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Full text of "A friendly address to all reasonable Americans, on the subject of our political confusions [microform] : in which the necessary consequences of violently opposing the King's troops, and of a general non-importation are fairely stated"

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^i^mmmmmi' 


FRIENDLY  ADDRESS 

/fS.  ,      .  'to 

ItALL  reAsonabli^  AMERICANS, 

on' 
The    subject    of 

OUR 

J^OLITICAL     GONI^OSIONS  f 


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IN      WHICH 


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The  necessArx  CONSEQUENCE^ 
Violently  oppofing  the  Kin 0*8  Troopsi 

AND     O^ 

f      •  -  •  •* 

A  General  NON-IMPORTATION 

ARE 

F*  A  1  R  L  Y     STATED, 


Am  I  tttrtfin becMhe  y«mr  Enaaj*  beeaiift  I  tell  y<Mi  the  Troths 

Sf.  PAVt. 


iPrintcd  in  the  Year  M,DCC,LXXIV. 


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FRIENDLY  ADDRESS,  ft?^' 


/!•;  ^K 


A 


!0> 


Priendsy  Cauntrymenyand  Fellm-^^jif^sf^^ 

^^.  y^^UR^^iviV  goycrnipncnt  (fay^  an  excfiknt 
riuavA^jJ  EiJgJiih.Write?)  is  h^pily  placed  be- 
•f i  - [\^  twc^ ^be> ^wo  ^^t^?m^  ofdejpvfic powr 
it  B^pfipnkrUcmfigitfif^s: :  ki^.wi^ljifcompofedof 
(ujch  a  duemixtuif^  gf  ;fie  feve?rrt' AoiVp&fyr^ps  cf  gp^ 
ver45imcnij,  thofe  of  ane»  of  a.  few^  ?ir>4pf  many,  as  tp 
re^in  as  facras  polT^le  the  advantage;^, -an^.  to  ex- 
clude the  mconvcnieiw^ips,  pi^cMlii^r  tpe^chi  an4»»he 
parts  are  fo  nicely: ;c6mbined  mk  adji^ft^d,;  thattht 
ftveral  powers  co-opfnate  and  naoyje  ,<?p:  together  ia 
concert  and  agreement,  mutually  temper-ipg,  Vjp^^in^ 
andjjeftraining,  yet  at  the  fasfie  tiiri^^iHng,  juppprt- 

ing,  aadftrengtheningie^,Qrhc{5."rri  :'ihl 

r   ThisJrame  of  goy$ri«peflji(,  for  thp  atoirabJ^-vfifT 

dom  of  its  ftrudurc,,  h^  aJsvays  l?een  tl^  wonder  of 
^he  world  V  and  under  its  protedion  and  mild  influ- 
ence,, the  fubjp^s  of  Qreat  Britain, are;  the  happjeft 
people  on  earth.  But  of  all  the  fw;bj«fSts  of  Gre^t 
Britain,  thofe  who  refide  ia  the  j^m^J^ican  Colonies 
have  been,  and,  were  they  fenfibk  of  their  own  ad- 
vantages, might  ftiU  be,,  by  far.the  happieft:  fur^ 
rounded  with  the  fekOings>  or  peace,,  health,  and  ne- 
YerTfailing  plenty— enjoying  the  benefits  of  an  equir 
table  and  free  conftitution — fecured  by  the  protec- 
tion and  patronage  of  the  grtateft-  maritime  power  ia 
the  world— and  contributing,  in  but  a  fmall  propor- 
tion^ to  tlie  fupport  of  the  ncceffary  public  expences. 

A  2  Under 


A  ■ 


<    4    ) 


Under  thcfe  advantages,  the  colonies  have  hither- 
to flouriflied  beyond  example.  They  have  become 
populous,  both  by  natural  increaie)  and  the  yearly 
innux  of  foreigners,  the  fure  indications  of  a  happy 
country^  and  chey  have  become  rich,  by  pra6ticitig« 
at  their  eafe,  the  peaceful  arts  of  agriculture  and 
commerce.  And  w^re  they  to  purfue  the  fame  path 
which  has  brought  them  thus  far,  there  is  no  doubt 
but  they  would  go  on  to  flourifh  and  profper  in  the 
iiBone  proportion,  till,  in  procefs  of  time,  they  would 
cxite  either  the  admiration  or  envy  of  the  whole  hu- 
man ra^c.  The  advice  therefore  of  Moses  to  a  peo- 
ple highly  favoured  of  Heaven,  is  juftly  applicable 
to  them  *,  and  nothing  could  be  wanting  to  their  hap- 
pinels,  but  hearts  to  follow  it^    **  Only  take  heed  to, 

*'  ^hfiffi  %^  ^9  ^^  ^^P  ^^y  ^0^^  diligently,  left 
*'  thou  forget  the  things  which  thine  eyes  have  fcen, 
^<  and  left  they  depart  from  thipe  heart,  all  the  days 
!^«  of  thy  life." 

But  a  far  different  profpe&,at  this  time,prefents  it- 
ielf  to  view.  The  darknefs  of  a  rifing  tempeft  is  be- 
ginning to  overipread  our  land.  The  thunder  roars 
at  a  distance,  and  appears  to  be  fwiftly  approaching. 
It  is  high  time  therefore  to  awaken  the  thoughtlei^ 
to  a  fenfe  of  their  danger,  and  to  thinl;  of  providing 
ibr  our  common  fafety.  '  ^  ^^^  ■  *^  -  -  ^^-l-  • 
^-  There  is,  there  can  be,  but  one  way  to  prevent  the 
^in  that  threatens  us.  Our  own  miicondu^t  has 
brought  it  fbrwar«ii ;  and  our  immediate  reformation 
muft^Kop  it  pro^refs.  He  muft  be  blind,  that  is  not 
convinced  of  this;  and  he  n^ft  be  infatuated,  that 
will  purfue  the  road,  which  evidently  terminates  in, 
darknefs  and  deftrudtion. 


a-. 
•».. 


■a 


•  ftf^**     f(,\ 


Whether 


(    5    ) 


t 


e 

0, 


'  Whether  the  Britilh  Parliament  has  been  right  pr 
wrong  in  its  late  proceedings^  towards  the  Colonies-, 
our  behaviour  has  been  fuch  as  every  government 
muft  and  will  think  intolerable.  It  the  fupremc 
power  of  any  kingdom  or  ftate,  through  want  of  dtie 
information  t>r  attention,  ihould  adopt  meafures  that 
are  wrong  or  oppreffivc,  thefubjeds  may  complain  and 
remonftr^te  againft  them  in  a  rdpe6lful  manner  ^  but 
they  are  bound,  by  the  laws  of  Heaven  and  Earth, 
not  to  behave  undiitifuUy,  much  more  not  to  behave 
infolently  and  rebelliouily.  The  bands  of  fo^iety 
would  be  diflblved,  the  harmony  of  the  world  con- 
founded, and  the  order  of  nature  fubverted,  if  re- 
vcrence,  refpeft,  and  obedience,  might  be  reefed  to 
thofc  whom  the  conftitution  has  veiled  with  the  higK- 
^ft  authority.  The  ill  confequences  of  open  di&c- 
fpeft  to  government  are  fo  great,  that  no  mifcondu^ 
of  the  adminiilration  can  juftify  or  excufe  it.  The 
guilt  of  it  isfo  aggravated,  that  Chriilians  arerequir> 
ed,  under  the  heaviell  penalty  to  avoid  it,  and  to  be 
fuhjeSf  to  the  higher  powers^  of  whatever  character,  for 
confcienie's  Jake.  No  tyrant  was  ever  more  defpotic 
and  cruel,  than  Nero^  and  no  Court  ever  more  cor- 
rupted than  his  j  and  yet  to  the  government  of  this 
cruel  and  defpotic  tyrant,  and  his  corrupt  miniftry, 
peaceable  fubmiflion  was  enjoined  by  an  ApoftlCv 
who  had  a  due  regard  for  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
mankind.  To  difturb  or  threaten  an  eftablilhcd  gd- 
vernment,  by  popular  infurreftions  and  tumults,  has 
always  been  conndered  and  treated,  in  every  age  and 
nation  of  the  world,  as  an  unpardonable  crime:  and 
were  we  the  fubjefts  of  the  Grand  Turky  it  is  as  cer- 
tain that  we  ought  not  to  encourage  fuch  praftices, 
as  that  St.  Paul  and  St.  Peter,  who  condemned  them, 
were  infpired  men. 

'  But 


.mmjM^^J^haiM. 


F.t 


((    6   ) 

-   5^t  my  c|cfign  is  not  to  cojifidcr,  how  far, the  con- 
i]idi  of  the[C(j49aies  is,  or  is  not,  qoi\fc{rfn^i\\c  to  the 
rujes-  31^  pr^cepls  of  the  Qhriftiin  if^igioq  v.  l?^V 
how  fiV  it;  is  JO  be  conden^pecj  pf* ;  jififl;,ifiq4  )^y  the 
piBxiaif  of  lJ9«iiji4. policy  an4.prudefic)e.;    p;^r  tcnv 
foral  inter^O:  jitick  fafety  are  cunfidjetatjioi^  ?yj>ifbt  ^arll 
FwiU  regard,,  how  jiwch  foey^rjijiiey,  i^]^iiii^i  or  de^ 
fpifcthp  pWigati^fijifxf  .rcligiq^V  jhii^i^j;  oj^i/lfv v-nn* 
,ii  -TheiVQiOf  ofPDfTip]aint,,jtq<p?lJjt  n<>[WOf^, js  npv 
-heard  jhro^gh -every  corner  of  ^i^rljaptj^v  ^Oi<J  we  ar^ 
4aiiy'cxhorjfi4tO!, prepare  for  the; djC^iKje ^ ^^ Jir 
-fe^jif5?^  and  ail  |i;ha^  is  iacred».  witi>  unit^^'iip^,-- 
^|{  be^grc  ¥f€  proceed^  it  con^cirnj^,  ijis  |p  :bef;^f IJ  i^ 
./pf(n?4  both'  as  to  our  real  d^ngef ,  afi4  4^:%ps- 
fprdpef:itjoi?ietal^?ri  -  ,:i     - ;;  !    ;;i.7  ::>;- r 

•J  ilWff^ .  the:  j^^erjcans  adyqlly  i|i ,  a  ftate  of  ippprefP 
j§Q|}«;  i%  V'^'^^  rlhP^^  their  wifdofn  and.  pru4?fice,  to^ 
^r|pmit^ith;  patience ,  to  their  prefent  conditiotj,  rather 
.fha«  .t<>  proypk€   the   power  that  Qppre^^8,t^«?m^ 
'^withoijt  fortie  fair  profped  of  o^Jtaihipg  relief.    One 
degree,  of  i^iftr^fs,.  in  coplVflWnce.of  the  W^l^t  of 
•  iHe^arpower,  is.  a  grit v^ance )  x^  degrees  of  4iftrefs 
areprgpputjon^bjiy  a  greater  evilj  but  bad  a*,  it  is,, 
hamuli  be.  an  J<^ot  or  a  m^inan,  who  >yoMld  not 
,prefer  them  totwflnty.     But ; it  appears  to  mt that,, 
of  air  people  ;uhder  heaveny  the.King's  fobje^s  in 
Ainerica,  have  hitfierto  hadlltekaft  ground  tpjf  com- 
-plaint  i  afid  that  the  preftnt  cenfnfion  of  th^,  Colo- 
nies has  beeri  occafioned  by  rhifmforn?atiops  and falfe 
alarmst.     If  none  of  our  legal  rights  have  been,  invad- 
ed, no  injury  has  been  done,  us  -,/  if  we  have  npt  been 
Injured,  we  have  no  room  for  complaint,; .  and  we 
^can  never   be  juftilied  in  rrefcntifig  that,  which  it 
would  be  pnrcafonabk  to  complain  of^^.  :  j6  ji.*  .•  c. 

U:H  '  '        My 


r 


irHBaiaMMiiitnTTm-r 


{    7    ) 


•  My  Friends y  Cvuntrymen,  and  Fetldw  Suhje&s  i 
fuffer,  ft)r  a  fcTi^  .minutes,  art  Am«irican,  ot^  wl»  few 
often  glbried  in  the  title,  who  loves  his  country  as 
much,  and  hai  as  great  a  regard  for  its  honour;  a*. 
any  of  you,  to  reafon  and  expoftulate  w^Ith  you,  ii^ 
plaitt  lingua^,  on  -a  fubjift  now  of  the  higheft  im- 
portance, both  toy<yu  ahd  him.  .:,.;.v.    .r  ..^    - 

You  are  taught  to  exclaim  loudly  agalnft  '*  th^' 
*'  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  Britifli  Parliamieftt.** 
Butconfiaer;  wherem  have  they  been  arbitrary,  atnd 
in  what  do  you  fuffer  ?  Why,  it  fccms,  "  a  duty  of 
<*  three  pence  a  pouod,  has  been  laid,  by  Parliametir,' 
**  upon  their  teas^xported  to  America )  smd  we  can- 
«*  not  pufchafe  the  tea,  without  paying  the  duty/* 
But  if  this  may  be  called  a  burden,  fo  may  the  weight 
of  ao  atom  on  the  fKoulders  of  a  giant :  befides,  this 
burden  may  be  ealily  avoided;  for  we  have  no  occa* 
fion  to  purchafe  the  tea-,  and  unlefs  we  purchafe  itji 
we  are  under  no  dbligadons  to  (yay  the  duty.  '~r.;A 
.  You  will  fay  :  •'  the  f*arliithent  I>ad  no  right  ta 
••  lay  the  duty.**  But  I  fujpofc  we  are,  moft  of  us, 
but  indifierent  judges  of  the  rights  of  Parliament  j 
or  however,  thie  Parliament  rtiuft  a6t  according  to 
their  own  judgment,  and  not  according  to  ours,  if  it 
be  difi^rcnt  from  theirs.  They  aflcrt,  and  believe^ 
that  they  have  the  right  irt  queftion  -,  and"  we  have 
never  proved  that  they  have  not.  Nay,  we  ourfelves 
have  always  believed  and  allowed  that  they  hdve  it, 
till  the  prcfent  occalion.  I  might  add,  that  we  have 
always  allowed  that  they  had  a  right  to  regulate  not 
only  the  trade,  but  all  concerns  of  the  Colonies  jlbch 
a  power  they  h^ive  always  exercifed,  and  we  have 
fubmitted  to  their  afts.  Thus,  for  inftance,  we  hare 
paid  a  duty  on  wine  and  mdifles,  in  obedicnce^^  to 
Parliament,  and  without  proteftations  or  remohftran- 
ces  \  andj  for  the  fame  reafons,  we  are  as  much  ob- 
liged 


<c 


<c 


(  «  ) 

.  '■  '    -  ■  ,    .  f. 

Ilged  to  pay  the  duty  on  tea.  If  we  would  a£b  con- 
ftftently,  we  fhould  either  refufe  to  pay  the  duty  on 
wine  and  molalTes,  or  confent  to  pay  it  on  tea ;  for  it 
is,  in  both  cafes,  impofed  from  the  fame  principle, 
and  has  the  fame  effedfc. 

Perhaps  it  will  be  replied,  **  Thefe  and  all  other 
''  duties  ought  to  be  reje^ed,  becaufe  they  are  pre- 
*'  xedents^  and  intended  to  prepare,  the  way  for  hig  h. 
**  er  demands  -,  and  if  Parliament  has  a  right  to  take 
from  us  one  penny,  without  our  confent,  it  has  a 
right  to  (trip  us  of  our  whole  property,  and  to 
make  us  ab(olute  HaveSk  * 

This,  I  believe,  is  the  firft  time  tliat  a  fovereien 
power  has  been  in  want  o£ precedents,  to  iuftify  its 
making  laws  to  govern  any  ^irt  of  its  dominions^ 
It  is  a  contradidion  in  the  nature  of  things,  and  as 
tbfurd  as  that  a  part  fliould  be  greater  than  me  whole; 
to  fuppofe  that  the  fupreme  legidative  power  of  any 
Kingdom  does  not  extend  to  tne  iitmoft  bounds  of 
that  kingdom.    If  thefe  Colonies,  which  originally 
belonged  to  England^  are  not  now  to  be  regulated 
and  governed  by  the  authority  of  Grr^/  britairty  then 
the  confequences  are  plain  \  they  are  not  dependant 
upon  Great  Britain — they  are  not  included  within  its 
territories — ^they  are  no  part  of  its  dominions— 
the  inhabitants  are  hot  Englifh,  they  can  have  no* 
claim  to  the  privileges  of  Engliflimen ;  they  are, 
with  regard  to  England,  foreigners  and  aliens  -,  nay, 
worie,  as  they  have  never  been  legally  difchargcd 
from  the  duty  they  owed  it,  they  are  rebels  and  Spo- 
liates.   On  the  above  fuppofition,  they  arc,  at  beftj, 
as  much  the  dominions  of  Denmark  ov  Ruffia,  as  of 
Creat  Britain  j  for  there  can  be  no  difference  in  this 
cafe,  unlcfs  one  has  an  authority  over  them,  which 
the  others  have  not*    But  if  Great  Britain  poffeffes 


1 


"im  ;■ 


t^i. 


J  i  ■-        •-        •*%         .      .  f       » 


•  *.  *.   .-^  Iff  4 


..li«i. 


/ 


(    9    ) 


.!'.':. 


a  fovercignty  over  the  Colonies,  ^e  ccrtainl/  has  a 
right,  at  Icaft,  to  regulate  our  commerce ;  and  cfpe- 
cially  to  regulate  the  importation  of  !uch  articles  of 
mere  luxury,  as  we  can  choofe  whether  we  will  be 
concerned  with,  or  not,  with  but  little  inconvenience 
to  Qurfelves.  Now  the  prefent  duty  on  tea  is  exactly 
fuch  a  regulation. 
•  V ;  You  allow  that  this  duty  is  a  thing  that  is  but  trifl- 
ing in  itfclf  i  but  then  you  conceit  that  you  ought  to 
oppofe  it,  becaufe  it  is  2i  precedent^  which  hereafter 
may  be  ufcd  to  your  di  fad  vantage.  I  am  forry  to  fee 
that  men  can  be  fo  eafily  deluded  by  fuch  fophiftry. 
Can  you  imagine  that  Parliament  will  not  do  what- 
ever they  think  right  to  be  done  by  them,  without 
waiting  for  Precedents  ?  Yet  precedents  ot  their  own 
for  regulating  the  trade  of  the  Colonies,  are  not 
wanting.  Every  reign,  fincc  the  fettlement  of  the 
Colonies  has  produced  them ;  in  confequence  of  which 
you  are  daily  paying  duties  that,  in  every  viev/,  are 
as  liable  to  exception,  as  the  duty  on  tea.  From 
hence  it  is  evident,  that  you  yourtelves  have  no  incli- 
nation to  be  governed  by  precedents,  whatever  regard 
the  Parliament  m?iy  be  fuppofed  to  have  for  them.  ;*> 
As  to  the  argument  that,  "  If  Parliament  has  a 
"  right  to  take  from  us  one  penny,  without  our  con- 
"  fcnt,  it  has  a  right  to  ftrip  us  of  our  whole  pro- 
perty ;"  altho'  fo  great  a  man  as  Mr.  Locke  was  the 
father  of  it,  it  appears  to  me  to  be  weak  and  fophif- 
tical.  A  right  to  do  what  is  reafonable,  implies  not 
a  right  to  do  what  is  unreafonable.  A  father  may- 
have  a  right  over  his  fon,  lb  far  as  to  fend  him  on  an 
errand,  or  upon  any  reafonable  fervicv^  without  hay- 
ing fuch  an  abfolute  authority  as  can  oblige  him  to 
throw  himfelf  down  a  precipice,  or  to  hang  himfelf. 
In  like  manner,  cafes  may  happen,  in  which  it;  would 


> 


.  \ ' 


(       10      ) 


be  reafonable  for  Parliament  to  take  from  us  fome 
fmall  matter,  though  we  were  unwilling  to  part  with 
it;  but  the  cafe  can  hard 'y  be  fuppofcd,  m  which 
it  would  be  reafcnable  to  take  from  u»  every 
thing,  unlefs  we  fhouid  haye  forfeited  it.  Every 
fociety  has  a  right  to  make  a  moderate  ufe  of  its 
power  over  its  own  members,  but  not  to  abufe  it. 
There  can  be  no  right  to  do  what  is  unqueftionably 
wrong. 

But  you  will  fay,  it  is  wrong  to  tax  us  at  all,  with- 
out our  confent.  But  the  duty  on  tea,  which  has  oc- 
calioned  all  our  confufions,  is  not  fuch  a  tax  *,  for 
unlefs  you  confent  to  the  tax,  you  are  not  to  pay  the 
duty.  You  may  refufe  it,  if  you  pleaie,  without  in- 
curring any  penalty,  or  confiderable  inconvenience. 
As  to  fuch  taxes  as  arife  from  the  general  regulation 
of  American  commerce,  they  muft  be  impoied  with- 
out our  formal  confent,  if  they  areimpofed  at  all.  For 
if  all  the  Colonies  muft  be  confulted,  and  all  muft 
agree,  before  fuch  a  regulation  can  take  place;  it  is 
eafy  to  fbrefce,  that  nothing  of  this  kind  can  be  efta- 
blifhed,  as  nothing  can  be  propofed,  in  which  aH  the 
Colonics,  having  each  its  peculiar  views  and  interefts, 
would  be  likely  to  agree.  Therefore  Great  Britain 
muft  either  impofe  fuch  duties  upon  our  imports 
and  exports,  as  may  be  thought  proper  for  the  good 
of  the  whole  community,  without  our  confent,  or  ftie 
muft  not  attempt  to  regulate  our  trade  ;  and  if  fhe  is 
not  to  iupcrintend  and  regulate  our  trade,  Ihe  had 
better  relinguifh  at  once  her  claim  of  authority  over 
her  colonies ;  after  wh'ch  they  canftot  expert  to  en- 
joy her  protedion. 

But  you  further  objed,  that  "  ifwcareto  be 
bound  by  laws  to  which  we  have  never  confented, 
we  have  not  the  rights  of  Englilhmen."  In  anfwcr 

to 


cc 


u 


1 


( 


II 


) 


it. 
bly 


oc- 

for 

the 

t  in- 


to this,  let  me  remind  you,  firft  of  all,  that  it  never 
was,  nor  can  it  be,  the  right  of  Engliihmen  to  he  ex- 
empted from  the  authority  of  an  Englifh  or  Britiih 
Parliament.  It  is  not  a  proper  conient  to  the  laws 
enaded  by  the  Britifh  Parliament,,  but  the  being 
bound  by  thoi&XvHs^  that  diftinguiihes  a  Britifh:  fub- 
jedt  from  a  foreigner.  So  long  as  a  man  refides  .with- 
m  any  dominions,  he  is  a  fubjed'  of  it,  and  isoblig- 
ed  to  fubmit  to  its  laws,  as  far  as  they  concern  him, 
whether  he  approves  of  them  or  not.  There  .are 
many  people  in  England,  who  are  natives  of  the 
country,^  that  do  not  confdnt  to  adlsof  Parliament 
that  are  paiied,  unlefs  by  a  bare  fi^iot^  of  the  law  \ 
which  can  make  a,  nominal  confent,  but  not  a  real  one. 
This  is  always  the  cafe  of  the  Minority,  where  there 
is  adiviiion,  whofe  votes  are  over-ruled  by  the  major 
part;  for  the  law  ncceflarily  pafTes, .  not  only  with- 
out, but  contrary  to,  their  confent.. 

Befides,  there  arc  millions  of  people  refiding  in 
England,  who  have  no  votes  in  eledtions,  and  are  ne- 
ver confulted  about  the  expediency  of  laws.  I  hope 
thefe  are  all  Englifhmen,  although  they  give  no  other 
confent  to  adts  of  Parliament,  to  which  they  are 
bound  to,  fubmit,  than  what  is  implied  in  their  freely 
refiding  within  the  jurifdidion  and  protedion  of 
Parliament.  In  this  fenfe,  the  Americans,  by  fixing 
themfelves,  and  continuing  to  relide,  within  the  Bri- 
tifh dominions^  confent  to  be  governed  by  tlie  Britifh 
laws.  When  the  Goloniils  &fl  fettled  on  Englilh 
American  ground,  they  well  knew  that. the  authority 
of  Parliament  was  not  to  be  fufpendedor  withdrawn, 
in  their  favour ;  and  they  knew  too,  that  they  had 
no  power  of  fending  reprefentatives  to  Parliament  of 
their  own  choofing.  On  thefe  terms  they  willingly 
fettled  here  J  and  they  have  always  enjoyed  ev^.y 
/  ., .  B  2      .  advantage 


(      12      ) 


I''    '« 


ri 


|if 


advantage  which  they  originally  expeded  to  receive, 
and  which  was  contraded  for  in  their  ftipulation 
with  the  Crown,  and  they  can  have  no  juft  reafon  to 
complain  on  this  account.  Yet  notwithftanding  all 
this,  they  have  been  lately  told  by  their  agents,  who 
had  it  from  the  beft  authority,  that  if  they  chofe  to 
fend  over  perfons  to  reprefent  them  in  Parliament, 
they  (hould  be  admitted  to  feats  in  the  Houfe.  In  my 
opinion,  they  have  done  wifely  in  not  accepting  of 
the  offer  ;  biit  after  refufing  it,  they  have  fiirely  no 
reafon  to  complain,  that  they  have  no  reprefentativcs 
in  the  Parliament  that  muft  govern  them.  * 

It  has  been  frequently  aflerted,  in  juftification  of 
your  claim,  that,  ^*  as  the  charters  granted  by  the 
*'  Crown,  have  allowed  a  legiflative  authority  to  the 
*'  feveral  Colonies,  the  inhabitants  are  to  be  bound 
by  no  laws,  but  what  are  made  by  their  refpeftivc 
provincial  legiflatures,  to  which  they  confent  by 
reprefentation."  With  regard  to  this  dodrine,  I 
beg  leave  only  to  aflc  a  few  queftions.  Can  you  be 
made  to  believe,  that  it  was  ever  the  intention  of  the 
Crown,  to  eftablilh  by  charter  a  power  of  legiflation, 
inany  of  the  Colonies,  that  is  fovereign,  independent, 
and  incontrolable  by  the  fupreme  authority  of  the 
nation  ?  Can  you  imagine,  that  in  any  inftance,  more 
than  a  fubordinate  right  of  jurifdi<5tion  was  meant, 
for  the  internal  regulation  of  the  diftri^t  mentioned 
in  the  charter ;  or  conceive  that  fuch  a  grant  can 
place  you  beyond  the  reach  of  parliamentary  autho- 
rity ?  Would  not  the  arguments  that  perhaps  have 
deceived  you,  prove  as  ftror:gly,  that  the  charter  of 
the  city  of  Albany,  granting  a  power  to  make  laws 
for  its  internal  regulation,  provided  they  are  not  con- 
trary to  the  laws  of  the  Province,  places  the  inhabi- 
tants of  that  city  beyond  the  reach  of  laws  made  by 
theaffembly  of -Afe-r<?rie?  You, 


«6 


<C 


C( 


m 


(  M. ) 


(  . 


You,  one  and  all,  talk  of  your  rights  by  charter': 
but  are  not  Ibmc  of  the  Colonies  without  charters  ? 
And  do  all  the  charters  convey  exactly  the  fame 
privileges  and  rights  ?  Do  any  of  them  fay,  that  you 
fhall  not  be  bound  by  laws  made  in  Great  Britain  ? 
Nay,  does  not  the  charter  of  Pennjylvania  fay  cx- 
prefsly,  that  taxes  may  be  laid  upon  the  inhabitants 
'iy  a&  of  Parliament?  None  therefore  have  a  right 
to  plead  their  charters,  in  the  prefent  controverfy, 
with  the  mother  country,  who  rcfide  in  the  colonies 
that  are  without  charters,  or  in  Pennfylvania;  and 
it  is  high  time  for  thofe  who  refide  in  the  other  colo- 
nies, to  furnilh  fome  kind  of  evidence,  that  their 
charters  give  them  the  right  for  which  they  contend. 
They  have  not  yet  done  this ;  they  have  not  attempted 
to  do  it;  I  fufpeft  they  never  will  attempt  it;  and  I 
challenge  them  to  do  it  if  they  can.  You  may  have 
heard  fome  of  them  declaim  on  this  topic,  and  you 
may  hear  them  again ;  but,  if  you  exped  the  proof 
called  for,  you  will  be  difappointed. 

What  has  been  offered  is  in  order  to  fliew,  that, 

in  reality,  no  proper  right  of  the  colonies  is  infringed 

by  the  late  act  of  Parliament,  that  impofes  a  fmall 

duty  on  the  teas  exported  to  America.     And  here  it 

is  worthy  of  notice,  and  we  ought  to  attend  to  it 

all  along  as  we  proceed,  that  the  colonies  of  Rhode^ 

JJland^  Conne^icut^   New-Tcrk^  New-Jerfey,  Pennfyl- 

vania,  Maryland,  Virginia^  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia^ 

are  not  affedled   by  any  other  of  the  late  ads  of 

Parliament ;  and  have  no  difpute  of  their  own  with 

the  mother  country,  but  what  arifcs  from  the  tea- 
uf\'  T    '*■•     •  ■•■•r^  ■  "  '   ■  ■'    >•■■■■.•- 

But  let  us  now  ftippofe,  that  we  have  been  really 
injured  by  this  a6fc;  and  that  our  paying  the  duty 
would  be  dangerous  to  our  conllitutional  liberties. 

On 


y  \ 


(     14     ) 


I 


jl 


On  this  fuppofition,  which  the  Americans  in  general 
feem  to  have  adopted  as  the  true  ftate  of  the  cafe, 
the  great  queftion  is,- — Pf^hat  method  the  colonies  ought 
in  mfdem  to  purfue^  in  order  to  get  rid  of  the  duty  ? 

Different  meafures  have  been  already  taken,  in  the 
different  colonies,  to  avoid  the  operation  of  the  a6b. 
In  South-Carolinay  the  obnoxious  tea  was  landed  -,  but 
the  inhabitants  formed  a  refohition,  to  which  they 
have  the  virtue  punctually  to  adhere,  not  to  fpur- 
chafe  it.  Happy  would  it  have  been  for  the  colo- 
hies,  if  this  meafure  had  been  univerfalLy  taken !  In 
that  cafe,  we  fliould  (till  have  enjoyed  tranquility, 
uninterrupted  by  feditious  alarms-,  and  the  black, 
cloud,  charged  with  ftorm  and  thunder,,  that  nowi 
darkens  our  land,  would  not  have  collected. 

In  molt  of  the  other  colonies,  the  tea  was  not 
fuffered  to  enter  their  ports-,  but  it  was  fent  back 
unhurt.  This  indeed,  in  all  its  circumftances,  muft 
be  confidered  as  a  kind  of  infult  upon  government; 
but  yet  it  was  fuch  a  fpecies  of  miftjehaviour,  as, 
in  all  probability,  the  nation  would  ha/e  overlooked, 
and  many  of  the  friends  of  America  would  have 
thought  worthy  of  commendation.  But,  as  the 
evil  genius  of  the  colonies  would  have  it,  the  tea 
that  was  fent  to  Bojion^  was  neither  ftored,  nor  fent 
back,  but  outrageoufly  deftroyed  by  the  hands  of 
violence.  _s... 

Whatever  may  ht  thought  of  configning,  or 
fending  back  the  tea,  there  are  but  few  people  fa 
abandoned  to  all  fentiments  of  fitnefs,  propriety, 
and  juftice,  as  to  think  the  deftrudion  of  it  excufe- 
able-,  and  the  government  at  home,  as  all  govern- 
ments would  in  the  like  cafe,  thought  it  unfuffera- 
ble. — It  was  foon  determined,  to  inflidt  an  exemplary 
punifhment  upon  the  town  that  was  guilty  of  fuch 
":  .  Ihameful 


(   15  )         ^ 

(hameful  and  flagrant  injuftice-,  and  an  a<fl  was 
paflcd,  for  (hutting  up  the  port  of  Befton^  till  pro- 
per fatisfadion  (hould  be  made  for  fo  provoking  an 
outrage. 

It  is  certain,  that  all  the  Americans  are  out  of 
the  reach  of  this  ad;  that  it  was  not  intended  to 
affedt  them;  and  therefore  that  they  have  nothing 
immediately  to  do  with  it,  excepting  the  inhabitants 
of  5^«»  themfelves.  Accordingly  I  Ihould  have 
pafled  it  by,  as  foreign  from  tfur  ^art  of  the  difpute, 
had  it  not  been  voted  by  all  our  county  and  provin- 
cial Committees,  to  be  dangtrous  to  the  liberties  if 
the  Britijh  colonies.  For  this  reaibn  I  ihall  offer  fome 
obfervations  on  what  appears  to  have  been  the  policy 
of  the  ad ;  which  I  (hall  addrefs  to  thofe  only,  who 
are  fo  reafonable  and  modeft  as  to  allow,  that  the 
tea  ought  not  to  have  been  deftroyed.      -;     *  '-  »^* 

If  the  condud  of  the  Boftonians,  in  deftroying 
the  tea,  was  criminal,  it  defervcd  punilhmcnt-,  and 
punifhments  fhould  always  be  regulated  by  the  na- 
ture and  degree  of  the  crimes  for  which  they  are 
inflided,  and  the  circumftances  that  attended  the 
commilTion  of  them.  Now  the  crime  of  the  Bofto- 
nians was  a  compound  of  the  groflcft  injury  and 
infult.  It  was  an  ad  of  the  higheft  infolence  to- 
wards government;  fuch  as  mildnefs  itfelf  cannot 
overlook  or  forgive.  The  injuftice  of  the  deed  was 
alfo  moft  atrocious:  as  it  was  the  deftrudion  of  pro- 
perty to  a  vaft  amount,  when  it  was  known  that 
tlie  nation  was  obliged  in  honour  to  proted  it.  At 
the  fame  time  il  was  very  notorious,  that  the  inten- 
tion of  the  perpetrators  was,  by  this  example,  to 
lead  and  excite  others,  when  the  expeded  opportu- 
nity (hould  prefent,  to  the  fame  wanton  excefs  of 
.  riot  and  licentioufnefs.     Under  thefe  circumftances 

found 


"USS. 


*v 


(    16   ) 


l! 


ii' 


found  policy  was  thought  to  require,  that  both  a 
ievcre  and  a  fpcedy  punifhment  fhould  be  inflidbed^ — > 
fevere,  that  it  might  bear  Ibme  proportion  to  ihe 
guilt;  and  ipeedy,  that  it  might  prevent  the  like 
mifchief  in  other  inftances. 

Many,  I  know,  who  a-4mlt  that  Bofton  ought  to 
have  been  puniflied,  yet  exclaim  loudly  againft  the 
punifliment  decreed  by  Parliament,  as  being  too 
fevere  in  its  manner;  And  if  any  other  punifliment 
had  been  inflicted,  many  of  them,  I  dare  fay,  would 
have  exclaimed  flill.  For  when  people  are  once 
difaffeded  towards  an  adminillration,  whether  with 
or  without  juftreafon,  they  will  always  find  fome 
pretence  for  blaming  any  meafure  that  can  be  taken 
by  it.  f  ,  ^»c^l!  rtt  ^;  nfcta  IfnrJ!  f  f:  •■"'.  •  ^.  \  vtr'll> 
^;fAsto  the  feverity  of  the  puhiihment  inqueftion, 
it  was  no  more  than  fliutting  up  a  port,  till  facif- 
fa^ion  fliould  be  made  for  a  flagrant  injury  and 
infult,  of  which  it  had  been  guilty.  While  this  re- 
fl:raint  was  laid,  a  free  ufe  of  all  the  neighbouring 
ports  was  allowed ;  fo  that  no  people  but  the  inha- 
bitants of  the  town  of  Boften  were  intended  to  be 
puniflied  by  this  adl ;  and  a  fufficjent  time  was  in- 
dulged them  to  remove  all  their  veflTels  out  of  their 
harbour,  that  they  might  be  ufefully  employed  dur- 
ing the  refl:raint  of  their  port.  And  as  foon  as 
compcnfation  fliould  be  made  for  the  injury  don^, 
and  a  proper'  acknowledgment  of  the  offence  com- 
mitted, every  appearance  fliews  that  government 
intended  to  be  fatisfied,  and  to  remove  the  punifli- 
ment. For  provifion  was  made,  that,  on  fuch  an 
event,  the  King  might  immediately  fufpend  the  ope- 
ration of  the  a6l,  without  waiting  for  the  meeting, 
or  the  formal  proceedings  of  the  Parliament,  which 
might  require  time.     Surely  none,  who  have  as  high 


'# 


r(   17  ) 


^  feo(e  of  public  ig^ilt,  as  of  privati^<  can  fibkik 
this  puniHunent  tooicvere  for  the  erunc,  c^fi^rt<^ 
unider  aiU  its  aggravations.  For,  do  peopk  aam/tti- 
^idod  tptlieuie^.of  any  advantage,  wW&  ths/ wan- 
tonly abwife  to  tJic  injury  of  others.  '; 

An  outcry  is  alio  madie,  tth^*-  '^  the  piintflin^R(t)f 
*^  ths  Bofionians  inas  hafty  and  precipiC8iit>  oranridg 
*^  no  alternative «  and  not  fufiering  the  pariy  i:iQ  be 
*^  heard.**  It  is  ^eely  confeiTed  that^  m  common 
cdes,  none  Ought  to  be  punilhed  vrithoyt  «  ffqgjular 
trial  and  cotnviaton.  But  here  the  Cafe  was  jUftf  om- 
mon  and  extraordinary.  The  moft  d&ntial  h^^ 
of  government  were  audacioufly  invaded — ^the  crmpe 
was  notorious  and  unqueftionable — a  regular  trial 
muft  have  been  the  wDckof  time<-*and  while  this  would 
be  depending,  it  wasitcagined  the  evil  would  fpreaj. 
9oth  the  letter  and  fpirit  of  the  law  hdd  been  op0n^ 
infulted  and  defied,  by  the  people  inBoflon}  and, 
in  fuch  a  cafe,  the  ftms  of  the  law,  in  bringing 
them  back  to  a  Ibnle  of  their  duty,  when  it  wffs 
apprehended  that  the  delay  of  puniAiment  would  be 
dangerous  to  the  Community,  were  thought  to, be 
difpenfible.  Such  confiderationS  indeed  will  d^ 
authorife  a  judge,  or  any  court  of  juftice,  to^r^ 
ceed  iti  this  compendious  manner  •,  but  when  a  cai^ 
comes  before  the  whole  legiflativc  body^  ttv^y  ha>?^ 
always  the  power  to  diipenle  with  the  ordiiiiury  forms, 
and  to  do  what  is  conceited  to  be  moft  conducive  to 
the  public  fafety.  For,  to  ufc  the  words  of  tlip 
juftly  celebrated  Dr.  Blackstoke,  "  The  bane  idea 
"  of  a  ftate,  without  a  power,  fomewhere  vefted,  to 
•'  alter  every  part  of  its  Jaws,  is  thi  height  of  poli- 
tical abfurdity." 

It  is  moreover  objedbed,  that  ^*  fuch  a  mode  of 
puniihment  ijivoLves  the  imiQCcnt  in  the  fame  cala«> 
.     ^  C  ^  *'mity 


i 


M 


.  '*jl^".      i..'. 


i 


^(  18  ) 

•  ^.ittity  with  the  giiUty.'*  In  anfwcr  to  which,  it  is 
fufficiem  to  obferve,  that  this  inconvenience  muft 
^waiys  attend  aU  punilhments  inBidled  on  a  people, 
whether  by  God  or  man,  and  necelTarily  arifes 
from  the  condition  of   the  world.      Tliere  is  no 

.  body  6f  people  fo  bad,  but  many  mnoccnt  per- 
;  fotB  kre  intermixed  with  them.  At  the  very  worft; 
^  theiie  is  always  a  number  of  innocent  children,  who 
"^  are  connected  with,  and  dependent  upon,  the  proper 
delinquents.  The  confequencc  of  'hich  is,  that 
410  people,  ahd  coinmooly  ho  individv  J,  can  pofii" 
-bly  be  puniflied,  without  hurting  fome  innocent 
"perfons.     The  objeftion  therefore,    if  it  has  any 

•  weight,  will  hold  good  againft  all  public,  and  moft 
-private  punifliments,  of  what  kind  foever.     In  the 

•  toWn  of  Bqfitm  there  are  many  innocent,  worthy  and 
^refpedtable  perfons  (many  more  than  is  commonly 
^  innigined)  who  are  as  free  from  the  public  guilt,  and 

hold  it  in  ^as  much  abomination,  as  any  men  within 
•his  Majefty*s  dominions.  For  their  fake,  more  efpe- 
.'Cially,  thofe  who  have  the -greateft  regard  for  the  hor 
nour-of  government,  with  that  the  punifhment  could 
'have  been  avoided.  But  as  this  was  politically  im- 
poflible,  they  muft  bear  their  own  fhare,  with  pru- 
^nce  and  patience,  as  ^dl  as  they  can, — -enjoying 
<^  conicioufhefs  of  their  own  innocence,— -maintaining 
their  integrity,  "in  the  midft  of  a  crooked  and  per? 
"**  verfe  generation" — and  looking  forward  to  that 
time,  which  I  hope  is  not  diftant,  when  they  may 
«xpe61;  toi>e  drftinguilhed  with  fuch  favours  as  the 
public  can  give.  j  .  -ri  r; 

The  refohes  ©f  the  above-mentioned  rouMw/V/^^x 
alfo  exprefs,  their  brethren  in  Bofton^  meaning  the 
x)fFenders  againft  government,  are  to  be  confidcred 
^*  as  fufifering  in  the  common  caufe  of  American 

"liberty.-. 


.i.iT' 


BBH 


(    ^9    ) 

**  liberty.**  But  I  hope  the  iuettticufnifs  of  thcir^b^^r 
hifiviour,  is  not  avowed  to  be  any^parcof  thefyftemc 
of  AmerUan  liberty,  and  I  Ihould  be- extremely  forryj 
to  find)  that  the  common  cauft  of  tbe^  glomes '.  requires, 
fuch  defences  as  theirs.  It  a  caving  enthufiait^  ia  ' 
order  to  promote  the  cauie  o£  American  liberty^  j 
(houldtakeit  in  his  head  ix>  aflaffinate  bis  Princeyv! 
and  afterwards  (hould  be  punilhed.fbr  hi&'tceafoa^^ 
he  might  with  eq-ual  propriety,,  be  condderedas  fuf>- 
fering  in  the  caufc  of  American  liberty..  But,  in  : 
that  cafe,  I  believe  no  fober  Americans  would  think  ) 
themfely^s  bound  to  abet  the  alTaffinatbn ;  and  for 
the  fame  reafons,  we  are  under  na  obligations  to  abet^ 
the  deftrudtive  violence  of  the  people  in  Bofton^  or  i 
to  endeavour  to  Ikrecn  it  from  public  jufttce.  So  i 
far  as  they  meant  well,  they  ought  to  be  commended  5  : 
but  fo  far  as  they  did  wrongs,  they  ought  to  be  .con-  . 
dcmned.  And  we  both  expofe  ourfelves,  and  injure  1 1 
our  caufe,  by  appearing  to  countenance  their  lawlefs^ - 
and  unwarrantable  proceedings.. 

The  fame  rejohes  2M0  condemn,  aiopprejhe  and  ■ 
dan^^rous^  the  other  ^i^  for  altering  the  adminiflraeioa 
of  juftice.  in  the  Majfacbufctts-Bay.',  and  it  has  been^ . 
ufed  as  an  inftrument,  in  the  hands  of  our  populat^v  i 
incendiaries,  for  farther  enflaming  the  minds  or  the  - 
Americans  againft  the  King  and  his  Miniders.     But . 
it  deferves  notice,  that  the  alteration  made  by   the  ' 
ad,  is  rather  an  imaginary  than  a  real  evil.    Fo>*  it  ■'■ 
introduces  into  that  province  a  regulation,  which  is  i' 
far  from  being  inconfiftent  with  the  happinefs  of  the -^ 
people;  as  it  only  reduces  them  to  a  form  of  pro-c 
ceedings,  under  which  the.  inhabitants  of  New-Tork^^ 
and  New-Jerfey  have  been  as  happy  as  any  people  in  ^ 
America,     Indeed  it  abridges  them  of  fame  privi-j" 
kges  that  had  been  granted  by  charter^    But^iio  pri- . 
•  -  C  2  .  viltges- 


(.    20      ) 


vUe^  ife  *  ei^tiiled  by  thd  aA^i  but  fucli  as  h^-- 
beoDi-'abuftd  and  forfeited  over  and  over,  and  fuch  as ' 
probably  would  continue  tb  be  abufed;  to  theereat 
ii^ury  and  difturbance  of  that  province,  as  weU  as 
ta  the  diihobour  and  xcproach  of  the  nation*     It  is^ 
thp  opinion  of'  the  beft  friends  to  tho  rights  of  man« 
kitid^  that  ohactierst Tffiiy  be  forfeited;    and,  it  is  a  > 
pipofiofjthe  nniklnefs;  not  of  the  rigour,  of  the 
admin  kftratfon^  that  the  M/i^riw/f^/i  charter,  after' 
fo:niaD9^  abufes  alid  provocations^)  has  not  been  to^ 
taUyi.vaedtfid^  rather  than  abridged;  r.Vf  >''•  f-^  '? 

Btddfis  the :  two  kft^nicntioned  adsv   there  is  8' 
third,  for  kttWtv^  the^  gei/ernmeitt  of  Quehet^  which  : 
has  been  as  fucce^f^lly  applied  to  the  fame  noble 
puiJpofc^  of  enraging  the  Annericiihs    againft  tho 
me^oes^of  govdrhmdit;  and  m^ar©  lies  and  mifre-  • 
prefcotadons  concerning  this  adk  have  been  circulated,  : 
thanione  would  think  malice  and  falfehood  could 
iavfiitttb.    Id  is  pofitivelyaflerted,.  and  generally  be-  * 
lieved,  on  the  evidence;  of  pofitive  affertions,  that  \ 
b]^  this  a€k;.theJRQpifh;  religion  is  i^i^^/j^^,  through^ 
outu  the  vaft  extent  of  country  now  iubjcft  to  the  ^ 
government  of  .^^Atfr;  and  that  the- Proteftant  re-  * 
lig  on  is  there  obliged  to  ikulk  ia  corners,  not  daring  ;j 
tajift  up  its  head..    Whereas,  if; we  have  recouric  . 
to: tht  words. of  ithe  ;aift,  we  lliall  iec^  that  the  Popifh 
reKg;ion^.is  ^  more  than  tohtatti  ^'x^va  that  domi-  ; 
nion;  which  wis  one -of.  the  conditions  on  which  « 
the  couiltry  furrendered  itfelf  to  the  crown  of  Great f  i 
Britain }  and  thait  atproper  foundasionis  laid  for  thei 
eftabliihment  of  the  Prdteftant  religion;  which  is  ; 
meaait  to  takeplacc* :  Tithes,  which  are  the  property  > 
ofj  the!  tolerated  Ron^ithurch  lin  ali  vthc  panihes,^ 
are  indeed  ordered :  to  ber  paid,  asi  fdrmerly,  to  the  » 
miAiJter.of  the  pariikv  bulthe  very  moment  a  man  i 

.j^v..  declares 


(      21      > 


IS  h^' 

ic\\  as ' 

ercat 

ttU  as  . 

It  is<: 
marv* 
c  is  a  I 
)f  the 

after 
en  to*  r. 

s  is  a 
which 
noble 
ft  the 
mifre- 
Lilated, 
could 
ly  be. 
I,  that 
roughs 
to  the 
mt  re- 
daring, 
icouric 
Popifh 
domi- 
which 
■  Great- 
for  the 
lich  is 
:operty 
anihes, 
to  the 
:amari 
iedares 


« 


declares' himfclf  a  Proteftantj  he  is  freed,  by  the  aft, 
from  the  obligation  to  pay  tithes  to  the  Popiih  in- 
cumbent. In  that  cafe,  it  is  provided,  that  "  his 
**  Majcfty,  his  heirs  or  fuccefTors,  may  make  fuch 

provifion  out  of   the accuftonied   duts  and 

*'  riflhts,  for  the  encouragement  of  the  Pniefiajit 
"  religion^  and  for  the  maintenance  of  a  Proteftant 
*'  ckrgym^m  thcfaid  province,  as  b(  or  they  fiall^ 
^'^^  from  time  to  time^  think  necejfa  y  and  expedient.'*  It 
is  true,  the  Papifts  in  Canada  might  have  had  a  tole- 
ration Icfs  generous  than  is  granted  them,  without 
the  Parliament's  allowing  to  the  clergy  their  tithes, 
or  to  the  parifhcs  their  churches.  But  fuch  a  tolera- 
tion, although  it  might  have  fulfilled  the  letter  of 
the  articles  of  the  treaty,  would  not  have  anfwcrcd 
their  expedations,  n6r  have  left  upon  their  minds 
faivourable  impri^flions  of  the  Britilh  juftice  and 
honour.  If  we  had  taken  from  them  their  churches, 
or  ftripped  the  clergy  of  their  tithes,  v/Iiich  might 
have  been  done  with  equal  propriety,  it  would  pro- 
bably have  cncreafed  the  numoer  of  his  Majefty's 
difaffefted  Ainerican  fubjefts  ;  which  appears  to  be 
too  great  without  them.  And  as  to  trials  by  juries^ 
they  are  affirmed  to  be  excluded  by  the  aft  •,  but  tlie 
alfertion  is  groundlefs  and  falfe.  Juries  are  no  more 
excluded  from  Canada^  than  they  are  excluded  from 
the  other  American  colonies.  They  have  never  been 
ellablifhed  by  aft  of  Parliament  in  any  of  the  colo- 
nies, excepting  the  late  aft  for  the  regulation  of  the 
Majfacbufetts-Bay,  They  owe  their  being- in  America 
to  afts  of  our  provincial  Affemblies,  confirmed  at 
home  ;  and  the  provincial  legiflature  of  Canada  may 
introduce  them  as  foon  as  they  pleafc,  and  it  is  ex- 
pefted  th3(t  they  will,  as  foon  as  the  inhabitants  de- 
:v,  ..  fire 


(  «  ) 

fifc  them,  or  the  (late  of  the  country  will  admit  of 
them.* 

I  have  taken  this  notice  of  the  three  lad  a6ls  re- 
lating «"o  the  colonies,  in  order  to  ihew,  that  in  them- 
fdves  tuey  are  not  of  To  alarming  a  nature  as  !.<«s 
been  reprcfented,  and  that  they  wear  not  that  tre- 
mendous afpeifb  which  our  wild  imaginations  have 
given  them.  Two  of  them  were  meant  as  punifh- 
ments  for  crimes  againfl  the  flate,  and  to  make  ex- 
amples of  thofe  who  were  confidered  as  the  greateft 
offenders,  and  from  whofe  republican  fpirit  a  general 
mifchief  was  api-  rchended.  The  defign  of  the  other 
a(ft  was  to  fecure  to  a  new  colony  the  religious  tole- 
ration it  had  a  right  to  demand,  and  otherwife  to  cafe 
.  the  minds  of  a  numerous  body  of  people,  whofe 
behaviour  towards  government  had  been  decent  and 
unexceptionable  fince  they  owed  it  allegiance,  and 
who  were  likely  to  prove  his  Majeft^'s  moft  loyal  and 
fmtbful  fuhjeSls  in  his  American  dommions. 

Notwithilanding  all  that  has  been  fuggcfted,  and 
in  fpite  of  all  that  can  bcfaid,  I  am  aware  bur  poli- 
tical incendiaries  will  go  on  in  their  own  way,  and 
ftill  contend,  that  thefe  afts  are  tyrannical  and  arbi- 
trary, and  threaten  the  deftrudion  of  American 
liberty.  But  if  we  would  recoiled  ourfelves,  and 
attend  a  moment  to  the  condudt  and  charafters  of 
thefe  men,  we  fhould  be  convinced  that  no  reprefen- 
'  ;  ;:   '       '      .    '         .  -•  - .   -     ^  -  \-  .   tations 


■    -        ; —   ■.--■■.,,,  \-  ■      I     .  ;    :  .     ,  ■    -  •   ••    1        '     ■      ■   ■ 

•  Sec  this  point  clearecl  up,  hi  a  candid  and  fatisfaftoiy  man- 
ner, in  a  pamphlet  entitled,  The  Jvftite  and  Policy  »f  the  Ail 
of  Parliaments  for  making  more  effettual  Frovijion  for  the  Gtivera- 
pient  of  ^ehecy  which  has  been  lately  reprinted  by  Mr.  Gaine, 
See  alfo  adetcne  of  the  general  policy  of  this  adl,  in  A  Letter 
(faid  to  be  lurote  by  Lord  Lyittltoa)  to  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  re- 
printed LyMr.  KiviNtiroM. 


,:U 


0 


of 


<    23    ) 

tations  of  theirs  are  worthy  of  regard.  For,  in  all 
their  motions,  they  difcover  themklvcs  to  be  under 
the  iindue  influence  of  prejudice  and  paflion.  Thro* 
this  dark  and  mifty  medium  every  object  appears  to 
them  under  a  violent  diftortion  -,  and  as  thus  diftorted, 
they  muft  afcribe  it  to  others.  No  wonder  then, 
that  they  put  the  very  worft  conftrudlions  upon,  and 
aiTign  the  very  worft  motives  for,  all  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Britilh  Parliament. 

However,  let  us  now  fuppofe  the  truth  and  reality 
of  the  fadls  as  ftated  by  them ;  yet  the  inferences 
they  intend,  will  by  no  means  follow.     Suppofing 
Popery  were  actually  eftablijhcd  in  Canada^   on  the 
requeft  of  the  inhabitants  •,  would  it  follow,  that  it 
was  defigned  alfo  to  eftablifh  it  in  the  other  colonies, 
where  the  inhabitants  are  averfe  to  it  ?  Can  any  man, 
in  his  fenfes,  believe  this  to  be  the  defign  of  Parlia- 
ment? Again:  fuppoGng  the  punilhment  inflifted 
on  the  Boftonians  to  be  arbitrary  and   fevere-,  yet 
thofe  who  are  free  from  their  guilt,  and  mean  not  to 
contrad  it,  have  no  reafon  to  fear  the  like  punilh- 
ment.    "  For  rulers  are  not  a  terror  to  good  works, 
**  but  to  the  evil.     Wilt  thou  then  not  be  afraid  or 
*'  the  power  ?    Do  that  which  is  good,  and  thou 
**•  fnalt  have  praife  of  the  fame :  for.  he  is  the  mini- 
*»  fter  of  God  to  thee  for  good.     But  if  thou  do 
*'  that  which  ii  evil,  be  afraid ;  for  he  beareth  not 
•*  thef>yordin  vain;  for  he  is  the  minifter  of  God, 
•'  a  revenger  to  execute  wrath  upon  him  that  doth 
"evil."    So  far  as  we  arc  innocent,  we  are  fafe; 
but  if  we  undertake  to  juftify  cr  abet  the  crimes  of 
others,  we  fliare  in  their  guilt;    and  particularly,  if 
we  are  fomcnters  of  the  fedition  that  rages  in  Bojlon^ 
ifft  mui^  take  the  confequence. 

::■  •  .'  ■'  '  -  -l'        But 


fi 

''I;! 


II  : 


1^1 


?i: 


But  th«  Boftonians,  you  fay,  are  over-f  unified,  it 
that  b'!  the  cafe,  they  are  entitled  to  our  pity,  and  to 
our  influence  in  obtaining  a  mitigation  of  their  pu- 
Rifhment.  But  this  can  be  no  rcalbn,  for  our  put- 
ing  ourfelves  in  the  fame  predicanient  with  them, 
for  making  ourfclves  partners  in  their  guilt,  or  for 
bringing  upon  ourfelves  a  fimilar  puniHiraent.  We 
mutl  be  tools  to  think  of  doing  this;  and  if  they 
defire  us  to  do  it,  their  modefty  is  like  that  of /<fe 
fox  in  the  fahk^  who,  becaufc  he  happened  to  have 
left  his  own  tail,  requefted  of  his  brother  foxes, 
that  they  would  all  futfcr  their  tails  to  be  cut  off  too. 
But  the  foxes  had  mere  wifdoip  than  to  comply, 
and  fo  ihould  we  have.  As  the  punifhment-of  the 
Boftonians  was  defigned  to  be  local,  and  peculiar 
to  them;  we  have  no  bufmefs  to  caufe  it  to  be  ge- 
neral. Their  cafe  is  not  yet  ours;  and»  God  grant 
that  it  never  may  be  • 

The  proper  difpute  fubfifting  between  Great  Bri- 
tain and  any  of  her  colonies,  excepting  that  of  the 
Majfacbujetts  Bay^  is  only  de  Lana  Ca^rina^  rN)ut  an 
aft  impofing  a  duty  of  three  fence  a  pound  upon  tea. 
This  is  the  only  ground  we  have  for  complaining  of 
the  adminillration ;  and  yet  this  has  occafioned, 
tliroughout  our  colonies,  fuch  aji  indecent  and  vio- 
lent 01  pofition  to  government  as  is  truly  aftcnilh- 
ing.  Can  fuch  behaviour  on  fo  flight  a  provocation, 
proceed  from  duiiful  and  loyal  fubje^is  P  No  ;  it  is 
impofTible.  Whatever  we  rnay  think,  or  fay,  of 
ourfelves  ;  if  Vv^e  had  :!ny  true  principles  of  loyalty^ 
or  any  tolerable  fcnfc  of  the  duty  that  is  due  to  the 
fr.preme  legiflative  power,  under  which  the  provi- 
dence of  God,  and  our  confent,  have  placed  us, 
no  trifiing  confidcrations  could  prevail  with  us  to 
behave  towards  it  in  fo  pctulent  and  difrefpeftful  a 

manner. 


*^ 


*«; 


(      2?      ) 

ir/anner.  •But  there  is  too  much  reafgn  to  believe^ 
that  our  minds  arc  uaprincipled,  and  our  hearts 
difpofed  for  rebellion.  Ever  fince  the  reduiftipn  of 
Canada^  we  have  been  bloated  with  a  vain  qpini^n  of 
our  own  power  and  in^portance.  Our  caf^  hfls  pror 
duced  pride  and  wantonnefs.  We  have  been  intoxir 
cated  with  fuch  draughts  of  liberty,  jasour  conlli- 
tutions  would  not  bear*,  and  under  this  intoxication, 
we  have  conceited  that  all  the  privileges  ixidulged  us 
were  tljii^  efiTeAs  of  fear.  From  thinlcing,  we -have 
proceeded  to  fpeaking,  difrcfpe<^fully  of  our  mother 
country,  and  our  language  now  is — "  It  is  contrary 
*'  to  reafon  and  nature,  that  the  petty  ifliand  of  Bri- 
" /«/»fhould  govierr),  and  give  laws  f  to,  theexteji- 


"> 


(( 


five  and  mighty  re@ons  of  America**,^  .,^.^.  i^n^^r. 

Yet  whatever '//«»<?  may.  produce, ,  at  present  the 
petty  ifland  of  Britain  is  able  to  govern  ten  fuch 
Americas  ^.s  this,  if  fhe  will  exert  her  pi)wer.  .But 
O^e  wiflies  by  lenity  and  forbearance  and ;  indulgence 
(I  will  venture  to  ufe  thefe  words,  notwithftanding 
her  demand  of  a  duty  of  three  pence  a  pound  upon 
her  tea,  if  we  fee  fit  to  make  ufe  of  it)  I  fay,  ihe 
wilhes  by  lenity,,  forbearance  and  indulgence  to  fecure 
our  afFedions,  and  to  render  us  fenfible,  that  our 
greateft  political  happinefs  muft  ariiefrom  herfmiles 
and  foftering  prote^Sion.  We  ftiould  be  fully  con- 
vinced of  this,  were  it  not  for  our  ignorance,  and 
want  of  confideration-,  and  willing  to  confefs  it,  were 
it  not  for  our  pride.  But  if  we  determine  to  deny 
her  authority,  or  to  queftion  her  right  to  command 
US;  fhe  will  prove  to  the  world,  and  bring  us  to 
confefs,,  that  though  flie  is  ancient,  fhe  is  not  fuper- 
annuated  or  exhaufted  •,  aYid  that  ihe  ftill  poflelTes  the 
fpirit  and  vigour  that  have  animated  her  bell   years. 

Were  fhe  onlv  to  do  nothing;,  but  barelv  to  leave 

D  the 


C    26    ) 


p 


the  Colonies  to  thcmfclvea  with  their  jarring  prin- 
ciples, aqd  interefts,  and  projcdls;  we  fliould  Ibon 
fee  province  waging  war  againft  province,  and  our 
country  would  be  involved  in  fuch  mifery  and  diftrefs 
as  are  beyond  all  our  prefent  conceptions.  Should 
it  be  known  abroad  that  Great-Britain  had  withdrawn 
her  protection,  and  would  no  longer  intereft  herfelf 
in  our  prefervation  and  fafety  -,  within  the  compafs 
of  one  year  our  fea-ports  would  be  ravaged,  and  our 
veflels  plundered  or  feized  as  foon  as  they  left  our 
harbours..  We  fhould  therefore  foon  feel  the  necef- 
fity  of  purchafing  the  protedion  of  fome  maritime 
power,  and  on  terms  not  of  our*  propofing,  but  of 
theirs  •,  and  which  could  never  be  able  to  fecure  us 
againft  any  hoftile  attempts  of  Great-Britain^  fhould 
fhe  fee  fit  to  make  any  j  while  fhe  maintains  that 
Empire  of  the  fea  which  fhe  now  holds,  and  of  which 
all  the  Maritime  powers  of  the  world  are  unable  to 
difpofTefs  herf 

But  replies  the  ignorant  and  deluded  American : 
"  Notwithftanding  all  that  can  be  faid  of  the  naval 
*'  flrength  of  Great-Britain^  it  is  afTerted  by  our 
•'  patriotic  leaders,  and  we  have  reafon  to  think, 
"  that  thefe  colonies,  of  themfelves,  are  able  to 
•'  withftand  all  her  force."  The  judgment  of  Hea- 
ven vifibly  appears  in  this  dreadful  infatuation.  It 
was  but  a  few  years  ago,  that  we  believed,  and  found 
by  experience,  that  the  colonies  were  unable  to  with- 
ftand the  militia  of  Canada^  lupported  by  a  few 
regiments  of  regular  troops  from  France.  That  this 
was  the  general  opinion,  moft  of  us  may  remember ; 
and  it  is  evident  from  the  mefTages  that  pcfled  between 
Governor  Shirley  and  the  Houfe  of  Reprcfenta- 
tives  of  Bofion^  from  the  addrefs  of  the  affembly  of 
Virginia  to  the  King  at  the  beginning  of  the  late  war, 

and 


'iW^'- 


■         i   V   ) 

and  from  manv  other  authentic  documents  of  that 
period.  The  Colonies  then  humbly  and  ardently- 
implored  that  Great-Britain  would  fpeedily  ftep  in  to 
their  refcue,  and  preierve  them  from  a  deftrudtion 
that  threatened  to  overwhelm  them.  Their  prayers 
were  foon  heard  -,  and  what  was  the  confequence  we 
all  know.  The  ftrong  bulwarks  and  fortrefles  of 
Canada  were  ftormed)  and  the  country  conquered  by 
the  difcipline  a  d  invincible  bravery  of  but  a  fmall 
part  of  the  Britifli  troops. 

There  is  no  room  to  doubt  but  fuch  an  army  as 
was  employed  in  the  reduction  of  Canada  would  be 
more  than  Sufficient  for  the  conqueft  of  all  the  dif- 
affedled  American  Colonies,  fhould  fuch  a  refolution 
become  necefTary  in  order  to  reduce  them  to  obedience. 
For  they  are  open  and  acceffible  on  every  quarter,  and 
have  not  a  fmglc  fortrefs  to  cover  them,  nor  one 
regiment  of  regular  troops  to  defend  them ;  and  they 
are  without  military  ftores,  wiriiout  magazines,  and 
without  the  fkill  that  is  neceflary  for  Supporting  an 
army.  Under  fuch  circumftances  what  would  the 
boafted  numbers  of  our  inhabitants  avail  us  againfl: 
an  attack  from  Great-Britain?  If  an  army  was  lent  in 
upon  us,  which  a  body  of  forty  thoufand  of  our 
militia  was  unable  to  withftand  (for  it  is  impoffible 
that  a  greater  number  of  undifciplined  men  could  ad 
to  advantage)  it  would  be  able  to  carry  defolation 
through  the  whole  country ;  and  all  the  men  in  the 
Colonies  were  they  firmly  united,  would  not  be  able 
to  oppofe  it.  But  yet  if  the  army  here  fuppofed, 
Ihould  be  found  unequal  to  the  defign  of  reducing 
the  Colonies,  Great-Britain  could  fend  of  her  own 
troops  a  fecond,  of  equal  ftrength  to  the  affiftance  of 
the  firft;  to  thefe  Ihe  could  add  a  third  of  Heffians^ 
a  fourth  of  Hanoverians^  and  fo  on  till  the  work  were 

D  2  compleated. 


(       28       ) 


-Ir ' 


tdmplcatcd.  She  could  eafily  take  pofleflion  of  all 
our  fea-cdaits  where  our  wealth  is  principally  fcated, 
ind  force  us  to  fly  into  the  back  parts  of  the  country 
for  innmediate  fafety.  There  an  army  of  Canadians 
might  be  ordered  to  meet  us,  and  unnumbered  tribes 
oijavages  might  be  let  loofe  upon  us  at  the  fame 
time,  while  our  lands  would  lie  uncultivated,  our 
fbores  exhaufted,  our  families  unfheltered,  and  thofe 
that  happened  to  efcape  the  fword,  glittering  and 
flaming  both  in  the  front  and  rear  of  our  fettlements, 
"Would  foon  pcrifh  by  ficknefs  or  famine. 

All  that  is  here  mentioned  Great-Britain  is  able  to 
do ;  and  all  this  I  believe  Ihe  would  do,  Ihould  flic 
be  obliged  to  enter  into  a  war  with  the  Colonies — 
provided  the  Americans  had  refoluti'on  and  firmnefs 
enough  (for  fo  fome  would  call  it)  to  hold  out  to 
fuch  extremity.  But  I  am  too  well  acquainted  with 
their  charader  to  expcd  that  they  would  prove  thus 
Minate'mxht  day  of  trial.  When  they  come  to 
find  that  on  their  fidfc  there  can  be  no  profpe<5t  of 
viftory,  but  that  every  day  muft  deepen  their  diftrels 
and  render  their  condition  worle  and  worle-,  their 
natural  undcrflandings  will  return  to  them,  and  ir- 
teflflnbly  plead  the  neceflfity  of  a  fubmiflTion  as  foon  as 
poflible.  In  that  cafe  happy  would  it  be  for  them, 
if  they  could  be  confidered  only  as  conqueredcnemies  •, 
but  alas!  they  nralt  be  viewed  in  the  light  of  van- 
quijlotd  rebels^  and  treated  accordingly.  Their  leaders 
mijft  be  given  up  into  the  executioner's  han-iis ;  con- 
fifcations  of  their  eftates  forfeited  by  rebellion,  muft 
follow,  and  all  muft  be  left  at  the  mercy  of  their 
Vanquilhers.  When  one  people  is  conquered  by 
V  'another  in  war,  private  property  is  reftored  to  its 
former  pofleffors ;  but  wlien  rebellions  are  crufhed, 
the  moll  to  be  expcdbed  is,  that  the  lives  of  tholc  that 
"belong  to  the  lower  clafles  will  be  fpared.  To 


\  \ 


C    ^9    )  , 


c 


To  this  wretched  and  accurfcd  ftate  of  rebellion, 
the  principles  that  have  been  propagated,  and  feveral 
fteps  that  have  been  taken  in  the  American  Colonies 
diredly  tend.  Nay,  a  rebellion  is  evidently  commenced 
in  New-England,  in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  without 
room  for  retreating.  The  inhabitants  of  that  large 
and  populous  county  have  openly  bid  defiance  to 
the  united  authority  of  the  King,  Lords  and  Com- 
mons aflcmbled  in  Parliament ;  they  have  mod  con- 
temptuoufly  rejeded  the  regulations  of  their  courts 
of  julticc  &c.  eftablifhed  by  Parliament-,  apd  not 
only  fo,  but  they  have  fet  up  in  dire^  oppofiiion  to 
their  authority,  a  government  of  their  own.  In  the 
fpirit  of  outrageous  licentioufnefs,  they  have  com- 
pelled by  brutal  violence,  thofe  refpedable  gentlemen 
that  held  Commiflions  under  the  Crown,  to  refign 
them  in  forms  of  their  own  inditing,  and  to  rclin- 
quilh  their  ftations  -,  and  they  have  appointed  others 
of  the  fame  fadioits  and  turbulent  dilpofition  with 
themfelves  to-fiti  their  places,  till  their  long-projeded 
republic  *  ihall  be  fettled,  which  is  the  glorious  ob- 
ject.    They  have  already  if  we  may  believe  credible 

information. 


*  I  am  perfuaded  that  there  are  not  many  men  in  the  other 
Colonies  of  any  denomination,  who  have  not  a  general  prevail- 
ing principle  of  affedlion,  efteem  and  veneration  for  our  civil 
Conicitution,  however  it  may  be  daikened  by  the  grofs  exhala- 
tions occafioned  by  the  heat  of  the  prefent  difpuies.  But  in 
Nc-w-England  I  conceive,  the  real  fentiments  of  the  people  are 
of  H/aW/«r  complexion.  Many  of  the  firfl  fettlers  imported 
with  them  an  aveHion  to  the  regal  f&tX.  of  our  Conlliiution,  and 
were  thorough-paced  Republicans.  To  every  fpecies  of  monarchy 
they  were  as  inveterate  enemies  as  any  of  their  brethren,  whom 
they  left  behind  them  in  England;  fomc  of  whom  could  not  bear 
to  read  the  word  King  in  their  Bibles j  but  wherever  it  occurred 
they  fubllituted  Ci'vil  Magi/irate  in  its  place.  It  is  well  known 
shut  even  good  old  father  JBaxt  iiR  was  a  remarkable  inHance  of 

this 


(     3°     ) 


information^  marked  out  the  inland  town  oiWcrcefter 
for  xhtfeat  of  this  Republic;  they  are  now  coUedting 
an  artillery  for  its  defence,  and  Ibme  of  them  have 
nominated  the  man  who  is  to  be  their  Protector. 

Whether  this  be  fo  or  not,  it  appears  from  au- 
thentic intelligence^  dated  Bcjlon  September  27th,  that 

they 

• 

this  nature.  In  tlie  time  of  Crom  vvkll's  ufiirp.ition,  he  pub- 
Jifhed  his  hook  of  Sfirn^s  e'uer/a/Ihig  Re^,  in  which  he  thought 
fit  to  ufe  the  phrafe  oiThs  Parliament  of  Heaven,  inl^ead 
of  faying  7i&^  K 1 N  c  D  o  M  ok  Heaven  f.  Now  thofe  original 
fettlers  of  JVlpay  JF-vf/rtW  fliffly  maintained,  and  zealoufly  en- 
deavored to  propagr>tc  rheir  own  antimonarchical  principles; 
and  thofe  principles  nave  been  handed  down  by  an  uninterrupted 
fuccelfion,  from  father  to  fon,  and  from  generation  to  generation, 
to  the  prefent  cay. 

Although  many  of  their  defcendants  have  acquired  liberal 
fentiments,  and  have  renounced  the  bigotry  and  prejudices  of 
their  well-meaning  fore- fathers,  whether  relating  to  matters  of 
religion  or  government;  yet  this  is  by  no  means  the  cafe  v/ith 
regard  to  the  body  of  the  people.  I'hey  ftill  retain  an  hereditary 
averlion  to  the  frame  of  the  Englilh  Conftitution,  and  to  the 
controll  of  monnrchv ;  and  this  averfion  has  been  from  time  to 
time,  occafionally  animated  and  intlamed  by  a  fet  of  Pulpit' 
Jncevdiaries,  for  which  thit  part  of  the  country  has  been  ever 
famous.  By  thefe  and  other  inflruments  they  have  been  pre- 
^  ared  whenever  the  word  is  given,  to  declare  and  exert  thcm- 
felves  at  all  hazards  for  an  independent  government  of  their  own 
modelling. 

The  confufions  of  the  prefent  time  have  been  thought  to 
afford  a  favorable  opportunity,  for  putting  their  de/ign  in  exe- 
cution. TheColonies  nreciifcontented,and  it  has  been  Imagined 
that  they  might  all  be  perfuaded  to  encourage  the  attempt.  On 
this  prelumption,  the  decree  has  gone  forth  to  erc5l  the  Republic  \ 
the  Rubicon  has  been  paiTed,  and  there  can  be  no  thoughts  of 
retreating.  They  have  drawn  the  fword,  with  an  aim  to  plunge 
it  inu>  the  bowels  of  our  ancient  and  venerable  Conftitution; 
and  henceforward  the  fcabbard  muft  become  ulelefs.  The  cry 
now  is:  We  ha-js  no  part  in  David,  neither  hai'e  ive  inheritance 
in  the /on  of  ]  ESSE  :  Every  matt  to  his  tent  y   O  Israel. 

■    Giey's  anjkver  to  NeaL.  » 


'^orcejter 
lledting 
m  have 

CTOR. 

om  au- 
th,  that 
..   they 

he  pub- 
thought 
r,  inf^ead 
:  original 
Dufly  en- 
rinciples; 
1  term  p  ted 
;neration, 

:'d  liberal 
udices  of 
matters  of 
cafe  with 
lereditary 
d  to  the 
I  time  to 
f  Pulpit" 
seen  ever 
)een  pre- 
rt  them- 
heir  own 

ought  to 
in  exe- 
magined 
ipt.  On 
Republic ; 
lughts  of 
ro  plunge 
litution  ; 
The  cry 
iheritame 


i  t 


.      (      31      ) 

they  have  done  as  bad  *.  For  the  Select  Men  and 
the  Committee  of  Correspondence  have  pro- 
claimed die  King's  troops  to  be  public  enemies,  and 
declared  to  Mr.  Scot  that  he  deserved  immediate 
DEATH,  for  felling  warlike  Jlores  to  them;  and  the 
people  actually  did  affemble  to  put  this  fentence  in 
execution^  but  Mr.  Scot  was  fo  fortunate  as  to  make  his 
efcape.  And  bcfides  this  the  King's  General  and 
Governor  farther  complains  of  their  continual  ads  of 
hoftility.  "  Orders,  lays  he,  are  given  to  prevent  all 
"  fupplies  for  Englifh  troops:  Straw  purchafed  for 
*'  their  ufe  is  daily  burnt,  veflels  with  bricks  funk, 
"  carts  with  wood  overturned,  and  thus  even  the 
"  King's  property  is  deftroyed  in  every  manner  in 
"  which  it  can  be  effeded."  And  he  juftly  obferves 
that  all  this  is  '*  not  the  effed  of  ralh  tumult,  but  of 
"  evident  fyftcm." 

Now  thefe  rebellious  Republicans,  thefc  hair- 
brained  fanaticks,  as  mad  and  diftraded  as  the 
Anabaptists  ^/Munster,  are  the  people  whom 
the  American  Colonies  wifh  to  lupport!  It  lecms  to 
be  a  mark  o^ judicial  infatuation  inflided  on  us  by  the 
righteous  judgment  of  Almighty  God,  that  we  of 
tlic  other  Colonies  can  think  of  elpourmgy«f/f>  acaufe, 
and  of  rifquing  every  thing  that  is  dear,  againji  fuch 
inexprejfible  odds — in  fupport  of  a  fchcme  which  all 
of  us,  but  a  few  Prefbyterians  and  Independents,  in 
our  hours  of  reflexion,  if  we  have  any,  muH  defpife 
and  abhor.  '  ~ 

The  hopes  of  all  moderate  and  conlidcrate  perfons 
among  us,  whofe  numbers  I  believe  are  not  fmall, 
were  long  fixed  upon  the  general  Ammcan  Congrefs. 
They  imagined  it  to  be  the  burmcfi  and  defign  of 

•     this 


>  \ 


*  See  Mr,  (Gaj.ne's  Mcrmrx  cf  O£lol:c;-  ix 


'{     32     ) 


H», 


ihls  grand  Committee  of  Committees,  to  find  out 
fomc  way  confiftent  with  our  claims  for  obtaining 
the  reftoration  of  our  common  tranquillity,  and  a 
happy  reconciliation  of  Great-Britain  to  her  Colonies. 
The  known  charafter  of  /ome  Gentlemen  appointed  as 
Delegates,  and  the  fuppofed  c\\2iX2i^tr  of  meft  of  the 
others,  led  us  to  expedt  from  them  all  that  we 
wanted-,  and  to  believe  that  the  united  wifdom  of 
the  Americans  would  fhinc  in  full  fplendor  at  the 
Congrefs^  and  that  the  prudence  and  policy  of  the 
COunfels  there  taken  would  be  fuch,  as  would  have 
done  honour  to  an  Aflembly  of  the  greatefl-  fages  of" 
antiquity.  But — the  poor  Americans  are  doomed  to 
difappointment.  The  firft  difcovery  of  the  fenti- 
ments  of  the  Congrefs  was  fhocking.  Every  thing 
Was  "kept  fecret  for  fome  weeks,  and  we  flattered 
ourfelves  with  hoping  for  the  beft.  But  when  the 
news  arrived  at  Philadelphia^  that  the  people  of 
Suffolk  had  openly  revolted  from  their  al- 
legiance to  the  Ki7ig  and  his  governments  in  a 
fudden  tranfport  of  joy,  the  veil  of  the  Congrefs  was 
drawn  back,  and  a  myllery  revealed  that  filled  the 
minds  of  many  with  furpri^e  and  aftonifhment;  the 
myllery  was,  that  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Congrefs^  in 
whom  we  confided  as  the  faithful  guardians  of  the 
fafet)\  as  well  as  rights  of  America,  were  difpofed  to 
enter  into  a  league  ofFenfive  and  defenfive,  with  its 
'Ui'crji  enemies  the  New-England  and  other  Prefby  terian 
Republicans.  This  fadt  is  notorious  to  the  world ; 
it  can  neither  be  denied  nor  palliated  •,  for  they 
haftily  and  eagerly  publiined,  (and  it  was  the  firll 
thing  that  they  ^/^publifli)  their  cordial  approbation 
of  the  Suffolk  Refolves  for  eredling  an  IndepeiJent  Go- 
vernment in  New-England  \  and  recommended  to  the 
Americans  the  fupport  of  thofe  meafures  with  united 

efforts. 


'ii 


.(     33     ) 

^oris»    From  that  time  every  moderate  man  ajnong 
us  has  defpaired  of  feeing  any  good  produced  by  the 
'  Congre/s;  and  from  that  time  every  thing  that  was 
bad  has  been  growing  worfe.  ,.       '■'  '*'^ 

Ex  illo  fluere,  ac  rero  fublapfa  referri  fpes  danauhl. 
Friendsy  Countrymen  and  Felkw-Suhjeils  f  let  me 
entreat  you  to  roufe  up  at  laft  from  your  flumber, 
and  to  open  your  eyes  to  the  danger  'that  iurrounds 
you — the  danger  of  your  being  hurrie^  iiiito^a  ftate 
of  rebellion  before  you  are  aware  of  it,  and  of  fuf- 
fering  all  that  refentment  which  a  mighty  nation  can 
difcharge  upon  a  defencelefs  people.  "Whethi*:r 
Great-Britain  did  right  or  not,  in  irtipofing  the  duty 
on  tea,  and  whether  we  pay  it  or  not,  are  mattefs  of 
trifling  confequence:  But  whether  we  (hall  bring 
down  upon  our  own  heads  the  full  weight  of  her 
vengeance,  and  undergo  all  the  horrors  of  a  civjl 
war,  or  not,  are  matters  of  dreadful  importanceto  us. 
If  you  perfift  in  the  fteps  which  many  of  you  have 
taken-,  and  efpecially  it  you  go  on  to  encourage  the 
New-England  fanaticks  to  attack  the  King's  troops, 
whenever  they  can  meet  them ;  the  time  cannot  be 
diftant,  in  which  both  you  and  they  will  be  lejgally 
proclaimed  Rebels  and  Traitors — they  as  principals, 
and  you  as  their  abettors.  You  may  ftiU  profefs 
yourfelves  to  be  his  Af^'^'i  moft  dutiful  and  loyal 
fubje£lSy  as  you  did  in  your  late  Resolves,  and  as 
the  leaders  in  the  grand  rebellion  of  1641  did,  in 
their  meflfages  to  the  King  immediately  after  the 
battle  of  Edge-Hilly  where  they  had  fought  againft 
him  inperfon;  but  this  will  not  flcreen  you  frorn 
vengeance.  No:  Havoc  will  be  the  cry;  and  /;&« 
dogs  of  war  will  be  let  loofe  to  tear  out  your  vitals. 
Theh,  if  not  before  then,  the  Damon  of  difcord  will 
rife  to  diftra<5l  you.      Brother  muft  fight  againft 

E  brother. 


I. 


(     34    ) 


'i)rotlier,  and  friend  againft  tliC  friend  of  his  bofom. 
!.|n  Ihort,  the  country  that  is  now  " fair  as  Eden** 
will  become  a  field  of  blood,  ovcrfpread  with  defo- 
lation  and  flaughter.     I  tremble,  and  my  blood  retires 
.  to  my  hc^rt  at  the  profpedt  of  fuch  'amazing  anguifn 
and  miierv.    The  fun  and  the  moon  begin  already 
Ito  be  darkened  and  the  ftars  to  withdraw  their  Ihin- 
.ing.    (!)  all-pitying  rieaven !  Prefcrvcmc!  Preferve 
jiny  friends!  Preferve  my  country !    r* .       ,     / 
J     If  we  are  now  upon  the  brink  of  a  horrid  civil 
•yrar,  aad  there  be  no  hopes  of  relief  from  the  wif- 
dom,  prudence  and  good  temper  of  the  Con^refs^  there 
can  be  but  one  day  of  fafety  left-,  which  is,  that  wc 
.\all  endeavor  to  fee  with  our  own  eyes,  and  makeufe 
of  our  own  underftandings,  and  refume  the  liberty 
of  thinking,  and  Ipeaking,  and  adling  for  ourfelves. 
JLet  us  then  like  men  of  fenfe,  fir  down  calmly  and 
.count  the  coft,  in  the  firft  place,  before  we  under- 
take to  finifh  die  work  propofedto  us.     Let  us  con- 
fider,  before  we  proceed  farther  and  get  more  deeply 
.cmbarrafled,  whether  we  are  able  to  go  through  with 
our  enterprize  againft  Great-Britain^  or  not:  And,  I 
am  perfuaded,  it  will  foon  appear  to  be  impOlTible. 
*     What  then  remains  to  be  done  ?  Our  bleflTed  Savior, 
for  our  inftruftion,  fuppofes  a  cafe,  in  which  th^  in- 
equality of  ftrengiii  was  not  comparable  with  ours, 
.and  tells  us  how  common  ienfe  would  determine. 
*'  What  King,  fays  he,  going  to  make  war  againft 
"  another  King,fitteth  not  down  firft,  and  confulteth 
*'  whether  he  be  able  with  ten  thoufand  to  meet  him 
".that  cometh  againft  him  with  twenty  thoufand? 
"  Or  elfe,  while  the  other  is  a  great  way  off,  he  fend- 
eth  an  ambafiage,  and  defircth  conditions  of  peace  *.*" 

^         Here 


C( 


.*.Hi 


•  Luke  xiv.  31,  32. 


(     3?     )- 


»t 


.*  »» 


ll«^rc  one  Independent  (late  is  fiippofed  to  be  at  war 
with  another;  but,  upon  convidlion  of  the  Aiperior 
power  of  its  antagonift,  inftcad  of  rufhing  on  to  dc- 
llru6lion,  it  propofcs  a  treaty  of  accomodation,  uponu 
fuch  conditions  as  the  fituation  of  ^airs  would  acfinit 
qf,  and  asj5>f^<///)^  as  polTible^    This  divine  parable 
inflrudts  us^  that  when  it  appears  that  we  are  not 
able,  without  the  utmoft  hazard,  to  go  forward  with 
any  warlike  dcfign,  the  only  way  is  to  retreat  from  it, 
as  foon  as  we  can,,  andfticure  to  ourfeives  fuch  ad- 
vantages as  may  be  ftiU  in  our  power..    This  would ' 
fhew  our  wifdom  and  difcretjon^  were  our  caufe 
allowed  to  be  ever  fo  juft,  and  had  we  no  peculiar 
connexion  with  the  power  we  were  difpofed  to  con- 
tend with..    For  it  is  op.  eternal  maxim^  which  holds 
in  all  cafes,,  that  a  le^s  evil  is  to  be  chofen,  when  it; 
frees  us  from  a  greater..    But  m  our  cafe,  where  the- 
juftice  of  oiw  caufe  is,  at  beft  but  doubtful \  and  when- 
the  power  to  be  oppofed  is  that,^  which  has  cherifhed. 
i;s  in  its  bofom,,  and  kindly  proteded  us  from  our* 
earlieft  infancy-r- which  we  have  .always  heretofore^ 
acknowledged  our  obligations  to  obey^ — to  which* 
rnany  of  us  have  Ibleuinly   fworn  allegiance— andj 
which  has  .^tdom  thwarted  our  inclinations  at  all, 
and  never  h\M  in  matters  of  comparatively  trifling 
Qonfequence: — -in.  this  cafe,  I  fay,    the  neceflity  of" 
fuch  accomodating  mcafuresftpik?;s  us  with  ftill  more, 
irrefiilible  evidence.     "  "   '  '»■;''    •.'    "^  -  ->;    .  • 
If  thofe  who  have  been  moft  adlive  among  us,  in 
raifmg  feditious.  tumults,  and  in  filling  the  country 
with  diftraftion,  will  not  be  perfuaded,  by  the  fore- 
going confiderations,.  to  recede,   it  is  hoped  that 
others  will ;  and  it  would  be  no  frnall  point  gained, 
in  favor  of  the  Colonies,  if  thofe  who  are  friends  to 
order  and  government,  and  enemies  to  the  riots  and 
M. >     E  a^-i  .  .^       -    difturbanccs 


m 


(  36  ) 

difturtances  of  abufive  mohs,  would  aflumc  the  cour- 
age openly  to  declare  their  fentiments.  All  thofc 
who  are  ftill  loyal  to  their  fovcreign,  ihould  do  the 
lame.  His  Majefty's  good  fubjcdts  of  the  town  of 
Mye  *,  to  their  lafltng  honour,  have  fet  the  example. 
Not  only  their  names,  but  their  numbers,  are  very 
refpedlable;  and,  were  thc^xample  to  be  followed, 
through  all  the  towns  and  diftiidls  of  our  feveral 
Colonies,  I  doubt  not  but  it  would  appear,  to  the 
confufion  of  fome  among  us,  that,  in  every  province, 
there  are  more  than  feven  tboufand  men  who  have  not 
bowed  the  knee^  and  who  will  not  bow  it,  to  the  Baal 
of  independency.  And  I  now  congratulate  all  fuch 
on  the  pleafure  of  finding,  from  the  information  of 
Gentlemen  of  unqueftionable  veracity,  that  the  Re- 
Jolves  from  Georgia  were  far  from  exprefling  the  fenfe 
of  the  inhabitants  of  that  grateful  and  loyal  Province ; 
but  that  they  were  framed  only  by  a  company  of  hot- 
headed fellows,  met  together  in  a  tavern  •\, 
•  I  will  only  obferve  farther  on  this  fubjefV,  that  all 
who  have  the  courage  now  to  declare  themlelves 
friends  to  Government,  will  undoubtedly  think  them- 
^Ives  bound  in  honour,  intereft  and  confcicnce,  to 
refort  to  the  King's  Standard^  when  it  comes  to  be 
creded  in  our  different  Colonies,  fliould  that  melan- 
cholly  event  happen  i  and  thefe,  of  themfelves,  will 
compofe  a  body,  which,  in  a  good  caufe,  will  be  for- 
midable tb  its  oppofers.  .  But  many  thoufands  of 
others,  and  indeed  the  greater  part  of  thofe  who 
ihall  not  have  rendered  their  cafes  defperare,  when 
they  fee  the  danger  thus  nearly  approachino;,  ?'.nd  the 
ftorm  ready  to  burll,  will  be  glad  to  fly  for  ihelter 


...i 


too 


*  See  Mr.  Rivington's  Gazetteer  o£  October  13. 
t  RiviNCTON's  Gaxcffetr,  utfup: 


;  (  37  ) 

too  to  the  Royal  ftahdard,  if  human  nature  continues 
the  lame  that  it  ever  has  been  j  and  they  will  be 
zealous  to  Jignalizc  themfelves  in  the  King's  fervice, 
in  order  to  render  unqueflionablc  that  loyalty  which 
was  formerly  fufpicious.  It  is  morally  certain  that, 
in  the  day  of  trial,  a  large  majority  of  the  Ameri- 
cans will  heartily  unite  with  the  King's  troops,  in  re- 
ducing America  to  order.  Our  violent  republicans 
A^ill  then  find  themfelves  deferted  by  thoufands  and 
thoufands  in  whom  they  now  confide;  and  inexpref- 
fibly  dreadful  muft  be  their  difappointment.  "  O ! 
"  that  they  were  wife^  that  they  underjlood  this,  that 
'*  they  would  cot0der  their  latter  end  !" 

I  Ihall  fay  no  more  on  the  fuppofed  cafe  of  our 
waging  ^yAR  acaittst  the  King,  and  entering  into 
a  STATE  OF  REBELLION;  the  thoughts  Of  whtch,  all" 
fober  men,  and  all  confcientious  men,  and  all  who' 
prefer  the  good  of  their  country  to  the  gratification* 
of  their  own  dbftinate  humors,  muft  reject  with  horror/ 

But  another  fcheme  is  propofed,  at  firft  view  lefs 
fhocking,  which  alfo  appears  to  be  recommended  by 
the  Congrefs^  and  which  many  at  prefent  are  inclined 
to  adopt;  I  mean,  a  general  non-importation  agreement 
throughout  the  Colonies.  Againft  a  propoial  of  this 
nature  I  have  two  objections  to  offer:  Namely,  that 
it  will  greatly  diftrefs  a  country  which  I  love ;  and 
that  it  will  not  anfwer  the  pin-pofe. 

In  order  (N.  B.)  to  get  rid  of  a  duty  of  three  pence 
a  pound  on  tea^  it  is  propofed  to  ftop  all  importation 
from  Great 'Britain,  and  even  from  the  JVeft-India 
TJlands,  till  the  a<5t  impofmg  it  Ihall  be  repealed.  But 
a  remedy  of  this  kind  is  ten  thoufand  time's  worfe 
than  the  difeafe.  *  It  is,  for  the  wifdom  of  it,  like 
cutting  off  an  arm,  in  order  to  get  rid  of  a  fmall  fore 
in  one  of  the  fingers.    •''-  ''-^^x^^'J-'t^^  ^'    '-  h  -u^: 

On 


( 


3^ 


) 


On  a  late  trial  of  non- importation  fr^m-  Great- 
Britain  only,  as  foon  as  the  ftores  of  Englilh  goods 
began  to  be  exhiufted,  every  family  among  us  ex- 
perienced fuch  inconvcnienc<is  and  difficulties,  as 
produced  a  general  murmur  and  complaint.  For 
although  the  articles  imported  from  England  are  not 
abfolutely  neceflfary  to  fupport  animal  liie ;  yet  it  was 
found  that  the  civilized  life  we  had  been  ufed  to,  and. 
which  is  neceffary  to  the  happinefs  of  all  but  faya^es, . 
depended,  in  no  fmall  degree,  upon  our  importations 
from  Great-Britain.  And  had  the  non- importation, 
continued  much  longer,,  it  would  have  excited  infur- 
reflions  i»  moft  parts  of  the  country. 

But  a  non-importation  from  tne  W^ejl-Indies.  would 
ftill  more  tenderly  affeft  us.  For  to  fay  notliing  of 
Rum^  or  of  Molajfes  for  the  uicr  of  our  diftilleries, 
without  which  more  than  a  hundred  thoufand  Ame- 
rican dram-drinkers  would  foon  be  clamorous ;  the 
want  of  the  fingle  article  5«g-^2r  would  diftrefs  every 
family  upon  this  Continent.  For  this,  in  the  quantity 
that  is  neceHary,  we  could  find  no  fuTicient  fubftitute  i 
the  hardened  juice  of  our  Maple,  where  it  could  be 
had,  would  he  but  a  forry  one  •,  and  as  to  Honey ^  we  all 
know  its  ufc ;  and  were  our  flock  of  it  ever  io  large,, 
it  would  prove  but  a  bad  fweetner  cf  the  bitter 
draught  of  a  non-importation.  .  ?     .     .' 

Here  then  it  is  propofed,  that,  to  the  non-importa- 
tion which  we  have  experienced  and  could  hardly 
bear,  another  fhould  be  added,  that  would  affect  us 
ftill  worfe;  and  that  a  double  weight  Ihould  be 
faftened  uj^on  thofe  fhoulders,  which  were  ready  to 
give  way  under  a  fingle  one.  But  this  is  not  the 
worfl  of  the  cafe.  It  is  generally  buiieved,  and  inti- 
mations from  .5^«^/^«J  have  confirmed  th/ opinion, 
that  if  the  Colonies  fhould  refolve  to  import  nothing 

from 


, 


V 


IS 


'>. 


{     39    ) 

from  Great-Britain  and  the  H^efi- Indies y  they  will  not 
be  fuflfered  to  import  from  any  other  quarter — nor, 
even  the  fait  that  is  ncccffary  to  cure  their  winter's 
provifions,  or  to  fcafon  their  porridge:  And  befides 
this,  that' an  stbfolutc  non-exportation  will  be  ordered, 
and  hot  a  fingle  veflel  fuffered  to  go  out  of  our  harb- 
ours. Such  an  order,  we  know,  can  efFcftually  be 
execiited,  with  the  greateft  cafe.  It  is  but  command- 
ing the  feveral  Cuftom-Houfes  to  grant  no  clear- 
ances ;  and  then  every  veffcl  that  offered  to  fail,  would 
be  a  lawful  feizure.  A  few  of  the  King's  frigates 
would  be  fufficient  to  do  the  bufinefs,  for  all  the  Co- 
lonies an  the  Continent.  Two  or  thr^  -^f  them  fta- 
tioned  at  the  Capes  of  Firgin^a,  v^buldcou.mand  every 
veflel  belonging  to  the  Pons,  and  to  the  fine  iravig- 
able  rivers,  of  Virginia  and  Maryland.  As  many  fta- 
tioned  at  the;  Capes  of  Delaware^  T/ould  fecure  Ptnn^ 
Jyhania  and  IVeJi-Jerfey — and  fo  of  the  reft. 

Now  a  total  ftagnatibn  of  all  foreign  commerce, 
would  at  once  place  us  in  a  glorious  and  blelled  ftate. 
In  the  firft  place,  all  that  live  by  this  commerce  would 
be  thrown  out  of  employ.  Our  failors  would  be 
turned  alhore;  our  (hips  would  rot  in  our  harbours  ; 
and  jur  eftates,  which  confift  of  wharfs  or  ware- 
houfes,  would  become  as  worthlefs,  as  thofe  of  the 
fame  nature  are  at  prcfent  in  the  town  of  Bojion,  Our 
Jhip -builder Sy  and  their  attendants,  their  yk;/i>j,  carmm 
i^c.  with  all  that  are  employed  in  the  bufinefs  of 
corduge  and  rigging,  muft  be  immediately  difchargcd. 
The  numerousbody  o{ pilots  and  boatmen  muft  be 
turned  adrift.  Nor  would  it  fare  much  better  with 
our  Jhop-keepers  and  merchants^  whofe  families  are 
fupported  by  the  profits  arifing  from  their  refpcctivc 
X)ccupations.  The  expenfive  bufmefs  of  all  om- iron- 
•rvorksmy},^  (lop  -,  and  the  many  thoufands  v/hich  they 

j;rovidr. 


i 


((     40     ) 

provide  for,  muft,  unprincipled  as  thofe  wretches 
commonly  are,  be  let  looje  upon  the  country,-  to  get 
their  living  as  the);' pan.    •  ^-^  ..,;^  ^,.;,^ 

Now  all  thefe  clafleji  of  J  people,  and  m'aiji^v  otjiers 
which  J,  hav^  not  ^numerated,  muft  asve  a  JiippoVt, 
and  but  few  oi;  them  will;  be  able"  to  fuppoi^jt  tKeirj- 
felvfs>  an4  if  their  poverty,  is  not  relieved  to  tlieir 
fatisfadion,  they  will  foon  learn  to  carve  for  them- 
le^ve^.  Tiiere  are  but  few  parifbes  and  countii.es 
^mong  us,  which  have  not  complained  of  the  burthen 
^cf  .their  own  poor.  But  what  will  they  fay,  wfen 
the  burthen  comes  to  be  encreafoi  an  hundred-fold,  ais 
it  neccffarily  muft,  when  a  general  non-importation 
^nci  no|i-exportation  take  place ;  and  all  their  wanted 
refources  fail  them  at  the  fame  time.  The  want  of 
the  money,  of  which  we  have  been  lately  drained,  in 
order  to  pairiper  the  Bofton  fanaticks,  will  then  be 
lev^rely  felt :  Nor  can  we  expert  any  return  of  afllft- 
ance  in  our  diftrefs  from  that  Province,  as  their 
fufFerings  will  be  much  greater  than  ours. 
^  In  the  P-ovince  of  the  Maffaclmfetis  Bay^  there  Is 
a  large  number  of  populous  Tea-port  towns,  whicji 
have  no  other  fupport  than  their  fifhery.  The  town 
of  Gkucefler  has  three  hundred fchooners employed  in 
that  fervice,  with  a  proportionable  number  of  hands. 
In  the  town  of  Marbkbeud  there  are  fuppofed  to  be 
near  four  ihoufand  men,  an  J  many  of  them  with, 
flimilies,  that  know  of  no  other  means  of  fubfil^ence 
than  the  cod-filhery.  I  might  mention  Plyiiouth^ 
Salem ^  Beverly  and  a  number  of  other  towns,  that  arc 
nearly  in  the  fame  fituation.  Now,  when  all  thefe 
fifnermen  are  turned  adiore,  and  their  veflMs  become 
ufelefs  i  they  muft,  with  their  unprovided  families, 
difperfe  themfelves  amongft  the  inhabitants,  and 
while  the  country  affords  any  thing  to  eat,  they  will 
not  ftarve.  .  .  .        But 


^  * 


\      ^ 


" 


*  i 


(  41  ) 

.  But  to  return  to  thefe  Colonies.  I  have  mentioned 
the  diftrefs  that  muft  immediately  overwhelm  many 
orders  of  people,  on  a  general  ilagnation  of  com- 
merce; but  have  faid  nothing  of  our  Farmers,  or 
tliofe  tha»:  live  by  the  cultivation  of  their  lands. — 
Thefe  may  think  themfelves  a  kindof/>nw7(f^^iper- 
fons,  and  imagine  that  fuch  a  revolution  of  affairs 
will  affcdtthem  but  little ;  yet  a  very  fliort  experience 
will  |)cn  their  ejres,  and  convince  them  of  the  con- 
trary. It  is  their  farms,  as  all  other  refources  will 
fail,  that  muft  fupport  all  the  abovementioned  thou- 
fands  of  diftrefled  people.  Who  muft  furniih  them 
with  food?  None  can  do  it,  but,  the  Farmers. 
Who  muft  fupply  them  with  cloathing  ?  the  Far- 
mers. Who  muft  fheltcr  many  of  them  in  their 
houfes?  The  Farmers.  And  can  they  expcdl  pay 
for  .'■!  I  !>?  Alas!  thofe  poor  creatures  will  have 
noth.j^  10  make  payment  with.  And  if  they  are 
employed  as  labourers,  they  are  all  unacquainted 
with  the  bufinefs ;  and  their  labour  will  turn  to  but 
little  account.  Indeed,  were  the  markets  abroad 
open,  the  farmer  might  fomewhat  increafe  the  quan- 
tity of  his  beef,  his  wheat  and  other  produce,  by 
their  means,  fo  that  his  bargain  would  be  lefs  into- 
lerable. But  the  foreign  confumption,  on  which  hie 
is  now  growing  rich,  will  entirely  ceale;  and  there 
"wiU  be  no  demand  for  his  beef,  and  his  wheat  and 
Other  jwifikiee  All  that  he  raifes  muft  pcrifli  on  his 
hands,  cxttpi  i.  it  he  expends  in  his  own  family, 
an«l  on  the  y^i.   ji  c  will  be  prcffing  >ipon  him. 

When  alfpeopk  htc  thus  diftrefled  ;  when  every 
mind  is  uncafy  and  difcontented :  i|p  will  be  natural 
^or  thenito  fall  to  reproaching  one  Another,  with  be- 
iag  the  authors  of  this  gener^  calamity.  This  will 
bi?  produftiytatctcrhal  quaggh,  and  riots,  sind  dif- 
."  !  F   '  turbances, 


'■■:  i 

'V  1I 


'  {      42      ) 

turbances,  and  a£ts  of  violence,  amongft  ourfelycs  y 
and  then  our  mifcry  will  be  compleat. 

Yet  after  all,  were  it  likely  that  thefe  political  ago-  * 
nics  and  convulfions  would  produce  a  repeal  of  tlic  • 
act  in  difpute,  it  would  be  Jome  alleviation  of  our ' 
misfortunes  to  confider,  that  wefhould  gain  by  them^ 
Three  pence  a  pSund^  on  all  the  tea  we  Ihould  h-avC" 
occafion  to  purcHafe.  But  m.^  fecond  objedioii  againft"' 
a  general  non-importation  agreement  is,  that  it  will" 
nor anfwcr  the  purpofe.         ,, ; '^ " ' ^ ^  ,^  x/'.^\.   *  ^ ,    \ 
f--^  After  what  has  been  faid  an^ifoiJeliy  theColbnics^' ' 
'   ageneral n<in-impbrtation  agreement willbeconfidercd  • 
by  Grec^t  Britain  as  an  a6t  of  hoftility,   intended   to 
compel  her  to  relin^uifh  her    b'm  \  and  (he  will  n6t 
fubmit  to  be  conquered  by  Juc.      ^  apons,   any  more" 
than  by  force  of  arms.     It  is  noL  pretended  that  die' 
is  altogether  invulnerable  in   this  part.     The  blow 
would  reach  her,  and  be  felt  by  her;  but  the  wound' 
would  not  be  mortal.     Tlie  ftrength  and  vigour  of 
her  conftitution  would  bear  much  more,  than  we  are] 
able  to  inflid.     But — the  fliaft,  ungracioufly  ainied- 
at  the  vitals  of  our  Mother,   on  the  rebound  inay' 
prove  fatal  to  ourfel ves .  ' , '  ^ ;  ^\  **f .  /  t^  '  ;*  "  '"^  ^  ''^ 
^  A  total  ftagnation  of  commerce  would  zSt^We^t* 
'Britain^  in  much  the  fame  manner,   that  it  wbtlld: 
afFe(5l  her  colonics,  or  any  other  commercial  people;- 
that  is,  it  would  rob  her  of  her  fubfiftafice.  -  But  a 
partial  ftagnation  could  not  affeft  her  in  the-  fame^ 
manner  that  we  fhould  be  afFeded  by  a  total  ftag-' 
nation.      Now,   the  non-importation  in   queftidn,' 
while  it  would  caufe  a  total  ftagnation  of  our  'com- 
merce, would  produce  no  more  than  a  partial  ftag-' 
nation  of  hers  i    and  confequently  would  not  place 
her  in  a  fituation  fo  diftrefling,  as  it  would  place  us.' 
Her  trade  is  not  confined  to  her  American  Colonies; 

-  Sh© 


'(    .43 


) 


SliC  has  fhips  and  fadorics  in  every  quarter  of  tlie- 
globe;    and  the  treafures,  of  the  Eaft  and  Weft  are 
perpetually  flowing  in  upon  her.     Sht*  receives  no 
neccflary  or  ufeful  articles  from  thefb  Colonies,   but 

^  what  {he  fqrmerly  received,  and  may  at  any  time  be 
fiipplied  with,  from  foreign  nations.  Her  manufac- 
tures that  are  confumed  in  tlie  Colonies,  Ihe  can 
ih"rtly  find  ways  to  difpofe  of  at  other  markets. 
■  There  is  one  branch  of  this  hopeful  projedt,  ttiat 
will  contribute  immediately  and'  dire<flly  to  the  ad- 

.  vantage  oi  Great  Britain,  almoft  in  the  fame  propor- 
tion that  it  will  diftrefs  ourfelves.  The  Reader 
fcarcely  needs  to  be  told,  ihat  what  is  here  meant,  is 
the  flopping  all  intercourfe  and  communication  be- 
twctn  the  Colonies  and  the  fV eft  Indies.  As  foon  as 
this  takes  place,  the  markets  of  Great  Britain  'vviii  b : 
iupjolied,  not  only  with  the  quantity  of  goods  fro.n 
the  TFefi-Indies  which  they  have  formerly  received, 
but  with  the  addition. of  all  that  is  how  confumed  in 
the  American  Colonies.  The  Britifh  merchants  will 
likewife;  have  the  advantage  of  fupplying  the  Idands 
with  many  articles,  which  at  jprcfent  are  not  fcored 
in  any  of  their  invoices,    t ..",'  j ^^^^ i    '  •  ^.^   , 

The  Weft-Indians  themrdves  indeed  may  be  fome- 
v/hat  injured  and  difconcerted  at  firft,  by  the  execu- 
tion of  this  part  of  the  plan ;  but  far  lefs,  than  feems 
to  be  gencrally~expe(^ed  and  intended  by  us.  The 
Ifland  of  'Jamaica  can  fupply,  her  Planters  vvith  all 
kiflds  of  provifioixis,  but  butter  and  flour;  and  with 
all  ^he  lumber  thatn>ay  be  required,  for  a  hundred 
years  to  come,  excepting  ftaves  and  heading  for  their 
^um  "Puncheons,     Thefe  fhe  has  often  received  frorii 

^Haml'urgbjfrorti  whence  Ihe  might  receive  them  again. 
But  there  wjjl  .be  no  occafion  ^r  fending  fo  far.    Ca- 

.n0^  cs^n  ^odIv  J^er,  and  all  the  o^r  iflands,  with 


?f 


^^1 


/  1 


F  2 


thefe. 


(     44     ) 


'!        1 


thefc  articles,  as  well  as  with  flour,  in  any  quantity 
that  may  he  ordered  •,  to  fay  nothing  of  Georgia  and 
the  two  Floridas,  which  abound  in  common  lumber, 
at  the  fervice  of  the  IVindwar/i^  Leezvard,  and  Caribbee 
Hands.  So  that  after  the  firft  year,  new  channels 
may  be  opened, '  plans  formed,  and  correfpondences 
i'ettled,  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  the  Weft-Indies  may  be 
nearly  as  well  fupplied  without  our  afl'iftance,  as  they 
now  are  with  it ;  and  with  fome  articles,  perhaps 
better. 

But  fuppofing  the  contrary;  yet  what  fhouldwe 
gain  by  this  curious  bargain?  Why,  the  ill-will  and 
refentmeiit  of  all  the  Weft-Indians.  For  fome  years 
paft,.  they  haye  cultivated  a  peculiar  fricndfhip  with 
the  North- American  Colonics,  and  propofed  to  them- 
felves  much  happinefs  from  aclofer  alliance.        " 

They  have  fent  hither  their  children,  in  large 
numbers,  for  their  education;  and  many  of  them 
have  brought  over  their  families,  and  liberally  fpent 
the  incomes  of  their  eftates  among  us.  But  when 
th^yfind  that,  we  can  foingcniou fly  contrive  fchemes 
to  diflrrefs  them  without  benefiting  ourfelvcs;  as  they 
are  generally  not  wanting  in  fpirit,  they  will  be  apt 
to  refent  fuch  ill  ufage,  by  withdrawing  their  fons 
and  their  families  from  among  as'  and  perhaps  by 
breaking  off  all  further  connexion  with  us  in  the 
wray  of  commerce. 

From  what  has  been  faid,it  will  naturally  be  con- 
cluded, that  by  a  general  non-importation  agreement 
we  fliall  carry  on  a  very  unequal  warfare  with  Great 
Britain-,  which  will  much  (boner  compel  us  to  yield, 
thai!  her  to  comply.  The  want  of  her  Nor//- Ame- 
rican trade  may  hurt  her,  but  it  will  not  reduce  her  to 
extremity;  and,  if  I  may  judge  from  my  own  feel- 
ings, nothing  but  the  utmoft  extremity  will  inducie 

her. 


"X 


k 


(     45    ) 


her,  where  (he  bdkfves  flic  has  right  of  her  fide,  anel 
where  her  honour  is  deeply  at  ftake,  to  give  up  the 
point  in  difpute. 

At  the  time  of  our  former  non-importation,  the 
cafe  was  materially  different.  The  Stamp-aSi  was  iQ 
contrary  to  all  our  ideas  of  American  rights,  and  lb 
much  was  offered  againft  the  policy  of  the  aft,  both 
here  and  at  home,  that  there  was  no  dilHculty  in  re- 
pealing it.  Afterwards  when  we  exclaimed  againft 
the  duties  imtwfed  upon  paper,  glafs,  &c.  and  agreed 
not  to  import  tue  fevcral  articles  loaded  with  duties } 
our  views  were  comparatively  moderate,  and  we  had 
a  large  body  of  friends  in  England  to  fupport  us. 
And  were  the  propofition  now  only  not  to  import, 
or  to  confume,  the  tea  that  is  charged  with  the  duty; 
the  cafe  would  be  the  fame  that  it  was  then — we 
Ihould  have  the  fame  friends  that  we  then  had-^and 
the  duf;y  would  probably  be  removed,  on  the  fame 
principle  that  thofe  duties  then  were.  But  our  con- 
duct now  is  fo  wild  and  diftradted — our  tumults  and 
diforders  are  carri^  to  fo  unreafonablc  and  unwar- 
rantable a  length — nay,  fuch  a  fpirit  of  rebellion  has 
broke  forth  among  us,  and  fuch  a  determined  enmity 
\^ againft  the  fupremacy  of  Great  Britain  now  predomi- 
hates  in  the  Colonies,  that  we  have  hardly  a  (ingle 
friend  remaining  in  England.  Even  the  Manufaftu- 
rers  join  with  all  other  orders  of  people,  in  condem- 
ning our  extravagance  •,  and,  which  is  (till  more,  the 
Writers  and  Spakers  againft  the  King's  miniftry 
allow  that  it  is  mexcufable. 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  nothing  will  be  likely 
to  procure  a  repeal  of  the  ^ea-a£fy  or  the  removal  of 
any  other  grievance  of  the  like  kind,  but,  the  refto- 
ration  of  peace  and  order  amongft  our(clv^ —  a  can- 
did acknowledgment  of  our  politic;|i  errors  and  of- 

toces 


(    46     ) 


fences — a  forinal  allowance  of  the  rightful  lupremacy 
in  general,  of  Great  Britain^  over  the  Amencan  Co- 
lonics— a  declaration  of  our  averfion  to  a  (Vate  of  in- 
.dependency,  yvich  a  (u/ref^f^ondi^jg  i^haviour — a  refped- 
tful  xerponftrance '>i.  t!  ^  iMbjsdt  of  taxation — an  af- 
.furance  of  our  •   Min^   ?fs  to  contribute,  in  fome 
equitabL  proportion,  towards  defraying  the  public 
expences — and  the  propofal  of  a  rtafonable  phin  for 
a  general  American  conilitution.     This,  it  is  hum- 
.bly  conceived,  was  to  have  been  the  bufinefs  of  the 
CojjgreJ),;  2it^d  if  they  had  aded  upon  thcfe  principles, 
and  with  fuch  views,  not  only  the  prefent,  but  all 
iijture  generations,  would  call  them  blcj[jedA^:r\  ^-.i ;  ^j 
^t;  Notwithilanding  all  unfavorj^ble  fymptoms  and 
.appearancesy  I  would  not  prefuiae  to  form  a  final 
judgment  of  tht  Cofigrefs^    till  th^ir  whole  plan  of 
.proccedirgs  fliall  be  known.     It  is  pofiible,  that  all 
.that  has  been  wrong  may  be  redtincd  in  the  end  j  and 
.^hat  moderate  and  wife  meafures,  tending  to  rcflore 
:the  tranquility,  the  happinefs,  the  honour  and  fafety 
.of  the  Colonics,  may  at  laid  be  concerted.     Should 
.this  appear,   in  the  general  rcfult  of  their  councils, 
the  ti^enibers  will  be  entitled  to  the  grateful  ref|X(St 
.of  evijry  /Vtnerican,  and  the  miftakes  made  in  the 
vformef  part  of  tlieir  proceedings  ought  never  to  be 
.mentioned,  to  tfieir  difadvantage.     Bur,  on  the  other 
.hand,  flipuld  it  appear,  that  they  mean  to  encourage 
v^ts  of  Ipftility  againft  Great  Britain,  ortofupport 
»the  m^men^  of  jyfi^-jE«^^?»^  in  their  fcheme  of  an 
Independent  Republic :  in  that  cafe,  1  afErm,;that  the 
■  Original J2pntra^i  between  them  and  xhtmjl  r&fpe^ahle 
ipart  of  .tlieir  conftituents .  will  be  dlffhhed — tlv/  we 
.ihall  be;  at  full  liberty  to  confult  cur  own  fafety,  in  the 
manner  w^  fhall  think  moft  conducive  to  that  end — 
.and  l&at  wc  .inaU  owe  them  i^q  greater  refpeft  and 
,^iTik  '  ^  obedience. 


('  47    )■ 

obedience,  tlian  they  themfclves  pay  to  th6  tiritiTlH^ 
Parliament. 

The  foregoing  confideratlons  are  addrefled — not' 
to  thofe  obftinate,  hot-headed  Zealots,  who  are  at' 
the  bottom  of  all  our  confufions  v  for  ara-uments' 
would  be  as  much  walled  upon  them,  as  upon  men' 
that  are  intoxicated  with  liquor — but  to  all  reafonahle' 
Americans,  to  thofe  who  are  ftill  in  the  exercifc  of  their 
imderllaridin^s,  and  whole  minds  are  open  to  convic-' 
tion.'  People  of  this  characler,  it  is  prefumcd,  will 
fee  the  neceffity  of  giving  up  the  prefent  fyftem  of 
American  politics,  as  cflentiully  wrong  anddeftruc- 
tive;  and  of  entering  unanimoully  upon  moderate 
and  conciliating  meafures,  as  they  regard  the  reftora-^ 
tion  of  peace  and  tranquility  in  this,  heretofore,  hap- 
py country. 

The  great  obje<5t  in  view,  (hould  be  a  general 
American  Conftitutton,  on  a  free  and  generous  Plan,- 
worthy  of  Gr^«/  Britain  to  give,  and' of  the  colonies 
to  receive.  This  is  now  become  neceflary  to  the 
mutual  intercft  and  honour,  both  of  the.  Parent 
Kingdom  and  its  American  offspring.  Such  an 
eftablifhment  is  only  to  be  obtained  by  decent,  can- 
did and  refpeftful  application  i  and  not  by  compiiU, 
fion  or  tiireatening.  To  think  of  fucceeding  by  rorce 
of  arms,  or  by  ftarving  the  nation  into  compliance, 
is  a  proof  of  fhamcful  ignorance,  pride  and  ftupidi- 
ty.  All  fuch  projects  muft  operate  ten  times  more 
forceibly  againftourfclves,  than  againft  Great  Britain^ 
They  are,  at  beft,  but  Penny  wife,  and  Pound fooUJh-y 
and  therefojre  inconfiftent  with  every  maxim  of  foun4 
wifdom  and  genuine  Patriotifm. 

All  violent  oppofition  to  lawful  authority  partakes 
of  the  n  ature  of  rebellion.  -,  and  a  rebellion  of  the  Co- 
lonics, whether  it  fhbuld  prove  fuccefsful  or  unfuc- 


s 


r««v'!^ 


(     48     ) 


cefsful,  would  necefTarily  terminate  in  ruin  and  de- 
Itruftion.  We  aie  now  in  the  utnwft  danger  of  be- 
ing hurried,  before  we  are  fenfible  of  it,  into  this 
defperate  and  dreadful  (late  || ,  when  mod  of  us  think 
that  we  have  grievances  to  complain  of,,  in  conle- 
quencc  of  the  exercife  of  unconftitutional  power  j 
and  when  many  are  practicing  every  wicked  art  to 
ieduce  us  from  our  allegiance.  It  therefore  highly 
concerns  us  to  be  upon  our  guard,  at  fuch  a  criti- 
cal feafon  as  this.  A  fmall  degree  of  refledbion 
would  convince  us,  that  the  grievances  in  queftion, 
fuppofing  them  to  be  real,  are,  at  moft,  no  more 
than  a  juft  ground  for  decent:  remonftrance,  but  not 
a  fufiicient  i«aibn  for  forcible  refinance.     Thefe  two 

things 


-    1  #       •'■  •   ^Kk      tr'    n*\0 


II  Among  the  various  denominations  of  Americans,  molt  men 
would  be  lUrtled  and  fhocked  at  the  propofal  of  entering  into 
an  open  rtbtlUen',  but  feditious  principles,  that  dire£Uy  lead 
to,  and.mtiA  finally  bring  on,  a  rebellion,  have  been  gradually^ 
ihftilled  into  many  of  them,  without  alarming  their  apprehen- 
fions,  under  the  cover  affair  and  fpecious  pretences.  Wrong 
principles  are  naturally  productive  of  wrong  condudl ;  and  one 
wrong  ftcp  prepares  the  way  to  another,  and  that  to  another, 
rill  at  laft  there  can  be  no  retreating. 

Nemo  reptntefit  ^ttrpiffmuSf  i:  /.  No  one  arrives  at  a  grofi  and 
tAormcus  pitch  of  wickednefs  at  once,  is  an  old  ard  juft  obfer- 
vation ;  and  it  is  particularly  true  with  regard  to  rebellion.  The 
grand  Engliih  rebellion,  in  the  laft  century,  was  a  remarkable 
proof  of  it.  In  the  firft  place,  men  gave  way  to  unfavourable 
lufpicions  concerning  the  King  and  his  Minifters,  and  thus  loft 
the  reverence  that  is  due  to  the  regal  authori^y .  They  then  be- 
gan to  take  pleafurein  blackenitig  the  King's  charadl^r,  and  in- 
giving  an  invidious  turn  to  all  his  actions.  From  lY  $  they  pro- 
ceeded to  eaiailing  againfthim;  and,  at  laft,  they  took  up 
arms,  deluded  with  the  pretence  of  liberty  and  property,  and 
religious  rights.  And  when  they  had  onCe  taken  up  arms 
agamft  their  Sovereign,  they  found  it  neceffary  to  deftroy  him, 
for  their  own  fecurity.  This  foon  brought  on  a  general  de- 
^rufiion  of  liberty  and  property,  and  the  ruin  of  the  nation,  as 
well  as  of  themfelves.  Such  is  the  common  progrefs,  and  the 
cfFe£l,  of  rebellions  in  general. 


(    49    ) 

things  are  widely  and  eflentially  different  j  arJifwe  miflake 
oii£  tor  the  other,  theconfequcnce  mny  Le  fatal. 

It  ha$  been  fully  (hewn,  that  a  rcbcllir<n  of"  the  colonics  can 
have  no  reafonable  profpe£t  of  facceeding ;  and  that  it  mull 
prove  the  deHruflion  of  all  that  are  concerned  in  it.     But  fup- 
pofing  that  it  were  likely  to  fucceed,  it  is  of  the  utmoft  impri;-. 
tance  to  conHder,  what  we  fnould  gain  by  it;  which   uonld 
be^  after  the  defolation  of  our  countiy,  andthefacrificeofthou- 
iands  of  lives,  an  exemption  from  the  authority  of  the  Britifh 
Parliament,  and  fubje£lion  to  the  authority  of  an  American  re- 
public.    A  blefled   exchange  this  1  cfpecialljr  if  we  take  into 
the  account  the  chara£ler  of  our  future  mafters.     The  principal 
conduftors  of  the  rebelUoHK  would  naturally  have  the  principal 
authority  in  the  republic  ;  and  thefe  are  men,  whofe  tyrannical 
ufuipation  would  be  m,ore  oppefHve,  than  the  fcoi'pion  power 
of  the  mod  defpotic  Prince  in  Europe.     There  would  be  no^ 
peace  in  the  colonies,  till  we  all  fubmitted  to  the  republican 
zealots  and  bigots  of  New-Lngland;  whofe   tender  mercies,, 
when   they  had  power  in  their  hands,  have  been  ever  cruel, 
towards  all  that  prefumed  to  differ  from  theui  in  ipatters  either 
of  religion  or  government^ 

Asv  loon  therefore,  as  people  of  this  flaqap  come  to  be  in  pof- 
kBon  of  an  eflablifhed  authority,  which  would  be  the  cafe  ihould 
the  rebellion  fucceed,  the  dire  effefls  of  their  perfecuting,  and. 
intplerant  i^pirit  will  be  difmally  felt  by  all  that  fhall  have  cou- 
rage to  ift^fit ;  particularly,,  the  m^inbers.  of  the  Church  of 
England,  the  Friends  or  people  called  Quakers,  the  Baptifls, 
thoTe  that  belong  to  the  German  and  Putch  Churches,  aud  the 
qipderate  and  candid  part  of  the  Prelbyterians  themfelves.  All 
thefe  clafTes  of  people  then,  by  promoting  the  prefent  fcheme 
for  an  independent  government,  are  abfikrdly  afting  againfl  their 
own  intereftand  honour,  and  contributinf  to  prepare  yokes  for 
their  own  necks, 

O  my  infatuated  Countrymen !  My  deluded  Fellow-Subjefls, 
and  Fellow-Chriftians !  Open  your  eyes,  I  entreat  you  ;  awake 
from  your  dreams,  and  regard  your  own  fafety ! 

As  to  you,  who  are  members  of  the  Church  of  Etiglattd y  it  is 
amazing,  that  any  of  you  Ihould  be  fo  blind  to  your  own  in- 
terefls,  and  fuch  apdilates  frqni  com'mon  fenfe,  as  to  counte- 
nance and  co-operate  with  a  plan  ofprocceedings,  which,  if  it 
i^<;ceeds».  will  at  once  diflrefs  and  difgriice  you.  You  are  en- 
deavouring to  provide  arms  for  your  enemies,  and  to  put  power 
into  the  hands  of  thofe  who  will  ufe  it  againfl  you.  You  are 
fttting  up  a  fort  of  people  for  your  mafters,  whofe  principles 
yoii  de^ifc ,  and  who  were  always  fond  of  fubduing  by  the  iron 

G  rod 


C     5«>     ) 


rod  of  opprfffion,  all  thofe,  whofe  principles  or  ftntimonts  w«rf 
dificicnt  horn  their  own.  Their  inveterate  enmity  to  the  Church 
cf  England,  has  polluted  the  annals  of  the  Britifh  hjftory.  Their 
intolerance  in  Englcnd^  towards  the  members  of  the  Church, 
when  the  foveieign  power  was  ufurped  by  them,  is  recorded  in 
charadlers  cf  bleed ;  and  the  fame  fpirit  was  dreadfully  trium- 
phant in  Nt'iv-Englandi  frcm  the  firft  fettlepient  of  the  coun- 
try, till  the  mild  difpolition  of  Parliamentary  power  intcrpofcd 
to  reftrain  it.  In  1629,  they  banifticd  and  tranlpcrred  evbn 
feme  of  the  original  patentees  ol  Ne<iv-E'ngland,  who  w*rc  men 
of  abilities  and  of  a  refpcftable  charafter,  merrly  bccaufc  they 
difcovered  them  to  be  Churchmen,  dtdaring  to  them  as  they 
fentthem  off*,  that  New-England  fwns  noPlacb  for  such 
A?  TMEY  II .  Their  defcendents,  who  inherit  their  principles, 
are  the  very  perfons  that  will  govern  you,  if  the  projefted  re- 
volution fhould  take  place,  As  they  have  now  broke  locfe  from 
the  authority  of  Parliament,  which  for  fome  time  paft  reftrained 
them  from  mifchief,  they  begin  to  appear  ■'.  their  natural  co- 
lours. They  have  already  reiumcd  the  old  work  of  perfecuting 
the  Church  of  England,  by  every  method  in  their  power. 
The  members  of  it  are  daily  mifreprefcntcd,  infulted  and  ab- 
ufed  by  them  ;  and  they  have  lateljr  driven  feverat  of  its  clergy 
from  their  parishes  and  families,  which  arcleft  in  a  Hate  that  is 
truly  deplorable. 

The  pretence  indeed  is,  that  the  members  of  the  Church  in 
New-England  are  thus  roughly  treated,  on  account  of  theif 
political^  and  not  of  their  r«ftf««i  principles.  But,  Good  God! 
is  there  to  be  no  libpity  of  the  prefs,  no  liberty  of  fpcakingi  no 
librr^y.even  of  thinking,  on  political  fubj'efts,  where  thole  rcr 
publicans  have  the  afcendant  r  This  is  defpotifm  ^vith  a  ven- 
geance J  and  fuch  as  we  muH  be  all  focls  if  we.  vcIantarJly  fubf 
jnit  to.  Nor  will  the  cafe  be  at  all  better,  with  regard  to  j-e-r 
ligion.  For  it  is  a  truth^  wiiich  the  hiftory  cf  all  ages  con- 
firms, that  thofe  who  will  diftrefs  men  on  account  of  ichejr  ppliU* 
^al  principles,  will  ndt  fcruplc  to  perfecute  them  ft>*-  the  fake  of 
their  religions  principles,  when  they  have  it  in  th'^r  power. 

Ycii  then,  whp  are  members  cf  the  Church  of  Engmiidi  mnft 
renounce  your  principles  relating  both  to  rieKgion  a^:^  govem- 
went,  or  you  can  expeft  no  quarter  under  the  adihinii^tibh  of 
fuch  intemperate  zealots.    You  muft  ceafe  to  be  ChoVch2i'ci^> 

§  This  tppeart  from  a  valuable  tieok  writfen.bjr  fi  c«>ta.Y9my> author 
^r*  MojiTON,  and  entitled,  t^cw^EngUnd't  Mmanah  .-,.,:,  ,  , 


'    5«    ) 

Or  Fjccome  vl£lims  of  their  Intolerance.  Indeed  it  maflt  be  con. 
fc/Tad,  and  t  am  forry  to  fay,  that  many  of  you  appear  already 
to  have  renounced  one  half  of  your  principles ;  or  you  could 
not  jtroceed,  %a  you  do^  in  dired  oppofitlon  to  the  cHabliihcd 
rules  and  doctrines  of  the  Church.  Th?  principles  offubmif- 
iion  and  obedience  to  lawful  authority,  arc  as  infeparable  from 
n/oMJf  rinu'iHe  mtmherdi  the  Church  of  Engl?-»d,  as  any  reli- 
gious j^rinciples  whatever.  This  Church  has  always  been 
famed  fuid  refpeded  for  its  loyalty^  and  its  regard  to  order 
and  government.  Its  annals  have  been  never  Itained  with  the 
kiflory  of  plots  ^'nd  confpiracics,  treafons  and  rebellions.  Its 
members  are  inftru^ed  in  their  duty  to  government,  by  Three 
Homilits  on  OhtditHctt  and  fix  againft  Reliellion,  which  are  Co 
many  (landing  ieflons  to  fecure  their  fidelity.  They  are  alfo 
taugnt  to  pray  in  the  Xiltany,  that  the  Almighty  would  prcferve 
them,  **  Irom  all  fcdition,  privy  confpiracy  and  rebellion." 
And  more  than  one  folenin  ofHce  is  provided,  for  the  annual 
commemoration  of  former  deliverances  from  the  power  of  thofe, 
whether  Papifts  .or  Proteflants^  **  who  turn  religion  into  rebel- 
*'  lion,  ana  faith  inrcfadion."  But  ifyou  regard  none  of  thefp 
things,  you  arc  untoward,  ut>dutifdli  and  degenerate  fons  of 
tke  Church ;  f nd  (he  will  be  afhamed  to  own  you  for  her 
children.  ..   ..,^,.  . 

Howeveri  even  thofe  of  you  who  are  but  half-pHncipled  in 
4hc  doflr'ncsof  the  Church,  will.be  looked  ip)n  w^ith  an  evil 
eye,  ur  '  the  intended  rspttblic  j  and  they  muft  give  up  the 
other  ni  ■jf  their  principles,  before  they  can  be  fecure  againft 

harm  or  molellation.  The  Church  of  England  his  always  been 
the  great  obftade  in  the  way  of  thofe  republican  faniticks  ;  and 
when  once  they  Ate  eftablilhed,  no  appearance  of  a  Church> 
•man  will  efcape  their  refentment,  or  be  tolerated  among;  them. 

Nor  will  it  fare  better  with  the  P'riendf,  or  people  called 
fakers ;  however  peaceable  ijj  their  difpofition,  or  however  ufe- 
-ful  n^embers  of  fociety.  Whit  they  formerly  ('u(fered  in  New- 
En^and  under  the  fame  fort  of  men  that  mult  and  will  govern 
this  country,  if  it  (hould  be  withdrawn  from  the  juri(diAion 
iCif  the  BritKh  parliament,  is  too  well  known,  and  can  never  be 
forgotten.  You,  my  refpefted  friends,  have  experienced  the 
-genuine  ^irit  and  temper  of  their  authority  ;  and  you  can  never 
ir/i(^  to  have  your  necks  again  encumbered  with  that  Prefiytt' 
rian  yoke  of  bondage,  which  neither  you  nor  your  fiithers  were 
able  to  bear.  On  the  pther  hand,  you  have  the  fenfe  to  (ee, 
a  ad  the  gratitude  to  confefs,  that  you  have  bee^i  happy  un- 
der the  relief  and  protcftion  afforded  yoo  by  the  King  and  Par- 
liament, in  common  with  other  good  fubje^.  You  will  there- 
fore 


(    52    )  • 

fore  remember  (to  ufe  your  own  exprefiive  language)  "  tha;,  a» 
under  divine  Providence,  you  are  indebted  to  the  King  and 
his  ropl  anceftors,  for  tlic  continued  favour  of  enjoying  your 
religious  liberties^  you  are  under  deep  obligations  (on  t%ii  oc- 
cfifion)  to  manifeil  y  )ur  loyalty  and  fidelity ;  and  to  difcou- 
rage  every  attempt  wiiich  may  be  made  by  any,  to  excite  dif- 
aiteftion,  ordifrefpeft  to  him." 

The  Baptijls  have  never  had  fair  quarter  allowed  them  by 
the  demagogues  of  Nevo -England ,  and  they  are  perpetually 
complaining,  from  year  to  year,  of  the  a£ls  of  oppreffinn  and 
violence  with  which  they  are  harafTed  by  them.  Now  if  the 
people  of  Nevj-England  have  been  thus  intolerant,  towards 
thofe  that  differed  from  them  only  with  regard  to  the  cafe  of 
baptifm,  while  they  pofTcffcd  an  authority  that  was  fubordi- 
nate  to  the  Britifh  Parliament ;  what  cruelty,  towards  ail  that 
diffent  from  thom,  may  be  expedled,  fhould  they  be'  armed 
with  abfolute  and  incontrolable  power  ? 

As  to  the  Germans  and  Dutchy  to  whofe  induflry  and  good 
behaviour  the  Colonies  arc  greatly  indebted ;  if  they  fhould  be- 
come fubjeA  to  the  jurifdi^ion  abovementioned,  they  will  be 
confidered  as  perfons,  not  only  of  a  different  religion,  but  of 
different  nations  ?nd  languages,  from  whom  they  nave  fuch  an 
averfion,  that  they  have  never  admitted  them  to  fettle  vaNeio- 
England'y  and  confequently  all  the  Colonifts  who  are  of  z  foreign 
growth  or  extraftion,  muft  expcft  to  meet  with  a  double  portioA 
of  rancour  and  feverity  from  their  new  mader^. 

Nor  can  the  moderate  part  of  the  Prejhyterians^  and  Congrega- 
lionalifis  fhemfelvef,  havc,  any  profpeft  of  continuing  free  fiom 
znoleflation  under  their  government.  Nothing  can  be  more 
odious  to  bigots,  than  generofity  and  candour;  or  more  intole* 
r  able  in  the  opinion  of  the  fVrious,  than  moderation  and  meekr- 
nefs.  This  aflertion  might  be  fupported  by  the  hiflory  of  all 
ages  and  nations  ;  but  we  need  Q0C  go  far  for  a  confirmation  of 
it.  For  among  the  Prefbyteriartt^^nd  Indep'^ndents  in  thp  Co- 
Icnies,  when  the  meek  and  the  moderate,  t  e  candid  and  gene- 
rous have  been  brought  before  the  tribunals  of  the  bigotted  and 
furious,  as  has  frequently  happened  ;  they  have  been  treated  with 
as  much  unrelenting  rancour  and  roughnefs,  as  if  they  had  been 
Mahometans  and  heathens.  So  that  there  is  no  chance  or  pro- 
bability, Sf  the  latter  Ihouid  come  to  the  pofleffion  of  defpcii-'. 
power,  which  is  the  aim  of  the  revolution  they  j.iopofe;  that 
their  difpenfations  towards  ihs  former,  would  be  lefs  cruel  than 
%hey  commonly  have  been. 


In 


(    53    ) 

In  a  word :  no  order  or  denrminatlon  of  men  amongft  as  wOvld 
tenjoy  liberty  or  fafety,  if  fttbjed^<dto  the  fiery  genius  of  a  Nc«m 
England  Republican  G^-remwent ;  the  little  finger,  of  which  yre 
ihould  foon  experience  to  be  heavier  thap  the  loips  of  Parfia*' 
xnent.  This  has  fometimes  chaftifed  us  with  fwbipst  when  we  de-- 
ferved  punilhment ;  but  that  would  torment  us  ^'uh /cerpi«Mip- 
whether  we  defcrved  it  or  not.         '    ^      v:  s^i*^  t.  « -i.  5  4*  '• 


.t--i- 


^^y 


P  O  S  T  S  C  R  I  P  T. 


I  Have  faid  [fee  page  20-]  that  the  Popifhireligiori  is  notelUn 
bliihed  in  Canada  by  the  late  a£l,  but  okW tolerated ;  and  that 
this  was  one  of  the  conditions  on  which  the  country  furrender<; 
ed  to  the  crown  of  Grfar  Britain,  Since  the  greateJl  part  of 
this  Addrefs  was  printed  off,  the  papers  publiflied  by  the  Cwr, 
grefs  have  come  to  hand;'  in  whkh  they  lay,  that  **  the  Roman 
*<  Catholic  Religion,  inftead  of  ^ing  tolerated^  as  filpulated  bj 
**  the  treaty  of  peace,  is  ^a^/j/&*<j^/*  by  the  a£^. 

In  order  that  the  reader  m<.y  fee  with  his  own  eyes,  and  jadg^ 
forhimfelfofthis  matter,  I  will  prefent  him  with  the  following 
£xlra3Sf  from  the  Treaty  of  Surrender ^  the  Definitive  Trtatjf  Qt 
Peace,  and  the  Act  for  more  effe3ual provifion,  k^c, 

EXTRACT /rm  ^;6^  CAPITULATION  «/ CANADA. 

Art.  XXVII.*  "  T]\t  free  estercife  of  the  caiholic,  apoftolic, 
*'  and  Roman  reli;|ion,  ihall  fui^ft^  entire ;  in  fuch  manner,  that 
"  all  theftates  and  people  of  the  towns  and  countries^  places, 
**  and  diftaiit  poits,  fhall  contjjiue  to  aifemble  in  the  churchr 
**  "-s,  and  to  Ire^^Qent  the  facraments  as  heretofore,  without  b^^ 
**  iiig  moleftcd  in  any  manner  direSlly  or  indireiily. 

••  Thefe  people  (hall  be  obliged  by  the  En^ifti  gn^-^rnr  ent, 
**  to  pay  to  the  prj'>:^s  the  tithes^  and  all  the  taxes  they  were  ufcd 
**  to  pay,  under  the  government  of  his  moft  Chriftian  Majefty," 

Granted,  as  ttrthefree  exercife  of  their  reiigiut.  The  obliga- 
■lion  ofpzying  the  tithes  to  the  priefis^  nuill  depend  est  the  King^t 
p'leafnre.  T.      ' 

Art,  XXVIII.  "  The  Chapter,  Priefts,  Curates,  and  Mif- 
"  fionarics,  fliall  continue  witn  an  intire  liberty.,  their  exercife 
**  and  fundion  of  their  9$^^^  ^^  ^^  paiifiies  of  the  towns  arid 
"  countries."  -    /   --    •.  ,  -    ^ 

Gkanteo.  ■'  .._  ' 


# 


«( 
«< 


4€ 
U 

at 
« 


EXTRACT  frm  the  TREATY  of  PARIS. 
jifrt.  IV,  So  far  as  relates  to  the  matter  ih  queiliQA.  «<  JFJ[ls 
Britannic  Majefty  oniiu  &de,  jogrees  to  grant  the  liberty  of  the 
catholic  rrhgipa  to  the  khabitaatsof  Cd»«</a.  He  wiU  co9- 
feqneady^  vivie  the  moft  ei&daail  orders,  that  his  new  Rocoan 
catholic  fttoje^  may  profefs  the  wor&ip  of  their  religion,  ac- 
corcUng  to  die  rites  of  the  Romifh  church,  b:  far  m$  Che  laws ; 
of  Great  Britain  permit. " 

EXTRACT //-^w  the  CANADA-ACT. 
"  And  for  the  more  perfeft  fecurity  and  eafe  of  the  minds  of 
j^^ei^Jias^itarit?  of  the  faid  proviijce,  it  i?  hereby.declared,  tha^ 
his  Majefty's  fubjefts  profefling  the  religion  of  the  Church  of 
Rttme<i  9f  anji  in  ^e  province  oi^^ueiect  men  h^ivet  hold  and 
enjoy  the  frde  exercife.ofdie  raiigioajof  tKe>Chvuth  o£  Roniet 
"  fuhjsS  to  the  King's  fupremacjf  declared  and  eftablilhed  by  ail 
"  9Si  made  in  the  firilyear  of  the  reign  of  Qneeu  £Iiza^eth,  oVet 
"  all  the  ^lominions  ahd  countries  which  didh  did,  or  thereafter 
*'  jhonld  bflon»,  to  the  Imperial  Crown  of  this  realm  ;  and  that 
**  Aie  clerjgy  of  the  faid  Church  fkdy  hold,  jeceive  and  enjoy, 
"  dteir  accUl^omed  dues  and  rights,  luith  refpeSlto  fuch  pe'rfins 
"  mIj^  as:lhalljpir<)fefs  the  laid  religion. 

•*  PrcweUd  nevertheli/st  that  it  ihaft  be  lawful  for  his  Majeily, 
**  Ids  heiw  and  fucceiTors,  -to  make.fuch  prOviiton  oat  of  the  reil 
**  i)f  the  faid  accuflomed  dues  and  rights,  for  the  ehcou/agement 
of  <be  Pi-oHfioiit  LeUgion,  and  for  the  matntenaHci  Aii6.JuppQrt 
cf  d Proi^dftt  clergy  within  the  /Uid  province,  as  he  or  thicy 
Ik^ffrbtanm^  to  tinle,  thiiik  njBceifrary  and  eypedierit." 
The  next  diatifedf  the  ail  provides  an  oaeh  of  alregfince,  to  be 
taken  ixy  the  Panadian  P^fis,  instead  of  the  oath  i;equired  by 
tlat  id  Elizaieti.  The  fucceeding  claufe  enafts,  "  that  all  his 
•*  Majefty's  Canadian  fubjefts,  within  the  province  of  Sluehec^ 
**  the  reUgious  ordert  dnd  c(mmunitUs  only  excepted f  may  alio  hoid 
•*  andchjoy  their  property  and  poiteffioa»<"  &c.  Thelail  chufe 
pzmi^es,  that  the  Kin'|;  (hall  havte  the  power  of  "  creating^  con- 
"*  IKtuting,  anjd  appointing  fuch  courts  o/>.Ec6L^EsiAsticA|. 
**  J.^^ifj^i^^'^^i  within  and  for  the  faid  province  of  ^uehec,  and 
"  appointinE  from  time  to  time,  the  judges  ai^d  officers  thereqiQ 
•*  as  his  IVtajefly,  his  heirs  and  fticcefibrs,  Ihall  think  neceflaxy 
*•  and  proper  for  the  circUmilances  pt  the  faid  province." 

Thus  we  fee  in  what  manner  the  toleration  df  the  Pppilh  rc;- 
ligion  wafe  fecured  to  the  Canadians  by  treaty  ;  and  the  aft  qf 
Parliament  alloWi  them  no  more  than,  the.frei  exerci/e  tftheif 
religion^  lAjithout  being  molejha^  it  the  public  ufe  of  it,  aild  thj^t 
tmire  iiherty  in  religious  tnatt'r.i.  for  which  they  had  (Upulatc4. 
Indeed  the  parochial  (Jle  ,  are  permitted  to  enjoy  thq^ 
tithes,  by  wh'ch  they  had  i^L'cn  always  fuppo  ted.  This  was 
|>ropO(ed  in  the  treaty ;  butt  in  was  neither  granted,  hor  reje^led. 


•( 


ib 


and 


(  ss  ) 

by  the  Britifh  Gcr.eral,  who  left  it  to  depend  upon  the  King's 
pleafurc.  After  thirteen  years  experience  of  the  dutiful,  peace* 
able  and  good  behaviour  of  his  Canadian  fubje£ls,  and  at  a  time 
when  his  other  American  fubjefts  were  become  turbulent,  licen- 
tious, and  refraftory,  the  King,  to  whofe  goodnefs  the  matter 
had  been  referred,  thought  proper,  with  the  approbation  and 
confent  of  Parliament,  to  comply  with  ihe  reafonable  expeAa- 
tions  and  requefts  of  the  Canadians,  in  allowing  the  clergy  to 
enjoy  their  wonted  fupport,  under  certain  reilridlicns  and  limita^ 
tions.  But  this  indulgence  by  no  means  converts  the  iUpulated 
toleration  into  an  eftablifhment,  as  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Con- 
l^refs  are  pleafed  to  aflerr. 

Tit&es  in  Canada  are  ihepreperty  of  the  Rcmifh  church; 
permitting  a  tolerated  church  to  enjoy  its  own  property,  is  far 
ihort  of  the  idea  cf  an  eftablilhment.-  If  the  city  of  Nsw-Yc«k 
ihould  be  conquered  by  the  Papifis  from  FraKce^  or  the  IftdejltttiF- 
^nts  from  New- Engl. ind,  (which  I  believe  in  my  confcience 
would  be  much  the  worft  event  of  the.  two)  apd  at  tlic  time  of 
its  furrender,  the  corporation  ^rTf-ini^Chttrch  (honld  contrad 
for  t\icfree  exerci/e  of  their  religien,  &c.  the  confirmation  of  this 
liberty,  with  apermiflion  ftill  to  enjo^  theeflat^  that  belongs  to 
them,  (upon  which  foine  people  have  long  ca^  an  envious  and 
wilhful  eye)  would  not  amount  io  what  is  consionlyunderftood 
by  %  religious  eftablifhment.  An  eftablifhed  religion,  is  a  reli- 
gion which  the  civi^  authority  engages,  not  only'  to  proteA,  but 
to  fuppcrt ;  and  a  religion  that  is  not  provided  for  by  the  civil 
authority,  but  which  is  left  to  proxnde  for  itfelf,  or  to  fabfift  on 
the  proviilon  it  has  already  made,  can  benbiboiie  than  a  tole- 
rated religion. 

Now  the  Popifh  religion  in  Canada  the  Gcvcmmcnt  is  tin- 
der no  engagement  to  provide  for  ;  it  is  only  allowed  to  enjoy 
fucb  pro.viiions  as  it  has  made  for  itfelf,  in  a  general  way  ;  anrf 
when  this  proportion  is  curt:uled,  whenever  a  Papift  cmbrac  s 
the  Picteftant  religion ;  and  the  various  relig:ous  orders  and 
communities  are  entirely  difpofiefTed  of  their  refpe£Uve  efiefls* 
But  it  evidently  appears  from  the  a£t,  that  it  istheobjeAof  Go- 
vernment to  make  provifion,  as  fafi  as  the  ftate  of  the  country 
will  admit  of  it,  **  iox  the  encouragement  of  the  Frctejicnt  religitn, 
**  2jid  for  the  maintenance  and  Juf port  of  a  Protejiant  Clergy.** 
'■'  From  what  has  been  offered,  the  inference  is  clear,  that  the 
Popifh  religion  is  only  tolerated  in  Canada  i  and  that  it  is  meant 
toeilablifh  theProteftant  religion  in  that  cokny.  If,  after  all, 
men  will  confound  the  meaning  of  words,  and  make  nodifUndion 
between  toleration  and  eftahlijhment,  they  degrade  themfelves  in- 
to the  rank  of  quibblers  and  praters^  ami  it  is  lofs  of  time  to  dif- 
j> ate  with  them.  .  .      ,. 


•# 


4 


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(  II  .) 


y* 


f.  ...^  .  'f  >  .,|  ■ 


The  Readier  is  |«;fircd  to  cortcQ:  with  his  Pen  the 

'?;d-J;i^i;i:-^.-^rV following  Ei^ata. 

*  j;  >r.     Jin^  t^  (or  cmJ^,  Tc^d  can,  ' 

I^  *l        p.  14  I.  ^8  for  «ws^i««!|,  '^^d  tonjhing, 
ff^l  P*  ^3  1*  ^  for  i^^^r  r«ad  deftubt,      ^      i ; 

;^ .  i \u^^  |.  34  5-  "  for  ^  «f ^  •«y       > 
.  .  p.  .46 1.  I4r  for  wottteap  read  'wontta.. 


::!*- 


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■  ■-■  *     -J      '■•     ■  ;■  • 


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10  •;r.;^rji^t*is«|-!?JR|i'H  '*   , 


J  «'  i.v**f^i.?»  -l.-f. 


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1