, January 29th, who conceived it of such
ominous concernment, that he entered the same in his Diary ;
namely, " I seem to see a cloud arising, and threatening the church
of England. God for his mercy dissipate it."
z2
•34(» CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. • A.D. 1626*.
16. A Maim on the Emblem of Peace.
The day of tlie king's coronation drawing near, liis majesty sent
to survey and peruse the regalia^ or royal ornaments, which then were
to be used. It happened that the left wing of the dove on the
sceptre was quite broken off, by what casualty God himself knows.
The king sent for Mr. Acton, then his goldsmith, commanding
him that the very same should be set on again. The goldsmith
replied, that it was impossible to be done so fairly, but that some
mark would remain thereof. To whom the king in some passion
returned, " If you will not do it, another shall."* Hereupon Mr.
Acton carried it home, and got another dove of gold to be artifi-
cially set on ; whereat, when brought back, his majesty was well
contented, as making no discovery thereof.
1^. A Dilemma well waved.
The bishop of Lincoln, lord keeper, was now daily descendant in the
king's favour ; who so highly distasted him, that he would not have
him, as dean of Westminster, -|- to perform any part of his coronation ;
yet so (was it a favour or a trial ?) that it was left to his free choice, to
prefer any prebendary of the church to officiate in his place. The
bishop met with a dilemma herein : To recommend Dr. Laud, bishop
of St. David's, and prebendary of Westminster, for that performance,
was to grace one of his greatest enemies : To pass him by, and prefer a
private prebendary for that purpose before a bishop, would seem
unhandsome, and be interpreted a neglect of his own Order. To
avoid all exceptions, he presented a list of all the prebendaries of
that church ; referring the election to his majesty himself, who made
choice of Dr. Laud, bishop of St. David's, for that attendance.
18. The Coronation Sermon.
Dr. Senhouse, bishop of Carlisle (chaplain to the king when
prince) preached at the coronation, February 2nd ; his text : " And
* His son, succeeding his fatlier in that place, and then present, attested to me the
ti-uth hereof. t This is another error which Fuller declares he will rectify in a new
edition. Heylin, in his Examen, points it out thus : " 1. The hishop of Lincohi was not
Lord Keeper at the time of the coronation. 2. If he had heen so, and that the king was
so distasted with him, as not to suffer him to assist at his coronation, how came he to he
present at it in the capacity of Lord Keeper ? For, that he did so, is aflBii-med by our
author, saying, ' The king took a scroll of parchment out of his bosom, and gave it to the
Lord Keeper "Williams, who read it to the Commons four several times,— East, West,
North, and South.' 3. The Lord Keeper who read that scroll, was not the Lord Keeper
Williams, but the Lord Keeper Coventry ; the seal being taken from the bishop of Lin-
coln, and committed to the custody of Sir Thomas Coventry, the October before. And,
therefore, 4. Our author is much out in placing both the coronation and the following
parliament before the change of the Lord Keeper; and in sending Sir John Suckling to
fetch that seal, at the end of a parliament in the spring, which he had brought away with
him bcTure Micha(?lmag term." — Edit.
2 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XV]I. 341
I;^will give'unto'tliee a crown of life," Rev. ii. 10. In some sort it
may be said, that lie preached his own funeral, dying shortly after ;
and even then the black jaundice had so possessed him, (a disease
which hangs the face with mourning as against its burial,) that all
despaired of his recovery. Now, seeing this coronation cometh
within (if not the pales and park) the purlieus of Ecclesiastical
History, we will present so much thereof as w^as acted in the church
of Westminster. Let heralds marshal the solemnity of their
advance from Westminster-hall to this church, where our pen takes
the first possession of this subject.
19 — 30. The solemn Advance to the Church. The Manner of
the King's Coronation. The Fashion of the Scaffold. The
King presented and accepted hy the People ; sworn and
anointed; solemnly crowned^ and girt ivith several
Swords. Homage done hy the Nobility to his Majesty,
with their solemn Oath. A Pardon-general granted.
The Communion concludes the Solemnity. The Return to
Whitehall.
But first we will premise the equipage, according to which they
advanced from Westminster-hall, to the Abbey-church, in order as
followeth : —
1. The Aldermen of London, two by two, ushered by a herald.
2. Eighty Knights of the Bath in their robes, each having an
Esquire to support and Page to attend him.
3. The king's Serjeants at Law, Solicitor, Attorney, Masters of
Request, and Judges.
4. Privy-Counsellors that were Knights, and chief Officers of
the king's Household.
5. Barons of the kingdom, all bare-headed, in their Parliament
robes, with swords by their sides.
6. The Bishops with scarlet-gowns, and lawn-sleeves, bare-
headed.
7. The Viscounts, and Earls (not in their Parliament- but) in
their coronation-robes, with coronetted caps on their heads.
8. The Officers of State for the day ; whereof these are the
principal : — Sir Richard Winn ; Sir George Goring ; the Lord
Privy Seal ; the Archbishop of Canterbury ; the Earl of Dorset,
carrying the first sword naked ; the Earl of Essex, carrying the
second sword naked ; the Earl of Kent, carrying the third sword
naked ; the Earl of Montgomery, carrying the spurs ; the Earl of
Sussex, carrying the globe and cross upon it ; the Bishop of London,
carrying the golden cup for the communion ; the Bishop of AVin-
chester, carrying the golden plate for the communion ; the Earl of
542 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1626.
Rutland, carrying the sceptre; the Marquess Hamilton, carrying
the sword of state naked ; the Earl of Pembroke, carrying the
crown.
The Lord Mayor, in a crimson velvet gown, carried a short
sceptre before the king, amongst the Serjeants. But I am not
satisfied in the criticalness of his place.
The Earl of Arundel, as Earl-Marshal of England, and the Duke
of Buckingham, as Lord High Constable of England for that day,
went before his majesty in this great solemnity.
The king entered at the west gate of the church, under a rich canopy,
carried by the Barons of the Cinque Ports, his own person being sup-
ported by Dr. Neile, Bishop of Durham, on the one hand, and Dr.
Lake, Bishop of Bath and Wells, on the other. His train, being six
yards long of purple velvet, was held up by the Lord Compton (as
belonging to the Robes) and the Lord Viscount Doncaster. Here
he was met by the Prebends of Westminster (Bishop Laud supply-
ing the Dean's place) in their rich copes, who delivered into his
majesty's hand the staff of king Edward the Confessor, with which
lie walked up to the scaffold.
This was made of wood at the upper end of the chui'ch, from the
choir to the altar. His majesty mounted it, none under the degree
of a Baron standing thereon, save only the Prebends of West-
minster, who attended on the altar. Three chairs were appointed
for him in several places ; one of repose, the second the ancient
chair of coronation, and the third (placed on a high square of five
stairs' ascent) being the chair of state.
All being settled and reposed, the Lord Archbishop did present
his majesty to the Lords and Commons, east, west, north, south,
asking their minds four several times, if they did consent to the
coronation of king Charles their lawful sovereign. The king mean
time presented himself bareheaded. The consent being given four
times with great acclamation, the king took his chair of repose.
After the sermon (whereof before) the Lord Archbishop, invested
in a rich cope, tendered to the king (kneeling down on cushions at
the communion-table) a large oath. Then were his majesty's robes
taken off him, and were offered on the altar. He stood for a while
stripped to his doublet and hose, which were of white satin, with
ribbons on the arms and shoulders, to open them ; and he appeared
a proper person to all that beheld him. Then was he led by the
Lord Archbishop and the Bishop of St. David's, and placed in the
chair of coronation, (a close canopy being spread over him,) the
Lord Archbishop anointing his head, shoulders, arms, and hands
with a costly ointment, the choir singing an anthem of these words :
'* Zadok the priesit anointed king Solomon."
2 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. S4S
Hence the king was led up in his doublet and hose, with a white
coif on his head, to the communion-table; where Bishop Laud,
deputy for the Dean of Westminster, brought forth the ancient
habiliments of king Edward the Confessor, and put them upon him.
Then was his majesty brought back to the chair of coronation, and
received the crown of king Edward, presented by Bishop Laud, and
put on his head by the Archbishop of Canterbury ; the choir singing
an anthem : " Thou shalt put a crown of pure gold upon his head."
Whereupon the Earls and Viscounts put on their crimson velvet
caps with coronets about them, the Barons and Bishops always
standing bareheaded. Then every Bishop came severally to his
majesty to bring his benediction upon him ; and he, in king
Edward's robes, with the crown upon his head, rose from his chair,
and did bow severally to every Bishop apart.
Then was king Edward's sword girt about him ; which he took
oiF again, and offered up at the communion-table, with two swords
more, — surely, not in relation to Scotland and L-eland, but to some
ancient principalities his predecessors enjoyed in France. Then the
Duke. of Buckingham, as Master of the Horse, put on his spurs ;
and thus completely crowned, his majesty offered first gold then
silver at the altar, and afterwards bread and wine, which were to be
used at the holy communion.
Then was his majesty conducted by the nobility to the throne
upon that square basis of five ascents, the choir singing Te Deum.
Here his majesty took an oath of homage from the Duke of Buck-
ingham, as Lord High Constable for that day ; and the Duke did
swear all the nobility besides to be homagers to his majesty at his
majesty's knees.
Then as many Earls and Barons as could conveniently stand
about the throne, did lay their hands on the crown on his majesty's
head, protesting to spend their bloods to maintain it to him and his
lawful heirs. The Bishops severally kneeled down, but took no
oath as the Barons did, the king kissing every one of them.
Then the king took a scroll of parchment out of his bosom, and
gave it to the Lord Keeper Williams,* who read it to the Commons
four several times, — east, west, north, and south. The effect
whereof was, that his majesty did offer a pardon to all his subjects
who would take it under his Broad Seal.
From the throne, his majesty was conducted to the communion-
table, where the Lord Archbishop, kneeling on the north side, read
prayers in the choir, and sung the Nicene Creed. The Bishop of
Landaff and Norwich read the Epistle and Gospel ; with whom the
Bishops of Durham and St. David's in rich copes kneeled with
* The Ivord Keeper Coventry. . See the note in page 340.— Edit.
S4:4 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1626.
his majesty and received the communion ; the bread from the Arch-
bishop, the wine from the Bishop of St. David's ; his majesty
receiving last of all, whilst Gloria in excelsis was sung by the choir,
and some prayers read by the Archbishop concluded the solemnity.
The king, after he had disrobed himself in king Edward's chapel,
came forth in a short robe of red velvet girt unto him, lined with
ermine, and a crown of his own on his head, set with very precious
stones ; and thus the train, going to the barges on the water-side,
returned to Whitehall in the same order wherein they came, about
three o'clock in the afternoon.
31 — 34. Our Prolixity herein excused. A foul-mouthed Railer,
Why the King rode not through the City. A memorable
Alteration in a Pageant.
I have insisted the longer on this subject, moved thereunto by this
consideration, — that if it be the last solemnity performed on an
English king in this kind, posterity will conceive my pains well-
bestowed, because on the last. But if hereafter Divine Providence
shall assign England another king, though the transactions herein be
not wholly precedential, something of state may be chosen out
grateful for imitation.
And here if a blister was not, it deserved to be, on the fingers of
that scandalous pamphleteer, who hath written that king Charles was
not crowned like other kings. Whereas all essentials of his coro-
nation were performed with as much ceremony as ever before, and
all robes of state used according to ancient prescription. But if he
indulged his own fancy for the colour of his clothes, a white suit,
&c. persons meaner than princes have, in greater matters, assumed
as much liberty to themselves.
Indeed, one solemnity (no part of — but preface to — the coronation)
was declined on good consideration. For whereas the kings of
England used to ride from the Tower through the city to Westmin-
ster, king Charles went thither by water, out of double providence,
to save health and wealth thereby. For though the infectious air
in the city of London had lately been corrected with a sharp winter, yet
was it not so amended but that a just suspicion of danger did remain.
Besides, such a procession would have cost him threescore thousand
pounds, to be disbursed on scarlet for his train : a sum which, if
then demanded of his exchequer, would scarce receive a satisfac-
tory answer thereunto ; and, surely, some who since condemn him
for want of state, in omitting this royal pageant, would have con-
demned him more for prodigality, had he made use thereof.
As for any other alterations in prayers or ceremonies, though
heavily charged on bishop Laud, [they] .are since conceived, by
1 CHAHLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 345
unpartial people, done by a committee ; wherein, tliough the bishop
accused as most active, others did equally consent. Indeed, a pas-
sage not in fashion since the reign of king Henry VI. was used in
a prayer at this time : Ohtineat gratiam huic populo sicut Aaron
in tabernacido^ Elizeus in flumo^ Zacliarias in templo ; sit
Petrus in clave^ Paulus in dogmate : " Let him obtain favour for
this people, like Aaron in the tabernacle, Elisha in the waters,
Zacharias in the temple ; give him Peter's key of discipline, PauFs
doctrine." This I may call a protestant passage, though anciently
used in popish times, as fixing more spiritual power in the king than
the pope will willingly allow, jealous that any should finger Peter's
keys save himself.
35, 36. A Conference at York House. A second on the same
Subject.
A few days after, February 6th, a parliament began, Avherein Mr.
Mountagu was much troubled about his book, but made a shift, by
his powerful friends, to save himself. During the sitting whereof,
at the instance and procurement of Robert Rich, earl of Warwick,
a Conference was kept in York-house, February 11th, before the
duke of Buckingham and other lords, betwixt Dr. Buckeridge,
bishop of Rochester, and Dr. White, dean of Carlisle, on the one
side ; and Dr. Morton, bishop of Coventry, and Dr. Preston, on
the other, about Arminian points, and chiefly the possibility of one
elected to fall from grace. The passages of which Conference are
variously reported. . For it is not in tongue-combats, as in other
battles, where the victory cannot be disguised, as discovering itself
in keeping the field, number of the slain, captives and colours taken.
Whilst here, no such visible effects appearing, the persons present
were left to their liberty to judge of the conquest as each one stood
affected. However, William earl of Pembroke was heard to say,
that none returned Arminians thence, save such who repaired thither
with the same opinions.
Soon after, February 17th, a second Conference was entertained,
in the same place, on the same points, before the same persons ;
betwixt Dr. White, dean of Carlisle, and Mr. Mountagu, on the
one side, and Dr. Morton, bishop of Lichfield, and Dr. Preston,
on the other. Dr. Preston carried it clear at the first, by dividing
his adversaries ; who, quickly perceiving their error, pieced them-
selves together in a joint opposition against him. The passages
also of this Conference are as differently related as the former.
Some making it a clear conquest on one,* some on the other side,
* Thus the writer of Dr. Prestoa's Life concludes the conrpest on his- side.
346 CHURCH HISTORY OF RRITAIN. A.D. 1626.
and a third sort a drawn battle betwixt both. Thus the success of
these meetings answered neither the commendable intentions nor
hopeful expectations of such who procured them. Now, whilst
others dare say universally of such Conferences, what David saith of
mankind, that of them " there is none that doeth good, no, not
one," Psalm xiv. 3 ; we dare only intimate, that (what statesmen
observe of interviews betwixt princes, so) these Conferences betwixt
divines rather increase the differences than abate them.
37 — ^. The Bishop of Lincoln loseth his Keeper's Place. The
Duke incensed against him. The Bishop'^s Wariness in
resigning the Seal ; hut keeps his Bishopric.
The bishop of Lincoln fell now, through the duke''s — into the
king's — displeasure ; and such who will read the late letters in the
*' Cabala " may conjecture the cause thereof; but the certainty we
leave to be reported by the historians of the state, — belonging in
his episcopal capacity to my pen, but as Lord-Keeper properly to
theirs.
The bishop, finding his own tottering condition, addressed himself
to all who had intimacy with the duke to re-ingratiate himself.
But such after-games at court seldom succeed. All would not do :
for as amicus omnium optimus was part of the duke''s epitaph
on his tomb in Westminster chapel, so no fiercer foe when dis-
pleased, and nothing under the bishop's removal from his office
would give him satisfaction. '
Sir John Suckling was sent unto him from the king, to demand
the Broad Seal of him ; which the cautious bishop refused ta sur-
render into his hands, to prevent such uses as might be made
thereof (by him or others) in the interval betwixt this resigning it,
and the king's conferring it on another. But he charily locked it
up in a box, and sent the box by the knight, and key thereof
inclosed in a letter to his majesty.
However, his bruise was the less, because he fell but from the
first loft, and saved himself on the sepond floor. Outed his Lord-
Keepership, but keeping his bishopric of Lincoln and deanery of
Westminster, though forced to part with the king's purse, he held
his own, and that well-replenished. And now he is retired to
Bugden-Great ; where, whether greater his anger at his enemies for
what he had lost, or gratitude to God for what he had left, though
others may conjecture, his own conscience only could decide. Here
wc leave him at his hospitable table, where sometimes he talked so
loud, that his discourse at the second-hand was heard to London,
by those who bare no good-will unto him.
2 CHAltLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 347
41, 42. A new College of an old Hall in Oxford^ called
Pembroke College.
An old Hall, turned into a new College, was this year finished
at Oxford. This formerly was called Broadgates Hall, and had
many students therein ; amongst whom Edmund Bonner, afterwards
bishop of London, (scholar enough and tyrant too much,) had his
education. But this place was not endowed with any revenues till
about this time ; for Thomas Tisdale, of Glimpton in the county of
Oxford, esquire, bequeathed five thousand pounds, wherewith lands
were purchased to the value of two hundred and fifty pounds per
annum^ for the maintenance of seven Fellows and six scholars.
Afterwards, Richard Wightwick, bachelor of divinity, rector of
East Ilsley, in Berkshire, gave lands to the yearly value of one
hundred pounds, for the maintenance of three Fellows and four
Scholars ; whereupon, petition being made to king James, this new
College was erected, and a charter of mortmain of seven hundred
pounds jo^r annum was granted thereunto.
It was called Pembroke College, partly in respect to William
earl of Pembroke, then chancellor of the university, partly in expec-
tation to receive some favour from him. And, probably, had not
that noble lord died suddenly soon after, this college might have
received more than a bare name from him. The best is, where a
child hath rich parents it needeth the less any gifts from the
godfather.
Masters. — 1. Dr. Thomas Clayton ; 2. Dr. Henry Langley.
Benefactors. — King Charles, who gave the patronage of St.
Aldate's, the church adjoining.
So that this College consisteth of a Master, ten Fellows, and ten
Scholars, with other Students and Officers to the number of one
hundred sixty-nine.
43 — 45. J)r, Preston declines in the Duk^s Favour. The
Death of godly Bishop Lake.
The doctor and the duke were both of them unwilling to an open
breach, loved for to temporize and wait upon events.* Surely
temporize here is taken in the apostle's sense, according to some
copies, " serving the times," Rom. xii. 11. f And henceforwards the
duke resolved to shake off the doctor, who would not stick close
unto him, betaking himself to the opposite interest. Nor was the
other surprised herein, as expecting the alteration long before.
By the late Conferences at York-house it appeared, that, by the
duke's cold carriage towards him, (and smiling on his opponents,)
• Dr. Preston's Life, page 505. t T'j' Katpy 8ou\euoi/T€S. — Ambrosius.'
348 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1627.
Dr. Preston was now entering into the autumn of the duke's favour.
Indeed, they were well met, each observing, neither trusting [the]
other, as I read in the doctor's Life, written by his judicious pupil.
This year concluded the life of Arthur Lake, Warden of New-
College in Oxford, Master of St. Cross's, dean of Worcester, and
at last promoted bishop of Bath and Wells, not so much by the
power of his brother Sir Thomas (secretary to king James) as his
own desert; as one whose piety may be justly exemplary to all of
his Order. He seldom (if at all) is said to have dreamed ; justly
imputed, not to the dulness of his fancy, in which faculty he had no
defect, but to the staidness of his judgment, wherein he did much
excel ; as by his learned sermons doth appear.
46 — 50. The Death and Character of Bishop Andrews. Un-
justly accused for Covetousness and Superstition. Cause-
lessly charged with Affectation in his Sermons. Nicholas
Fuller, his Chaplain, that profitable Critic.
About the same time Lancelot Andrews ended his religious life,
born at Allhallows Barking in London ; Scholar, Fellow, and
Master of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge ; then dean of West-
minster, bishop of Chichester, Ely, and at last of Winchester. The
world wanted learning to know how learned this man was, so skilled
in all (especially oriental) languages that some conceive he might,
if then living, almost have served as an interpreter-general at the
confusion of tongues. Nor are the Fathers more faithfully cited
in his books, than lively copied out in his countenance and carriage ;
his gravity in a manner awing king James, who refrained from that
mirth and liberty in the presence of this prelate, which otherwise he
assumed to himself. He lieth buried in the chapel of St. Mary
Overy's, having on his monument a large, elegant, and true
epitaph.*
Since his death some have unjustly snarled at his memory, accus-
ing him for covetousness, who was neither rapax., to get by unjust
courses, as a professed enemy to usury, simony, and bribery ; nor
tenax^ to hold money when just occasion called for it ; for in his
life-time he repaired all places he lived in, and at his death left the
main of his estate to pious uses. Indeed, he was wont to say, that
good husbandry was good divinity ; the truth whereof no wise man
will deny.
Another falls foully upon him for the ornaments of his chapel, as
popish and superstitious, in the superabundant ceremonies thereof. -[-
To which I can say little ; but this I dare affirm, that wheresoever
• Stow's " Survey of London." \ William Prynnk in his " Canterbury's
Doom," page 121, ct scq.
3 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 349
he was a parson, a dean, or a bishop, he never troubled parish,
college, or diocess with pressing other ceremonies upon them than
such which he found used there before his coming thither. And it
had not been amiss, if such who would be accounted his friends and
admirers had followed him in the footsteps of his moderation ; con-
tent with the enjoying, without the enjoining, their private practices
and opinions on others.
As for such who causelessly have charged his sermons as " affected,
and surcharged with verbal allusions ;""'* when they themselves have
set forth the like, it will then be time enough to make this bishop's
first defence against their calumniations. Nor is it a wonder that
the master'^s pen was so in his writings, whose very servant (a layman)
was so successful in the same ; I mean, Mr. Henry Isaacson, (lately
gone to God,) the industrious author of the useful " Chronology."'"'
It is a pity to part this patron from his chaplain, Nicholas Fuller ;
born, as I take it, in Hampshire ; bred in Oxford, where he was
tutor to Sir Henry Walhop, who afterwards preferred him to the
small parsonage of Allington, in Wiltshire ; and Robert Abbot,
bishop of Salisbury, made him canon of that church. Afterwards a
living of great value was sent by bishop Andrews, (the patron
thereof, f) on the welcome errand to find out Mr. Fuller to accept
the same ; who was hardly contented to be surprised with a pre-
sentation thereunto ; such his love to his former small living and
retired life. He was the prince of all our English critics : and
whereas men of that tribe are generally morose, so that they cannot
dissent from another without disdaining, nor oppose without inveigh-
ing against him, it is hard to say whether more candour, learning, or
judgment, was blended in his " Miscellanies.'' By discovering
how much Hebrew there is in the New-Testament Greek, he
cleareth many real difficulties from his verbal observations.
51,52. Severe Proceedings against Archbishop Abbot: sus-
pended from his Jurisdiction. Two good Effects of a bad
Cause. A.D.^62^.
A commission was granted unto five bishops, (whereof bishop Laud
of the quorum,) to suspend archbishop Abbot from exercising his
authority any longer, because uncanonical for casual homicide ; the
proceeding against him being generally condemned as over-rigid and
severe.
1. The act was committed seven years since, in the reign of king
James.
2. On a commission then appointed for that purpose, he was
* Mr. Bay ley in his Ladensium ^utocatacriton. t See bishop Andrews's
funeral sermon.
350 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1627.
cleared from all irregularity, by bishop Andrews in divinity, Sir
Edward Coke in common — and Sir Henry Martin in canon — law.
3. It would be of dangerous consequence to condemn him by the
canons of foreign Councils, which never were allowed any legis-
lative power in this land.
4. The archbishop had manifested much remorse and self-afflic-
tion, for this (rather sad than sinful) act.
5. God may be presumed to have forgotten so much as there
was of fault in the fact ; and why then should man remember it ?
6. Ever since he had executed his jurisdiction without any inter-
ruption.
7. The archbishop had both feet in the grave, and all his whole
body likely soon after to follow them.
8. Such heightening of casual homicide did savour of intentional
malice.
The truth is, the archbishop's own stiffness an averseness to com-
ply with the court-designs advantaged his adversaries against him,
and made him the more obnoxious to the king's displeasure. But
the blame did most light on bishop Laud ; men accounting this a
kind oi films ante diem, ^c. as if not content to succeed, he endea-
voured to supplant him ; who might w^ell have suffered his decayed
old age to have died in honour : what needs the felling of the tree
a-falling ?
However, a double good accrued hereby to the archbishop. First.
He became the more beloved of men. (The country hath con-
stantly a blessing for those for whom the court hath a curse.) And,
Secondly, he may charitably be presumed to love God the more,
whose service he did the better attend, being freed from the
drudgery of the world ; as that soul which hath the least of Martha
hath the most of Mary therein.
53 — ^^, The Character of Archbishop Abbot; accounted no
great Friend to the Clergy ; accused for the Fautor of Mal-
contents.
And although this archbishop survived some years after, yet it
will be seasonable here for us to take a fair farewell of his memory,
seeing henceforward he was buried to the world. He was bred in
Oxford, Master of University College ; an excellent preacher, as
appears by his Lectures on Jonah ; chaplain to the carl of Dunbar,
(with whom he was once solemnly sent by king James into Scotland
to preach there,) and afterwards by his means promoted to the arch-
bishopric of Canterbury, haply according to his own — but sure I
am above — if not against — the expectations of others ; a grave man
in his conversation, and unblamable in his life.
3 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 351
Indeed, it is charged on him that ?io?i amavit geniem nostram^
*' he loved not our nation ;'*^ forsaking the birds of his own feather
to fly with others, and generally favouring the laity above the clergy,
in all cases brought before him. But this he endeavoured to excuse
to a private friend, by protesting he was himself so severe to the
clergy on purpose to rescue them from the severity of others, and
to prevent the punishment of them from lay judges, to their greater
shame.
I also read in a nameless author,* that towards his death he was
not only discontented himself, but his house was the rendezvous of
all malcontents in church and state ; making midnight of noon-
day, by constant keeping of candles light in his chamber and study;
as also such visitants as repaired unto him, called themselves Nico-
demites, because of their secret addresses. But a credible person, and
one of his nearest relations,-f- knew nothing thereof; which, with
me, much shaketh the probability of the report. And thus we
leave the archbishop, and the rest of his praises, to be reported by
the poor people of Guildford, in Surrey, where he founded and
endowed a fair almshouse in the town of his nativity.
5Q — 59. A Toleration, blasted in Ireland^ hopes to spring in
England; hut is rejected. Sir John Saville''s Motion.
The king''s treasury now began to grow low, and his expenses to
mount high. No wonder then if the statesmen were much troubled
to make up the distance betwixt his exchequer and his occasions.
Amongst other designs, the papists in Ireland, taking advantage of
the king's wants, proiFered to pay constantly five thousand men, if
they might but enjoy a toleration. But that motion was crushed
by the bishops opposing it, and chiefly by bishop Downham's
sermon in Dublin, on this text, " That we, being delivered from
the hands of our enemies, might serve him without fear," Luke
i.74.
Many a man, sunk in his estate in England, hath happily recovered
it by removing into Ireland : whereas, by a contrary motion, this
project, bankrupt in Ireland, presumed to make itself up in England ;
where the papists promised to maintain a proportion of ships, on the
aforesaid condition, of free exercise of their religion. Some were
desirous the king should accept their tender, who might lawfully
take what they were so forward to give, seeing no injury is done to
them who are willing.
It was urged on the other side, that where such willingness to be
injured proceeds from the principles of an erroneous conscience,
* In answer to the pamphlet entitled, " The Court and Cliaracter of King James,"
page 132. f Dr. Barnard, his household chaplain.
3.52 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1628.
there their simplicity ought to be informed, not abused. Grant
papists so weak as to buy, protestants should be more honest than
to sell, such base wares unto them. Such ships must needs spring
many leaks, rigged, victualled, and manned with ill-gotten money,
gained by the sale of souls. And here all the objections were
revived, which in the reign of king James were improved against
such a toleration.
Here Sir John Saville interposed, that if the king were pleased
but to call on the recusants to pay thirds, legally due to the crown, it
would prove a way more effectually and less offensive to raise a mass
of money ; it being but just, who were so rich and free to purchase
new privileges should first pay their old penalties. This motion
was listened unto ; and Sir John, with some others, appointed for that
purpose in the counties beyond Trent, — scarce a third of England
in ground, but almost the half thereof for the growth of recusants
therein. But whether the returns seasonably furnished the king's
occasions, is to me unknown.
60 — 65. A Parliament called, which proves full of Troubles.
Mr. PyrrCs Speech against Dr. Manwaring. The severe
Censure on the Doctor. His humble Submission. The
Acts of this Parliament. Nothing done in the Convocation.
A. D. 1628.
It is suspicious, that all such projects to quench the thirst of the
king's necessities proved no better than sucking-bottles, — soon
emptied, and but cold the liquor they afforded. Nothing so natural
as the milk of the breast ; I mean, subsidies granted by Parliament,
which the king at this time assembled. But, alas ! to follow the
metaphor, both the breasts, the two Houses, were so sore with several
grievances, that all money came from them with much pain and
difficulty ; the rather, because they complained of doctrines destruc-
tive to their propriety, lately preached at court.
For, June 9th, towards the end of this session of parliament Dr.
Manwaring was severely censured for two sermons he had preached
and printed about the power of the king's prerogative. Such is the
precipice of this matter, (wherein each casual slip of my pen may
prove a deadly fall,) that I had rather the reader should take all from
Mr. Pym's mouth,* than from my hand, who thus uttered himself: —
" Master Speaker, I am to deliver from the Sub-Committee, a
charge against Mr. Manwaring^ a preacher and doctor of divinity,
but a man so criminous that he hath turned his titles into accusations ;
for the better they are, the worse is he that hath dishonoured
them. Here is a great charge that lies upon him ; it is great in
* Transcribed out of his Tnr.nusci'ipt speech.
4 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 353
itself, and great because it hath many great charges in it : serpens^
qui serpentem devorat. Jit draco ; his charge, having digested many
charges into it, is become a monster of charges. The main and great
one is this ; — a plot and policy to alter and subvert the frame and
fabric of this state and commonwealth. This is the great one ; and
it hath others in it, that gains it more greatness. For, to this end»
he labours to infuse into the conscience of his majesty, the persuasion
of a power not bounding itself with laws, which king James of famous
memory calls, in his speech in parliament, ] 619, ' tyranny ; yea,
tyranny accompanied with perjury."
" Secondly. He endeavours to persuade the consciences of the
subjects, that they are bound to obey illegal commands ; yea, he
damns them for not obeying them.
" Thirdly. He robs the subjects of the property of their goods.
" Fourthly. He brands them that will not lose this property,
with most scandalous and odious titles, to make them hateful both
to prince and people, so to set a division between the head and
members, and between the members themselves.
" Fifthly. To the same end, (not much unlike to Faux and his
fellows,) he seeks to blow up Parliaments and parliamentary power.
" These five, being duly viewed, will appear to be so many charges ;
and withal they make up the main and great charge, — a mischievous
plot to alter and subvert the frame and government of this state and
commonwealth. And now, that you may be sure that Mr. Man-
waring, though he leave us no propriety in our goods, yet he hath
an absolute propriety in his charge, audite ipsam belluam^ hear Mr.
Manwaring by his own words making up his own charge.'"'
Here he produced the book, particularly insisting on pages 19, 29,
and 30, in the first sermon ; pages 35, 46, and 48 in the second
sermon. All which passages he heightened with much eloquence and
acrimony ; thus concluding his speech : " I have showed you an evil
tree that bringeth forth evil fruit ; and now it rests with you to
determine, whether the following sentence shall follow, — ' Cut it
down, and cast it into the fire.'' "
June 13th, four days after, the Parliament proceeded to his censure,
consisting of eight particulars ; it being ordered by the House of
Lords against him, as followeth : —
1. To be imprisoned during the pleasure of the House.
2. To be fined a thousand pounds.
3. To make his submission at the bar in this House, and in the
House of Commons, at the bar there, in verbis conceptis^ by a Com-
mittee of this House.
4. To be suspended from his ministerial function three years ; and
in the mean time a sufficient preaching man to be provided out of
Vol. III. A A
854 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D.1G28.
the profits of his living, and this to be left to be performed by the
ecclesiastical court.
5. To be disabled for ever hereafter from preaching at court.
6. To be for ever disabled of having any ecclesiastical dignity in
the church of England.
7- To be uncapable of any secular office or preferment.
8. That his books are worthy to be burned, and his majesty to be
moved that it may be so in London, and both the universities.
But much of this censure was remitted, in consideration of the
performance of his humble submission at both the bars in parliament :
■where he appeared on June 23rd following; and on his knees,
before both Houses, submitted himself, as followeth, with outward
expression of sorrow : —
" I do here, in all sorrow of heart and true repentance, acknow-
ledge those many errors and indiscretions which I have committed in
preaching and publishing the two sermons of mine, which I called
'Religion and Allegiance,' and my great fault in falling upon this
theme again, and handling the same rashly, scandalously, and unad-
visedly in my own parish-church in St. Giles-in-the- Fields, the fourth
of May last past. I humbly acknowledge these three sermons to
have been full of dangerous passages and inferences, and scandalous
aspersions, in most part of the same. And I do humbly acknowledge
the just proceedings of this honourable House against me, and the
just sentence and judgment passed upon me for my great offence.
And I do from the bottom of my heart crave pardon of God, the
king, and this honourable House, and the commonweal in general,
and those worthy persons adjudged to be reflected upon by me in
particular, for those great offences and errors.*"
How this doctor, Roger Manwaring, (notwithstanding the foresaid
censure,) was afterwards preferred, first to the deanery of Worcester,
next to the bishopric of St. David's, God willing, in due place
thereof.
On Thursday, the 26th of this month, ended the session of Par-
liament ; wherein little relating to religion was concluded, save only
that divers abuses on the Lord's day were restrained. All carriers,
carters, waggoners, wainmen, drovers of cattle, forbidden to travel
thereon, on the forfeit of twenty shillings for every offence. Like-
wise, butchers to lose six shillings and eight-pence for killing or
selling any victuals on that day. A law was also made, that whoso-
ever goeth himself, or sendeth others, beyond the seas, to be trained
up in popery, kc. shall be disabled to sue, &c. and shall lose all his
goods, and shall forfeit all his lands, &c. for life. Five entire sub-
sidies were granted to the king by the spirituality ; and the said
grant confirmed by the Act of this Parliament ; which now ^vas first
4 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 355
prorogued to October 20th following, and then, on some inter-
vening obstructions, put off to January 20th, when it began again.
As for the Convocation, concurrent in time with this parliament,
nothing considerable was acted therein. Dr. Thomas WinnifFe,
dean of Gloucester, preached the Latin sermon ; his text, Attendite
ad 'COS ipsos, et totum gregem, S^c. Acts xx. 28 ; Dr. Curie was
chosen Prolocutor : and a low voice would serve the turn where
nothing was to be spoken.
i^Q. The Death of Dr. Preston.
On July 20th following, Dr. Preston died in his native county of
Northamptonshire, near the place of his birth, of a consumption,
and was buried at Fauseley, Mr. Dod preaching his funeral ser-
mon : an excellent preacher ; of whom Mr. Noy was wont to say,
that " he preached as if he knew God''s will : " a subtle disputant
and great politician ; so that his foes must confess, that (if not
having too little of the dove) he had enough of the serpent. Some
will not stick to say he had large parts of sufficient receipt to
manage the Broad Seal itself, which, if the condition had pleased
him, was proffered unto him ! For he might have been the duke's
right hand, — though at last less than his little finger unto him; who,
despairing that this patriarch of the presbyterian party would bring
off his side unto him, used him no longer who would not or could
not be useful unto him. Most of this doctor's posthume books
have been happy in their education ; I mean, in being well brought
forth into the world, — though all of them have not lighted on so
good guardians. But his Life is so largely and learnedly written by
one of his own pupils,* that nothing can be added unto it.
67 — 7^- ^^^ Death of Bishop Carleton. Mr. Mountagu's
Confirmation opposed; hut the Opposition ineffectual.
Caution seasonably used.
About this time George Carleton, that grave and godly bishop
of Chichester, ended his pious life. He was born at Norham in
Northumberland,"!- where his father was the keeper of that important
castle in the Marches ; an employment speaking him wise and
A^aliant, in those dangerous and warlike days. He was bred and
brought up under Mr. Bernard Gilpin, that apostolical man, whose
Life he wrote in gratitude to his memory; and retained his youthful
and poetical studies fresh in his old age. He was selected by king
James one of the five divines sent over to the Synod of Dort. He
wrote many small tracts, (one against Sir John Heydon, about
judicial astrology,) which, conjoined, would amount to a great
• Mr. Thomas Balle of Northampton. 1 Camden's Britannia in Northumberland.
2a2
S56 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1C28.
volume. Mr. Richard Mountagu, one of a different judgment, suc-
ceeded in his see, August 22nd, who at first met with some small
opposition on the following occasion : —
There is a solemnity performed before the consecration of every
bishop, in this manner : The royal assent being passed on his elec-
tion, the archbishop"'s vicar-general proceeds to his confirmation,
commonly kept in Bow church. A process is issued forth to call all
persons to appear, to show cause why the elect there present should
not be confirmed. For, seeing a bishop is in a manner married to
his see, (save that hereafter he taketh his surname from his wife,
and not she from him,) this ceremony is a kind of asking the bans,
to see if any can allege any lawful cause to forbid them. Now,
at the confirmation of Mr. Mountagu, when liberty was given to any
objectors against him, one Mr. Humphreys, since a parliament-
colonel, lately deceased, and William Jones, a stationer of London,
who alone is mentioned in the record, excepted against Mr.
Mountagu, as unfitting for the episcopal office, chiefly on this
account, — because lately censured by Parliament for his book, and
rendered uncapable of all preferment in the church.
But exception was taken at Jones"'s exceptions, which the record
calls prwtensos articulos^ as defective in some legal formalities. I
have been informed, it was alleged against him for bringing in his
objections mxd Toce^ and not by a proctor; (that court adjudging all
private persons eifectually dumb, who speak not by one admitted to
plead therein ;) Jones returned, that he could not get any proctor,
though pressing them importunately, and proffering them their fee,
to present his exceptions, and therefore was necessitated ore tenus
there to allege them against Mr. Mountagu. The register men-
tioneth no particular defects in his exceptions : * but Dr. Rives,
substitute at that time for the vicar-general, declined to take any
notice of them, and concludeth Jones amongst the contumacious,
quod nullo modo legitime comparuit^ nee aliquid in hac parte juxta
juris exigentiam diceret, exciperet, 'cel opponeret. Yet this good
Jones did bishop Mountagu, that he caused his addresses to the
king to procure a pardon ; which was granted unto him, in form
like those given at the coronation, save that some particulars were
inserted therein, " for the pardoning of all eiTors heretofore com-
mitted, either in speaking, writing, or printing, whereby he might
hereafter be questioned.'" The like at the same time was granted to
Dr. Manwaring, on whom the rich parsonage of Stanford Rivers in
Essex was conferred, as void by bishop Mountagu's preferment.
An intention there was for the bishop, and all the company
employed at his confirmation, to dine at a tavern ; but Dr. Thomas
* Rcgisiruvi Cantuar, fol. 140, in anno 1628.
4 CHARLES T. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 357
Rives utterly refused it, rendering this reason, — that he had heard,
tliat the dining at a tavern gave all the colour to that far-spreading
and long-lasting lie, of Matthew Parker's being consecrated at the
Nag's Head in Cheapside; and, for aught he knew, captious people
would be ready to raise the like report on the same occasion. It
being therefore Christian caution, not only to quench the fire of sin,
but also, if possible, to put out the smoke of scandal, they removed
their dining to another place.
71 — ^3. The Parliament dissolved. Proclamation against the
Bishop of Chalcedon. Hejlieth into France.
On January 20tli the Parliament was re-assembled ; which died
issueless, as I may say, the March following, leaving no Acts
(abortions are no chiMren) completed behind it. Let the reader
who desireth farther instructions of the passages herein, consult the
historians of the state. Indeed, if the way were good, and weather
fair, a traveller, to please his curiosity in seeing the country, might
adventure to ride a little out of the road ; but he is none of the
wisest, who, in a tempest and miry Avay, will lose time and leave his
own journey. If pleasant and generally acceptable were the transac-
tions in this Parliament, it might have tempted me to touch a little
thereon, out of the track of my church-story ; but, finding nothing
but stirs and storms therein, I will only go on fair and softly in my
beaten path of ecclesiastical affairs. Bishop Laud had no great
cause to be a mourner at the funerals of this parliament, having
entered it in his Diary, that it endeavoured his destruction.
At this time Richard Smith, (distinct from Henry Smith, alias
Lloyd, a Jesuit, whom some confound as the same person,) being in
title bishop of Chalcedon in Greece, in truth a dangerous English
priest, acted and exercised episcopal jurisdiction over the catholics
here, by commission from the pope, appearing in his pontijicalibus
in Lancashire, with his mitre and crosier, to the wonder of poor peo-
ple, and confen'ing Orders and the like. This was much offensive
to the Regulars, as intrenching on their privileges ; who counter-
mined him as much as they might. His majesty, having notice of
this Romish agent, March 24th, renewed his proclamation (one of a
former date taking no effect) for his apprehension, promising an
hundred pounds to be presently paid to him that did it, beside all
the profits which accrued to the Crown, as legally due from the
person who entertained him.
However, such as hid and harboured him were neither frighted
with the penalty, nor flattered with the profit, to discover him.
But Smith, conceiving his longer stay here to be dangerous, conveyed
himself over into France, where he became a confidant of cardinal
S58 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1628.
Richelieu's. The conveniency and validity of his episcopal power
was made the subject of several books which were written thereon.
In favour of him. — 1. N. de Maistre, a Sorbonne priest, in
his book entitled, De Persecutione Episcoporum^ et De illustrissimo
Antistite Chalcedonensi. 2. The Faculty of Paris, which censured
all such as opposed him.
In opposition to him. — 1. Daniel, a Jesuit. 2. Horucan.
3. Lumley. 4. Nicholas Smith.
This Chalcedon Smith wrote a book called " the Prudential
Balance," much commended by men of his own persuasion ; and, for
aught I know, is still alive.
74 — 7^- ^^^ Death and Character of Toby Matthew. His
Gratitude unto God. He died yearly.
Within the compass of this year died the reverend Toby Matthew,
archbishop of York. He was born in the Somersetshire-side of
Bristol, and in his childhood had a marvellous preservation, when
•with a fall he brake his foot, ancle, and small of his leg, which were
so soon recovered to eye, use, sight, service, that not the least mark
remained thereof.* Coming to Oxford, he fixed at last in Christ-
Church, and became dean thereof. He was one of a proper person,
(such people, cwteris paribus., and sometimes cwteris imparibus^
■were preferred by the queen,) and an excellent preacher ; Campian
himself confessing, that he did dominari in concionibus. He was
of a cheerful spirit, yet without any trespass on episcopal gravity ;
there lying a real distinction between facetiousness and nugacity.
None could condemn him for his pleasant wit, though often he
would condemn himself, as so habitecl therein, he could as well not
be, as not be merry, and not take up an innocent jest as it lay in the
•way of his discourse.
One passage must not be forgotten. After he had arrived at his
greatness, he made one journey into the west, to visit his two mothers,
— ^her that bare him at Bristol, and her that bred him in learning,
the university of Oxford. Coming near to the latter, attended with a
train suitable to his present condition, he was met almost with an
equal number, who came out of Oxford to give him entertainment.
Thus augmented with another troop, and remembering he had passed
over a small water a poor scholar, when first coming to the univer-
sity, he kneeled down and took up the expression of Jacob : " With
my staflfcame I over this Jordan, and now I am become two bands."
I am credibly informed, that, mutatis mutandis, the same was per-
formed by his predecessor, archbishop Hutton, at Sophisters Hills
• Sir John Harrington in his Continuation of Bishop Godwin's '' Catalogue of
Bishops."
4 CHARLES T. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. o59
nigh Cambridge ; and am so far from distrusting either, that I
believe both.
He died yearly in report ; and I doubt not but that, in the
apostle's sense, he died daily in his mortifying meditations. He
went over the graves of many who looked for his archbishopric. I
■will not say, they catched a cold in waiting barefoot for a living man's
shoes. His wife, the daughter of bishop Barlow, (a confessor in
queen Mary's days,) was a prudent and a provident matron. Of
this extraction came Sir Toby Matthew, having all his father's name,
many of his natural parts, few of his moral virtues, fewer of his
spiritual graces, as being an inveterate enemy to the protestant
religion. George Mountaine succeeded him, scarce warm in his
church before cold in his coffin, as not continuing many months
therein.
77. The Death of Bishop Felton,
I humbly crave the reader's pardon for omitting due time of the
death of reverend Dr. Nicholas Felton, bishop of Ely, as buried
before, though dying some days after, bishop Andrews ; and, indeed,
great was t]\e conformity betwixt them : Both being sons of seafaring
men,* who, by God's blessing on their industry, attained comfortable
estates ; both Scholars, Fellows, and Masters of Pembroke Hall ;
both great scholars, painful preachers in London for many years,
with no less profit to others than credit to themselves ; both succes-
sively bishops of Ely. This bishop Felton had a sound head and a
sanctified heart, beloved of God, and all good men, very hospitable
to all, and charitable to the poor. He died, October 5th, 1626, and
lieth buried under the communion-table in St. Antholin's in London ;
whereof he had been minister for twenty-eight years :-|- one (whilst a
private man) happy in his curates, (whereof two. Dr. Bowles and
Dr. Westfield, afterwards became bishops,) and (when a bishop) no
less happy in his learned and religious chaplains.
SECTION IL
TO JOHN GARY, OF STANSTED IN HERTFORDSHIRE,
ESQUIRE.
Rare is your happiness in leaving the court, before
it left you ; not in deserting your attendance on your
• Bishop Andrews in London, and Felton in Yarmouth. j Attested nnto me by
.John Norgate, his son-in-law.
360 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. AD. 1629.
master, of whom none more constantly observant ; but
in quitting such vanities which the court then in power
did tender, and you, then in prime, might have
accepted : whilst you seasonably retrenched yourself,
and reduced your soul to a holy seriousness, declining
such expensive recreations, (on principles of piety as
well as providence,) wherewith your youth was so
much affected.
And now, sir, seeing you are so judicious in racing,
give me leave to prosecute the apostle's metaphor, in
applying my best wishes to you and to your worthy lady,
which hath repaired the losses caused by loyalty, so
that you have found in a virtuous mate what you have
lost for a gracious master.
Heaven is your mark, Christ your way thither, the
Word the way to Christ, God's Spirit the guide to
both. When in this race impatience shall make you
to tire, or ignorance to stray, or idleness or weakness
to stumble, or wilfulness to fall ; may repentance raise
you, faith quicken you, patience strengthen you, till
perseverance bring you both to the mark.
1. The Birth and Death of Prince Charles. A. D, 1629-
Queen Mary, surprised widi some fright, (as is generally
believed,) antedated the time of her travail by some weeks, and
on Wednesday, May loth, was delivered of a son. But a greater
acceleration was endeavoured in his baptism, than what happened at
his birth, such the forwardness of the popish priests to snatch him from
the hands of those as dressed him, had not the care of king Charles
prevented them, assigning Dr. Web (then waiting his month) to
christen him. He died about an hour after ; the king very patiently
bearing the loss, as receiving the first-fruits of some of his sub-
jects' estates, and as willingly paying those of his own body to the
King of heaven.
2. Oxford Muses.
The university of Oxford (Cambridge being then heavily infected
with the plague) at once in their verses congratulated the safe birtli,
and condoled the short life, of this prince ; and a tetrastich, made
by one of Christ Church, (thus in making his address to the queen,)
1 must not omit : —
5 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 361
Qitod Lucina tuos semel est frustrata labores,
Nee fort unantes prabuit ilia manus,
Ignoscas, regina : uno inolimine ventris,
Non potuit princeps ad tria regna dari.
This prince the next day after was buried by bishop Laud in the
chapel at Westminster.
3. Dr. Leighton^s railing Book.
During the sitting of the last Parliament, one Leighton, a
Scottish man, presented a book unto them, May 14th: had he been
an Englishman, we durst call him a furious, and now will term him a
fiery (whence kindled let others guess) writer. His book consisted
of a continued railing, from the beginning to the end ; exciting the
Parliament and people to kill all the bishops, and to smite them
under the fifth rib. He bitterly inveighed against the queen, call-
ing her " a daughter of Heth, a Canaanite and idolatress,"" and
" Zion's Plea'" was the specious title of his pamphlet ; for which
he was sentenced in the Star-chamber to be whipped and stigmatized,
to have his ears cropped and nose slit. But betwixt the pro-
nouncing and inflicting thi^ censure, he makes his escape into
Bedfordshire.
4. Recovered (after his Escape) and severely punished.
The Warden of the Fleet was in a bushel of troubles about his
escape, though alleging that some helped him over the wall, and that
he himself knew nothing thereof till the noon after. But no plea
seemed available for one in his place but either the keeping or
recovering of his prisoner ; unfortunate in the former, he was happy
in the latter, and brought him back into his custody ; so that the
aforesaid censure was inflicted on him. It is remarkable, that
amongst the many accusations charged on archbishop Laud at his
trial, the severity on Leighton is not at all mentioned, chiefly
because (though he might be suspected active therein) his faults
were of so high a nature none then or since dare appear in his
defence. The papists boast that they have beyond the seas, with
them, his son, of another persuasion.
5, 6. Feoffees to buy-in Impropriations begin and proceed hope-
fully.
Some three years since, certain feoflfees were (though not incor-
porated by the king's letters patent, or any Act of Parliament)
legally settled in trust to purchase-in impropriations with their own
and other well-disposed persons" money ; and with their profit to set
362 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1629.
up and maintain a constant preaching ministry in places of greatest
need, where the word was most wanting. These consisted of a
number neither too few as the work should burden them, nor so
many as might be a burden to the work ; twelve in all, diversely
qualified : —
1. William Gouge, D.D. 2. Richard Sibbs, D.D. 3. C.
Offspring. 4. J. Davenport. 5, 6. Ralph Eyre and S. Brown, of
Lincoln's Inn. 7. C. Sherland, of Gray's Inn, Middle Temple.
8. John White, of Gray's Inn, Middle Temple. 9. John Geering,
10. Richard Davis, 11. George Harwood, 12. Francis Bridges,
Citizens.
Here were four divines to persuade men's consciences, four lawyers
to draw all conveyances, and four citizens who commanded rich
coffers ; wanting nothing, save (what since doth all things) some
swordsmen to defend all the rest. Beside these the cape-merchants,
as I may term them, there were other inferior factors, Mr. Foxley,
&c. who were employed by appointment, or of ofBciousness employed
themselves in this design.
It is incredible what large sums were advanced in a short time
towards so laudable an employment. There are, indeed, in England
of parish-churches, nine thousand two hundred eighty-four, endowed
■with glebe and tithes. But of these, when these feoffees entered on
their work three thousand eight hundred forty-five were either
appropriated to bishops, cathedrals, and colleges, or impropriated (as
lay fees) to private persons, as formerly belonging to abbeys. The
redeeming and restoring of the latter was these feoffees' design ; and
it was verily believed, if not obstructed in their endeavours, within
fifty years rather purchases than money would have been wanting
unto them, buying them generally (as candle-rents) at or under
twelve years' valuation. My pen, passing by them at the present,
may safely salute them with a " God speed," as neither seeing nor
suspecting any danger in the design.
7- The Bishop of ChalcedorCs Episcopixing in England.
Richard Smith, titulary bishop of Chalcedon taking his honour
from Greece, his profit from England, (where he bishoped it over
all the Romish catholics,) was now very busy in his employment.
- But when, where, and how oft he acted here, is past our discovery,
it being never known when men of his profession come hither till
they be caught here. Now, if any demand why the pope did not
entitle him to some English rather than this Grecian bishopric, (the
grant of both being but of the same price of his Holiness's breath,
and the confirmation equally cheap in wax and parchment,) especially
seeing that in Ireland he had made anti-bishops to all sees'; it is
5 CHARLES I. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 863
easy for one (though none of his conclave) to conjecture. For in
Ireland he had in every diocess and parish a counter-part of people
for number and quality ; Avhich he had not in England ; and there-
fore, to entitle bishops here, had but rendered it the more ridiculous
in the granter, and dangerous in the accepter thereof.
8—11. Opposed hy Nicholas Smith, alleging a Bishop over
English Catholics, useless in Persecution, and burdensome ;
and this Bishop no Ordinary.
Nicholas Smith, a Regular, (and perchance a Jesuit,) much
stomached the advancement and activity of Richard Smith, bishop
of Chalcedon, and wrote bitterly against him ; the hammer of one
Smith clashing against another. He fell foul also on Dr. Kellison,
president of the College of Douay, who lately set forth " a Treatise
of the Dignity and Necessity of Bishops and Secular Clergy ; "
generally opposing his doctrine, and particularly in relation to the
English bishops, instancing in the following exceptions : —
First. A bishop over the English was useless, and might well
be spared in times of persecution ; there being but two peculiar per-
formances of a bishop ; namely, Ordination and Confirmation. For
the former ; it might be supplied by foreign bishops ; the priests of our
English nation being generally bred beyond the seas. As for
confirmation of the children of English catholics, he much decried
the necessity thereof, though not so far as to un-seven the sacraments
of the church of Rome ; affirming it out of St. Thomas of Aquin,*
and other divines, that, by commission from the pope, a priest, though
no bishop, might confirm. To this Dr. Kellison's scholar, or himself
under the vizard, replied, that, in the definition of St. Cyprian, " a
church was a people united to its bishop,'' and therefore an absolute
necessity of that function.
Secondly. He was burdensome to the church, considering the
present pressures of poor English catholics, needing now no unneces-
sary expenses for the maintenance of the bishop and his agents. To
this it was answered, that Mr. Nicholas Smith, and his brethren,
Regulars, daily put the catholics to far greater charges, as appeareth
by the stately houses, purchases, &c.-f- Indeed, generally, the little
finger of a Jesuit was conceived, in his entertainment, heavier than
the loins of a Secular. Mean time, in what care were our English
lay catholics, with Issachar, couching down between two burdens.
Gen. xlix. 14, bearing the weight of both Regulars and Seculars ?
But who need pity them who will not pity themselves ?
* Tertia Pars, Q. Ixxix. art. 21, ad. 1. t "Reply to Mr. N. Smith,"
page 294.
364 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 16?iO.
Thirdly. He took exceptions at the person of this bishop of
Chalcedon, as not lawfully called in canonical criticism. First.
Because not estated in his episcopal inspection over England, during
his life, as a bishop ought to be, but only constituted ad beneplaci-
turn papw^ " at the pleasure of the pope," which restriction destroyeth
his being a lawful ordinary. Secondly. He carpeth at him as made
by delegation and commissson, and therefore a delegate, not an
ordinary. To which the other replied, that even legates have that
clause in their commission, limited to the pope"'s pleasure, and yet
no catholic will question them to be lawful ordinaries. As to the
second exception, the same (saith he) doth not destroy his ordinary-
ship, but only showeth he was made an ordinary, in an extraordinary
manner : which distinction how far it will hold good in the canon
law, let those inquire who are concerned therein.
12. Regulars' Pride and Proposition condemned.
Notwithstanding Dr. Kellison's confutation, the insolency of the
Regulars daily increased in England, so that they themselves may
seem the most Seculars ; so fixed were they to the wealth and vanity
of this world. The Irish Regulars exceeded the English in pride,
maintaining, amongst other printed propositions, that the Superiors
of Regulars are more worthy than bishops themselves ; because the
honour of the pastor is to be measured from the condition of the
flock ; quemadmodum opilio dignior est suhulco^ " as a shepherd is
of more esteem than a hogherd." In application of the first to
themselves, the last to the Seculars, it is hard to say whether their
pride was more in their own praise, or charity less in condemning of
others. It was therefore high time for the doctors of the Sorbonne
in Paris, who for many ages have maintained in their coll ege the
hereditary reputation of learning, to take these Regulars to task.
January 15th, sixty of the Sorbonne doctors censured the aforesaid
proposition ; and, January 30th, the archbishop of Paris condemned
the book of Nicholas Smith, as also another tending to the same
subject, made by one Daniel, a Jesuit.
13. Query^ Whether now reconciled ?
On what terms the Regulars and Seculars stand in England
at this day, I neither know nor list to inquire. Probably they
have learned wit from our woes ; and our late sad differences
have occasioned their reconcilement. Only I learn this distinc-
tion from them : " The catholics as catholics agree always in matters
of faith ; but the best catholics as men may vary in their opinions.""*
• " Reply to Mr. N. Smith," preface, page 20.
6 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 365
I hope they will allow to us, what liberty they assume to them-
selves.
14, 15. Bishop Davenanfs Sermon at Court ; for which he
is convented before the Council. A. D, 1630.
Dr. John Davenant, bishop of Salisbury, preached his course on a
Sunday in Lent at Whitehall before the king and court, finishing a
text on Rom. vi. 23; the former part whereof he had handled the
year before. In prosecution whereof, it seems, he was conceived to
fall on some forbidden points ; insomuch that his majesty (whether
at first by his ov/n inclination, or others'* instigation, is uncertain)
manifested much displeasure thereat. Sennon ending, his adver-
saries at court hoped hereby to make him fall totally and finally^
from the king's favour, though missing their mark therein ; as, in
fine, it did appear.
Two days after he was called before the Privy Council ; where he
presented himself on his knees ; and so had still continued for any
favour he found from any of his own function there present. But
the temporal lords bad him arise and stand to his own defence, being
as yet only accused, not convicted. Dr. Harsnet, archbishop of
York, managed all the business against him, (bishop Laud, walking
by all the while in silence, spake not one word,) making a long
oration, uttered with much vehemency to this effect : —
First. He magnified king James's bounty unto him, who, from a
private master of a college in Cambridge, without any other imme-
diate preferment, advanced him by an unusual rise to the great and
rich bishopric of Salisbury.
Secondly. He extolled the piety and prudence of king Charles in
setting forth lately an useful Declaration, wherein he had com-
manded that many intricate questions, tending more to distraction
than edification of people, should utterly be forborne in preaching,
and which had already produced much peace in the church.
Thirdly. He aggravated the heinousness of the bishop's offence,
•who so ill requited his majesty's favour unto him as to offer, in his
own presence, in so great an auditory, to break his Declaration,
inviting others by his example to do the like.
Fourthly. That " high contempt" was the lowest term could be
given to such an offence, seeing ignorance could in no probability
be pretended in a person of his reputed learning and eminent
profession.
What the other answered hereunto will best appear by his own
letter written to his worthy friend Dr. Ward, giving him an exact
account of all proceedings herein in manner as followeth : —
366 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1630.
16. Bishop Davenaiifs Relation of the tvhole Matter in his
Letter to Dr. Ward.
" As for my court-business, tliougli it grieved me that the estab-
lished doctrine of our church should be distasted, yet it grieved me
the less, because the truth of what T delivered was acknowledged,
even by those which thought fit to have me questioned for the
delivery of it. Presently after my sermon was ended, it was signified
unto me by my lord of York, and my lord of Winchester, and my
lord Chamberlain, that his majesty was much displeased that I had
stirred this question which he had forbidden to be meddled withal,
one way or other. My answer was, that I had delivered nothing
but the received doctrine of our church established in the seven-
teenth Article, and tliat I was ready to justify the truth of what I
had then taught. Their answer was, the doctrine was not gainsaid ;
but his Highness had given commands, these question should not
be debated ; and therefore he took it more offensively that any
should be so bold as in his own hearing to break his royal commands.
And here my lord of York aggravated the offence, from many other
circumstances. My reply was only this, that I never understood
that his majesty had forbid a handling of any doctrine comprised in
the Articles of our church, but only raising of new questions, or
adding of new sense thereunto, which I had not done, nor ever
should do. This was all that passed betwixt us on Sunday night
after my sermon. The matter thus rested ; and I heard no more
of it, till, coming unto the Tuesday sermon, one of the clerks of
the council told me, that I was to attend at the Council-table the
next day at two of the clock. I told him I would wait upon their
lordships at the hour appointed. When I came thither, my lord of
York made a speech well nigh half an hour long, aggravating the
boldness of mine offence, and showing many inconveniences that it
was likely to draw after it. And he much insisted upon this, what
good effect his majesty's Declaration had wrought, how these con-
troversies had ever since been buried in silence, no man meddling
with them one w-ay or other. When his Grace had finished his
speech, I desired the lords, that, since I was called thither as an
offender, I might not be put to answer a long speech upon the
sudden, but that my lord's Grace would be pleased to charge me
point by point, and so to receive my answer ; for I did not yet
understand wherein I had broken any commandment of his majesty's,
which my lord in his whole discourse took for granted. Having
made this motion, I gave no further answer, and all the lords were
silent for a while. At length my lord's Grace said, I knew well
enough the point which was urged against me ; namely, the breach
of the king's Declaration. Then I stood upon this defence, that
G CHARLES I. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 36?
tlie doctrine of predestination which I taught was not forbidden by
the Declaration. First. Because in the Declaration all the Articles
are established ; amongst which, the Article of predestination is
one. Secondly. Because all ministers are urged to subscribe unto
the truth of the Article, and all subjects to continue in the pro-
fession of that as well as of the rest. Upon these and such like
grounds I gathered, it could not be esteemed amongst forbidden,
curious, or needless doctrines; and here I desired that out of any
clause in the Declaration it might be showed me, that, keeping
myself within the bounds of the Article, 1 had transgressed his
majesty's command. But the Declaration was not produced, nor
any particular words in it ; only this was urged that the king's will
was, that, for the peace of the church, these high questions should be
forborne. My answer then was, that I was sorry I understood not his
majesty's intention ; which if I had done before, I should have
made choice of some other matter to entreat of, which might have
given none offence ; and that, for the time to come, I should con-
form myself as readily as any other to his majesty's command.
The earl of Arundel seemed to approve of this my answer ; and
withal advised me to proceed no further in my defence. This is in
substance all which was done or said in this matter, and so I was
dismissed. The lords said nothing either in approbation of what I
had alleged, to show that I had not w^ittingly broken the king's
known command, or in confirmation of the contrary, urged against
me by my lord's Grace. At my departure I entreated their lord-
ships to let his majesty understand, that I had not boldly or wilfully
and wittingly, against his Declaration, meddled with the fore-named
point; and that now understanding fully his majesty's mind and
intention, I should humbly yield obedience thereunto. This busi-
ness thus ended, I went the next day to my lord Chamberlain,
and intreated him to do me the favour, that I might be brought
to kiss the king's hand before I went out of town ; which his lord-
ship most readily promised and performed. When I came in, his
majesty declared his resolution, that he would not have this high
point meddled withal or debated, either the one way or the other,
because it was too high for the people's understanding; and other
points, which concern reformation and newness of life, were more
needful and profitable. I promised obedience herein ; and so, kiss-
ing his majesty's hand, departed. I thought fit to acquaint you wdth
the whole carriage of this business, because I am afraid many false
reports will be made of it, and contrary one to another, as men
stand contrarily affected. I showed no letter or instructions, neither
have any but these general instructions, which king James gave us
at our going to Dort, w^hich make little or nothing to this business.
S6S CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1631.
l-sought amongst my papers, but could not find them on the sudden,
and I suppose you have them already. As for my sermon, the brief
heads were these : ' Eternal life is the gift of God, through Jesus
Christ our Lord,' Rom. vi. 23. As in the former part, I had spoken
of the threefold misery of the wicked ; so here I expounded the
threefold happiness of the godly to be considered : — 1. Happy in
the Lord whom they serve : God or Christ Jesus. 2. Happy in the
reward of their service : Eternal life. 3. Happy in the manner
of their reward : y^(xpKT[/.ot^ or gratuitum donum in Christo.
" The two former points were not excepted against. In the third
and last I considered eternal life in three divers instances : (1.) In
the eternal destination thereunto which we call ' election."* (2.) In
our conversion, regeneration, or justification, which I termed ' the
embryo of eternal life,"* John iv. 14 ; and, last of all, in our coro-
nation, when full possession of eternal life is given us. In all these
I showed it to be ^(^apicr/jta, or ' the free gift of God,"" through Christ,
and not procured or premerited by any special acts depending upon
the free-will of men. The last point, wherein I opposed the popish
doctrine of merit, was not disliked. The second, wherein I showed
the effectual vocation or regeneration (whereby we have eternal life
inchoated and begun in us) is a free gift, was not expressly taxed.
Only the first was it which bred the offence ; not in regard of the
doctrine itself, but because, as my lord''s Grace said, the king had
prohibited the debating thereof. And thus, having let you under-
stand the carriage of this business, I commit you to the protection
of the Almighty.''
17. The Death of Bishop Dove.
This year Thomas Dove, bishop of Peterborough, ended his life.
He was bred in Pembroke Hall, in Cambridge, chosen Tanquam
therein, which it seems is a Fellow in all things save the name
thereof; afterwards chaplain to queen Elizabeth, who made him
dean of Norwich, being much affected with his preaching, as wontr
to say, that " the Holy Ghost was again come down in the Dove." *
He was a constant housekeeper and reliever of the poor ; so that
such who in his life-time condemned him for covetousness, have
since justly praised his liospitality. Now, though doves are gene-
rally said to want gall, yet the nonconformists in his diocess will
complain of his severity in asserting ecclesiastical discipline, when
he silenced five of them in one morning, — on the same token that
king James is said to say, it might have served for five years. He
was an aged man, being the only queen Elizabeth's bishop of that
• Godwin in the Bishops of Peterborough ; and Sir John Harrington in Lis Con-
tinuation.
7 CHARLES T. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 369
province, which died in the reign of king Charles, living in a poor
bishopric, and leaving a plentiful estate ; to show that it is not the
moisture of the place, but the long lying of the stone, which
gatliereth the great moss therein. In a word : had he been more
careful in conferring of Orders (too commonly bestowed by him)
few of his Order had exceeded him for the unblamableness of his
behaviour.
18 — 21. Troubles begin in Oxford. An Appeal from the Vice-
Chancellor to the Proctors^ severely punished.) and ill-
resented. A.D. 1631.
Now began great discontents to gTOW up in the university of Oxford
on this occasion : Many conceived that innovations (defended by
others for renovations, and now only reduced, as used in the primi-
tive times) were multiplied in Divine service. Offended whereat,
they in their sermons brake out into (what was interpreted) bitter
invectives. Yea, their very texts gave some offence, one preaching
on Numbers xiv. 4 : " Let us make us a captain, and let us return
into E.o^ypt." Another, on 1 Kings xiii. 2 : " And he cried against
the altar in the word of the Lord, and said, O altar, altar!'"* &c. In
prosecution whereof they had not only tart reflection on some
eminent persons in the church, but also were apprehended to violate
the king's Declaration for the sopiting of all Arminian controversies.
Dr. Smith, warden of Wadham, convented the principal persons,
(namely, Mr. Thorn of Balliol College, and Mr. Ford of Magdalen
Hall,) as offenders against the king's Instructions, and ordered them
to bring in the copies of their sermons. They, suspecting partiality
in the vice-chancellor, appealed from him to the proctors, two men
of eminent integrity and ability, Mr. Atherton Bruch, and Mr.
John Doughty, who received their appeal, presuming the same jus-
tifiable by the statutes of the university. But, it seems, the proctors
were better scholars than lawyers ; except any will say both law and
learning must submit, when power is pleased to interpose.
Archbishop Laud did not like these retrograde appeals ; but, sen-
sible that his own strength moved rather ascendendo than descendendo.^
procured the cause to be heard before the king at Woodstock, where
it was so ordered, that, 1. The preachers complained of were
expelled the university. 2. The proctors were deprived of their
places for accepting their appeal. 3. Dr. Prideaux and Dr. Wilkin-
son were shrewdly checked for engaging in their behalf. The former
of these two doctors, ingenuously confessing to the king. Nemo mor-
talium omnibus horis sapit., wrought more on his majesty's affections,
than if he had harangued it with a long oration in his own defence.
The expulsion of these preachers expelled not but increased the
Vol. III. . B B
370 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1632.
differences in Oxford, which burned the more for blazing the less ;
many complaining that the sword of justice did not cut indifferently
on both sides, but that it was more penal for some to touch — than
others to break — the king's Declaration.
22 — 24. The Death of Mr. Hildersham ; often silenced and
restored. His long and assiduous Preaching.
This year ended the days of Mr. Arthur Hildersham, born at
Stechworth in the county, bred in Christ College in the university, of
Cambridge ; whose education was an experimental comment on the
Avords of David, " When my father and mother forsake me, then
the Lord taketh me up." Psalm xxvii. 10.
My father — Thomas Hildersham, a gentleman of an ancient
family.
And mother — Anne Pole, daughter to Sir Geoffrey, niece to
cardinal Pole, grandchild to Sir Richard Pole and Margaret coun-
tess of Salisbury, who was daughter to George duke of Clarence.
Forsake me — Quite casting him off, because he would not be
bred a papist, and go to Rome.
Then — An emphatical monosyllable, "just in that nick of time."
The Lord taketh me up — Not immediately, (miracles being
ceased,) but in and by the hands of Henry earl of Huntingdon, (his
honourable kinsman,) providing plentiful maintenance for him.
However, after he was entered in the ministry, he met with many
molestations, as hereby doth appear.
Silenced, 1. By the High Commission, 1590, in June. 2. By
bishop Chaderton, 1605, April 24. 3. By bishop Neile, 1611, in
November. 4. By the court at Leicester, 16o0, March 4.
Restored, 1. By the High Commission, 1591, in January. 2. By
bishop Barlow, 1608, in January. 3. By Dr. Ridley,* 1625,
June 20. 4. By the same court, 1631, August 2.
And now methinks I hear the Spirit speaking unto him, as once
to the prophet Ezekiel, xxiv. 27 : " Thou shalt speak, and be no
more dumb," singing now with the celestial choir of saints and
angels. Indeed, though himself a nonconformist, he loved all
honest men, were they of a different judgment, minded like Luther
herein, who gave for his motto, In quo aliquid Christi video, ilium
diligo.
He was minister of Ashby-de-la-Zouch forty and three years.
This putteth me in mind of Theodosius and of Valentinian, two
worthy Christian emperors; their constitutions making those Readers
of the civil law " Counts of the first Order," cum ad mginti annos
ohser'catione jugi, ac sedulo docendi labore pervenerint^-f "when
• Vicar-general to archbishop Abbot. t C. Theod. lib. ri. tit. 21.
o CHARLES I. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 371
with daily observation and diligent labour of teaching, they shall
aiTive at twenty years.'' Surely, the readers of God's law which
double that time shall not lose their reward.
25. The Death of Bolton.
The same year died Robert Bolton, born in Lancashire, bred in
Brasen-nose College, in Oxford, beneficed at Broughton in North-
amptonshire; an authoritative preacher, who majestically became the
pulpit, and whose life is exactly written at large,* to which I refer
such as desire farther satisfaction. And here may the reader be
pleased to take notice, that henceforward we shall on just grounds
forbear the description of such divines as yearly deceased. To say
nothing of them save the dates of their deaths, will add little to the
reader's information ; to say much in praise or dispraise of them,
(wherein their relations are so nearly concerned,) may add too much
to the writer's danger. Except therefore they be persons so emi-
nent for their learning, or active for their lives, as their omission
may make a maim in our History, we shall pass them over in silence
hereafter.
26 — 30. Impropriation- Feoffees questioned. Their first Acciisa-
tion^ and Answer thereunto. A second Charge against
them. They are overthrown. A.D. 1632.
Archbishop Laud began to look with a jealous eye on the feoffees
for impropriations, as who in process of time would prove a thorn
in the sides of episcopacy, and by their purchases become the prime
patrons, for number and greatness of benefices. This would
multiply their dependents, and give a secret growth to noncon-
formity. Whereupon by the archbishop's procurement a bill was
exhibited in the Exchequer Chamber, by Mr. Noy the Attorney
General, against the feoffees aforesaid ; and that great lawyer
endeavoured to overthrow (as one termed it) their apocrypha incor-
poration.
It was charged against them, First, that they diverted the charity
wherewith they were intrusted, to other uses,-|- when erecting a
lecture every morning at St, Antholin^s in London. What was this
but lighting candles to the sun, London being already the land of
Goshen, and none of those dark and far-distant corners where souls
were ready to famish for lack of the food of the word ? What
was this but a bold breach of their trust, even in the eye of the
kingdom ?
They answered, that London, being the chief staple of charity,,
• By my good friend, Mr. Bagshaw. t Being by their feoffment to erect them
where preaching was wanting.
2 B 2
372 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1633,
and the place where the principal contributors to so pious a -work
did reside, it was but fit that it should share in the benefit of their
bounty ; that they were not so confined to the uses in their feoff-
ment, but that in their choice they might reflect as well on the
eminency as necessity of the place ; that they expended much of
their own (as well as other men''s) money, and good reason they
should do therewith as they pleased.
It was pressed against them, that they generally preferred non-
conformists to the lectures of their erection. To this it was answered,
that none were placed therein but such whose sufficiency and con-
formity were first examined and approved, by the ordinary, to be to
such a degree as the law required. Yea, it is said that Mr. White,
one of the feoflTees, privately proifered bishop Laud at his house in
Fulham, that if he disliked either the persons who managed — or
order which they took in — this work, they would willingly submit
the alteration to his lordship's discretion.
In conclusion, the Court condemned their proceedings, as dan-
gerous to the church and state, pronouncing the gifts, feoffments,
and contrivances made to the uses aforesaid to be illegal ; and so
dissolved the same, confiscating their money unto the king's use.
Their criminal part was referred to, but never prosecuted in, the
Star-chamber ; because the design was generally approved, and both
discreet and devout men were (as desirous of the regulation, so)
doleful at the ruin of so pious a project.
31. The Death of Archbishop Harsnet.
Samuel Harsnet about this time ended his life ; born in Colchester,
bred Scholar, Fellow, Master of Pembroke Hall in Cambridge,
afterwards bishop of Chichester and Norwich, archbishop of York,
and Privy Counsellor. He was a zealous asserter of ceremonies,
using to complain of (the first I believe who used the expression)
conformable Puritans, who practised it out of policy, yet dissented
from it in their judgments. He lieth buried in Chigwell church
in Essex, (where he built a school,) with this epitaph, Indignus
ppiscopus Cicestrensis, indignior Norvicensis^ S^- indignissimns
archi-episcopus Eboracensis.
32. BradborrCs erroneous Opinion.
Now the Sabbatarian controversy began to be revived, which brake
forth into a long and hot contention. Theophilus Bradborn, a
minister of Suffolk, sounded the first trumpet to this fight, who,
some five years since, (namely, anno 1628,) set forth a book, dedi-
cated to his majesty, entitled, " A Defence of the most ancient and
gacred Ordinance of God, the Sabbath Day-, " maintaining therein,
y CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 373
1. The fourth commandment simply and entirely moral. 2. Chris-
tians, as well as Jews, obliged to the everlasting observation of that
day. 3. That the Lord's day is an ordinary working-day, it being
will- worship and superstition to make it a sabbath by virtue of the
fourth commandment. But whilst Mr. Bradborn was marching
furiously, and crying Victoria to himself, he fell into the ambush of
the High Commission, whosewell-tempered severity herein so prevailed
upon him, that, submitting himself to a private conference, and per-
ceiving the unsoundness of his own principles, he became a convert,
conforming himself quietly to the church of England.
33. Sabbatarian Controversies revived. A. D. 1633.
Francis White, bishop (formerly of Norwich, then) of Ely, was
employed by his majesty, to confute Mr. Bradborn's erroneous
opinion. In the writing whereof, some expressions fell from his
pen, whereat many strict people (but far enough from Bradborn's
conceit) took great distaste. Hereupon books begat books, and
controversies on this subject were multiplied, reducible to five prin-
cipal heads : —
1. What is the fittest name to signify the day set apart for God's
public service ?
2. When that day is to begin and end ?
3. Upon what authority the keeping thereof is bottomed ?
4. Whether or no the day is alterable ?
5. Whether any recreations, and what kinds of them, be lawful
on that day ?
And they are distinguishable into three several opinions : —
Sabbatarians. — 1. Are charged to affect the word "sabbath''
as a shibboleth in their writing, preaching, and discoursing, to dis-
tinguish the true Israelites from lisping Ephraimites, as a badge of
more pretended purity. As for Sunday, some would not have it
mentioned in Christian mouths, as resenting of Saxon idolatry, so
called from and dedicated to the sun, which they adored.
2. Some make the sabbath to begin on Saturday night, (" The
evening and the morning were the first day,") and others on the
next day in the morning; both agreeing on the extent thereof for
four-and -twenty hours.
3. They found it partly on the law and light of nature, deriving
some countenances for the septenary number out of heathen authors ;
and partly on the fourth commandment, which they avouch equally
moral with the rest.
4. The church, no, not ex plenitudine suw potestatis, mayor can
alter the same.
5. No exercises at all (walking excepted, with which strictness
374 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1633.
itself cannot be offended) are lawfid on this day. Insomuch as
some of them have been accused of turning the day of rest into the
day of torture and self-maceration.
Moderate men. — 1. Sabbath (especially if " Christian **" be pre-
mised) may inoffensively be used, as importing in the original only
" a rest.'"* And it is strange that some who have a dearness, yea
fondness, for some words of Jewish extraction (" altar," '' temple,*"
&c.) should have such an antipathy against the sabbath, Sunday
may not only safely be used, without danger of Paganism, but with
increase of piety, if, retaining the name, we alter the notion, and
there witli the notion thereof, because on that day " the Sun of Righ-
teousness did arise with healing in his wings,"" Mai. iv. 2. But the
most proper name is ' the Lord's day;' as ancient, used in the apostles*
time, Rev. i. 10 ; and most expressive, being both a historian and
preacher. For, the Lord's day, looking backward, mindeth us what
the Lord did for us thereon, rising from the dead : and, looking-
for ward, it monisheth us what we ought to do for him on the same,
^spending it to his glory, in the proper duties thereof.
2. The question is not of so great concernment. For, in all cir-
cular motions, it matters not so much where one beginneth, so be it
he continueth the same, until he return unto that point again.
Either of the aforesaid computations of the day may be embraced,
Dlesque quiesque redihit in orbem.
3. In the Lord's day three things are considerable : (1.) A day,
founded on the light of nature ; pure-impure Pagans destining whole
days to their idolatrous service. (2.) One day in seven, grounded
on the moral equity of the fpurth commandment ; which is like the
feet and toes of Nebuchadnezzar's image, part of potter's clay, and
part of iron, Dan. ii. 41. The clay part, and ceremonial moiety of
that commandment, (namely, that seventh day or Jewish sabbath,) is
mouldered away, and buried in Christ's grave. The iron part
thereof, namely, a mixture of morality therein, " one day in seven,"
is perpetual and everlasting. (3.) This seventh day (being indeed
the eighth from the creation, but one of the seven in the week) is
built on Divine right in a larger sense, having an analogy in the
Old and insinuations in the New Testament, with the continued
practice of the church.
4. Would be right glad of the general agreement of the Christian
church ; but, withal, right sorry that the same should be abused for
the alteration of the Lord's day. But, as there is but little hope
of the former; so is there no fear of the latter, it being utterly
imexpedient to attempt the altering thereof.
5. The sabbath (in some sort) was Lord (yea, tyrant) over the
Jews ; and they, by their superstition, contented vassals under it.
9 charlp:s i. book xi. cent. xvii. 375
Christ was " Lord of the sabbath,'' Matt. xii. 8, and struck out the
teeth thereof. Indeed, such recreations as are unlawful on any day
are most unlawful on that day ; yea, recreations doubtful on other
days are to be forborne on that day, on the suspicion of unlawful-
ness. So are all those which, by their over-violence, put people
past a praying capacity. Add also, those which, though acted after
evening-service, must needs be pre-acted by the fancy (such the
volatility thereof) all the day before, distracting the mind, though
the body be at church. These recreations forbidden, other inno-
cent ones may be permitted.
AxTi-sABBATARiANS. — 1. The word " sabbath," as now used,
containeth therein a secret magazine of Judaism ; as if the afFecters
thereof, by spiritual necromancy, endeavoured the reviving of dead
and rotten Mosaical ceremonies.
2. They confine the observation of the day, only to the few hours
of public service.
3. These unhinge the day off from any Divine right, and hang it
merely on ecclesiastical authority first introducing it, as custom and
consent of the church had since established it.
4. The universal consent of the Christian church may alter
it. Yea, one saith,* that the church of Geneva went about
to translate it to Thursday ; but, it seems, it was carried in the
negative.
5. Mixed dancings, masks, interludes, revels, &c. are by them
permitted in the intervals betwixt, but generally after evening-
service ended.
A worthy doctor, f who in his sermons at the Temple, no less
piously than learnedly, handled the point of the Lord's day, worthily
pressed, that gentlefolk were obliged to a stricter observation of the
Lord's day, than labouring people. " The whole have no need of
the physician, but those who are sick." Such as are not annihilated
with labour, have no title to be recreated with liberty. Let ser-
vants, whose hands are ever working, whilst their eyes are waking ;
let such, who all the foregoing week had their cheeks moistened
wdth sweat, and hands hardened with labour ; let such have some
recreation on the Lord's day indulged unto them ; whilst persons of
quality, who may be said to keep sabbath all the week long ; I
mean, who rest from hard labour, are concerned in conscience to
observe the Lord's day with the greater abstinence from recreations.
• PocKLKNGTON ill hid " Suiidiiy no Sabbath," page 8. t I>r. Paul 3Iickle-
waite.
^7^ CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1G34.
34 — 36. Troubles begin in Somersetshire. Judge Richardson s
Order against Lord''s-Day Revels ; ivhich he would not
revoke.
Pass we now from the pen to the practical part of the Sabbatarian
difference. Somersetshire was the stage, whereon the first and
fiercest scene thereof was acted. Here wakes (much different, I
dare say, from the watching prescribed by our Saviour) were kept on
the Lord^s day, with church-ales, bid-ales, and clerks'- ales. If the
reader know not the critical meaning and difference of these words,
I list not to be the interpreter ; and his ignorance herein neither is
any disgrace nor can be any damage unto him. The gentry of that
county, perceiving such revels the cause of many and occasion of
more misdemeanours, (many acts of wantonness bearing their dates
from such meetings,) importuned Sir Thomas Richardson, Lord
Chief Justice, and baron Denham, then Judges, riding the western
circuit in the Lent- vacation, to make a severe order for the sup-
pressing of all ales and revels on the Lord's day.
In compliance with their desire, the aforesaid Judges made an
order on the nineteenth day of March, founded on former prece-
dents signed by Judge Popham, Lord Chief Justice in the Jatter
end of queen Elizabeth's reign ; therein suppressing such revels, in
regard of the infinite number of inconveniences daily arising by
means thereof, enjoining the constables to deliver a copy thereof to
the minister of every parish ; who, on the first Sunday in February,
and likewise the tv-'o first Sundays before Easter, was to publish the
same every year.
The archbishop of Canterbury beheld this as an usurpation on
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and complained of the Judges to his
majesty ; procuring a commission to bishop Pierce and other divines,
to inquire into the manner of publishing this order, and the Chief
Justice's carriage in this business. Nothwithstanding all which, the
next assize, Judge Richardson gave another strict charge against
these revels, required an account of the publication and execution
of the aforesaid order, punishing some persons for the breach thereof.
After whose return to London the archbishop sent for him, and
commanded him to revoke his former Order, as he would answer the
contrary at his peril, telling him it was his majesty's pleasure he
should reverse it. The Judge alleged it done at the request of the
Justices of the Peace in the county, with the general consent of the
whole bench, on the view of ancient precedents in tliat kind. How-
ever, the next assize, A.D. 1634, he revoked his Order with this
limitation,* "as much as in him lay." At what time also the Justices
of the Peace in Somersetshire, who in birth, brains, spirit, and
estate were inferior to no county in England, drew up a humble
10 CHARLES I. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 377
petition to his majesty for the suppressing of the aforesaid unlawful
assemblies, concurring with the Lord Chief Justice therein, sending
it up by the hand of the custos rotulorum^ to deliver it to the earl
of Pembroke, lord lieutenant of their county, to present it to his
majesty.
37 — 44. The King's Declaration. The Archbishop eoccuseth
himself. No Injuiiction to the Ministers ; yet some
silenced for Refusal to read the Boole. Moderation of
some Bishops therein. Licentiousness increaseth. Con-
ceived^ by some., a concurring Cause of our Civil Wars. A
sad Alteration. A. D. 1634.
Just in this juncture of time a Declaration for sports, set forth
the fifteenth of king James, was revived and enlarged. For, his
majesty, being troubled with petitions on both sides, thought good
to follow his father's royal example upon the like occasion in Lan-
cashire ; and we refer the reader to what we have written before,*
for arguments pro and con about the lawfulness of public reading
thereof.
It was charged, at his trial, on the archbishop of Canterbury, that
he had caused the reviving and enlarging of this Declaration ; strong
presumptions being urged for the proof thereof. He denied it, yet
professing his judgment for recreations on that day, alleging the
practice of the church of Geneva allowing -shooting in long bows,
&c. thereon ; adding also, that, though indulging liberty to others,
in his own person he strictly observed that day : a self-praise, or
rather self-purging, because spoken on his life, which seemed uttered
without pride and with truth, and was not clearly confuted. Indeed,
they are the best carvers of liberty on that day, who cut most for
others, and leave least for themselves.
However, there was no express in this Declaration, that the
minister of the parish should be pressed to the publishing. Many
counted it no minister's work, and more proper for the place of the
constable or tithing-man to perform it. Must they, who were (if
not worst able) most unfitting, hold the candle to lighten and let in
licentiousness ? But, because the Judges had enjoined the ministers
to read their order in the church, the king's Declaration was enforced
by the bishops to be published by them in the same place.
As for such whose consciences reluctated to publish the Declara-
tion, various were their evasions. Some left it to their curates to
read. Nor was this the plucking-out of a thorn from their own, to
put it in another man's conscience, seeing their curates were per-
suaded of the lawfulness thereof. Others read it indeed themselves,
* See the I5th of king James, in this volume, sect. iv. pages 270—273, parag. 58— 63.
o78 GHUIICH HISTOUY Ol BRITAIN. A.D. 1634.
but presently after read the fourth commandment. And was this
fair play, setting God and their king (as they conceived) at odds,
that so they themselves might escape in the fray ? Others point-
blank refused the reading thereof; for which some of them were
suspended ab officio et henejicio, some deprived, and more molested
in the High Commission ; it being questionable, whether their suf-
ferings procured more pity to them, or more hatred to the causers
thereof.
All bishops urged not the reading of the book with rigour alike,
nor punished the refusal with equal severity. I hear the loudest, long-
•est, and thickest complaints come from the diocess of Norwich, and of
Bath and Wells. I knew a bishop in the west, (to whom I stood
related in kindred and service,) who, being pressed by some to
return the names of such as refused to read the book, to the arch-
bishop of Canterbury, utterly denied : and his words to me were
these : " I will never turn an accuser of my brethren ; there be
enough in the world to take that office." As for the archbishop of
Canterbury, much was his moderation in his own diocess, silencing
but three (in whom also a concurrence of other nonconformities)
through the whole extent thereof. But O the necessity of the
general day of judgment ! wherein all men"'s actions shall be
expounded according to their intentions, which here are interpretable
according to other men's inclinations. The archbishop's adversaries
imputed this, not to hii? charity, but policy ; fox-like preying farthest
from his own den, and instigating other bishops to do more than he
w^ould appear-in himself. As for his own visitation-articles, some
complained they were but narrow as they were made, and broad as
they were measured ; his under-officers improving and enforcing the
same, by their inquiries, beyond the letter thereof.
Many complain that man's badness took occasion to be worse,
under the protection of these sports permitted unto them. For,
although liberty on the Lord's day may be so limited in the notions
of learned men, as to make it lawful, it is difficult (if not impossible)
so to confine it in the actions of lewd people, but that their liberty
will degenerate into licentiousness.
Many moderate men are of opinion, that this abuse of the Lord's
day was a principal procurer of God's anger, since poured out on this
land, in a long and bloody civil war. Such observe, that our fights
of chief concernment were often fought on the Lord's day, as point-
ing at the punishing of the profanation thereof. Indeed, amongst
so many battles which in ten years' time have rent the bowels of
England, some on necessity would fall on that day, (seeing we have
bc-rubricked each day in the week, almost in the year, with English
blood,) and therefore to pick a solemn providence out of a common
10 CHARLES 1. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 879
casualty, savours more of curiosity than conscience. Yet, seeing
Edgeliill -fight (which first brake the peace, and made an irrecon-
cilable breach betwixt the two parties) was fought on that day, and
some battles since of greatest consequence, there may be more in the
observation than what many are willing to acknowledge. But, what-
soever it is which hence may be collected, sure I am, those are the
best Christians who least censure others, and most reform them-
selves.
But here it is much to be lamented, that such who, at the time of
the Sabbatarian controversy, were the strictest observers of the
Lord's day, are now reeled by their violence into another extreme,
— to be the greatest neglecters, yea, contemners thereof. These
transcendents accounting themselves mounted above the predicament
of common piety, aver they need not keep any, because they keep
all days Lord's-days, in their elevated holiness. But, alas ! Chris-
tian duties, said to be ever done, will prove never done, if not
sometimes solemnly done. These are the most dangerous levellers,
equalling all times, places, and persons, making a general confusion
to be Gospel-perfection. Whereas, to speak plainly, we in England
are, rehiis sic stantibus^ concerned now more strictly to observe the
Lord's day than ever before. Holy days are not, and holy eves
are not, and Wednesday and Friday Litanies are not, and Lord's-
day eves are not ; and now some out of error, and others out of
profaneness, go about to take away the Lord's day also. All
these things make against God's solemn and public service. O let
not his public worship, now contracted to fewer channels, have also
a shallower stream ! But enough of this subject : wherein if I
have exceeded the bounds of a historian, by being too large therein,
such will pardon me who know (if pleasing to remember) that
divinity is my proper profession.
45, 46. Irish Impropriatioiis restored. The thirty-nine Articles
received in Ireland.
At this time miserable the maintenance of the Irish clergy, where
scandalous means made scandalous ministers. And yet a popish
priest would grow fat in that parish where a protestant would be
famished, as have not their livelihood on the oblations of those of
Uieir own religion. But now such impropriations as were in the
crown, by the king, were restored to the church, to a great diminu-
tion of the royal revenue ; though his majesty never was sensible
of any loss to himself, if thereby gain might redound to God, in
his ministers. Bishop Laud was a worthy instrument in moving
the king to so pious a work : and yet this his procuring the restoring
of Irish — did not satisfy such discontented at his obstructing the
^80 CHURCH HISTORY OF J3RITAIX. A.D. 1635.
buying-in of English — impropriations : thus those conceived to
have done hurt at home will hardly make reparations with other
good deeds at distance.
A Convocation (concurrent with a Parliament) w^as called and
kept at Dublin in Ireland, wherein the thirty-nine Articles of the
church of England were received in Ireland for all to subscribe
unto. It was adjudged fit, seeing that kingdom complies with
Ensfland in the civil government, it should also conform thereto in
matters of religion. Mean time the Irish Articles, concluded for-
merly in a synod, 1616, (wherein Arminianism was condemned in
terminis terminantibus^ and the observation of the Lord*'s day
resolved y«^r^ Divino,) were utterly excluded.
47. Bishop Laud refuseth a CardinaVs Cap.
A cardinal's cap, once and again offered by the pope to bishop
Laud, was as often refused by him. The fashion thereof could not
fit his head, who had studied and Avritten so much against the
Romish religion. He who formerly had foiled the Fisher himself
in a public disputation, would not now be taken with so silly a bait,
but acquainted the king therewith ; thnuit Romam tel dona feren-
tem^ refusing to receive any thing from Rome till she was better
reformed.
48, 49. Bishop Juxon made Lord Treasurer. His commendable
Carriage. A.D. 1635.
March 6th, Dr. William Juxon, bishop of London, was by
bishop Laud's procurement made lord treasurer of England, entering
on that office with many and great disadvantages. First. Because
no clergyman had executed the same, since William Grey, bishop
of Ely, almost two hundred years ago, in the reign of king Edward
IV. Secondly. Because the treasury was very poor ; and if, in
private houses bare walls make giddy housewives, in princes'
palaces empty coiFers make unsteady statesmen. Thirdly. Because
a very potent (I cannot say " competitor,"*"* the bishop himself being
never a petitor for the place, but) " desirer" of this office was frus-
trated in his almost-assured expectation of the same to himself.
However, so discreet his carriage in that place, it procured a
general love unto him ; and politic malice, despairing to bite,
resolved not to bark at him. He had a perfect command of his
passion, (a happiness not granted to all clergymen in that age,
though Privy Counsellors,) slow, not of speech as a defect, but to
speak, out of discretion ; because, when speaking, he plentifully
paid the principal and interest of his auditors"* expectation. No
hands, having so much money passing through them, had their
11 CHARLES r. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 381
fingers less soiled therewith. It is probable, his frugality would
have cured the consumption of the king's exchequer, had not the
unexpected Scotch commotion put it into a desperate relapse. In
this particular he was happy above others of his Order, that whereas
they may be said in some sort to have left their bishoprics, (flying
into the king's quarters for safety,) he staid at home till his bishopric
left him, roused from his swan's nest at Fulham for a bird of another
feather to build therein.
50. Archbishop Laud presses Conformitij.
Dr. Laud, formerly archbishop in power, now so in place, after
the decease of bishop Abbot, this year kept his metropolitical visita-
tion, and henceforward conformity was more vigorously pressed than
before : insomuch that a minister was censured in the High Com-
mission for this expression in a sermon, that " it was suspicious that
now the night did approach, because the shadows were so much
longer than the body, and ceremonies more in force than the power
of godliness." And now many differences about Divine worship
began to arise, whereof many books were written pro and con ; so
common in all hands, that my pains may be well spared in render-
ing a particular account of what is so universally known. So that a
word or two will suffice.
51 — 55. Our Churches succeed not to the Temple, hut Syna-
gogues. Adoration towards the Altar, disliked by many.
One controversy was about the holiness of our churches ; some
maintaining that they succeed to the same degree of sanctity with
the tabernacle of Moses, and temple of Solomon ; which others
flatly denied. First. Because the tabernacle and temple were, and
might be, but one at a time ; whilst our churches, without fault, may
be multiplied without any set number. Secondl}. They both for
their fashion, fabric, and utensils, were jure Dlmno, their architects
being inspired ; whilst our churches are the product of human
fancy. Thirdly. God gloriously appeared both in the tabernacle
and temple ; only graciously present in our churches. Fourthly.
The temple was a type of Christ's body ; which ours are not.
More true it is, our churches are heirs to the holiness of the Jewish
synagogues, which were many, and to which a reverence was due as
publicly destined to Divine service.
Not less the difference about the manner of adoration to be used
in God's house ; which some w^ould have done towards the commu-
nion-table, as the most remarkable place of God's presence. Those
used a distinction between bowing ad altare, " towards the altar,"
as directing their adoration that way, and ad altare, " to the altar,"
82 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1637.
^s termmatlng their worship tlierein ; the latter they detested as
idolatrous, the former they defended as lawful and necessary. Such
a slovenly unmannerliness had lately possessed many people in their
approaches to God's house that it was high time to reform,
Mai. i. 7.
But such as disliked the gesture, could not or would not under-
stand the distinction, as in the suburbs of superstition. These,
allowing some corporal adoration lawful, yea, necessary, seeing no
reason [why] the moiety of man, yea, the total sum of him which is
visible, his body, should be exempted from God's service, except sucli
a writ of ease could be produced and proved from Scripture. But
they were displeased with this adoration, because such as enjoin it
maintain one kind of reverence due to the very place, another to
the elements of the sacraments, if on the table, a third to God him-
self: these several degrees of reverence ought to be railed about as
well as the communion-table and clearly distinguished, lest that be
given to the creature which belongs to the Creator, and such as
shun profanation run into idolatry.
A controversy was also started about the posture of the Lord's
board, communion-table, or altar; the last name beginning now in
many men's mouths to out the two former. Some would have it
constantly fixed with the sides east and west, ends north and south, on
a graduated advance next the east wall of the chancel ; citing a canon
and the practice in the king's chapel for the same. Others pressed
the queen's injunctions, that (allowing it at other times to stand,
but not altar-wise, in the chancel) it ought to be set in the body of
the church when the sacrament is celebrated thereon.
Such the heat about this altar till both sides had almost sacrificed
up their mutual charity thereon ; and this controversy was prosecuted
with much needless animosity. This mindeth me of a passage in-
Cambridge, v>^hen king James was there present, to whom a great
person complained of the inverted situation of a college-chapel,
(north and south,) out of design to put the House to the cost of
new-building the same : To whom the king answered : " It matters
not how the chapel stands, so their hearts who go thither be set
aright in God's service." Indeed, if moderate men had had the
managing of these matters, the accommodation had been easy with a
little condescension on both sides. But as a small accidental heat
or cold (such as a healthful body would not be sensible of) is
enough to put him into a fit who was formerly in latitudine fehris^
so men's minds, distempered in this age with what I may call " a
mutinous tendency," were exasperated with such small occasions
which otherwise might have been passed over and no notice taken
thereof.
13 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. t^ENT. XVII. 383
56 — 61. Mr. William Prynne, accused for libelling against the
Bishops. Dr. BasticicWs Accusation. Mr. Burtons Char-
acter ; the Cause of his Discontent. Their Fault-general.
A. D. 1637.
For now, Wednesday, June 14th, came the censure of Mr.
Prynne, Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Burton ; and we must go a little
backwards, to take notice of the nature of their offences. Mr.
William Prynne, born about Bath in Somersetshire, bred some
time in Oxford, afterwards utter barrister of LincolnVInn, began
with the writing of some useful and orthodox books.* I have heard
some of his detractors account him as only the hand of a better head,
setting forth at first the endeavours of others. Afterwards he
delighted more to be numerous with many — than ponderous with
select — quotations ; which maketh his books to swell with the loss
oft-times of the reader, sometimes of the printer ; and his pen,
generally querulous, hath more of the plaintiff than of the defendant
therein.
Some three years since he set forth a book called " Histriomastix.,
or the Whip of Stage-players."" Whip so held and used by his hand
that some conceived the lashes thereof flew into the face of the queen
herself, as much delighted in masks ; for which he was severely
censured to lose liis ears on the pillory, and for a long time (after
two removals to the Fleet) imprisoned in the Tower ; where he wrote
and whence he dispersed new pamphlets, which were interpreted to
be libels against the established discipline of the church of England,
for which he was indicted in the Star-chamber.
Dr. John Bastwick, by vulgar en'or generally mistaken to be a
Scotchman, was born at Writtle in Essex, bred a short time in
Emmanuel College, then travelled nine years beyond the seas, made
doctor of physic at Padua. Returning home, he practised it at
Colchester, and set forth a book in Latin, (wherem his pen com-
manded a pure and fluent style,) entitled Flagellum Pontijicis et
Episcoporum Latialium. But it seems he confined not his character
so to the Latian bishops beyond the Alps, but that our English
prelates counted themselves touched therein. Hereupon he was
accused in the High Commission, committed to the Gatehouse ;
where he wrote a second book, taxing the injustice of the proceedings
of the High Commission, for which he was indicted in the Star-
chamber.
Mr. Henry Burton, minister, rather took a snap than made a
meal in any university, was first schoolmaster to the sons of the lord
Carey, afterwards earl of Monmouth, whose lady was governess to
• « The Perpetuity of the Regenerate Man's Estate."
384 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1687-
king Charles when prince. And this opportunity, say some, more
than his own deserts, preferred him to the service of prince Charles,
"being designed (as I have heard) to wait on him in Spain ; but
afterwards, when part of his goods were shipped for the voyage,
excluded the attendance : — whether because his parts and learning
were conceived not such as to credit our English church in foreign
countries, or because his principles were accounted uncomplying
with that employment.
The crudity of this affront lay long on his mind ; hot stomachs
(contrary to corporal concoction) being in this kind the slowest of
digestion. After the venting of many mediate discontents, on the
last fifth of November he took for his text. Proverbs xxiv. 21 : " My
son, fear thou the Lord and the king : and meddle not with them that
are given to change.''"' This sermon was afterwards printed, charging
the prelates for introducing of several innovations into Divine
worship ; for which, as a libel, he w^as indicted in the Star-chamber.
But the fault-general, which at this day was charged on these
three prisoners at the bar in the Star-chamber, was this : That they
had not put in their effectual answer into that Court wherein they
were accused, though sufficient notice and competent time was
allowed them for the performance thereof. The lord keeper Coven-
try minded them, that, for such neglect, they had a precedent,
wherein the Court after six days had taken a cause pro confesso ;
whereas the favour of six weeks was allowed unto them, and now
leave given them to render reason, why the Court should not proceed
to present censure.
62 — 65. Mr. Prynnes Plea rejected^ aiid Ms Ansiver refused.
So is Dr. BastivicWs. Mr. Burtoii's cast out for imperfect.
Hereat Mr. Prynne first moved, that they would be pleased to
accept a cross bill (which he there tendered) against the prelates.
This the lord keeper refused to accept of at the present, as not being
the business of the day. Then he moved that the prelates might be
dismissed the Court ; it being agreeable neither to nature, reason,
nor justice, that those who were their adversaries should be their
judges. This also was rejected by the lord keeper, because, by the
same proportion, had he libelled against the temporal lords, judges,
and privy counsellors in the place, by this plea none should pass
censure upon them, because all were made parties.
Mr. Prynne proceeded to show he had done his endeavour to
prepare his answer, being hindered, First, by his close imprisonment,
denied pen, ink, and paper ; and by the imprisonment also of his
servant, who was to solicit his business ; that the Counsel assigned
him came very late ; and, though twice paid for their pains, deferred
IS CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. '385
the drawing-up of his answer, and durst not set their hands unto it.
Mr. Hole, one of his Counsel being present, confessed that he
found his answer would be very long, and of such a nature as he
durst not subscribe it, fearing to give their lordships distaste.
Dr. Bastwick, being spoken to, to speak for himself, why he
brought not in his answer before, laid the blame on the cowardice of
his counsel that durst not sign it for fear of the prelates. He there
tendered his answer on oath with his own hand, which would not be
accepted. He spake much of his own abilities, that he had been a
soldier able to lead an army of men into the field, and now was a
physician able to cure kings, princes, and emperors ; and therefore
how unworthy it was to curtallize his ears, generally given out, by the
bishops'* servants, as a punishment intended unto him. He minded
them of the mutability of all earthly things, and chiefly of the changes
in the Court ; where he,* lately the chief judge therein, was the next
day to have his own cause censured ; wishing them seriously to
consider, that some who now sat there on the Bench might stand
prisoners at the Bar another day, and need the favour which now
they denied.
Mr. Burton, being asked what he could allege, why the Court
should not take his fault pj'O confesso, pleaded that he had put in his
answer, drawn up with great pains and cost, signed by his counsel,
and received into the Court. The lord keeper rejoined that the
judges had cast his answer out as imperfect; judge Finch affirming
that they did him a good turn in making it imperfect, being other-
wise as libellous as his book, and deserving a censure alone.
66 — 68. The severe Censure ; esteemed too low, by some ;
too high, by most.
Here the prisoners, desiring to speak, were commanded silence ;
and, the premisses notwithstanding, the Court proceeded to censure;
namely, that they should lose their ears in the palace- yard at West-
minster, fining them also five thousand pounds a man to his majesty,
perpetual imprisonment in three remote places. The lord Finch
added to Mr. Prynne's censure, that he should be branded in each
cheek with S. L. for Slanderous Libeller ; to which the whole court
agreed. The archbishop of Canterbury made a long speech, since
printed, to excuse himself from the introducing of any innovations
in the church, concluding it, that he left the prisoners to God's
mercy and the king's justice.
It w^ill be lawful and safe to report the discourse of several per-
sons hereon. This censure fell out scarce adequate to any judg-
ment, as conceiving it either too low, or too high, for their offence.
• The hisbop of Lincoln.
Vol. III. ( c
886 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1637.
High conformists counted it too low, and that it had been better if
the pillory had been cheanged into a gallows. They esteemed it
improvident, (but by their leaves more of Machiavel than of Christ
in such counsel,) to kindle revenge, and not to quench life, in such
turbulent spirits. The only way with them had been to rid them
out of the way.
Most moderate men thought the censure too sharp, too base, and
ignominious, for gentlemen of their ingenuous vocation. Besides,
though it be easy in the notion, it is hard in the action, to fix shame
on the professors — and sever it from the professions — of Divinity,
Law, and Physic. As for the former, though Burton was first
degraded,* June 27th, yet such who maintain an indelible character
of priesthood hold, that degradation cannot delete what ordination
hath impressed ; and, grant the censure pronounced ad terror em^ it
might have become the bishops to mediate for a mitigation thereof.
Let canvass be rough and rugged, lawn ought to be soft and smooth;
meekness, mildness, and mercy being more proper for men of the
episcopal function.
69 — 75. Mr. Burtoris Words on the Pillory. Several Cen-
sures on his Behaviour. Mr. BastwicHs Speech. Many
Men, many Minds. Mr. Prynnes Speech. His Behaviour
at the Censure, Their Removal.
Two days after, June oOth, three pillories were set up in the
palace-yard, or one double one, and a single one at some distance
for Mr. Prynne as the chief offender. Mr. Burton first suffered,
making a long speech in the pillory, not entire and continued, but
interrupted with occasional expressions. But the main intent thereof
was to parallel his suflPerings with our Saviour'^s. For at the first
sight of the pillory, " Methinks,"" said he, " T see Mount Calvary
whereon the three crosses were erected. If Christ was numbered
amongst thieves, shall a Christian think much for his sake to be
numbered amongst rogues ? " And whereas one told an halberter
standing by, who had an old rusty halbert, (the iron whereof was
tacked to the staff with an old crooked nail,) " What an old rusty
weapon is this ! "'' Mr. Burton, overhearing them, answered : "It
seems to be one of those halberts which accompanied Judas when
Christ was betrayed and apprehended."
His ears were cut off very close ; so that, the temporal or head
artery being cut, the blood in abundance streamed down upon the
scaffold ; all which he manfully endured, without manifesting the
least shrinking thereat. Indeed, of su^h who measured his mind by
his words, some conceived his carriage far above — others (though
• By Sir John Lamb in tlie High Commission in St. Paul's,
13 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVI I. .*387
using the same scale) suspected the same to be somewhat beside —
himself. But let such who desire more of his character consult with
his printed life, written with his own hand, though it be hard for the
most excellent artist truly to draw his own picture.
Dr. Bastwick succeeded him, making a speech to this effect : —
" Here are many spectators of us who stand here as delinquents ;
yet am I not conscious to myself of the least trespass, wherein I have
deserved this outward shame. Indeed, I wrote a book against anti-
christ the pope ; and the pope of Canterbury said it was written
against him. But were the pre'ss open unto us, we would scatter his
kingdom, and fight courageously against Gog and Magog. There
be many here that have set many days apart on our behalf, (let the
prelates take notice thereof,) and have sent up strong prayers to God
for us ; the strength and fruit whereof we have felt all along in this
cause. In a word, so far am I from fear or care that had I as much
blood as vv'ould swell the Thames," (then visible unto him, his face
respecting the south,) " I would lose every drop thereof in this
cause."
His friends much admired and highly commended the erection of
his mind, triumphing over pain and shame, making the one easy, the
other honourable ; and imputed the same to an immediate spiritual
support. Others conceived that anger in him acted the part of
patience, as to the stout undergoing of his sufferings ; and that, in
a Christian, there lieth a real distinction betwixt spirit and stomach,
valour and stubbornness.
Mr. Prynne concluded the sad sight of that day, and spake to
this purpose : — " The cause of my standing here is for not bringing
in my answer. God knoweth, my conscience beareth witness, and
my counsel can tell, for I paid them twice, though to no purpose.
But their cowardice stands upon record. And that is the reason why
they did proceed, and take the cause pro con/esso against me. But
rather than I would have my cause a leading cause to the depriving
of the subjects' liberties, which I seek to maintain, I choose to suffer
my body to become an example of this punishment."'''
The censure was with all rigour executed on him, and he who felt
the most, fretted the least ; commended for more kindly patience
than either of his predecessors in that place. So various were men's
fancies in reading the same letters, imprinted in his face, that some
made them to spell the guiltiness of the sufferer, but others the
cruelty of the imposer. Of the latter sort many for the cause, more
for the man, most for humanity's sake, bestowed pity upon him. And
now all three were remanded to their former prisons ; and Mr.
Prynne, as he returned by water to the Tower, made this distich
upon his own stigmatizing : —
2c2
388 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1637.
S. L.
Stigmata maxillis referens, insignia Latidis,
E.rultans remeo, victima grata Deo.
Not long after they were removed : Mr. Prynne to Carnarvon Cas^
tie in Wales : Dr. Bastwick and Mr. Burton, the one to Lancaster
Castle, the other to Lannceston in Cornwall.
But, it seems, these places were conceived to have, either too little
of privacy, or too much of pleasure. The two latter, therefore,
were removed again ; one to the Isle of Scilly, the other to the Isle
of Guernsey, and Mr. Prynne to Momit-Orgueil Castle in Jersey.
This, in vulgar apprehensions, added breadth to the former depth of .
their sufferings, scattering the same over all the English dominions,
making the islands thereof as well as the continent partake of their
patience. And here we leave them all in their prisons, and par-
ticularly Mr. Prynne improving the rocks and the seas (good spirit
tual husbandry !) with pious meditations. But we shall hear more
of them hereafter at the beginning of the parliament.
7^ — 85. A Preparative to the Censure of the Bishop of Lincoln.
The Bishop's Discourse at the Table with Sir John Lamb,
[ivho'\ informed against him in the Star-Chamber. Deserteth
his Intents of compounding with the King. Puts i7i an
especial Ansicer. Kilvert entertained his Prosecutor,
Pregion, a principal Witness of the Bishop^ much molested.
Subornation of Perjury charged on the Bishop. In vain
endeavoureth a Composition with the King ; frustrated
therein by his great Adversary.
Next came the bishop of Lincoln to be censured in the Star-
chamber ; and something must be premised preparative thereunto.
After the Great Seal, some ten years since, was taken from him, he
retired himself to Bugden in Huntingdonshire, where he may be
said to have lived in a public privacy. So many his visitants, hos-
pitable his house -keeping ; it being hard to say, whether his table
were more free and full in diet or discourse. Indeed, he had a
plentiful estate to maintain it, beside his purchased land, the
revenues of his bishopric and deanery of Westminster, out of which
long since he had been shaken, if not fastened therein by the letters
patents of king James. His adversaries beheld him with envious
eyes ; and one great prelate plainly said, in the presence of the king,
that the bishop of Lincoln lived in as much pomp and plenty as
any cardinal in Rome, for diet, music, and attendance. They
resolved therefore to humble his height, the concurrence of many
matters ministering occasion thereunto.
Sir John Lamb, Dean of the Arches, formerly a favourite of
13 CHARLES 1. BOOK. XI. CENT. XVII. ^^^
Lincoln, (fetched oiF from being prosecuted in parliament, and
knighted by his means,) with Dr. Sibthorp, Allen, and Burden,
(two proctors, as I take them,) were entertained at the bishop's table
at Bugden, where their talk was (the discourse-general of those
days) against Puritans. The bishop advised them to take off their
heavy hand from them, informing them that his majesty intended to
use them hereafter wdth more mildness, as a considerable party,
having great influence on the Parliament, without whose concur-
rence the king could not comfortably supply his necessities : addmg
moreover, that his majesty had communicated this unto him by his
own mouth, with his resolutions hereafter of more gentleness to
men of that opinion.
Some years after, upon the denial of an officiafs place in Leices-
tershire, {which, notwithstanding, he carried in despight of the
bishop,) Sir John Lamb fell foul with his old friend, and in revenge
complained of him for revealing the king's secrets concredited to his
privacy. Hereupon Attorney Noy was employed to put the same
into an information in the Star-chamber ; unto which bishop
Williams by good advice of counsel did plead and demur, as con-
taining no matter fit for the cognizance of that Court, as concerning
words spoken of matters done in Parliament, and secrets pretended
to be revealed by him, a Privy Counsellor and Peer of Parliament,
and therefore not to be heard but in that high court. This demurrer,
being heard and argued by counsel pro and con in open court for
two or three hours, (the lord keeper, and other lords there present,
finding no cause nor colour to over-rule it,) was referred to judge
Richardson (who lately having singe-ed his coat from blasts at the
court) by him to be smothered, who in a private chamber pre-
sently after dinner over-ruled the same in a quarter of an hour.
The demurrer thus rendered useless in the bishop's defence, he
used what means he could by the lord Weston (a proper person,
because treasurer, to meddle in money-matters) to compound with
his majesty. But his majesty resolved to have the bishop's answer,
and confession of his fault, before he would compound with him.
Whereupon the bishop, quitting all thoughts of composition,
resolved to weather out the tempest of his majesty's displeasure at
open sea ; either out of confidence of the strength of his tackling,
his own innocence, or skill of his pilots, who were to steer his suit,
having the learnedest counsel of the land, by whose advice he put in
a strong plea ; which, likewise being argued and debated in open
court, came at last to the same untimely end with the demurrer, as
referred to judge Richardson, and smothered by him in a chamber.
This plea thus over-ruled, the bishop put in an especial answer to
the information, declaring hoAv all was grounded by n conspiracy
390 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1637.
and combination of the persons named in the Bill ; to wit, Lamb,
Sibthorp, Allen, and Burden, out of an intent to advance them-
selves, and hatred they bare to him, for not permitting them to poll
and pill the king's subjects in Leicestershire, in their ecclesiastical
courts, by haling them into their nets ex officio mero without any
previous complaint, under an imaginary colour of Puritanism. To
this especial answer, Attorney Noy rejoined in issue, admitting the
bishop to prove his especial matters, who proceeded to the examina-
tion of his witnesses therein.
Now began Attorney Noy to grow weary of the matter, and
became slow and remiss in the prosecution thereof; — whether out of
respect to the bishop, whom he honoured, (though tart in terms
against him, to please a greater prelate,) or out of consciousness that
more weight was hung thereon, than the slender wires of- the canse
would bear. Hereupon Richard Kilvert was entertained to follow
the suit, (though not entering himself, as he ought, prosecutor upon
record,) at the best being a necessary evil, to do what an honest
man would be ashamed of. Indeed, like an English mastiff, he would
fiercely fly upon any person or project, if set on with promise of
profit : and having formerly made his breakfast on Sir John Bennet,
he intended to dine and sup on the bishop. And though his strength
consisted much in a cunning head, yet far more in an able back, as
seconded in this suit and abetted from the Court in his undertakings.
This Kilvert so wrought himself into Warren, an examiner of the
Star-chamber, that, some say, contrary to his oath he revealed unto
him that the testimony of one John Pregion, register of Lincoln and
Leicester, was most material in the bishop's defence.
Then was it Kilvert's design touncreditthe testimony of Pregion,
by charging him with several accusations, particularly getting a bas-
tard, (though being no matters upon record,) to take away the
validity of his witness. The bishop, apprehending himself necessi-
tated to weigh up Pregion's repute, engaged himself more zealously
therein than was conceived consistent with the gravity of so great a
prelate for so inconsiderable a person ; especially to such who knew
not, that Dr. Morrison and this Pregion were the only persons of
note present at the bishop's table when the discourse passed betwixt
him and Sir John Lamb. The bastard laid to his charge is bandied
at Lincoln sessions, backward and forward betwixt Pregion and
another. The first court fathers it upon him, the next freed him
from it, and a third returned it upon him again. This last order of
sessions was again dissolved as illegal, by the Judges of the King's
Bench, and Pregion cleared from the child charged on him ; Sir
.lohn Munson, a Justice of that county, appearing very active against
him, and the bishop no less earnest in his behalf.
13 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 891
Here happened the occasion of that which was afterwards so
highly charged, and heavily censured, on the bishop Williams;
namely, tampering to suborn witnesses. Henceforward Kilvert let
fall his first information, which from this day sunk in silence ; and
employed all his power on the proof of subornation. That bandog
let go his first hold, too hard for his teeth to enter, and fastened his
fangs on a softer place, so to pinch the bishop to purpose ; yea, so
expensive was the suit that the bishop (well skilled in the charge of
charitable works) might with the same cost have built and endowed a
small college.
Some days before the hearing, a noble lord of his majesty'^s
council, the bishop's great friend, interposed himself to compound
the matter ; prevailing so far that, on his payment of two thousand
pounds, the suit should be superseded in the Star-chamber, and he
freed from further molestation. But at this lord's return the price
was risen in the market ; and, beside the aforesaid sum, it was
demanded of him, that, to procure his peace, he must part with his
deanery of Westminster, parsonage of Walgrave, and prebend of
Lincoln which he kept in commendam. To this the bishop
answered, that he would in no case forego those few remainders of
the favour which his ^ dead m.aster, king James, had conferred upon
him.
Not long after another bargain was driven, by the well-intended
endeavours of the same lord ; that, seeing his majesty at that time
had much occasion of moneys, if he would but double the former
sum, and lay down four thousand pounds, he should be freed from
further trouble, and might go home with all his parcels about him^
The bishop returned, that he took no delight to fence at law with
his sovereign ; and, thankfully embracing the motion, prepared him-
self for the payment ; when a great adversary, stepping in, so
violented his majesty to a trial, that all was not only frustrated,
but this afterwards urged against the bishop, to prove him conscious
of a crime, from his forwardness to entertain a composition.
86 — 88. His heavy Censure^ to which the Archbishop of Can-
terbury did concur. Three of his Servants fined with him.
The day of censure being come, Tuesday, July 11th, Sir John Finch,
lord chief justice, fined the bishop ten thousand pounds for tamper-
ing to suborn witnesses, secretary Windebank concurred with [him,]
(that little bell being the loudest and shrillest in the whole peal,) as
Avho alone motioned to degrade him ; which was lustily pronounced by
a knight and layman, having no precedent for the same in former ages.
The other lords brought the fine down to eight thousand pounds,
and a thousand marks to Sir John Munson, with suspension ah
392 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1637
officio et beneficio, and imprisoning him during the king's pleasure.
The earl of Arundel added, that the cause in itself was extraor-
dinary, not so much prosecuted by the Attorney, as immediately by
the king himself recommended to their justice. Manchester, lord
privy seal, said that this was the first precedent, wherein a master
had undone himself to save his servant.
The archbishop of Canterbury did consent thereunto, aggravating
the fault of subornation of perjury with a pathetical speech of
almost an hour long, showing how the world was above three thou-
sand years old before ripe enough to commit so great a wickedness,
and Jezebel the first in Scripture branded with that infamy, whose
false witnesses the Holy Spirit refused to name, otherwise than
under the character of " men of Belial." Wherefore, although,
as he said, he himself had been five times down on his knees to his
majesty, in the bishop's behalf; yet, considering the guilt so great,
he could not but agree with the heaviest censure. And, although
some lords, the bishop's friends, as treasurer Weston, earl of Dorset,
&c. concurred in the fine, with hope the king should have the sole
honour of the mitigation thereof, yet his majesty's necessities, meet-
ing with the person adjudged guilty, and well known for solvable;
no wonder if the utmost penny of the fine was exacted.
At the same time were fined with the bishop, George Walker his
secretary, Cadwallader Powell his steward, at three hundred pounds
a-piece, and Thomas Lund, the bishop's servant, at a thousand
marks; all as defendants in the same cause; yet none of them was
imprisoned, save Lund for a few weeks, and their fine never called
upon unto this day ; which, the bishop said, was commuted into*such
offices, as hereafter they were to do in the favour of Kilvert.
89 — 93. The Complaints against the unjust Proceedings against
him, put i?i by the Bishop into the Parliament. Is
examined again in the Tower ; ivhether some Books were
orthodox ? Who had Power to licerise them f His cautious
Ansiver.
To make this our History entire, the matter shall rather rule the
time than the time the matter, in this particular suit. Be it there-
fore known to the reader, that some four years after ; namely, in
1640, when this bishop was fetched out of the Tower, and restored
a Peer in Parliament, he therein presented several grievances con-
cerning the indirect prosecution of this cause against him, whereof
these the principal : —
First. That his adversaries utterly waved and declined the matter
of their first information, about revealing the king's secrets ; as
liujH'lci^s of success therein, and sprung a new mine to blow up liis
15 CHARLES 1. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 393
credit, about perjury in the examination of witnesses. Whereas he
conceived it just, that all accidentals and occasional should sink
with the substance of the accusation, otherwise suits would be end-
less, if the branches thereof should still survive when the root doth
expire.
Secondly. That he was deprived of the benefit of bringing-in
any exceptions against the testimonies of Sir John Lamb and Dr.
Sibthorp, to prove their combination against him, because they
deposing pro domino rege^ none must impeach the credit of the
king's witnesses ; who must be reputed holy and sacred in what they
aver, insomuch that, after briefs were drawn by Counsel on both
sides, the Court was moved to expunge those witnesses which made
most agpinst the king and for the defendant.
Thirdly. That Kilvert used all ways to menace and intimidate
the bishop's witnesses, frighting them as much as he could out of
their own consciences, with dangers presented unto them. To this
purpose, he obtained from secretary Windebank, that a messenger
of the Star-chamber, one Pechye by name, was directed to attend
him all along the speeding of the commission in the country, with
his coat of arms upon him, with power to apprehend and close
imprison any person whom Kilvert should appoint, pretending from
the secretary warrants for matters of state and deep consequence so
to do ; by virtue whereof, in the face of the commission, he seized
on and committed George Walker and Thomas Lund, two material
witnesses for the bishop, and by the terror thereof chased away
many more, whose depositions were necessary to the clearing of the
bishop's integrity. Yet when the aforesaid two prisoners, in the
custody of the messenger, were produced before secretary Winde-
bank, he told them, he had no matters of state against them, but
turned them over to Kilvert, wishing them to give him satisfaction ;
and were not permitted to have their liberty, until, after long close
imprisonment, they were forced to confess, under their own hands,
crimes against themselves and the bishop ; which afterwards they
denied and revoked upon their oaths.
Lastly, and chiefly. That the Judges privately over-ruled his
pleas ; so that what shame and the honour of the Court, with the
inspection of so many eyes, would not permit to be done publicly
in the sunshine of justice, was posted over by a Judge privately in
a corner.*
These and many more Kilvertisms, as he calls them, did the
bishop complain of in parliament, who so far tendered his innocency
therein, that they ordered all the records of that suit in the Star-
chamber to be obliterated. Yea, we may justly conceive, that these
• These complaints I extracted out of the bishop's original.
394 CHURCH HISTORY OF BllITAIN. A.D. 1637.
grievances of the bishop did much hasten, if not chiefly cause, the
suppression of that court.
Monday, July 24th, thirteen days after, he was suspended by the
High Commission, and imprisoned in the Tower for almost four
years ; during whose durance therein, two bishops and three doctors
were sent thither unto him, to take his answer to a book of articles,
of twenty-four sheets of paper written on both sides. They prof-
fered him the Bible to take the oath thereon, which he utterly
refused, claiming the privilege of a peer, adding moreover that,
being a bishop, it was against law and precedent in antiquity, that
young priests, his Grace's (and some who had been his own) chap-
lains, and lay doctors, should sit as judges of a bishop's doctrine,
with power to deprive him of his bishopric, if disliking the same.
This was over-ruled, and he, as one of the king's subjects, required
to make his answer.
First. The article that all books licensed by his Grace's chaplains
(as Chune's and Sales's book with Dr. Manwaring's sermons) are
presumed by all true subjects to be orthodox, and agreeable to sound
religion. This the bishop utterly denied, and wondered at their
impudence, to propound such an article unto him.
Secondly. They alleged, that no bishop but his Grace, the lord
of London, and their chaplains, had power to allow books. This
the other denied, saying that all bishops, who were as learned as they,
had as much power as they, citing for the same the Council of
Lateran under Leo X. Beformatio Cleri^ under Cardinal Pole ;
queen Elizabeth's Injunctions ; and the Decree of the Star-chamber
relating to all these. He also stoutly averred the privilege to belong
only to the bishops, and not to their servants. Howbeit his Grace
had shuffled-in his chaplains to the last printed Star-chamber decree.
More frivolous were the ensuing articles whereon he was examined : —
That he called a book entitled "A Coal from the Altar," a pamphlet ;
that he said, that " all flesh in England had corrupted their ways ; "
that he said scoffingly he had " heard of a mother-church, but not
of a mother-chapel ; " meaning the king's, to which all churches in
ceremonies were to conform ; that he wickedly jested upon St.
Martin's hood ; that he said, that " the people are not to be lashed
by every man's whip ; " that he said, (citing a national Council
for it,) that " the people are God's and the king's, and not the
priests' people ; " that he doth not allow priests to jeer and make
invectives against the people.
To all which the bishop made so wary an answer, that no advan-
tage could be gained thereby ; yea, though, some days after, they
returned to re-examine him, upon the same articles, to try, as he
thought, the steadiness of his memory, or else to plunge him into
13 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 395
some crime of perjury, if in any material point he dissented from
his former depositions. But the bishop, like a good boy, said his
lesson over again and again ; so that no- advantage could be tahen
against him, and thereupon they gave him leave to play, proceeding
no further in this cause. Only they painted him out in an ugly
shape to the king, as disaifected to the present government ; and,
God willing, we shall hear more of their proceedings against him
hereafter.
94 — 97- Transition to a sad Subject. The Project of a public
Prayer-hook began in the Reign of Kbig James. Why a
Difference betwixt the Scotch and English Liturgy. Canoni-
cal Scripture only used in the Scotch Liturgy. The Word
" Priest " therein declined. Scotch Saints inserted into the
Calendar.
But now we are summoned to a sadder subject ; from the suffer-
ings of a private person, to the miseries and almost mutual ruin of
two kingdoms, England and Scotland. I confess, my hands have
always been unwilling to write of that cold country, for fear my
fingers should be frost-bitten therewith ; but necessity to make our
story entire, puts me upon the employment. Miseries, caused from
the sending of the Book of Service or new Liturgy thither, which
may sadly be termed a Rubric indeed, dyed with the blood of so
many of both nations, slain on that occasion.
It seems the design began in the reign of king James ; who
desired and endeavoured an uniformity of public prayers through the
kingdom of Scotland. In order whereunto, an Act was passed in
the General Assembly at Aberdeen, 1616,* to authorize some bishops
present to compile and frame a public form of Common-Prayer ;
and let us observe the motions thereof 1. It was committed to the
bishops aforesaid, and principally to the archbishop of St. Andrew's,-!*
and William Cooper, bishop of Galloway, to draw up the order
thereof. 2. It was transmitted into England to king James, who
punctually perused every particular passage therein. 3. It was
remitted with the king's observations, additions, expunctions, muta-
tions, accommodations, to Scotland again. But here the design sunk
with the sudden death of king James, and lay not only dormant
but dead ; till, some years after, it was awakened or rather revived
again.
In the reign of king Charles, the project being resumed, (but
whether the same book or no, God knoweth,) it was concluded not
to send into Scotland the same Liturgy of England totidem Terbis,
• *' Tlie King's large Declaration concerning the Tumults in Scotland,', page 16.
t See the Life of Archbishop Spottiswood.
396 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1637.
lest this should be misconstrued a badge of dependence of that
church on ours. It was resolved also, that the two Liturgies should
not differ in substance, lest the Roman party should upbraid us with
weighty and material differences.* A similitude therefore not identity
being resolved of, it was drawn up with some, as they termed them,
insensible alterations, but such as were quickly found and felt by
the Scotch to their great distaste. These alterations are of two
natures. First. Ingratiating ; which may be presumed made to
gain the affection of that nation. Secondly. Distasting ; which, if
not in the intent, in the event proved the great grievance and general
cause that the book was hated and rejected. We will insist on
three of the first sort : —
First. Whereas there was an ancient complaint, that so much of
the Apocrypha was read in churches, namely, about sixty chapters
for the first lesson, from the 28th of September till the 24th of
November ; canonical Scripture is alone appointed to be read in the
Scotch Liturgy, one day alone excepted, namely, All-Saints' Day,
when Wisdom iii. and Ecclesiasticus xiv. are ordered for Morning
and Evening Prayer ; on the same token, there wanted not such
who said that those two chapters were left there to keep possession,
that all the rest might in due time be re-introduced.
Secondly. The word " priest," often used in the English Liturgy,
gave offence to many ; insomuch that one writeth :■[* " To call us
priests as touching our office, is either to call back again the old
priesthood of the law, which is to deny Christ to be come, or else
to keep a memory of the popish priesthood of abomination still
amongst us. Besides, we never read in the New Testament, that
the word priest (as touching office) is used in the good part.'"*
Whereupon, to prevent exception, it was mollified into "presbyter""
in the Scotch Rubric.
The names of sundry saints, omitted in the English, are inserted
into the Scotch Calendar, (but only in black letters,) on their several
days according to the form following : —
January lltk, David, king; IStk, Mungo, bishop, in Latin
Kentigerims. February 18^A, Coleman. March ll^A, Constantino,
the third king ; Vitli, Patrick ; l^tli, Cuthbert. April \st, Gil-
bert, bishop ; 20^/^, Serfe, bishop. June %th^ Columba. July Qthy
Palladias. September IWi^ Ninian, bishop ; 25th, Adaman,
bishop. November 16tk, Margaret, queen ; 27t/i, Ode, virgin.
December 4:tk, Droftane.
Some of these were kings, all of them natives, of that country,
(Scotch and Irish in former ages being effectually the same,) and,
• King's " Declaration," page IS. t Cartwright in his "Admonition," cap. iii.
(]i\ision 1.
IS CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 397
which in probability might render them to the favour of their coun-
trymen, some of them (as Coleman, &c.) zealous opposites to the
church of Rome in the celebration of Easter.
But these Scotch saints were so far from making the English
Liturgy acceptable, that the English Liturgy rather made the saints
odious unto them. Such the distasting alterations in the book,
reducible to, 1. Additions. 2. Omissions. 3. Variations. And, 4.
Transpositions.
98, 99. Alterations of Addition in the Scotch Liturgy. The
most material Omission.
To instance in the most material of the first kind.
(1.) In the baptism, these words are inserted, " Sanctify this
fountain of water, thou which art the Sanctifier of all things.''*
Which words are enjoined to be spoken by the minister, so often as
the water in the fount is changed, which must be at least twice
a-month.
(2.) In the prayer aftej the Doxology, and before the Com-
munion, this passage (expunged by the English Reformers out of
our Liturgy) is out of the Ordinary of Sarum inserted in the Scotch
Prayer-Book : " And of thy almighty goodness vouchsafe so to bless
and sanctify, with thy Word and Holy Spirit, these thy gifts and crea-
tures of bread and wine, that they may be unto us the body and
blood of thy most dearly beloved Son :"-|- From which words, saith
the Scotch author,| all papists use to draw the truth of the transub-
stantiation.
(3.) He that celebrateth is enjoined to cover that which remain-
eth of the consecrated elements, with a fair linen cloth or " Cor-
poral ;''§ a word unknown to vulgar ears of either nations, in other
sense than to signify " an under-officer in a foot-company," and
complained of to be purposely placed here, to wrap up therein all
Romish superstition of Christ's carnal corporal presence in the
sacrament.
(4.) In the prayer for the state of Christ s church militant, these
words are added : " And we also bless thy holy name for all those thy
servants who, having finished their course in faith, do now rest from
their labours. And we yield unto thee most high praise and hearty
thanks for the wonderful grace and virtue declared in all thy saints,
who have been the choice vessels of thy grace, and the lights of the
world in their several generations ; most humbly beseeching thee,
that we may have grace to follow the example of their steadfastness
in thy faith, and obedience to thy holy commandments, that, at the
* Fol. 106, page 2. f Fol. 102, page 1. % Baillie in his " Canterbiman's
Self-conviction." § Fol. 103, page 2.
398 , CHUllCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1637*
day of the general resurrection, we, and all they which are of the
mystical body of thy Son, may be set on his right hand, and hear
that his most joyful voice, Come, ye blessed," &c.*
2. Amongst the omissions none more complained of than the
deleting these words, in the delivery of the bread at the sacrament :
" Take and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and
feed on him in thine heart by faith with thanksgiving."-|- A passage
destructive to transubstantiation, as diverting communicants from
carnal munducation, and directing their souls to a spiritual repast on
their Saviour. All which in the Scotch Liturgy is cut off with an
" Amen '"' from the receiver.
3, 4. The variations and transpositions are of less moment ; as
where the money gathered at the offertory, distributable by the
English Liturgy to the poor alone, hath a moiety thereof assigned
he minister, therewith to buy him books of holy divinity ; and some
prayers are transposed from their place, and ordered elsewhere,
whereat some do take no small exception. Other smaller differences
(if worth the while) will quickly appear to the curious perusers
of both Liturgies.
100. The discontented Condition of the Scotch Nation when the
Liturgy was first brought unto them.
Pass we now from the constitution of the book, to the condition
of the Scotch nation, in this unhappy juncture of time when it was
imposed upon them. For it found them in a discontented posture,
(and high royalists will maintain, that murmuring and mutinying
against princes differ only in degree, not in kind,) occasioned on
several accounts.
1. Some years since, the king had passed an act of revocation of
crown-lands, (aliened in the minority of his ancestors,) whereby
much land of the nobility became obnoxious to forfeiture.]: And
though all was forgiven again by the king's clemency, and nothing
acted hereby to the prejudice of any ; yet it vexed some to hold
that as remitted by the king's bounty, wherein they conceived
themselves to be before unquestionably estated.
2. Whereas many formerly in Scotland were rather subjects than
tenants, rather vassals than subjects ; such the landlords'* princely
(not to say tyrannical) power over them, the king had lately freed
many from such dangerous dependence ; especially in point of pay-
ment of tithes to "the lords of the erection,'"* equivalent to our
English lay-impropriators, (but allowing the landlords a valuable
consideration, according to the purchases of that country,§) whereby
• Fol. 98, page 1. t Fol. 103, page 2. J "The King's Declaration at
large," page G. § Idevi, page 9.
13 CHARLES I. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 399
the king got the smiles of those who were most in number, but the
frowns of such who were greatest in power.
3. Many were offended, that, at the king's coronation, some six
years ago, and a parliament following thereon, an Act of ratification
was passed concerning the church's liberties and privileges, which,
some complained of, was done without plurality of suffrages.
4. Some persons of honour, desiring higher titles, were offended,
that they were denied unto them, Avhilst his majesty conferred them
on others.*
There want not those also, who confidently suggested it to pos-
terity, that pensions constantly paid out of the English exchequer
in the reign of king James, to some principal pastors in the Scottish
church, were since detained. So also the bounty of boons was now
restrained in the reign of king Charles, which could not fall so freely,
as in the days of his father, the cloud being almost drained : adding,
moreover, that the want of watering of Scotland with such showers
made them to chap into such clefts and chinks of parties and factions,
disaffected to the king's proceedings.
101— 103. The Book hears the Blame of all. The Scotch
Church standeth on the Terms of its own Independency.
Archbishop Laud accused as principal Composer of the
Book.
To increase these distempers, some complain (how justly, their
own countrymen best know) of the pride and pragmaticalness of the
Scotch bishops, who, being but probationers on their good behaviour,
(as but re-introduced by king James,) offended the ancient nobility,
with their meddling in state-matters. And I find two principally
accused on this account : Dr. Forbes, bishop of the new bishopric
of Edinburgh, and Dr. Wedderburne, bishop of Dumblain. Thus
was the Scotch nation full of discontents, when this book, being
brought unto them, bare the blame of their breaking-forth into more
dangerous designs ; as, when the cup is brim full before, the last
(though least) superadded drop is charged alone to be the cause of
all the running-over.
Besides, the church of Scotland claimed not only to be indepen-
dent and free as any church in Christendom, (a sister, not daughter,
of England,) but also had so high an opinion of its own purity,
that it participated more of Moses's platform in the mount, than
other protestant churches, being a reformed reformation ; so that
the practice thereof might be directory to others, and she sit to give
not take — write not receive — copies from any neighbouring church,
* '< Tlie King's Declaration," page 11.
400 CHURCH HlSTOllY OF liRITAIN. A.D. 16S7.
desiring that all others were like unto them, save only in their
afflictions.
So much for the complained-of burden of the book, as also for the
sore back of that nation, galled with the aforesaid grievances, when
this Liturgy was sent unto them. And now we must not forget the
hatred they bare to the hand which they accused for laying it upon
them. Generally they excused the king in their writings ; as inno-
cent therein ; but charged archbishop Laud as the principal (and
Dr. Cosin for the instrumental*) compiler thereof; which may
appear by what we read, in a writer of that nation,-|- afterwards
employed into England, about the advancing of the covenant
betwixt both nations, and other church-affairs : —
" This unhappy book was his Grace^s invention ; if he should
deny it, his own deeds would convince him. The manifold letters
which in this pestiferous affair have passed betwixt him and our
prelates are yet extant. If we might be heard, we would spread out
sundry of them, before the Convocation-house of England, making
it clear as the light, that in all this design his hand had ever been
the prime stickler ; so that upon his back mainly (nill he, will he)
would be laid the charge of all the fruits, good or evil, which from
that tree are like to fall on the king's countries."
Surely, if any such evidence was extant, we shall hear of it here-
after at his arraignment, produced and urged by the Scotch com-
missioners.
104 — 107. The Tumult at Edinburgh at the first reading the
Book. More coiisiderahle Persons engaged in the Cause.
The Occasion of the Scotch Covenant. The Author s
Excuse, why not proceeding in this Subject.
But leaving the roots to lie under the earth, let us look on the
branches spreading themselves above ground ; and passing from
the secret author of this book, behold the evident effects thereof.
No sooner had the dean of Edinburgh begun to read the book in
the church of St. Giles, Sunday, July 23rd, in the presence of the
Privy Council, both the archbishops, divers bishops, and magistrates
of the city, but presently such a tumult was raised that, through
clapping of hands, cursing, and crying, one could neither hear nor
be heard. The bishop of Edinburgh endeavoured in vain to appease
the tumult ; whom a stool, aimed to be thrown at him, had killed,
if not diverted by one present; J so that the same book had occa-
sioned his death, and prescribed the form of his burial; and this
• Baillie, utprius, page 102. -f fdein, pages 95, 96. J "The King's
Declaration," page 23.
13 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 401
hubbub was hardly suppressed by the lord provost and bailiffs of
Edinburgh.
This first tumult was caused by such, whom I find called " the
scum of the city," considerable for nothing but their number. But,
few days after, the cream of the nation (some of the highest and best
quality therein) engaged in the same cause, crying out, " God
defend all those who will defend God's cause ! and God confound
the service-book and all the maintainers of it ! '"**
The lords of the Council interposed their power ; and, to appease
all parties, issued out a proclamation, October 17th, to remove the
session (much like to our term in London) to Linlithgow. This
abated their anger, as fire is quenched with oil ; seeing the best part
of the Edinburghers' livelihood depends on the session kept in their
city. Yea, so highly were the people enraged against bishops, as the
procurers of all these troubles, that the bishop of Galloway passing
peaceably along the street towards the Council-house, was waylaid
in his coming thithcr,f if by Divine Providence, and by Francis
Stewart, son to the late earl of Bothwell, he had not with much ado
been got within the doors of the Council-house. Indeed, there is
no fence but flight, nor counsel but concealment, to secure any
single party against an offended multitude.
These troublesome beginnings afterwards did occasion " the
solemn League and Covenant," whereby the greatest part of the
nation united themselves to defend their privileges, and which laid
the foundation of a long and woful war in both kingdoms. And
here I crave the reader's pardon to break off; and leave the prosecu-
tion of this sad subject to pens more able to undertake it. For,
First. I know none will pity me, if I needlessly prick my fingers
with meddling wdth a thistle, which belongs not unto me. Secondly.
I despair of perfect notice of particulars, at so great a distance of
place, and greater of parties concerned therein. Thirdly. If exact
intelligence were obtained, as ages long ago are written with more
safety than truth, so the story hereof might be written with more
truth than safety. Lastly. Being a civil business, it is aliened
from my subject, and may justly be declined. If any object that it
is reducible to ecclesiastical story, because one, as they said, termed
this helium episcopale^ " the war for bishops ; " I conceive it presump-
tion for so mean a minister as myself (and indeed for any under that
great order) to undertake the writing thereof.
* " The King's large Declaration," page 37. t Ibid, page 35.
Vol. III. ^ i>
402 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1638.
SECTION III.
TO HENRY PUCKERINGNEWTON, SON AND HEIR TO
SIR HENRY PUCKERINGNEWTON, BARONET.
No gentleman in this nation is more advantaged to
be a scholar born than yourself. You may be free of
the city of the Muses by the copy of your grandfathers :
(by your father's side,) Sir Adam Newton, tutor to
prince Henry : (by your mother's side,) Mr. Murray,
tutor to king Charles.
If you be not more than an ordinary scholar, it will
not be less than an extraordinary disgrace. Good is
not good, where better is expected. But I am con-
fident, if your pains be added to your parts, your
prayers to your pains, God's blessing will be added to
your prayers to crown all with success.
1 — 5. Bishop Williams's second Censure. A.D. 1637-
Now bishop Williams was sentenced the second time in the
Star-chamber on this occasion : Mr. Lambert Osbaldeston, school-
master of Westminster, wrote a letter unto him, wherein this pas-
sage : " The little vermin, the urchin and hocus-pocus, is this
stormy Christmas at true and real variance with the Leviathan."
Now the bishop was accused for divulging scandalous libels on
Privy Counsellors, and that the archbishop of Canterbury was meant
by the former names, the lord treasurer Weston by " the Levia-
than," because he should have presented the libellous letter at the
receipt thereof, to some Justice of Peace, and not dispersed the
same.
The bishop pleaded, that he remembered not the receiving of any
such letter, that he conceived no law directs the subject to bring to
a Justice of Peace, enigmas or riddles, but plain, literal, and gram-
matical libels against a known and clearly- deciphered person. Mr.
Osbaldeston denied the words so meant by him, and deposed that
he intended one Dr. Spicer, a civilian, by ".hocus-pocus,*' and the
lord Richardson (alive when the letter was written, but then dead)
for " the Leviathan."
Here a paper was produced by Mr. Walker, the bishop's secre-
tary, and found in a bandbox at Bugden, wherein the bishop had
thus written unto him : —
14 CHARLES I. LOt)K XI. CENT. XVII. 403
" Here is a strange thing : Mr. Osbaldeston importunes me to
contribute, to my lord treasurer's use, some charges upon the little
great man, and assures me they are mortally out. I have utterly
refused to meddle in this business ; and I pray you learn from Mr.
S. and Mr. H. if any such falling out be, or whether somebody
hath not gulled the schoolmaster in these three last letters, and keep
it to yourself what I write unto you. If my lord treasurer would
be served by me, he must use a more near, solid, and trusty messen-
ger, and free me from the bonds of the Star-chamber ; else let them
fight it out for me.""
Now Mr. Walker, being pressed by a friend, why he would dis-
cover this letter to his master's prejudice, averred, lie brought it
forth ^as a main witness of his innocency, and as able to clear him
of all in the information. However, it was strongly misunderstood;
for, by comparing both letters together, the court collected the
bishop guilty.
Sir John Finch fined him a just ten thousand pounds, rotundi
numeri causa, whom secretary Windebank did follow. The rest
brought it down to eight thousand pounds only. One lord thought
fitting to impose no fine upon him, rendering this reason. Qui jacet
in terra non habet uncle cadet.
The bishop already being sequestered from all his temporal lands,
spiritual preferment, and his person imprisoned, Mr. Osbaldeston
was sentenced five thousand pounds, loss of his good living at
Wheathamstead, and to have his ears tacked to the pillory in the
presence of his scholars, whom his industry had improved to as great
eminency of learning as any of his predecessors ; insomuch that he
had at the present above fourscore doctors in the two universities,
and three learned faculties, all gratefully acknowledging their educa-
tion under him. But this last personal penalty he escaped by going
beyond Canterbury, conceived seasonably gone beyond the seas,
whilst he secretly concealed himself in London.
6 — 8. The third Accusation against him. ^.Z>. 1638.
All this put not a period to the bishop's troubles ; his unseques-
tered spirit so supported him, that some of his adversaries frowned
because he could smile under so great vexations. A design is set
a-foot, either to make him voluntarily surrender his bishopric,
deanery, and dignities, (permitted, perchance, a poor bishopric in
Ireland,) or else to press his degradation : in order whereunto a
new information with ten articles is drawn up against him, though,
for the main, but the consequence and deductions of the fault for
tampering with witnesses, for which in the thirteenth of king Charles
he hatl been so severely censured.
2 D 2
404 CHURCH HlSTOPvV OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1640.
To this the bishop put in a plea and demurrer, that Deus non
judicat his in idijysum^ " God punisheth not the same fault twice ;*"
that this is the way to make causes immense and punishments infi-
nite ; that whereas there was two things that philosophers denied, —
infiniteness and vacuity, Kilvert had found them both in this prose-
cution,— infiniteness in the bishop's cause, and vacuity in his purse ;
that the profane wits of this age should begin to doubt of the neces-
sity of believing a hell hereafter, w^hen such eternal punishments are
found here in such kind of prosecution. He added also, that he
could prove it that it was a conspiracy of Kilvert"*s with other
persons, if he might have freedom to bring his witnesses against
them ; which, because it cast scandal on those who were/»7'0 domino
rege^ was now denied him.
Then put he in a rejoinder and an appeal unto the next Parlia-
ment, whensoever it should be assembled, pleading his privilege of
Peerage, as his freehold, and that he could not be degraded of his
Orders and dignities. This was filed in the Star-chamber under the
clerk's book, and copies thereof signed with the usual officers.
Now, although this was but a poor help, no light of a Parliament
dawning at that time ; yet it so far quashed the proceedings that it
never came to farther hearing, and the matter superseded from any
final censure.
9, 10. Scoti Broils begin. The Reader referred to other Authors.
A.D. 1639, 1640.
And now began Scotland to be an actor, and England, as yet, a
sad spectator thereof, as suspecting ere long to feel what she beheld.
There is a high hill in Cumberland called Skiddaw, and another
answering thereto, Scrussell by name, in Annandale in Scotland ;
and the people dwelling by have an old rhyme : —
'' If Skiddaw hath a cap,
Scrussell wots Ml well of that." *
Meaning, that such the vicinity (and, as I may say, sym} athy)
betwixt these two hills, that if one be sick with a mist of clouds,
the other soon after is sad on the like occasion. Thus none, seeing
it now foul weather in Scotland, could expect it fair sunshine in
England, but that she must share in the same miseries : as soon
after it came to pass.
Let those who desire perfect information hereof, satisfy them-
selves, from such as have [written], or may hereafter write, the
History of the state. In whom they shall find how king Charles
took his journey northward, (March 27th,) against the Scottish
* Camden's Britannia in Ciimberland, page 7G7.
16 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVIT. 405
Covenanters ; how some weeks after, on certain conditions, a peace
was concluded betwixt them ; how his majesty returned to London,
June 17th ; and liow this palliated cure soon after brake out again,
more dangerous than ever before.
11 — 18. A Parliament and Co)ivocatUm called. Dr. Turners
Text and Sermon. The Effect of the Archbishop's Latin
Speech. The just Suspicions of ivise Men. The Parlia-
ment suddenly dissolved ; yet the Convocation still con-
tinues. A Party dissents, and protests against the Con-
tinuance thereof OutoftJie Burial of an old Convocation^
the Birth of a new Synod.
Tn these distracted times a Parliament was called, Monday,
April 13th, with the -wishes of all, and hopes of most that were
honest ; yet not without the fears of some, who were wise, what would
be the success thereof. With this Parliament began a Convocation ;
all the mediate transactions (for aught I can find out) are embez-
zled ; and therein it was ordered, that none present should take any
private notes in the House ; whereby the particular passages thereof
are left at great uncertainty. However, so far as I can remember, I
will faithfully relate ; being comforted with this consideration, that
generally he is accounted an unpartial arbitrator who displeaseth
both sides.
On the first day thereof, Tuesday, 14th, Dr. Turner, chaplain to
the archbishop of Canterbury, made a Latin sermon in the choir of
St. Paul's. His text : " Behold, I send you forth as sheep in the
midst of wolves," Matt. x. 16. In the close of his sermon he com-
plained, that all bishops held not the reins of church-discipline with
an even hand, but that some of them were too easy and remiss in the
ordering thereof ; whereby, while they sought to gain to themselves
the popular praise of meekness and mildness, they occasionally cast
on other bishops, more severe than themselves, the unjust imputation
of rigour and tyranny ; and therefore he advised them all with equal
strictness to urge an universal conformity. Sermon ended, we chose
Dr. Stewart, dean of Chichester, Prolocutor.
Next day of sitting, Friday, 17th, we met at Westminster, in
the chapel of king Henry VII. both the Houses of Convocation
being joined together; when the archbishop of Canterbury enter-
tained them with a Latin speech, well nigh three quarters of an
hour gravely uttered, his eyes oft-times being but one remove from
weeping. It consisted most of generals, bemoaning the distempers
of the church ; but [he] concluded it with a special passage,
acquainting us how highly we were indebted to his majesty's favour
so far intrusting the integrity and ability of that Convocation, a^ to
400 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1640.
empower them with his commission, the like Avhereof was not granted
for many years before, to alter old — or make new — canons for the
better government of the church.
Some wise men in the Convocation began now to be jealous of
the event of new canons ; yea, became fearful of their own selves,
for having too great power, lest it should tempt them to be over-
tampering in innovations. They thought it better, that this Convo-
cation, with its predecessors, should be censured for laziness, and
the solemn doing of just nothing, rather than to run the hazard by
over-activity to do any thing unjust. For, as waters long dammed
up oft-times flounce, and fly out too violently, when their sluices are
pulled up, and they let loose on a sudden ; so the judicious feared,
lest the Convocation, whose power of meddling with church-matters
had been bridled up for many years before, should now, enabled
with such power, over-act their parts, especially in such dangerous
and discontented times. Yea, they suspected, lest those who
formerly had out-run the canons with their additional conformity
(ceremonizing more then w^as enjoined) now would make the canons
come up to them, making it necessary for others what voluntarily
they had pre-practised themselves.
Matters began to be in agitation, when on a sudden, (May 5th,)
the Parliament (wherein many things were started, nothing hunted
down, or brought to perfection) was dissolved. Whilst the imme-
diate cause hereof is commonly cast on the king and court, demand-
ing so many subsidies at once, England being as yet unacquainted
with such prodigious payments ; the more conscientious look higher
and remoter, on the crying sins of our kingdom. And from this
very time did God begin to gather the twigs of that rod (a civil
war) wherewith soon after he intended to whip a wanton nation.
Next day the Convocation came together, as most supposed,
merely meeting to part, and finally to dissolve themselves : when,
contrary to general expectation, it was motioned to improve the
present opportunity, in perfecting the new canons which they had
begun. And soon after a new commission was brought from his
majesty, by virtue whereof v/e were warranted still to sit, not in the
capacity of a Convocation, but of a Synod, to prepare our canons
for the royal assent thereunto. But Dr. Brownrigg, Dr. Hackct,
Dr. Holdsworth, Mr. Warmestry, with others, to the number of
thirty-six, (the whole House consisting of about six-score,) earnestly
protested against the continuance of the Convocation.
These importunately pressed, that it might sink with the parlia-
ment ; it being ominous and without precedent, that the one should
survive when the other was expired. To satisfy these, an instrument
was brought into Synod, signed with the hands of the Lord Privy
10 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 407
Seal, the two Chief Justices, and other Judges, justifying our so
sitting in the nature of a Synod to be legal according to the laws of
the realm. It ill becometli clergymen to pretend to more skill in
the laws, than so learned sages in that' profession, and therefore
impartial judgments may take oiF from the fault of the followers,
and lay it on the leaders, that this Synod sate when the Parliament
was dissolved. This made the aforesaid thirty-six dissenters, though
solemnly making their oral protests to the contrary, yet not to dis-
sever themselves, or enter any act in scriptis against the legality of
this assembly; the rather, because they hoped to moderate proceed-
ings with their presence. Surely, some of their own coat, which
since have censured these dissenters for cowardly compliance, and
doing no more in this cause, would have done less themselves, if in
their condition.
Thus was an old Convocation converted into a new Synod ; and
now their disjointed meeting being set together again, they betook
themselves to consult about new canons. Now, because great bodies
move slowly, and are fitter to be the consenters to than the con-
trivers of business, it was thought fit to contract the Synod into a
select Committee of some six-and-twenty, beside the Prolocutor,
who were to ripen matters, as to the propounding and drawing-up
the forms to what should pass, yet so, that nothing should
be accounted the act of the House, till thrice (as I take it) publicly
voted therein.
19 — 23. Why the Canons of this Synod are not hy us exem-
plified. The Form of the Oath^ ^c. A Motion for a new
Edition of the Welsh Bible- Gloiicester''s Singularity.,
threatened ivith Suspension. His Suspension suspended.
Expect not here of me an exemplification of such canons as were
concluded of in this Convocation ; partly, because being printed
they are public to every eye ; but ciiiefly, because they were never
put in practice, or generally received. The men in Persia did never
look on their little ones till they were seven years old, bred till that
time with their mothers and nurses ; nor did they account them in
their genealogies amongst their children, but amongst the more long-
lived abortives, if dying before seven years of age. I conceive such
canons come not under our cognizance, which last not (at least) an
apprenticeship of years in use and practice ; and therefore we
decline the setting down the Acts of this Synod. It is enough for
us to present the number and titles of the several canons.
1. Concerning the regal power. 2. For the better keeping of
the day of his majesty's most happy inauguration. 3. For sup-
pressing of the growth of popery. 4. Against Socinianism. 5. Against
408 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1G40.
Sectaries. 6. An oatli enjoined for the preventing of all innova-
tions in doctrine and government. 7- A declaration concerning
some rites and ceremonies. 8. Of preaching for conformity. 9.
One book of articles of inquiry to be used at all parochial visitations.
10. Concerning the conversation of the clergy. 11. Chancellors'*
patents. 12. Chancellors alone not to censure any of the clergy in
sundry cases. 13. Excommunication and absolution not to be pro-
nounced but by a priest. 14. Concerning the commutations, and
the disposing of them. 15. Touching concurrent jurisdictions.
16. Concerning licences to marry. 17- Against vexatious citations.
As for the oath concluded on in this Synod, because since the
subject of so much discourse, it is here set forth at large, according
to the true tenour thereof, as followeth : —
" I, A. B. do swear, that I do approve the doctrine and discipline
or government established in the church of England, as containing
all things necessary to salvation ; and that I will not endeavour by
myself or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring in any popish
doctrine contrary to that which is so established ; nor will I ever
give my consent to alter the government of this church, by arch-
bishops, bishops, deans, and archdeacons, &c. as it stands now
established, and as by right it ought to stand, nor yet ever to subject
it to the usurpation and superstitions of the see of Rome. And
all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear,
according to the plain and common sense and understanding of the
same words, without any equivocation or mental evasion, or secret
reservation whatsoever. And this I do heartily, willingly, and truly,
upon the faith of a Christian. So help me God, in Jesus Christ."
Towards the close of the Convocation, Dr. Griffith, a clerk for
some Welsh diocess, (whose moderate carriage all the while was very
commendable,) made a motion that there might be a new edition of
the Welsh church-Bible ; some sixty years since translated into
Welsh, by the worthy endeavours of bishop Morgan, but not with-
out many mistakes and omissions of the printer. He insisted on
two most remarkable : a whole verse left out. Exodus xii. concern-
ing the angePs passing over the houses besprinkled with blood,
which mangleth the sense of the whole chapter. Another, Habakkuk
2.5, where that passage, " He is a proud man,'' is wholly omitted.
The matter was committed to the care of the Welsh bishops, who,
I fear, surprised with the troublesome times, effected nothing
therein.
The day before the ending of the Synod, Godfrey Goodman,
bishop of Gloucester, privately repaired to the archbishop of Can-
terbury, acquainting him, that he could not in his conscience sub-
scribe the new canonte. It appeared afterwards that he scrupled some
16 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 409
passages about the corporal presence ; but, whether upon popish
or Lutheran principles, he best knoweth himself. The archbishop
advised him to avoid obstinacy and singularity therein. However,
the next day, when we all subscribed the canons (suffering ourselves,
according to the order of such meetings, to be all concluded by the
majority of votes, though some of us in the committee privately
dissenting in the passing of many particulars,) he alone utterly
refused his subscription thereunto. Whereupon the archbishop,
being present with us in king Henry the seventh's chapel, was highly
offended at him. " My lord of Gloucester," said he, " I admonish
you to subscribe :" and presently after, " My lord of Gloucester, I
admonish you the second time to subscribe :" and immediately
after, " I admonish you a third time to subscribe :" To all which
the bishop pleaded conscience, and returned a denial.
Then were the judgments of the bishops severally asked, whether
they should proceed to the present suspension of Gloucester, for
his contempt herein. Davenant, bishop of Salisbury, being
demanded his opinion, conceived it fit some lawyers should first be
consulted with, how far forth the power of a Synod in such cases
did extend. He added, moreover, that the threefold admonition of
a bishop ought solemnly to be done with some considerable intervals
betwixt them, in which the party might have time of convenient
deliberation. However, some days after he was committed (by the
king''s command, as I take it) to the Gate-house, where he got by
his restraint what he could never have gained by his liberty ; namely,
of one reputed popish, to become for a short time popular, as the
only confessor suffering for not subscribing the canons. Soon after
the same canons were subscribed at York, where the Convocation is
but the hand of the dial, moving, and pointing as directed by the
clock of the province of Canterbury. And on the last of June
following, the said canons were publicly printed, with the royal
assent affixed thereunto.
24 — 28. First Exception against the Canons. Second Excep-
tion. Third and greatest Exception. Endeavoured to he
excused. The Over-activity of some Bishops.
No sooner came these canons abroad into public view, but various
were men's censures upon them. Some were offended, because
bowing toward the communion-table (now called " altar"" by many)
was not only left indifferent, but also caution taken that the observers
or the omitters thereof should not mutually censure each other ; yet
many complained, that this ceremony, though left indifferent as
hereafter to salvation, was made necessary as here to preferment.
Yea, this knec-maik of bowing or not bowing would be made the
410 CHLTRCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1640.
distinguishing character, that hereafter all such should be condemned
as halting in conformity, who were not thorough-paced in these addi-
tional ceremonies.
Many took exception at the hollowness of the oath in the middle
thereof, having its bowels puffed up with a windy et cetera^ a
cheveril word, which might be stretched as men would measure it.
Others pleaded for it, as only inserted to save the enumeration of
many mean officers in the church, whose mention was beneath the
dignity of an oath, and would but clog the same. Yea, since, some
have endeavoured to excuse the same .by the interpretative et cetera^
incorporated into the body of " the Covenant,'' whereby people are
bound to defend the privileges of Parliament ; though what they
be, is unknown to most that take the same.
But most took exception against that clause in the oath : " We
will never give any consent to alter this church-government ; *" as if
the same were intended to abridge the liberty of king and state in
future Parliaments and Convocations, if hereafter they saw cause to
change any thing therein. And this obligation seemed the more
unreasonable, because some of those Orders specified in the oath (as
archbishops, deans, archdeacons) stand only established y^^?'^ humano
she ecclesiastico ; and no wise man ever denied, but that by the
same power and authority they are alterable on just occasion.
Yet there wanted not others, who with a favourable sense endea-
voured to qualify this suspicious clause, whereby the taker of this
oath was tied up from consenting to any alteration. These argued,
that if the authority, civil or ecclesiastical, did not herein impose an
oath, binding those that took it hereafter to disobey themselves, and
reject such orders which the foresaid civil or ecclesiastical power
might afterwards lawfully enact or establish ; for, seeing in all oaths
this is an undoubted maxim, qudcunque forma 'cerhorum juratur^
Deus sic juramentum accipit^ sicut ille cui juratur intelUgit ; none
can probably suppose, that the governors in this oath intended any
clause thereof to be an abridgment of their own lawful power, or to
debar their inferiors from consenting and submitting to such altera-
tions, as by themselves should lawfully be made. Wherefore, these
words, " We will never give any consent to alter," are intended here
to be meant only of a voluntary and pragmatical alteration ; when
men conspire, consent, labour, and endeavour to change the present
government of the church, in such particulars as they do dislike,
without the consent of their superiors.
But the exception of exceptions against these canons is, because
they were generally condemned as illegally passed, to the prejudice
of the fundamental liberty of the subject ; whereof we shall hear
enough in the next Parliament. Mean tiin,e, some bishops were
16 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVIT. 411
very forward in pressing tliis oath, even before the time thereof.
For, whereas a liberty was allowed to all to deliberate thereon, until
the Feast of Michael the Archangel, some presently pressed the
. ministers of their diocesses for the taking thereof, and, to my know-
ledge, enjoined them to take this oath kneeling : a ceremony, to my
best remembrance, never exacted or observed in taking the oath of
supremacy or allegiance ; which some accounted an essay of their
activity, if Providence had not prevented them.
29. The Importation of false- printed Bibles.
Many impressions of English Bibles, printed at Amsterdam, and
more at Edinburgh in Scotland, were daily brought over hither, and
sold here. Little their volumes, and low their prices, as being of
bad paper, worse print, little margin, yet greater than the care of the
corrector, — many most abominable errata being passed therein.
*rake one instance for all : — Jeremiah iv. 17> speaking of the whole
commonwealth of Judah, instead of, "Because she hath been
REBELLIOUS agaiust me, saith the Lord ; " it is printed, (Edin-
burgh, 1637,) " because she hath been religious against me, saith
the Lord."'
Many complaints were made, especially by the Company of Sta-
tioners, against these false- printed Bibles, as giving great advantage
to the papists ; but nothing was therein effected. For, in this
juncture of time came in the Scottish army, and invaded the north-
ern parts of England. What secret solicitations invited them hither,
is not my work to inquire. Many beheld them as the only physi-
cians of the distempered state ; and believed, that they gave not
their patient a visit on pure charity, but having either received or
being well promised their fee before.
30 — 33. Parliament and Convocation begin. The Insolence of
Anabaptists. The three Exiles brought Home in Tri-
umph. Dr. Pocklington and Dr. Bray censured.
Soon after began the long-lasting Parliament, so known to all
posterity for the remarkable transactions therein. The king went to
the House privately by water, many commending his thrift in sparing-
expenses, when two armies in the bowels of the land expected their
pay from his purse. Others, distinguishing betwixt needless pomp
and necessary state, suspected this might be misinterpreted as if the
Scotch had frighted him out of that ceremony of majesty; and some
feared such an omission presaged that Parliament \vould end with
sadness to him, which began without any solemnity. Abreast
therewith began a Convocation, though unable long to keep pace
together ; the latter soon tiring, as never inspirited by commission
412 CHUllCH HISTORY OF UllITAlN. A. D. 1640.
from tlie king to meddle with any matters of religion. Mr.
Warmestry, a clerk for Worcester, made a motion therein, that they
should endeavour, according to the Levitical law, to cover the pit
which they had opened, and to prevent their adversaries' intention,
by condemning such offensive canons as were made in the last Con-
vocation. But it found no acceptance, they being loath to confess
themselves guilty before they were accused.
This day, January 18th, happened the first-fruits of anabaptistical
insolence, when eighty of that sect, meeting at a house in St.
Saviour's in South wark, preached that the statute in the ^5th of
Elizabeth, for the administration of the Common-Prayer was no
good law, because made by bishops ; that the king cannot make a
good law, because not perfectly regenerate ; that he was only to be
obeyed in civil matters. Being brought before the lords, they con-
fessed the articles, but no penalty was inflicted upon them.
About this time, Mr. Prynne, Dr. Bastwick, and Mr. Burton
were brought out of durance and exile, with great triumph, into
London ; it not sufficing their friends to welcome them peaceably,
but victoriously, with bays and rosemary in their hands and hats.
AVise men conceived that their private returning to the town had
signified as much gratitude to God, and less affront to authority.
But some wildness of the looks must be pardoned in such who came
suddenly into the light out of long darkness.
As bishop Williams and Mr. Osbaldeston were the two first clergy-
men who found the favour of this Parliament, (being remitted their
fines, and restored to their livings and liberty,) so Dr. Pocklington
and Dr. Bray were the two first that felt their displeasures ; the
former for preaching and printing — the latter for licensing — two
books, one called, " Sunday no Sabbath," the other "The Christian
Altar." Bishop Williams moved, that Dr. Bray might recant seven
errors in the first, four-and-twenty in the second treatise. Soon after
both the doctors deceased ; — for grief, say some, that they had
written what they should not ; — for shame, say others, that they had
recanted what they would not; — though a third sort more charitably
take notice neither of the one nor the other, but merely impute it to
the approach of the time of their dissolution.
34 — 38. Superstitions charged on Dr. Cosin. Cruel Usage of Mr.
Smart ; relieved by Parliament, Dr. Cosin's dice Praise.
Dr. Cosin soon after ^vas highly accused for superstition and
unjust proceedings against one Mr. Smart on this occasion : The
doctor is charged to have set up in the church of Durham a marble
altar with chcrubims, which cost two thousand pounds, Avith all the
appurtenances thereof; namely, a cope with'^the Trinity, and God
IG CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVH. 413
the Father in the figure of an old man, another with a crucifix and
the image of Christ, with a red beard and blue cap. Besides, he
was accused for lighting two hundred wax-candles about the altar on
Candlemas-day ; for forbidding any psalms to be sung before or
after sermon, though making an anthem to be sung of the three kings
of Cologne, by the names of Gaspar, Belthazar, and Melchior ;
and for procuring a consecrated knife only to cut the bread at
the communion.
Mr. Smart, a prebendary of the church, one of a grave aspect and
reverend presence, sharply inveighed in a sermon against these inno-
vations, taking for his text : " I hate all those that hold superstitious
vanities; but thy law do I love."'
Hereupon he was kept prisoner four months by the High Com-
mission of York, before any articles were exhibited against him ;
and five months before any proctor was allowed him. Hence was he
carried to the High Commission at Lambeth ; and, after long trouble,
remanded to York, fined five hundred pounds, committed to prison,
ordered to recant, and, for that neglect thereof, fined again, excom-
municated, degraded, and deprived, his damage (as brought in)
amounting to many thousand pounds.
But now Mr. Rouse, of the House of Commons, bringing up the
charge to the Lords against Dr. Cosin, termed Mr. Smart, " the
proto-martyr of England in these latter days of persecution,"' and
large reparations were allowed unto him, though he lived not long
after to enjoy them.
Now, though none can excuse and defend Dr. Cosin''s carriage
herein, yet this must be reported to his due commendation : Some
years after, getting over into France, he neither joined with the
church of French protestants at Charenton nigh Paris, nor kept any
communion with the papists therein ; but confined himself to the
church of old English protestants therein ; where, by his pious
living and constant praying and preaching, he reduced some recusants
to — and confirmed more doubters in — the protestant religion. Many
his encounters with Jesuits and priests, defeating the suspicions
of his foes, and exceeding the expectation of his friends, in the
success of such disputes.*
* Dr. Cosin afterwards complained, througli Lis friend Davenport, that in this account
of his accusation before the Commons, his conduct was greatly misrepresented j and no
notice taken of his complete purgation, during the same session, in the Flouse of Lord.s.
At the end of his Appeal, a.d. 1G59, Fuller addresses a letter to Dr. Cosin, in which he
says, " What I wrote concerning your accusation in the House of Commons, I tran-
scribed out of the manuscript Journals of that House. As for your purgation in the
House of Lords, I knew not thereof ; wliich maketh my omission the more excusable.
In my next edition, I will do you all possible right (with improvement) that my pen can
perform," &c. See " Appeal of injured Innocence," part iii. page G4, folio. — Edit.
414 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1640.
*
39—43. Goodman, a Priest, bandied betwixt Life and Death ;
yet he escapeth with Life at last.
January 23rd, the Commons desired the Lords to join with them
to find out who moved the king to reprieve John Goodman, a
seminary priest, who (as they said) had been twice condemned, and
now the second time reprieved, whilst the parliament sat.
January 25th, the king sent a message by the lord privy-seal,
that Goodman was not (as the Commons were informed) condemned
and banished, but only sentenced for being a priest ; and, therefore,
that in reprieving him he showed but the like mercy which queen
Elizabeth and king James had showed in the like cases.
January 27th, the Lords joined with the Commons in their desire
concerning Goodman, — that the statutes might speedily be executed
upon him, as necessary in this juncture of time, wherein papists
swarmed in all parts, presuming on indemnity. With what credit
or comfort could they sit to enact new laws, whilst they beheld for-
mer statutes daily broken before their eyes ?
February 3rd, the king acquainted the Houses, that, though
queen Elizabeth and king James never condemned priest merely for
religion ; yet, rather than he would discontent his subjects, he left
him to the judgment of both Houses, to be disposed of at their
pleasure.
Goodman petitioned the king, that, like Jonah the prophet, he
might be cast into the sea, to still the tempest betwixt the king and
his people, conceiving his blood well-spent to cement them together.
But, in fine, February 4th, he escaped with his life, not so much by
any favour indulged him, as principally because the accusations
could not be so fully proved against him.
44. The first Mention of the Protestation.
About this time was the first motion of a new protestation, to be
taken all over England, the copy whereof is omitted as obvious every
where ; which, some months after, was generally performed, as con-
taining nothing but what was lawful and commendable therein. Yet
some refiised it, as suspecting the adding of new — would subtract
obedience from former — oaths, (men being prone to love that best
which left the last relish in their souls,) and, in fine, such new
obligations of conscience, like suckers, would draw from the stock
of the old oaths of supremacy and allegiance.
16 CHAilLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 415
45 — 50. A Committee of the Lords to settle Religion. A Sub-
Committee for the same Purpose. They consult on Inno-
vations in Doctrine and in Discipline, and concerning the
Common Prayer^ and Regulation of Government.
March began very blusteringly, on the first day whereof archbishop
Laud was, in Mr. Maxfield's coach, carried to the Tower ; and not
long after the Lords appointed a Committee of their own members
for settling of peace in the church. What hopeful opinion the
aforesaid archbishop had of their proceedings, will appear by the
following note which he entered into his diary :* —
" Monday, March 21st. A Committee for Religion settled in the
Upper House of Parliament : ten earls, ten bishops, ten barons.
So the lay votes will be double to the clergy. This committee will
meddle with doctrine as well as ceremonies, and will call some
divines to them to consider of the business, as appears by a letter
hereto annexed, sent by the lord bishop of Lincoln to some divines,
to attend this service ; upon the whole matter, I believe this com-
mittee will prove the national synod of England, to the great dis-
honour of the church. And what else may follow upon it, God
knows.""
At the same time the Lords appointed a Sub-committee to prepare
matters fit for their cognizance, (the bishop of Lincoln having the
chair in both,) authorized to call together divers bishops and divines,
to consult together for correction of what was amiss, and to settle
peace ; namely, the archbishop of Armagh ; the bishop of Durham ;
the bishop of Exeter ; Dr. Samuel Ward ; Dr. John Prideaux ;
Dr. William Twisse ; Dr. Robert Sanderson ; Dr. Daniel Featley ;
Dr. Ralph Brownrigg ; Dr. Richard Holdsworth ; Dr. John
Hacket ; Dr. Cornelius Burgess ; Mr. John White ; Mr. Stephen
Marshall ; Mr. Edmund Calamy ; Mr. Thomas HilLf Jerusalem-
chamber, in the dean of Westminster's house, was the place of their
meeting, (where they had solemn debates six several days,) always
entertained at his table with such bountiful cheer as well became a
bishop. But this we behold as the last course of all public episco-
pal treatments ; whose guests may now even put up their knives,
seeing soon after the voider was called for, which took away all
bishops' lands, and most of English hospitality.
First. They took the innovations of doctrine into consideration ;
and here some complained, that all the tenets of the Council of
Trent had, by one* or another, been preached and printed, abating
only such points of state-popery against the king's supremacy,
made treason by the statute : — Good works co-causes with faith,
•
* Page 2-4. 1 More were named j but tliese chiefly were present.
410 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1640.
by justification ; private confession by particular enunneration of sins
needful, necessitate medii, to salvation ; that tlie oblation (or as others,
the consumption) of the elements, in the Lord's supper holdeth the
nature of a true sacrifice ; prayers for the dead ; lawfulness of
monastical vows ; the gross substance of Arminianism, and some
dangerous points of Socinianism.
Secondly. They inquired into preter-canonical conformity, and
innovations in discipline : — Advancing candlesticks in parochial
churches in the day-time, on the altar so called ; making canopies
over, with traverses of curtains, (in imitation of the vail before the
holy of holies,) on each side and before it ; having a credentia^ or
side-table, (as a chapel-of-ease to the mother-altar,) for divers uses
in the Lord's supper ; forbidding a direct prayer before sermon ;
and ministers to expound the Catechism at large to their parishioners ;
carrying children (when baptized) to the altar so called, and there
offering them up to God ; pretending, for some of these innovations,
the injunctions and advertisements of queen Elizabeth, which are
not in force, and appertaining to the printed Liturgy secundo et tertio
Edvardi sexti, which is reformed by Parliament.
Thirdly. They consulted about the Common-Prayer Book ;
wdiether some legendary and some much-doubted saints, with some
superstitious memorials, were not to be expunged the Calendar,*
whether it was not fit that the Lessons should be only out of
canonical Scriptures, the Epistles, Gospels, Psabus, and Hymns, to
be read in the new translation, &c. whether times prohibited for
marriage are not totally to be taken away ; whether it were not fit
that hereafter none should have a licence, or have their bans of
matrimony asked, save such who should bring a certificate from their
minister, that they were instructed in their catechism ; whether the
Rubric is not to be mended, altered, and explained in many
particulars.
Lastly. They entered on the regulating of ecclesiastical govern-
ment : which was not brought in, because the bishop of Lincoln had
undertaken the draught thereof, but not finished it, as employed at
the same time in the managing of many matters of state : so easy it
is for a great person never to be at leisure to do what he hath no
great mind should be done.
51, 52. Divers Opinions what this Conference might have pro-
duced ; broketi off. ,
Some are of opinion, that the moderation and mutual compliance
of these divines might have produced much good, if not interrupted ;
conceiving such lopping might have saved the felling of episcopacy.
• This I did write out of tlie private notes of one of the Committee.
16 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVIT. 417
Yea, they are confident, had this expedient been pursued and
perfected, Troiaque nunc stared^ Priamique arx alta maneres ;
" Troy still had stood in power,
And king Priam's lofty tower
Had remained at this honr }"
it might, under God, have been a means, not only to have checked,
but choked our civil war in the infancy thereof. But the court-
prelates expected no good from the result of this meeting, suspecting
the doctrinal Puritans, (as they nicknamed them,) joined with the
disciplinary Puritans, would betray the church betwixt them. Some
hot spirits would not have one ace of episcopal power or profit abated ;
and, though since confuted by their own hunger, preferred no bread
before half a loaf. These maintained, that any giving back of
ground was, in eflPect, the granting of the day to the opposite party ;
so covetous they be to multiply their cravings on the others' con-
cessions. But what the issue of this Conference concluded would
have been, is only known to Him who knew what the men of Keilah
would do, 1 Sam. xxiii. 12, and whose prescience extends not only
to things future, but futurable, having the certain cognizance of
contingents, which might, yet never actually shall, come to pass.
This consultation continued till the middle of May, and the
■weaving thereof was fairly forward on the loom, when Atropos occat^
the bringing in the Bill against dean and chapters, root and branch,
cut off all the threads, putting such a distance betwixt the foresaid
divines that never their judgments, and scarce their persons, met
after together.
53. The Death of Bishop Davenant,
In the midst of these troublesome times, John Davenant, bishop
of Salisbury, ended his life, April 21st. His father was a wealthy
and religious citizen of London, but born at Da venants -lands in
Sible Heningham in Essex ; where his ancestors had continued in a
worshipful degree from Sir John Davenant, who lived in the time of
king Henry III. He bred his son a Fellow-Commoner in Queen*'s
College in Cambridge ; and would not suffer him to accept a
Fellowship, though offered, as conceiving it a bending of these
places from the direct intent of the founders, when they are bestowed
on such as have plenty; though, indeed, such preferments are
appointed as well for the reward of those that are worthy as the
relief of those that want : and after his father's death he was chosen
into that Society. In his youthful exercises, he gave such an
earnest of his future maturity, that Dr. Whitaker, hearing him
dispute, said, that he would in time prove the honour of the
Vol. hi. e e
418 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1G41.
university : a prediction that proved not untrue, when afterward he
was chosen Margaret Professor of Divinity, being as yet but a
private Fellow of the College ; whereof, some years after, he was
made Master, and at last bishop of Salisbury : where, with what
gravity and moderation he behaved himself, how humble., hospitable,
painful in preaching and writing, may better be reported hereafter,
when his memory (green as yet) shall be mellowed by time. He
sat bishop about twenty years, and died of a consumption, anno
1641 ; to which, sensibleness of the sorrowful times (which he saw
were bad, and foresaw would be worse) did contribute not a little.
I cannot omit, how, some few hours before his death, having lain for
a long time (though not speechless, yet) not speaking, nor able to
speak, (as we beholders thought, though indeed he hid that little
streno-th we thought he had lost, and reserved himself for purpose,)
he fell into a most emphatical prayer for half a quarter of an hour.
Amono-st many heavenly passages therein, he thanked God for this
his fatherly correction, because in all his life-time he never had one
heavy affliction, which made him often much suspect with himself
whether he was a true child of God or no, until this his last sickness.
Then he sweetly fell asleep in Christ, and so we softly draw the
curtains about him.
54 — ^Q^ Deans and Chapters first opposed by Parliament. An
unjust Charge. The Cathedral-men endeavour to preserve
their Foundations.
The whole bodies of cathedral churches, being of too great a bulk
to be blown up by their adversaries at once, they began with the
choirs, accusing the members thereof for useless and unprofitable.
The prelatical court -clergy were not so active and diligent in defend-
ino- these foundatians, as it was expected from their interest and
relations : whether because they were disheartened at the imprison-
ment of their chief, the archbishop of Canterbury ; or because some
of them, being 'otherwise obnoxious to the Parliament, were loath
therein to appear ; or because they vainly hoped, that, this heat once
over, all things would continue in their pristine condition ; or because
they were loath to plead in that suit, wherein they despaired to
prevail, as foreseeing those places destined to dissolution.
Yet some of the same side causelessly complained of the back-
wardness of other moderate cathedral-men, that they improved not
their power with their Parliament friends so zealously as they might
in this cause, as beginning too late, and proceeding too lazily therein,
who should sooner have set their shoulders and backs to those
tottering choirs, so either to support them, or to be buried under
the ruins thereof. Whereas they did whatsoever good men could.
10 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 410
or wise men would do in their condition, leaving no stone unturned
v,'hich might advantage them herein.
Indeed, it was conceived inconsistent with their gravity, to set
themselves to fight against the sliadow of common rumour, (and so
to feign an enemy to themselves,) whilst as yet no certainty of the
Parliament's intentions to destroy deans and* chapters. What had
this been but perchance to put that into their brains, which otherwise
they charitably believed would not enter therein ? But no sooner
were they certified of the reality of their design, but they vigor-
ously in their callings endeavoured the prevention thereof : 1. By
appointing one in each cathedral church to solicit their friends on
this behalf 2. By drawing up a petition (the same mutatis
mutandis) to the House of Lords and Commons, which (because
never formally presented) I forbear to insert. 3. By retaining and
instructing learned counsel to move for them in the House : until
they were informed that the Orders of the House would not bear
any to plead for them, but that they must personally appear and
mvd Toce plead for themselves.
57 — 7^- ^'*- Hackefs Speech in the Defence of Deans and
Chapters. The Speech iv ell-accepted.
Lest therefore their longer silence should by posterity be inter-
preted either sullenness, that they would not — or guiltiness, that
they durst not — speak for themselves ; by their friends they obtained
leave to be admitted into the House of Commons, and to be heard
what they could allege in their own behalf. ]\Iay 12th, they made
choice of Dr. John Hacket, prebendary of PauFs, and archdeacon
of Bedford, to be the mouth in the behalf of the rest. The brief
heads of whose speech, copied (by his leave) out of his own
papers, are here inserted.
First. He craved the favour of that honourable House, to whom
he was to speak on a double disadvantage : One, caused from the
shortness of time, this employment being imposed on him but in
the afternoon of the day before : The other, because he had not
heard what crimes or offences were charged on deans and chapters,
that so he might purge them from such imputations; reports only
flying abroad, that they were accounted of some of no use and con-
venience ; the contrary whereof he should endeavour to prove,
reducing the same to two heads, quoad res et quoad personas., " in
regard of things of great moment, and divers persons "" concerned in
such foundations.
To the first : It is fit that, to supply the defects of prayer com-
mitted by private men, the public duty thereof should be constantly
performed in some principal place in imitation of the primitive
2£ 2
420 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1041.
practice ; and this is daily done in cathedral cliurclies. And whereas
some complain that such service gives offence for the super-exqui-
siteness of the music therein, (so that vrhat was intended for
devotion vanished away into quavers and air.) he, with the rest
of his brethren there present, wished the amendment thereof,
that it might be reduced to the form which Athanasius com-
mends, ut legent'ihus sint qv.am caniantihiis similiores. And here
he spake much in praise of the church-music, when moderated, to
edification.
Hence he passed to what he termeth '• the other wing of the
cherubim,'' which is preaching, first planted, since the Reformation,
in cathedral churches, as appears by the learned sermons which Dr.
Allev, afterwards bishop of Exeter, preached in the church of St.
PauFs, and since continued therein. Where, by the way, he took
occasion to refel that slander which some cast on lecture-preachers
as an upstart corporation ; alleging that the local statutes of most
or all cathedral churches do require lectures on the week-days.
And, in the name of his brethren, he requested that honourable
House that the godly and profitable performance of preaching might
be the more exacted.
In the Third place. He insisted on the advancement of learning,
as the proper use and convenience of cathedrals ; each of them
being a small academy for the champions of Christ's cause against
the adversary by their learned pens. Here he proffered to prove,
by a catalogue of their names and works, which he could produce,
that most excellent labouK in this kind (excepting some few) have
proceeded from persons preferred in cathedrals or the universities.
Now, what a disheartening would it be to young students, if such
promotions were taken away : witness the fewness of such admitted
this last year into the universities, and the deadness of the sale of
good books in St. Paul's Church-yard, merely upon a timorous
imagination abroad, — that we are now shutting up learning in a case,
and laying it aside. But if the bare threatening make such a stop
in literature, what will the blow given do thereon ?
Fourthly. He alleged that the ancient and genuine use of deans
and chapters was, as senatus episcopi^ to assist the bishop in his
jurisdiction. Now, whereas some of his reverend brethren had lately
complained, that bishops have for many years usurped the sole
government to themselves and their consistories, ^he continuing of
chapters, rightly u^ed, would reduce it from one man to a plurality
of assistants.
Lastly. The structures themselves should, said he, speak for the
structures. Not that he would have them, with Christ's disciples,
fondly to admire the fabrics, but to put them in remembrance,
IG CHAELES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII." 421
that cathedral churches were the first monuments of Christianity in
the kingdom.
From thing?, he passed to persons ; and began with the multitude
of such members as had maintenance from cathedrals ; some one of
them allowing livelihood to three hundred, and the total amounting
to many thousands ; all which, by the dissolutions of deans and
chapters, must be exposed to poverty. Next. He instanced in their
tenants, who, holding leases from deans and chapters, are sensible of
their own happiness, (as enjoying six parts of seven in pure gain,)
and therefore have petitioned the House to continue their ancient
landlords. Thirdly. Such cities wherein cathedrals stand, if mari-
time, being very poor in trade, are enriched by the hospitality
of the clergy, and the frequent resort of strangers unto them.
Then proceeded he to speak of the branches of the whole king-
dom, all being in hope to reap benefit by the continuance of deans"'
and chapters' lands as now employed. For all men, said he, are
not bom elder brothers, nor all elder brothers inheritors of land.
Divers of low degree, but generous spirits, would be glad to advance
themselves, and achieve an estate by qualifying themselves, by indus-
try and virtue, to attain a share of cathedral endowments, as the com-
mon possession of the realm, enclosed in no private men's estate.
And whereas travellers inform them, that all ranks and degrees of
people in England (knights, gentlemen, yeomen) live more freely
and fashionably than in any other countries, he trusted their Honours
would account it reasonable that the clergy had, in some sort, a
better maintenance than in neighbouring Reformed churches, and
not, with Jeroboam's priests, to be the basest of all the people.
Then did he instance in some famous protestants of foreign parts,
who had found great relief and comfort by being installed preben-
daries in our cathedral and collegiate churches ; as Dr. Sara via, pre-
ferred by queen Elizabeth ; Dr. Casaubon, father and son, by king
James ; Dr. Primrose, Mr. Vossius, in the reign of king Charles ;
and Dr. Peter Moulin, alive at. this day, and who intended to leave
Sedan, if the warlike preparations there proceeded, and come over
into England, where he should have but sad welcome if all his live-
lihood were taken away from him.
Nor could an act be done more to gratify the church of Rome,
than to destroy deans and chapters, seeing Sanders * himself seemeth
to complain, that queen Elizabeth had left provosts, deans, canons,
and prebendaries, in cathedral and collegiate churches, because he
foresaw such foundations would conduce to the stability of religion ;
so that, by his words, a fatter sacrifice could not be offered up to
such as himself than the extirpation of them.
• De Schimnatc Anjlica\o. page 163.
422 CHURCH HlSTOllV OF BRITAIN. A. p. IGJrl.
He went forwards to show the benefit the khig and commonwealth
reaped by such lands, as paying greater sums to the exchequer for
first-fruits, tenths, and subsidies, according to the proportion, than
any other estates and corporations in the kingdom ; and are ready,
said he, if called upon, cheerfully to contribute in an extraordinary
manner to the charge of the kingdom.
Now, as he was by their Honours'* favour admitted to plead ,
under that roof, where their noble progenitors had given to the
clergy so many charters, privileges, and immunities, so he implored
to find the ancient and honourable justice of the House unto his
brethren, who were not charged, much less convicted, of any scan-
dalous faults, justly for the same to forfeit their estates.
At last he led them to the highest degree of all considerations ;
namely, the honour of God, to whose worship and service such
fabrics and lands were dedicated, and barred all alienation with
(which he said is tremenda 'cgx) curses and imprecations. He
minded them of the censers of Korah and his complices, pro-
nounced " hallowed," Numbers xvi. 38, because pretended to do
God service therewith. And lest any should wave this as a Levitical
nicety, it was proverbial divinity, as a received rule in every man's
mouth, " It is a snare to a man that devoureth that which is holy,"
Proverbs xx. 25. He added the smart question of St. Paul, " Thou
that abhorrest idols, dost thou commit sacrilege ? " and concluded,
that, on the ruins of the rewards of learning, no structure can be
raised but ignorance ; and upon the chaos of ignorance, nothing
can be built but profaneness and confusion.
This his speech was uttered with such becoming gravity that it
was generally well resented, and wrought much on the House for
the present ; so that had the aliening of such lands been then put to
the vote, some (who conceiving themselves knowing of the sense
of the House) concluded it would have been carried on the negative
by more than six-score suffrages.
73, 7^' Dr, Burgess's Speech against Deans and Chapters.
His Ability in casuistical Divinity.
In the afternoon Dr. Cornelius Burgess, as speaker for his party,
made a vehement invective against deans and chapters, and the
unprofitableness of such corporations. He heavily aggravated the
debauchedness of singing-men, not only useless, but hurtful by their
vicious conversations. Yet he concluded with the utter unlawful-
ness to convert such endowments to any private person's profit. So
that the same doctrine was delivered by both the doctors, only they
differed in their applications ; the former being for the continuing
Buch lands to their ancient — the latter for diverting them to oiher —
16 CHARLES I. BOOK XT., CKNT. XVII. 423
but neither for alienating them from public and pious — -employ-
ments.
If, since, Dr. Burgess hath been a large purchaser of such lands
to himself; if, since, St. Andrew,* the first-converted — and St. Paul,
the last-converted — apostle have met in his purse; I doubt not but
that he can give sufficient reason for the same, both to himself and
any other that shall question him therein ; the rather, because
lately he read his learned lectures in St. Paul's, on " the Criticisms
of Conscience," no less carefully than curiously weighing satisfaction
io scruples ; and if there be any fault, so able a confessor knows
how to get his absolution. -[-
75, 7^- ^ Medley-Bill against Bishops^ partly granted^ partly
denied. At last wholly cast out,
A Bill brought up from the Commons to the Lords against
bishops and clergymen ; which, having several branches, was seve-
rally voted.
1 . That they should have no votes in Parliament. 2. That they
should not be in the Commission of the Peace, nor Judges in temporal
Courts. 3. Nor sit in the Star-chamber, nor be Privy Counsellors.
The two last branches of this bill passed by general consent ; not
above two dissenting. But the first branch was voted in the nega-
tive; wherein all the bishops gave their own voices for themselves;
yet had their suffrages been secluded, and the question only put to
the lay lords, it had been carried for the bishops by sixteen decisive.
~ After some days'* debate, the Lords who were against the bishops
protested, that the former manner of voting the Bill by branches
was unparliamentary and illegal. Wherefore they moved the Plouse
that they should be so joined together as either to take the Bill in
wholly, or cast it all out. Whereupon the whole Bill was utterly cast
out by many voices ; had not the bishops, as again they did, given
their suffrages in the same.
77) 7^- ^^^' Maynard''s Speech against the Canons. Several
Judgments of the Clergy'' s Offence.
Mr. Maynard made a speech in the committee of -Lords, against
the canons made by the bishops in the last Convocation ; therein
with much learning endeavouring to prove,
1. That, in the Saxons' times, (as Malmsbury, Hoveden, Sir
• [The lands belonging to the bishoprics of] ^Vells and London. t Burgess was
much irritated at these remarks; and in his treatise called, "A Case concerning the
Buying of Bishops' Lands, with the Lawfuhicss thereof," &c. employed abusive language
against Fuller. The reader will find an account of it at the conclusion of that very
scarce book, Fuller's *' Appeal of injured Innocence.-"— Edit.
424 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1641.
Henry Spelman, &c. do witness) laws and constitutions ecclesiastical
had the confirmation of Peers and sometimes of the people, to which
great Councils our Parliaments do succeed.
2. That it appears, out of the aforesaid authors and others, that
there was some checking about the disuse of the general making of
such church-laws.
3. That for kings to make canons without consent of Parliament
cannot stand, because built on a bad foundation ; namely, on the
pope's making canons by his sole power ; so that, the ground-w^ork
not being good, the superstructure sinketh therewith.
4. He examined the statute 25th of Henry VIII. avouching
that that clause, "The clergy shall not make canons without the king's
leave," implieth not, that by his leave alone they may make them.
Lastly. He endeavoured to prove that these canons w^ere against
the king's prerogative, the rights, liberties, and properties of the
subject, insisting herein on several particulars : —
(1.) The first canon puts a penalty on such as disobey them.
(2.) One of them determineth the king's power and the subjects'
right.
(3.) It showeth that the ordinance of kings is by the law of
nature, and then they should be in all places and all alike.
(4.) One of the canons saith, that the king may not be resisted.
(5.) Another makes a holy-day, whereas that the Parliament
saith, there shall be such and no more.
This his speech lost neither life nor lustre, being reported to the
Lords by the bishop of Lincoln, a back-friend to the canons, because
made during his absence and durance in the Tower.
One in the House of Commons heightened the offence of the
clergy herein into treason, which their more moderate adversaries
abated into a premunire. Many much insisted on the clerks of the
Convocation for presuming (being but private men after the dissolu-
tion of the Parliament) to grant subsidies, and so, without law, to
give away the estates of their fellow-subjects.
79- ^ Bill read against the High Commission.
A Bill was read, June 17th, to repeal that statute of 1st Elizabeth
whereby the High-Commission Court is erected. This Bill after-
wards forbade any archbishop, bishop, &c. deriving power from the
king, to assess or inflict any pain, penalty, amercement, imprison-
ment, or corporal punishment for any ecclesiastical offence or trans-
gression ; forbidding them likewise to administer the oath eo) officio,
or give oath to churchwardens, sidesmen, or any others, whereby their
own or others' oflfences should be discovered.
16 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 425
SECTION IV.
DIGNISSIMO DOMINO THOM^ FISHER, BARONETTO.
Cum insignia tua Gentilitia intueor, non sum adeo
heraldicae artis ignarus, quin probe sciana, quid sibi
velit manus ilia, scutello inserta.
Te scilicet Baronettum designat, cum omnes in ilium
ordinem cooptati, ex institutione sua, ad Ultoniam
(Hibernise provinciam) forti dextra defendendam tene-
antur.*
At sensum (praeter hunc vulgarem) alium latiorerriy
et (quoad meipsum) Icetiorem, Manui illi expansae,
quae in tuo clypeo spectabilis, subesse video. Index
est summse tuae munificentiae, quo nomine me tibi
divinctissimum profiteor.
1 — 3. The High-Commission Court put dozen. The Bill for
Regulation of Bishops. A crying Sin of the English
Clergy. A.D. 1641.
OxMiTTiNG matters of lesser consequence, know that the Bill
against the High Commission was the third time read in the House
of Lords, June 24th, and passed : it, some days after, was confirmed
by his majesty. Thus the edge of the spiritual sword, as to disci-
pline, was taken away. For, although I read of a proviso made in
the House of Lords, that the general words in this Bill should
extend only to the High-Commission Court, and not reach other
ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; yet that proviso being but written, and
the statute printed, all coercive power of church consistories was
taken away. Mr. Pym triumphed at this success, crying out,
Digitus Dei^ '' It is the finger of God," that the bishops should so
supinely suffer themselves to be surprised in their power. Some
disaffected to episcopacy observed a justice, that, seeing many simple
souls were, in the High-Commission Court, by captious interroga-
tories circumvented into a self-accusation, an unsuspected clause in
this statute should abolish all their lawful authority.
July 2nd, the bishop of Lincoln brought up a Bill to regulate
bishops and their jurisdiction, consisting of several particulars : —
* Seldenl'S in T'Uulis Honoris.
426 CHURCH HISTOIIY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1641.
1. That every bishop, being in his diocess, not sick, should
preach once every Lord's day, or pay five pounds to the poor to be
levied by the next Justice of Peace, and distress made by the
constable.
2. That no bishop shall be Justice of Peace, save the dean of
Westminster in Westminster and St. Martin's.
S. That every bishop should have twelve assistants, beside the
dean and chapter ; four chosen by the King, four by the Lords, and
four by the Commons, for jurisdiction and ordination.
4. That in all vacancies they should present to the king three of
the ablest divines in the diocess, out of which his majesty might
choose one to be bishop.
5. Deans and prebends to be resident at the cathedrals but sixty
days.
6. That sermons be preached therein twice every Lord's day,
once every holy-day, and a lecture on Wednesday, with a salary of
one hundred marks.
7. AH archbishops, bishops, collegiate churches, &c. to give a
fourth part of their fines and improved rents, to buy out impro-
priations.
8. All double-beneficed men to pay a moiety of their benefice to
their curates.
9. No appeal to the Court of Arches or Audience.
10. Canons and ecclesiastical capitulations to be drawn up and
fitted to the laws of the land by sixteen learned men, chosen six by
the King, five by the Lords, and five by the Commons.
This bill was but 6nce read in the House, and no great matter
made thereof: the anti-episcopal party conceived it needless to
shave their beards, ichose heads they intended to cut off, designing
an utter extirpation of bishops.
By the way, the mention of a moiety to the curates minds me of
a crying sin of the English clergy, conceived, by the most consci-
entious amongst them, a great incentive of Divine anger against
them ; namely, the miserable and scandalous stipends aflforded to
their curates ; which made laymen follow their pattern in vicarages
unendowed, seeing such who knew most what belong to the work
allowed the least wages to the ministry. Hence is it that God
since hath changed his hand, making many who were poor curates
rich rectors, and many wealthy incumbents to become poor curates.
It will not be amiss to wish thankfulness without pride to the one,
and patience without dejection to the other.
16 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 427
4 — 7- ^ Bill against Bishop Wren. The Bishops, impeached
for making of Cano7is, have Time and Counsel allowed
them. The Impeachment of the Bishops waved, and why.
July 20th, a Bill was sent up by the Commons against Matthew
Wren, bishop of Ely, containing twenty-five articles, charging him
for being popishly affected, a suppressor of preaching, and introducer
of arbitrary power, to the hazard of the estates and lives of many.
They desired he might be sequestered from the king's person and
service.
To return to the bishops : The Commons, perceiving that they
were so tenacious of their votes in Parliament, resolved vigorously
to prosecute the impeachment against them for making of canons,
expecting the bishops should willingly quit their votes as barons to
be acquitted of their premunire, Avhereby they forfeited all their per-
sonal estates ; yet the sound of so great a charge did not so affright
them but that they persisted legally to defend their innocence.
August 16th, the bishops that were impeached for making canons
craved time till Michaelmas term to make their answer. This was
vehemently opposed by some lords, and two questions were put : —
1. Whether the bishops should sit still in the House, though with-
out voting, (to which themselves consented,) whilst the circumstance
of time for their answer was in debate ? 2. What time they should
have for their answer ? The first of these was carried for them by
one present voice, and four proxies ; and for the second, time was
allowed them till the tenth of November. And although the
adverse lords pleaded, that, in offences criminal, for matters of fact,
no counsel should be allowed them, but to answer Yea or No : yet
on the lord keeper's affirming it ordinary and just to allow counsel
in such cases, it was permitted unto them.
Bishop Warner, of Rochester, is chosen, by joint consent, to
solicit the cause, sparing neither care nor cost therein. Of the
counsel he retained, two only appeared ; serjeant Jermyn, who
declined to plead for them, except the bishops would first procure
him a warrant from the House of Commons, (which they refused to
do,) and Mr. Chiiite, who, being demanded of the lords whether he
would plead for the bishops, " Yea," said he, " so long as I have a
tongue to plead with ! " Soon after, he drew up a demurrer in their
behalf, — that their offence in making canons could not amount to a
premunire. This being shown to the bishop of Lincoln, he pro-
tested that he never saw a stronger demurrer all the days of his life ;
and the notice hereof to the Lords was probably the cause that they
waved any further prosecution of the charge, which henceforward
sunk in silence.
428 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1641.
8 — 11. The Bishops, accused for mean Birth, vindicated their
Parentage. The Degrees whereby the Bishops declined in
Parliament. Bishops refuse willingly to resign their Votes.
Pass we now from the outworks of episcopacy, I mean the deans
and chapters, thus fiercely stormed, (but as yet not taken,) to the
bishops themselves, who began to shake, seeing their interest and
respects in the House of Lords did daily decay and decline. Yea,
about this time came forth the lord Brooke's book against bishops,
accusing them in respect of their parentage to be de fwce populi,
" of the dregs of the people ; '' and, in respect of their studies, no
way fit for government, or to be barons in parliament.
Whereupon the bishops, taking this accusation to heart, meet
together ; and, in their own necessary defence, thought fit to vin-
dicate their extractions, some publicly, some in private discourse.
Dr. Williams began, then archbishop of York, (Canterbury being
in the Tower,) was accused in the Star-chamber for purchasing the
two ancientest houses and inheritances in North Wales, (which are
Penrhyne and Quowilocke,) in regard he was descended from them.
So that he might as truly accuse all the ancient nobility of Britain,
as tax him for meanly descended.
Dr. Juxon, bishop of London, did or might plead that his
parents lived in good fashion ; and gave him large allowance, first in
the university, then in Gray's Inn, where he lived as fashionably as
other gentlemen ; so that the lord Brooke might question the
parentage of any inns-of-court gentlemen, as well as his.
Bishop Morton, of Durham, averred that his father had been lord
mayor of York, and borne all the offices of that city with credit and
honour; so that the lord Brooke might as justly quarrel the descent
of any citizen's sons in England.
Bishop Curie, of Winchester : his father was for many years
auditor in the Court of Wards, to queen Elizabeth and king James;
and the aforesaid lord may as well condemn all the sons of officers
to be meanly born as accuse him.
Bishop Cook, of Hereford : his father's family had continued in
Derbyshire, in the same house and in the same means, four hundred
years at least, often sheriffs of that county, and matched to all the
best houses therein. So that the lord Brooke might as well have
charged all the ancient gentry of that shire for mean parentage as
accuse him.
Bishop Owen, of St. Asaph, — that there was not a gentleman in
the two counties of Carnarvon and Anglesey, of three hundred
pounds a year, but was his kinsman or ally-man in the fourth
degree ; which, he thinks, will sufficiently justify his parentage.
16 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 429
Bishop Goodman, of Gloucester, — that though his veVy name
seemed to point out his descent from yeomanry, yet, though the
youngest son of the youngest brother, he had more left unto him
than the lord Brooke's father had to maintain him and all his
family ; that his grandfather by his father's side purchased the
whole estate of Sir Thomas Exmew, lord mayor, London, 1517;
and that, by his mother's side, he was descended of the best parent-
age of the city of London.
The rest of the bishops might sufficiently vindicate their parentage,
as most the sons of ministers or lay gentlemen, whose extractions
ran not so low as to any such feculency charged upon them.
But more symptoms of their dying power in parliament daily dis-
covered themselves ; some whereof we will recount, that posterity
may perceive by what degrees they did lessen in the House, before
they lost their votes therein.
First. Whereas it was customary, that, in all commissions, such a
number of bishops should be joined with the temporal lords, of late
their due proportions were not observed.
Secondly. The clerk of the Parliament, applying himself to the
prevalent party, in the reading of Bills turned his back to the
bishops, who could not (and, it seems, he intended they should not)
distinctly hear any thing, as if their consent or dissent were little
concerned therein.
Thirdly. When a bill passed for exchange of lands, betwixt the
bishop of London and Sir Nicholas Crispe, the temporal lords were
offended that the bishop was styled " right honourable,'' therein,
which at last, was expunged and he entitled, " one of his majesty's
most honourable Privy Council ;" the honour being fixed upon his
state-employment, not episcopal function.
Fourthly. On a solemn fast in their going to church, the tem-r
poral lords first took precedency of the bishops, (who quietly
submitted themselves to come behind,) on the same token, that one
of the lay lords* said, "Is this a day of humiliation ^ wherein we
show so much pride, in taking place of those to whom our ancestors
ever allowed it ? "
But the main matter was, that the bishops were denied all med-
dling even in the commission of preparatory examinations concerning
the earl of Strafford, as causa sanguinis^ and they as men of mercy
not to deal in the condemnation of any person. The bishops
pleaded, though it was not proper for them to condemn the guilty,
yet they might acquit the innocent, and such an one as yet that earl
was charitably presumed to be until legally convicted to be other-
wise. They alleged also, in their own behalf, that a commission was
* The yoiing lord Spencer, afterwards earl of Sunderland,
4-30 CHURCH HISTQilY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1641.
granted, in tlie reign of queen Elizabeth, to certain Privy-Coun-
sellors for the examination of the queen of Scots, even to her con-
demnation if just cause appeared,* and John Whitgift, archbishop
of Canterbury, first named therein. AH would not prevail ; the
bishops being forbidden any interposing' in that matter.
It must not be forgotten, how about this time the lord Kimbolton
made a motion to persuade the bishops willingly to depart with their
votes in Parliament ; adding, that if the same v^ould surrender their
suffrages, the temporal lords who remained in the House were
obliged in honour to be more tender of and careful for the bishops'*
preservation in their jurisdictions and revenues. An instrument was
employed, by the earl of Essex, (or else he employed himself, con-
ceiving the service acceptable,) who dealt privately with several
bishops to secure themselves by prevention, to surrender that which
would be taken away from them. But the bishops persisted in the
negative, refusing by any voluntary act to be accessary to their own
injury, resolving to keep possession of their votes, till a prevalent
power outed them thereof.
12 — 14. Multitudes of Petitions against Bishops. A Land-tide
of Apprentices flow to Westminster. The Manner of the
Tumult at Westminster Abbey and Whitehall belongs to
the Pens of St ate- Historians.
Now no day passed wherem some petition was not presented to
the Lords or Commons, from several persons, against the bishops as
grand grievancers, causing the general decay of trade, obstructing
the proceedings in Parliament, and what not ? insomuch that the very
porters, as they said, were able no longer to undergo the burden of
episcopal tyranny, and petitioned against it. But hitherto these
were but blunt petitions, the last was a sharp one, (with point and
edge,) brought up for the same purpose by the armed apprentices.
Now, seeing men's judgments are at such a distance about the
nature of this their practice ; — some terming it " a tumult, mutiny,
riot;" others calling it " courage, zeal, and industry;'' some admi-
ring them as acted with a public spirit, above their age and educa-
tion ; others condemning them much, their countenancers more,
their secret abettors and contrivers most of all : — I say, when men
are thus divided in point of judgment, it will be safest for us to
confine ourselves merely to matter of fact ; wherein also we meet
with much diversity of relation ; though, surely, what a parlia-
mentary chronicler*!* writes thereof must be believed : —
" Now, see how it pleased the Lord it should come to pass.
• Camden's " Elizabeth" in anno 1586. f John Vicars in his " God in the
Mount; or, Parliamentaiy Chronicle/' lib. i. rage 58.
l(j CHARLES I. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 481
Dec. 2Gth. Some of the apprentices and citizens were again affronted
about Westminster Abbey, and a great noise and hubbub fell out
thereabouts. Others, some of them, watched (as it seems by the
sequel) the bishops coming to the Parliament, who, considering the
disquiet and great noise by land all about Westminster, durst not
come to Parliament that way, for fear of the apprentices, and there-
fore intended to have come to Parliament by water in barges. But
the apprentices watched them that way also ; and as they thought
to come to land, they were so pelted with stones, and frighted at the
sight of such a company of them, that they durst not land, but
were rowed back, and went away to their places."
Thus the bishops were fain to shelter themselves from the shower
of stones ready to fall upon them, and with great difficulty made
their escape ; who otherwise, on St. Stephen's day, [Dec. 26th,]
had gone St. Stephen*'s way to their graves.
As for the hubbub at Westminster Abbey lately meiitioned, eye-
witnesses have thus informed me of the manner thereof. Of those
apprentices who coming up to the Parliament cried, " No bishops !
No bishops !" some, rudely rushing into the Abbey church, were
reproved by a verger for their irreverent behaviour therein. After-
wards quitting tlie church, the doors thereof, by command from the
dean, were shut up, to secure the organs and monuments therein
against the return of the apprentices. For though others could not
foretell the intentions of such a tumult, who could not certainly tell
their own, yet the suspicion was probable, by what was uttered
amongst them. The multitude presently assault the church,
(under pretence that some of their party were detained therein,)
and force a pane out of the north door, but are beaten back by the
officers and scholars of the college. Here an unhappy tile was cast
by an unknown hand, from the leads or battlements of the church,
which so bruised Sir Richard Wiseman, conductor of the appren-
tices, that he died thereof, and so ended that day's distemper.
1 5, 16. Why no more than twelve of the Bishops present at the
Protest. The Form thereof.
To return to the bishops : The next day twelve of them repaired
to Jerusalem-chamber, in the dean's lodgings ; and if any demand,
" Where were the rest of them, to make up twenty-six V take this
account of their absence : —
13. Dr. Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, was in the Tower.
14. Dr. Juxon, bishop of London, was keeping his hospitality,
(it being Christmas,) at Fulham.
15. So was Dr. Curie at Winchester-house, and it was con-
ceived unsafe, though but cross the Thames, to send unto hinu
432 CHURCH HISTORY OOF BRITAIN. A.D. 1641.
16. So also was Dr. Warner, of Rochester, returned to entertain
Lis neigliboiirs in the country.
17, 18. Dr. Briclgman, of Cliester, and Dr. Roberts, of Bangor,
were not as yet come out of the country.
19. Dr. Manwaring, bishop of St. David's, sat not in the House,
as disabled long since by his censure in Parliament.
20. Dr. Duppa, bishop of Salisbury, was attending his charge,
prince Charles.
21. Dr. John Prideaux was not yet consecrated bishop of Wor-
cester.
22. Dr. WinnifFe was not yet consecrated bishop of Lincoln.
23. Dr. Ralph Brownrigg was not yet consecrated bishop of
Exeter.
24. Dr. Henry King was not yet consecrated bishop of Chi-
chester.
25. Dr. John Westfield was not yet consecrated bishop of
Bristol.
26. Carlisle was void by the late death of Dr. Potter, only con-
ferred by the king on archbishop Usher to hold it in commendam.
Thus have we made up their numbers ; and must not forget, that
a secret item was given to some of the bishops, by some of their
well-wishers, to absent themselves in this licentious time of Christ-
mas, though they had not the happiness to make use of the advice.
The other twelve bishops being not yet fully recovered from their
former fear, grief, and anger, (which are confessed by all to be but
bad counsellors in cases of importance,) drew up in haste and dis-
turbance, December 27th, such a Protestation, that posterity already
hath had more years to discuss and examine, than they had hours,
(I had almost said " minutes,"") to contrive and compose, and (most
of them implicitly relying on the conceived infallibility of the arch-
bishop of York in point of common law) all subscribed, as fol-
loweth : —
"to the K1Ng''s most excellent majesty, and the LORDS
AND PEERS NOW ASSEMBLED IN PARLIAMENT.
" Whereas the petitioners are called up by several and
respective writs, and under great penalties, to attend the Parliament,
and have a clear and indubitable right to vote in Bills, and other
matters whatsoever debatable in Parliament, by the ancient customs,
laws, and statutes of this realm, and ought to be protected by your
majesty quietly to attend, and prosecute that great service: they
humby remonstrate and protest before God, your majesty, and the
noble lords and peers now assembled in Parliament, that as they
have an undubitate right to sit and vote in the House of the Lords ;
16 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 4^33
SO are they, if they may be protected from force and violence, most
ready and willing to perform their duties accordingly. And that
they do abominate all actions or opinions tending to popery, and
the maintenance thereof, as also all propension and inclination to
any malignant party, or any other side or party whatsoever, to the
which their own reasons and conscience shall not move them to
adhere. But whereas they have been at several times violently
menaced, affronted, and assaulted by multitudes of people in their
coming to perform their services in that honourable House, and
lately chased away, and put in danger of their lives, and can find no
redress or protection upon sundry complaints made to both Houses
in these particulars ; they humbly protest before your majesty, and
the noble House of Peers, that, saving unto themselves all their
rights and interest of sitting and voting in that House at other
times, they dare not sit or vote in the House of Peers, until your
majesty shall further secure them from all affronts, indignities, and
dangers in the premisses. Lastly: Whereas their fears are not built
upon phantasies and conceits, but upon such grounds and objects as
may well terrify men of resolution and much constancy ; they do in
all humility and duty protest before your majesty, and Peers of that
most honourable House of Parliament, against all laws, orders,
votes, resolutions, and determinations, as in themselves null and of
none effect, which, in their absence, since the 27th of this instant
month of December, 1641, have already passed, as likewise against
all such as shall hereafter pass, in that most honourable House,
during the time of this their forced and violent absence from the
said most honourable House ; not denying but if their absenting
of themselves were wilful and voluntary, that most honourable
House might proceed in all their premisses, their absence or this
protestation notwithstanding. And humbly beseeching your most
excellent majesty to command the clerk of that House of Peers to
enter this their petition and protestation among his records :
" They will ever pray God to bless, &c.
"JOHN EBORAC. GEO. HEREF.
JHO. DURESME. ROBT. OXON.
RO. CO. LICH. MA. ELY.
JOS. NORW. GODFREY GLOUC.
JO. ASAPH. JO. PETERBURG.
GULL BA. AND WELLS. MORICE LANDASF."
This instrument they delivered to archbishop Williams, who,
according to their desire, his own counsel and promise, at the next
opportunity, presented it to his majesty.
Vol. III. F F
434 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1641.
17, 18. The Bishop,^ impeached of High- Treason^ and committed
to the Tower.
His majesty would not meddle therewitli in this dangerous
juncture of time, (his great Council then sitting,) but wholly
remitted the matter to the Parliament. The next morning, a Privy
Counsellor brought this Protestation into the House ; at the reading
whereof the anti-episcopal party much triumphed, that the bishops had
gratified them with such an advantage against themselves, which
their adversaries might wish but durst not hope for heretofore. A
conference is desired with the Commons in the painted chamber ;
and therein concluded, that the bishops should be impeached of
high treason, for endeavouring to subvert the fundamental laws of
the land, and the very being of parliaments.
Hereupon, the next day, the twelve subscribers were voted to be
committed to the Tower, save that bishop Morton of Durham, and
Hall of Norwich, found some favour, partly in respect of their old age,
and partly in regard of the great good they had done with their pens and
preaching to the church of God.* So that they alone were sent to the
custody of the black rod. The rest, being brought into the Tower,
had that honour granted them in the prison which was denied them
in the Parliament, to be esteemed equal with — yea, above — temporal
lords, as appeared by the fees demanded of them ; though, in fine,
Sir John Biron, lieutenant of the Tower, proved very courteous in
removing the rigour thereof. The archbishop of Canterbury, by a
civil message, excused himself for not conversing with them, because
he was committed on a different account from them, and probably
they might mutually fare the worse for any intercourse. And here
we leave them prisoners for eighteen weeks together, and proceed.
19. Viscount NewarHs two Speeches in the Behalf of Bishops.
Now was the Bill against the bishops sitting in Parliament
brought up into the House of Lords, and the matter agitated with
much eagerness on both sides. Amongst those who sided with them,
none appeared in print more zealous than the lord viscount Newark,
(afterward earl of Kingston, &c.) whose two speeches in parliament,
although spoken some months before,-|- yet, for the entireness of the
History, may now seasonably be inserted.
HIS FIRST SPEECH.
" I SHALL take the boldness to speak a word or two upon this
subject, first as it is in itself, then as it is in the consequence. For
• Heylin says, that it was " Dr. "Wright, bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, and not
Dv. Hail, bishop of Norwich, who found that favour at their hands." Fuller adds, "The
next edition shall be reformed herein." — Edit. t The first. May 21st 5 the second,
May 24th, antio 1G41.
16 CHARLES r. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 435
the former : I think he is a great stranger in antiquity that is not
well acquainted with that of their sitting here. They have done
thus and in this manner almost since thfe Conquest, and by the same
power and the same right the other peers did and your lordships
now do. And to be put from this their due, so much their due, by
so many hundred years strengthened and confirmed, and that without
any offence, nay, pretence of any, seems to me to be very severe.
If it be jus^ I dare boldly say it is summum. That ' this hinders
their ecclesiastical vocation,' (an argument I hear much of,) hath in
my apprehension more of shadow than substance in it : If this be a
reason, sure I am, it might have been one six hundred years ago.
" A bishop, my lords, is not so circumscribed within the circum-
ference of his diocess that his sometimes-absence can be termed, no,
not in the most strict sense, ' a neglect or hinderance of his duty ;''
no more than that of a lieutenant from his county. They both
have their subordinate ministers, upon which their influences fall,
though the distance be remote.
" Besides, my lords, the lesser must yield to the greater good ; to
make wholesome and good laws for the happy and well regulating of
church and commonv/ealth, is certainly more advantageous to both,
than the want of the personal execution of their office, and that but
once in three years, (and then, peradventure, but a month or two,)
can be prejudicial to either. I will go no further to prove this,
which so long experience hath done so fully, so demonstratively.
" And now, my lords, by your lordships' good leave, I shall speak
to the consequence, as it reflects both on your lordships, and my
lords the bishops. Dangers and inconveniences are ever best pre-
vented e longlnquo. This precedent comes near to your lordships.
The Bill, indeed, hath a direct aspect only upon them, but an
oblique one upon your lordships ; and such a one that, mutato
nomine^ de vohis. Pretences are never wanting ; nay, sometimes
the greatest evils appear in the most fair and specious outsides.
Witness the ship-money, the most abominable, the most illegal
thing that ever was ; and yet this was painted over with colour of
the law. What bench is secure, if to allege be to convince ? And
which of your lordships can say, that he shall continue a member of
this House, when at one blow six-and-twenty are cut off? It then
behoves the neighbour to look about him, cum proximus ardet
Ucalegon.
"And for the bishops, my lords, in what condition will you
leave them ? The House of Commons represents the meanest
person ; so did the master his slave. But they have none to do so
much for them ^ and what justice can tie them to the observation of
those laws to whose constitution they give no consent ? The wisdom
2f2
4S6 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D 1641.
of former times gave proxies unto this House merely upon this
ground, — that every one might have a hand in the making of that
which he had an obligation to obey. This House could not repre-
sent ; therefore, proxies in room of persons were most jnstly allowed.
" And now, my lords, before I conclude, I beseech your lordships
to cast your eyes upon the church, which I know is most dear and
tender to your lordships. You will see her suffer in her most prin-
cipal members, and deprived of that honour which here and through-
out all the Christian world ever since Christianity she constantly
hath enjoyed. For what nation or kingdom is there in whose great
and public assemblies, and that from her beginning, she had not
some of hers, if I may not say as essential, I am sure I may say ' as
integral "* parts thereof? And, truly, my lords, Christianity cannot
alone boast of this, or challenge it only as hers : even Heathenism
claims an equal share. I never read of any of them, civil or barbarous,
that gave not due honour to their religion : so that it seems' to me
to have no other original, to flow from no other spring, than nature
itself.
" But I have done, and will trouble your lordships no longer.
How it may stand with the honour and justice of this House to
pass this Bill, I most humbly submit unto your lordships, the most
proper and only judges of them both.'"
HIS SECOND SPEECH.
" I SHALL not speak to the preamble of the Bill, that bishops and
clergymen ought not to intermeddle in temporal affairs. For,
truly, my lords, I cannot bring it under any respect to be spoken
of. Ought is a word of relation, and must either refer to human or
divine law. To prove the lawfulness of their intermeddling by the
former, would be to no more purpose than to labour to convince
that by reason which is evident to sense : it is by all acknowledged.
The unlawfulness by the latter, the Bill by no means admits of;
for, it excepts universities and such persons as shall have honour
descend upon them. And your lordships know, that circumstance
and chance alter not the nature and essence of a thing, nor can
except any particular from an universal proposition by God himself
delivered. I will, therefore, take these two as granted : First.
That they ought by our law to intermeddle in temporal affairs.
Secondly. That from doing so they are not inhibited by the law of
God ; it leaves it at least as a thing indifferent. And now, my
lords, to apply myself to the business of the day : I shall consider the
conveniency, and that in the several habitudes thereof, but very briefly.
First. In that which it hath to them merely as men, qua tales: Then,
As parts of the commonweal : Thirdly: From the best manner of
10 CH-AHLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 437
conslitiiting laws : And, Lastly, from tlie practice of all times, botli
Christian and Heathen.
" 1. Homo sum, nihil humanum a me alienimi puto, was indeed
the saying of the comedian ; but it might well have become the
mouth of the greatest philosopher. We allow to sense all the works
and operations of sense ; and shall we restrain reason ? Must only
man behindered from his proper actions ? They are most fit to do
reasonable things that are most reasonable. For, science commonly
is accompanied with conscience ; so is not ignorance : they seldom
or never meet. And why should we take that capacity from them
which God and nature have so liberally bestowed ?
" 2. My lords, the politic body of the commonwealth is analogical
to the body natural. Every member in that contributes something
to the preservation of the whole : the superfluity or defect which
hinders the performance of that duty, your lordships know what
the philosopher calls ajxapr/av tyi<; <p6(Tsoo;, ' nature''s sin.' And,
truly, my lords, to be part of the other body, and do nothing bene-
ficial thereunto, cannot fall under a milder term. The common-
wealth subsists by laws and their execution : and they that have
neither head in the making — nor hand in the executing — of them,
confer not any thing to the being or well-being thereof. And can
such be called * members "" unless most unprofitable ones ? only
fruges consumere nati.
" 3. Methinks it springs from nature itself, or the very depths of
justice, that none should be tried by other laws than himself makes.
For, what more natural and just than to be bound only by his
own consent? To be ruled by another's will is merely tyrannical.
Nature there suffers violence, and man degenerates into beast. The
most flourishing estates were ever governed by laws of an universal
constitution. Witness this our kingdom : witness senatus populusque
Romanus^ the most glorit)us commonwealth that ever was ; and
those many others in Greece and elsewhere of eternal memory.
" 4. Some things, my lords, are so evident in themselves that
they are difficult in their proofs. Amongst them I reckon this con-
veniency I have spoken of: I will therefore use but a word or two
more in this way. The long experience that all Christendom hath
had hereof for these thirteen hundred years, is certainly argumentum
ad hominem. Nay, my lords, I will go further : (for the same
reason runs through all religions :) never was there any nation that
employed not their religious men in the greatest aflTairs. But, to come
to the business that now lies before your lordships : Bishops have voted
here ever since Parliaments began ; and, long before, were employed
in the public. The good they have done, your lordships all well
know, and at this day enjoy. For this, I hope, ye Avill not put them
438 CHURCH HISTOEY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1641.
out, nor for the evil they may do ; which yet your lordships do not
know, and I am confident never shall suffer. A position ought not
to be destroyed by a supposition ; et a posse ad esse non valet con-
sequentia. My lords, I have done with proving of this positively: I
shall now, by your good favours, do it negatively, in answering some
inconveniences that may seem to arise."'
Objection I. — " For the text, ' No man that wars entangles
himself with the affairs of this life,"* which is the full sense of the
word both in Greek and Latin ; it makes not at all against them,
except to intermeddle and entangle be terms equivalent. Besides,
my lords, though this was directed to a churchman, yet it is of a
general nature and reaches to all, clergy and laity ; as the most
learned and best expositors unanimously do agree. To end this,
argumentum symboUcum non est argumentativum?''
Objection II. — " It may be said, ' that it is inconsistent with a
spiritual vocation.' Truly, my lords, grace and nature are in some
respects incompatible ; but, in some others, most harmoniously
agree. It perfects nature, and raises it to a height above the com-
mon altitude, and makes it most fit for those great works of God
himself, — to make laws, to do justice. There is, then, no incon-
sistency between themselves ; it must arise out of Scripture : I am
confident it doth not formally out of any place there, nor did I ever
meet with any learned writer of these or other times that so
expounded any text."
Objection III. — " But, ' though in strict terms this be not
inconsistent, yet it may peradventure hinder the duty of their other
calling.' My lords, there is not any that sits here more for preach-
ing than I am. I know it is the ordinary means to salvation ; yet
I likewise know, there is not that full necessity of it as was in the pri-
mitive times. God defend, that sixteen hundred years' acquaintance
should make the Gospel of Christ no better known unto us ! Neither,
my lords, doth their office merely and wholly consist in preach-
ing ; but, partly in that ; partly in praying and administering
the blessed sacraments ; in a godly and exemplary life, in wholesome
admonitions, in exhortations to virtue, dehortations from vice ; and
partly in easing the burthened conscience. These, my lords, com-
plete the office of a churchman. Nor are they altogether tied to
time or place ; though, I confess, they are most properly exercised
within their own verge, except upon good occasion ; nor then the
omission of some can be termed the breach of them all. I must
add one more, an essential one, — the very form of episcopacy that
distinguisheth it from the inferior ministry, the orderly and good
government of the church. And how many of these, (I am sure not
the last,) my lords, is interrupted by their sitting here, once in three
16 CHARLES I. BOOK Xf. CENT. XVII. 439
years, and then peradventure but a very short time ? And can there
be a greater occasion than the common good of the church and state ?
I will tell your lordships what the great and good emperor Constan-
tino did, in his expedition against the Persians : He had his bishops
with him, whom he consulted about his military affairs, as Eusebius
has it in his Life, lib. iv. c. 56.''^
Objection IV. — " ' Reward and punishment are the great
negotiators in all worldly businesses ; these may be said to make
the bishops swim against the stream of their consciences.' And may
not the same be said of the laity ? Have these no operations, but
only upon them ? Has the king neither frown, honour, nor offices,
but only for bishops ? Is there nothing that answers their transla-
tions ? Indeed, my lords, I must needs say, that in charity it is a
supposition not to be supposed, no, nor in reason, that they will go
against the light of their understanding. The holiness of their
calling, their knowledge, their freedom from passions and affections
to which youth is very obnoxious, their vicinity to the gates of
death, which, though not shut to any, yet always stand wide open
to old age : These, my lords, will surely make them steer aright."
Objection V. — " ' But of matter of fact there is no disputa-
tion : some of them have done 111.' Ct'imine ah uno disce omnes,
is a poetical not a logical argument. Some of the judges have done
so, some of the magistrates and officers; and sKall there be therefore
neither judge, magistrate, nor officer more ? A personal crime goes
not beyond the person that commits it ; nor can another''s fault be
mine offence. If they have contracted any filth or corruption
through their own or the vice of the times, cleanse and purge them
thoroughly. But still remember the great difference between
reformation and extirpation. And be pleased to think of your
Triennial Bill which will save you this labour for the time to come ;
fear of punishment will keep them in order, if they should not
themselves through the love of virtue. I have now, my lords,
according to my poor ability, both showed the conveniences, and
answered those inconveniences that seem to make against them. I
should now propose those that make for them : As their falling into
a condition worse than slaves, not represented by any ; and then the
dangers and inconveniences that may happen to your lordships. But
I have done this heretofore, and will not offer your lordships, cram-
ben his coctamr
These speeches (though they converted none of the opposite)
confirmed those of the episcopal party, making the Lords very-
zealous in the bishops' behalf.
440 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIM. A.D. 1642.
20. Temporal Lords, Favourers of Bishops,
There were in the House many other defenders of episcopacy : as
AVilliam lord marquess of Hertford ; the earl of Southampton; the
earl of Bristol, and the lord Digby, his son ; and the never-to-be-
forgotten H enry, earl of Bath, a learned lord, and lover of learning,
oftentimes on occasion speaking for bishops, once publicly professing
it one of the greatest honours which ever happily happened to his
family, that one thereof (Thomas Bourchier by name) was once dig-
nified with the archbishopric of Canterbury. Many other lords,
though not haranguing it in long orations, by their effectual votes
for bishops manifested their unfeigned affections unto them.
21 — 31. The Death of Bishop Mountagu. Eminent and popular
Persons made Bishops. All would not do. A disadvantageous
Juncture of Time for Bishops. Bishop Warner, the best
Champion for Bishops. The principal Plea against Bishops'"
Baronies. Earl of BristoPs Plea for Bishops ; refuted by
others. The King unwilling to consent ; but is importuned
thereunto. Keep in thy Calling. A.D. 1642.
About this time, there were many vacant cathedrals, which the
king lately had or now did furnish with new bishops : Dr. Joseph
Hall being removed from Exeter to Norwich, void by the death of
Richard Mountagu, born in Westminster, bred in Eaton school.
Fellow in King's College ; a great Grecian, and church antiquary,
well read in the Fathers. But (all in his diocess not being so well ■
skilled in antiquity as himself) some charged him with superstitious
urging of ceremonies ; and, being accused in parliament, he appeared
not, (being very weak,) but went a more compendious way to answer
all in the high court of heaven.*
As for new-elected bishops, his majesty was most careful to choose
them out of the most sound for judgment, and blameless for con-
versation.
1. Dr. John Prideaux, almost grown to the King's Professor's
Chair in Oxford, he had sat so long and close therein ; procuring,
by his painful and learned Lectures, deserved repute at home
and amongst foreign protestants. He was made bishop of
Worcester.
2. Dr. Thomas Winniffe, dean of St. Paul's ; a grave, learned,
and moderate divine ; made bishop of Lincoln.
S. Dr. Ralph Brownrigg ; of most quick and solid parts, equally
eminent for disputing and preaching ; made bishop of Exeter.
4. Dr. Henry King; acceptable on the account of his own merit,
* He tiied on tlie 12iii of April.
17 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 441
and on the score of a pious and popular father ; made bishop of
Chichester.
5. Dr. John Westfield ; for many years the painful and pro-
fitable preacher, of great St. Bartholomew's, London ; made bishop
of Bristol. He died not long after.
Surely, si urhs defensa^ fiiisset his dextris, if Divine Providence
had appointed that episcopacy (at this time) should have been kept
up and maintained, more probable persons for that purpose could
not have been picked out of England. So that envy and detraction
might even feed on their own flesh, their teeth finding nothing in
the aforesaid elects to fasten upon.
But episcopacy was so far from faring the better for them, that
they fared the worse for it ; insomuch that many, who much loved
them in their gowns, did not at all like them in their rochets.
The bill w^as again brought in against bishops' votes in Parliament,
and that in a disadvantageous juncture of time, the bishops then
being under a threefold qualification : —
1. Imprisoned in the Tower. Of these eleven, beside archbishop
Laud ; whose absence much weakened the party.
2. Lately consecrated, and later inducted into the House of
Lords ; as the bishops of Worcester, Lincoln, Exeter, Chichester,
Bristol : Such their modesty and manners, they conceived it fitting
to practise their hearing, before speaking in the House. So that, in
some sort, they may be said to have lost their voices before they
found them in the Parliament.
3. The remainder of ancient bishops, — London, Salisbury, Ban-
gor, &c. — who seldom were seen, (detained with other occasions,)
and more seldom heard in the Parliament.
So that the adversaries of episcopacy could not have obtained a
fitter opportunity, (the spirits of time at large being distilled there-
into,) than in this very instant, to accomplish their desires.
Only Dr. John Warner, bishop of Rochester, was he, in whom
dying episcopacy gave the last groan in the House of Lords; one of
good speech and a cheerful spirit, and (which made both) a good
purse, and (which made all three) a good cause, as he conceived in
his conscience ; which made him very pertinently and valiantly
defend the antiquity and justice of bishops' votes in Parliament.
This is he of whose bounty many distressed souls since have tasted ;
whose reward no doubt is laid up for him in another world.
The main argument which was most insisted on, against their
temporal baronies, were the words of the apostle, " No man which
warreth, entangleth himself with the afl^airs of this life," 2 Tim.
ii. 4. Their friends pleaded, 1. That the words equally concerned
all militant Christians ; bishops being not particularized therein.
442 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1643.
2. That it was uncharitable to conclude their fingers more clasping of
the world, or the world more glutinous to stick to their fingers, that
they alone, of all persons, could not touch the world, but must be
entangled therewith. But it was answered, that then, a fortiori^
clergymen were concerned in the text aforesaid not to meddle with
worldly matters, whose governing of a whole diocess was so great an
employment, that their attendance in parliament must needs be
detrimental to so careful a vocation.
The earl of Bristol engaged himself a valiant champion in the
bishops' behalf. He affirmed, that it was according to the Orders
of the House, that no Bill, being once cast out, should be brought
in again at the same sessions. Seeing therefore the Bill against
bishops' votes had formerly been clearly carried by many decisive
votes for the bishops, it was not oxA^^ prwter- but (70?^^r«-parliamentary,
it should be brought again this sessions.
But seeing this Parliament was extraordinary in the manner and
continuance thereof, (one session being likely to last for many years,)
it was not conceived fit they should be tied to the observance of such
punctual niceties ; and the resumption of the Bill was not only over-
ruled by votes, but also it was clearly carried in the negative, " that
bishops never more should vote as peers in parliament."
Nothing now wanted, save the royal assent, to pass the said votes
into a law. The king appeared very unwilling therein ; partly,
because he conceived it an injury to give away the bishops'*
undoubted right ; partly because he suspected, that the haters of the
function — and lovers of the lands — of bishops would grow on his
grants, and improve themselves on his concessions, so that such
yielding unto them would not satisfy their hunger, but quicken their
appetites to demand the more hereafter.
The importunity of others pressed upon him, that to prune oflT
their baronies was the way to preserve their bishoprics ; that his
majesty, lately obnoxious to the Parliament for demanding the five
members, would now make plenary satisfaction, and give such
assurance of his affections for the future, that all things would
answer his desired expectation. This was set home unto him, by
some (not the farthest) relations, insomuch that at last, February
14th, he signed the bill, as he was in St. Augustine's in Canterbury,
passing with the queen towards Dover, then undertaking her voyage
into the Low Countries.
Many expected, and more desired, that the king's condescension
herein should put a period unto all differences. But their expecta-
tions were frustrate ; and, not long after, the king, apprehending
himself in danger by tumults, deserted Whitehall, went into the
north, erected his standard at Nottingham. Edgc-liill field was
19 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 443
fought, and much English blood on both sides shed in several
battles. But I seasonably remember, that the church is my castle ;
namely, that the writing thereof is my house and home, wherein I
may stand on my own defence against all who assault me. It was
good counsel king Joasli gave to king Amaziah, " Tarry at home,"
2 Kings xiv. 10. The practice whereof shall, I hope, secure me
from many mischiefs.
32, 33. The word "- malignanV^ first comedy and the word
" Plunderr
About this time the word " malignant," was first born (as to the
common use) in England ; the deduction thereof being disputable,
whether from mains ignis, " bad fire ;" or, malum lignum^ " bad
fuel f* * but this is sure, betwixt both, the name made a combustion
all over England. It was fixed as a note of disgrace on those of the
king's party ; and, because one had as good be dumb as not speak
with the vulgar, possibly in that sense it may occur in our ensuing
History. However, the royalists plead for themselves, that *' malig-
nity," a Scripture-word, Rom. i. 29, properly denoteth "activity in
doing evil," whereas they being ever since on the suffering side, in
their persons, credits, and estates, conceive the name improperly applied
unto them. Which plea the parliamentary party smile at, instead
of answering ; taking notice of the affections of the royalists, how
malignant they would have appeared, if success had befriended them.
Contemporary with " malignant," was the word, " plunder ;"
which some make of Latin original, from planum dare, " to level,"
or " plane all to nothing." Others make it of Dutch extraction, as
if it were " to plume or pluck the feathers of a bird to the bare
skin." Sure I am, we first heard thereof in the Swedish wars ; and
if the name and thing be sent back from whence it came, few English
eyes would weep thereat.
34 — 36. The Bishops in the Tower released. J Query worth
inquiring. Divines consulted with in Parliament. A.D.
1643.
By this time ten of the eleven bishops, formerly subscribing their
Protestation to the Parliament, were, after some months' durance,
* Heylin ia exceedingly severe in his reprehension of this definition of malignant ; and
Fuller replies, in his Appeal: " I confess the name round-head at the same time trun-
dled ahout in the mouths of many men ; hut I conceived it heneath a liistorian to make
use thereof, hecause his majesty, in aU his proclamations, declarations, and other acts of
state, never made mention thereof j whilst mulignunt was often used in Acts of ParUa-
ment. But if my bare mention, not using, of malignant be so distasteful, I will cut
down all the ill ivood therein to the last sprig, quench all the ill fire therein to the last
spark J I mean, God willing, totally delete that paragraph in the next edition." — Edit.
444 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A]). 1643.
upon good bail given, released ; two of them finding great favour in
their fees from the lieutenant of tlie Tower, in respect of their great
charge and small estate. These now at liberty severally disposed
themselves ; some went home to their own diocess, as the bishops of
Norwich, Oxford, &c. Some continued in London, as the bishop
of Durham, not so rich in age, as in all ^commendable episcopal
qualities. Some withdrew themselves into the king's quarters, as
archbishop Williams, &c. Only bishop Wren was still detained in
the Tower, where his long imprisonment (being never brought in to
a public answer) hath converted many of his adversaries into a
more charitable opinion of him.*
The bishops' votes in parliament being dead and departed,
(neither to be helped with flattery, nor hurt with malice) one word
of inquiry in what notion they formerly voted in parliament : —
Whether as a distinct third Whether as so many single
estate of the clergy ? or^ barons in their temporal capa-
city P
This was formerly received for This is maintained by those
a truth, countenanced with some who account the King, the Lords,
* In his Examen Historicum, Dr. Heylin proceeds to rectify and explain this
paragraph in the following manner : " He telleth us, that ' ten of the eleven which
had suhscribed were released ; ' whereas there were twelve which had subscribed,
as appears, page 433, whereof ten were sent unto the Tower, and the other two
committed to the custody of the Black Rod, page 434. And if ten only were
released, the olher two must be kept in custody for a longer time ; whereas we
find the bishop of Norwich at home in his diocess, and the bishop of ^Durham at
liberty in London,- — they being the two whom he makes so far favoured by the
Parliament as they scaped the Tower. Bishop Wren was released upon bail when
the others were j returned into his diocess as the others did ; and there continued
for a time 5 when, of a sudden, he was snatched from his house at Downham, in
the Isle of Ely, carried to the Tower, and there imprisoned ; never being brought unto a
hearing, nor any cause showed for his imprisonment to this very day. Archbishop
"Williams, after his restoring imto hberty, went not into the king's quarters, as our author
saith, but unto one of his own houses in Yorkshire, where he continued till the year 1643,
and then came to Oxford : not that he found the north too cold for him, or the war too
hot ; but to solicit for renewing of his coviniendam in the deanery of Westminster, the
time for which he was to hold it drawing towards an end." In his Appeal, Fuller admits
the general justness of He}-lin's corrections, except in those respecting archbishop
Williams, concerning whom he observes : " Nothing false or faulty. The archbishop of
York stayed some weeks after his enlargement at Westminster ; thence he went pri-
vately to the house of Sir Thomas Hedley in Himtingdonshh-e ; and thence to his palace
at Cawood nigh York, where he gave the king a magnificent entertainment. King
James settled the deanery of Westminster, under the Great Seal, on Dr. Williams, so
long as he should continue bishop of Lincoln. Hinc illcB lachrymcE ; hence the great
heaving and huffing at him, because he would not resign it, which was so signal a monu-
ment of his master's favour unto him. Being archbishop of York, king Charles confirmed
his deanery unto him for three years, in lieu of the profits of his archbishopric, which the
king had taken, sede vacante. So that it is probable enoiigh, the renewing that term
might be a joint motive of his going to Oxford/' — Edit.
19 CHARLES T. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 445
passages in the old Statutes, and Commons, the three estates ;
reckoning the Lords Spiritual, amongst which Lords the bishops
and Lords Temporal, and the (though spiritual persons) ap-
Commons, to be the three peared as so many temporal
estates ; the King, as paramount barons ; wliose absence is no
of all, not comprehended therein, whit prejudicial to the Acts
passed in Parliament.
Some of the aged bishops had their tongues so used to the lan-
guage of a third estate, that more than once they ran on that reputed
rock in their speeches ; for which they were publicly shent,* and
enjoined an acknowledgment of their mistake.
The Convocation now not sitting, and many matters of religion
being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament, their wis-
doms adjudged it not only convenient but necessary, that some
prime clergymen might be consulted with. In order whereunto,
they resolved to select some out of all counties, whom they con-
ceived best-qualified for their design herein , and the first of July
was the day appointed for their meeting.
SECTION V.
TO MR. GILES VANDEPIT, MR. CLEGAT, AND MR. PETER
MATTHEWES, OF LONDON, MERCHANTS.
A THREEFOLD Cable is not easily broken ; and a tri-
plicate of friends may be presumed effectual to protect
my endeavours : of whom, two are of Dutch, the third
(in the midst) of English extraction, not falling there
by casual confusion, but placed by designed conjunc-
tion. Methinks it is a good sight, to behold the Dutch
embracing the English ; and this Dedication may pass
* Heylin askrf, By whom were they publicly shent, or reproaclied ? Fuller replies :
" The earl of Essex and the lord Say were two of the lords who checked them. And of
two of those bishops, Dr. HaU, late bishop of Norwich, is gone to God, and the other is
still alive." Heylin then proceeds very learnedly and satisfactorily to prove, that the lords
spiritual had, from the early periods of our national history, been always acccuated one
of the three estates of the realm, and concludes with this remark : " Those aged bishops
had been but little studied in their own concernments, and betrayed their rights, if any of
them did acknowledge any such mistake in challenging to themselves the names and
privileges of //;<? third estate." — Edit.
446 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1643.
for the emblem of the late agreement ; which God long
continue, if for the mutual good of both nations !
1. The first Meeting of the Assembly. A.D. 1643.
When on this day, Saturday, July 1st, the Assembly of Divines,
to consult about matters of religion, met at Westminster in the
chapel of king Henry VII. then the constitution of this assembly,
as first elected and designed, was to consist of about one hundred
and twenty persons chosen by the Parliament (without respect of
diocesses) in relation to shires, two or more of a county. They
thought it not safe to intrust the clergy with their own choice, of
whose general corruption they constantly complained ; and therefore
adjudged it unfit that the distempered patients should be, or choose,
their own physicians.
2. The four English Quarters of the Assembly.
These elects were of four several natures, as the quarters of the
same body, easily distinguishable by these conditions or opinions : —
First. Men of episcopal persuasion ; as the right reverend James
Usher, archbishop of Armagh ; Dr. Brownrigg, bishop of Exeter ;
Dr. Westfield, bishop of Bristol ; Dr. Daniel Featley ; Dr. Richard
Holdsworth, &c.
Secondly. Such who in their judgments favoured the presbyterian
discipline, or in process of time were brought over to embrace it ;
amongst whom, (to mention those " who seemed to be pillars," as
on whose abilities the weight of the work most lie,) we take special
notice of Dr. Hoyle, divinity-professor in Ireland : Cambridge. —
Dr. Thomas Gouge, of Blackfriars ; Dr. Smith, of Barkway ; Mr.
Oliver Bowles ; Mr. Thomas Gataker ; Mr. Henry Scudder ; Mr.
Anthony Tuckeney ; Mr. Stephen Marshall ; Mr. John Arrowsmith ;
Mr. Herbert Palmer ; Mr. Thomas Thorough good ; Mr. Thomas
Hill ; Mr. Nathanael Hodges ; Mr. Gibbons ; Mr. Timothy Young ;
Mr. Richard Vines ; Mr. Thomas Coleman ; Mr. Matthew New-
comen ; Mr. Jeremiah Whitaker ; &c. Oxford. — Dr. William
Twisse ; Dr. Cornelius Burgess ; Dr. Stanton ; Mr. White of
Dorchester ; Mr. Harris of Hanwell ; Mr. Edward Reynolds ; Mr.
Charles Herle ; Mr. Corbet of Merton College ; Mr. Conant ; Mr.
Francis Cheynell ; Mr. Obadiah Sedgwick ; Mr. Cartar, sen. Mr.
Cartar, jun. Mr. Joseph Caryl ; Mr. Strickland, &c. I hope an
et ccetera (so distasteful elsewhere) may be permitted in the close of
our catalogue, and am confident that the rest here omitted as
unknown unto me will take no exception. The like assurance I
have, that none will cavil if not reckoned up in their just seniority.
19 CHARLES I. BOOK XI« CENT. XVII. 447
both because they know I was none of the register that entered their
admission in the universities, and because it may savour something
of a prelatical spirit to be offended about precedency.*
Thirdly. Some zealous ministers, who, formerly disliking con-
formity, to avoid the censures of episcopal consistories, removed
themselves beyond the seas, chiefly to Holland, where some had
plentifid — all comfortable — subsistence ; whence they returned home
at the beginning of this Parliament. These afterwards proved
Dissenting Brethren to some transactions in the Assembly, as Thomas
Goodwin, Sidrach Simpson, Philip Nye, &c.
Fourthly. Some members of the House of Lords and Commons
were mingled amongst them, and voted jointly in their consulta-
tions ; as the earl of Pembroke, the lord Say ; the most learned
antiquary, Mr, John Selden ; Mr. Francis Rouse ; Mr. Bulstrode
Whitelocke, &c.
Thus was this Assembly (as first chosen and intended) a quint-
essence of four parties. Some conceive, so motley a meeting
promised no good results, whilst others grounded their hopes on
what was the motive of the former to despair, — the miscellaneous
nature of the Assembly. For what speedier way to make peace in
a distracted church, than to take in all interests to consult together ?
It had been little better than a spiritual monopoly, only to employ
those of one party ; whilst, if all men's arguments, objections, com-
plaints, desires, be indifferently admitted, an expedient may be the
sooner found out for their just and general satisfaction.
3 — 5. The Scots Commissioners joined in the Assembly. Dr.
Twisse, the Prolocutor'' s^ Sermon. The Royalists'' Reasons
of their Non-appearance.
So much for the English party of this Assembly. For know,
that commissioners from Scotland were joined with them ; some of
the nobility, as the earl of Lothian, the lord Lauderdale, the lord
• Heylin, oflFended with this clause, justly ohserves : " Certainly, if it savoui* of a pre-
latical spirit to contend about precedencies, that spirit, by some Pythagorean metem-
psychosis, hath passed into the bodies of the jiresbyterians , whose pride had swelled them
in conceit above kings and princes, and ^us cometh home to our author," &c. Fuller's
rejoinder is very remarkable, especially when we consider the juncture of time in which
it was written, 1659: *' If it cometh home to me, I will endeavour, God willing, to
thrust it far from me, by avoiding the odious sin of pride. And I hope the presbyterians
will herein make a real and practical refutation of this note, in evidencing more himaility
hereafter ; seasonably remembering, they are grafted on the stock of bishops, and are
concerned * not to be high-minded, but fear, lest if God spared not ' episcopacy, (for what
sins, I am not to inquire,) peaceably possessed, above a thousand years, of power in the
church of England, ' take heed that he spare not ' presbytery also ; which is but a proba-
tioner on its good behaviour, especially if by their insolence they offend God and disoblige
ournation, the generality whereof is not over-fond of their government." — Edit.
448 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1643.
Warristone; others of the clergy, as Mr. Alexander Henderson,
Mr. Gillespie, &c. So that as Livy calleth the general meeting of
^tolia pan-^tolium^ this Assembly endeavoured to put on the
face of pan-Britannicum^ that the walls of the palace wherein they
met might in some sort be like the waves of the sea, within the
compass whereof they lived, as surrounding one island and two
nations.
Dr. Twisse preached the first sermon at the meeting of the
Assembly ; (though the Schools, not the pulpit, was his proper
element, witness his controversial writings;) and in his sermon he
exhorted them faithfully to discharge their high calling to the glory
of God and the honour of his church. He much bemoaned that
one thing was wanting, namely, the royal assent, to give comfort and
encouragement to them. Yet he hoped, that, by the efficacy of
their fervent prayers, it might in due time be obtained, and that a
happy union might be procured betwixt him and the Parliament.
Sermon ended, the ordinance was read, by which was declared the
cause, ground, and intent of their convention ; namely, to consult
"with the Parliament for the settling of religion and church-govern-
ment. Then the list of their names was called over who were
appointed to be present there, and a mark (but no penalty) set on
such who appeared not at the time prefixed.
The appearance of the persons elected answered not expectation ;
seeing, of an hundred and twenty, but sixty-nine were present ; and
those in coats and cloaks of several forms and fashions ; so that Dr.
Westfield and some few others seemed the only nonconformists
amongst them for their conformity, whose gowns and canonical
habits differed from all the rest. For, of the first sort of royalists,
episcopal in their judgments, very few appeared ; and scarce any
continued any time in the House, (save Dr. Daniel Featley, of
whom hereafter,) alleging privately several reasons for tlieir absence
or departure : —
1. They had no call from the king, having read how anciently
the breath of Christian emperors gave the first being to councils.
Yea, some, on my knowledge, had from his majesty a flat command
to the contrary.
2. They were not chosen by the clergy, and so could not appear
as representatives, but in their personal capacities.
y. This meeting seemed set up to pluck down the Convocation,
(now neither sitting, nor legally dissolved,) Avhich solemnly was
summoned for ecclesiastical affairs.
4. If appearing there, they should be beheld by the rest (what
Joseph charged on his brethren) as spies come thither to see the
nakedness of the Assembly.
W CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 449
o. Being few, tliey should easily be out-voted by the opposite
party, and so only worn as countenances to credit their proceedings.
However, I have heard many of both parties desire, that those
defenders of the hierarchy had afforded their presence ; as hoping
that their learning and abilities, their temper and moderation, might
have conduced much to mitigate some violence and extremity in
their proceedings. But God, in his all -ordering providence, saw it
unfitting ; and whether or no any good had been effected by them,
if present, (seeing as yet no law to order men''s conjectures,) is left
to the liberty of every man's opinion.
6 — 13. The Assembly constituted. The superadded Divines.
The A^semblifs first Petition for a Fast. Tlie Covfena^it
entereth England. Tlie Covenant first taken ; commanded
to be printed ; taken by Gentlemen ; enjoined [ow] all in
London.
Soon after, the Assembly was completely constituted with all the
essentials thereunto : Dr. Twisse, Prolocutor ; Mr. Roborough and
Adoniram Byfield, their Scribes and Notaries. And now their
good success (next to the parliament's) was publicly prayed for by
the preachers in the city, and books dedicated unto them, under the
title of the most Sacred Assembly ;* which because they did not
disavow, by others they were interpreted to approve. Four shillings
a-day salary was allowed them ; much too little, as some thought,
for men of their merit ; others grumbling at it as too much for
what by them was performed. And now, what place more proper
for the building of Sion, (as they propounded it,) than the chamber
of Jerusalem (the fairest in the dean's lodgings, where king Henry
IV. died, and) where these divines did daily meet together ?
Be it here remembered', that some (beside those episcopally-
aflPected) chosen to be at this Assembly, notwithstanding, absented
themselves, pretending age, indisposition, &c. as it is easier for able
unwillingness to find out excuses, and make them probable. Fit it
was, therefore, so many vacuities should be filled up, to mount the
meeting to a competent number ; and assemblies, as well as armies,
when sfrown thin, must be recruited. Hence it was that at several
times the Lords and Commons added more members unto them, by
the name of " the super-added divines." Some of these, though
equal to the former in power, were conceived to fall short in parts ;
as chosen rather by the affections of others, than for their own
abilities, — the original members of the Assembly not over-pleased
thereat, such addition making the former rather more, than more
considerable.
* Mr. SAr.TMARsn's book against Thomas Fuller.
Vol. III. (' c.
450 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1643.
One of the first public acts which I find by them perfornaed, was
the humble presenting of a petition to both Houses, for the appoint-
ing of a solemn fast to be generally observed. And no wonder if
their request met with fair acceptance and full performance, seeing
the Assembly's petition was the Parliament's intention ; and this
solemn suit of the divines did not create new — but quicken the old
— resolutions in both Houses. Presently a fast is appointed, and
accordingly kept on the following Friday, July 21st, Mr. Bowles
and Mr. Newcomen (whose sermons are since printed) preaching on
the same ; and all the rest of the particulars promised to be taken
into speedy consideration.
It was now projected to find out some band or tie, for the
straiter union of the English and Scottish amongst themselves, and
both to the Parliament. In order whereunto the Covenant was
now presented. This Covenant was of Scottish extraction, born
beyond Tweed, but now brought to be bred on the south side
thereof.
Monday, September 25th, the House of Commons in Parliament,
and the Assembly of Divines, solemnly took the Covenant at St.
Margaret's in Westminster.
Wednesday, September 27th, it was ordered by the Commons
in Parliament that this Covenant be forthwith printed and published.
Friday, September 29th, divers lords, knights, gentlemen,
colonels, officers, soldiers, and others, then residing in the city of
London, met at St. Margaret's in Westminster, and there took the
said Covenant ; Mr. Coleman preaching a sermon before them con-
cerning the piety and legality thereof.
It was commanded by the authority of both Houses, that the
said Covenant on the sabbath-day ensuing, October 1st, should
be taken in all churches and cliapels of London within the lines
of communication, and throughout the kingdom in convenient time
appointed thereunto, according to the tenour following : —
" A SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT FOR REFORMATION AND
DEFENCE OF RELIGION, THE HONOUR AND HAPPINESS OF
THE KING, AND THE PEACE AND SAFETY OF THE THREE
KINGDOMS OF ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, AND IRELAND.
" We, noblemen, barons, knights, gentlemen, citizens, burgesses,
ministers of the Gospel, and Commons, of all sorts in the kingdom
of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by the providence of God living
under one king, and being of one Reformed religion, having before
our eyes the glory of God, and the advancement of the kingdom of
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the honour and happiness of the
king's majesty and his posterity, and the true public liberty, safety.
10 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 451
and peace of the kingdom, wherein every one^s private condition is
included ; and calling to mind the treacherous and bloody plots,
conspiracies, attempts, and practices of the enemies of God against
the true religion and the professors thereof in all places, espe-
cially in these three kingdoms ever since the Reformation of religion ;
and how much their rage, power, and presumption are of late, and at
this time, increased and exercised, whereof the deplorable estate of the
church and kingdom of Ireland, the distressed estate of the church
and kingdom of England, the dangerous estate of the church and
kingdom of Scotland, are present and public testimonies. We
have now at last, (after other means of supplications, remonstrances,
protestations, and sufferings,) for the preservation of ourselves and
our religion from utter ruin and destruction, according to the com-
mendable practices of these kingdoms in former times, and the
example of God's people in other nations, after mature deliberation,
resolved and determined to enter into a mutual solemn league and
covenant, wherein we all subscribe, and each one of us for himself,
with our hands lifted up to the most high God do swear : —
" That we shall sincerely, really, and constantly, through the
grace of God, endeavour, in our several places and callings, the pre-
servation of the Reformed religion in the church of Scotland in
doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, against our common
enemies; the Reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England
and Ireland, in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, accord-
ing to the word of God, and the example of the best Reformed churches ;
and shall endeavour to bring the churches of God in the three king-
doms to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion, confession
of faith, form of church-government, directory for worship and cate-
chising ; that we and our posterity after us may as brethren live in
faith and love, and the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us.
" That we shall in like manner, without respect of persons, endea-
vour the extirpation of popery, prelacy, (that is, church-govern-
ment by archbishops, bishops, their chancellors, and commissaries,
deans, deans and chapters, archdeacons, and all other ecclesiastical
officers, depending on that hierarchy,) superstition, heresy, schism,
profaneness, and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound
doctrine and the power of godliness ; lest we partake in other men's
sins, and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues, and that
the Lord may be one, and his name one in the three kingdoms.
*' We shall, with the same sincerity, reality, and constancy in our
several vocations, endeavour with our estates and lives mutually to
preserve the rights and privileges of the Parliaments, and the due
liberties of the kingdoms, and to preserve and defend the king's
majesty, his person and authority, in the preservation and defence
2 G 2
452 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1643.
of the true religion and liberties of tlie kingdoms, that the world
may bear witness with our consciences of our loyalty, and that we
have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his majesty's just power
and greatness.
" We shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the discovery of
all such as have been or shall be incendiaries, malignants, or evil
instruments, by hindering the Reformation of religion, dividing the
king from his people, or one of the kingdoms from another, or
making any faction or parties amongst the people contrary to this
League and Covenant, that they may be brought to public trial, and
receive condign punishment, as the degree of their offences shall
require or deserve, or the supreme judicatories of both kingdoms
respectively, or others having power from them for that effect, shall
judge convenient.
" And whereas the happiness of a blessed peace between these
kingdoms, denied in former times to our progenitors, is by the good
providence of God granted unto us, and hath been lately concluded
and settled by both Parliaments, we shall each one of us, according
to our place and interest, endeavour that they remain conjoined in a
firm peace and union to all posterity ; and that justice may be done
upon the wilful opposers thereof in manner expressed in the prece-
dent article.
" We shall also, according to our places and callings, in this com-
mon cause of religion, liberty, and peace of the kingdoms, assist
and defend all those that enter into this League and Covenant, in
the maintaining and pursuing thereof, and shall not suffer ourselves
directly or indirectly, by whatsoever combination, persuasion, or
terror, to be divided and withdrawn from this blessed conjunction
and union, whether to make defection to the contrary part, or to
give ourselves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in this cause,
which so much concerneth the glory of God, the good of the king-
doms, and honour of the king ; but shall all the days of our lives
zealously and constantly endeavour to continue therein against all
opposition, and promote the same according to our power against all
lets and impediments whatsoever ; and what we are not able of
ourselves to suppress or overcome, we shall reveal and make known,
that it may be timely prevented or removed. All which we shall
do as in the sight of God.
" And because these kingdoms are guilty of many sins and pro-
vocations against God, and his Son Jesus Christ, as is too manifest
by our present distresses and dangers, tlie fruits thereof; we profess
and declare, before God and the world, our unfeigned desire to be
humbled for our own sins, and for the sins of these kingdoms, espe-
cially that we have not as we ought valued the inestimable benefit
19 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CKNT. XVII. 453
of the Gospel, that we have not laboured for the purity and power
thereof, and that we have not endeavoured to receive Christ in our
hearts, nor to walk worthy of him in our lives ; wliich are the
causes of other sins and transgressions so much abounding amongst
us, and our true and unfeigned purpose, desire, and endeavour for
ourselves, and all others under our charge, both in public and in
private, in all duties we owe to God and man, to amend our lives,
and each one to go before another in the example of a real reforma-
tion, that the Lord may turn away his wrath and heavy indignation,
and establish these churches and kingdoms in truth and peace.
And this covenant we make in the presence of Almighty God, the
Searcher of all hearts, with a true intention to perform the same, as
we shall answer at the great day, when the secrets of all hearts shall
be disclosed ; most humbly beseeching the Lord to strengthen us by
his Holy Spirit to this end, and to bless our desires and proceedings
with such success as may be deliverance and safety to his people, and
encouragement to other Christian churches groaning under or in
danger of the yoke of anti-christian tyranny, to join in the same or
like association and covenant, to the glory of God, the enlarge-
ment of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, and the peace and tranquillity
of Christian kingdoms and commonwealths."
We listen not to their fancy who have reckoned the v/ords in the
Covenant six hundred sixty-six, Rev. xiii. 19, preface and conclusion
(as only circumstantial appendants) not accounted ; and esteem him
who trieth it as well at leisure (alias as idle) as he that first made
the observation. Much less applaud we their parallel who (the
number in branches agreeing) compare it to the superstitious and
cruel Six Articles enacted by king Henry VIIL But let us con-
sider the solid and serious exceptions alleged against it, not so light
and slight as to be puffed away with the breath of the jDresent age,
but w^hose weight is likely to sink them down to the consideration
of posterity.
14, 15. Kocceptions-general to the Whole : made ivithout the
King's Cofisent : full of doubtful Words.
First. Seeing this Covenant, (though not as first penned,) as
prosecuted, had heavy penalties inflicted on the refusers thereof, such
pressing is inconsistent with the nature of any contract ; wherein
consent, not constraint, is presumed. In a Covenant men should go
of their own good-will, or be led by persuasions ; not drawn by
frights and fears, much less driven by forfeits and punishments.
Secondly. Subjects are so far from having the express or tacit
consent of the king for the taking thereof, that by public proclama-
tion he hath forbidden the same. Now, seeing parents had power
454 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1G43.
bj the law of God to rescind such vows which their children made
without their privity, Numbers xxx. 6 ; by the equity of the same
law, this Covenant is void, if contrary to the flat command of him
who is parens patriw.
Many words occur in this Covenant, some obscure, others of
doubtful meaning ; namely, " common enemies," " best-reformed
churches," " malignants," " highest judicatories of both kingdoms,"
&c. Until, therefore, the obscure be cleared, the doubtful stated and
fixed, the same cannot (as it ought) be taken in judgment.
1 6, 17. Eooceptions to the Preface^ pretended ancient^ yet unpre-
cedented.
Therein it is suggested, that " supplications, remonstrances, pro-
testations" to the king, were formerly used ; which, proving ineffec-
tual, occasioned the trying of this Covenant, as the last hopeful
means " to preserve religion from ruin," &c. Now, seeing many
joined neither with their hands nor hearts in presenting these
writings, such persons scrupled this Covenant, which they cannot
take in truth, because founded on the failing of the aforesaid means,
to the using whereof they concurred not in the least degree.
It is pretended in the Preface, that this Covenant is " according
to the commendable practice of these kingdoms in former times."
Whereas, indeed, it is new in itself, following no former precedents ;
a grand divine of the parliament-party publicly professing, that " we
read not either in divine or human histories the like oath extant in
any age, as to the matter, persons, and other circumstances thereof."*
18 — 21. Exceptions to the First Article. Cannot he taken
knowingly : 7ior without a double Scandal : Injury to them^
selves : Perjury to their Souls.
They are unsatisfied to swear, to maintain " the preservation of
the Reformed religion of Scotland, in doctrine, worship, discipline,
and government," as being ignorant (such their distance thence, and
small intelligence there) of the particulars thereof. They are loath
therefore to make a blind promise, for fear of a lame performance.
As for " the reforming of religion" (which necessarily implies a
changing thereof) of England and Ireland, " in doctrine, worship,
discipline, and government ; " they cannot consent thereunto without
iTianifest scandal both to papists and separatists. For, besides that
they shall desert that just cause which many pious martyrs, bishops,
and divines of our church have defended both with their ink and
blood, writings and suiferings, hereby they shall advantage the cavils
of papists against our religion, taxing it of uncertainty, not knowing
* rnJLir Nv£ '' Covenant with Narrat.' page 12.
19 CHARLES I. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 455
where to fix our feet, as always altering the same. Yea, they shall
not only supply papists with pleas for their recusancy, sectaries for
their separation, acknowledging something in our church-doctrine
and service not well affreeinfj with God's word ; but also shall
implicitly confess papists unjustly punished by the penal statutes
for not conforming with us to the same public service, wherein some
things are by ourselves, as well as them, misliked. and disallowed.
Nor can they take this Covenant without injury and perjury to
themselves. Injury, by ensnaring their consciences, credits, and
estates, if endeavouring to reform religion, under the notion of faulty
and vicious ; to which formerly they had subscribed, enjoined thereto
by the law of the land, not yet abrogated, never as yet checked by
the regrets of their own consciences, nor confuted by the reasons of
others for the doing thereof.*
Perjury, as contrary to the protestation and solemn vow they
had lately taken, (May 5th, 1641,) and oath of supremacy, swearing
therein to defend all the king's rights and privileges ; whereof his
spiritual jurisdiction in reforming church-matters, is a principal.
Now, although a latter oath may be corroborative of the former, or
constructive of a new obligation consistent therewith, yet can it not
be inductive of a tie, contrary to an oath lawfully taken before.
22. Evceptions to the Second Article. Ill, but forced, Equipage
of Prelacy. Four Reasons against Extirpation of Prelacy.
It grieveth them therein to see prelacy so unequally yoked;
popery being put before it ; superstition, heresy, schism, and pro-
faneness following after. Such the pleasure of those that placed
them, though nothing akin in themselves. But a captive, by the
power of others, may be fettered to those whom he hates and
abhors.
Consent they cannot to the extirpation of prelacy,
1. Neither in respect of the thing itself; being persuaded that
neither Papal monarchy, nor Presbyterian democracy, nor Inde-
pendent anarchy are so conformable to the Scriptures as Episcopal
aristocracy, being (if not of Divine in a strict sense) of apostolical
institution, confirmed with church-practice (the best comment on
Scripture when obscure) for fifteen hundred years, and bottomed
on the same foundation with infants' baptism, national churches,
observing the Lord's day, and the like.
2. In respect of themselves ; of whom, (1.) All, when taking
degrees in the university — (2.) Most, as many as are entered into
Holy Orders — (3.) Not a few, when lately petitioning the parlia-
ment for the continuing of episcopacy— (4.) Some, being members
• IStli Elizabeth, cap. 12,.
456 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1643.
of cathedral and collegiate churches — have subscribed with their
hands, and with their corporal oaths avowed the justification and
defence of that government.
3. In respect of the church of England ; fearing many mischiefs
from this alteration, (felt sooner than seen in all great and sudden
changes,) especially because the ecclesiastical government is so inter-
woven in many statutes of the land. And, if schisms so increase on
the suspension, what is to be expected on the extirpation, of epis-
copacy ?
4. In respect of his majesty ; as contrary to their oath of supre-
macy, wherein they were bound to maintain, (1.) His privileges;
amongst which a principal is, that he is " supreme moderator over
all causes and persons spiritual," wherein no change is to be
attempted without his consent. (2.) His dignity ; the collations
of bishoprics and deaneries, with their profits in their vacancies,
belonging unto him, and the first-fruits and tenths of ecclesiastical
dignities, a considerable part of the royal revenue.
Here we omit their plea whose chief means consisting of cathe-
dral preferment, [they] allege the like not done from the beginning
of the world, that men (though deserving deprivation for their
oiFences) should be forced to swear " sincerely, seriously, and from
their souls," to endeavour the rooting-out of that whence their best
livelihood doth depend.
23, 24. Eooceptions against the Third Article.
It grieveth them herein to be sworn to " the preservation of the
privileges of parliament and liberties of the kingdom," at large and
without any restriction ; being bound, in the following words, to
defend " the king"*s person and authority," as limited " in the pre-
servation and defence of true religion and the liberties of the
realm ;" enlarging the former, that the latter m.ay be the more con-
fined.
They are jealous what should be the cause of the inversion of the
method, seeing in the " Solemn Vow and Protestation," the defence
of the king's person and authority is put first, which in this Covenant
is postposed to the privileges of parliament. However, seeing " the
Protestation" was first taken, "the Covenant," as the younger,
cannot disinherit the elder of the possession which it hath quietly
taken in men's consciences.
25 — 27. Eooceptions to the Fourth^ Fifth and Sixth Articles.
They are unsatisfied whether the same imposeth not a necessity
for children to prosecute their parents even to death, under the
notion of "malignants," against all rules of religion and humanity.
19 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 457
For, even in case of idolatry, cliildren under the old law were not
bound publicly to accuse their parents, so as to bring them to be
stoned For the same, Deut. xiii. 6 ; though such unnatural cruelty
be foretold by our Saviour to fall out under the Gospel, of those
that shall " rise up against their parents, and cause them to be put
to death," Matt. x. 21,
They understand not what is meant therein by " the happiness
of a blessed peace betwixt these kingdoms," whereof Ireland must
needs be one ; whilst the same is rent with a woful war, and the
other two lands distracted with home-bred discords : whereof no
settlement can be hoped until first all interests be equally stated,
and the king''s authority, privileges of parliament, and liberties of
subjects justly bounded, and carefully preserved.
They are unsatisfied therein as wliolly hypothetical, supposing
what as yet is not cleared by solid arguments ; namely, that this is
'' the common cause of religion, liberty, and peace of the realms,"
&c. And if the same be granted, it appeareth not to their con-
science, that the means used to promote this cause are so lawful and
free from just objections which may be raised from the laws of God
and man,
28, 29. Exceptions to the Conclusion.
They quake at the mention, that the taking of this Covenant
should " encourage other churches, groaning under the yoke of anti-
christian tyranny," to join in the same ; fearing the dangerous
consequences this may produce to foreign protestants, and enrage
popish princes (in whose dominions they live) to cruelty against
them, as disaffected to their government. Besides, when Divine
Providence layeth such burdens on his servants, even the yoke of anti-
christ is then the yoke of Christ, — not to be throAvn off with force,
but to be borne with the confession of the truth, prayers, patience,
and Christian courage.
So much concerning the Covenant, which, some three months
after, began to be rigorously and generally urged. Nor have I
aught else to observe thereof, save to add in mine own defence, that
I never saw the same, except at distance as hung up in churches,
nor ever had any occasion to read, or hear it read, till this day, July
1st, 1654, in writing my History ; whatever hath been reported and
printed to the contrary, of my taking thereof in London, who went
away from the Savoy to the king's quarters, long before any men-
tion thereof in England.
30. The Author's Plea in his own just Defence.
True it is, there was an oath, which never exceeded the line of
communication, meeting with so much opposition that it expired in
458 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1643.
the infancy thereof, about the time when the plot was discovered
for which Mr. Tomkins and Mr. Chaloner suffered. This was ten-
dered to me, and taken by me in the vestry of the Savoy-church,
but first protesting some limitations thereof to myself. This, not
satisfying, was complained of, by some persons present, to the Par-
liament ; where it was ordered, that the next Lord's day I should
take the same oath in terminis terminantibus^ in the face of the
church ; which not agreeing with my conscience, I withdrew myself
into the king's parts, which (I hope) I may no less safely than I do
freely confess, because punished for the same with the loss of my
livelihood, and since (I suppose) pardoned in the Act of Oblivion.
31 — 34. The Parliament'' s Purge to the Clergy. The expelled
Clergy's Plea. The Finst Century^ why without a Second.
Vacant Livings^ how supplied.
Now began the great and general purgation of the clergy in the
Parliament's quarters, many being outed for their misdemeanours by
the committee appointed for that purpose. Some of their offences
were so foul, it is a shame to report them, crying to justice for punish-
ment.* Indeed, Constantine, the Christian emperor, was wont to
* Heylin severely repreliends Fuller for tlie wtole of this account of the ejected epis-
copal clergy. The following are some of his remarks : '^ Our author might have done
well to have satisfied himself in all partictilars, before he raised so foul a scandal on his
Christian brethren : which modesty he might have learned from the most excellent master
in the schools of piety and morality which this age hath given us, even the king himself ;
•who, as our author teUeth us, page 460, would not give way, that any such book
should be written of the vicious lives of some parliament-ministers, when such an under-
taking was presented to him. But, Qui alteruia incusat jyrobri^ seipsum intueri oportet,
is a good i-ule in the schools of prudence ; and therefore it concerns oiu* author to be sure
of this, — that all things be well at home, both in his own person and in his family, before
he throw so much foul dirt in the face of his brethren." In his Appeal of injured Inno-
cence, FuUer replies, with a pim upon his own name : " If God's restraining grace hath
bridled me irom scandalous obnoxiousness, may he alone have the honour thereof. As
far other stains and spots in my soul, I hope, (be it spoken without the least verbal
reflection,) that He who is the Fuller's soap, Mai- iii. 2, will scour them forth with his
merit, that I may appear clean, by God's mercy. Some of my brethren, or fathers
. rather, I reverence and admire for their eminences. Others I commend, and will endea-
vour to imitate. Others, guilty of human infirmities, — I desire to conceal their faults,
and, that not taking effect, to excuse their persons. Such as are past pleading for faU
imder my pity, and have my prayers that God would amend them. But, willingly, much
less causelessly, I will rrot accuse any ; and my pen and tongue have been, and shall be,
tender of their reputations. Proceed I now to what I have written concerning the seques-
tered clergy of England ; wherein I will freely (God willing) unbosom my mind ; and *if
I perish, I perish.' I appeal to the Searcher of hearts, if I did not desire to do them all
just favour, as I hope to find favour from Him when I most need it. But as mariners,
when they have both wind and tide against them, cannot make the desired port in a
straight line, and therefore are fain to fetch a compass ; semnably, I, desiring to gratify
my brethren and not destroy myself, was fain to go aboiit, that in any measure I might
with safety do it : and there was no compassing of it without compacing it, no reaching
the end without going oixt of the way. First, therefore, I did acknowledge, what indeed
19 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVJI. 459
say, <' If I see a clergyman offending, I will cover him with my
cloak." But, surely, he meant such offences as are frailties and
infirmities, no scandalous enormities. Such unsavoury salt is good
fornothing, no, not for the dunghill, Luke xiv. 35 ; because as the
savour is lost which makes it useful, so the fretting is left which
makes it useless, whereby it is so far from being good compost to fatten
ground, that it doth rather embarren it. Let Baal therefore plead
for itself, nothing can be said in their excuse, if (what was the
main matter) their crimes were sufficiently proved.
But as to the point, hear what the royalists at Oxford say for
their friends, whilst they conceive themselves to take just exceptions
at the proceedings against these ministers : —
1. Some of their faults were so foul, that the foulness of them*
is all that can be pleaded for them. For, being capital, the persons
deserved to be outed of life^ not of limng ; which leaves a suspicion
of imperfect proof.
2. The witnesses against them were seldom deposed on oath, but
their bare complaints believed.
3. Many of the complainers were factious people, (those most
accusing their sermons who least heard them,) and who since have
deserted the church, as hating the profession of the ministry.
. 4. Many were charged with delivering false doctrine, whose
positions were sound, at the least disputable : such those accused for
preaching that " baptism washeth away original sin ;" which the
most learned and honest in the Assembly in some sense will not
denv ; namelv, that in the children of God it cleanseth the con-
demning, and final peaceable commanding power of original sin,
though the stain and blemish thereof doth still remain.
5. Some were merely outed for their affections to the king's
cause ; and what was malignity at London was loyalty at Oxford.
Yea, many moderate men of the opposite party much bemoaned
such severity, that some clergymen, blameless for life and orthodox
for doctrine, were only ejected on the account of their faithfulness
coiild not be concealed, and what in ti-uth mnst be confessed, viz. tbat some of the ejected
clergy were guilty of foul offences ; to whom, and to whom alone, the name of Baal and
" unsavoury salt" did relate. Nor was it a wonder, if, amongst ten thousand and more,
some were guilty of scandalous enormities. This being laid down, and yielded to the
violence of the times, I WTought myself by degrees (as much as I durst) to insert what
followeth, in \indication of many others, rigorously cast out for following, in their affec-
tions, their preceding judgments and consciences, and no scandal could justly be charged
upon them, pleading for them as eusueth." FuUer here quotes five paragraphs, which
occur in this very page (459) of his Church History ; and very properly adds : << This,
being written by me some ten [years since,] (in the paroxysm of the business,)
and printed some four y^ars since, was as much as then I durst say for my brethren,
without running myself into apparent danger."— Edit. • Whites " Centmy,"
page 1.
460 CHURCH HISTORY OF J3R1TAIN. A.D. 1643.
to the king's cause. And as much corruption was let out by this
ejection, (many scandalous ministers deservedly punished,) so at
the same time the veins of the English church were also emptied of
much good blood, (some inoffensive pastors,) which hath made her
body hydropical ever since, ill humours succeeding in the room, by
reason of too large and sudden evacuation. But others of a more
violent temper excused all, the present necessity of the cause
requiring it. All pulpits in the Parliament-quarters must be made
like the whole earth before the building of Babel, " of one language
and of one speech,'"* or else all may be destroyed by the mixture of
other doctrines. And better a mischief to few, than an inconveni-
ence to all. Safer that some (suppose unjustly) suffer, than that
the success of the whole cause should be endangered.
Then came forth a book called " the First Century,"" (November
19th,) containing the names of a hundred divines sequestered for their
faults, with a promise of a second ; which to my knowledge never
came forth : whether because the author of the former was sensible
that the subject was generally odious, or because the death of Mr.
White, licenser thereof, prevented any addition, or whether because
dissuaded from the design, suspecting a retaliation from Oxford.
Sure, I have been informed, that, when some solicited his majesty
for leave to set forth a book of the vicious lives of some Parliament-
ministers, his majesty blasted the design ; partly because recrimina-
tion is no purgation, partly lest the public enemy of the protestant
religion should make an advantage thereof.
To supply the vacant places, many young students (whose Orders
got the speed of their Degrees) left the universities. Other minis-
ters turned Dualists and Pluralists ; it being now charity^ (what was
formerly cotetousness^ to hold two or three benefices. These could
plead for themselves the practice of Mr. Sanders, the martyr,* who
held two livings at good distance, because he could not resign one
but into the hands of a papist, — as these men would not surrender
them to " malignants.'' Many vicarages of great cure, but small
value, were without ministers, (whilst rich matches have many suitors,
they may die virgins that have no portions to prefer them,) which
was often complained of, seldom redressed, it passing for a current
maxim, it was safer for people to fast than to feed on the poison of
" malignant'"* pastors.
* Fox's " Acts and Monuments," page 1494, in anno 1555.
19 CHARLES T. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 461
35 — 41. Dissenting Brethren first appear in the Assembly.
The Cause of their first departing the Land. Are kindly
entertained iji Holland. How qualified to find out the
Truth. Their two chief Ground-Works. Co-ordination of
Churches. The Manner of their Church -Service. [They]
are always for new Lights.
Let us now look a little into the Assembly of Divines, where wc
shall not find them (as we might justly expect) " all of one tongue
and of one language,'"* there being some not concurring with the
major part, and therefore styled " Dissenting Brethren." I Imow
the Scotch writers call them " of the Separation ;" but, because
mollifying terms are the best poultices to be applied to the first
swellings of church-diiferenccs, we decline these words of distaste.
They are also commonly called Independents, though they them-
selves (if summoned by that name) will return no Vous avez there-
unto, as to a word odious and offensive in the common sound and
notation thereof. For Independency taken for "absolute subsistence,"
1. Without relation to God, is profane and blasphemous; 2. AVith-
out relation to king or state, is seditious and treacherous ; 3. With-
out relation to other churches, is proud and ambitious ; 4. Without
relation to particular Christians, is churlish and uncharitable.
These "Dissenting Brethren," or " Congregationalists," were but
five in the Assembly, though many more of their judgments dis-
persed in the land; namely, 1. Thomas Goodwin, bred first in
Christ's College, then Fellow of Catherine Hall in Cambridge : 2.
Philip Nye, who had his education in Oxford : 3. William Bridge,
Fellow of Emmanuel College in Cambridge, all three still alive :
4. Sidrach Simpson, of Queen's College in Cambridge : 5. Jeremiah
Burroughs, of Emmanuel College in Cambridge, both deceased.
It is our unhappiness, that, in writing their story, we have little
save what we have collected out of the writings of pens professedly
engaged against them ; and, therefore, the less credit is to be given
thereunto. However, in this "Narration" there is nothing of my
own ; so that, if any falsehoods therein, they must be charged
on their account whom the reader shall behold cited in the margin.
Otherwise I confess my personal respects to some of the afore-
named Dissenters for favours received from them.
Some ten years since, "the sinful corruptions" (to use their own
language*) " of the worship and government in this church, taking
hold on their consciences," unable any longer to comport therewith,
they deserted their native country. This we believe the true cause
of their departure ; not what some suggest,-|- that one for debt, and
• " Apologetical Narration," page 2. t Mr. Edwards in liis " Answer to the
Apologetical NaiTation."
4G2 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1643.
another for danger, (to answer some ill-interpreted words concerning
the Scots,) were forced to forsake the land. And although I will
not say they " left not a hoof of their estates behind them here,
they will confess they conveyed over the most considerable part
thereof. Many wealthy merchants and their families went over
with them ; so that of all exiles, (for so they style themselves,)
these may seem most like voluntary travellers for good company ;
though, of all travellers, most like to exiles.
Their reception beyond the seas in Holland was fair and civil ;
where the States (who, though they tolerate — own not — all religions)
were interpreted to acknowledge them and their churches by many
signs of their favour. 1. By granting them their own churches to
assemble in for Divine worship ; where their own countrymen met
also the same day, but at different hours, for the same purpose.
2. By permitting the ringing of a bell to call people to their public
meeting ; * which loudly sounded the States' consent unto them, as
not allowed to such clandestine sects which shelter themselves rather
under the permission than protection thereof. 3. By assigning a
full and liberal maintenance annually for their ministers, as also
wine for their communions. Xor can there be a better evidence of
giving the right hand of fellowship, than to give the full hand of
liberality. A moiety of this people fixed at Rotterdam, where they
landed ; the other travelled up higher, for better air, to Wianen ;
and thence, soon after, removed to Arnheim, a sweet and pleasant
citv ; no part of Holland (largely taken-(-) affording more of
England therein, resembled, in their letters to their friends, to
Hertford, or Bury in Suffolk."
Then, fall they to consult of church-discipline, professing them-
selves a mere ahrasa tabula., with virgin judgments, longing only to
be married to the truth. Yea, they " looked upon the Avord of
Christ'' (reader, it is their own expression;) "as unpartially and
unprejudicedly, as men made of flesh and blood are like to do in
any juncture of time that may fall out ; the place they went to, the
condition they were in, and company they went with, affording no
temptation to bias them any way."
And first they lay down two grand ground-works, on which their
following fabric was to be erected : 1. Only to take what was held
forth in God's word ; leaving nothing to church -practice or human
prudence, as but the iron legs and clay toes of that statue whose
head and whole body ought to be of pure Scripture-gold. 2. Not
to make their present judgment binding unto them for the future.
Their adversaries cavil hereat, as a reserve able to rout all the
• " Apologetical Narration," page 7. t Otherwise Arnheim is in Guelderland.
\ " Apologetical Narration," page 3.
ID CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 463
armies of arguments which are brought against them ; that, because
" one day teacheth another,'' they will not be tied on Tuesday morn-
ing to maintain their tenets on Monday night, if a new discovery
intervene.
In pursuance of these principles, they pitched on a middle way,
(as generally the posture of truth,) betwixt presbytery, as too
rigorous, imperious, and conclusive, and Brownism, as too vague,
loose, and uncertain. Their main platform was, that churches
should not be subordinate, parochial to provincial, provincial to
national, (as daughter to mother, mother to grandmother,) but
co-ordinate, without superiority, except seniority of sisters, contain-
ing no powerful influence therein. Thus the church, formerly like
a chain, with links of dependency on one another, should hereafter
become like a heap of rings, each entire in itself, but (as they
thought) far purer than was ever seen before.
The manner of their church-service, according to their own rela-
tion,* was performed in form following : 1. Public and solemn
prayers for kings and all in authority. 2. Reading the Scriptures
of the Old and New Testament, with exposition thereof on occa-
sion. S. Administration of the two sacraments, baptism to infants,
and the Lord's supper. 4. Singing of psalms, and collection for
the poor, every Lord's day. 5. For public officers they had pastors,
teachers, and ruling elders, (not lay but ecclesiastic persons,) and
deacons. As for church-censures, they resolved only on admonition
and excommunication ; the latter whereof was never handselled in
their church, *!* as no reason that the rod (though made) should be
used where the children are all quiet and dutiful. " Synods they
account useful, and in some cases necessary ; yet so that their power
is but official, not authoritative, whereby they may declare the
truth, not enjoin obedience thereunto." Or, take it in the language
of one of their grandees : ;|: actus regiminis a synodis dehent porrigi
non peragi ; the latter belonging to the liberty of several congrega-
tions. Their adversaries object, that none can give-in an exact
account of all their opinions, daily capable of alteration and increase.
AVliilst such countries, whose unmovable mountains and stable
valleys keep a fixed position, may be easily surveyed ; no geo-
grapher can accurately describe some part of Arabia, where the
flitting sands, driven with the winds, have their frequent removals ;
so that the traveller findeth a hole at his return, where he left a hill
at his departure. Such the uncertainty of these Congregationalists
in their judgments. Only they plead for themselves, it is not " the
wind of every doctrine," Eph. iv. 15 ; but the sun of the truth,§
* '•' Apologetical Narration," page 8. t Hid. page 9. I Responsio Jo.
Norton, page 114. § Mr. Cotton's preface to Mr. Norton's book.
464 CHuRCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1643.
which, with its new liglits, makes them renounce their old, and
embrace new, resolutions.
42 — 47. A Schism in Rotterdam Church. A second Schism in
the same Church. The Practice of Arnheijn Church. The
Jive Exiles return Home ; gather Churches in England.
The Presbyterians offended.
Soon after a heavy schism happened in the church of Rotterdam^
betwixt Mr. Bridge and Mr. Simpson, the two pastors thereof;
"insomuch that the latter rent himself,"" saith one,* "from Mr.
Bridge's church, to the great offence thereof;" though more pro-
bable, as another reporteth,-!* " Mr. Simpson [was] dismissed with
the consent of the church."'' However, many bitter letters passed
betwixt them, and more sent over to their friends in England, full
of invectives, blackness of the tongue always accompanying the
paroxysms of such distempers. Their Presbyterian adversaries
make great use hereof to their disgrace. | If such infant-churches,
whilst their hands could scarce hold any thing, fell a-scratching,
and their feet spurning and kicking one another, before they could
well go alone, how stubborn and vexatious would they be when
arrived at riper years !
This schism was seconded with another in the same church; wherein
they deposed one of their ministers, (Mr. Ward, I conceive, his
name,) which was beheld as a bold and daring deed, — especially
because herein they consulted not their sister-church at Arnheim,
which publicly was professed mutually to be done in cases of concern-
ment. Here the Presbyterians triumph in their conceived discovery
of the nakedness and weakness of the Congregational way ; which, for
want of ecclesiastical subordination, is too short to reach out a redress
to such grievances. For, seeing jtx^r in par em non habet potestatem.,
" equals have no power over their equals,"" the aggrieved party could
not right himself by any appeal unto a superior. But such consider
not the end, as well as the beginning, of this difference ; wherein the
church ofArnheim interposing, not as a judge to punish offenders,
but as a brother to check the failings of a brother,§ matters were so
ordered that Mr. Ward was restored to his place, ^hen both he and
the church had mutually confessed their sinful carriage in the matter.
But enough, if not too much, hereof; seeing every thing put in a
pamphlet is not fit to be recorded in a chronicle.
More concord crowned the congregation at Arnheim, where Mr.
Goodwin and Mr. Nye ^vere pastors ; wherein, beside those church-
ordjnances formerly mentioned, actually admitted and exercised,
• Mr. Edwards, ut prius, page 35. t Mr. John Goodwin in answer to Mr.
Edwards, page 238. t Page 245. § " Apologetical Narration," page 21.
19 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVIT. 465
some others 'stood candidates and fair probationers on their good
behaviour ; namely, if under trial they were found convenient. Such
were, 1. The holy kiss, 1 Cor. xvi. 20. 2. Prophesyings, 1 Cor. xiv.
when private Christians, at fit times, made public use of their parts
and gifts in the congregation, _ 8. Hymns, Eph. v. 19, and Col. iii.
16 ; and which, if no better divinity than music, might much be
scrupled at. 4. Widows, as essential she-ministers in the church,
1 Tim. V. 9 ; wdiich if it be so, our late civil wars in England have
afforded us plenty for the place. 5. Anointing of dying people,
as a standing apostolical ordinance, James v. 14.
Other things were in agitation, Avhen now the news arriveth that
the Parliament sitting at Westminster had broken the yoke of cere-
monies, and proclaimed a year of jubilee to all tender consciences.
Home then they[hasted with all convenient speed. For, only Eng-
land is England indeed, though some parts of Holland may be like
unto it. Over they came in a very good plight and equipage, which
the Presbyterians (and those I assure you are quick-sighted when
pleased to pry) took notice of. " Not a hair of their head singe-ed,
nor any smell of the fire" of persecution "upon their clothes.'"*
However, they w^ere not to be blamed, if setting their best foot for-
ward in their return, and appearing in the handsomest and cheerfullest
fashion for the credit of tlieir cause, and to show that they were not
dejected with their sufferings.
Presently they fall upon gathering of congregations, but chiefly in
or about the city of London. Trent may be good, and Severn better,
but O ! the Thames is the best for the plentiful taking offish therein.
They did pick (I will not say steal) hence a master, thence a mis-
tress of a family, a son out of a third, a servant out of a fourth parish ;
all which met together in their Congregation. Some prevented
calling by their coming, of old parishioners to become 7iew church -
members ; and so forward were they of themselves, that they needed
no force to compel, nor art to persuade them. Thus, a new inn
never wanteth guests at the first setting up, especially if hanging out
a fair sign, and promising more cleanness and neatness than is in any
of their neighbours.
The Presbyterians found themselves much aggrieved hereat.
They accounted this practice of the Dissenting Brethren but eccle-
siastical felony ; for, at the best, that they were but spiritual inter-
lopers for the same. They justly feared, if this fashion continued,
the falling of the roof, or foundering of the foundations of their
own parishes ; whence so many corner-stones, pillars, rafters, and
beams were taken by the others to build their Congregations. They
complained that these new pastors, though slighting tithes and set
maintenance, yet so ordered the matter, by gathering their churches,
Vol. in, h h
466 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1644r
that these "gleanings of Epliraim became better than tlie vintage
of Abiezer."
48 — 50. Dissenting Brethren crave a Toleration ; opposed by
others ; but favoured by the Parliament.
Not long after, when the Assembly of Divines was called, these
five Congiegationalists were chosen members thereof, but came not
up with a full consent to all things acted therein ; as accounting that
the pressing of an exact concurrence to the Presbyterian government
was but a kind of conscience-prison, whilst accurate conformity to
the Scotch church was the very dungeon thereof. A regimine eccle-
siastico, say they,* titi nunc in Scotia mget longiiis distamus, quippe
quod (ut nobis videtur) non tantiim a JScripturis, sed ab ecclesiarum
Beformatarwn suorumque theologorum sententiis (qui sub episco-
porum tyrannide diu duriterque passi sunt) plurimum distat. No
wonder therefore if they desired a toleration to be indulged them,
and they excused for being concluded by the votes of the Assembly.
But the Presbyterians highly opposed their toleration ; and such
who desired most ease and liberty for their sides when bound with
episcopacy, now girt their own government the closest about the
consciences of others. They tax the Dissenting Brethren for sin-
gularity ; as if these men, like " the five senses of the church," should
discover more in matter of discipline than all the Assembly besides,
— some moving their ejection out of the same, except in some con-
venient time they would comply therewith.
Hopeless to speed here, the Dissenters seasonably presented " an
apologetical Narrative to the Parliament," styled by them " the
most sacred refuge or asylum for mistaken and misjudged innocence."")*
Herein they petitioned pathetically for some favour, whose conscience
could not join with the Assembly in all particulars ; concluding with
that pitiful close, (enough to force tears from any tender heart,) that
they pursued no other interest or design but a subsistence (be it the
poorest and meanest) in their own land, ^s not knowing where else,
with safety, health, and livelihood, to set their feet on earth ; j and
subscribed their names :
THOMAS GOODWIN, JEREMIAH BURROUGHS,
PHILIP NYE, WILLIAM BRIDGE.
SIDRACH SIxMPSON,
If, since, their condition be altered and bettered, that they (then
wanting where to set their feet) since lie down at their length in the
fat of the land ; surely they have returned proportionable gratitude
• In their epistle to the reader, prefixed to Mr. Norton's book, f " Apologetical
Narration/' page 2. J Ibid, page 31.
20 CHARLES r. BOOK XT. C'KNT. XVIT. 407
to God for tlie same. Sure it is that at the present these petitioners
found such favour with some potent persons in Parliament, that they
were secured from farther trouble ; and, from lying at a posture of
defence, are now grown able not only to encounter but invade all
opposers, yea, to open and shut the door of preferment to others ; —
so unsearchable are the dispensations of Divine Providence in making
sudden and unexpected changes, as in whole nations, so in private
men's estates, " according to the counsel of his will."
51, 52. New-England Churches^ Congregationalists. The Rest
referred to Mr. Norton^s Book.
Such as desire further instruction in the tenets of these Congrega-
tionalists, may have their recourse to those many pamphlets written
pro and con thereof. The worst is, some of them speak so loud, we
can scarce understand what they say, — so hard is it to collect their
judgments, such the violence of their passions. Only I will add,
that, for the main, the churches of New England are the same in
discipline wdth these Dissenting Brethren.
Only I will add, that, of all the authors I have perused concerning
xk\Q opinions of these Dissenting Brethren, none to me was more
informative than Mr. John Norton, (one of no less learning than
modesty,) minister in New-England, in his answer to Apollonius,
pastor in the church of Middleburgh.
53 — 60. Mr. Herle succeedeth Prolocutor to Dr. Twisse. Mr.
Seldens pic%%ling Queries. Erastians, why so called, and
what they held. The Erastians in the Assembly ; favour-
ably listened to. The Assembly shrewdly checked. The
Scotch Discipline in vain strivedfor. Co-ercive Power kept
in the Parliament. A.D. 1644.
Look we now again into the Assembly of Divines, where we find
Dr. Cornelius Burgess, and Mr. Herbert Palmer, the assessors
therein; and I am informed by some, more skilful in such niceties
than myself, that two at the least of that office are of the quorum
essential to every lawful assembly. But I miss Dr. William Twisse
their Prolocutor, lately deceased. He was bred in New College in
Oxford ; good with the trowel, but better with the sword, more
happy in polemical divinity than edifying doctrine. Therefore he
was chosen by the States of Holland to be Professor of Divinity
there ; which he thankfully refused.* Mr. Charles Herle, Fellow
of Exeter College of Oxford, succeeded him in his place; one so
much Christian, scholar, and gentleman, that he can unite in aiFec-
tion with those who are disjoined in judgment from him.
• See bis dedication to them in his book called Findicicc Gratia.
2 II 2
468 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1644.
The Assembly met with many difficulties ; some complaining of
Mr. Selden, that, advantaged by his skill in antiquity, common law,
and the oriental tongues, he employed them rather to pose than
profit, perplex than inform, the members thereof, in the fourteen
queries he propounded : whose intent therein was to humble the
jure-dh'ino-ship of presbytery ; which, though hinted and held
forth, is not so made out in Scripture, but, being too scant on
many occasions, it must be pieced with prudential additions. This
great scholar, not ovei-lo\'ing of any (and least of these) clergymen,
delighted himself in raising of scruples for the vexing of others; and
some stick not to say, that those who will not feed on the flesh of
God's word cast most bones to others, to break their teeth therewith.
More trouble was caused to the Assembly by the opinions of the
Erastians ; and it is worth our inquiry into the first author thereof.
They were so called from Thomas Erastus, a doctor of physic, born
at Baden in Switzerland, lived professor in Heidelberg, and died at
Basle, about the year 1583. He was of the privy council to
Frederick, the first protestant Prince Palatine of that name ; and
this Erastus, like our Mr. Perkins, being lame of his right — wrote
all with his left — hand; and, amongst the rest, one against Theodore-
Beza, De Excommunicatione ; to this effect, — that the power and
excommunication, in a Christian state, principally resides in secular
power, as the most competent judge when and how the same shall
be exercised.*
Mr. John Coleman, a modest and learned man, beneficed in
Lincolnshire, and Mr. John Lightfoot, well-skilled in rabbinical
learning, were the chief members of the Assembly, who (for the
main) maintained the tenets of Erastus. These often produced the
Hebrew original for the power of princes in ecclesiastical matters.
For though the New Testament be silent of the temporal magis-
trates' (princes then being pagans,) intermeddling in church-matters,
the Old is very vocal therein, where the authority of the kings of
Judah, as " nursing fathers to the church,'' is very considerable.
No wonder if the Prince Palatine (constantly present at their
debates) heard the Erastians with much delight, as welcoming
their opinions for country-sake, (his natives, as first born in Heidel-
bergj) though otherwise in his own judgment no favourer thereof.
But other Parliament-men listened very favourably to their argu-
ments ; (interest is a good quickener of attention ;) hearing their
own power enlarged thereby, and making use of their Erastians for
a check to such who pressed conformity to the Scotch kirk in all
particulars.
Indeed, once the Assembly stretched themselves beyond their
• Tkuamjs in Obit. Fir. illustr. anno 1583.
20 CH.MILES I. EOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 469
own line, in meddling with what was not committed, by the Par-
liament, to their cognizance and consultation ; for which they were
afterward staked down, and tied up with a shorter tedder. For
though the wise Parliament made use of the presbyterian zeal and
-activity for the extirpation of bishops, yet tliey discreetly resolved
to hold a strict hand over them ; as not coming hy their oxen power
to advise, but called to advise with the Parliament. Nor were
they to cut out their own work, but to make up what was cut to
their own hands ; and seeing a praemunire is a rod as well for a
presbyter as a prelate, (if either trespass on the state by their over-
activity,) though they felt not this rod, it was showed to them, and
shaken over them, and they shrewdly and justly shent for their over-
meddling, which made them the wiser and warier for the time to
come.
Indeed, the major part of the Assembly endeavoured the settling
of the Scotch government in all particulars ; that, though Tweed
parted their countries, nothing might divide their church-discipline ;
and this was laboured by the Scotch commissioners with all industry
and probable means to obtain the same; but it could not be effected,
nor was it ever settled by Act of Parliament. For as, in heraldry,
the same seeming lions in colour and posture, ramjyant and langued
alike, are not the self-same, if the one be armed with nails and teeth,
the other deprived of both ; so cannot the English be termed the
same with the Scotch presbytery, — the former being in a manner
absolute in itself, the latter depended on the State in the execution
of the power thereof.
Insomuch that the Parliament kept the co-ercive power in their
own hands, not trusting them to carry the keys at their girdle, so
that the power of excommunication was not intrusted with them, but
ultimately resolved into a Committee of eminent persons of Par-
liament, whereof Thomas earl of Arundel (presumed present because
absent with leav* beyond the seas) is the first person nominated.
i)l — ^o. Uochridg^s fruitless Treaty. Mr. Lores Indiscretion.
The Conference of Divines. Dr. Lnney might not he heard.
An Argument ad Homines, if not ad Causas.
A treaty was kept at Uxbridge betwixt the Commissioners of the
King and Parliament ; many well-meaning people promising them-
selves good success thereby, whilst others thought this treaty was
born with a dying countenance, saying there wanted a third to inter-
pose to make their distances up by powerful persuasion, no hope of
good in either without condescension in both parties. One may
smile at their inference who presumed, that the King's Com-
missioners' coming to Uxbridge, two parts of three to meet those
470 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1645.
of the Parliament, would proportionably comply in their yieldings ;
a weak topical conjecture, confuted by the formerly going of the
Parliament's Commissioners clean through to Oxford, and yet little
condescension to their propositions.
Here Mr. Christopher Love (waiting on the Parliament Com-
missioners in a general relation) gave great offence to the royalists
in his sermon ; showing the impossibility of an agreement, such the
dangerous errors and malicious practices of the opposite party.
Many condemned his want of charity, more of discretion, in this
juncture of time, when there should be a cessation from invectives
for the time being. But men's censures must fall the more lightly
upon his memory, because since he hath suffered, and so satisfied
here for his faults in this or any other kind.
With the Commissioners on both sides, certain clergymen were
sent, in their presence to debate the point of church-government.
For the King. — Dr. Stewart, Dr. Gilbert Sheldon, Dr. Ben-
jamin Laney, Dr. Henry Hammond, Dr. Henry Feme.
For the Parliament. — Mr. Stephen Marshall, Mr. Richard
Vines.
These, when the commissioners were at leisure from civil affairs,
were called to a conference before them.
Dr. Laney proffered to prove the great benefits which had accrued
to God's church in all ages by the government by bishops ; but the
Scotch commissioners would in no wise hear him : whereupon the
doctor was contentedly silent. Some discourses rather than disputes
passed betwixt Dr. Stewart and Mr. Marshall, leaving no great
impressions in the memories of those that were present thereat.
Only Mr. Vines was much applauded by his own party, for
proving the sufficiency of ordination by presbyters ; because ministers
made by presbyterian government in France and the Low Countries
were owned and acknowledged by our bishops for lawfully ordained
for all intents and purposes, both to preach and sacramentize, and
no re-ordination required of them. Thus the goodness of bishops,
in their charity to others, was made use of against themselves, and
the necessity of the episcopal function.
66, 67. Books made hy the Assemhlij, The Assembly rather
sinketh than endeth.
To return to the Assembly : The monuments which they have
left to posterity of their meeting are chiefly these : Articles of
Religion drawn up by them ; and a double Catechism, one the lesser,
the other the greater, whereof at first very few were printed for
parliament-men, meaner folk not attaining so great a treasure ; beside
their Directory whereof hereafter.
21 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 471
As for the conclusion of this Assembly, it dwindled away by
degrees, though never legally dissolved ; many of them, after the
taking of Oxford, returning to their own cures ; and others, living in
London, absented themselves, as disliking the managing of matters.
Such as remained, (having survived their great respect,) and being
too few to maintain the dignity of an Assembly, contented them-
selves with the notion of a Committee, chiefly employed to examine
their abilities and good affections who were presented to livings ; till
at last, as in philosophy, accidentia non corrumpuntur sed desinunt^
they vanish with the parliament. And now the execution of the
archbishop of Canterbury comes next under our pen ; whose trial,
being most of civil concernment, is so largely done in a book of that
subject, that by us it may be justly omitted.
68 — 7^- ^^^ Archbishop prepares for Death, and jjreacheth his
oivn Funeral Sermon. Questioned about the Assurance of
his Salvation., and diefh. AD. 16^5.
Next followed the execution of the archbishop of Canterbury,
June 10th ; Sheriff Chambers, of London, bringing over night
the warrant for the same, and acquainting him therewith. Li pre-
paration to so sad a work, he betook himself to his own, and
desired also the prayers of others, and particularly of Dr. Holds-
worth, fellow-prisoner in that place for a year and half; though all
that time there had not been the least converse betv/ixt them. On
the morrow he was brought out of the Tower to the scaffold,
•which he ascended with a cheerful countenance, (as rather to gain
a crown, than lose a head,) imputed by his friends to the cleared-
ness — by his foes to the searedness — of his conscience. The
beholders that day were so divided betwixt bemoaners and insulters,
it was hard to decide which of them made up the major part of the
company.
He made a sermon-speech, taking for his text the two first verses of
the twelfth chapter of the epistle to the Hebrew^s : " Let us run with
patience the race which is set before us ; looking unto Jesus the
Author and Finisher of our faith, who, for the joy that was set before
him, endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the
right hand of the throne of God." Craving leave to make use of his
notes, (for the infirmity of his aged memory,) he dilated thereon
about half an hour ; which discourse, because common, (as publicly
printed,) we here forbear to insert. For the main, he protested his
own innocence and integrity, as never intending any subversion of
laws and liberty, no enemy to parliaments, (though a misliker of
some miscarriages,) and a protestant in doctrine and discipline,
according to the established laws of the land. Speech ended, he
472 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1G45.
betook himself awhile to his prayers, and afterwards prepared himself
for the fatal stroke.
Sir John Clot worthy, a member of the House of Commons, being
present, interrogated him concerning his assurance of salvation, and
whereon the same was grounded. Some censured this interruption
for uncivil and unseasonable, as intended to ruffle his soul with
passion, just as he was fairly folding it up, to deliver it into the
hands of his Redeemer. But the archbishop calmly returned, that
his assurance was evidenced unto him by that inward comfort which
he found in his own soul. Then lying down on the block, and
praying, " Lord, receive my soul ! " the executioner dexterously did
his office, and at one blow severed his head from his body. Instantly
his face (ruddy in the last moment) turned ichite as ashes /confuting
their falsehoods who gave it out, that he had purposely painted it,
to fortify his cheeks against discovery of fear in the paleness of his
complexion. His corpse were privately interred in the church of
Allhallows Barking without any solemnity, save that some will say
he had (in those days) a fair funeral, who had the Common-Prayer
read thereat.
71 — 84. His Birth in Reading^ Breeding in Owford. He
chargeth through all Church-Preferments, Charged tin-
justly to be a Papist ; yet endeavouring a Reconciliatiim
betwixt Rome aiid England ; over-severe in his Ce?isiires ;
over-meddling in State-Matters ; conscientious in keeping a
Diary ; temperate and chaste ; an Enemy to Gallantry in
Clergymen'^s Clothes ; not partial to his Kindred ; ?io Whit
addicted to Covetousness. The grand Causer of the Repair^
ing of Churches, principally of St. PauVs ; his personal
CJtaracter.
He was born cpino 1573, of honest parents at Reading in Berkshire ;
a place, for the position thereof, almost equally distanced from Oxford,
the scene of his breeding, and London, the principal state of his
preferment. His mother was sister to Sir William Webb, (born
also at Reading,) Salter, and, anno 1591, lord mayor of London.
Here the archbishop afterwards built an almshouse, and endowed it
with two hundred pounds per annum^ as appeareth by his own diary ;
which, if evidence against him for his faults, may be used as a witness
of his good works. Hence was he sent to St. John's college in Oxford,
where he attained to such eminency of learning, that one since hath
ranked him amongst the greatest scholars of our nation.* . He after-
wards married Charles Blount, earl of Devonshire, to the lady Rich ;
Avhich proved (if intended an advantage under his feet, to make him
• Du. Heyhn in Lis last edition of Lis "Microcosm."
CENT.
XVII.
4
73
covering
running
to his face,
in his full
and was
speed to
21 CHAHLES I. BOOK XI.
higher in the notice of the world) a
often cast a rub in his way, when
preferment, till, after some difficulty, his greatness at the last made
a shift to stride over it.
In some sort he may be said to have served in all offices in the
church, from a common soldier, to a kind of general therein. There
was neither order, office, degree, nor dignity in college, church, or
university, but he passed through it.
1. Order : Deacon, Priest, Bishop, Archbishop.
2. Office : Scholar, Fellow, President, of St. John's College ;
Proctor and Cliancellor of Oxford.
3. Degree : Bachelor and Master of Arts, Bachelor and Doctor
of Divinity.
4. Dignity : Vicar of Stanford, Parson of Ibstock, Prebendary
of Westminster, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, Dean of Gloucester,
Bishop of St. David's in Wales, Bath and Wells, and London, in
England, and, finally, archbishop of Canterbury.
It was said of Dr. George Abbot, his predecessor, that he sud-
denly started to be a bishop, without ever having a pastoral charge ;
whereas this man was a great traveller in all climates of church-pre-
ferment, sufficient to acquaint him with an experimental knowledge
of the conditions of all such persons who at last were subjected to his
authority.
He is generally charged with popish inclinations; and the story is
commonly told and believed of a lady, (still alive,) who, turning
papist, and being demanded of the archbishop the cause of her
changing her religion, tartly returned, " My lord, it was because I ever
hated a crowd.'' And being desired to explain her meaning herein,
" I perceived," said she, " that your lordship and many others are
making for Rome as fast as ye can, and therefore, to prevent a press,
I went before you."* Be the tale true or false, take " Papist " for a
• In his Exarnen Historicum, Heylin is extremely indignant against Fuller for relating
this story j but the latter confinns his account by the following fact : *' This sarcasm was
put lapon him by a lady now living in London, and a countess ; whose husband's father
[Charles Blount, created earl of Devon] the archbishop married, and thereby brought
much trouble and molestation to himself. No OEdipus needeth to imriddle the person,
easily spelled by putting the premisses together." In endeavouring to throw discredit
on common fame and report, Heylin proceeded to retaliate, by a tale concerning a person
of the name of Fuller, which, on accoimt of the native facetiousness of om- f uthor, was
by many of his contemporaries erroneously appUed to him, though the grossness of the
chief allusion in it obviously accords with an age anterior to that of Charles I. " I have
heard," says Heylin, " a tale of a lady too, to whose table one Mr. Fiiller was a welcome
though a frequent guest ; and being once asked by her ivhetherhc would please to eat the
wing of a woodcock, he would needs put her to the question, hoiv her ladyship knew it
was a wood-cocK, and not a wood-iiE^. And this he pressed with such a troublesome
importimity, that at last the lady answered, with some show* of displeasiire, that the wood-
4;ock was Fuller-hca^lci, F?<7/cr-breasted, Fullcr-ihighed, and, in a word, eveiy way
474 CHURCH HISTOUY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1645.
Trent-Papist^ embracing all the decisions of that Council, and surely
this archbishop would have been made fuel for the fire before ever of
that persuasion : witness his book against Fisher, wherein he givetli
no less account of his sincerity than ability to defend the most domi-
native points wherein we and the papists dissent.
However, most apparent it is by several passages in his life, that
he endeavoured to take up many controversies betwixt us and the
church of Rome, so to compromise the difference, and to bring us
to a vicinity, if not contiguity therewith ; — an impossible design, (if
granted lawfully,) as some, every way his equals, did adjudge. For
composition is impossible with such who will not agree except all
they sue for, and all the charges of their suit, be to the utmost farthing
awarded unto them. Our reconciliation with Rome is clogged with
the same impossibilities : she may he gone to^ but will never he met
icith ; such her pride or peevishness as not to stir a step to obviate
any of a different religion. Rome will never so far un-pope itself as
to part with her pretended supremacy and infallibility, which cuts
off all possibility of protestants^ treaty with her ; if possibly, without
prejudice to God's glory and the truth, other controversies might be
composed : which done, England would have been an island as well
in religion as situation, cut off from the continent of foreign pro-
testant churches, in a singular posture by itself, hard to*be imagined,
but harder to be effected.
Amongst his human frailties, choler and passion most discovered
itself. In the Star-chamber, (where, if the crime not extraordinary,
it was fine enough for one to be sued in so chargeable a court,) he
was observed always to concur with the severest side, and to infuse
more vinegar than oil into all his censures ; and also was much blamed
for his severity to his predecessor, — easing him against his will, and
before his time, of his jurisdiction.
But he is most accused for over-meddling in state-matters ; more
than was fitting, say many, than needful, say most, for one of his
profession. But he never more overshot himself then when he did
impose the Scotch Liturgy, and was aWorp^o-ap^isTrlo-KOTros over a free
and foreign church and nation. At home, many grumbled at him
for oft making the shallowest pretence of the crown deep enough (by
his powerful digging therein) to drown the undoubted right of any
Fuller. Wlietlier tliis tale be true or false, I am not able to say ; but being generally/
believed, 1 bave set it down also." Part of Fuller's reply is : " My tale was true and
netv, never printed before ; wbereas his is old (made, it seems, on one of my name,
printed before I was born) and false, never by man or woman retorted on me. I had
rather my name should make many causelessly merry, than any justly sad ; and seeing it
lieth equally open and obnous to praise and dispraise, I shall as little be elated when
flattered — < Fuller of wit and learning,' as dejected when flouted — * Fuller of folly and
ignorance.' "—Edit.
21 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 475
private patron to a cliurcli-living. But courtiers most complained
that he persecuted them, not in their proper places, but — what in an
ordinary way he should have taken from the hands of inferior officers
— that he, with a long and strong arm, reached to himself over all
their heads. Yet others plead for him, that he abridged their bribes,
not fees, and it vexed them that he struck their fingers with a dead
palsy, so that they could not (as formerly) have z. feeling for church-
preferments.
He was conscientious, according to the principles of his devotion :
witness his care in keeping a constant Diary of the passages in his
life. Now, he can hardly be an ill husband who casteth up his
receipts and expenses every night ; and such a soul is or would be
good, which enters into a daily scrutiny of his own actions. But
such who commend him in making, condemn him in keeping, such a
Diary about him in so dangerous days. Especially he ought to
untongue it from talking to his prejudice, and should have garbled
some light, trivial, and joculary passages out of the same. Whereas,
sure, the omission hereof argued not his carelessness, but confidence,
that such his privacies should meet with that favour, of course, which
in equity is due to writings of that nature.
He WTtS temperate in his diet, and (which may be presumed the
eflTect thereof) chaste in his conversation. Indeed, in his Diary, he
confessed himself lapsed into some special sin with E. B. for which
he kept an anniversary humiliation. Indeed his adversary * makes
this note thereon, " perchance he was unclean with E. B." which is
but an uncharitable suspicion. Now, an exact Diary is a window
into his heart who maketh it ; and, therefore, pity it is any should
look therein, but either the friends of the party, or such ingenuous
foes as will not (especially in things doubtful) make conjectural com-
ments to his disgrace. But, be E. B. male or female, and the sin
committed of what kind soever, his fault whispers not so much to his
shame as his solemn repentance sounds to his commendation.
He was very plain in apparel, and sharply checked such clergy-
men whom he saw go in rich or gaudy clothes, commonly calling
them of the church-triumphant. Thus, as Cardinal Wolsey is
reported the first prelate who made silks and satins fashionable
amongst clergymen, so this archbishop first retrenched the usual
■wearing thereof. Once, at a Visitation in Essex, one in Orders (of
good estate and extraction) appeared before him very gallant in habit;
whom Dr. Laud, then bishop of London, publicly reproved, showing
to him the plainness of his own apparel. " My lord," said the
minister, " you have better clothes at home, and I have worse : "
whereat the bishop rested very well contented.
* Mb. PfiYNNEin " the Brenate of his Life/' page 30,
^'6 CHUFvCH HISTOUY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1645.
He was not partial in preferring his kindred, except some merit
met in them with his alliance. I knew a near kinsman of his in the
university, scholar enough, but somewhat wild and lazy, on whom it
was late before he reflected with favour, and that not before his
amendment. And generally persons promoted by him were men of
learning and abilities, though many of them Arminians in their judg-
ments, and I believe they will not be offended with my reporting it,
seeing most of them will endeavour to justify and avouch their
opinions herein.
Covetousness he perfectly hated. Being a single man, and having
no project to raise a name or family, he was the belter enabled for
public performances, having both a price in his hand, and a heart
also to" dispose thereof for the general good. St. John's in Oxford,
wherein he was bred, was so beautified, enlarged, and enriched by
him, that strangers, at the first sight, knew it not ; yea, it scarce
knoweth itself, so altered to the better from its former condition;
insomuch that almost it deserveth the name of Canterbury College,
as well as that which Simon Islip founded, and since hath lost its
name, united to Christ-Church. More buildings he intended, (had
not the stroke of one axe hindered the working of many hammers,)
chiefly on churches, whereof the following passage may not imperti-
nently be inserted.
It happened that a Visitation was kept at St. Peter's in Cornhill,
for the clergy of London. The preacher, discoursing of the painful-
ness of the ministerial function, proved it from the Greek deduction
of Aia.}cQvo§ or " Deacon," so called from kovis " dust," because he
must lahorare in arend^ in puhere^ '* work in the dust," do hard
service in hot weather. Sermon ended, bishop Laud proceeded to
his Charge to the clergy, and observing the church ill-repaired with-
out, and slovenly kept within, " I am sorry," said he, " to meet here
with so true an etymology of Diaconus^ for here is both dust and
dirt too, for a deacon (or priest either) to work in. Yea, it is dust
of the worst kind, caused from the ruins of this ancient house of
God ; so that it pitieth his servants to see her in the dust," Psalm
cii. 14. Hence he took occasion to press the repairing of that
and other decayed places of Divine worship ; so that from this day
we may date the general mending, beautifying, and adorning of all
English churches, some to decency, some to magnificence, and some
(if all complaints were true) to superstition.
But the church of St. PauFs, the only cathedral in Christendom
dedicated to that apostle, was the master-piece of his performances.
We know what one satirically said of him, that " he plucked down
Puritans and property, to build up Paul's and prerogative."* But
* Lord F.
21 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 477
let unpartial judges behold how lie left — and remember how he
found — that ruinous fabric ; and they nlust conclude, that, though
intending more, he effected much in that great design. He commu-
nicated his project to some private persons, of taking down the great
tower in the middle, to the spurs, and rebuild it in the same fashion,
(but some yards higher,) as before. He meant to hang as great and
tunable a ring of bells, as any in the world, whose sound, advantaged
with their height and vicinity of the Thames, must needs be loud and
melodious. But, now he "is turned to his dust," and all " his
thoughts have perislied ; " yea, that church, formerly approached with
due reverence, is now entered with just fear — of falling on those
under it ; and is so far from having its old decays repaired, that it is.
daily decayed in its new reparations.
He was low of stature, little in bulk, cheerful in countenance,
(wherein gravity and quickness were well compounded,) of a sharp
and piercing eye, clear judgment, and, abating the influence of age,,
firm memory. He Avore his hair very close ; and, though in the
beginning of his greatness many measured the length of men's strict-
ness by the shortness of their hair, yet some will say, that since, out
of antipathy to conform to his example, his opposites have therein
indulged more liberty to themselves. And thus we take our leave
of him, whose estate (neither so great as to be envied at, nor so small
as to be complained of) he left to his heir and sister's son, Mr. John
Robinson, merchant of London, — though fain first to compound
with the Parliament before he could peaceably enjoy the same.
85 — 92. The Birth and Breedmg of Mr. Dod. One peaceable
in our Israel. Improveth all to Piety. Youth will away.
God seen at the first Hand in Nature^ hut at the second in
Art. An innocent Deceiver. Eoccellent Hebriciati. Fare-
well, old Puritan.
The same year with this archbishop, died another divine, (though
of a different judgment,) no less esteemed amongst men of his own
persuasion ; namely, Mr. John Dod, who, in the midst of trouble-
some times, quietly withdrew himself to heaven. He was born at
Shotledge in Cheshire, the youngest of seventeen children ; bred in
Jesus College in Cambridge. At a disputation at one Commence-
ment he was so facetiously solid, (wild yet sweet fruits which the
stock brought forth before grafted with grace,) that Oxford-men,
there present, courted him home with them, and would have planted
him in their university, save that he declined it.
He was a passive nonconformist, not loving any one the worse for
difference in judgment about ceremonies, but all the better for their
unity of affections in grace and goodness. He used to retrench
478 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1645.
some hot spirits when inveighing against bishops, telling them how
God under that government had given a marvellous increase to the
Gospel ; and that godly men might comfortably comport therewith,
under which learning and religion had so manifest an improvement.
He was a good Decalogist, and is conceived, to his dying day, (how
roughly soever used by the opposite party,) to stick to his own
judgment of what he had written on the fifth commandment, of
ohedience to lawful authority.
Some riotous gentlemen, casually coming to the table of Sir
Anthony Cope, in Han well, were half-starved in the midst of a feast,
because refraining from swearing, (meat and drink to them,) in the
presence of Mr. Dod ; of these one after dinner ingenuously professed,
that he thought it had been impossible for himself to forbear oaths so
long a time. Hereat Mr. Dod (the flame of whose zeal turned all
accidents into fuel) fell into a pertinent and seasonable discourse (as
better at occasional) of what power men have more than they
know of themselves to refrain from sin, and how active God's
restraining grace would be in us to bridle us from wickedness, were
we not wanting to ourselves.
Being stricken in years, he used to compare himself to Samson
when his hair was cut oflT. " I rise,'' saith he, " in a morning as
Samson did, and think, I will go out as at other times, go, watch,
walk, work, study, ride, as when a young man. But, alas ! he
quickly found an alteration ; and so do I, who must stoop to age,
which hath clipped my hair and taken my strength away,'' Judges
xvi. 20.
Being at Holdenby, and invited by an honourable person to see
that stately house built by Sir Christopher Hatton, the master-piece
of English architecture in that age, he desired to be excused, and
to sit still looking on a flower which he had in his hand. " In this
flower," saith he, " I can see more of God than in all the beautiful
buildings in the world." And at this day, as his flower is long since
withered, that magnificent pile, that fair flower of art, is altogether
blasted and destroyed.
It is reported, he was but coarsely used of the Cavaliers ; who,
they say, plundered him of his linen and household-stuflP,* though,
as some tell me, if so disposed, he might have redeemed all for a
very small matter. Hov^-ever, the good man still remembered his old
maxim, — " Sanctified afllictions are good promotions : " and I have
been credibly informed, that, when the soldiers brought down his
sheets out of the chamber into the room where Mr. Dod sat by the
fire-side ; he, in their absence to search after more, took one pair and
clapped them under his cushion whereon he sat, much pleasing
• In a list written by Mr, Clark,
21 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 479
himself after their departure that he had, as he said, plundered the
plunderers, and by a lawful felony saved so much of his own to
himself.
He was an excellent scholar, and was as causelessly accused, as
another John of his name, (Mr. John Fox I mean,) for lacking of
Latin. He was also an exquisite Hebrician ; and, with his society
and directions, in one vacation taught that tongue unto Mr. John
Gregory, that rare linguist, and chaplain of Christ's Church, who
survived him but one year ;* and now they both together praise God
in that language which glorified saints and angels use in heaven.
He was buried at Fauseley in Northamptonshire, with whom the
Old Puritan may seem to expire, and in his grave to be interred ;
humble, meek, patient, hospitable, charitable as in his censures of —
so in his alms to — others. Would I could truly say but half so
much of the next generation !
SECTION VI.
TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL ROGER PRICE, ESQUIRE,
HIGH SHERIFF OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.
Seamen observe, that the water is the more troubled
the nearer they draw-on to the land, because broken
by repercussion from the shore. I am sensible of the
same danger the nearer I approach our times, and the
end of this History.
Yet fear not, Sir, that the least wrong may redound
to you, by my indiscretion in the writing hereof;
desiring you only to patronize what is acceptable
therein, and what shall appear otherwise is left on my
account to answer for the same.
1 — 8. The Directory drawn up by the Assembly. To which the
Dissenting Brethren at last assent. A discreet and cha-
ritable Preface. The Directory enforced by Ordinance of
Parliament. A good Price, if well paid. A second Ordi-
nance to back the former. The King'^s Proclamation con-
trary to the Parliamenf s Ordinance. Arguments pro and
con to the Directory. A.D. 1645.
You may know, that, amongst the most remarkables effected by
the Assembly of Divines, the compiling of " the Directory was
* Dying at Kidlington, March 13tli, 164G, and was buried in Christ Church, Oxford.
480. CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A,D. 1645.
one ; which although composed in the former year, yet, because
not as yet meeting with universal obedience, it will be seasonable
enough now to enter on the consideration thereof. The Parliament
intending to abolish the Liturgy, and loath to leave the land alto-
gether at a loss, or deformity in public service, employed the Assem-
bly in drawing up a model of Divine worship. Herein no direct
form of prayer, verbis conceptis, was prescribed, no outward or
bodily worship enjoined, nor peoi3le required in the Responsals, more
than in Amen, to bear a part in the service ; but all was left to the
discretion of the minister, not enjoined what — but directed to
what purpose — ^lie ought to order his devotions, in public prayer and
administering sacraments.
" The Dissenting Brethren," commonly called " Independents,"
were hardly persuaded to consent to a Directory.' Even libera
custodia, though it be the best of restraints, is but a restraint ; and
they suspected such a Directory would, if enforced, be an infringing
of the Christian liberty. However, they consented at last, the
rather because a preface was prefixed before it, which did much
moderate the matter, and mitigate the rigorous imposition thereof.
In this preface, respectful terms are (no less discreetly than cha-
ritably) afforded to the first compilers of the Liturgy, allowing them
" wise and pious, in redressing many things which were vain, erro-
neous, superstitious, and idolatrous ;"' affirming also that many godly
and learned men of that age " rejoiced much in the Liturgy at that
time set forth ; but adding, withal, that they would rejoice more,
had it been their happiness to behold this present Reformation ; they
themselves were persuaded, that these first Reformers (were they now
alive) would join with them in this work of advancing the Directory.
The Assembly-work of the Directory thus ended, the Lords and
Commons began therewith, prefixing an Ordinance thereunto,
(made much up of forms of repeal,) laying down the motives
inclining them to think the abolishing of the Common-Pmyer and
establishment of this Directory necessary for this nation. First.
The consideration of the many inconveniences risen by that book in
this kingdom. Secondly. Their Covenant-Resolution to reform reli-
gion according to God's word and the best Reformed churches.
Thirdly. Their consulting with the learned, pious, and reverend
divines for that purpose.
The benefit of printing the Directory was bestowed on Mr. Ro-
borough and Mr. Byfield, Scribes to the Assembly ; who are said to
have sold the same for some hundreds of pounds. Surely, the
stationer who bought it did not, with the dishonest chapman, first
decry the worth thereof, and then boast of his pennyworth. Proverbs
XX. 14. If since he hath proved a loser thereby, I am confident,
21 CHARLES I. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 481
that they who sold it him carried such a chancery in their bosoms as
to make him fair satisfaction.
Now, because it was hard to turn people out of their old track,
and put them from a beaten path, (such was, call it constancy or
obstinacy, love or doting, of the generality of the nation, on the
Common-Prayer,) the Pailiament found it fit, yea, necessary, to
back their former Ordinance with a second, dated twenty-third
of August, 1645, and entitled " An Ordinance of the Lords and
Commons for the more effectual putting in execution the Direc-
tory," &c. Wherein Directions were not only given for the dis-
persing and publishing of the Directory, in all parishes, chapelries,
and donatives, but also for the calling-in and suppressing of all
Books of Common-Prayer,' and several forfeitures and penalties to
be fevied and imposed upon conviction before Justices of Assize, or
of Oyer and Terminer, &c.
But, in opposition hereunto, the king at Oxford set forth a pro-
clamation, (bearing date the thirteenth of November, 1645,) enjoin-
ing the use of" Common-Prayer according to the law, notwithstand-
ing the pretended Ordinances for the new Directory." Thus as the
waves, commanded one way by the tide, and countermanded another
with the wind, know not which to obey; so people stood amused
betwixt these two forms of service : line upon '* line, precept upon
precept," Isaiah xxviii. 10, being the easiest way to edify ; whilst
line against line, precept against precept, did much disturb and
distract.
The King and Parliament being thus at difference, no wonder if the
pens of the chaplains followed their patrons, and engaged viol en tlyjoro
and con in the controversy. I presume it will be lawful and safe for
me to give-in a breviate of the arguments on both sides, reserving
my private opinion to myself, as not worthy the reader's taking
notice thereof; for as it hath been permitted in the height and
heat of our civil war, for trumpeters and messengers to have fair and
free passage on both sides, pleading the privilege of the public
faith ; (provided they do not interest themselves like parties, and as
spies forfeit their protection, so subjecting themselves justly to
the severest punishment;) so historians, in like manner, in all
ages have been permitted to transmit to posterity an unpartial
account of actions, preserving themselves neuters in their indifferent
relations.
AGAINST THE LITURGY. FOR THE LITURGY.
1. Sad experience hath made Such offence, if any, was taken,
it manifest that the Liturgy used not given ; and they must be
m England, notwithstanding the irreligious mistakes which stand
Vol HI. i i
482
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN.
A. D. 1645.
religious intentions of the com-
pilers thereof, hath proved an of-
fence to many godly people.
2. Offence thereby hath also
been given to the Reformed
churches abroad.
3. Mr. Calvin himself disliked
the Liturgy, in his letter to the
Lord Protector ; charitably call-
ing many things therein tolera-
ineptias.
4. The Liturgy is no better
than confining of the Spirit ; ty-
ing it to such and such -words,
which is to be left alorie to its
own liberty ; " use praying and
have praying ;'^ the extemporary
gift is improved by the practice
thereof.
5. It being a compliant with
the papists, in a great part of their
service, doth not a little confirm
them in their superstition and
idolatry.
6. It is found by experience
that the Liturgy hath been a great
means to make an idle and an
unedifying ministry.
in opposition to such religious
intentions.
No foreign church ever in print
expressed any such oiFence ; and
if some particular man have dis-
liked it, as many and as eminent
have manifested their approbation
thereof.
Mr. Calvin is but one man.
Besides, he spake against the first
draught of the Liturgy, anno
primo of king Edward VI. which
afterwards was reviewed in that
king's reign, and again in the first
of queen Elizabeth.
The same charge lieth against
the Directory, appointing, though
not the words to be prayed with,
the matter to be prayed for.
Poor liberty to leave the Spirit
only to supply the place of a vo-
cabulary, or a copia mrhorum!
And seeing sense is more consi-
derable than language, the pre-
scribing thereof restraineth the
Spirit as much as appointing the
words of a prayer.
It complieth with the papists
in what they have retained of an-
tiquity, and not what they have
superadded of idolatry; and there-
fore more probably may be a
means of converting them to our
religion, when they perceive us
not possessed with a spirit of op-
position unto them, in such things
wherein they close with the pri-
mitive times.
The users of the Liturgy have
also laboured in preaching, cate-
chising, and study of divine learn-
ing. Nor doth the Directory
secure any from laziness, seeing
21 CHARLES 1.
BOOK XI. CENT. XVII.
483
7. It is tedious to the people,
with the unnecessary length ;
up an hour, at least, in
taking
the large and distinct
reading
thereof.
8. Many ceremonies, not only
unprofitable but burdensome, are
therein imposed on people's con-
sciences.
9. Divers able and faithful
ministers have, by the means of
the Liturgy, been debarred the
exercise of their ministry, and of
spoiled their livelihood, to the un-
doing of them and their family.
nothing but lungs and sides may
be used in the delivery of any
extemporary prayer.
Some observers of the Direc-
tory, to procure to their parts and
persons the repute of ability and
piety, have spent as much time in
their extemporary devotions.
This is disproved by such who
have written volumes in the vin-
dication thereof. But, grant it
true ; not a total absolution, but
a reformation thereof, may hence
be inferred.
The Directory, if enforced to
subject the refusers to penalties,
may spoil as many, and as well-
deserving of their ministry and
livelihood.
Such as desire to read deeper in this controversy, may have their
recourse to the manifold tractates written on this subject.
9 — 11. A Query for Conscience Sake. A Word in due Season.
A Farewell to the Subject.
But leaving these disquiets, the Common-Prayer daily decreased,
and Directory by the power of Parliament was advanced. Here
some would fain be satisfied, whether the abolishing of the main body
of the Common-Prayer extendeth to the prohibition of every expres-
sion therein, (I mean not such which are the numerical words of
Scripture, whereof no question,) but other ancient passages, which,
in the primitive times, were laudably (not to say necessarily) put in
practice.
I know a minister who was accused for using the Gloria Patri^
(conforming his practice to the Directory in all things else,) and
threatened to be brought before the Committee. He pleaded the
words of Mr. Cartwright in his defence, confessing the Gloria Pair i
founded on just cause, that men might make their open profession
in the church of the Divinity of the Son of God, against the detest-
able opinion of Arius and his disciples. " But now,'' Scaith he,
" that it hath pleased the Lord to quench that fire, there is no such
cause why those things should be used." * " But seeing," said the
• His Replj' against Whitgift, page 107, sect. 4.
2i2
484 CHUKCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1645.
minister, " it hath pleased God for our sins to condemn us to live in
so licentious an age, wherein the Divinity both of Christ and the
Holy Ghost is called frequently and publicly into question, the same
now, by Mr. Cartwright's judgment, may lawfully be used, not to
say can well be omitted." I remember not that he heard any more
of the matter.
It is now high time to take our farewell of this tedious subject,
and leave the issue thereof to the observation of posterity. The
best demonstration to prove whether Daniel and his fellows (the
children of the captivity) should thrive better by plain pnlse (to
which formerly they had been used) or the new diet of diverse and
dainty dishes, was even to put it to the trial of some days' experi-
ment, Daniel i. 13, and then a survey taken of their complexions,
whether they be impaired or not ; so when the Directory hath been
practised in England ninety years, (the world lasting so long,) as the
Liturgy hath been, then posterity will be the competent judge whether
the face of religion had the more lively, healthful, and cheerful looks
under the one, or under the other.
12 — 16. Archbishop Williams strangely altered ; horn in Wales,
of good Parentage ; bred in St. John's, and Proctor of Cam
bridge. The Lord Egerton's Boon to this his Chaplain.
The Means of his speedy and great Preferment.
The next news, engrossing the talk of all tongues, was about Dr.
Williams, archbishop of York, no less suddenly than strangely
metamorphosed from a zealous royalist into an active parliamentarian.
Being to relate the occasion thereof, we will enter on the brief his-
tory of his life, from the cradle to the grave, repeating nothing for-
merly written, but only adding thereunto.
None can question the gentility of his extraction, finding him
born at Aberconway, in Carnarvonshire in Wales ; of a family
rather ancient than rich. His grandfather had a good estate, but
aliened (it seems) by his heirs, so that this doctor, when lord-keeper,
was fain to repurchase it. Surely, it was of a considerable value,
because he complaineth in his letter to the duke,* (who encouraged
him to the purchase,) that he was forced to borrow money, and stood
indebted for the same.
He was bred in St. John's College in Cambridge, to hold the
scales even with St. John's in Oxford, wherein archbishop Laud had
his education. Dr. Gwinne was his tutor; his chiefest, if not his
only, eminency, and afterwards the occasion of his preferment. For
as this tutor made his pupil fellow — this pupil made the tutor
* " Cabala."
21 CHARLES I. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 485
master — of the college. Next was Mr. Williams made proctor
of the university, excellently performing his Acts for the place in so
stately a posture, as rather out of duty, thereby to honour his
mother-university, than desire to credit himself, as taking it only in
his passage to a higher employment.
He was chaplain (or counsellor, shall I say ?) to Thomas Egerton,
lord chancellor ; who imparted many mysteries of that place unto
him. Here an able teacher of state met with as apt a scholar, the one
not more free in pouring forth, than the other capable to receive, firm
to retain, and active to improve, what was infused unto him. So
dear was this doctor to his patron, that this lord, dying, on his
death-bed desired him to choose what most acceptable legacy he
should bequeath unto him. Dr. Williams, waving and slighting all
money, requested four books, being the collections of the lord's
industry, learning, and experience, concerning, — 1, The Prerogative
Royal. 2. Privileges of Parliaments. 3. The proceedings in Chancery.
4. The power of the Star-chamber. These were no sooner asked
than granted ; and the doctor afterwards copied out these four books
into his own brains : books, which were the four elements of our
English state, and he made an absolute master of all the materials,
that is, of all the passages therein, seeing nothing superfluous was
therein recorded.
By the duke of Buckingham, (whom he had married to the
daughter of the earl of Rutland,) he presented these books to king
James. Then did his majesty first take notice of his extraordinary
abilities, soon after preferring him, by the duke's mediation, to the
deanery of Westminster, bishop of Lincoln, and keeper's place of
the Great Seal, till he lost the last in the first of king Charles, as
hath formerly been related.
yj — 32. The original Breach betwixt the Duke and Lord-
Keeper. Not contented with his own Wish. Enlarged
out of the Tower., and made Archbishop of York. His
pleasant Answer to the King. Retires into North Wales,
and sinks by Degrees into Disfavour. Incensed luith great
Affronts. Takes a Commission from the Parliament. Con-
demned hy all Royalists. Human Inconstancy. His Acts
of Charity. Purged from unjust Aspersion. A perfect
Anti-Papist. Favourer of some Nonconformists. The
Character of his Person. His savoury Speech. His Death
on our Lady-day.
I dare confidently avouch, what I knowingly speak, that the fol-
lowing passage was the motus primo primus of the breach betwixt
him and the duke. There was one Dr. Theodore Price, a Welsh-
486 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1645.
man, highly beloved both by bishop Williams and bishop Laud ; so
that therein the rule did not hold, " Those that agree in one third
agree among themselves ;" these two prelates, mutually mortal
enemies, meeting in the love of this doctor. Now the archbishopric
of Armagh in Ireland falling vacant, bishop Williams moved the
duke for Dr. Price, his countryman ; to whom the duke answered,
that king James had by promise fore-disposed the place on the
bishop of Meath, Dr. James Usher, one whose deserts were suffi-
ciently known. Not satisfied herewith, bishop Williams by his own
interest endeavoured to bring Dr. Price into the place. The duke,
understanding that he who formerly professed a subordination to, at
the least a concurrence with, his desires, should now offer to contest
with him, resolved, that seeing the lord keeper would not own him-
self to stand by his love, the world should see he should fall by his
anger ; and this ministered the first occasion to his ruin. And when
once the alarum was sounded of the duke's displeasure, no courtier
so deaf and drowsy but did take the same, and all things concurred
to his disadvantage. This is that Dr. Theodore Price who after-
wards died a professed catholic, reconciled to the church of Rome.
Yet after h's resigning the Seal, fair preferment was left unto
him, could he have confined his large heart thereunto. I meet with a
passage in a letter from this lord keeper to the duke, wherein* he
professeth calling God to witness, that the lord keeper, troubled with
many miseries wherewith sudden greatness is accompanied, envied
the fortunes of one Dr. Williams, late dean of Westminster. Be
this a truth or a compliment, what he formerly envied now he
enjoyed, returned to a plentiful privacy ; not only of the deanery
of Westminster, but bishopric of Lincoln, which he held with the
same. But, alas ! w^hen our desires are forced on us by our foes, they
do not delight but afflict. The same step is not the same step,
when we take it ascendendo in hopes to higher preferment, and when
we light upon it descendendo^ or are remitted unto it as falling from
higher advancement. The bishop was impatient for being less than
he had been ; and there wanted not those secret enemies to improve
his discontents to his disgrace, almost destruction, as fining in the
Star-chamber, and long imprisoning in the Tower.
Now (a. d. 1640) came that Parliament so much wished-for, that
many feared it would never begin, and afterwards (O the mutability
of desires, or change of things desired !) the same feared it would never
have an end. Then is bishop Williams sent for out of the Tower,
brought to parliament, advanced to the archbishopric of York, and
is the cmtesignanus of the episcopal party, to defend it in the
• Cabala, or l^crinia Sacra, part i. page 59.
21 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 487
House of Lords (as best-armed with his power and experience)
against a volley of affronts and oppositions.
Once when his majesty saw him earnest in the defence of epis-
copacy, then opposed by parliament, " My lord," saitli the king, " I
commend you that you are no whit daunted with all disasters, but
are zealous in defending your Order." " Please it your majesty,"'
returned the archbishop, " I am a true Welshman ; and they are
observed never to run away, till their general do first forsake them.
No fear of my flinching whilst your Highness doth countenance
our cause." But soon after he was imprisoned about the bishops'"
protestation to the parliament, and with great difficulty obtained his
liberty ; as was afore observed.
Retiring himself into North Wales, (where his birth, estate, alli-
ance, but chiefly hospitality did make him popular,) he had a great —
but endeavoured a greater — influence on those parts. It gave some
distaste, that in all consultations he would have his advice pass for
an oracle, not to be contested with, much less controlled by any.
But vast the difference betwixt his Orders in Chancery, armed with
power to enforce obedience, and his counsel here, which many mili-
tary men (as in their own element) took the boldness to contradict ;
buff coats often rubbed and grated against this prelate's silk
cassock, which (because of the softer matter) was the sooner fretted
therewith. Indeed, he endeavoured as much as might be to pre-
serve his country from taxes, (an acceptable and ingratiating design
with the people,) but sometimes inconsistent with the king's present
and pressing necessities. All his words and deeds are represented
at Oxford (where his court-interest did daily decline) to his disad-
vantage, and some jealousies are raised of his cordialness to the
royal cause.
At last some great affronts were put upon him, (increased with
his tender resenting of them,) being himself, os I have been
informed, put out of Commission, and another placed in, his room :
a disgrace so much the more insupportable to his high spirit,
because he conceived himself much meriting of his majesty, by his
loyalty, industry, ability, and expense in his cause, who hitherto
had spared neither care nor cost in advancing the same, even to the
impairing of his own estate.
But now he entercth on a design, which had I line and plummet,
Lwant skill to manage them in measuring the depth thereof. He •
sueth to the parliament for favour, and obtained it, whose general in
a manner he becomes in laying siege to the town and castle of
Aberconway, till he had reduced it to their service, and much of
the town to his own possession.
And now meruit sub parliamento in Wallid is the wonder of all
488 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1645.
men. I confess he told his kinsman who related it to me, that if
he might have the convenience to speak with his majesty but one
half-hour, (a small time for so great a task,) he doubted not but to
give him full satisfaction for his behaviour. Sure it is, those of the
royal party, and his own Order, which could not mine into his
invisible motives, but surveyed only the sad surface of his actions,
condemn the same as irreconcilable with the principles he professed.
And though hereby he escaped a composition for his estate in
Goldsmiths' Hall, yet his memory is still to compound (and at what
rate I know not) with many mouths, before a good word can be
aflPorded unto it. But these, perchance, have never read the well-
Latined "Apology" in his behalf. And although some will say,
that they that need an apology come too near to fault, the word (as
commonly taken) sounding more of excuse than defence ; yet,
surely, in its genuine notation it speaks, not guilt, but always great-
ness of enemies and opposers.
Of all English divines since the Reformation, he might make the
most experimental sermon on the apostle's words, " By honour and
dishonour, by ill report and good report;" though the method not so
applicable as the matter unto him, who did not close and conclude
with the general good esteem, losing by his last compliance his old
friends at Oxford, and, in lieu of them, finding few new ones at
London.
Envy itself cannot deny, but that, whithersoever lie went, he
might be traced by the footsteps of his benefaction. Much he
expended on the repair of Westminster Abbey church ; and his
answer is generally known, when pressed by bishop Laud to a larger
contribution to St. PauFs, that he would not rob Peter to pay Paul.
The library of "Westminster was the effect of his bounty; and so
was a chapel in Lincoln College in Oxford, having no other relation
thereunto than as the namesake of his bishopric : * so small an
invitation will serve to call a coming charity. At St. John's in
Cambridge he founded two fellowships, built a fair library, and fur-
nished it with books ; intending more, had his bounty then met
with proportionable entertainment. But benefactors may give money,
but not grateful minds, to such as receive it.
He was very chaste in his conversation, whatsoever a nameless
author hath written on the contrary : A^om his confuter hath styled,
aulicus e coquinarid^ or " the courtier out of the kitchen," and that
deservedly for his unworthy writings, out of what dripping-pan
soever he licked this his sluttish intelligence. For most true it is,
(as I am certainly informed from such who knew the privacies and
casualties of his infancy,) this archbishop was but one degree
• I believe he also was visitor tliereof.
21 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 489
removed from a misogynist, yet, to palliate his infirmity to noble
females, he was most complete in his courtly addresses.
He hated popery with a perfect hatred ; and though oft declaring
freedom and favour to imprisoned papists, as a minister of state, in
obedience to his office ; yet he never procured them any courtesies
out of his proper inclinations. Yea, when Dr. , the new-
bishop of Chalcedon, at the end of king James's reign, first arrived
in England, he gave the duke of Buckingham advice,* (in case
other circumstances conveniently concurred,) that the Judges should
presently proceed against him, and hang him out of the way, and
the king cast the blame on archbishop Abbot or himself, prepared
(it seemeth) to undergo his royal displeasure therein.
Not out of sympathy to nonconformists, but antipathy to bishop
Laud, he was favourable to some select persons of that opinion.
Most sure it is, that in his greatness he procured for Mr. Cotton of
Boston a toleration, under the Broad Seal, for the free exercise of
his ministry, notwithstanding his dissenting in ceremonies, so long
as done without disturbance to the church. But as for this bishop
himself, he was so great an honourer of the English Liturgy, that,
of his own cost, he caused the same to be translated into Spanish,
and fairly printed, to confute their false conceit of our church,-|- who
would not believe that Ave used any Book of Common-Prayer
amongst us.
He was of a proper person, comely countenance, and amiable com-
plexion, having a stately garb and gait by nature, which (suppose
him prouder than he should be) made him mistaken prouder than
he was. His head was a well-filled treasury, and his tongue the
fair key to unlock it. He had as great a memory as could be
reconciled with so good a judgment ; so quick his parts, that his
extempore performances equalized the premeditations of others of
his profession. He was very open, and too free in discourse, dis-
daining to lie at a close guard, so confident of the length and
strength of his weapon.
Thus take we our farewell of his memory, concluding it with one
of his speeches, (as savoury, I believe, as ever any he uttered,)
wherein he expressed himself to a grave minister coming to him for
institution in a living. " I have,'" saith he, " passed through many
places of honour and trust, both in church and state, more than any
of my Order in England this seventy years before. But were I
but assured that by my preaching I had converted but one soul
unto God, I should take therein more spiritual joy and comfort,
than in all the honours and offices which have been bestowed
upon me.'"
* Cabala, part i. page 81 . t Ibid, page 79.
490 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1647.
He died, as I take it, anno 1649 ; sure I am, on tlie2 5tli of
March, leaving a leading case, (not as yet decided in our law,)
whether his half-year's rents (due after sunrise) should go with his
goods and chattels, unto his executor, or fall to his heir. The best
was, such the providence of the parties concerned therein, that,
before it came to a sui^t, they seasonably compounded it amongst
themselves.
33. A List of Parliament-Ordinances touching Religion.
A.D. 1646.
Come we now to present the reader with a list of the principal
Ordinances of the Lords and Commons, which respected church-
matters. I say " principal ;" otherwise, to recite all which wear
the countenance of an ecclesiastical tendency (some of them being
mingled with civil affairs) would be over-voluminous. Yea, I have
heard, that a great antiquary* should say, that the Orders and Ordi-
nances of this Parliament, in bulk and number, did not only equal,
but exceed, all the laws and statutes made since the Conquest. It
will be sufficient, therefore, to recite titles of those most material,
going a little backward in time, to make our History the more
entire.
" Die Martis^ August 19, 1645. — Directions of the Lords and
Commons (after Advice had with the Assembly of Divines) for the
election and choosing of Ruling Elders, in all the Congregations
and in the Classical Assemblies for the City of London and West-
minster, and the several Counties of the Kingdom. For the speedy
Settling of the Presbyterial Government."
" Die Lunce., Oct. 20, 1645.-^An Ordinance of the Lords and
Commons, together with Rules and Directions concerning Suspension
from the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, in cases of Ignorance and
Scandal. Also the Names of such Ministers and others that are
appointed Triers and Judges of the Ability of Elders in the twelve
Classes within the Province of London.""
" Die Sahhathi^ March 14, 1645. — An Ordinance of the Lords
and Commons for keeping of scandalous Persons from the Sacrament
of the Lord's Supper, the enabling of the Congregation for the
Choice of Elders, and supplying of Defects in former Ordinances
and Directions of Parliament concerning Church-Government."
" Die Veneris^ June 5, 1646. — An Ordinance of the Lords and
Commons for the present Settling (without further Delay) of the
Presbyterial Government in the Church of England."
" Die Veneris^ August 28, 1646. — An Ordinance of the Lords
and Commons for the Ordination of Ministers by the Classical
• Sir Simons D'Ewes.
23 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 491
Presbyters within their respective Bounds, for the several Congrega-
tions in the Kingdom of England."'"'
" Die Sahbathi^ Jan. 29, 1647. — An Ordinance of the Lords and
Commons for the speedy Dividing and Settling of the several
Counties of this Kingdom into distinct Classical Presbyteries, and
Congregational Elderships.''
34 — 1:3. An Order for the Fifth Part for Ministers' Wives and
Children. The Copy thereof Several Ways endeavoured
to frustrate this Order. First, Second, Third, Fourth,
Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Evasion, Remember the Poor.
A.D. 1647.
Great now was the clamorous importunity of the wives and children
of ministers sequestered, ready to starve for want of maintenance. I
had almost called them the widows and orphans of those ministers ;
because, though their fathers were living to them, their means were
not living to their fathers, and they left destitute of a livelihood.
Indeed, there was an Ordinance of Parliament made, 1644, empower-
ing their Commissioners in the country to appoint means (not
exceeding a fifth part) to the wives and children of all sequestered
persons ; but, seeing clergymen were not therein expressed by name,
such as enjoyed their sequestrations refused to contribute any thing
unto them. Whereupon the House of Commons, compassionately
reflecting on the distresses of the foresaid complainers, made an
Order in more particular manner for the clergy, and (seeing it is
hard to come by) I conceive it a charitable work, here to insert a
copy thereof: —
" Die Jams, Nov. 11, 1647. — That the wives and children of all
such persons as are or have been or shall be sequestered, by Order
of either House of Parliament, shall be comprehended within the
Ordinance that alloweth a fifth part for Wives and Children, and
shall have their fifth part allowed unto them ; and the Committee of
Lords and Commons for Sequestration, and the Committee of
plundered Ministers, and all other Committees, are required to take
notice hereof, and yield obedience hereunto accordingly.
^' H. ELSING,
Clericus Parliamenti Domus Communis.''''
But covetousness will wriggle itself out at a ^mall hole. Many
were the evasions whereby such clergymen, possessed of their livings,
do frustrate and defeat the effectual payment of the fifth part to the
aforesaid wives and children. Some of which starting-holes we will
here present, not to the intent that any should unjustly hide themselves
herein, but that for the future they may be stopped up, as obstruct-
ing the true performance of the Parliament's intended courtesy.
492 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1648.
First. They plead, that, taxes being first deducted, tithes are so
badly paid, they cannot live and maintain themselves if they must
still pay a fifth part out of the remainder. Such consider not, if
themselves cannot live on the whole grist, how shall the families of
such sequestered ministers subsist on the toll.
Secondly. If the foresaid minister hath a wife without children,
or children without a wife, or but one child, they deny payment, as
not within the letter (though the equity) of the Order ; though one
child is as unable to live on nothing, as if they were many more.
Thirdly. If the sequestered minister hath any temporal means of
his own, or since his sequestration hath acquired any place Avherein
he officiateth, (though short of a comfortable subsistence,) they deny
payment of a fifth part unto him.
Fourthly. They affright the said sequestered minister, threatening
to new article against him for his former faults. Whereas, had he
not been reputed a malignant, not a fifth part, but all the five parts
were due unto him.
Fifthly. Many who have livings in great towns, (especially vicar-
ages,) disclaim the receiving of any benefits in the nature of tithes,
and accept them only in the notion of benevolence. Then they
plead nothing due to the sequestered minister, out of the free
gratuities which only are bestowed upon them.
Sixthly. They plead, that nothing can be demanded by virtue of
the said Ordinances, longer than the sitting of the said Parliament
which made it, which long since is dissolved. Now, though this be
but a dilatory plea, (themselves enjoying the four parts by virtue of
the same order,) yet, though it doth not finally blast, it doth much
set back the fifth part, and, whilst the same groweth, the ministers'
wives and children starve.
Lastly. Of late, since the setting-forth of the proclamation that
" all who disquiet their peaceable possession who are put into livings
by the parliament's order, should be beheld as enemies to the state ;"
such sequestered ministers who only sue the refusers to pay the fifth
part, unblamable in all things else, are threatened (though, they
humbly conceived, contrary to the true intent of the proclamation)
with the foresaid penalty if they desist not in their suit. Many
more are their subterfuges, beside vexing their wives with the tedious
attendance to get orders on orders ; so that, as one truly and sadly
said, " The fifths are even paid at sixes and sevens."
I am sorry to see the pitiful and pious intentions of the Parliament
so abused and deluded by the indirect dealings of others ; so that
they cannot attain their intended ends for the relief of so many poor
people, seeing, no doubt, therein they desired to be like the Best of
beings, who as closely applieth his lenitive as corrosive plasters, and
24 CHARLES I. BOOK XT. CENT. XVII. 493
that his mercy may take as true effect as his justice. Sure, if the
present authority (when at leisure from higher employment) shall be
pleased to take the groans of these poor souls into its consideration,
the voice of their hungry bowels will quickly be turned to a more
pleasant tune, — from barking for food, to the blessing of those who
procured it. Nor let any censure this a digress from my History ;
for, though my estate will not suffer me with Job to be eyes to the
blind, and feet to the Jame, Job xxix. 15, I will endeavour what I
can to be a tongue for the dumb.
SECTION VL
TO THE NOBLE LADY ELEANOR ROE, RELICT TO THE
HONOURABLE SIR THOMAS ROE.
Madam,
I FIND that my namesake, Thomas Fuller, was pilot
in the ship called " the Desire," wherein captain Caven-
dish surrounded the world.*
Far be it from me to compare these my weak under-
takings to his great adventures. Yet I may term this
my book " the Desire," as wherein I desire to please
and profit all, justly to displease none. Many rocks and
storms have I passed, by God's blessing ; and now am
glad of so firm an anchorage as a Dedication to your
Ladyship.
I believe, madam, none of your sex in our nation
hath travelled farther than yourself. Yet this Section
of our History may afford you a rarity not seen before.
I know you have viewed the tomb of St. Polycarpus ;
but here the hearse is presented unto you of one whose
death cannot be paralleled in all particulars.
1. Great Alterations by the Visiters in Oxford. A. D. 1648.
Lately certain Delegates from the university of Oxford pleaded
their privileges before the Committee of Parliament, that they were
only visitable by the king, and such who should be deputed by him.
But their allegations were not of proof against the paramount
• Hackluyt's " Voyages," part iii. page 825.
494 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1648.
power of Parliament, the rather because a passage in an article at
the rendition of Oxford was urged against them, wherein they were
subjected to such a visitation. Whereupon many Masters were
ejected their places, new Heads of Houses made, and soon after
new Houses to those heads, which produced great alteration.
2. Clergymen meeting in the Isle of Wight.
Come we now to the church-part of the treaty in the Isle of
Wight, as the sole ecclesiastical matter remaining. Here appeared,
of the divines chosen by the king, James Usher, archbishop of
Armagh ; Brian Duppa, bishop of Salisbury ; Dr. Sanderson, Dr.
Sheldon, Dr. Henry Feme. As for Dr. Brownrigg, bishop of
Exeter, when on the way, he was remanded by the Parliament,
because under restraint ; and it was reported that Dr. Prideaux,
bishop of Worcester, wanted (the more the pity) wherewith to
accommodate himself for the journey. Mr. Stephen Marshall, Mr.
Joseph Caryll, Mr. Richard Vines, and Mr. Lazarus Seaman, were
present there by appointment from the Parliament.
3. All Matters managed in Writing.
It was not permitted for either side personally to speak, but,
partly to prevent the impertinencies of oral debates, partly that a
more steady aim might be taken of their mutual arguments, all
things were transacted i?i script is. His majesty consulted with his
chaplains when he pleased. The king's writings were publicly read
before all, by Mr. Philip Warwick ; and Mr. Vines read the papers
of his fellow-divines, the substance whereof we come here to present.
4. The Effect of His Majesti/s First Paper.
His majesty began October 2nd ; the effect of whose first paper
was to prove, —
1 . That the apostles, in their own persons, by authority derived
from Christ, John xx. 21, exercised their power in ordinations,
giving rules and censures.
2. That Timothy and Titus, Titus i. 5, by authority derived
from the apostles, did or might actually exercise the same power, in
the three branches specified.
3. That the angels of the seven churches, Rev. ii. iii. were so many
personce singulares of such as had a prelacy, as well over pastors as
people.
From the premisses, his majesty inferred, that our bishops suc-
ceed to the function of the persons afore-named ; the rather,
because the same plainly appeareth out of the history of the primi-
tive church, the writings of Ignatius, and other ancient authors.
24 CHARLES I. BOOK XT. CENT. XVIT. 495
In conclusion, his majesty desired to be satisfied from them what
were the substantials of church-government, appointed by Christ
and his apostles, and in whose hands they are left, and whether they
bind to a perpetual observation thereof, or may upon occasion be
altered in whole or in part.
5 — 8. The Parliament-Divines' Answer thereimto.
The next day, October 3rd, the parliament-divines put in their
answer to the king's paper, wherein they confessed, that the places
of Scripture cited by him proved, in those persons by him named,
a power respectively to do the three things specified. But they
utterly denied that the foresaid persons were bishops as distinct from
presbyters, or exercised the government in that sense.
1. To the instance of the apostles they answered, that they had
an extraordinary calling, and so nothing thence can be infened to
prove modern bishops.
2. That Timothy and Titus were evangelists, and the first is
expressly so termed, 2 Tim. iv. 5 ; nor could they be bishops, who
resided not in one diocess, but often removed from place to place.
3. That the denomination of " the angels of the churches,""
being allegorical, no firm argument can be taken thence, nor weight
laid thereon. Besides, those Epistles of St. John, though directed
to one, were intended to the whole body of the church.
They denied that the apostles were to have any successor^ in
their office, affirming but two standing officers in the church ; pres-
byters, deacons. They cited Philippians i. 1, 1 Tim. iii. 8, for
the proof thereof; where there is no mention of bishops as distinct
from presbyters, but of the two Orders only, of bishops or pres-
byters, and deacons.
As for the succeeding ages to the apostles, seeing Scripture
reacheth not unto them, they can but beget a human faith, which is
uncertain and fallible. Besides, such the darkness of those times,
in respect of church history, that little certainty can be thence
extracted. Yet it appeareth in Clement himself, that he useth the
same word for " bishop " and " presbyter ; " and as for Ignatius's
Epistles, little credit is to be given unto them.
Lastly. There is a great difference between primitive episco-
pacy and the present hierarchy, as much enlarged in their power and
privileges by many temporal accessions, whereof no shadow or pre-
tence in Scripture. In conclusion, they humbly besought his ma-
jesty to look rather to the original of bishops, in holy writ, than to
their succession in human history.
As to the point of substantials in church-government, appointed
by Christ, (wherein his majesty desired satisfaction,) the return was
496 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1648.
short and general, that such substantials were in the Scripture^, not
descending to any particulars : whether out of policy, foreseeing it
would minister matter of more debate, or obedience to the Parliament,
as alien from the work they were designed for, who were only to
oppose episcopacy, as qualified in the Bill presented to his majesty.
9 — 18. The King's Rejoinder to the Parliament Divines.
Three days after, October 6Lh, the king gave in his answer, to this
first paper of the divines : wherein he acknowledged that the word
episcopus, denoting " an overseer,"" in the general sense, agreeth as
well to presbyters, as ministers, in which respect they are sometimes
in Scripture confounded, both meeting in the joint function of over-
seeing God's flock. But, soon after, common usage (the best master
of words) appropriated episcopus to "the ecclesiastical governor,"
leaving presbyter to signify " the ordinary minister or priest,'' as in
the ancient Fathers and Councils doth plainly appear.
As to the extraordinary calling of the apostles, he confessed their
unction extraordinary, consisting in their miraculous gifts, which soon
after ceased when churches were planted ; but he urged their mission
to govern and teach to be ordinary, necessary, and perpetual in the
church, — the bishops succeeding them in the former, the presbyters
in the latter function.
Their evasion, that Timothy and Titus were evangelists, and not
bishops, is clearly refuted by Scultetus, Gerard, and others, yea, (as
his majesty is informed,) is rejected by some rigid presbyters, as
Gillespie, Rutherford, &c. Besides, that Timothy and Titus were
bishops is confirmed by the consentient testimony of antiquity,
(St. Jerome himself recording them made by St. Paul's ordination,)
as also by a catalogue of twenty-seven bishops of Ephesus, lineally
succeeding from Timothy, as is avouched by Dr. Reynolds against
Hart.
If the angels mentioned in the Revelation were not singular persons
who had a prelacy over the church, whether were they the whole
church, or so many individual pastors therein, or the whole college
of presbyters, or singular presidents of those colleges ? for into
so many opinions these few are divided amongst themselves, who
herein divide themselves from the ancient interpretation of the
church-government.
Concerning ages succeeding the apostles, his majesty confesseth
it but a human faith, which is begotten on human testimonies ; yet
so that, in matter of fact, it may be infallible, as by the credit of
history we infalliby know that Aristotle was a Greek philosopher.
The objected obscurity of church-history in primitive times is a
strong argument for episcopacy ; which, notwithstanding the dark-
24 CHARLES I. r.OOK XI. CENT. XVII. 497
ness of those times, is so clearly extant by their unquestionable cata-
logues.
It is plain out of Clement, elsewhere, even by the confession of
one, not suspected to favour the hierarchy,* that he was accounted
a bishop as distinct from presbyter. As for Ignatius's Epistles,
though some, out of partial disaffection to bishops, have endeavoured
to discredit the whole volume of them, without regard of ingenuity
or truth ; yet sundry of them, attested by antiquity, cannot with any
forehead be denied to be his, giving testimony of the prelacy of a
bishop above a presbyter.
As for the difference between primitive episcopacy and present
hierarchy, his majesty did not conceive that the additions granted
by the favour of his royal progenitors for the enlarging of the power
and privileges of bishops, did make the government substantially to
differ from what it was, no more than arms and ornaments make a
body really different from itself, when it was naked and divested of
the same.
Whereas they besought his majesty to look rather to the original
than succession of bishops, he thought it needful to look at both ;
the latter being the best clue, in such intrinsic cases, to find out the
former.
Lastly. He professed himself unsatisfied in their answer concern-
ing the perpetual and unalterable substantial of church-government,
as expecting from them a more particular resolution therein than what
he had received.
19 — 32. The Return of the Parliament-Divines to the King.
October 17th, eleven days after, the parliament-divines put in
iheir answer to his majesty's last paper. Herein they affirmed, they
saw not by what warrant this writ of partition of the apostles' office
was taken forth ; that the governing part should be in the hands of
the bishops, the teaching and sacramentizing in the presbyters,
Scripture making no such enclosure or partition- wall. Besides, the
challenge of episcopacy is grown to more than it pretended to in
ancient times ; some Fathers -f* acknowledging that bishops differed
from presbyters only in matter of ordination.
The abettors, say they, of this challenge, that they might resolve
it at last into Scripture, ascend by the scale of succession, going up
the river to find the head, which, like the head of Nile, cannot be
found. Such who would carry it higher endeavour to imp it into an
apostolical office, and at last call it a Divine institution, not by force
of any express precept, but implicit practice of the apostles.
• Vedelius E.ve. viii. in Jgnatium, cap. 3. t St. Clirj'sostom, St. Jerome, and,
of modems, bishop Bilson.
Vol. III. K K
498 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. D. 1G48.
They also returned, that his majesty''s definition of episcopal
government is extracted out of the bishops of later date than Scrip-
ture-times.
Concerning the ages succeeding the apostles. However episcopal
government was generally cm-rent, yet the superscription thereof was
not judged Divine, by some of those which were themselves bishops,
or lived under that government.
As they firmly believed, (as to matter of fact,) that Chrysostom
and Augustine were bishops, as that Aristotle was a philosopher, so
they would rather call such a belief (grounded upon human testimo-
nies uncontrolled) " certain" than "infallible."
The darkness of the history of the church in the times succeeding
the apostles had an influence on the catalogue-makers, who derived
the series of the succession of bishops, taken much from tradition and
reports. And it is a great blemish of their evidence, that, the nearer
they come to the apostles'* times, (wherein this should be most clear
to establish the succession firm at the first,) they are most doubtful
and contradictory one to the other.
They granted a succession of men to feed and govern those
chui;ches, which by ecclesiastical writers, in compliance with the
language of their own times, were called "bishops," but not distinct
from presbyters. So that if such a succession from the primitive
times seriatim were proved, they would either be found more than
bishops, as apostles and extraordinary persons ; or less, as merely first
presbyters, not having the three essentials to episcopal government
insisted on by his majesty.
As for Ignatius, he cannot distinctly be known in Ignatius''s
Epistles, such their insincerity, adulterate mixture, and interpola-
tions; and take him in gross, he is the patron of such rites as the
church in that age never owned.
They professed, that, in their last answer, they related not to a
school-nicety, utrum episcopatus sit ordo, 'cel gradus^ the question
being stated by popish authors, to whom they had no eye or refer-
ence.
They humbly moved his majesty, that the regiments of human tes-
timonies on both sides might be discharged the field, and the point
of dispute tried alone by dint of holy Scripture.
They honoured the pious intentions and magnificence of his
royal progenitors, acknowledging the ornamental accessions to the
persons made no substantial change in the office ; but still is remained
to be proved, that primitive episcopacy and present hierarchy are the
same.
They affirmed also, that the power of episcopacy under Christian
and Pagan princes is one and the same, though the exercise be not ;
24 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII.
but acknowledging tlie subordination thereof to the sovereign power,
with their accountableness to the laws of the land.
They conclude with thanks to his majesty's condescension in
vouchsafing them the liberty and honour in examining his learned
reply ; praying God, that a pen in the hand of such abilities might
ever be employed in a subject worthy thereof.
Some days after, his majesty returned his last paper ; wherein he
not only acknowledgeth the great pains of these divines to inform
his judgment, according to their persuasions, but also took especial
notice of their civilities of the application, both in the beginning and
body of their reply.
However, he told them they mistook his meaning when they
of a writ of partition, as if his majesty had cantoned out the episcopal
government, one part to the bishops, another to the presbyterians
alone ; whereas his meaning was that the office of teaching is common
to both alike, but the other of governing peculiar to bishops alone.
33. Tanta Fides ^ quaritus Author.
I know not what truth there was in (and by consequence what
belief is to be given to) their intelligence, who have reported and
printed, that, in order of a pacification, his majesty condescended, —
1. That the office of ordination for the space of three years should
not be exercised by the bishops without the assent of the presbytery ;
and, if this did not please,
2. That it should be suspended until twenty of his own nomina-
tion, consulting with the synod, (assembled by the appointment of the
Houses,) should determine some certainty touching some ecclesias-
tical government.
S. That, in the mean time, the presbytery should be settled for
experiment-sake.
4. That though he would not suffer bishops'* lands to be sold and
alienated from the church, yet he permitted them to be let out for
ninety-nine years, paying a small price yearly in testimony of their
hereditary right for the maintenance of bishops.
5. That, after that time expired^ they should return to the crown,
to be employed for the use of the church.
Here some presumed to know his majesty's intention, that he
determined with himself, in the interim, to redeem them by their own
revenues, and to refund them to ecclesiastical uses, which is propor-
tionable to his large heart, in matters of that nature.*
* For he gave the diike of Richmond the entire revenues of the arclibishopi-ic of Glas-
gow in Scotland, to hold them until he should furnish him with lands of the same value
expressing then his resolution to restore them to the church.
2k2
500 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1648,
84—38. The King fetched from the Isle of Wight, and
condemned at London. Extremum liunc concede mihi. He
heareth the last Sermon ; and receives the Communion.
Is patient when affronted.
Many now did hope for a happy agreement betwixt the king and
Parliament, when Divine Providence, whose ways are often above
reason, but never against right, had otherwise ordered it ; and seeing
it was God's will, it shall be ours to submit thereunto. O what can
a day bring forth ! Prov. xxvii. 1 ; especially some pregnant day in
the crisis of matters, producing more than what many barren years
before beheld. The king's person is seized on and brought up
to London, arraigned before a select committee for that purpose,
indicted, and, upon his refusal to own their authority, finally
condemned. But these things belong to the historian of the state ;
and this subject in itself is not so amiable and tempting as to
invite us to trespass in the property of others, in courting the prose-
cution thereof.
My cue of entrance is to come in where the state-writer
doth go out, whose pen hath always followed the confessors into
the chambers of dying people ; and now must do its last devoir
to my gracious master, in describing his pious death and solemn
burial.
Having received in himself the sentence of death, Dr. Juxon,
bishop of London, preached privately before him, at St. James's, on
the Sunday following, January 28th ; his text, Romans ii. 16 : "In
the day when God shall judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ,
according to my Gospel."
Next Tuesday, January 30th, being the day of his dissolution, in
the morning alone he received the communion from the hands of the
said bishop. At which time he read for the second lesson, the
twenty-seventh chapter of St. Matthew, containing the history of the
death and passion of our Saviour. Communion ended, the king
heartily thanked the bishop for selecting so seasonable and comfort-
able a portion of Scripture, seeing all human hope and happiness is
founded on the sufferings of our Saviour. The bishop modestly
disavowed any thanks due to himself, it being done merely
by the direction of the church of England, whose Rubric appoint-
eth that chapter the second morning-lesson for the thirtieth of
January.
His hour drawing nigh, he passed through the park to Whitehall.
As he always was observed to walk very fast, so now he abated not
any whit of his wonted pace. In his passage a sorry fellow (seem-
ingly some mean citizen) went abreast along with him, and, in
24 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 501
an affront, often stared his majesty in the face, which caused
him to turn it another way. The bishop of London, though
not easily angered, was much offended hereat, as done out of
despiteful design, to discompose him before his death, and moved
the captain of the guard he might be taken away ; which was done
accordingly.
39 — 42. His last Question^ and Speech falsely printed. Trou-
ble well prevented. His Corpse carried to Windsor,
Entering on the floor of death, he asked of colonel Tomlinson,
who attended there, whether he might have the liberty to dispose of
his own body, as to the place and manner of the burial thereof.
The colonel answered that he could give his majesty no account at
all therein.
His majesty held in his hand a small piece of paper, some four
inches square, containing heads whereon in his speech he intended
to dilate ; and a tall soldier looking over the king''s shoulders read
it, as the king held it in his hand. As for'the speech which passeth
in print for the king''s5 though taken in short-hand, by one eminent
therein, it is done so defectively, it deserveth not to be accounted
his speech, by the testimony of such as heard it. His speech ended,
he gave that small paper to the bishop of London.
After his death, the officers demanded the paper of the bishop ;
who, because of the depth of his pocket, smallness of that paper, and
the mixture of others therewith, could not so soon produce it as was
required. At last he brought it forth ; but therewith the others
were unsatisfied, (jealousy is quick of growth,) as not the same which
his majesty delivered unto him ; when presently the soldier, whose
rudeness (the bad cause of a good effect) had formerly over-inspected
it in the king's hand, attested this the very same paper, and pre-
vented farther suspicions, which might have terminated to the
bishop''s trouble.
On the Wednesday se'nnight after, (Febmary 7th,) his corpse,
embalmed and coffined in lead, was delivered to the care of two of
his servants, to be buried at Windsor ; — the one Anthony Mildmay,
who formerly had been his sewer, as I take it ; the other John
Joyner, bred first in his majesty's kitchen, afterwards a parliament-
captain, since by them deputed (when the Scots surrendered his
person) cook to his majesty. This night they brought the corpse
to Windsor, and digged a grave for it in St. George's chapel, on the
south side of the communion-table.
502 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A.D. 1G48.
43__50. The Lords follow after it. The Governors Resolution.
The Lords^ with much searching^ find a Vault. The De-
scription thereof. One of the Order buried therein. Pre-
sumed to he King Henry VIII. The leaden Inscription
on his Coffin. The Corpse deposited.
But, next day, Thursday, February 8th, the duke of Richmond,
the marquess of Hertford, the earls of Southampton and Lindsey,
(others, though sent to, declining the service, so far was their fear
above their gratitude to their dead master,) came to Windsor, and
brought with them two votes, passed that morning in Parliament ;
wherein the ordering of the king's burial, for the form and manner
thereof, was wholly committed to the duke of Richmond, provided
that the expense thereof exceeded not five hundred pounds. Coming
into the castle, they showed their commission to the governor,
colonel Wichcot, desiring to inter the corpse according to the Com-
mon-Prayer Book of the church of England ; the rather, because the
Parliament's total remitting the manner of the burial to the duke's
discretion, implied a permission thereof. This the governor refused,
alleging, it was improbable that the Parliament would permit the
use of what so solemnly they had abolished, and therein destroy their
own act.
The lords returned, that there was a difference betwixt destroying
their own act, and dispensing with it, or suspending the exercise
thereof; that no power so bindeth up its own hands as to disable
itself, in some cases, to recede from the rigour of their own acts, if
they should see just occasion. All would not prevail, the governor
persisting in the negative, and the lords betook themselves to their
sad employment.
They resolved not to inter the corpse in the grave which was pro-
vided for it, but in a vault, if the chapel afforded any. Then fall
they a-searching, and in vain seek for one in king Henry the eighth's
chapel, (where the tomb intended for him by cardinal Wolsey
lately stood,) because all there was solid earth. Besides, this place,
at the present used for a magazine, was unsuiting with a solemn sepul-
ture. Then with their feet they tried the choir, to see if a sound
would confess any hollowness therein, and at last, directed by one of
the aged poor knights, did light on a vault in the middle thereof.
It was altogether dark, (as made in the midst of the choir,) and
an ordinary man could not stand therein without stooping, as not
past five feet high. In the midst thereof lay a large leaden coflfin,
(with the feet towards the east,) and a/ar less on the left side thereof.
On the other side was room, neither to -spare nor to want, for any
other coffin of a moderate proportion.
24 CHARLES I. BOOK XI. CENT. XVII. 503
Tliat one of the Order was buried there, plainly appeared by per-
fect pieces of ^purple velvet (their proper habit) remaining therein ;
though some pieces of the same velvet were fox-tawny, and some
coal-black, (all eye of purple being put out therein,) though all ori-
ginally of the same cloth, varying the colour, as it met with more or
less moisture, as it lay in the ground.
Now a concurrence of presumptions concluded this great coffin to
contain the corpse of king Henry VIII. though there was neither
arms nor any inscription to evidence the same.
1. The place exactly corresponds to the designation of his burial,
mentioned in his last will and testament.*
2. The small coffin, in all probability, was his queen's, Jane Sey-
mour's, by whom, in his will, he desired to be buried ; and the room
on the other side seems reserved for his surviving wife, queen Cathe-
rine Parr.
3. It was never remembered, nor recorded, that any subject of
that Order was interred in the body of that choir, but in by-chapels,
4. A hearse stood over this vault, in the days of queen Elizabeth,
which (because cumbering the passage) was removed in the reign of
king James.
I know a tradition is whispered from mouth to mouth that king
Henry's body was taken up and burned, in the reign of queen Mary,
and could name the knight (her Privy Counsellor, and then dwelling
not far off) muttered to be employed in this inhuman action. This
prevailed so far on the lord Herbert's belief, that he closeth his His-
tory of King Henry VIII. with these suspicious words : "To con-
clude, I wish I could leave him in his grave." But there is no
certainty hereof, and more probable that here he quietly was reposed.
The lead coffin, being very thin, was at this time casually broken,
and some yellow stuff, altogether scentless, like powder of gold, <
taken out of it, (conceived some exsiccative gums wherewith he was
embalmed,) which the duke caused to be put in again, and the coffin
closed up.
The vault thus prepared, a scarf of lead was provided, some two
feet long and five inches broad, therein to make an inscription. The
letters the duke himself did delineate, and then a workman called to
cut them out with a chisel. It bare some debate, whether the letters
should be made in those concavities to be cut out, or in the solid
lead betwixt them. The latter was concluded on, because such va-
cuities are subject to be soon filled up with dust, and render the
inscription less legible; which was "King Charles, 1648."
The plumber soldered it to the coffin, about the breast of the corpse,
within the same.
■ See it in tlie end of king Henry's reign, "Church Histoiy," vol. ii. page 118.
504 CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN. A. I). 1648.
All things thus in readiness, Friday, February 9th, the corpse was
brought to the vault, being borne by the soldiers of the garrison.
Over it a black velvet hearse-cloth, the four labels whereof the four
lords did support. The bishop of London stood weeping by, to tender
that his service which might not be accepted. Then was it deposited
in silence and sorrow in the vacant place in the vault, (the hearse-cloth
being cast in after it,) about three of the clock in the afternoon ;
and the lords that night (though late) returned to London.*
• About twenty years ago, in consequence of some excavations which became needM
at the interment of the Duchess of Brunswick, in St. George's chapel, Windsor, this
vault was discovered by the workmen ; though, according to Lord Clarendon, the most
diligent search had been instituted for it in vain, on the accession of king Charles II.,
"Who expressed a strong filial desire to pay due funeral honours to the mortal remains of
his royal father. When this discovery was announced to the Prince Regent, (afterwards
king George IV.,) his royal Highness intimated his intention and wish to be present at
the opening of the tomb, and personally to inspect the operations necessary to ascertain
the identity of the body of the murdered monarch. The investigation, scientifically
conducted, served in a very satisfactory manner to estabUsh the conclusion, — that the
decapitated body was that of king Charles I. The select company of spectators per-
ceived and acknowledged its identity as soon as the attendants raised the head, (which
it was evident had been dissevered from the trunk by a powerful instrument at one blow,)
and as soon as the face was disencumbered of the cere-cloth, which had preserved the
features remarkably entire. Sir Hemy Halford, Bart., was one of those who had the
honour to be summoned on that solemn occasion ; and, at the command of his prince,
composed a very lucid and elegant account, which was immediately circulated in the form
of a pamphlet, but which has since been embodied in his small volume of " Essays and
Orations." In that pamphlet, no reference is made to FuUer's plain narrative of the
whole of the melancholy transaction, though, when compared with the facts detailed by
Sir Henry, it proves to have been more accurate and copious than that which he has
copied from Clarendon and Herbert.
With this recent examination of king Charles's tomb, is connected an incident, to
which the Christian moralist must feel some reluctance to allude except for admonitory
purposes ; and which shows that any act, however praiseworthy and weU-intended, may,
by the reckless lampooner, be converted into an engine for the more adroit discharge of
personal malevolence. It furnished the ribald wit of the late Lord Byron with a tempta-
tion (which his malignant genius could not resist) to exhibit his rancorous hostility to the
Prince Regent, in a copy of verses, as remarkable for the coarseness of the allusions
which they contain, as for the obvious injustice toward that illustrious personage ; whose
greatest oflfence then seemed to be, — that his former course of life had been nearly as
gay and thoughtless, if not quite as vicious, as that of the noble lord himself ! Yet his
royal Highness, with all his faults, did not merit the censure which the epigram conveyed, —
that, libidinous as Henry VIII., tyrannical as Charles I., in his royal person were con-
centrated the worst vices of those two monarchs. In matters both of law and equity,
the accuser is required to come into court with clean hands ; how much more is this
necessary in foro conscientice, before the accusation is framed ! Every other mode must
be considered, not as the dignified reproof of the virtuous, but as the futile attempt of
the wicked to correct the ungodly. — Edit.
END OF THE CHURCH HISTORY.
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES.
PLATE I. — Frontispiece to Vol. I.
The west front of LicMeld Cathedral. The episcopal coat of arms
on the left, and Sir Elias Ashmole's on the right.
Fuller s inscription on the folio plate is : Liclifieldensis ecclesice
cathedralis (in agro Staffordiensi in Anglid^ fades occidentalis.
His grateful inscription on Ashmole's arms is : EUcb Ashmole,
Arjtiigero, Mercurio-philo Anglico, accepta refundit T. F.
PLATE II.— Vol. I. Page 17-
COATS OF ARMS OF THE PATRONS OF THE FIRST EDITION, TO WHOM
THE TARIOUS SECTIONS OF THE HISTORY WERE DEDICATED.
The figure prefixed to every name denotes the numher of the shield
belonging to each individual, who was one of the original patrons ; and
the figure which follows refers to the page of the volume in which the
dedication to that person occurs.
PAGE
1. Robert Abdy, of London, Esq 17
2. Mr. Simeon Bonnell, Merchant 27
3. Theophilus Biddulph, of London, Esq 30
A. Thomas Bide, of London, Esq 46
5. Douse FuUer, of Hampshire, Esq QS
6. Amico suo Gr. B 86
7. Thomoe Adamidi, Senatori Londinensi 141
8. Mr. William Christmas, Merchant, London 1 63
9. Mr. Robert Christmas 163
10. Jacoho Langham, Armigero 187
11. Baldwino Harney^ Medicince Doctori 212
12. Simoni Archeri^ Equiti Auratn^ antiqnitatis Cultori, et in
digmafogr aphid exercilatissimo^ nee non lectissimce Domince
Annce. T. F 233
506 DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES.
PAGE
13. Johanni Fitz- James de Leuston, in Comitatu Dorset. Armi-
gero 285
14. Domi?io Joa?iJii Wyrley^ de Wyrley-Hall^ in Comitatu Staf-
ford. Eqniti Aurato 318
15. Mr. Jolin Robinson, of Milk Street, London, Mercliant 332
16. ThomoB Hanson^ Amico meo 347
1 7. William Robinson, of tbe Inward Temple, Esq 369
J 8. Clement Throckmorton, the elder, of Haseley, in AYarwick-
shire. Esq 391
19. Ricardo Seymere^ Necessario meo 406
20. Mr. Thomas Williams, of London, Merchant 416
21. Mr. William Vanbrugh 416
22. Sir Gerard Napier, of Dorsetshire, Baronet 472
23. Thomas Rich, late of London, Esq.* 501
24. John Ferrars, of Tamworth Castle, Esq 525
PLATE III.— -Vol. I. Page 252.
THE NAMES AND ARMS OP FORTY SOLDIERS OF KING WILLIAM THE
CONQUEROR, WITH AS MANY MONKS.
1. The brother to William Earl of Warren, with Monk Leofric.
2. William the Conqueror.
3. St. Ethelburge.
4. St. Ethelward, Bishop.
5. Robert Orford, the thirteenth Bishop of Ely.
6. Opsal, Captain of the Cross-bow men, with Monk Godfryde.
7. Belase, General of the Soldiers against Ely, with Monk Utwald.
8. Picot, Bridge-Master, with Monk Huskettle.
9. Argentine, Surgeon-General, with Monk Elfrick.
10. Gerard de Longo Campo, with Monk William.
1 1 . Talbot, (often-time sent ambassador,) with Monk Duff.
12. Adam, Chief Marshal of the Army, with Monk Seda.
13. Guido de St. Leodigaro, with the holy Monk Adelmere.
14. Hastings, a soldier skilful in Navigation, with Monk Nigel.
15. Walter Lacey, Shield-Bearer to the Conqueror, with Monk
Occam.
• Mr. Rich's coat of arms is taken from that of his relation, to whom the folio plate
containing " the seals of arms of all tlie mitred abbeys in England," is thus inscribed :
Edwino Rich, Armigero, uni e Majistris Curice Canceliariie, benefactori meo 7Hunifico,
in fjratitudinis tesseram. T. F.
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 507
16. Pamell, Captain of three hundred Footmen, with Monk Ednode.
17- Ahmude, Son of Alan, with Monk Burthrede.
18. Abraham Pechy, with Monk Ethelbert the elder.
19. Bardolph, Master of the Workmen, with Monk Recke.
20. Seward, an Englishman, Victualler of the Camp, with Monk
Reoffine.
21. Fides de Furnival, a Lombard, with Monk Osulp.
22. Blount, Captain-General of .the Foot-men, with Monk Willnote.
23. Brian Clare, an old Soldier, with Monk Cliton.
24. Hugh Mounteforti, Captain of the Horsemen, with Monk Odon.
25. Pagan , Standard-Bearer of the Horsemen, with Monk Athel-
gale.
26. Bigotte, Captain of three hundred Horsemen, with Monk Con-
dulph.
27. Dunstan le Grosmuneus, with Monk Egbert.
28. Richard de Ponteful-Conis, with Monk Leoffric the younger.
29. Eucas de Novo Burgo, with Olane, the holy Monk of the Monas-
tery.
30. Tucked, Captain of the Bowmen, with Monk Osbume.
31. Nigellus Hamtaindote, with Monk Donald.
32. Eustalias the black, with Monk Edwin.
33. Eustalias the white. Master of the Scoutmen, with Monk Swan.
34. Bigotte, third son of Bigotte, with Monk Edmund.
35. Robert Marshall, with Monk Renulph.
36. Beamunde, Master of the Conqueror's horse, with Monk Gurthe.
37. Kenulphus, a German Soldier, with Monk Uskettle.
38. John of York, an Englishman, with Monk Felix.
39. John Malmaine, Standard-Bearer of the Footmen, with Monk
Otho.
40. Anthony Longsword, with Monk Alfred.
41. Luey, a Noiman, Admiral to the Conqueror, with Monk Constan-
tino.
42. Alexander Demorite-Vignite, with Monk David.
43. Lucamalsus, Captain of the Billmen, with Monk Oswald.
44. Nasi, Captain of two hundred Footmen, with Monk Orme.
508 DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES.
PLATE lY.— Vol. I. Page 499.
Lichfield Cathedral. (Side view.) With a description of the
various parts of the structure and its locality.
In the folio plate Fuller has repeated Ashmole's coat of arms, and
has appended the following curious Latin verses ; in one column of
which he personates the weeping prophet, and in the other the smiling
historian, grateful to his brother antiquarian, at whose expense the
drawing had been finished, and the plate engraved. This is the only
ornament of the kind which adorns Fuller's Church History ; and the
reason of this gratifying exception is to be found in the circumstance —
that Ashmole was a Lichfield man, on whose mind the venerable struc-
ture, and the holy services connected with its former condition, had
made an indelible impression.
Lichfieldensem ecclesiam Sed qualis olim floruit
En, lector, pictam graphic^ ! Ut innotescat jiosteris^
Qua Sol in orhe Anglico Tarn sacro cadaveri
Aspexit nihil venustius : Hoc Tnonumentum, sumptihus
At cujus nunc, pr oh dolor ! Eli^e A^umoi^e positum :
Deformitate splendidcB Qui redivivum suscitat
Ruince vix super stites. Phopnicem e cineribus.
Sic deflevit Sic gratulatur
T, F.
PLATE v.— Frontispiece to Vol. II.
COATS OF ARMS OF THE PATRONS OF THE FIRST EDITION, TO WHOM
THE VARIOUS SECTIONS OF THE HISTORY WERE DEDICATED.
PAGE
25. Mr. Thomas James, of Buntingford, in Hertfordshire 24
26. Sir Richard Shugborough, of Shugborough, in "Warwickshire 42
27 Mr. Henry Barnard, late of London, Merchant 58
28. Clifford Clifton, Esq 91
29. Ralph Sadleir, of Standon, Esq 166
30. Lady Ann Sadleir 166
31. Lady Mary Fountaine 200
32. Lady Elizabeth Powlet, of St. George-Hinton 237
33. T>om'ino Thomae Trevor, jimiori, Equiti Aurato 265
34. Thomas Dockwray, of Bedfordshire, Esq 283
Sf). Carolo Cheney^ de Comitatu Buck. Armigero 346
36. Mr. Thomas Bowyer, of the Old Jewry, Merchant 390
DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES. 509
PAGE
37. Sir Henry Wroth, Knight 408
38. William Honeywood, Esq 478
39. Mrs. Anne Danvers, of Chelsea 501
IN VOL. III.
40. Mr. James Bovey, of London, Merchant 3
41 . Daniel Harvey, Esq. High Sheriff of Surrey 29
42. The Master, Wardens, and all the Members of the honourable
Company of Mercers, of London 60
PLATE yi.-.yoL. II. Page 229.
SEALS OF ARMS OF THE MITRED ABBEYS IN ENGLAND.
1. Tavistock in Devonshire.
2. Glastonbury in Somersetshire.
3. Middleton in Gloucestershire.
4. Abingdon in Berkshire.
5. St. James's Abbey, Reading in Berkshire.
6. Battle-abbey in Sussex.
7. St. Augustine's-abbey, Canterbury In Kent.
8. St. Peter's-abbey, Gloucester.
9. Tewkesbury in Gloucestershire.
10. Winchcomb In Gloucestershire.
11. St. Albans in Hertfordshire.
12. Westminster-abbey in Middlesex.
13. St. John's of Jerusalem.
14. Waltham-abbey in Essex.
15. St. John's-abbey, Colchester In Essex.
16. St. Edmund's Bury-abbey in Suffolk.
17. St. Benet's-in-the-Holme in Norfolk.
18. Thomey-abbey in Cambridgeshire.
19. Ramsey-abbey in Huntingdonshire.
20. Peterborough-abbey in Northamptonshire.
21. Crowland-abbey In Lincolnshire.
22. Shrewsbury-abbey in Shropshire.
23. Selby-abbey In Yorkshire.
24. St. Mary's-abbey, York.
Fuller regrets that he could not present his readers with the
arms of the abbeys of Malmsbury in Wiltshire, of Hide juxta Winton,
510 DESCRIPTION OK THE PLATES.
of Cirencester in Gloucestershire, of Bardney in Lincolnshire, and
of Evesham in Worcestershire ; a sight of which he was unable to
procure.
PLATE YIL— Frontispiece to Yol. III.
COATS OF ARMS OF THE PATRONS OF THE FIRST EDITION, TO WHOM
THE TARIOUS SECTIONS OF THE HISTORY WERE DEDICATED.
P.A G E
43. Mr. H amond "V\^ard, of London, Merchant 92
44. Mr. Richard Fuller, of London, Merchant 92
45. The Lady Anne Archer, of Tan worth in Warwickshire 134
46. Matthew Gillye, Esq 198
47. ThoJiice Dacres, de Cheshunt^ Annigero 227
48. Edward Lloyd, Esq 248
49. Mr. Peter IMoroloys, of London, ^Merchant 279
.50. Mr. Thomas Ro wse, of London, Merchant 279
51. Samuel Mico, of London, Alderman 295
52. Thomas Shugborough, of Byrdenbury in Warwickshire, Esq. 313
53. John Carey, of Stansted, in Hertfordshire, Esq 359
54. Henry Puckeringnewton, son and heir to Sir Henry Pucker-
ingnewton. Baronet 402
55. Domino Thomce Fisher^ Baronetto 425
•»• Mr. Giles Vandeput, of London, JNIercliant, Las a vacant shield, Fuller not having
been ahle to discover the existence of bis coat of arms.
bQ. Mr. Edward Clegat, of London, Merchant 445
57. Mr. Peter Matthewes, of London, Merchant 445
58. Roger Price, Esq. High Sheriff of Buckinghamshire 479
59. The noble Lady Eleanor Roe, relict to the honourable Sir
Thomas Roe 493
THE END.
London : — Printed by James Nichols!, 46, Hoxton Square,
BW5020.A2F9V.3
The church history of Britain : from the
Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library
1 1012 00035 7618