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32X

EXODUS OF THE AVI':STEHN NATIONS.

VOL. II.

i •

/, '^^

LOMKJN ; I'KIKrKlj

I'V ^W1.LUM (I.(,U1-. AM) M)N
AND IIIAKING t■H^I^S.

S, M'ANlollll MKhKT

4^FC

1:1

EXODUS

^>i

* ■■■

'/ ■.

THE WESTERN NATIONS.

BY VISCOUNT BURY, M. P.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. IT.

'.' I- ..^

LONDON:

RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STJiEEJ\

^ut«Iis{f)pr in ©rlrtnnry ta ^tt iWajriStii.

i8«;r».

f»

(!ONTKNTS OF VOLUME] 11

CEIAFTOR J.

ACADU AND CANADA.

[1089—1713.]

Karly fortunes of Acadia-TIio Barou .Ic St. Castiii-Frencl. J'hxn of
tolonization-Military .Settlements in Canada-JH. Talon-M ,le
trontenac-M. do Denonvillo-M. de Caliores-M. de Vatid.-enil

rAOR

CHAPTER 11.

COiMlIKnCIAL POLICY.

[1700—1774.]

Historical Rketcii of the English Navigation Laws-Cunnierrial
Legislation of Spain— Fair of Torto Bello .

CHAPTER m.

■rHE BUCCANEERS.

ri(J3o— 1700.]
Kslauds of the Spanish Main-French West India Company-Pirate
Selemcnit of Tortuga-Laws. Manners, and Expeditious of tl
' eebooters-Lolonois-Taking of Maracaibo-ltlorgan's Exp
aition to the South Sea-Capture of Panama ^

f)3

COXTKNTS.

?•

( llAl'TKll IV.

KNliLISil ((<l,(iN(i:S UNDKK QL'KKN ANNE.
[ITO'J— 1T(I4.] .

Accession of Qiu'cu Auno — Teniin'i- of tlio Colonies at that period —
lU'vifw of the Colonial Policy of William ill. — rro;j;ress of the
War of the Spanish Succession — Views of English Politicians of
Louis XIV. — Provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht — Assignment
of the Asiento to iMigland — Canada and Acadia during the War . 100

('IIAPTEP V.

:\IISS1SSII'1T AND SOUTH-SICA Sf'HKMFS.

[1713—1739.]

Accession of (leorge I. — Death of Louis XIV. — Long i)eace, dis-
turhed only by the ambition of Cardinal Alberoni — Views of the
English Colonies on the Accession of George I. — Progress of
Commerce — Paper Money — John Law — Mississippi Scheme —
South Sea Scheme — Papid Progress of the English Colonies
during the Peace — Administration of Waljiole — Quarrel with
Spain 133

C^HAPTER VI.

CAl'TUUE OK U)UISnUR(t.

[1730—1748.]

Views of the English Colonies under George II. — Tendency to Inde-
pendence, a Pesult of the Development of Free Nations — Virtual
Independence of the Colonies as evinced by Colonial Legislation —
War of 1739 — Vernon seizes Porto Bello — Anson's Voyage — Fall
of Walpole — France joins the Spaniards — Austrian Succession —
Hostilities in Acadia — Shirley Governor of Massachusetts — Cap-
ture of Lonisburg — Fontenoy — Jacobite Rebellion of '45 . . 1G6

CHAPTER VII.

STRATKUIC VAIiUK OK CANADA TO FRANCE.

[1748—1755.]

Able Statesmen of France under Louis XV. — Commissioners to decide
the Boundaries of Acadia — Aggressions of the French in America ;
Letter of the lOarl of Albemarle thereupon- -M. de la Galissoniere's
Paper on the Strategic Value of Canada — Conduct of the English
Colonies on hearing of the French Aggressions — M. du Quesne —
Canadian Militia — M. Celeron despatched to the Ohio — Unsuc-
cessful Mission of Washington — Commencement o f Hostihties . 189

CONTENTS.

vii

PAIIF.

100

ClIIAPTEU VIII.
CASirAK.N ON Tin; monoxisaiikla.

[1755— IT.Vj.J

rolitical (.'uiiditiou of the Colouies — Congress of Albany — Braddock's
Expedition — llattlc of tlie Monungahela — Defeat of Pioskau —
Actiun taken in this emergency liy Now Hampshire, Massa-
chusetts, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Vir-
ginia, and the Carolinas ........

CliAl'TEli IX.

CUNQUEbT OF CANADA.

[1757— 17G3.]

Accession of William I'itt to Tower — Capture of Louisburg— State
uf Society iu Canada before the Conquest — Cai)ture of Quebec —
Effect of the Conquest of Quebec on the English Colonies .

PACK

221

269

133

CllAl'TEK X.

UECl.AUATloN- 01'' AMKUICAN INDKl'ENDKNCE.

[1703—1783.]

Conciliatury Character of Euglisli Legislation with regard to America
up to tlie time of the 'J'reaty of Fontainebleau — Change in Eng-
lish Policy after that date — Pitt — The King, tlie House of Com-
mons— Administration of Grenville — Progress of discontent in
America — The Stamp Act — Lord Puckingham's Administration —
Keaccession of Pitt to Power — Measiu'es which resulted in the
War of American Independence. ......

301

3a;

■e's
ish

1G6

181)

CHAPTER XI.

ENGLISH, SPANISH, AND PORTUGUESE AMEUICA DURING THE
REVOLUTIONARY WAR.

[1763—1815.]

Louisiana — Position of Canada under English Military Rule — Inllux
of English Settlers — The Quebec Act, 1774 — Division of Canada
into Two Provinces by the Constitution Act of 1791 — Growth of
Antagonism between English and French Settlers — French Revo-
lution— Revolutionary War — American Wav of 1812 — Gallantry
of the Canadians — Position of the Spanish Colonies — Mexican
Revolution of 1810— Gradual Spread oi Anarchy in S])anish
America — Political Stale of Brazil — Removal of the Portuguese
Monarchy to that Country — Declaration of Brazilian Independence 334

VIII

(.;()N'i'KNT.S.

CHAITEU XII.

KSTAllUSIIME.NT oK I'ARIJAMKNTAUY liUVEKNMKNT.

[1815—1848.]

vAur.

Rstjiblisliineiit of Kcsiioiisible Government — Powers of Colonial

(lovernors — Rclx'llion Losses Bill 3GU

CHAITKl; Xlll.

Pll()POHEl> FEDERATION OK milTISII AMERICA.

[1848—1805.]

Ministerial "Dead Lock" in Canada — First Pioiiosal of a Fetlera-
lion — Commercial Position of the Colonies proposing to join the
Federation — Description of the Plan oUl

CHAPTER XIV.

RESULT OF KNiJMSII POLICY.

18G5.

Position of England with regard to the Colonies — Dnty of defend-
ing Canada — Course of Policy to be pursued — Natiual Tendency
of Colonies to Independence — Present Position of Ih'itish Ame-
rica compared with that of the American Colonies before the
Declaration of Independence — Power of Veto which resides in the
Crown — Probable Manner of Separation — Sir George Lewis on
Colonial Independence — Proper Mode of pre])aring for Separa-
tion— Draft Treaty of Separation — Examination of the projiosed
Federation Scheme as it affects Imix-rial Interests on Military
Questions, on Commercial Questions, on Matters involved in
Questions of Legislation — Probable Form of the Future Govern-
ment of British North America — Conclusion ....

420

I'AliR

3GU

'Ml

EXODUS

THE WESTERN NATIONS.

420

CHAPTER I.

ACADIA AND CANADA.

[1089—1718.]

Kaily fortunes of Ai:adia— Tl,o 15arou de St. Castiu-Fronch Plan of Co-
Ionization— Military Ruttlcnicnts in Cauada-xAI. Talon-M. de Froutenac
— M. de Dcnouvillc— M. do Callieres— M. de Vaudrenil.

The first Frenchmen who estahlished themselves in cuAnut
Acadia were fishermen, wlio wintered on tlie coast _L.
and pursued their trade in the summer ; they Avere
joined by traders, soldiers, artizans and labourers,
who, from time to time, arrived in the train of
leaders to whom the fortunes of the colony were
intrusted. Port Royal was established in 1604. The 1604
French government, entirely ignoring the settlements
of the English, Dutch, and Spaniards, conveyed to
M. de Monts the whole of North America, from the
pole to the tropics ; nor did they appear to be under
any apprehension that they were taking too large a
view of tlie limits of their power.

VOL. II,

ii^

'• .'1.

■I

1 M

Chapter
I.

160G

2 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

M. de Moiits transferred bis rio-lit over Anadia to
M. de Poutrieoiirt, who, in IGOG, took out to Port
Royal a complete expedition, comprising artificers of
every kind, and v. considerable nnniber of agricultural
labourers.

The new colony almost immediately commenced the
vicissitudes wbicli afterwards l)eset its career. The
Englisli looked with jealousy upon fortifications whicli
commanded tlie entrance of tlieir harbours, and
attacked the French before they liad time to tlioroughly
establish themseb'es. The log-huts of the settlers
were soon re]mired, and the scattered colonists left
tlieir hiding-places, whither they liad been driven by
the marauders. But for fifty years they remained
exposed to constant attack ; sometimes from the In-
dians, sometimes from a succession of adventurers,
wdio, under tlie pretence of claiming seigneuries
granted by the Crown of F'rance, kept up a perpetual
state of disturbance. The whole country presented
nothing but a series of mountain fastnesses and desert
solitudes ; it was divided, like the fertile soil of France
itself, into seigneuries : each seigneur, assembling his
ragged vassals, w^aged a war of extermination against
his neighbours, without other interference from home
than the occasioi'al grant ot a new patent, and the
arrival of a new noble to ta^ie his share of the dis-
turbance. The most powerfi:! of these new-world
seigneurs had not at their disp()Sal more than twenty
or thirty men.* Each constructed for himself a little
citadel and fortified post ; each devoted himself only
to the destruction of his neighbours, and did his

Hanionii, Franco mix (^olonios, p. 21.

insG— 1713.

Acadia to

to Port

i fleers of

•ieultural

need the

)r. The

Qs which

irs, and

)roug]ily

settlers

lists left

•ivon by

emained

the In-

nturers,

»'nei"iries

jrpetual

esented

:1 desert

France

ing- liis

against

11 home

md the

;he dis-

-world

twenty

a little

f only

id hih

EXoin;s OF the western nationh. 3

lfi89— 1713.]

best to paralyse the development of his adopted Chapter

country.

During the time of Cromwell, an English expedition
took possession of Port Royal and the greater part
of Acadia. One of the principal seigneurs, M. de
Latour de Saint Eticnne, who had established him-
self at Cap de Sable, provided himself with a patent
both from the French and English : he made such
interest with Cromwell that he obtained from the
Protector the command of the whole of Nova Scotia
— his success was not of long duration. At the resto-
ration of the Stuarts, Acadia was given back to
France ; and M. d'Andigny de Grand Fontaine, who
was sent there as governor, expelled M. Latour from
his dominions, and united in one colony the settle-
ments which had been scattered over the country,
leaving to each proprietor only a seigneurial right
subordinate to the central authority. From this time
the colony began to prosper : it had hitherto been
but a den of adventurers, whose ostensible pursuits
were the fur-trade and the fisheries, and whose real
avocations were confined to war and piracy. A con-
siderable number of persons had followed various
adventurers into Acadia ; so that at the time of the
taking of Port Royal, in 1054, there w^ere about 1654
a hundred and fifty families. A short time after-
wards, a M. le Borgne established there a considerable
expedition ; his example was followed by others ;
one of whom, M. Beni^., brought a party of 120 men
to Cape Breton, and settled them there at an ex-
pense to himself of some 50,000 livres : there were
also fortified posts at Pentagouet, at the River St.

R 2

!'jl

i I

rti

i EXODUS OF 'J'HE WESTERN XA'J'IONS.

[l()89— 1713.

Cii. iTEu John, and at tlie Cap de Sable. All these, l)y order
_ of M. d'Andigny de Graiidfontaino, assembled for
mutual defence and security at Port Royal : but, to
such a decree had feuds and misery diminished the
1671 population, that a census in 1071 only gave 400
inhabitants for the whole of Acadia, of which 380
were at Port Royal : it must, however, be remem-
bered, that the original colonists had been in a great
measure absorbed among their Indian allies, the Abe-
nakis, and that their Imnters and fur-traders -were
prol)ably not present, and so were not included in
the returns.

The Acadian population had little or no communi-
cation with the neighbouring settlers in Canada :
the Canadians, from the beginning, resembled a

French canton trans})lanted into America ; their
population consisted of peasants, peaceful and hard-
working, regularly organized under feudal seig-
neurs, at whose order they had left their homes.
The Acadians were fisliermen, soldiers, and adven-
turers of every kind, who ranged tliemselves into
seigneuries by the force of national custom, but who
owed very little to the government, and became
soon, to a great extent, tibsorbed in the aboriginal
population.

The neglect of the French government produced
its natural result on the character of the Acadians :
they acquired a degree of self-reliance which the
population of Canada were far f^om imiiating. Both
in their warlike expeditions, and in their agricultural
establishments, tliey showed great activity ; they
wanted but numbers to enable them to make head

G89— 1713.

w order
)hd for
but, to
ibed the
ve 400
ch 380
reinem-
a great
le Abe-
^s Avere
ided ill

nmuni-
aiiada :
bled a

tlioir
bard-

seig-
lomes,
idven-
s into
:t who
ecame
igiiial

hiced
bans :
the
Both
tiiral
tliey
head

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NA'J'iONS. 6

1680—1713.]

against the New Engbmders : they bad all the ele-
ments for the formation of a national character as
self-reliant as that of their neighbours; but i.i the
course of their whole existence under the dominion of
France, they hardly received two hundred emigrants.
Notwithstanding the paucity of their numbers, they
kept the aggressive expeditions of the English in
check, and often returned with a I'ich booiy from
their piratical expeditions.

France, as well as England, bad in those days her
" gentlemen adventurers." The adventurers of each
nation belonged to a type peculiarly its own. One
of the chief leaders of the French Acadians — the
Baron de Saint Castin — was a remarkable specimen
of bis class. Saint Castin was a JJernese by birth.
He had been a captain in the celebrated regiment " de
Carignan,"' and had come over with his corps under
M. de Tracy to the assistance of the Canadian settlers.
'Saint Casdn received his discharge in Canada, and
became one of the militaiy colonists which the policy
of France established on the Richelieu : but a peace-
ful life was ill suited to his restless spii'it. He crossed
the frontier, and settled himself among the rocky
fastnesses of the Abenakis, in order to share to the
full the excitement of a life of ambuscades, dang..^,
skirmishes, and ])lunder. He soon obtained a com-
manding inlluence over the Indians, and married the
daught^er of tlioir chief. At his summons, all the
tribes on the frontier between Acadia and New Eno--
land would "lift the hatchet" and assemble round
his fort at Pantagouet, where he lived like some
baron of the middle ages, in rude splendour, sur-

(.'IIAPTEK
I.

1708

6 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1G89--1713.

Chafi'er rounded by a horde of vagabond Frenchmen wlioni
he had attached to his fortunes. For years he was
the terror of the frontier. The annals of the Puri-
tan colonies are full of his exploits, which greatly
retarded the advance of civilization among the New
En glanders. In 1708 he succeeded to a fortune in
France. He left his fort and his command to his
eldest son, by the Abenaki squaw whom he had made
his baroness. Till the capture of Acadia by Nichol-
son, and the conclusion of the Treaty of Utrecht,
young de Castin kept the field at the head of his
Indians. If he could not emulate the rude talent of
his father, he at least endeavoured to excel him in
cruelty and ferocity. He was taken prisoner at last ;
effected his escnpe ; arrived in Beam just in time to
witness the death of his father, and to succeed in his
turn to the fortune which had seduced the elder
pirate from his Indian friends. But the roving
humour w;is too stroni*' for civilization oven with
a fortune; in 1731, we find him again on the frontiers
of iVcadia, where he vanishes, sword in hand, out of
history.

A vast territory was at this time in the hands of
France. The English colonies, full as they were of
life, were but a strip along the Atlantic coast. Putting
aside the untenable claims which France asserted in
the patents granted to De Monts, she actually possessed
settlements in all parts of Nortli America, as far as
Mexico on the south and California on the west. She
had posts on Hudson's Bay and Salvador ; she had
forts upon the Mississippi and the Missouri that
hemmed the English In. Such trade as existed in

1731

089—1713.

ri w]ioni
lie was
10 Puri-
greatly
be New
tune in
1 to liis
d made
S^icliol-
treclit,
of Iiis
lent of
'lim in
t last ;
ime to
in his

elder
oving-

with
ntiers
ut of

ds of
re of
tting
d in
-vssed
r as

She

had
that
1 in

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 7

1689—1713.]

Oregon and California was exclusively in the hands Cukvvvm
of her pedlers, and she held tlie embouchure of the _
Mississippi hy lier establishments in Louisiana ; she
commanded the outlet of the St. Lawrence and the
great lakes by her fortresses at ^[ontreal and Quebec.
In the Antilles she held half St. Domingo, St. Louis,
La Dominique, St.Yincent, Tobago, St. Bartholomew,
Martinique and Guadaloupe ; in South America,
Guiana and the Falkland Islands : she was domi-
nant in India ; she had establishments in Cochin
China ; she possessed forts in Algeria and in Senegal ;
the Isle of France and the Island of Keunion were
hers; she held the sovereignty of Madagascar. Of
all these, no doubt, the North American possessions
were of the greatest value. But the pursuit of mili-
tary successes left Louis XIA^. no time to attend to
colonization ; and brave Frenchmen were left un-
aided to defeat at the hands of the English, while
Louis lavished money enough on pjilaces and mis-
tresses, and men enough at Oudenarde and Mal-
plaquet, to found in Canada and Louisiana monu-
ments of his powder more enduring tlian even the
misery which his policy entailed on France.

The common belief, that the French are unfitted for
colonization, appears to be without foundation. Her
fiiilures must be attributed rather to her policy
than to any defect in the character of her people.
The habit of centralizing authority, and excluding
the people from all participation in power, must
of necessity have been disastrous ; but great as
those evils were in France, they were still greater in
the colonies. There was in France a shadow of

1 I

EXUDL'S OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1689-1713,

Chaftku popular representation ; in the colonies even the
__ "communes" did not exist. Of all societies colonies
most require to be let alone ; goverimient interference
checks their self-reliance, and consequently their pros-
perity : the habit of settling- their own affairs produces
men active, and full of resource, in times of emer-
gency. The French administration was wrong from
beginning to end ; there was no continuous stream of
emigration to keep up the tie between France and
the colonies, no self-government to foster habits of
independence. Now and then an expedition was sent
out, with regularly-appointed leaders from among the
governing class ; the rank and file of the expedition
were usually peasants forced to emigrate, not at
their own discretion but at the command of their
feudal superiors. The necessary numbers were made
up eitlier by a general gaol delivery, or by the
despatch of a regiment of soldiers who, after re-
pulsing the Indians or performing the immediate
military object for which they were despatched, were
invited to settle down as military colonists under the
seigneurial control of their officers, on frontier land
grants. No works of public utility were undertaken ;
communications with the mother-country were unfre-
queiit ; commerce was smothered by absurd and
unjust restrictions ; education was unknown ; the
garrisons were in general recruited by the offscour-
ings of the French army, and the governors were left
to defend themselves against constant attacks, by the
aid of the native militia. If in oliedience to some
freak of a minister, or caprice of a king's mistress, an
expedition was sent out, the unwonted impulse sel-

389-1713.

■^en the
^oloniGs
■ference
ir pros-
L'oduces

enier-
^ from
earn of
ce and
jita of
IS sent
Dg the
dition
lot at

their
made
y the
'T re-
idiate
were
V the

land
ken ;
nfre-

and

the
iour-

left

tlie
ome
, an
sei-

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 9

1689—1713.]

dom lasted long enough to inspire the government Chai-teb
who sent it fortli with patience to organize the _
details of their undertaking ; the unhappy colonists
were cast on the shores of the new world, onlv to add
to the misery of those who were already there. Such
was the government as regards action. For those who
presumed to act without the sanction of the authori-
ties, or to do what their idleness and incapacity pre-
veni;ed them from undertaking, no vengeance was too
severe.

A colony requires to he let alone, it also requires
peace : it is only in times of profound tranquillity
that the pioneer has heart to redeem lands from the
forest, to plant his crops, or to gatlier in his harvest;
hut the unfortunate French colonists were kept, by
the aggressive ^spirit of their leaders, in a state of
constant warfare ; they struggled vainly and bravely
against many discouragements and defeats. The
cohesion, the intensely French nationality of the
Lower Canadians i.t the f)i'esent day, is the best
answer that can be given to the assertion that the
French people afford unfit materials for colonization ;
it is rather a subject of astonishment that they did so
much, than that they did so little in the face of such
difficulties.

In 17G4 a census was taken in Canada bv order of
Colbert.* From this it appeared that the number of
souls was 7,832 — a census taken ten years before
had sliown a larger number. It must, however, be
remembered that the census of IGGG was made by the
" Compagnie des Cents Assocics," who were then on

* i?;iiiu'au, La France aux Colonios, vul. ii. [i, 39.

•n

i: t

10 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1089—1713.

Chaiter tlie point of surrendering their charter, and who were

— -L naturally anxious to make the number of persons

under their jurisdiction appear as large as possible

in order to acquire the best possible terms in winding

up the company.

Still, allowing for exaggeration in the earlier cen-
sus, the increase had not been great. A very con-
siderable proportion of the able-bodied young men
wandered away from the settlements, attracted by the
life of Indian pedlers, " coureurs des bois," as they
were called by the French. The trade in peltries
always brought in a ready and quick return ; the life
was adventurous, and well suited to a high-spirited
race, to whom the restraints of the settlements were
irksome in the extreme : these men became in time
of war scouts, and leaders of the Indian levies. They
married squaws, and conformed in all respects to the
manners of their savage brethren. While yet the
settlements at Montreal and Three llivers consisted
of but a few families, the coureurs des bois had
estal)lished a considerable traffic along the valley of
the Saskatchewan, and even across the Rocky Moun-
tains ; they penetrated by way of the great lakes
right up to Hudson's Bay ; they explored Labrador
and the still lonely Saguenay. Like the lumberers
of modern America, these men of the woods returned
at long intervals to tlic settlements with pockets full
of money from the sale of their "butin." The word
still survives among the French voyageurs ; and
indeed in its English dress " plunder " still signifies,
among the inhabitants of the great West, not ill-
gotten goods, as might be supposed, but lawful pos-

1(;,S9--1713.
vlio were
' persons
possible
winding"

lier een-
erj con-
"g" men
i bj the
as tliey
peltries
the Jife
spirited
ts were
in time

Tliey
! to the
^et tlie
nsisted
s had
Iley of
Moim-

lakes
)i"ador
berers
Lirned
;s full
word

and
lifies,
t ill-

1)0S-

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. II

1689—1713.]

sessions. A ^yestern man packs np his " plunder " Chaitkk
before leaving home ; he saves part of his " plunder" _ _
from a fire in his own form-house. Cheery, brave,
light-hearted, are still the descendants of tlie old
coureurs des bois. The hunter on the Western
prairie will still find them the truest comrades in a
skirmish, the most lively comjianions at the camp-
fire ; he may still listen to tales of Indian fights or
old songs in the Norman patois, for the language is
as little changed as the race. A Frenchman may
hear on the shores of the Rainy Lake or on the
banks of the Arthabasca the same provincialism that
he left among the apple orchards of Granville and
St. Malo at home.

The coureurs des bois were extremely useful to
the merchants engaged in the fur trade, who gave
them the necessary credit to proceed on their com-
mercial undertakings. Three or four of them would
join their stock, put their property into a birch-
bark canoe which they worked themselves, and
accompany the Indians in their excursions into
the country where they were to hunt. These
voyages extended sometimes to twelve or fifteen
months ; they returned with rich cargoes of furs,
and followed by great numbers of natives. During
the short time requisite to settle their accounts
with the merchants, and pi'ocuie fresh credit, they
generally contrived to squander away all their gains,
contented, like sailors ashore after a cruize, if they
could indulge themselves in extravagance and dissi-
pation during one month in twelve or fifteen. This
indifference about amassing money, and the pleasure

If i:

.iif

ff >

12 EXODUS t)F Till': WKSTEJiN NATKlNS.

[lOf^!)— 171;?.

€nAiTEu of liviii"- free from all restraint, soon broiig-lit on a
licentiousness of manners \vliicli eould not long escape
the vigilant observation of tlie missionaries, wlio com-
plained that they were a disgrace to the Christian
religion : it was alleged that they not only swerved
from its duties themselves but brought it into dis-
repute with those natives who luid become converts
to it. The missionaries therefore exerted their influ-
ence to have the Indian trade placed under some sort
of supervision : an order was issued by the governor
that no one was to go up the country to traffic witli
the Indians without a licence from the government.
At first the permissions were only granted to men
whose character was such as to give no alarm to
the missionaries ; but they w^ere afterwards bestowed
as rewards for military service on officers and their
widows ; and those who were not able or willing to
make use of them, were allowed to sell them to the
merchants who employed the coureurs des bois in
(juality of their agents : in a short time the remedy
proved worse than the disease.

At length military posts were established at the
confluence of the different large lakes of Canada,
which in a great measure checked the evil. A num-
ber of able and respectable men retired from the
army prosecuted the trade in person under their
respective licences with great order and regularity,
and extended it to a great distance.

Before IGTI), Louis XIA"^., under the advice of
Colbert, paid some little attention to his subjects in
New France ; in his latter 3'ears he almost entirely
neglected them. It has been already mentioned

[I(;,s!)-i7j;5.
gilt on a
iig" escape
wlio corn-
Christian
swerved
into dis-
con verts
eir influ-
ome sort
^■overnor
^tic witli
irnment.
to men
iarm to
estowed
id their
ling to
to the
:'ois in
eniedy

EXODUS (»F THE WESTERN NATIONS.

i;!

at tJie
-anada,
L niim-
m the
their
laritv,

ice of
cts in
tirelj
ioned

If5.s9— 1713.]

tliat M. de Tracy, on liis arrival in UKJT, hron^-lit cumtkii
with liini some 1 ')()() men: till then, the colonists liad — -
never seen a Imndi'ed and firtv icgnlar soldiers to- ^''*"
gether. The single tribe of the Ircxpiois could ])riiig
2000 warriors to their war-])().st. It was therefore a
new sensation for the ])lundcred and liarassed emi-
o'lants to feel that thev could hold their own aii'ainst
any foe, and once more respect themselves as ti'ue
subjects of the Grand Monarqiie. The arrival of the
troops was followed l)y an influx of the small tradei's,
commissaries, artizans, and servants who usually
followed the march of a militarv force. De Tracy
was accompanied by M. Talon, a man of remarkable
talent, who enjoyed the complete confidence of Col-
bert, and who in his capacity of intendaut did as much
as was possible under the circumstances to forward
the fortunes of the colony. Indeed, if the funda-
mental maxim of French colonization be granted,
that a colony can be formed by the talent and energy
of its chiefs, and not by the self-reliance and labour
of the rank and file, it must be acknowledged that
France was well served ; the list of Canadian wor-
thies, from Cartier to jMontcalm, comprises many of
the noblest and greatest names in France. The
policy of France was ably forwarded by them. Tf
they succeeded in any degree, it was in spite of, and
not by virtue of, the system whicli they administered.
Too much nursing, too much interference, in a word,
too much government, was fatal to the spirit, and,
ultimately, to the existence of the French power.

When the Compagnie des Cents Associes re- 1l,v)7
signed its charter, a blank sheet was spread before

I ,

IGdS

L^f

14 KXODUS 01' TIIK WESTRUN NATIONS.

[1080—1713.

Chaptku Talon, wlio was to impress npoii it what cliaracter
lie would. lie estaldislicd villances in the woods
hehind Qiiehec ; he placed there the f^iniilies of colo-
nists, and the "en^agvs'' wlio came under his orders
from France. When M. de Tracy had employed his
Carignan regiment in driving back the Iroquois to
their fastnesses, Talon, hy permission of the home
g-overnment, persuaded almost the whole body to
settle in organized seigneuries, each under its own
officer.

The whole regiments were established in that
fertile district between the Richelieu and the St.
Lawrence, which lies just to the south of Montreal.
There was thus formed on the frontier of the Iroquois
country a military colony, composed of men, who
not only in Canada but in Turkey, had been accus-
tomed to savage warfare. Each officer was sur-
rounded by vassals whom he had known and trusted
in many dangerous scenes. At one stroke a rein-
forcemc -t of some eight or nine hundred men was
planted on the direct route between Canada and
the English settlements, in a country which, during
the war that terminated with the cession of Canada,
was the scene of constant fighting. The care of the
home government did not rest here ; a hundred and
fifty or two hundred girls of good character were sent
out every year under the charge of some trustworthy
nun, to find husbands in the colony. Talon, in one
of liis letters,* mentions that a Madame Etienne, who
had already been sent out in charge of young ladies,
was about to return to France to bring out " those

* loth November, 1670.

;ifi80— 1713.

cliaracter
le woods
3 of colo-
n's orrlers
oycd Ill's
>qiiois to
'e Iiome
body to
its own

in that
the St.
ontreal.
[^roquois
n, who
1 acciis-
as siir-
trusted
a rein-
3n was
a and
clurinof
anada,
of the
d and
e sent
^orthj
n one
wlio
adies,
those

EXODUS OF TFIE WESTERN NATIONS, 15

Kisft— 1713.]

^ tliat are required for this year :" lie hints in another CiiArrKu

place that four or five of the otiicers of the Curi^-iuin -__

fl re,2;inient were still without wives, and that younf^

ladies of "noble birth " nii,i;ht find this a desirable
opportunity of settliii<»' themselves in life. Two things
in particular strike the Eng-lish reader of this and
such-like passages: — First. I low deeply rooted was
the aristocratic temper of France, when the govern- h
ment could descend to provide even in the wilds of
Canada against the chance of a misalliance, such as
would be ini|)lied in the marriage of a noble with a
bourgeoise. Secondly. How im])ossible it is for a
government however ably administered to form a
colony. It seems to be a law of nature that the
battle of life must be fought by each man for himself
that communities must succeed or fail accordino; to
the degree of patient industry, courage, and self-re-
liance of the units who compose it, rather than by
virtue of laws, however wise, or of patronage, how-
ever enlightened. Compare the paternal despotism
of France with the policy of England ; the one ready
with its donation of fifty livres to any girl who would
marry within its dominions, the other parading with
custos rotulorum and posse comitatns in search of a
half-famished company of Puritans, who, hidden
somewhere among the rocks on the bleak Norfolk
coast, watched for a chance of escape to Holland : or
in later times, on the one hand, a regiment settling-
down on its government grants legislated for and
petted ; on the other, a band of half-starved and
scurvy-stricken cripples, each of whom had paid away
his last coin to Jeffreys for leave to stow himself

> w

IG EXUDUJS 01' THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1089—1713.

Chapter away ill a sliijD bouud f(jr the plantations. Con-
J_ trast one colonist, conscripted, pursued by the tax-
gatherer, the recruiting-serjeaiit, the census officer,
married at the wish of his seigneur, })rotected,
worried out of his liberty and his independence ;
and the other starting into instant rebellion if he
were but asked to contribute a farthing towards
the expenses of a war in which liis own safety
was concerned. The English colonists rushed for-
V ard once and again wherever hard knocks were
going or glory was to be won. They fitted out ships,
they raised men, they furnished money, for taking of
Port Royal, capture of Canada, and so on ; but not
one farthing of taxes would they pay. It needs but
to compare the t^^'o, to watch the progress of the
self-reliant colonist and tlie helj^less downfall of the
other, to acknowledge how little governments can do
towards helping an infai^.t colony except by letting it
alone.

The inhabitants were stationed principally round
Quebec and Montreal. Every year during this, the
palmy time of Canadian emigration, before Louis XI Y.
had become disheartened by the ajiparent break-down
of his f)lans, or the exigencies of European war had
distracted his attention and obliged him to abandon
his views, some thousand or more emigrants were
sent from France ; of course in organized parties,
eacli under seigneurs and directed on their arrival to
spots where the governor desired to establish towns
or villages. Before Talon left the colony, he had
received a consignment of another regiment,
which like the Cariffnan received each man his

EXODUS OF TF/E WESTERN NATIONS.

1G89— 1713.]

discliarge, his grant, his pension, liis wife, and his Chapter

• .1-1

seigneur

IJamcau, ii. 31.

Up to that time forty-three seigneurial concessions 1672
had been granted : each occupied a strategic position
witli reference to possible collision with the Indians
or the English ; each concessionaire brought with him
a number of engages, servants liired nominally for a
certain limited time. Every inhabitant of a colony
or captain of a ship had the power of engaging work-
men or apprentices in France to serve for three years.
The eno'ao-(3 owed his master the f^ama obedience as a
military recruit. Engages were seldom treated in
North America with the cruelty such as that which
often occurred in the other colonial settlements of
France, more especially in those inhabited by the
ferocious freebooters of the tropical seas. In Canada
they usually lived in the family of the settler, and
were treated as members of the family : not unfre-
quently the servant when his term of servitude had
expired married one of the daughters of the house, and
established himself by the side of his former master,
or wandered away into the woods and swelled the
ranks of the Indian traders. As early as the year
IGGO, the employment of engages was recommended IGGO
by the Superior Council of Quebec ; each captain of
a vessel was compelled to take out a certain number
of them : a vessel of sixty tons took out three ; one
of a hundred tons six, and the number increased in pro=
portion to the tonnage of the ship. On arrival in the
colony, the captain, who had covenanted to supply
the eagage with food, clothing, and a small sum of

vol.. II.

<l: U

18 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1689—1713.

i^iiArTER money, sold his contract to the highest hidder. The
— _ transport of engages was often a losing concern. A
captain who was bound by the regulations of the
marine department to take out a given number, if un-
successful in his attempt at kidnapping or unwilling
to resort to it, had to offer so large a bounty for
recruits that it was more advantageous for him to
adopt the alternative of paying a fine of sixty livres
a head to the department of marine.

A few years after the settlement of the Carignan
regiment in Canada, another census was taken, which,
to the disgust of Louis XIY. and to the dismay of
Colbert, showed a decrease in the population. Up to
this time Louis had devoted considerable attention to
the development of his American dominions. From
this time forth, either from disgust at the ^'ailure of
his plans, or on account of the increasing urgency
of his European schemes, he troubled himself very
little about them : no more well-assorted emigrations
started with royal approval and good-will ; no more
girls, healthy and good-looking, were selected with
parental care to be the wives of Canadian settlers ;
no more noble virgins started oif to mate with the
lords of proud Canadian seignemies : even before the
ill success of home politics and. ambition had deprived
Louis of the power to aid New France, the will was
gone, the toy thrown aside, and the settlers on the St.
Lawrence were left to struggle as they best might
with the world. Yet, although they were thus
neglected by their king, they did not the less feel at
every turn the interference of their immediate supe-
riors. Before long they lost tlie able guidance of

-^<E-

,1 I

if un-

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 19

1689—1713.]

Talon ; he continued for a time to administer the CiiArxER
finances inider tlie government of M. de Coiircelles, __
who s xeeded M. de Tracy, but on the arrival of
M. de Frontenac he resigned. If any man could 1^>7-
produce good out of a bad system, he was the man to
do it ; his successors were men of talents far inferior
to tliose which he })ossessed. Frontenac, the new
governor, was a mere soldier ; he ruled the colony
with the milltar}' !<trictness which he would have dis-
played in command of a regiment. The result, as in
a regiment where the reins of discipline are too
tightly drawn, was that the colonists fled across the
frontier in considerable numbers and joined the Eng-
lish colonies, which were tlion, as we have seen,
rising into such a degree of importance as to give
M. de Frontenac great lU) easiness : ^I. de Barre, who
succeeded Frontenac, was even less fitted than he for 1082
the administration of a colon v. To add to their dis-
tresses, the Iroquois in 1(]84, broke the peace which
had now subsisted nearly twenty years, and attacked
them with great fury. The occasion was well cliosen :
the policy of Talon had been so far followed that al-
most all the soldiers who had from time to time been
sent out as reinforcements for the garrison had
accepted their discharge, and were settled on their
various grants. There were not more than one
liundred and fifty regular soldiers under arms who
could be readily made available to repel attack : the
population amounted to nine thousand or ten thousand
persons, but though the ])osition of the various
seigneuries had been chosen with judgment, only a
few settlements hnd really taken root ; tlie strongest

^*m

". k

20 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1089—1713.

Chaiteb were those at Quebec and Montmorenci, and the
— mihtary posts on the llicheHeu, but all were com-
pletely surprised by the suddenness of the Indian in-
vasion.

It was about this time that the first establishments
were made in Louisiana. The Fathers Menard and
Allouez had already visited the uj^per part of the
Mississippi ; Marquette, La Salle, and Tonti had
established posts in tho Illinois coinitry ; and the first
of that immense line of forts which, according to the
seliemes of French politicians, were to imite Canada
with Louisiana, and to hem in the English within
their narrow limits on the Atlantic, were already
constructed.

It is curious to remark that, almost immediately
after the establishment of this post, the colonists on
the Mississippi began to be a source of uneasiness to
the governors of Canada. M. de Denonville writes,*
in a most amusing paroxysm of anger, at French
eensitaires who presumed to escape from their lawful
seigneurs. " M. de la Salle says he has made conces-
sions at Fort St. Louis to certain Frenchmen who
have been for some years residing there without any
intention of returning. This has given rise to an
infinity of disorders and .abominations. Those to
whom M. de la Salle made his concessions are all of
them young men who have no means of cultivating
the land. Every week they marry, after the Indian
fnshi(jn, squaws whom they purchase from their
parents; these good-for-nothing (vauriens) pretend to
be independent masters of these distant lands. All

* liatli August, 1087.

89—1713.

nd the
■e com-
lian in-

hments
rd and

of the
iti had
he first

to the
Canada
within
-Iready

liately
sts on
less to
rites,*
'reiicli
awful
:)nces-

who
t any
to an
se to
all of
ating"
idian
their
I id to

All

EXOUUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 21

1689—1713.]

this is in disorder. This year ten of them had plotted Chaiter
together to lead tlie English to the Mississippi ; the _—
war stopped these plans. The remedy for all this is
that the king should revoke all such distant conces-
sions— that the garrisons of these remote posts should
be changed every two years at the least ; and that
trade should he confined to fortified places where
there are commandants. We will try to discipline
our men and to regulate the traffic on our rivers by
associations among the coureurs des bois. Otherwise
they will ruin our commerce. For this purpose com-
panies of Canadians are necessarily under the orders
of tried otficers."

Nothing can be more characteristic of French rule
than the tone of this letter. A score of men, so poor
that they htid not means to cultivate the ground,
escape into the woods and marry Indian wives —
Yauriens ! exclaims M. de Denonville — Desordres !
Abominations ! If they are not brought back by a
com23any of soldiers under tried officers they will ruin
our commerce. With what astonishment a similar
outcry would have been received if made over the
removal of English emigrants from Maine or Carolina.
The English restricted the trade of our colonists, but
never made themselves ridiculous by petty inter-
ference.

Now, if ever, was the time for a repetition by 1689
France of the great effort of 16 06. A couple of
thousand men sent into Canada, well provided and
well led, joined to the provincial militia — old Carig-
nan veterans and Indian pedlers — would probably
have been strong enough to carry out the scheme which

I-

1,1

•; I

22 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1G89— 1713.

Chapter M. de Callieres often submitted to Louis XI Y. of
— _ taking New York. But tlie golden opportunity was
lost. The Marquis de Denonville exhibited in his
dealings with the Indians two grave defects — un-
sparing treachery and wretched incapacity. He
succeeded in exasperating the Indians to the highest
pitch, and completely lost his presence of mind when
they attacked him. On one occasion ho persuaded a
large number of their chiefs to meet him at Fort
Frontenac to discuss terms of peace. Having reliance
on his safe conduct, they put themselves into his
power; but he was so regardless of honour, and of the
usages of civilized nations, as to seize them and con-
demn them to labour as formats in the French galleys.
[t cannot be wondered at that treachery so cruel
should provoke a war of extermination. A party of
Indians stealthily advanced to La Chine, a small post
two hours' march from Montreal, and murdered the
garrison. Denonville determined to withdraw from
the upper country; Fort Niagara was abandoned;
Fort Frontenac, which had been built on the spot
where Kingston now stands, was blown up and dis-
mantled : to aggravate the misery of the P'rench a
dreadful plague appeared, and decimated the inha-
bitants, '^riie case of the colony appeared almost
desperate ; it was evident that if even a renmant was
to be preserved, the conduct of affairs must be taken
out of the hands of DenonA^ille. M. de Frontenac
was recalled to Canada, and assumed the chief com-
mand in 1G8J). He was accompanied by M. de
Callieres as inteiidant, and by the Iroquois chiefs
whom Denonville had sent in chains to the galleys.

».*m-mt*nm^

1G89— 1713.

XIY. of

nity was
^1 in his
cts — im-
y. He
liigbest
id wlieii
uacled a
at Fort
'elfance
ito his

I of tlie
id con-
,'allevs.

cruel
irty of

II post
id the
" from
oned ;

■ spot
d dis-
neh a
iiiha-
'most
^ was
Fikeii
eiiae
3om-
de
liefs
^s.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 23

1689—1713.]

It was ahiiost immediately after M. de Frontenac Chaititv
arrived that Sir William Phipps, at the head of the __
Boston I'eet, made his attack upon Quebec ; but 1^)90
Frontenac was a leader of a different stamp from
Denonville ; he found time to drive back the Iro-
quois, and to put Quebec in a posture of defence, before
the arrival of Phipps. It had been arranged that a
considerable force should proceed through the country
of the Iroquois, who were in alliance with the
English, and, by attacking Montreal, compel the
French commander to divide his force. But the
Iroquois wisely calculated that if French and
English destroyed each other without assistance, it
would be in their power to assist the wimiing side to
plunder and massacre the defeated ; they consequently
withdrew their assistance, and Frontenac was per-
mitted unmolested to concentrate his attention on the
defence of Quebec. The city was not then defended
by the fortifications which afterwards rendered it
the strongest fortress in America ; it was surrounded
only by a stockade, which Frontenac had lately
strengthened. The defences were, however, strong
enough to check Phipps's advance. Winter was ap-
proaching, ammunition ran short, Sir William beat
a retreat, and Frontenac at last found himself at
liberty to deal with the Iroquois ; but it was not till
fifteen years after the first commencement of hostili-
ties, that a permanent peace could be established. By
that dme England and France had signed articles of
peace at Ryswick, and had entered into arrangements
for maintaining a common understandhig with ihe
Iroquois. The Five Nations, though astonished to

24 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1 089— 1713.

Chaiter see both their ancient enemies competing for their
— ^ ftivonr, were not slow to avail themselves of their
good fortmie. Beads and red cloth, tomahawks and
wampum became plentiful in the wigwams of the
Iroquois. But the advantages of the New York
market where there was no duty on furs, and the
slightly superior quality of English beads and
blankets, obtained for the New England men tlu
preference in their trade. Thenceforward till the
peace of Utrecht the military history of Canada is but
a record of skirmishes with Indians hounded on by
the English, and an occasional brush with the English
themselves. Frontenac died at Quebec at an ad-
vanced age, and was succeeded by Do Callieres, the
place of the latter as governor of Montreal being
filled bv the Chevalier de Yaudreuil, who in his turn
was promoted to the chief coiimiand on the death of

1703 Callieres.

It may easily be imagined that the effect of so
many years of war was to paralyse the industry of
the frontier-posts. The seigneuries of the Richelieu,
the most important in Canada, were decimated. They
formed the outpost between the colony and the Indian
land ; they were settled by men trained to war, and
accustomed to Indian craft ; it was therefore the
flower of the colony that was cut off. Montreal and
the adjacent districts suffered only less than the
Richelieu ; but Quebec, safe in consequence of its dis-
tance from tlic scene of strife, prospered all through
the war. The conscriptions fell heavy upon it ; there
were occasions when every male capaltle of bearing
jirnis was called away to perform military service,

C89— 1713.

"or their
of their
^ks and

of the
r York
nd the
s and
en thj
ill the

is but
on by
ngh'sh
n ad-
s, tlie
beinff
I turn
th of

3f SO

vy of
h'eii,
'hoy
dian
and
tJie
and
the
dis-
igh
ere
Jig-

L'C,

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 25

1639—1713.1

and of these conscripts many never returned ; br.t in Chmter
the whole a sensible increase was perceptible in the _1-
nuniber of the population. After the Peace of
Utrecht, M. do A^audreuil set himself earnestly to work
to repair damages : the remnant of the unfortunate
colonists of the Kichelieu were encouraged to return
to their desolated homes, and build up again their
log-huts and little tin-roofed churches. But M. de
A'audreui], in his endeavours to restore prosperity to
Canada, found it useless to look to France for help ;
he was forced to content himself with the materials
which came to his hand in the colony itself. No
emigrants leached him from home ; and although a
liberal offer was made to release every year a hundred
and fifty slaves condemned to the galleys of France,
on condition that they should assist in building up
the fortunes of the dej^opulated colony, the proposal
did not meet with a ready acquiescence.

The coureurs des bois, sometimes in spite of the
government, sometimes in obedience to its mandates,
gradually made settlements in detached positions
all over the West ; these became the nucleus of
trading posts ; small garrisons were in time sent to
them, and the commandants, in time of war, by rally-
ing I'ound them the hunters and pedlers of their dis-
trict were often enabled to perform excellent service
to Canada. They did so at St. Louis, tliey did so at
the post established by Lamotte Cadillac at Detroit.
If ever France intended to take possession of the
West, no better occasion could over arise than the
years of peace which follov/ed the Peace of Utrecht.

But the opportunity was lost, and never returned ;

2G EXODUS OF TllK WESTERN NATIONS.

[1G89— 1713.

JiiAiTEB the niiiions policy of Louis XIY. Legan too surely
— to bear its destined fruit. The Regent Orleans, little
as he shared the ambition of Lonis, more than
emulated the personal extravagance in which tliat
monarch had indulged. In a single orgy with his
"roues" he spent sums which would, in tlie hands of
Vaudreuil, have colonized tlu Canadian frontier from
Frontenac to Detroit, and would in all human proba-
bility have saved Canada to France.

There is a passage in M. J^imeau's sketch, " La
France aux Colonies," which is transcribed at the
foot of this page.* It may be tliat in estimating the
relative aptitude of the French and English for colo-
nization, weight has hardly been given to tliat pecu-
liar "suppleness" of which M. Raineau speaks. It
is necessary to guard against being too much led
away by results. It is easy to see that English colo-
nization succeeded, and that French colonization

* Lc colon aii'^lais, [ilus tVoid, iilus pfi'sonni'l, d'lui caractero phis casa-
liier et mercantile, est uauclie et embarrasse devant la brutalitd du ddsevi; ;
ponr qu'il atteiLMic la pU'uitude do sa f'uvoe, il faiit quli force do temps et
d epreuves il ait ci'ie autoiir do lui cette atinosi)liere l)ritnimi(pie, cc j'' no
sais quoi, que le ,i;t'nie anu;lais caraclerise si justemeut dans lo mot i(t liomi' ;
puis son expansion se i'ait et grandit avec puissance. II lui fallut long-
temps, plus d'un sieclo, avant qu'il osat aventurer ses etablissenwiits hors
des territoires (pi'il avait garnis de luiurgs palissades, entre lesquels il en-
fermait ses cultures; nou pas cpi'il niaiiquat de courage, mais il manquait
de cet esprit audr.cieux (|ui s'accommode volonticrs des hasards de I'inconnu
etsait s'installer memo dans le denument ; il n'avait pas ce fcugdnereux qui
lance les hommos en avant ])our ime ide'e, quelqueibis meme pour la seule
poesie du danger, et qui I'ait marcher riiomme an nom de I'humanite; il
n'avait pas surtout cette souple nature propre .\ la race fran9aise, et qui
satisfait si bien aux necessitcs diverscs que presentcnt les situations cri-
tiques et variables d'un otablissement en pays etrangor. Place's dans les
memos circonstances, ces deux colons sont egalement laborieux et indus-
trieux Tun et I'autre, seulement le franyais a plus d'esprit de ressources et
se delen''; mieux contre les difficultes et les miseres de I'impre'vu.

1 ;

[1689-1713.

[00 surely

aiis, Utile

oi'e tliiiii

iiicli tJiat

witli liis

liands of

tier from

in proki-

cli, "La
at tlje

ting tlie
for eolo-
at j^ecu-
xks. It
ucli led
«h colo-
lizatioii

I'liis casa-
' tem]).s et

'(( /iv/ni' •

Hut lonf-
lonts hors
lels il cn-
iiaiiqiiait
I'iiJcoiiiui
ii'cux qui
la seiile
anite; il
3, et qui
ons cri-
(laus iea
t iiKlus-
irces et

EXODUH OF THE WESTE15X NATIONS. 27

l(i89— 1713.]

failed ; that failure was due in a great measure to ciiAi-rKu
the French system, a system, wliieli not content with — '--
neglect of the colonists on the purt of the home
government (in which they were surpassed l»y the
English government, without any evil result to the
colonists), superadded active interference and ruinous
impediments. English readers may prohahly be of
opinion that an emigrant would find a more solid
incentive to exertion in the desire to ini[)rove his
condition, and to substitute plenty for the bare means
of subsistence, than in " the generous fire which urges
men forward for an idea." lie may probably think
it improbable that "the more poetry of danger"
sliould decide the exile as to the location of his future
home ; but it is impossible to deny the facility with
which a Frenchman adapts himself to circumstances.
The English when they establish themselves among
savages, usually in time exterminate or enslave the
natives. The French are very apt to settle nmong
them, to intermarry with them, and to civilize them.
The dilferent systems of France and England may
be thus summed up. The English theory was, '• Let
the colonists nlone ; let them grow and multiply, or
let them starve and die : if they grew, and eventually
possessed a trade worthy of her attention, England
stepped in and turned that trade into such channels
as she considered most advantageous for herself. The
French arrogated to the home executive all power
and all direction ; they looked on the colonist as a
workman performing, in the public service, a task pre-
scribed by the government. In New England the
colonists were members of an active and energetic

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1089— 171. '{.

CuATTKR \)0(\y politic ; in New France the ' censit.airc ' no

'— more (IreanRcl of interfering^ in the iniinno-ement of

liis own idfairs tlian of interferinf^ in the government
of Cliina. The governors of Canada were men of
good intentions ; in nian;y cases, of rare abihty. But,
as the hnmiui body cannot move if the limbs be para-
lysed, though tlie head be energetic, the intellect
connnandlng — so, when the whole life of the common-
wealth was not only centred in the governor but con-
fined to him, the inevitable result was apathy and
decay.

" Unhappily, it must be observed that these two
facts, administrative apathy and administrative omni-
potence, are correlatives of each other. It is probable
that if the mnnicip.al system had been firmly esta-
blished in the French colonies ; if there had been in
them provincial assemblies and some degree of
freedom of opinion, the government relieved from
cases and details which are not within its province,
would have found leisure to perform the duties of its
position, wdiich in case of need would have been more
easily recalled to its recollection."*

* Rameau, Fraucc i nx Colonies, ii. 64.

itafio* no
A-emoiit of
>voninieiit
L' nioii of
ty. But,
' J'o pai-a-
nitel]ect
cominoii-
Jnit coii-
^tliy and

lese two
^'e omni-
^robabJe
ilj esta-
been in
?ree of
■d from
■ovince,
?s of its
n more

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

1700— 1774.J

CHAPTER II.

COMMERCIAL POLICY.

[1700—1774.]

Historical Sketch of the Enghsli Navigation Laws — Commoicial Legialation
of Spaiu — Fair of I'oito 1<l11o.

Few among tlie various causes of dispute wliicli ac- Chaiteu
cimnilated between America and Europe were ur<j;'ed — '-
more frequently or produced more aimoyance than
the commercial systems which each nation thouglit it
riglit to pursue. The principles upon wliich those
systems were founded are new, in this country at least,
so completely set aside that it would be worse than
useless to examine them in detail ; the subject is one
which has been keenly debated and settled for ever,
nor would any writer wish to reopen it.

But though the unanimous agreement of all parties
on points that were once in dispute has deprived the
subject of interest as a matter of controversy, it would
be difficult to omit all mention of it even in the
briefest sketch of colonial history. Doctrines that
we now look upon as axioms not to be questioned,
would, if asserted in the early part of the eighteenth
century, have been scouted by every European states-
man as dangerous and absurd. Opinions now aban-
doned were held as the basis of our policy. All

■#

i i.

■\-

l\4

ill'

•' HI

; ii

m KXODUS OF 'J' HE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1700—1774.

Chapter European nutions agreed in retaining in their own

liands the monopoly of tlicir colonial trade : when

once tlie time had passed away during which wars
were carried on for the sake of religion, every federa-
tion— the triple alliance, the grand alliance, the quad-
ruple alliance — involved the colonies in its meshes, and
every war, whether it was a war of religion, of oppres-
sion, of defence, or of succession, resemhled every other
w^ar in this, that it inoiuded, among its prominent
ohjects, defence of commercial monopoly of the nation
waging it, or attack upon that of the enemy. No
political economist had arisen to announce the doctrine
of free trade, to pioclaim what IJurke afterwards
called the " ill hushandry of injustice," or to prove
that the policy fought for was one M'hich sncrificed
the interests not onlv of the colonies, hut of the
greater portion of the home population : it was undis-
puted that the possession of colonies meant the ex-
clusive control of their trade, to he held and worked
for the exclusive hcnelit of the commercial class of the
dominant nation. It was not long before injustice
produced its natural result : the i:>ower of the law was
strained till its victims threw- off all semblance of obe-
dience ; large communities of smugglers and pirates
arose, legitimate trade languished, and protected
navies decayed, while free])Ooters fought madly among
the islands of the tropical seas for a share in the rich
commerce which was carried on beyond the pale of
the law. The object of all the western nations was
the same, not so their mode of operation : the haughty
oppression of Spain diflered widely from the quasi-
paternal feudalism of France. Both would have

[1700—1774.

their own
^e : wlien
liich wars
'17 federa-
the qiiad-
eslies, and
•f oppres-
^ery other
I'ominent
JO nation
iij. ISlo
! doctrine
'terwards
to prove
ocrificed
t of the
IS undis-
the ex-
worked
ss of the
1 'justice
aw was
of obe-
pirates
otected
among
le rich
3ale of
IS was
iighty
quasi-
have

II.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 31

1700— ] 774.]

been equally intolerable to the fierce and free temper CnAnEn
of the English planters.

England was as anxious as France or Spain to keep
the whole trade of her dependencies in her own
hands, but nnlike either of those countries she always
afforded to her colonies a fair market for their pro-
duce, either in its rude state or in the first stage of its
manufacture. The establishment of finished manu-
factures which miglit compete with the industry of
the mother-country was prohibited, and the attention
of the colonists confined to such coarse household
wares as private families commonly made for their
own use ; but for many years tliat prohibition was in
reality no great hardshi[) : land, in the early })art of
the eighteenth century, was still so cheap in the colo-
nies, and labour so dear, tliat it is doubtful whether
it would liave been the interest of the colonists to es-
tablish manufactures even if ]io prohibition existed.
Many kinds of American productions were likewise
encoui'aged by bounties, or by admitting them into
English markets on terms more favourable than those
granted to any other nation : sago, tobacco, and iron
were thus favoured ; silk, hemp, flax, naval stores,
indigo, and building timber were encouraged by a
bounty ; goods imported l)y England, and subse-
quently re-exported to a foreign country, recovered,
under the name of drawback, the whole or the
greater part of the custom duties which they had paid
on entering. England, having a monopoly of the
colony trade, might have treated them as other
nations did their colonies, ,and i-efused to allow any
renubursement of duties that had once found their

\ 1

II.

^l:l

32 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1700—1774.

CiiAi'TF.n way to tlio exchequer. But England always treated
her colonies on Lhe same footing as foreign nations,
and allowed thein the full advantajxe of the drawbaok.
In consequence of this concession, many foreign goods
might be bought in the colonies cheaper than in the
mother-country. In this way German linens, receiv-
ing the drawback, were able to undersell English
linens. The inconvenience which resulted from this
arrangement became at last so great, that the privi-
lege v.^as much curtailed in the reign of George III.
Neither P^'rance nor Spain allowed to their colonies
any advantages such as these. Both practically con-
ceded the whole commerce of their colonies to mono-
polist companies : it is true that no company was
ever formed in Spain like the French Compagnie
des Cent Associes, or the Dutch West Indian Com-
pany ; but, although Spain never formally handed
over the trade of Spanish America to any parti-
cular company, she gave the monopoly to two particu-
lar towns on each side of the ocean, Cadiz and Seville
in Spain, Carthagena and Vera Cruz in America, and
the merchants of those towns had in consequence a
virtual monopoly.

It was the interest of the chartered merchants to
sell European goods as dear, and to buy colonial pro-
duce as cheap, as they could ; in other words, to give
as few European commodities as possible in exchange
for as much as they wanted of the colony produce.
Their object being to buy no more colonial produce
than they could dispose of at a high price on account
of its rarity, they by no means wanted all that the
colonies had to sell. T\\\\h in l)oth transactions of

1700—1774.

s treated
nations,
'awba^k.
:n goods
fi in tlie
recoiv-
Englisli
om this
i privi-

ge in.

'olonies
Hj con-
s mono-
17 was
pagnie
I Com-
landed
parti-
articu-
■^eville
a, and
3nce a

its to

pro-
give
ange
luce,
'dnce
oiint

the
s of

II.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 3:^,

1700—1774.]

buying and selling the colonies were placed at a dis- Chaitfi:
ach'antage, and all through the Spanish possessions
Em'opean goods were virtually proliibited, except to
a few of the richest citizens. The French, after tlie
downfall of the Mississippi scheme, adopted with
regard to their possessions in Canada, a policy some-
thing like that of England. The trade was thrown
open to all natives of France, and might be carried
on from any French port ; the only permissions ne-
cessary l)eing tlie ordinary permits of the Custom-
house. Under these circumstances it was not easy for
the merchants to enter into a combination for raising
the price of goods, and tlie colonists were able to sell
their own produce and buy that of Europe at a
reasonable rate. The profits of the trade were no
doubt somewhat higher than they would have been
if tlie competition liad been thrown open to all na-
tions, Ijut on the whole they appear not to have been
exorbitant. Though not so indulgent as the English,
the French may be considered as infinitely superior
in liberality to the Spaniards. All tliree of tliese
nations insisted that every production of their colo-
nies, which could by any jiossibility come into com-
petition in the market of the world witli their own
commodities, should be carried to no other rna.vkets
than those of the motlier-counti '' ; but even on this
point England somewhat modified the stringency
of the regulations wliich were strictly enforced else-
where. It was provided by the Act of Navigation
that certain articles, whicli were recited by name, and
wliicli in consequence obtained tlie designation of
" enumeratiHl articles," sliould be bronglit into Eng-
VOI.. II. D

II.

,,■ (

^1^

.'»! F<:XODUS OF THIO WESTERN NATIONS.

[1700—1774.

chai'ier land direct ; every commodity wliicli was not ex-
pressly designed in the act might be exported to
foreign countries direct. Amona; the non-ennmerated
articles were found grain, lumber, salt provisions,
fish, sugar, and rum : there were, however, two stipu-
lations ; one, that the colony trade should observe
certain geographical limits ; and, secondly, that it
should only be carried on in British ships, or in vessels
belonging to the plantations, of which the owners
and three-fourths of the mariners were British sub-
jects. Tin's latter provision was in fact the main
article of the English navigation law.

"The maintenance of the colonial monopoly," wrote
Adam Smith, at the close of the eighteenth century,
" has hitherto been the principal, or more properly,
perhaps, the sole end and purpose of the dominion
which Great Britain assumes over her colonies. In
the exclusive trade, it is supposed, consists the great
advantage of provinces, which have never yet afforded
either revenue or military force for the support of
the civil government or the support of the motlier-
country. The monopoly is the principal badge of
their dependency, and is the sole fruit which has
hitherto been gathered from that dependency. Wliat-
ever expense Great Britain has hitherto laid out in
maintaining this dependency, has really been paid in
order to support this monopoly." Macpherson, i\
writer of very opposite opinions to those of Dr. Smith,
takes in his " Annals of Commerce" a similar view of
the object, but not of the result of the monopoly. He
writes from the point of view of the English ship-
owner ; every disability imposed on the foreigner he

rOO— 1774.

not ex-
•rted to
merated
) visions,
TO stipu-
observe

that it
1 vessels

owners
;is]i sub-
16 main

/' wrote
3entury,
roperly,
Dminion
es. In
e great
iflforded
)port of"

motlicr-

dge of

cli has

Wliat-

oiit in

paid in

rson, n,

Smitli,

view of

y. He

li sliip-

i'lior lie

'■j^.-
m

KXODUS OF TliE WESTERN NATIONS. 35

1 700—1774.]

looked ii]ion as clear gain to the Englishman. He CuAi'iru
does not argue that the monopoly of tlie coloninl
trade was desirable : he is imaware that anv one can
possibly dissent from what he considers so self-evident
a proposition ; he assumes it for granted, and argues
upon that basis all through his book. So with all the
older writers, even with the statesmen and tl linkers.
" The British colonists in North America have no right,"
said Lord Chatham, " to manufacture so much as a nail
for a horseshoe."* Lord Sheffield went further, if it
be possible. "The only use," he said, "of American
colonies or the West Indian Islands is the monopoly of
their consumption, and the carriage of their produce."
Such being the opinion of statesmen, an opinion
handed down from one generation to another ever
since there was any colony trade at all, it is not
strange that the most stringent laws were enacted to
keep the monopoly intact. It was not a tlieory in-
vented solely for the behoof of the colonies ; it was a
fixed belief that no trade could flourish that was not
so protected. The whole colonial policy of England
was based on one dominant idea, that shipping is an
evidence of national wealth, and ought therefore by
any means to be increased. The possession of colonies
was supposed to entail a demand for ships ; there-
fore colonies were to be fostered so as to make that
demand as large as possible. On no point is
economical science now more conclusive than tliis,
that the prosperity of a protected industry is delusive.
It is not denied that the persons jn'otected are bene-
fited, but it is denied that the national wealth, and

Eilwanls' West Iiulies, vol. ii. p. Htin,

D 2

■m

EXODUS OF TIIH WESTP^RN NAT'IONS.

't' i

f »»

'I [

[1700—1774.

Ckaptei! consequently the sum of tlie national happiness, is
— '- increased. No doubt an increased demand for ship-
ping is an evidence of increased national wealth, he-
cause it is an evidence that the demand of foreign
customers has stimulated the energy of manufacturers,
who hav(^ in consequence more money and money's
worth to sliare vith tlieir workmen at home, or to
spend on Imports from ahroad ; but the demand must
be bona fide : if the trade of the shipmaster be arti-
ficially made profitable, at the expense of the com-
munity at large, other persons will become sliip-
masters in order to share the profits, and an artificial
demand be created for ships which will produce an
appearance of activity in the shipping trade. It was
on the express ground that activity of a shipping
trade is a sign of national prosperity that our an-
cestors uplield the njt.vigation laws.

The colonial consumer was not the only j^arty to
the l)argain who was injured : a new country can
have but a limited amoimt of capital to expend on
imports ; if a large portion of that capital be expended
in the shape of tax, protection to shipping, navigation
law, high freight, or by any other name which the
imposts may be called, so much tlie less goods can it
buy ; if no such tax existed it could purchase a larger
amount of goods, give greater encouragement to
manufacturers, and, in fact, add so much to the
wealtli of the nation, instead of to the wealth of the
shipowner. Thus the taxes imposed by the naviga-
tion law were in reality a burden both to the colony
and the mother-country.

Under the extreme I'igour of this law ships and

[1700—1774.

)piness, is
1 for ship-
■ealth, be-
)f foreigri
ifacturers,

I money's
me, or to
and must
;r be arti-
the com-
me si lip-
artificial

'oduce an

It was

shipping

our an-

party to

II try can
pend on
expended
^vigation
lich the
ds can it

a larger

raent to

to the

h of the

naviga-

colony

ips and

II.

KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 37

1700—1774.]

commerce withertd away, and it was found that be- chaiter
yond a certain point the navigation laws would not
work at all. The colonial markets being forcibly
monopolized, commerce unconsciously asserted the
laws of free trade : smugglers, contrabandists, buc-
caneers, stept in, and restored the balance which im-
politic impo;,ts had destroyed. Politicians in the
eighteenth century were unconscious of tlie full effect
of their doctrine ; but they distinctly acknowdedged
to themselves that the policy pursued was good for the
mother-country only at the expense of the colonies.
It has been already stated that, bad as the monopoly
was for every class except the shipowner, it was the
only pecuniary advantnge that was ever obtained by
England, prior to the American war, by the possession
of her Xorth American colonies : it is, therefore,
curious to see the price that was paid for this very
questionable advantage. The war of 1739 was a
colony quarrel ; it cost thirty-one millions sterling : the
war of 1755 was a colony quarrel ; it cost seventy-one
millions and a half. England endeavoured to make
the colonies pay a fractional part of the bill that was
thus incuri-ed for their defence : they rebelled, and en-
gaged in a war which cost this country more than
one hundred millions. It may be fairly stated that
the advantage reaped by a few shipowners from the
operation of the navigation Inws was purchased by
an actual money expenditure of more than two hundred
millions in less than half a century, and by a national
liatred which time has as yet failed to diminish.
The earliest navigation law was passed by parliament
long before England had any colonies : '.he object to

^f\

38 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1700—1774.

CiiAiTEK wliich it pointed was tlie establisliinent of a navy.

1 In the fourteenth century the few articles whieli tlien

made up tlie exjiorts of Eno^land were brouo-ht once
a year to some central place called the king's staple,
to be measured and taxed before l)eing sold. The
staple was at first fixed in England, but in Edward
II. 's reign it was transferred to Antwerp. The
i;t2() arrangement worked ill, and in 132G a royal order
1341 fixed it in England again. In 1341 the foreign staple
1348 was set up at Bruges; in 1348, Edward III. having
got possession of Calais, fixed the staple of tin, lead,
feathers, woollen cloths, &c., at that town, in order to
benefit its trade. Edward had entirely removed the
native poj^ulation, and replaced them by a few Lon-
don merchants ; so the trade naturally required a little
stimulus after the severe shock it had received.
When the seven years had expired, the staple again
returned to England ; but for thirty years it oscillated
betwx^en England and Calais, till an enactment was
1376 made about the year 13 TO that the Lords of the
Council might order the staple to be held at whatever
towns they pleased, in order that each town might
have the advantage of monojioly for a limited term.
During the time of the Plantagenets, the question of
the regulation of aflairs connected with trade became
so complicated, and involved so many apparently
irrcconcihd"^-^ requirements, that politicians were
fairly puzzled ; the attempt to regulate commerce had
provided their fathers with ample employment ; upon
them devolved the additional responsibility of foster-
ing a navy : their ingenuity was exercised with ex-
traordinary perversity.

■"^a?

1700—1774.

a navy.
Iiieli tlien
.C'lit once
fs staple,
la. The
Edward
). The
al order
:;'n staple
. having
in, lead,
order to
ved the
ew Lon-
d a little
eceived.
le again
scillated
ent was
of the
hatever
I nn'ght
1 term,
stion of
became
arently
3 were
rce had
; upon
foster-
th ex-

II.

■fM EXODUS OF THK WESTEltX NATIONS. 39

1700—1774.]

There was no siicli tiling as a ship bnilt for the (.'hameh
exclusive purpose of fighting ; every merchant vessel
carried an armament for its own protection : when
war broke out, the trading vessels, together with their
crews, were impressed into the royal service. The
various ports furnished a contingent, or, if the war
was popular, gave for the king's service all the ships
they had. In 1340 King Edward III. sent letters to
the several sheriffs of the maritime shires, stating that
the navy of the kingdom had lieen much reduced l)y
war, and that the security of the realm depended upon
vessels being kept in the b ds of his own subjects,
and ordering that proclu.iiation should be made that
no person should upon any account sell or give vessels
to a foreigner.* It w^ould appear from the wording
of this order that the English were then accustomed
to build ships for the foreigner : it was not then
known that the more ships were built and sold to the
foreigner the greater the skill of the builders and the
resources at the command of the nation. The re-
striction of 1340, wdiich added another t; the net-
work of regulations already affecting trade, mer-
chants, and money, though very vexatious, proved,
unnccountablv to its framers, insufficient to increase
the navy of England. In 1381| it was enacted that
the navy of England being greatly reduced, no one
should presume to ship any merchandize outward or
homeward, save in ships of the king's allegiance : this
was the first navigation act. But the enactment
immediately before it on the statute book| was to the

Kicardo.

t 5 Rich. II c. 3.

t 5 Rich. II. c. 2.

40 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[17(^—1774.

Chapiek effect tliat, " in consequence of the grievous mischief

L of carryino* ahroad nionev and bullion, tliere was

scarcely any gold or silver left in the kingdom. All
merchants and clergymen, aliens or natives, were
therefore prohibited from carrying abroad any gold
or silver, in coin, bullion or vessel, or by excliange."
It was added that no person, either of the clergy or
laity, except lords and other great men, real known
merchants and the king's soldiers, were to be allowed
to go out of the kingdom : no one was to leave Eng-
land under any circumstances, except from London
and one or two other chief ports. It was further
enacted that sweet wines and claret must not be im-
ported.* It had already been determined! that no
iron was to be exported, nor cloth, butter, cheese,
sheep, malt, or beer. Xow as wool, sheepskins, hides,
cloth and worsted stuffs then constituted nearly the
whole exports of the country,! there remained but a
very few articles that could be exported at all ; and,
as no person was to leave the country without express
permission, it followed that there being no passengeis
or merchandize to carry, and no chance of selling
ships to foreigners, very few^ ships were built, and the
navy of England (which meant the merchant navy,
there being, as was said above, no regular ships of
war) continued to decline, in spite of parliamentary
enactments ; and the provisions that were intended
for the express purpose of encouraging shipping, had
the real effect of doing as much as possible towards
its destruction.

" From the time of the first navigation act, kings,

* 5 Kich. II. c. 4. t 31 Ed. fll. % Macpbeison.

"IX)— 1774.

mischief
ere was
Ml. All
s, were
ny gold
liaiig-e."
ergy or

known
allowed
"e Ens-
London
further

be im-
liat no
cheese,
, hides,
rlj the
1 but a

; and,
■xpress
engers
selling
nd the

navy,
lips of
Jiitary
ended
?, had
wards

angs,

ii'son.

EXODUS OF thp: western nations. 41

1770—1774.]

parHaments, and shipowners had no quiet. The idea
took possession of tliem, tliat gold and ships must be
incessantly watched, or they would make off out of
the country. There was no chance for a navy, unless
acts, ordinances, and proclamations were its sheet-
anchor, cable, and harbour of refuge. Our poor
ancestors were haunted and hag-ridden by the notion
that some breezy night every ship in England, great
and small, would slip cable, hoist sail, and be out to
sea, and that carrying off all the gold, they would go
over to some vile foreigners and never be heai'd of
again. And so England would have no navy, no
gold, no trade, no towns, no anything but desolation
and ruin. To avert wdiich calamities abundance of
laws were made ; and the honest trade being sorely
crip])led, the shipowners employed themselves in pira-
cies and plunders, and petty wars with the merchants
and seamen of the continent."*

The leading principles of all the navigation acts
were, that certain goods should be imported and ex-
ported only in British ships ; that these ships must be
manned by a majority of Englishmen : they were, in
fact, for the navy what the protective corn law^s were
to agriculture — an attempt to supply vitality by arti-
ficial means, and to create prosperity by legislation.

A statute was passed in Henry YII.'s time to pre-
vent the decay of the navy, and another to prevent
the exportation of a long list of articles. From that
time to the reign of Elizabeth no change of impor-
tance w^as made ; one remarkable statute was, how-
ever, passed by Henry YHI. who enacted " the strict

* Ricardo.

A ITER
11.

£.. t.

42 KXODUS OF TIIL: WKSTEHN NATIONS.

[1700—1774,

CiiAi'iEu observance of fast-davs for tlie tcood of men's souls,
ir . .'
'- and that the fishers might tliereby be the rather set on

work (lad much flesh saved" Thus the fishermen came
in for their share of protection to Britisli industry.
But in the time of Queen EHzabeth, bad feehng had
been created among all foreign nations against Eng-
land.* Iler merchants were looked upon with dis-
favour. The navy of the country had progressed but
very slowly, and that in despite rather than in conse-
quence of the laws enacted for its j)rotection. A sta-
tute was passed,! stating that " since the making of
the statutes which prohibit the import and exjjort of
merchandize in any but British ships, other foreign
princes finding themselves aggrieved with the said
acts, as thinking that the same were made to the hurt
and 2)rejudice of their country and navy, have made
like penal laws against such as should ship out of
their countries in any other vessels than of their
several countries and dominions, by reason whereof
there hath not only grown great displeasure between
the foreign princes and kings of this realm, but also
the merchants have been sore grieved rnd en-
damaged." The 5th of llichard II. and the 4th of
Henry YII. were therefore formally repealed.

Parliament was relied on to make markets, to pro-
vide customers, and to fix prices. But, according to
1603 Sir Walter Raleigh's pamphlet on the trade and com-
merce of England with the Dutch and other nations,
all was of no avail — the Dutch had many more shij^s,
their fisheries were more valuable and their seamen

* Jolin Reeves on Shipping and Navigation. P. 18. Fart i,
+ A.D. 1558, 1 Eliz. c. 13.

700—1774.

I's souIh,
er set on
en came
ndustry.
ing had
1st Eng-
nth dis-
ssed but
n conse-
A sta-
king of
:port of

foreign
he said
he hurt
e made

out of

' their
vhereof
etween
ut also
id en-

4th of

kxoi)l:s of TIIF-: western nations.

to 23ro-
g to
d com-
ations,
shijDS,
eamen

17W— 1771.J

more numerous than ours. Tliey rapidly hecame the CirAi ii:«
carriers of the worM. Thoiip'h they had no manu- — 1
factures, no native commodities, they gathered
tof^'ether the pro(Uictions of other countries, and re-
distributed them. They, more than any other nation,
approached the modern idea of free trade. They gave
facilities to strangers ; their customs' duties were
low, their vessels roomy and managed with fewer
hands. Every condition, in fact, was in favour of
their carrying cheaper than other nations.

" The Dutch." says Sir Walter Kaleigh, "gain all
the foreign freights, whilst our ships lie still and
decay, or else go to Newcastle for coals." While the
Dutch were thus imderbidding all other nations for
the carrying trade of the world, Spain set up a claim
for the exclusive navigation of the Indian and Pacific
Oceans. It wis then that Grotius arose, and out of
the fulness of that learning which all Europe re-
garded with astonishment, wrote the celebrated
treatise De Marl Libera. Grotius was well seconded
by his countrymen, who asserted the freedom of the
sea practically as their champion asserted it theoreti-
cally : at this time were laid the seeds of that jealousy
of the Dutch which afterwards produced such evil
consequences to the commerce both of Dutch and
English ; the idea was that to make room for the
navy of England it was necessary to destroy that of
Holland. Sir Francis Bacon, the most far-seeing
English statesman of the time, agreed with Grotius
in his views as to the security of freedom of com-
merce. Grotius asserted that liberty of trade was
essential to the Dutch. Bacon declared that the

44 EXODUS OF THE WESTEKN NATIONS.

[1700—1774.

Chapter abolition of all kiixls of restriction and monopolies
— '- was tlie only thing required to make England the
emjjorium of the world.* " Especially," he says,
" care must be taken that monopolies, whicli are the
canker of all trading, be not admitted under specious
colours of public good." It is singular that advice
given in 1G12, and novv acknowledged to be so sound,
should not have been followed till 1847.

1635 Between 1032 and 1G35 jealousy of the Dutch
power increased. Selden published, in reply to the
Mare Liheriwi of Grotius, a treatise called Mare
Clausum, and Charles I., asserting exclusive right of
navigation in the Channel and the seas round the
three kingdoms, warned the Dutch off the fishing-
grounds which by cust(mi and treaty they liad
hitherto en loved. The Dutch sent an embassv to re-
monstrate ; they returned bootless : a Dutch squadron
appeared off Yarmouth : to protect the Yarmouth
fishery-l)oats, and keep the Dutch from our shores,
Charles and his advisers hit upon the notable expe-
dient which eventually cost the king his life and
crown ; ship-money was raised. It was not that men
objected to the preamble of the order. It was not
denied that " The kings of England have always been
masters of the said seas, and it would be very irksome
to us if that princely hom/Ur in our times should Ije
lost or in anything diminished." Least of all would
Hampden and those who acted with him have suffered
any slight to fiill upon the name of Ejigland, but that
they felt that it was not a temporary expedient

Bacon's mhicc to Sir Oeorgc VilliciM.

700—1774.

duopolies
land the
he says,
are the
specious
t advice

0 sound,

Dutch
^ to the

1 Mare
■ig-ht of
ind the
fishiner-
sy had
Y to re-
uadron
rmoutli
shores,

! expc-
fe and
it men
as not
s heen
ksome

Llld 1)6

would
ffered
t that
'dient

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

ly.O— 1774.]

against the Dutch, but a deadly blow against the Chapteh
liberties of Englishmen. — L

It was not till 1646, in the midst of the civil w^ar, ^^^^
that any restriction was placed on the commercial
freedom of the colonies. Then it was announced that
none of the American (and some other) ports were to
trade with England, exce})t in English ships. This
restriction, under the Republican parliament, was
made still more stringent ; all foreign nations wdiat-
ever were proliibited from trading with the planta-
tions in America, without having first obtained a
licence. Next year was passed the famous Act of 1647
Navigation ; all former legislation had been trifling
in comparison with the wholesale restriction which
was now put upon the shipping of the world : the
preamble of the act alleges reasons in support of the
measure, which men of this generation who know
nothing except historically of the navigation laws,
road with bowiklerment. Macpherson in his " His-
tory of (^onnnerce,'* gives the following reasons for
what he is pleased to style this most excellent and
mcmorphle law : — " It had been observed with con-
cern, that the merchants of England, for several
years past, had usually freighted Dutch sliii)ping for
fetching home their own merchandize, because their
freight was at a lower rate than that of the English
ships." An observer of the present day would be
inclined to think this a tolerably good reason. Not
so Macpherson : — " The Dutch shipping were therebv
made use of even fn* importing our own American
products; whilst our own ships lay rotting in our

* Vol. ii. 1.. Wl.

•^t

46 KXODUS OF THE WF]8TEIIN NATIONS.

[1700—1774.

Chapter liai'bours ; (3ur mariiiei's also, for want of employment
— '- at home, went into the service of the Dutch. To
these considerations were superadded the hanghty
carriage of the states upon the parliament's demand
for satisfaction for the murder of their envoy, Dr.
Dorislaus, at the Hague, and for the insult put upon
the ambassador they sent afterwards, wliose propo!?als
the states also had received very coldly : all which
jointly considered determined the parliament to

^ enact that no merchandize either of Asia, Africa, or

America, including also our own plantations there,

ft should be imported into England in any but English

shii^s, and belonging either to English or to English

i plantation subjects, navigated also by English com-

manders, and three-fourths of the s;ri]ors English-
men."

"Triis,"says Macpherson, "was a grievous blow
to the T)utch, who till now had been almost the sole
carriers of merchandize from one country of Europe
to another." He forgot to add tliat it was also a
grievous blow to the American colonies, who had to
pay the high freights w'iich he had just mentioned,
or go without many articles they required altogether.
Macpherson, the great apologist of the navigation
laws, while triumphing over the benefits which he
supposes to have resulted from the navigation laws,
nevertheless admits that the novelty of the Naviga-
tion Act, and the ignorance of some traders, occa-
sioned some complaints that though our own peo],le
had not shipping enough to import from all ])arts of
the world whatever they wanted, tliev were never-
theless debanvd by this law fi-oni I'eceiving now su]>

'•it

^^F

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATI uNS. 47

1700—1774.]

plies of merchandize from other nations, who alone Chapteu
were able to import them. " Those complaints — 1
were overruled by the government, who foresaw
that this act would in the end prove the great
means of preserving our plantation trade entirely to
ourselves, would increase our shipping and sailors,
and would draw the profit of freight to ourselves." It
seems odd that any writer should so totally overlook
the fact that there are two sides to a bargain, and
that if shipowners were benefited by increased de-
mand foi' their ships, consumers, who are by far the
larger portion of the community, must have been put
to severe inconvenience and loss. Moreover, although
the act might secure the colony trade to the mother-
country, it must be at the expense of such inconve-
nience to the col on V that it was a wonder if there
was anv trade left to retain.

The act became almost immediately a cause of
war with the Dutch. Enterprise, energy, courage,
and a spirit of endurance, that might have founded new
colonies and carried trade and civilization fast and
far through the world, spent itself in furious de-
struction of men and ships.* The Dutch, notwith-
standing all restrictions, recovered their ascendancv
as soon as the war was over ; their success was re- 1(564
garded in England with passionate jealousy. The
Navigation Act of Cromwell was adopted by Charles
IT. ; this actf apparently relaxed some provisions of
Cromwell's law ; the clause against importing foreign
commodities, except in British ships, was made to
apply only to certain articles of connnerce since

'■•y

liciinl

+ 1-' Car. [Leap. 18.

1 1

4 -1,

■K

I >

48 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1700—177-1.

Chaitek known by the name of enmnorated articles ; but the
— '-. relaxation was more apparent than real : the articles
enumerated contained all the most bulky and lucrative
known to commerce. But no artificial restrictions
were able to defeat free enterprise and low freights.
The Dutch beat us at every point :* they greatly sur-
passed us in the Kussian trade, the East India trade,
the wool trade with T3ilboa, the plate trade to Cadiz :
they engrossed to themselves the herring fishery on
tlie Eastern coast, the trade to Ireland and Scotland
from abroad : the Holsteiners and Danes monopolized
the trade of Norway ; the Hamburghers seized the
Greenland trade. The Dutch, put upon their mettle
by the sharjj spin* of necessity, improved in r^hip-
building to an extent that enabled them to work their
ships with a third of the number of men required by
tlie clumsy vessels of the Eno'lish.

The ship timber of Germany, France, and Den-
mark could be got for half the price of English tim-
ber, but the navigation laws prohibited its import :
cordage, masts, sails, tackle, pitch, aud tar were all
cheaper, owing to the same acts, to the Dutch and
French than to the English : finally, tlie rule that
three-fourths of the crew must be English, raised the
wages of sailors to such an extent that English ships
often lay rotting in the harbours, while the Dutch
commanded plenty of men. In fact our Navigation
Act, and the stagnation of trade which it produced,
drove us out of almost all our manufactures, except

1(380 some remnant of our clothing trade : it is perfectly
true that the commerce of the Dutch did eventually

* M''('ulla^i;li : Imlustrial History ot" J'rco Xatiuns, ii. 3(tI5.

r 1

700—177-1.

bi»t the
articles
ucrative
trictioiis
freights,
itly sur-
a trade,
) Cadiz :
hcry on
Scotland
Dpolized
zed tlie
r mettle
n phip-
rk their
ired by

I Deii-
sli tini-
mport :
ere all
ch and
e that
ped the
1 ships
Dutcli
gatioii
duced,
except
rfectly
itually

II.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 4!)

1700—1774.]

decline, and England, became the emporium of the Chapter
world ; but it is not necessary at this date to argue
that these events came about, not in consequence of,
but in spite of, the navigation laws. At the com-
mencement of the War of Independence, America
could import nothing except in English ships ; she
could export nothing at all except to Scotland and
England ; she could not even send her surplus goods
to Ireland, nor could she import any commodities
except from Great Britain. The advocates for and
against the navigation laws argued with great
earnestness. Vehement were the assertions and
counter assertions made respecting their utility : one
side declared that without a stringent navigation law
we might at once sell our ships and resign the domi-
nion of the sea ; the other asserted, no less loudly,
that every step we had made in advance had been in
spite of, and not owing to, the protecting influence of
the navigation law. Opinions are now no longer
divided : the last rag of the " maritime charter " has
been given to the winds. The lapse of time made
the last generation of economists wiser than their
fathers could be, and has shown that the policy which
in former times has been looked upon as fraught with
ruin to our trade, has become the basis of a national
prosperity such as they never dreamt of. Even during
the present century protectionists struggled but slowly
to the light : they fought the battle manfully ; they
rushed on the horns of one dilemma after another
with an unshrinking courage, and died fighting, a
gallant remnant of fi once overwhelming majority.
it was possible, thougli not wise, to maintain the

VOL. II. K

\i\

II.

60 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1700—1774.

Chapter iiavig-ation laws as long as America remained colonial.
After the revolution a remarkable illustration of the
disadvantages of a navigation law was offered to the
world : the law pressed heavily upon the trade of the
young republic ; by way of retaliation in kind, Con-
gress enacted a statute word for word copied from
our own. British vessels went out empty to America
to fetch home rice, cotton, and tobacco, and American
ships crossed the ocean empty to bring home calicoes
and cutlery, hardware, earthenware, and iron. In
each case the vo^'^age one way had to pay the expenses
of the trip out and home : to the price of the goods
was added the expense of the double freight ; demand
for articles so costly decreased ; trade diminished ;
the protectionist shipowner rejoiced over the high
rate of freights which they had created ; but the pub-
lic with shrunk pockets became dimly conscious that
something was going wrong.

America began to manufacture for herself, and to
render herself inde})endent of our goods, and in 1815
the practice of crossing the ocean in ballast was given
up. A reciprocity treaty was entered into between
Great Britain and America. The jealousy of other
nations was aroused ; the navigation laws still re-
mained in force against them. The Prussians, the
Portuguese, the Swedes, and the Danes, extorted iVom
us concessions like that which we had made to
America. National emulation began to replace j^i'O-
tection ; trade revived ; the shipowners, who had at
every stage of the struggle predicted ruin and dis-
order, raised loud the voice of 1-imentation : the
foreigner, they argued, had timber cheaper, food

H-

700—1774.

colonial,
n of the
;d to the
le of the
ad, Con-
ed from
America
merican

calicoes
m. In
expenses
le goods

demand
inished ;
he high
the puh-
ous that

', and to
in 1815
as given
between
)f other
still re-
ans, the
ted iVom
nade to
ace pro-
0 had at
and dis-
)n : the
.'r, food

II.

kxddus of the westkrn xations. M

17W— 1774.]

cheaper, wages lower ; they lived in countries less Chapter
heavily taxed ; the Americans would have the
American trade ; the Prussians, Swedes, Danes,
French, Russians, would have the continental trade ;
we might sell our ships and surrender the command
of the sea.

These forebodings came to nought ; unexampled ac-
tivity followed each relaxation of the law. In twenty
years trade more than doubled, and shipbuilding
was carried on with an activity never knowm before.

The object which tlie Spanish government kept
constantly in view was to render Spanish America
dependent upon Spain *br all the luxuries and neces-
sities of life. All foreigners were prohibited, on pain
of death, from visiting New Spain. Native Spaniards
only could obtain permission to remain there for a
limited time. It was thought that having no other
possible market, they would thus of necessity enter the
Spanish dominions. Agriculture was prohibited ex-
cept under hard conditions : so far was this despotic
interference carried, that at the beginning of the
present century an order was issued to root up certain
crops which had been planted by the Americans in
forgetfulness of the prohibitory regulations.

When the Netherlands were gone, and the
Moors expelled, Spain, fallen from her high estate,
found it impossible to supply Spanish America with
European goods; still so great was the jealousy of
foreigners that no vessel might sail from any other
port than Seville, nor might they clear even from
that port until duly examined and licensed by the
Custom-house and the Inquisition.

K 2

fl !

i i

!■

1^:

i 1^1

' ■■I

Chapter
II.

52 EXODUS OF THK WESTERN NATIONS.

[1700—1774.

The ultimate effect of that proliibition miglit have
been readily foretold by a political economist, if such
a philosopher had then existed. It was utterly im-
possible that a small squadron sailinj^ twice a year
from a second-rate port in Spain, could satisfactorily
sup|)ly the greater part of two great continents with
goods of the first necessity ; it would have been im-
possible even if the Spaniard had possessed the will
to supply them, and the money or money's w^orth
wherewith to purchase the goods ; but neither was
the case. The interest of the Seville monopolists
was so to regulate the supply of European goods in
America, and of American goods in Europe, as to
command the highest price in each market, without
glutting either. America produced far more than
could readily be disposed of in Spain ; the monopo-
lists purchased oidy a portion and left the Americans
absolutely without a market for the remainder ; it
was not their iuterest to take out more goods from
Europe than would suffice to make their purchases in
America, and the colonists, with wealth at their com-
mand that in an open market would have sufficed to
purchase all the necessaries and luxuries of European
life, were compelled to dispense with both, because
the selfish policy of the chartered merchants rendered
their w^ares unsaleable. As the commercial prospe-
rity of Spain declined, and the country sunk more
and more into poverty and impotence, all the gold
from the American mines was hypothecated to
foreign merchants long before it arrived. The
Spanish merchants had thus no means to supply
America, for they had no credit to obtain goods for

00—1774.

lit have
if such
srly im-
a year
[ictorily
its with
eeii iin-
the will
; worth
ler was
opolists
oods in
3, as to
without
re than
iionopo-
lericans
ider ; it
Is from
lases in
dr com-
ficed to
jropeau
because
Budered
prospe-
k more
lie gold
ited to
I. The
supply
lods for

EXODUS OF Till': WESTElfN NATIONS. M

1700—1774.]

the pui'pose. The custom arose amono* the traders
of Seville, to allow foreigners the use of their names
and of their monopoly ; thus without improving the
situation of the colonists, the European Spaniards
received but a small percentage of the exor-
bitant gains which were wrung from America.
After a time the prohibition was strained beyond the
limit which the nature of such prohibitions allows,
and had the effect of establishing a perfectly open
trade : nil the maritime nations engaged in smug-
gling transactions, which soon acquired vast import-
ance. The contraband trade was free trode under
another name ; not because there were no customs,
but Ijecause customs were evaded or defied. The
result of the illicit traffic was probably beneficial to
Spain in spite of herself; for in consequence of it
the colonies rapidly increased in material power
and pros})erity.

A smuggling trade, on such a vast scale as that
which was set on foot in the early part of the
eighteenth century, would have been entirely impos-
sible if it had not been the interest of every official
and every private individual in New Spain to foster
and assist it. Before then, owing to the total want
of competition between Spain and other nations, or
even between the various ports of Spain itself, Spa-
nish-American produce had been worth absolutely
nothing. Dr. Moreno* states that for want of trans-
port, it was of such little value that he had seen it
used to fill mud-holes in the streets of Buenos Ayres,

* Quoted by Brcckcnridgi', in liis Voyago made by order of Congress,
1717.

Chaitku
II.

■t

■ -'If--

■i-'i

T*"!.

CllAITKR
II.

H' J

54 EXODL'S OF 'illK WES'l'KllN ^'ATIOXS.

[1700—1774.

it became a jiiultor of lioiiour with the (^reoles to help
on tlie contrabnnd ; and tlie ])rofits of a perfectly free
traffic were so jrreat, that it was worth the while of
merchains engaged in it to bribe the easily-corrupted
officials, and thus divest themselves of the last re-
maining risk. The govermnent was completely
imabie to make head ngainst it, and as a last despe-
rate resource pvoclaimed it a mortal sin, and made
(Smuggling cognizable by the Inquisition.

There was one point in which the theory of
Spanish commercial policy was more enlightened
than that of England or France. J>oth of these
nations sought f(jr returns from their colonies out of
the nifiterial prosperity of their country — the produce
of agriculture and industry. Spain looked for her
returns exclusively from mines, and troubled herself
not at all about agriculture. (In the English planta-
tions commerce was forbidden ; in the Spanish it
was permitted.)

The fundamental maxim of Spain was, that colo-
nies existed only for the advantage of the dominant
country, and its inhabitants as vassals of Old Spain.
Spanish-America was a great preserve, in which
Spanish adventurers might grow rich, Spanish
favourites be rewarded, and Spanish merchants en-
joy a monopoly. In return, America was to find
gold and silver, labour, and uncpiestioning obedi-
ence. Every branch of manufacture was forbidden ;
Americans were compelled to obtain from Europe
clothes, household furniture, wines, oil, and even
ROTue kinds of ])rovisions. Humboldt tells us that
when he w'as in Mexico, the vines were rooted U]) by

-m

■' (I

■>»»*.

00-1774.

to lielp
tlv free
^liile of
rrupted
last re-
pletcly
dewpe-
d made

orv of

litened

these

out of

produce

for lier

lierself

planta-

iiish it

it colo-
ininant

Spain.

which
Spanish
rits on-
to find

obedi-
»idden ;
Europe
I even
IS tliat

uj) by

ir.

EXODUS OF TIIK WESTKRN NATIONS. ."jr.

1700—1774.]

order of the government of Spuiji. Domestic com- CnAm:R
merce, between one viceroyalty and another, was
forbidden ; no foreigner might land on pain of
deatli ; even a native Spaniard could not travel
w^ithout a licence, and no foreign ship might drop
an anchor in their harbours. The most fertile
parts of the country, and those which are now
more rapidly advancing than any others, — such as
Venezuela, Caraccas, and La Plata, were left in the
utmost misery; for they had no mines, and mines
alone attracted the attention of the Spaniards.

In early times, before Spanish industry and pros-
perity had fallen together, the products of Spain
were in some measure sufficient to purchase the gold
and silver, the cochineal, indigo, cocoa, Jesuits' bark,
sugar, and cotton of America. But bigotry and
oppression had contrived so effectually to stifle in-
dustry, that by the middle of the 17th century she
was unable to supply sufiticient goods for her home
consumption ; her jiopulation dwindled, her agricul-
ture decayed, her naval and military ibrce sunk into
contempt ; native Spaniards still held a nominal
monopoly, but the trade of America was really
carried on for the Ijenefit of foreigners ; Spanish
merchants lent their names to Englishmen and P'l-ench-
men, and even — bitterest pill of all — to the once-
despised Dutchman. The law which decreed that the
whole of the cargoes of American-bound ships must
be Spanish, was at length repealed ; they w^ere now
obliged to relax its provisions, and permit foreign
manufactures to form two-thirds of every cargo.

'i'lius the gold of America never came really into

:i:

I-.

II.

66 EXODUS OF 'rHR WKS'l'EKN NATIONS.

[1700—1774.

Chait™ the liaiids of the Spaniards. Tlie king obtained his
fiftli wofiilly diminished hy tlic peculation of officials
at the mines ; bnt the hulk both of gold and silver
was hypothecated to pay for foreign mannfjictures,
before ever it touched Spanish soil. All the shict
laws which environed the monopoly became in reality
valuable for the protection, not of Spaniards, bnt of
foreign traders. Strangers freighted the galleons for
(^irthfigena, and the flota for Vera Cruz ; for their
sake the Spaniards complacently watched over the
shadow of their monopoly long after the substance
had vanished.

The Kuropean point of departure for the two fleets
which every year convened the legitimate trade of
S}>ain, was first fixed at Seville, and was afterwards
removed to Cadiz. The flota Avent to Vera Cruz, in
Mexico, the galleons to Carthagena. At each of
these ports a fair was held on the arrival of the fleet,
at which all the European business of Spanish-
America was conducted. The South American fair
was held, not at Carthagena, but at Porto J3ello on
the Isthmus of Panama ; the climate of Porto Bello
was so unhealthy that the admiral of the galleons
was in the habit of anchoring at Carthagena, till he
heard that the Peruvian fleet had come up from
Guayaquil to Panama. He then made the best of
his way to Porto Bello, a\ here the traders of the two
continents met. At first the duration of the fair was
not limited by law ; but the mortality was so great
among the crowds who attended, that the govern-
ment, with characteristic; partiality for minute inter-
ference, limited its duration to forty days.

00—1774.

lied bis
officials
1 silver
iictures,
le sirict
reality
but of
ions for
)r tbeir
ver tbe
bstance

^0 fleets
rade of
)r wards
!ruz, ill
3ach of
le fleet,
paiiisb-
an fair

llo on
h Bello
alleons
till be
T from
,)est of
le two
lir was

great
overn-

inter-

EXODUS OF TlIK WESTKHX NATIONS. 57

1700—1771.]

Cartbagena, tboiigb no fair was beld tbere, for a Chaitek
long time enjoyed tbe flrst-fruits of tbe Kuropejin — -
tralHc. Tliitber tbe traders of Santa Fe, Popayan,
and (^iiito, bronglit tbeir own stocks, and tbe moneys
witb wbicb tliey were intrnsted on commission by mer-
cbants of tbe interior wbose bealtb or avocations pre-
vented tbem from attending in person. Tbey brougbt
witb tbem on tbe l)acks of mnles and of Indians, gold
and silver in bars, ingots, and dust ; and great emeralds
from tbe silver mines of Santa Fe. But altboiigb tbe
galleons never ceased to toucb first at Cartbagena, and
to wait tbere, sometimes many weeks, tbe mercbants
were at lengtb probibited from buying tbeir goods
tbere, or bringing tbeir own for sale ; for tbe mer-
cbants of Lima complained, tbat wbile tbey were en-
gaged at tbe fairs of Panama, tbe markets on tbe
western coast were supplied by Quito mercbants wbo
bad made tbeir way overland to Cartbagena : tbus,
tbey said, tbe Lima men were de])i'ived of a great
portion of tbeir profits. In consequence of tbis com-
plaint an order was made tbat tbe mercbants of tbe
interior instead of proceeding to Cartbagena, and
tbere transacting tbeir business, sbould eitber wait
for tbe flotilla of Peru in its course from Guayaquil
to Panama, and accompany it to Panama, and tbence
across tbe istbmus to Porto Bello, or else sbould wait
till tbe galleons arrived at Cartbagena on tbeir return
from Porto Bello. Of course tbose wbo adopted tbe
latter alternative would only bave an opportunity of
purcbasing tbe refuse of tbe fair ; many mercbants were
tbus compelled to travel across tbe wbole jurisdiction
of Sant;i Fe to Guayaquil, a distance of some twelve

;. .

'••:

68 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1700—1774.

chaiiku hundred miles, to carry tlieir mereliaiidize over dan-

L gerous roads and still more dangerous bridges, over

mountains and morasses, and through forests and
rivers. After a few trials, this plan was found so
impracticable that the government Iiit upon a com-
promise that would probably have escaped the inge-
nuity of any other governing body in Europe. Mer-
chants were allowed to send their goods to Cartha-
gena in ordinary times ; the tiempo muerto, as it was
called ; when trade w^as slack and Carthagena nearly
deserted ; but on notice being given that the galleons
liad arrived in Carthagena, ail commerce ceased be-
tween the provinces of (^uito and Lima, in order that
rival merchants might not take advantage of those
who were absent at the legitimate fairs.

Porto Bello was called, from its unhealthy climate,
the grave of the Spaniards. The plate-fleet often lost
a full half of its crew during the time they were
delayed there. It was so deadly, even to the natives,
that, except during the time of the annual fair, the
beautiful place was almost a solitude. It was selected
as the entrepot of eastern and western traffic, on
account of the advantages afforded by its situation.
It was opposite to Panama, and the harbour was one
of the safest on the coast. Nothing could present
a stronger contrast than Porto Bello during the
tiempo muerto, and the same city during the fair
tune. He who hnd seen it only in the dead season,
— solitary, poor, with ])erpetual silence reigning in
its empty warehouses, its vast ranges of wharves de-
serted, landing-cranes hanging with silent blocks and
rotting coixlage, over waters ungladdened by the

'Wf

700—1774.

7er dall-
es, over
ists and
jiind so
1 a com-
lie iiij^e-
2. Mer-
Cartlia-
is it was
a, nearly
galleons
ased be-
nder that
of those

climate,
)ften lost
ey were
natives,
fair, the
selected
affic, on
itiiation.
was one

present
•ing the
the fair
i season,

ning* in
irves de-
ocks and

by the

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 59

1700—1774.]

presence of a single sail, — would hardly have rccog- Chaiteu
nized as the same place that busy mart, whose noble — 1
harbour was

" Mast-thronged beneath her shadowing citadel
In glassy bays amid her tallest towers.''*

He would have seen with astonishment the change
wrouglit in a single day. As the first stately galleon
rounded the Iron Castle, and saluted wath salvoes of
artillery the royal standard of crimson and gold, that
waved from the Castle of St. Jerome, crowds of mer-
chants, from every port on the South Sea, hurried to
the wharves; the harbour was alieadv alive with
country vessels, some of which had brought, by way
of the Rio de Chagre, Cacao, and Quinquina, vicuna-
wool and bezoar-stones from Peru ; some laden with
provisions from Carthagena and the other ports of
the Caraccas. As soon as the formal courtesies were
exchanged betsveen the President of Panama and the
admiral of the galleons, the merchants of Peru re-
paired on board the vessel of the Admiral, where the
President on the part of the Peruvians, and the
Admiral on behalf of the Europeans, assisted by the
merchants as assessors, settled the prices of the various
kinds of merchandize. " All preliminaries being ad-
justed in three or four meetings, the contracts are
signed, and made public, tliat every one may conform
himself to them in the sale of his effects : thus all
fraud is precluded."! The signal w^as then given for
landing, and immediately, as if by magic, the sounds
of busy life arise in the ordinarily silent streets.
Each ship sent its sails ashore, and made with them

* Tennyson's UOaonc. f I'Hoa, i. 105.

"..'!

''^

II.

■y

a i

Dr »•

60 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1700—1771.

Chaiteii a stately marquee in the market-place, to which its
cargo was conveyed. In each tent, decorated with
the ensigns of the ship to which it belonged, and the
lilazon of its patron saint, " Cargadores," representa-
tives of the shippers of old Spain, assisted their con-
signees from Lima or Panama to find, among piled-
iip merchandize, the well-knowni private mark of
their correspondents. Sailors, naked to the waist,
hm-ried between the wharves and the market-place,
dragging sledges laden with chests and bales along
the uneven streets. Under the verandahs of each
house of entertainment, groups of sailors, exhausted
with the labour of working laden barges between the
ships and the wharf, or dragging cargoes to the tents,
were seen drinking and quarrelling, making love, or
lying about in various stages of that intemperance
which was the sure forerunner of mortal disorder.
Ever and anon, without warning, the mists which
rose all day from the densely-wooded sides of the
amphitheatre of mountains that surrounds the town,
broke over the city in torrents of rain, accompanied
by storms of lightning and thunder, which appeared
to break in the very streets, and to roll away re-
peated by a thousand echoes in the mountains.

Exorbitant prices were demanded for lodgings
which duiing near eleven months in the year had no
tenants. The inhabitants moved to the negro quarter,
" Guinea," as it was called, where tliey built tem^x)-
rary huts, that they might let their own abodes.
"A nii(Mh*ng chamber, witli ii closet, lets during the
fair for a thousand crowns :"* some of the larger

* I'Uoa.

700—1771.

liicli its
ed with
and the
iresenta-
eir coa-
g piled-
nark of
c waist,
3t-placo,
3S along
of each
diausted
k'een the
he tents,
love, or
iperancc
lisorder.
S which
of the
le town,
npanicd
p[)cared
way I'c-

■i,

odi»"in£>'s
had no

r^uarter,
tempo-
ahodes.

•ing the
larger

II.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. Gl

1700—1774.]

houses hrought four, five, and six thousand. The CuAvriiu
ordinary inhahitants were chiefly negroes and mu-
lattoes, whose constitutions were alone suited to the
deadly place. No white men lived nearer than
Panama, exce])t the small garrison, the governor,
the lieutenant-general, the commander of the forts,
tlie civil officers of the crown, the alcalde, and the
town-clerk : — "None of the natives above the mulatto
class ever settle here, thinking it a disgrace to live
in it."* In the shops were exposed for sale maize,
rice, casava, hogs, and poultry from Carthagena, and
cattle from the vast grazing plains near Panama.
Negroes ran about with trays, vending to the de-
lighted Europeans cocoa-nuts, full of delicious milk,
and little cubes of tender sugai'-cane. Outside the
town, on the sea-shore, between the barracks and the
(rloria Castle, rows of booths were erected by the
sailors, who offered for sale sweetmeats and other
trifles, which they brought from Spain.

Meanwdiile the land was covered, between Porto
Tk'llo and Panama, with droves of mules, which
travelled in companies of a hundred, laden wnth bars
of gold and silver, each stamped at the royal })ost of
(Jhoco, to show that it had paid its fifth to the king.
Some of these droves unloaded in the great squaie,
some at the Exchange, amidst the shouts of mule-
drivers, the vociferous invitations of pedlers, the song
of the labouring sailors, and here and there, perhaps,
the tinkle of a guitar or the sound of waits r.-om
some ship in the harbour. All day long were heard
shiieks, screams, and yells from countless motdvcys

* CUoiv, Vpyap;o, 08.

■ ; i

'•<}

02 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1700—1774.

Chapteb in the woods, as if a legion of spirits in torture were
— L abroad. This scene lasted forty days. At last, the
Spanish brokers embarked their chests of specie ; the
merchants of Peru despatched their " chatas " and
" dongos " * up the Chagre : the fair was over. More
graves were added to the crowded mounds in the
graveyard ; the great galleons sailed out over the bar
with parting thunder of artillery, and Porto Bello
was left, for another year, to dreams and silence.

Boats used in navigating the Chagre. — Ulloa.

rOO— 1774.

re were
ast, the
?ie ; the
ls" and
More
in the
the bar
o Bello
ice.

EXODUS OF THE WESTEllX NATIONS.

'Ws.

1C35— 1700.]

CHAPTER III.

THE BUCCANEERS.

[11)35—1700.]

Islands of the Spanish Main— French West India Compnny— Pirate
Settlement of 'I ortuga — Laws, Manners, and Expeditions of the Free-
booters—I.olonois— Taking of ""Taracaibo — Morgan's Exixxlitiun to the
South Sea — Capture of Panama.

Throughout Europe in the seventeenth century Chapter
society was rude and unpolished. Human life was .^_
but little regarded; murderous brawls were of con-
stant occurrence ; duels were frequent and had bloody
endings ; law itself tempered justice with but a small
modicum of mercy ; the liangman and the headsman,
the branding-iron and the quartering-block, were in
constant work. In the northern counties of England
farm-houses were fortified against moss troopers, and
parishes were bound by law to keep bloodhounds for
the purpose of tracking freebooters to their lairs
among the hills. Fearful diseases were rife in the
jails ; misery cowered unaided in the cities ; in rural
districts the labourer was still little better than a serf.
When the monasteries were abolished the charity
dispensed by them disappeared ; but no poor law
replaced its loss. Sanitary arrangements were so
little understood that the sewage of lyreat cities was

K. •

.! '.

HI.

64 EXODUS OF THE WK^TEKX NATIONS.

[1G35— 1700.

CiiAiT'ER emptied into their streets, and lienps of festering
mdtter bred epidemics tliat rnged wirli feurful violence.
Strange plagues, of which we know nothing, deci-
mated whole districts, and in some memonible in-
stances, swept from one end of Europe to the other.
The Sweating Sickness, the I5lack Death, the Dancing
Mania ; such are a few of the names hy which these
terrible scourges were designated. 'I'hey may be
read of in detail in Heckar't. ^' Epidemics of the Middle
Ages."* The lower strata of the town populations
were brutish and degraded ; police was little nnder-
stood ; order and cleanliness seem to have had no
place in tliat dismal chaos.

It is difficult to imagine the degree of ntter ferocity
to which they must have attained, who, in fuch a state
of manners, were too savage to remain within the
pale of society. Yet there were in the West Indies
and in the islands of the S])anish Main, organized
communities of smugglers and pirates, whom the
stringency of the commercial regulations of European
nations had driven into outlawry, and who carried on
their warfare against society with a cruelty which
rendered them prominent even in those hard times.

It became known to lawless vagabonds, the scum
of great European cities, that twice a year, there
passed among the islands of the tropical seas a pro-
cession of stately galleons, deep with the weight of
bars of gold and silver, and bales of costly mer-
chandize, and pearls and gems. It was but natural
that men, i' "

nng

itually

'p pii

isery,

should turn with fierce desire to the adventurous life

♦ Ilcckar. Epiileniics of the ^Iiddlc A^cs, trarifeUtcd into English.

* I

J5— 1700.

oleiice.
^, deci-
ble in-
! otlier.
•anciiig
h these
nay be
Middle
dations
under-
had no

ferocity
1 a state
liin the
: Indies
;^anized
om the
u'opean
•ried on
wliich
imes.
lie scum
there
; a pro-
ight of
V mer-
natural
misery,
rous life

rlisb.

KXOnUS OF TIIF-: WESTERN NATIOXS. 65

1635—1700.]

that presented such allurements ; that they shcaild Chaptek
contrast the squalor and hunger in which they passed — 1
their days, with the brilliant career of the bold
" Th'othren of the coast ;" that they should long to
repliice famine and sordid rags wn'th the laced coat
and unlimited licence of the buccaneer ; that they
shoull dream of \\\q riches that might reward the
lucky adventurer, who should enjoy l)ut for one hour
the plunder of a royal galley, or thrust his arms
elbow-deep into a sackful of pearls from Margarita.

The vast chain of islands which extends from Florida
to the mouths of the Orinoco seems marked out by
nature as the scene of piratical exploits. Tlie Mexican
Gulf, shut in by this chain from the main ocean, is di-
vided 1 »y groups of islands from the Caribbean Sea. The
eastward group was occupied, when Columbus disco-
vered it, by a tribe of warlike cannibals, the scourge
and terror of the more mild and hospitable shores to
which he afterwards gave the names of Hispaniola
and Jamaica.

Nature has there been prodigal of beauty ; the cli-
mate, except during certain sickly seasons, isdelightful ;
the sky clear, the night lighted up by a moon of un-
usual brilliancy, by the splendour of the milky way,
and by the planet Yenus, which appears here like a
lesser moon, and mnkes ample amends for the short
duration and abrupt departure of the twilight. The
mountainous configuration of the larger islands causes
the wind to blow from all quarters towards the land
at night. Were it not for this beneficent provision,
the heat would be almost too great for human habita-
tion. Columbus, in one of his letters to King Ferdi-

VOL. II. F

K " 1 ■

t '

'^A

III.

66 EXDDT'S OF 'I'lII': WES'I'KRX XA'I'foXS.

f lfi3,j— 1700.

Chaitkr iijuid, says of tho liarboiir of Porto Sauto, "Tlie water
is so clear that I can see the saiul at tlie l)Ottoin ; the
banks ;ire adorned witli lofty palm trees, whose shade
gives a delightful freshness to the air; and the buds
and flowers are fresh and beautiful. I was so much
pleased with the scene that I had almost formed tho
resolution of stayinc; here the remainder of my days."
After the Spaniiu'ds had exterminated the ancient
inhabitants of Hispaniola, the eai'th, no hunger culti-
yj ed, b'^ 3 noxious herbs, and the most beautiful of
thv isl'j Is became inaccessible and unhealthy wilds;
but <',jJor' the advent of Kur()[)eans they were in
every respe* delightfid. The ])a]mw tree grows
there, and palmetto royal, a column of two hundred
feet in height, the cedar, the mahogany, the banyan
tree, which

" spreads lior anna
I^ranchinp; so broad and lon^ that in tlic p'onnd
'J'lic bearded t\viii;s take root, and dan^liters grow
Alx)vo the mother-tree ; a pillanil shade,
High overarched, and eclioing walks between." *

Deadly serpents are uidcnown.t The flann'ngo and
the humnn'ng-bird are found in the woods, as well as
such quadi'upeds as the agouti, the peccary, the ar-
madillo, the opossum, the racoon, and the musk rat.
There were also alcos, native dogs who resembled
their kind in Europe, except that they were compelled
by natural inability to renounce the pleasure of
barking. Among the peculi.'ir animals of this fa-
voured land are iguanas, alligators, and many other
kinds of lizards, which vary from three inclies to
twenty feet in length, and land-crabs which march

* Milton. Paradise Lost. f Jirown. Ciiarlevoix.

',5—1700.

e water
111 ; the
e shade
ho biuls
o mrcli
led the
Y days."
ancient
er cidti-
itiful of
' Avilds ;
^vere in
grows
inndred
banyan

EXODUS OF THE WKSTEEN NATIONS.

r,7

iio'o and

well as

the ar-

nsk rat.

senihled

mpelled

snre of

this fa-

V other

iclies to

march

tdlX.

' 0t

riVK

lfi;r,_1700.]

down yearlv to the sea in a procession of milHons ; nor Cumtkr

. Ill-

will connnon <^'ratitude permit us to forget the turtle. —

Leaving, however, to the naturalist a descrii)tion of
their fauna and llora, the natural scenery of the AVest
Indies may he described in the eloquent words of their
historian : * — " The mountains," he says, "rise in as-
tonishing grandeur, and are the first objects that
strike the voyager's eye. Those of ITispaniola, in
particular, and the blue mountains of Jamaica, have
never been sufticiently explore<l. In proi)ortion as
the climate varies, the Irees, birds, and insects on the
summits of such of them as are accessible differ from
those which are to be met with below, "nd to a spec-
tator unaccustomed to such stupendou ■■ .^ nes every
oliject viewed from these heights w dd ^^>pear like
enchantment. In the equatorial s' >. oi . while all is
tranquil in the higher regions, the clout, > in prodigious
bodies are seen below spi-eading al t '. le sides of the
mountains, till, by accumulation becoming more pon-
derous, they fall in torrents of water on the plains.
The spectator ahove distinctly hears the din of the
tempest; the distant lightning illuminates the gloom,
while the thunder reverberated in ten thousand echoes
tremendously rolls far beneath his feet."

In a former chapter some account was given of the
cruelties practised by the Spaniards on the native
inlmbitants of these islands ; but these cruelties were
not confined to the Indians. Firmly confident in the
validity of that grant of the new world which the
pope had made to the Spaniards, they pushed their
claim to the fullest extent, and arrogated to themselves

* Edwards' History of tlio West Indies. \v\. i. p. IL'.

K 2

■■"IT'

"Ml

X-:'

• 111

■fi

•68

KXODUS OF TIIK WKSTET^N XATloXS.

f I

[1035—1700.

Chaitkr tlie ri";lit of treatiii<x ;ill other nations as invaders and
IIF. . '^

— '- interlopers. Jt was little likely 'iat this haii<,Hity as-

snnn)tion wonld he tolerated hy men of sucli mettle

as the Eng'lish and Freneh adventurers. A few

Frenchmen settled npon I[is|)iniiola, and small ])arties

of En^*lislimen estahlished themselves at Hermnda,

Ki.'K) St. Christoplier, and Barhadoes. The treaty of Ki.'JO
rendered the latter settlements in theory secure. Tlie
first article provided that there should he peace,
amity, and friendshij^ hetween the king's of England
and Spain, and their respective suhjects in all parts
of the world as well Europe as elsewhere ; hut the
Spajiiaids, notwithstanding the agreement, treated the
English, even in time of peace, as enemies wherever
they met them. The fleet, which was fitted out under

IH;").") tho connnand of Don Frederick of Toledo, for the
alleged purpose of attacking the Dutch settlement of
Brazil, went first, in consequence of secret orders from
the Spanish court, to the island of St. Christopher,
where Don Frederick destroyed the defenceless settle-
ments of the French and English. The French \)\nn-
ters fled to the neighhouring island of Antigua ; the
English took to the mountains, whence they sent depu-
ties to treat for a smrender. The Spaniards demanded
unconditional suhmission, and six Imndred Englishmen
were condemned for life to the horrihle slavery of the
Spanish mines ; the rest, with the women and children,
were compelled on pain of death to leave the island.
The Spanish leader then destroyed the settlements,
laid the country waste and ]>ursued his voyage.

Not long afterwards, during a time of profound
peace, the Spaniards fittacked the small English

EXUDUS OF TIIIC WKSTKHX NATIONS. 09

1035— 1700.]

colony at Tortuga. The island had never hoen oceu- (-„,p,i.u
pied by the Spaniards. The only excuse wliieli could _^
be alleged for such wa/iton violation of the treatv
was the often-quoted grant made a hundred and thirty
years before by the pope. Every man, woman, and
child was slain ; even those who surrendered and
begged for mercy were hanged. The king then on
the English throne could spare no time from his at-
tempts to destroy English liberty at home to vindicate
English honour in the Spanish Main : the massacre
passed unavenged. Some years before the Spaniards KiOO
had attacked and murdered the peaceful settlers of
Santa Cruz, a little island which had been unoccupied
till the English and Dutch made a small settlement on
its shores. As usual, the Castilian bravoes contented
i^ tliemselves w^ith cutting throats and desolating the

country. They made no attempt to re])lace the
nmrdered ])opulation by countrymen of their own.
Mariners thrown by slii]) wreck on their coasts were
either ruthlessly nmrdered, or condemned to per-
petual labour in the Mexican mines. During the
reign of Cromwell some satisfaction was obtained ;
the Protector was of different temper from the race
of Stuart ; he was little likely to allow any one of the
English race to be oppressed without dire retribution.
The English inhabitants of ]5iirbadoes addressed a
memorial to the Protector detailing their wrongs.
Don Alonzo de Cardenas, the S[)anish envoy, i^oon
became alarmed at the short answers and stern looks
of the Protector. At last a distinct demand was made
for satisfaction and reparation. "Oliver himself,"
says Tliurlow, "was for a war with Spain, at least in

'41

, {

70 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1 fin.-)— 1700.

CitArTEii the West imlies, if satisfaction were not o-jvon liini for

L past dama^-es, and things well settled for the future ;"

but Cromwell was informed in plain terms, in reply
to his demand for redi'efs, that the Spaniards would
persist in the same course whicli they had hitherto
ado[)ted towards the English in America. Heprisals
were ordered, and an unsuccessful attack made on
Hispaniola ; but the beautiful island of Jamaica, a
prize of almost equal importance, fell into the hands of
1(155 the English. The most important establishments at
that time on the island were St. J ago de ia Vega,
and the town which has perlKq)s undergone more
marvellous vicissitudes of fortune than any other on
the face of the earth — Puerto de Caguaya, since called
by the English Port lloyal.*

]>ut a more eftcctual scourge of the Spanish race
than Cromwell arose. English navigation laws
pressed heavily upon trade, and large numbers of
unemployed seamen crowded the sea-ports ; some
took to begging on the high road, many of the more
adventurous joined the ranks of the buccaneers.
Captain Johnson,f in his History of the Pirates, makes
a pertinent observation on this point ; though, as was
usual at the time he wrote, he makes the fact he asserts
a ground for demanding increased protection for a
branch of native industry. " I cannot," he says, " but
take notice, that no one has ever heard of such a thing

* Dostvoyed by an oarthquako, June, 1G92 ; destroj'od by fire, 1702;
reduced to ruins by inundation of the sea, 1721.' ; destroyed by a hurricane,
1774; again greatly damaged by fire, 17o0 ; by hurricane, 1784; by fire,
1815 ; by cholera, 1S50.

t General Histor}' of the RoT)beries and Murders of the most Notorious
Pirates, &c. By Captain Charles Johnson, 1724.

EXODUS OF THE WKSTEUX XATIOXS. 71

1 or)— 1700.]

as a Dutch pirate ; it is not because they are lioncster Cn mter

• • III
or less cournii'eous than their neighbours, but l»eeause 1

when not wanted in ships, tlie fislieries of tlie Dutch

g-ivc full employment to their maritime population ;

had the Kn<;"Iish enjoyed the same resom-ce, the result

wouKl have been a diminution of piracy. The Dutcli

have sevend liundred sail employed on our own

C(msts, and sell the Ii]ng^lish their own fish ; if there

wei'e any public sj)irit among us, it would be well

worth our wliile to esta))lisli a national fisheiy :" and,

of necessity, })rop it up, like all the other monopolies,

with protections, pains, penalties, and disabilities.

As eai'ly as 101]') a party of Frenchmen, who had
settled at ^^t. Christopher, sent out an exploring
party, which landed in IIisj)aniola. Finding tlicm-
selves unequal to tlie contest which was to be ex-
pected with t!ie Spaniards, the adventurers seized the
uninhabited island of Tortuga, and after several vicis-
situdes of fortune, succeeded in permanently esta-
blishing themselves there. A governor was sent from
the French island of St. Christopher, " together
with a shipful of men, and all necessaries for their
establishment and defence." The new governor
fortified a rock which overhung the port at which he
landed, and mounted it with two gims. Secure be-
hind these defences, a considerable number of French-
men repaired to the island, which was ultimately
taken possession of in IGUl by the French West I0G4
India Company.

Rut the company was no match for the piratical
elements of the society already in possession ; the
factors coidd obtain no payment for their goods; to

•'I

7*J EXUDUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1035—1700.

Ci.'Ai'TKu sell on credit, and ol)taiu no siitislUction cither of
III. . . .

— '- principal oj- interest, did not suit the French share-
holders, 'i'hey adopted an astounding determination,
namely, to sell their factors and servants as slaves
to tiie pirates and hunters, and to leave the latter in
inidistm'hed possession of the island.

Each of the unliap[)y victims fetched, as we are
told hy one of themselves,* " some twenty, others
thirty pieces of eight." It is difficult to refrain from
exj)ressing respectful arftonislnnent at the unusual
husiness talents of the French West India Company.
There is reason to l>elieve that they realized a suffi-
cient sum, by the sale of tlieir employes, to declare a
good dividend on their otherwise unsatisfactory trans-
action. The person who writes an account of this
hideous negotiation, though himself a free man, sub-
jected to inhuman treatment and loss of liberty, says
not a single word which could lead us to suppose
that he considered tlie transaction itself unjust; he
bewails his fate because his bodily sufferings were
severe, but he repines only at the hardness, not at
the injustice of his lot. It is but fair to add, that the
events which he afterwards records as an admiring
witness, and in wliicli lie participated as a free-
booter, go far to j)iove that he suffered nothing
which he was not himself I'eady in his turn to indict,
and that he looked upon all that could befall him as
the fortune of war.

'* On this occasion I was also sold, being a servant
under the said company, in whose service I left
Fii.,iice." Such is the matter-of-fact manner in which

:-P

* EhiiUt'liit'liiij;, ilisliiiiu ik'.s Hibii.vlioi-

t'rce-

•vuiit

left

liicli

III.

EXODUS OF Till-: \VL:sTERX XA'J'IOXS. 73

1035— 1 Too.]

he treats a deed, which in our day makes tlie ears of Chai'ilu
the hearer tingle. " My fortune was very Lad," he
continues, "for I fell into the hands of the most cruel
and jjerfidious man that ever was born. This man
treated me with all the hard usage imaginable — yea,
with that of hunger with which I thought to have
perished," and so on. But he utters not one w^ord of
burning indignation for the cruel injustice and wrong
to which he was subjected. In no long time the buc-
caneers made settlements both on Tortuga and Ilis-
paniola. In the early days of Spanish settlement,
when the aboriginal inhabitants were in process of
extermination, negroes had been imported to fill their
place ; these had increased in number, and their race
had been mingled with Indians and with Europeans;
there were also half-breeds, who on one side were Kii-
ropean, and on the other Indian. These various castes,
distinguished by various names as they approaclied
pure white blood, pi'oduced dusky beauties wiiich the
buccaneers greatly preferred to the more frigid dames
who accompanied or followed them from Europe. The
establishments of the Spaniards, on the mainland, were
distinguished by their purely military character ; like
other armies they were accom))anied by few women.
They settled, they conquered, they ruled ; but they
did not, in the full sense of the word, colonize. Hence
it came to jjass that the settlers in the West Indies,
and the lawless adventurers of Tortuga, made esta-
blishments nnich more complete in themselves than
the k* ^'-niards of Mexico and Peru.

The settlers of T(,)rtuga were all engaged in one
of three [)ursuits — hunting, i)lanting, and pii'acy.

III.

74 KXODUS OF 'I'lIE WKSl'KIiN NATIONS.

[1G35— 1700.

CiiAJTKu It was from tlie limiters that tlie name Liiccaneers
was derived : when on a Inniting expedition their 1'ood
consisted of tlie (lesh of wild cattle, smoked over a
houcane or wood fire. To this day tlie French half-
breeds of Canada on the j^lains talk of the camp fire
which they li_i>"ht at night in their canoeing or hunting
journeys as " La Boucane." The hunters, like the lum-
berers of the modern backwoods, went forth for two
years or more without returning to the settlement.
Their return, Es(piemeling tells us, was eagerly
watched for. " After the hunt is (jver and the spoil
divided, they commonly sail to Tortuga to provide
themselves witli guns, jiowder and shot, and necessa-
ries for another expedition ; the rest of tlieir gains
they spend prodigally, giving themselves to all manner
of vice and debauchery, particularly to drunkenness,
which they practise mostly with brandy." We are
also informed that the tavern-keepers, and degraded
hangers-on of both sexes, waited for the arrival of
the buccaneers, "even as at Amsterdam they do
for the arrival of the East India fleet." Naval
officers, who remember Portsmouth fifty years ago
when a ship was paid off, could probably give us an
accurate idea of the scenes that ensued. The bucca-
neers of all descriptions kept their servants, or e?i(ja(/es,
as they were called, in slaveiy. " The servants com-
Jiionly l)ind tliemselves to their masters for three
years ; but their masters, having no conscience, often
traffic with their bodies, as with horses at a fair,
sellijig til' 111 to other masters as they sell negroes.
Yea, to ad\uiice tin's trade, some persons go pur-
[»o8f'ly iiilo r'rancc and MKcwise to England and

I !

gams

lis an
)ucca-

com-

tliree

often

t;)ir.

IH.

KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 75

It ;.'!:>— 1700.]

otlier countries, to pick up young men and boys Ciiaitku
whom tliey inveigle and transport. * * * The mise-
rable kidnapped people are frequently subject to a
disease called coma, being a total deprivation of all
their senses ; there being often among these some of
good rpiality, tender education, and softer constitution,
they are the more easily seized with this disease."
We hear of kidnapped slaves tied to trees and beaten
to death, of others lashed "till their bodies were an
entire stream of gore blood," and then rubbed w-ith
lemon-juice, salt, and pepper. We have, however,
had enough of cruelty. Spaniards and adventurers
from either parts of Europe weie pretty nearly on a
par in that respect.

The reckless profusion with which the wild cattle
were slaughtered by the hunters was so great that
the breed soon began sensibly to diminish. Herds of
wild cattle were killed for the sake oidy of their
hides, the flesh being left as a prey for the wild dogs.
The buccaneers were, therefore, forced to turn their
attention to some other and more lucrative em})loy-
inent; this was soon found in the pursuit of ])iracy.
A buccaneer — known by the souhriqiiet of Peter the
(Jreat — Wiis the first to demonstrate the problem.
Peter, Ji native of Dieppe, in Normandy, was cruising
on the coast of Ilispaniola in an open boat, with only
twenty-eight com|)iinions ; it w^as the season when
the stat(?lyHota passed through the Bahama Channel
on its nnnual voyage to Spain. The prospect of
successfully attacking with an open boat a fleet heavily
armed, and commanded by an admiral and vicc-
aihniral of Spain, would have appeared desperate to

■; I

7G EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1 035— 1700.

Chaiter men in less extremity ; but Peter and liis companions
— 1 were reduced to tlie verge of starvation by the faihire
of their provisions : a short allo\.ance of water in the
tropics may well be supposed to add increased acerbity
to the most ferocious temper. The bold jiirate followed
the flota through the night : the vice-admiral of
the S})aniards, confident in his strength, straggled
away from the remainder of the convoy ; he had
been informed during the day that the craft which
was following the fleet was of suspicious appearance,
but the haughty Castilian refused to pay any aiten-
tioii to the movements of a foe so contem^'i'ble. In
the great cabin of his galleon the vice-admiral, sur-
rounded by his gentlemen, was carousing and play-
ing at cards in indolent security, when an phirm was
raised that the piratos Vv^ere upon them ; tiinrG was a
struggle, but it Avas soon at an end : in a fe^'/ minutes
«^ight-and-twenty desperadoes, gaunt witb J amine, and
animated with tlie fierce coui-n^-c of des[" 'r, had run
their vessel alongside, had scuttled it-', io |u .;ve:fit the
l)ossibility of retreat, and swarhied up the Spaniard's
sides, knife and ]^i.]tol in hand. The invaders were
dressed, after the muniii i )f the buccaneers, in shirts,
soaked in the olood of wild cattle, hats rudely fashioned
of sti'aw or reeds, leather breeches, and mocassins of
raw hide. Their triumphant cheers paraly,sed the
Spaniards. The admiial wiis taken with his hands
full of cards, and surrendered, crying, as in Mtcral
truth he might, that the ship w;is invaded by devils.
" The plantei's and hunters uf Tortugn," says Es-
(j[uemeling, " no sooner heard of the rich prize those
pirates had taken, than they resolved to follow theii"

•J

-■(

135—1700,

panions
failure
r in tliG
icerbity
ollowed
liral of
raggled
lie had
wliicli
saraiice,
J aiten-
)le. In
•al, sur-
d plny-
rm was
i was a
niniites
rie, and
ad run
e:nt tlie
niard's
's were
si irts,
^liioned
sins of
0(1 the
hands
literal
levils.
ys Es-
:> those
V theii"

Kxonrs OF thk western nations. . 77

K!.'!.")— 17<»0.]

cxanijile ; hereuj^on many of them left their employ- cua
ments, and endeavoured to get some small boats
wherein to exercise piracy. But not being able to
buy or build them at Tortuga, they set forth in their
canoes !o seek them elsewhere." In a few years
after the exploit of Peter the Great tlie Si)anish seas
were infested w'ith pirate ships which obeyed fixed
laws, iind were subject to a single chief, with the
avoweil intention of liviug by plunder. Desperadoes
from all the maritime countries of Europe hastened
to join them, and mauy thousand men moved at the
connnand of the great captain of the brethren of the
coast. Before the year was out tlia+ witnessed the
capture of the Spanish galleon, twenty large vessels
had been seized and formed the nucleus of a pirate
fleet ; two other great plate ships had been cut out of
the harbour of Campeachy ; and a trade in stolen
mercliandize had arisen between Europe and 1'ortuga
whieli in no long time developed to an enormous
extent, and made the piratical settlement one of the
richest in the west. Men-of-war from Spain ci'uisod
on the coast of 4ieir settlements on the mainland,
and waged an internecine war with the biicfianeers.
in the course of which the hideous cruelties pr.'ictised
upon the Indians by the Spaniards we equalled if
not surpassed.

The community so regardless of rdinary laws.
nevertheless observed a discipline of its own. The
laws bore no relation to the codes of '.'ivilized nations,
they related mainly to the proper distribution of
captured booty ; but we have the evidence of their
own body that those laws were seldom disobeyed.

I 'IT. II
III.

•r' ' y\

■:\\

''■■A

HI.

78 EXOf)UP, OF THK WKSTERX XATIOXS,

[Ifi3r,_i700.

CifAiiEu All offences ap^jiinst tlieir pcciilinr code were indeed
piniislied witli merciless severity ; flic commonest, of
these punishments was " maroonino-." Tlie victim
was landed on some nninhahited rock, with sufficient
provisions and water lor a sin2:le day : the most des-
perate ruffian mio-ht well shrink from the horror of
such a fate. The tropical sun sliines over a waste
of waters, and on the desolate shore cowers a solitary
man : he knows that his comrades, as they row l)ack
to their ship, are the last human faces he will see on
earth ; he thinks of the time, not far distant, when
the thirst that already parches him wid drive him
mad ; he thinks in mute despair of death unpitied and
unseen. Lone* years afterwards a hleaclicd skeleton,
witli an empty pitcher hy its side, will convey to the
crew of some passing vessel tidings of the wild
vengeance of the buccaneers.

The fundamental rule of the freebooters was, that
every article, both of 1; ")ty and outfit, should be paid
into the connnon ]^urse, and accounted for in the
general fund. This law ^\as embodied in the terse
phrase — '" No prey no pay." Before a captain of buc-
caneers wc't to sea it was agreed how nuich powder,
bulletis, and stores each comrade should contribute to
the armament. The captain was usually the owner of
the vessel ; his share was fixed at so many shares
for the use of her. 'J'he salary of the carpenter and
others who fitted her for sea was fixed at so many
shares. In like manner was appraised the value of
the " Chirurgeon and his chest of medicaments."
Lastly, there was a tariff", ;iccor<ling to wliieh those
mutilated in battle were to lie indemnified.

wild

III.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 70

i(;n5— ITOO.J

AVlieii wo tliiiik of tlie state of surgical knowledge CnuTF.ii
in tlie seventeenth century, of tlie actual cautery ap-
plied to t1ie l)one of amputated limbs, of the boiling
])itch and astringent powders to stop haimorrhage, of
the burnt alum, blue vitriol, and red nitrated mer-
cury whicli then formed })art of the medicament with
which a " cliirurgeon" provided himself, we cannot
consider this tariff excessive. It was, for a right arm,
GOO pieces of eight or six slaves. Left arm, ')00
pieces of eight or five slaves. Kight leg, 500 pieces
of eight, and so on. An eye was considered worth
one slave or 100 pieces of eight ; a finger was of the
same value as an eye. "All which sums were taken
out of the common stojk obtained by their piracy, and
a very equal and exrct dividend was made of the
remainder." It is quite satisfactory, after wading
tln'ough each account of blood, to discover that the
buccaneers never murdered o *ortured ]-)risoners
except when they supposed money or valuables to be
concealed, or when it would be inconvenient to set
them ashore : if there was any scarcity of slaves,
their place was as a matter of course supplied from
among tlie prisoners.

As time went on the pirate settlement of Tortuga
absorbed more and more of the regular trade. Shi])s
bound to the Spanish main or cruising from one settle-
ment to another were so often captured that I'ortuga
beciune a complete emporium. Regular traders, in
amity with the freebooters, made ]icrio(h'cal voyages
from Kurope and supplied powder, bulU;ts, clothing,
and l)randy in return f »r bars of gold, pearls, or other
('())nmodities which the islands or the mainland sup-

III.

80 EXODUS (»F TIIK WESTERN NATIONS.

[1(135—1700.

CiiAiTEi! lulled. In the quaint pnges of P]squemeliiig we
gatlier hints wlience we may form an idea of a pirate
town. The early Frencli governor had perched a
fort upon the rock that overlmng the harhoiir ; palm-
trees waved tlieir featliery arms to tlie very sliore ;
and on the side opposite to tlie old French fort, the
Spaniards in one of their expeditions had cut a road
through the rock to the top of an eminence whence
cannon could command the harbour. The town was
in the valley ; taverns and disorderly houses crowded
its streets as well as warehouses of the contraband
traffic ; merchandize was transported on the backs of
horses, a hideous breed, the degenerate descendants
of Spanish barbs, or on the scarred shoulders of
slaves, white and black. We are informed that
Rock, the Brazilian pirate, who " in private affairs
governed himself ill, and would often appear brutish
and foolish when in drink," ran up and down the
streets, beating and wounding those he met. AVe
are told, too, of a pirate of more jovial mood, who,
while his money lasted, would buy pipes of wine or
runlets of spirits, and, knocking out the head, station
himself in the narrow street, where with drawn sword
he kept the way and treated passers-by to a draught
oT wine or a fight, as suited their inclinations. Tf
the liquor did not disajjpear quickly enough, he
Would throw it about the streets and on the people,
" regardless of their apparel." Enormous sums were
wasted in the dens t)t' Tortuga : pirates occaHJonally
landed with booty amounting to six or seven thou-
sand pieces of eight per man ; on one occnsion a
single vessel came in with a booty of 260,000 pieces

;--r ■

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. SI

1035—1700.]

of eifflit. It was not safe to run up a tavern score chai'itr

. . . HI.

in Tortiiga, for it was no luicoinnion thing for a — 1
brotlier of the coast to gamble away three or four
thousand pieces, in tlie frantic dchaucliery of a single
night, and be sold for the satisfaction of his tavern
score in the morning. The English, it appears, were
more severe with their slaves than any others. But
there was a Dutch planter who enjoyed an unenvi-
able reputation for ferocity even among those savage
men : he w;is known to have beaten more than a
hundred unhappy servants to death ! The English,
who hold their slaves for seven years under the name
of apprentices, used habitually to exercise revolting
cruelties upon them in the sixth year of their service,
in order to extort from them a consent to be sold to
another master, in wdiich case the seven years' ap-
prenticeship began over again. It was law among
the English planters that if any man owed his neigh-
bour more than twenty-five shillings English, he was
liable to be sold for a limited time — six or eight
months — in satisfaction of the debt.

The piratical exploits of the l)uccaneers at length
almost paralyzed the commerce of Spain ; fewer ships
were sent to the colonies, and those under a stronger
guard : the buccaneers, who now numbered many
thousands, finding their booty diminishing, began to
take to robl)ery on land.

Tile first who led any consiilerable expedition was
one T^tnvis Scot, who attacked and almost destroyed
the elty of Campeachy, on the coast of Yucatan.
After Scot came Mansvelt, or Mansfield, who invaded
Granada, and ponotratod ns far as the South Sea, and

VOL. 11. (i

'('I

.: • :i

•i'l

Ins

82 EXODUS OF TIIK WESTERN NATIONS.

[1(135—1700.

CJhapter Davis, who took the citv of Nicaragua, and phmdered
III " . .
1 the churches 6f vast stores of plate and jewels.

But an expedition on a larger scale was soon ar-
ranged. A Frenchman, horn on the Sahles d'Olonne,
in France, and thence known as L'Olonnais, had
been kidnapped hy the French West India Company,
and sold as an engage in tlicCarihl)ee Islands, whence
he escaped and joined the buccaneers at Tortuga.
This man soon obtained among them high connnand,
and at length found himself at the head of a fleet
of eight vessels, the largest, that of Lolonois himself,
carrying ten guns. After seizing a few prizes, amongst
them a government ship laden with military stores
for Hispaniola, Lolonois set sail with his fleet for the
Gulf of Maracaibo.

The gulf is some sixty leagues in length. It
is, in fact, a great estuary formed by several rivers,
which there discharge themselves into the ocean. It
narrows itself at the mouth to a small passage, hardly
a gun-shot across : this entrance the Spaniards had
guarded with two forts. The town of Maracaibo was
one of about a thousand inhabitants, of which eight
hundred, all Spaniards, were able to bear arms. It
is characteristic of the Spanish dominion, that a town
of this size, besides the parish church, contained no
less than four monasteries. A considerable trade ex-
isted between Maracaibo and Gibraltar, a still larger
settlement on the other side of the gulf. The
prospect is described by one of the pirates, who took
part in the attack, as " very delicate." He says that
the neighbouring plantations were highly cultivated,
and produced, besides sugar and cocoa, oranges.

« :.i

Hi.

KXv)DUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 83

lOrir.— 1700.]

lemons, and other fruitH, tobacco of such excellent Chapter
quality that it received the name of fohacco de sacer-
dotas, or priest's tobacco. Mountains covered with
perpetual snow closed in the prospect ; across them
lay the road where at certain seasons of the year
merchandize was carried on the backs of mules be-
tween Maracaibo and Gibraltar, and the settlement
of Levida.

In the gulf itself lived a tribe which the Spaniards
had been unable either to civilize or to enslave, and
whom they therefore called A/rtwe"? ; the mosqm'toes
were so numerous and troublesome that these ])eople
were obliged to build their houses on posts in the
water ; a considerable fishing settlement also existed,
the inhabitants of which adopted the same kind of
ami)hil >ious existence.

Lolonois landed his men on the Isla de Yii>;ilias, a
league from the fort which commanded the entrance to
tlie gulf. The fort was but a rude bi-eastwork formed
of gabions, but was mounted with sixteen great guns.
Earthworks were likewise thrown up outside the fort
to protect the defenders in a sally. An ambuscade
sent by the governor to intercept the pirates was
itself cut off from the fort; five hours of desperate
figliting ensued, and the work was taken by storm,
if such a term can be applied to an engagement in
which the pirates had no more formidable artillery
than their pistols. The defeated ambuscade fled at
once to Maracaibo, screaming that the pirates, two
thousand strong, were upon them. The unfortu-
nate town had before been sacked. The inhabit-
ants knew what was to be expected from the

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84 EXODUS OF THP] WESTERN NATIONS.

[1635—1700.

Chaptet tender mercies of the buccaneers ; while the fight
was still raging on the Isla de Yigilias, the whole
population of Maracaibo fled fast in boats and canoes,
with all the valuables and money they could collect,
to the town of Gibraltar, higher up the lake.
Lolonois brought up his fleet, demolished the fortifi-
cations, dismounted and spiked the guns, and, having
thus secured his retreat, took jDossession of the town,
where he established his main-guard in the great
church. Abundance of flour, bread, and pork offered
irresistible attractions to men who for weeks had
been pent up in filthy small craft. Kegs of
brandy and casks of wine soon changed the scene
into one of brutal debauchery : a party scoured the
woods, and brought in 20,000 pieces of eight, several
mules laden with household goods and merchandize
were seized, and about twenty prisoners. These were
put to frightful tortures, and ultimately murdered, in
a vain attempt to extort from them the secret spot
where the townsmen had concealed their treasures.
Nothing, however, could be found ; and, after some
days of inaction, the pirates took to their ships and
moved up to the attack of Gibraltar. But the go-
vernor of Lerida, a valiant soldier, who had fought
with distinction in Flanders, had been summoned by
the affrighted men of Maracaibo, and was there before
them.

Lolonois, on moving up to the attack, found the
royal standard of Spain floating on the air ; new do-
fences, barricades, and abbatis had been formed, and
heavy guns trained on the narrow path by which
alone they could gain access to the fort. Eight

V- •

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III.

EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS. 85

1635—1700.]

hundred Spaniards were behind the entrenchments ; Chapter
the pirates numbered three hundred and eighty men.
The fight was long doubtful, but nothing could resist
the courage of men who fought with the certainty of
death in one scale and the prospect of unlimited
plunder in the other. The Spaniards gave way, but
not before they had lost two-thirds of their number.
Five hundred were dead, a few took to the woods,
some were taken prisoners and locked up in the great
church. The buccaneers hauled down the Spanish
colours, and substituted those of France. Forty of
their companions were killed, and about eighty
wounded ; but the miasmata of those dismal swamps
were more fatal than Spanish steel — none of the
wounded recovered ; the dead were piled up in two
canoes, and sunk with stones a league out at sea. The
provisions began to fail ; the prisoners died of hunger
by scores, for no share of the small stock was allotted
to any of them, except to some of the women, who
were reserved for a fate hardly more merciful. The
wretched prisoners before they died were as usual put
to the torture, in order to discover the treasures which
the inhabitants were supposed to have concealed. A
few were sent to the Spaniards who were in the woods,
demanding ransom for the town, which, to give em-
phasis to the demand, was set on fire. After some
delay a ransom was paid, and the buccaneers, after car-
rying oft' the pictures, images, and bells of the great
church, took to their ships and made their way to the
Isla de la Yaca, a settlement of French buccaneers,
where the gains of this notable expedition were di-
vided. In ready money they had no less a sum than

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86 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1635—1700.

Chapter 260,000 pieces of eight, besides large jewels and un-
— 1 coined plate. " But," says the buccaneer historian,
" in three weeks they had scarce any money left,
having spent it all in things of little value, or lost it
at play. The taverns and stews, according to the
custom of the pirates, got the greatest part."

But by far the most important character among
these lawless men was Sir Henry Morgan. The
honourable prefix to his name Morgan owed to the
whim of Charles II. He was tho leader of the famous
expedition against Panama, by far the most import-
ant of all the actions performed by the buccaneers.
The celebrity which he obtained by his success in
this expedition obtained for him the appointment of
governor in one of the West India islands, where he
waged war with great determination against his
former companions. Like Lolonois, Morgan had
been in his youth kidnapped and sold as a slave.
The hideous cruelties which were perpetrated on
apprentices have been already mentioned : it was
natural that men smarting under cruel wrong, and
entertaining fresh in their memory the recollec-
tion of tortures, mutilation, and starvation, should
have their dispositions permanently warped, and
their tempers made cruel and savage. Morgan was
as bad in this respect as any of his associates. In
person he was rather handsome, and in dress and
manner imposing. A picture of him still exists ;
it represents a man of middle age and portly
jjresence, with thin straight nose, and rather over-
hanging brows, knit apparently into an habitual
frown. The lower part of the face is heavy and

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 87

1635—1700.]

sensual ; the moustachios, carefully trained, curl up- Chapter
wards. He wears his own hair, which hangs in — 1
ringlets over his shoulders ; his neckcloth of the finest
linen, and edged with rich lace, falls down over an
embroidered doublet ; the sword-belt which crosses
his shoulder is magnificently embroidered : altogether
a man careful of personal appearance. The portrait
was taken, no doubt, when Sir Henry had retired
from business, and had, like Falstaff, determined to
forswear sack (i.e. sacking of towns) and live cleanly.
Morgan's first exploits were on the coast of Campeche ;
but the taking of Puerto Velo was the first action
of importance in which he was engaged. This city,
which stands some fourteen leagues from the isthmus
of Darien, and eight from Nombre de Dios, was one
of the strongest fortresses in New Spain. On the
arrival of the yearly galleons from Spain, the mer-
chants of Panama used to come across and reside
there during the time of the fair. Thither they
brought the ingots of gold, to take back in return
the merchandize of Old Spain, and slaves, brought
for sale by the Negro Company. Morgan came sud-
denly upon the fortress in the night, surprised the
sentry, and without much difficulty made himself
master of the outer defences. Placing all the pri-
soners in one room, together with a few barrels of
gunpowder, he blew the whole building into the air,
and rushed upon the city.

A detachment took possession of the cloisters, and
seized the religious men and women, whom they put
to curious use in their subsequent attack on the
citadel, where the chief inhabitants had taken refuge

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EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

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[1635—1700.

Chapter with large stores of plate and jewels. One after
__ another the detached forts fell into his hands, but
the citadel was still to be taken by escalade ; for that
purpose three or four ladders, broad enough for five
men abreast, were hastily constructed. Counting on
the superstitious veneration of the Spaniards for
monks and nuns, Morgan ordered his religious pri-
soners to precede the freebooters up the ladders.
" Captain Morgan," says Esquemeling, " was per-
suaded the governor would not employ his utmost
force, seeing religious women and ecclesiastical per-
sons exposed in front of the soldiers to the greatest
dangers. The reli^'ious men and women ceased not
to cry to the governor, and beg him to deliver the
castle, and save both his and their lives." The town
was carried at length, though " with great loss of the
said religious people." A hundred thousand pieces
of eight was imposed as a ransom on the city, and
this, together with the other prizes taken during the
voyage, amounted to the enormous sum of 250,000
pieces of eight in hard money, besides cloth, linen,
silks, and the guns of the fortresses, which Morgan
put on board his ships. He then sailed to Jamaica,
where the greater part of his plunder was in a few
days wasted in the usual prodigal fashion.

These repeated booties, though they did not per-
manently enrich the men who acquired them, of course
materially increased the resources of the haunts to
which the pirates were in the habit of repairing. The
town of Port Royal, in Jamaica, was in the highest
esteem among the buccaneers, for whom the limited
resources of Tortuffa afforded insufficient means of

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 89

1635—1700,]

debauchery. Edwards, in liis " History of the West CuArxEu
Indies," though he dismisses the buccaneers with half- —
a-dozen hues of notice, acknowledges that they con-
tributed largely to the rapid increase of the settle-

ment. On several occasions,

during

his career,

Morgan, treated apparently upon equal terms with
the governors of the British West India islands. On
one occasion, when he had ordered his fleet to
rendezvous at the Isla de la Yaca for the purpose of a
marauding expedition on the coast of Venezuela, an
English ship newly come from New England, and
mounting thirty-six guns, was ordered by the go-
vernor to "join Captain Morgan, and strengthen his
fleet, and give him greater courage to attempt mighty
things." Any one who will read the account of the
expedition thus recognized and sanctioned by an
English governor, and note the awful cruelties which
were perpetrated by the licensed freebooter, will
assuredly be of opinion that usages of civilized war-
fare were little taken into account by our forefathers.
The buccaneers sometimes acted with courtesy, if
not with honour ; for we have an instance of a French
pirate taking provisions, of which he had extreme
need, out of an English ship, and paying for them by
bills of exchange on his piratical consignees in
Jamaica and Tortuga.

But the chief exploit performed by the buccaneers
was the capture of Panama. In August, 1670,
Morgan collected his fleet at Jamaica, and after seve-
ral adventures cast anchor off the castle of Chagres.
The castle was built upon an eminence at the mouth
of the river, and was fortified with wooden palisades

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00 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1635—1700.

Chapter filled lip with earth, and well manned and armed.
The huildings inside the stockade were, as is usual in
that burning climate, thatched with straw. Inacces-
sible on three sides, it had but a single narrow en-
trance towards the sea. This approach was defended
by heavy guns and the usual devices of abbatis and
palisades. The pirates made their assault with their
accustomed fury. But the fort would probably have
resisted their attack had it not been for an accident ;
an arrow shot from the fort struck one of the ad-
venturers, who pulling it from his body, wrapped some
cotton round it, and setting it on fire, discharged
it blazing into the thatch of the powder magazine.
An explosion ensued ; a breach was blown in the pali-
sades ; great heaps of earth fell down into the ditch ;
the pirates fired the palisades in a dozen places at
once, and rushed through the blazing openings to the
attack. It was by this time well known to the
Spaniards that death was preferable to the tender
mercies of Morgan and his men : the garrison de-
fended themselves with the courage of despair ; many
of them flung themselves from the rocks rather than
ask for quarter, but before midnight the last defences
were forced, and the pirates scrambled up the breach
in the midst of a shower of hot pitch and stink-pots.
Dead and dying were cast into the waves; the
wounded were placed in a church, where the female
prisoners were already immured, and through the long
night the dying mingled their groans with the frantic
riot of which the sacred edifice became the scene.

Morgan was now in possession of a base of opera-
tions : he lost little time in preparation ; five hundred

A' ■

EXODU& OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 91

1635—1700.]

men he left on board bis fleet, a bimdred and fifty
guarded tbe fort of Obagres against surprise, and
superintended the labours of its former defenders,
whom they compelled to work at its restoration :
with twelve hundred more he himself commenced
the ascent of the Chagre river on his way to Panama.
He had received intelligence that the bpaniards lay in
force in diiferent ambushes on the way ; he therefore
took but little provisions with him, hoping to wrest
the means of living from the enemy. The first day
he advanced but six leagues up the river, which was
very dry for want of rain, and obstructed by trees
that had been carried down it by former floods : at
evening the men went ashore to stretch their limbs,
contracted by close packing in the boats, and to forage
for supplies ; but the plantations were deserted, the
pig-yards empty, the maize and vegetables hidden
or destroyed : so the expedition went hungry to rist
among the trees, with no solace but a pipe )f
tobacco. The second day ended in a similar disap-
pointment; they everywhere found traces of the
Spaniards, but everything eatable had been destroyed
or removed. The freebooters quitted their boats
and took to the woods ; but though they discovered
the huts, made by a party of about five hundred
Spaniards, there was no food. The fourth day
they began to feed upon the leather bags in
which they usually carried their provisions ; by the
fifth they were in extremity ; they soaked their
mocassins in water, and chewed them to allay the
sharp gnawing of their hunger. " Some who never
were out of their mothers' kitchens may ask, how

Chaiter

III.

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[1(135—1700.

Chapter these pirates could eat and digest tliose pieces of
— '- leather so hard and dry ? — whom I answer, that could
they once experiment what hunger or rather famine
is, they would find the way as the pirates did."* On
the fifth day of this frightful journey they found two
sacks of maize and two great jars of wine which had
been left behind ; but two sacks were as nothing
among twelve hundred starving men. They wan-
dered on, their clothing torn to rags, gaunt with
famine, ferocious with despair ; the weak were put
into the canoes, and the rest continued their course
along the banks ; for eight days they persevered,
keeping themselves alive with roots and leaves. On
the sixth day they had found a barnful of maize ; they
beat in the doors and ate it dry. Murmurs rose
against their leader ; some of the most mutinous re-
fused to follow him ; but the m.ajority remained
firm, swearing to have revenge for their sufferings
upon the Spaniards. In a village by the river side,
deserted like the ambuscades, they found a few cats
and dogs, the only living creatures left ; these they de-
voured. They were now at the village of Cruz, six
leagues from Panama : it was the place where goods
coming to the isthmus were stored, for it was the
highest point to which the river Chagre could be
navigated. Merchandize was brought thither from
Panama on the backs of mules.

On the morning of the ninth day, the famished
company came in sight of the South Sea. Before
them were spread smiling plains covered with cattle ;
cows, horses, bulls, and asses were killed in indiscri-

* Esqueincling.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 93

1035—1700.]

minate slaugliter ; huge fires were lit, at wliicli the CuArrEn

men hastily " carbonadoed " the still smoking car- 1

cases, and ate them half-raw, with the fierce eager-
ness of famine : " such was their hunger that they
more resembled cannibals than Europeans, the blood
running down many times to their waists."

They resumed their march ; as they came within
sight of the steeples of Panama, their trumpets
sounded and drums were beat. They then made
bivouac upon the plain, waiting impatiently for day-
light to commence the attack. Reconnoitring par-
ties of mounted Spaniards came out of the city, and
galloped round the camp of the ^^perros Ingleses " —
the English hounds. " Nos veremos /" they shouted ;
" we shall meet you soon."

The Spaniards had blockaded the paths leading to
the city, and had trailed their artillery to defend the
main approach. Morgan led his men by a path
known to his Indian spies, which lay along the
face of a rugged cliff. The governor of Panama
thought himself now secure of victory ; he despatched
droves of wild cattle along the narrow ledge, goaded
by Indians from behind, to sweep the buccaneers
from the path. But the hunters of Tortuga were
not to be daunted by such familiar objects ; they knew
how to scare and turn the furious beasts as well as
the native drivers themselves ; a few only broke
through the English companies and tore the colours
in pieces ; the greater number fled down the road
along which they had been driven, back on to the
plain where the forces of Spain were now perceived
drawn up in battle array. The engagement was

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94 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1(535—1700.

Chapter Commenced by the Spanish horsemen; but the

1 ground was marshy and unfit for cavalry : they failed

to turn the flank of tlie English, who, though vastly
outnumbered, fell with irresistible fury upon the in-
fjintry, which broke and fled. No quarter was
given ; the wounded were pistolled or knocked on
the head. In vain the Spaniards shot chains and
broken iron from the walls : foot by foot the soldiers
of Castile were driven back, and the English flag
waved over the fortress of Panama.

Morgan fired the city ; by night the greater por-
tion was in flames. The houses built, as at this day,
mostly of wood, burnt with inconceivable rapidity.
The pirates attempted to arrest the fire, but it was
too late : a few dwellings built of cedar curiously and
magnificently carved, and richly adorned with hang-
ings and pictures, were saved with the utmost difii-
culty by blowing up a cordon of houses round the
burning ruins. It was four weeks before the flames
were finally trampled out. The stately warehouse
built by the Genoese for their trade in negroes was
burnt to the ground ; two hundred other great ware-
houses and many slaves who had hid themselves
there were destroyed ; the vast stables for the
horses and mules that carried the great ingots of the
King of Spain, were dismantled. Eight monasteries,
one stately church, and a hospital, which were among
the architectural glories of Panama, were uninjured ;
another church still more magnificent was consumed.
The uninjured church was, according to the custom
of the buccaneers, made a receptacle for the wounded.
Two thousand houses belonging to the great mer-

f >

III.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 96

1635— 1700.J

clia. ^^ Spain, and five thousand more of less value, Chapter
were altogether annihilated ; but the palace of the
bishops was spared. The piety of many gene-
rations of Spaniards had adorned the churches with
rich altar-pieces, and had endowed both them and
the monasteries with stores of gold and silver plate.
These, with the sacred paintings, were concealed
by the ecclesiastics. The pirates encamped out-
side the city, watching the companies of Spaniards
who, though they rallied, could not again be brought
into action. Morgan gave strict orders that no
man should get drunk ; the order was obeyed,
for it was accompanied by an ingenious inti-
mation that he had received information of the liquor
being poisoned by the Spaniards. Finding that no
fresh attack was made, Morgan removed his men into
the city, and Idlleted them in the empty houses.
Non-combatants, at the first assault, had fled in
terror to the forest and mountain. The pirates em-
ployed themselves industriously in searching among
the ruins for utensils of gold and silver that were not
quite wasted by the flames. The scenes which always
followed the sack of a town by the buccaneers, af-
forded time for the fugitives to escape, and robbed
the ruflians of a prize richer than any they had yet
taken. Amid the confusion a great Spanish galleon
sailed out of the harbour laden with the king's plate,
jewels, and other precious goods of the richest mer-
chants of Panama. On board this galleon were the
nuns from the great convent, who embarked with
all their ornaments and the plate of their church.
The pirates sent four boats to search the various

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96 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1035—1700.

Chapter liarbours along the coast. These captured a " reason-
able good ship newly come from Payta," laden with
cloth, soap, and 20,000 pieces of eight.

Morgan after a s'ormy scene with his followers,
slipped nvvay with a few companions to Jamaica. He
had with him in his expedition men of every nation,
and amongst them a large body of French, who
accused the English of keeping the best part of the
spoil for themselves, in contravention of the funda-
mental law of the brethren of the coast. When this
dispute broke out they were working their way back
to Chagres across the isthmus They were encum-
bered by a crowd of unfortunates, whom, in default
of ransom, they had enslaved. The dismal procession
was halted, and every man, the captain himself in-
cluded, stripped and searched. The fastidious delicacy
of the French was outraged by this proceeding, and
a violent quarrel ensued. Morgan, as soon as he
arrived at the coast, went on board one of his ships,
scuttled the rest, and set sail with those of his fol-
lowers on whom he could best rely. Such flagrant
violation of the laws of the community could never
be forgiven. Morgan never appeared as a leader of
the pirates again ; he was afterwards made governor
of one of the West India islandr by the king, and
distinguished liimself by unrelenting persecution of
his former associates.

It was the castom among the b\;ecaneers for each
adventurer, on his arrival in port, to purchase an
Indian woman " at vhe price of a knife or any old
axe, wood bil, or hatchet ; by this contract the woman
IB obliged to remain with the pirat all the time he

lii

\_^

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 97

1635—1700.]

8tavs there : she serves liim in the meanwhile with
victuals of all sorts that the country affords ; the
pirat has liberty also to go when he pleases to hunt
or fish or about any other divertisement, but is not to
commit any hostility or depredation on the inhabit-
ants, seeing that the Indians bring him in all that he
needs or desires,"

The Indian women often became attached to their
Ifiwless friends, and accompanied them to sea, or re-
mained with them for whole years without returning
home. Many of them spoke English and French,
and some of the pirates were acquainted with the
Indian language. " Being veiy dextrous with their
javelins," says Esquemeling, " they are useful to the
pirates in victualling their ships by the fishery of tor-
toises and manitos. One of these Indians is alone
able to victual a vessel of one hundred men."

As the customs observed at the Isla de los Pinos
are under discussion, it may be remarked that an in-
vitation to dinner involved a somewhat imusual cere-
monial, which the chronicler thus describes : — " They
are very unskilful in dressing victuals, so that they
seldom treat one another with banquets, but when
they invite others they desii'o them to come and drink
of their liquors. Before the invited persons come to
tlieir house, those that expect them comb their hair
very well, and anoint their faces with oyl of palm
mixed with a black tincture which rendreth them
very hideous. The won en also daub their faces with
another sort of stuff which makes them look as I'ed as
crimson, and such are their greatest ornaments and
attire. Then he that invites takes his arms, wliich

VOL. II. II

Chaptkii

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98 EXODUS OF THE WESTEPN NATIONS.

[1035— 17(X>.

("HArrEii are three or four azagayas, and goes out of his cot-
tage three or four hundred steps, to wait for and re-
ceive the invited persons. As soon as they draw
nigh he falls down on the ground, ly'ng flat on his
face without any motion feigning himself dead ;
being th is prostrate, the invited friends take him
up and set him on his feet and go all together to the
hut. Here the persons invited use the same cere-
mony ; falling down on the ground as the inviter did
before. But he lifts them up one by one, and giving
them his hand conducts them into his cottage, where
he causes them to sit. The women on these oc-
casions use few or no ceremonies. Being thus
brought into the house, they are presented every one
with a calabash of about four quarts full of achioc
almost as thick as water-gruel, or children's pap : this
they are to drink off, and get down at any rate.
The calabashes being emptied, the master of the
house with many ceremonies goes about the room
and gathers his calabashes, and this drinking hitherto
is reckoned but for welcome."

No expedition of such importance as that against
Panama was ever again undertaken by the buccaneers.
Political reasons soon caused the dispersion of their
community. The English were the first to secede.
Morgan's expedition to Panama was in 1G71 : Eng-
land and Spain were at that time in amity ; it was
the lime of the Cabal, of the secret treaty between
Charles II. and Louis XIV. tv restore the Roman
Catholic religion in England : the time when the
French king and his English ally were preparing to
reduce the young republic of Holland to obedience.

their

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 99

1G35— 1700.]

and Charles had just shut up the Enghsh exchequer, CiiArrEu
and resolved to rule without a parliament. This — 1
then, was no time for encountering the hostil'tyof
the Spaniards. Men-of-war from England brought
out orders to the governor of Jamaica, to return and
give an account to the English king of his policy in
favouring the pirates, " to the vast detriment of the
King of- Spain." A new governor was sen.;, who
despatched to the various ports a notice " That
for the future he had received from his sacred
Majesty and Privy Council strict and severe orders
not to permit any pirate to set forth from Jamaica to
commit any hostility or depredation on the Spanish
nation or dominions or any other people in those
neighbouring islands." The pirate commonwealth in
Port Royal was then for the time broken up, and the
forces of the French and English buccaneers removed
to Tortuga.

The English buccaneers being thus stopped, the
I rencli pursued their calling alone till the Treaty of
Ryswick : Louis being at the time of the signature of 1G97
that treaty, at peace with Spain, in consequence of
the successful termination of the dispute about the
Spanish succession, sent out orders which effectually
restrained their marauding propensities. In a sho:'t
time the biiccaneers were absorbed in the general
poj^ulation.

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ing to
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KXODUS OK riTE WKSTRim NATIONS.

[1702— 171 ;j.

CHAPTER IV.

;•! ...

ENGLISH COLONIES UNDER QUEEN ANNE.

[1702—1713.]

Accession of Queen Anne — Temper of the Colonies at that period —
Review of the Colonial Policy of William III. — Progress of the War of
the Spanish Succession — Views of English Politicians of Louis XIV. —
Provisions of the Ti''>aty of Utrecht — Assignment of the Aslento to
England — Canada and ^Vcadia during the War.

Chapter Ix a former chapter it was recalled to the reader's
— '- recollection, that war was declared with France in

1702 the first year of Queen Anne. The war was at first
exceedingly popular; the insult which Louis had
fastened upon England was so imprudent, that the
staunchest Jacobites wavered ; it concentrated on
itself the attention of the nation, and raised such a
storm against the Pretender and his claims, that it
would have been mere madness on the part of his
adherents to attempt at that moment interference
with the Act of Settlement. The queen accordingly,
under the parliamentary authority which had given
William his power, ascended the throne amidst pro-
found tranquillity. The news of her accession was
received very quietly by the colonies ; all submitted
without objection or remonstrance to the transfer of
their allegiance, ordered by the Imperial Parliament.

IV.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 101

1702—1713.]

Maryland, with a show of attachment which was Chapter
considered somewhat officious, passed an act recog-
nizing the queen's title;* but her Majesty was
advised to thank her transatlantic admirers for their
loyalty, and at the same time to disallow their act, on
the ground that parliamentary jurisdiction required
no confirmation by colonial legislatures. The minis-
ters at the commencement of active hostilities were
somewhat embarrassed by the defenceless state of the
plantations : they ordered the governors to proclaim
war against France, and desired the assemblies " to
build fortifications and to aid one another," an order
which was obeyed no better than vague commands
unenforced by authority usually are. They also
warned the provinces of the mischiefs which arose
from their trading and corresponding with the French
during the last war, and desired them to avoid
similar practices in the present ; the only practical
step adopted was to station frigates on the coasts,
and supply convoys for the colonial commerce.
Having thus attempted to give the colonies some
assurance of safety, the attention of ministers w^as
directed to their political condition. The administra-
tion of King William had given a blow to royal
authority from which it was never destined to
recover ; a democratic temper animated all the pro-
vincial assemblies, and the embarrassments of the
late reign descended with additional force to the pre-
sent. Dudley, who assumed the government of
Massachusetts in 1702, wrote to the Board of Trade
that " even many of the counsellors were common-

* Chalmers, i. 310.

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102 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1702—1713.

CiiAiTER wealth men," and he informed the Earl of Nottin^-
— - ham,* the first Secretary of State for the southern
department appointed hy Queen Anne, " that he had
communicated the queen's requisitions to the assem-
bly : but though he used all possible methods, he
found it impossible to move that kind of men, who
love not the crown and government of England, to
any manner of obedience." Similar language was
held by Mompesson, the chief justice of New York,
who wrote to Nottingham,! — " Anti-monarchical prin-
ciples and malice to the Church of England daily
increase in all those places where the magistrates
encourage them, which is done in most proprietary
governments, not omitting Boston; and to my own
knowledge some of their leading men already begin
to tal . of shaking off their subjection to the crown
of England." "Warnings conceived in a like spirit
were addressed to the government by Colonel King,
who had commanded the artillery in Phipps' disastrous
expedition to Canada; King strongly advised that
the charters of the proprietary governments should
be forfeited to the crown, or taken away by act of
parliament. Broughton, the attorney-general of New
York, declared to the Board of Trade that there were
in the New York assembly " republican spirits, who
retain the leaven of the late factions." In fact,
according to the opinion of the crown officers, who
had the best means of observation, the colonies,
nearly without exception, from the beginning of the
reign of William III., resolved on asserting complete
legislative independence, and emancipating tliem-

* Docembcr, 1703. t July, 1704.

IV.

1098

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 103

1702—1713.]

selves, whenever they had the opportunity, from the Chaiter
{Uithority of Great Britain. It must be acknowledg;ed
that the policy of William III. had directly tended
to promote a spirit of resistance : at the outset of his
reign, when he entered upon the quarrel with France
that terminated at Ryswick, Louis XIV. made him a
proposal, that notwithstanding the war in Europe,
the colonies of both nations in America should be
permitted to maintain a strict neutrality. The pro-
posal was unfortunately rejected : William supposed
that twelve populous communities, such as those
under his rule, would be more than a match for two
countries like Canada and Acadia, which were coin-
l^aratively sparsely settled. He knew that New
York and New England contained 16,000 fighting
men, and that Canada could hardly bring 3,000 to
the field ; but he omitted to take into consideration
that the provinces of France were under the direct
and absolute control li one warlike head, that they
had no will but that of their military chiefs, while
his own American dominions were inhabited by men
who were often eager to dispute the authority of
English royalty, and who omitted no opportunity of
tliwarting and resisting his will, even in cases when
they had no excuse for denying his supremacy.

The result proved that William had miscalcu-
lated his force : he was not justified in his refusal
of the French king's overtures ; far from strength-
ening himself by extending the war to America, he
had roused against himself and his successors a senti-
ment of animosity which at length overthrew l^ritish
power in the west. 'J'lie colonists bitterly resented

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104 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[170? -1713

CiiAiTEu the action of the parliament, which, not content
— '- with taxing the British islands, and granting, as had
heen done at the Restoration, tonnage and poundage
dues by way of subsidy for the war, renewed the
plantation dues which had been so unpopular in
1G72.* It was perhaps not so much the commands
given by William that weakened his authority, as
the discrepancy between the stringency of his edicts
and the means at his disposal for enforcing them.
He might order Virginia to provide a revenue,
and the governor to prepare vigorously for war, but
it was always in the power of the Virginians to refuse
supplies, and to reduce the royal representative to a
j30sition of mere subservience. The king might, by
the exercise of his prerogative, deprive Maryland of
her charter and convert the possessions of Lord
Baltimore into a royal province ; he might desire the
New England settlements to form a confederation for
defence, and provide means for active operations
against the enemy; but, though the time was not
ripe for open opposition, and in most cases the letter
of his instructions was obeyed, passive resistance,
apathy in action and faction in council, were always
able to defeat the spirit of his plans : "three thou-
sand miles of ocean lav between him and them, and
in all large bodies the circulation must be less vigor-
ous at the extremities." f The colonies took advan-

* 11. William and M;iry, sess. 1, c. iv. Chalmons, in liis " American
Revolt" (vol. i. 2:28), has the rollowiug note: "Against I hat Money 15111
the New England merchants petitioned, because it contained the duty
which had been with the justest policy imposed on the ini[iortation nf lisli
and tins in vessels of tlie plantations, in order to favour the tishers oC
England ; luil the Commons refused that iietitiuu.'"

t J?urke.

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EXUDUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONlS. 105

1702—1713.]

tiige of the confusion proLluced by the w«ir, iuid chaiteu

not content vvitli disregarding the royal commands L

wounded the Englisli people in the tenderest point
by infringing the strict monopoly established by the
navigation laws. They presumed, as the governor
Sir William Davenant comploined, " to set up for
themselves, and to load their effects on ships belong-
ing to foreigners, and to trade directly with other
nations, sending them their commodities and receiving
from thence nu lufactures not of our growth, to the
great damage of the kingdom." Intelligence such a«
this roused the ready jealousy of Liverpool and
Bristol merchants ; Parliament was alarmed by the
intelligence that an extensive trade was carried on
between the plantations and the coasts of Ireland and
Scotland, by which the national revenue suffered to the
amount of 50,000/. a year : a council of commerce
was on the point of being established, when tlie dis-
covery of the assassination plot put an end to the
debate. Before it could be resumed, the king himself 1695
took the matter in hand ; a royal commission esta-
blished the Board of Trade. Till then the supervision
and management of the British colonies in America
had been intrusted to several lords of the privy
council, who were constituted "a committee for
trade and plantations :" now a number of gentlemen 1696
holding higli offices in the state * were appointed,

* The first Commissioners were Tlie Keeper of the Oreat Seal, or Chan-
cellor; 'J'lie Lortl President ; The Lord Privy Seal; The Lord Treasurer ;
The Lord High Admiral; The Secretaries of State for the time being; The
Chanci'llor of the lOxehequer, and the following noblemen and genilemen :
.lolui \']:\v\ of Brid<ie\vater, Ford Earl of Tankerville, Sir Philip Meadows,
William lUathwayte, John PoUe.xfen, John Locke, Abraham Hill, John

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lOG EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1702—1713.

CiiAiTEu under the privy seal, comiuissioners duriiij^ the royjil

'- pleasure for promoting the trade of tlie king-dom,

and for inspecting and improving the phmtations in
America or elsewhere. This hoard was rerpiired and
empowered to examine into the general condition of
the trade of England and of foreign parts ; to make
representations to the king thereupon ; to take into
their custody all records and papers helonging to tlio
plantation office ; to inquire into the condition of the
plantations ; to examine into the instructions of the
governors, and to represent their conduct to the king ;
to present the names of proper persons for governors
and secretaries in the colonies, to the king in council ;
to examine into and consider the acts passed in the
colonies ; to hear complaints and make representations
thereupon ; with power to send for persons and
papers, &c.

This summary mode of settling a question upon
which parliament had already held several angry
dehates was not altogether popular ; it was looked
upon hy many as a great stretch of the royal prero-
gative. The Commons were not prepared to acquiesce
in the appointment of a hoard whose members held
office during the royal pleasure, and were invested
with such extensive authority. Copies of the com-
mission and of the proceedings of the Board were
moved for in both Houses, in order that both their

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Mctliuen. The great ofiicors of stsitc for the time being, mentioned iibovc,
continued members of tlie board till its final dissolution in 17S2. Iloyal
commissions were issued from time to time of the siune tenor of the one of
loth May, lOOO, only substituting new meml)ers in jilaee of the old. — See
Mr. Mrodhead's Preface to New York Col. MSS. i. xv.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 107

1702—1713.]

powers and tlicir actions mi,i»;lit 1)0 ctHcicntly scruti-
nized; tlic Board in tlicir answer re])orted that tliey
had employed much time in promoting domestic in-
dustry, in urging foreign enterprise, and nuicli atten-
tion in corresponding with go\ ernors of colonies, in
perusing acts of colonial assemhlies, and in giving
energy to the laws of navigation which it had hitherto
been found so dillicult to enforce. This report was the
first of what afterwards became, for many years, an
annual account of the state of English commerce.

Before the Board of Trade had been long in exist-
ence, it became evident that twelve independent legis-
latures, differing as widely as did those of the English
colonies in their objects and views, were little likely
to afford each other that support which alone could
enable them to make head against France. It was
impossible, wrote the Board, to imagine that the
Anglo-Americans should grudge the employment of
their own hands and purses in defence of their own
estates, lives, and families, and yet expect to be wholly
supported from England ; yet it was difficult to
concert any effectual measures for the defence of the
colonies " unless his Majesty shall appoint a captain-
general of all his forces, and of the militia of all the
colonies, with power to levy and command them for
their defence."* During the session of 1G96, parlia-
ment deliberated anxiously on the affairs cf the
colonies. The navigation laws were becoming almost
a dead letter ; and English merchants were haunted
by the idea that in them lay the only hope of saving
the commerce of England from ruin. There was no

* Chalmers assorts tliat Locke was the author of this proposal.

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108 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1702—1713.

CirAiiKii one to combat tin's view, wln'ch was shared by all
IV . . .

— 1 classes of men. In their endeavours to insist upon

the literal execution of the hateful laws, Parliament
entered upon a course of policy which had the effect
of teasing the colonists, and gradually working them
up to a state of exasperation, without attaining the
object in view. It also enacted that all officers in
the courts of law, or in the treasury of the planta-
tions, should be filled by natund-born subjects : many
of the bye-laws which had been passed by local legis-
latures were annulled, and the king was invested
witli authority to overlook the acts of governors of
the chartered colonies.* The statute which contained
these and other changes was brought in by William
Blathwaytc, one of the commissioners of trade, and
passed the Commons without division or debate.
Some of the provisions of the act were reasonable
enough ; some were more open to censure ; but all
were looked upon by the colonists as innovations,
and were tlierefore resented. The whole spirit of the
act was an assertion of the royal pi'erogative, and
still worse, an assertion without the means of making
it good.

The House of Lords made their inquiry into the
state of the plantation trade separately. They, too,
recommended tliat the holders of proprietary govern-
ments should be obliged to give security to the crown
for the obedience of their governors to the royal
instructions, and that Courts of Admiralty should be
established in the plantations, in order to remove
offences against the navigation laws out of the cogni-

* 7 and 8 Will. 111., c. 7.

EXODUS OF TIIK WESTERN XATI»>XS. H>'.»

1702—171.3.]

zance of locdl courts. The Board of Trade trans-
mitted to tlie plantations the address in wliich tliese
recommendations were conveyed, tlireatenin*;* the
proprietaries witli the forfeiture of their charters if
they persisted in disregarding the laws of trade.
The only result was to increase the irritation which
had begun to exist in America. The proprietaries
either refused or omitted to give the security re-
quired ; they declared that the denumd made upon
them was in itself illegal ; they disputed both the
power of parliament to impose conditions upon the
exercise of powers once granted by the crown, and
the right of the crown itself to appoint Admiralty
ofiicers with a jurisdiction of which the king had de-
nuded himself. The opinions of the crown lawyers
were desired, and were unanimously in favour of
the power of the king to establish an Admiralty
jurisdiction within every one of his dominions. Courts
were therefore erected in several of the colonies ; but
the new tribunals were always regarded with ex-
treme jealousy, and were thwarted on every occasion
where resistance was possible. Every ship brought
home a chorus of complaint from the royal officers,
about obstructions to the officers of the Customs, op-
position to the Courts of Admiralty, connivance on the
part of high officials in the colonies at illegal trade ;
and a chorus of remonstrance from the colonies on
the encroachments which were attempted on their
chartered privileges.

Nor were the colonists brought to better humour
by observing that, at the peace of Ryswick, none of
the points were settled which threatened future dis-

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110 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1702—1713.

Chapter turbancc tvO tliGir peacG. If the king chose to involve
them in a war without their own consent, at least he
ought to take care that peace should not leave them
in a worse position than they occupied before the
war. Yet that was exactly what occurred. William
contented himself with the stipulation that each
country was to retain possession of the limits which
it occupied before the war ; but the frontier between
New England and Acadia had never been defined,
and was the scene of constant warfare. The treaty
left the Massachusetts farmers as exposed as ever
to the incursions of pirates from Port Eoyal, and
guerilla bands from the interior of Acadia. There
had been a long dispute between the fishermen of
Maine and those of France, as to the conditions which
were to regulate their joint occupations of certain
fishing-stations. Tins question, though of the utmost
importance to the persons concerned, was left in dis-
pute. Another matter, even more momentous, was
the treatment of the Five Nations of Indians. Posted
between New England and the Canadians, the Five
Nations formed either a powerful defence against the
French, or a strong advanced post of the enemy, as
they inclined to one side or the other : at the peace
of Ryswick, William j^P^^istod in regarding them as
British subjects, and consequently refused to make
a separate treaty on their behalf. The French de-
clared that as the Five Nations were not mentioned
in the treaty, the Canadians were at liberty to chas-
tise them for the injuries inflicted by them during
the war. It was in vain that the English emissaries
assured the Indians that they had not been over-

IV.

EXODUS OF Th'E WESTERN >iAT10NS. Ill

1702—1713.]

looked ; that their hind had been considered as British Chapteb
ground, and consequently was protected by the treaty.
The Frencli took advantage of the argument, and
pointed out to the sullen warriors that the English,
by their own admission, considered them as slaves of
the British king. The assertion was too plausible,
and, indeed, too near the fact to be successfully re-
pelled ; and though the savages continued for many
years in hostility to the French, their chiefs carefully
kept alive the recollection of what they considered
English treachery, and waited but an occasion to
wreak signal vengeance.

Thus both sides, the dominant country and the
colonists, regarded each other with something of re-
sentment : it was natural that England should re-
member the fifty millions she had raised by taxation
or by loan, and remember that the colonics had thrown
upon the mother-country the entire burden of the war ;
that the Americans had received warlike stores for the
protection of their frontiers, and money sul)sidies for
fighting in their own defence ; that English ships had
been employed for the protection of a commerce,
which had after all been diverted, as far as the colo-
nists could divert it, from England to the foreigner.
It was equally natural for the colonists to reflect tha+
they had been engaged in the war without their owi;
consent, at a time when Louis would have agreed to
regard their continent as neutral ground. Thus on
the first occasion when the transatlantic possessions
of England became involved in war, a root of bitter-
ness arose which was destined to go on increasing as
time rolled on. It has been stated that, owing to their

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112 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1702—1713.

Chai'teu geogTajjliical position witli regard to Canada and
Acadia, the brunt of the strife fell on New York and
Massachusetts. While their borders were harassed
by an enemy intent on plunder and rapine, the
interior provinces enjoyed complete tranquillity.
England was so unfortunate as to incur the anger
both of the northern and the interior colonies : the
former were indignant that they were left to endure
alone sacrifices which, as they considered, should be
shared by all. The latter complained that they were
annoyed by demands for assistance to a cause in
which they had no concern ; both considered them-
selves ill-treated, because the authority of England
was not interposed to forward their view of the dis-
pute. After the Peace of Ryswick new causes of
disagreement arose. The ports of Maryland and
Massachusetts became the resort of pirates, who, under
the connivance of the colonial officers, issued forth to
jDrey upon the commerce of all nations. The Board
of Trade reported to William that the charter govern-
ments " had not complied with the late act of parlia-
ment, that they had not only assumed the power of
making bye-laws repugnant to the law of England
and destructive to trade, but they refused to transmit
their acts or to allow appeals, and continued to be the
resort of smugglers and illegal traders, and the re-
ceptacle of contraband merchandize." They went
on to complain that the colonists had commenced the
establishment of woollen manufactures " proper to
England," and behaved generally in such a manner
as to emancipate themselves from their proper degiee
of sul )servience to the metropolis : they concluded by

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 113

1702—1713.]

advisinc; the king to resume the charters, and place CHArrEu
the proprietary governments on the same footing as — '-
the royal colonies. With this ohject a bill was soon
after introduced into the House of Lords. It com-
menced by reciting the reasons which had necessitated
the change ; it then declared the powers formerly
granted to individuals void, and authorized the king
to govern the inhabitants of the charter colonies on
the same principle as those of his otlier dominions.
An immense mass of documentary evidence was laid
before the House of Lords, showing the inconveni-
ences which had arisen from the system that had
liitherto prevailed. Similar representations were sub-
mitted to the Commons by the Board of Trade, which
pressed upon that assembly, in terms even more
vigorous than those employed to the Lords, the
necessity of annexing the charter governments to the
authority of the crown.

Events in Europe now evidently presaged im- 1701
mediate war ; the Spanish king was at ilm point of
death, and the emissaries of the different claimants
for the succession were in the full tide of intrigue
around him ; the colonies thought it necessary to
represent to William their defenceless position, and
urged him to adopt some measures for their protec-
tion. New York and Massachusetts w^ere especially
loud in their expressions of apprehension ; they de-
clared that their harbours were exposed to attack from
privateers, and their frontiers open to incursion ;
still, notwithstanding the danger which they con-
sidered so imminent, they could not be induced to
combine for common defence. The Board of Trade

VOL. II. I

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EXODUS OF TIIR WESTERN NATIONS.

[1702—1713.

OiiAPTER stfited to the kiiic; tliat while Massachusetts showed
IV. . .

— 1 her iinwiUingness to comply with the requests made

to her, cither for her own defence or for the assist-
ance of otliers, alleging her weakness and the in-
utility of the object, she asked further supplies, and
larger ships of war ; that the other governments had
denied the required aid to New York without as-
signing satisfactory reasons ; that since the chartered
colonics refused obedience to late requisitions, and
continued to be a resort of pirates and smugglers,
the national interest required that they should be
placed by the legislative power of this kingdom in the
same state of dependency as the royal governments.

" In the colonial administration of William III.,"
says Chaliiicrs,* with some justice, " w^e see the attach-
ment to prerogative of James I. and his son, the
bustle of the Protector, the contrariety of Charles II.,
and the arbitrariness of the banished king." Though
the })iess was unshackled in England, William was
unv/illing to grant it similar liberty in the colonies ; he
refused to the colonies the right of haheaA corpus ; his
invasion of the provincial charters, thougli much may
be urged in its fiivour, was still an infringement of
the conditions on which he accepted his crown. It
is plain that William and the ministers who sur-
rounded him could only rule the plantations according
to the experience of tlieir age ; State-papers of that
date demonstrate that the most renowned jurists of
his reign had formed }io complete idea of the nature
and extent of those bonds which united the parent
nation to her colonies. Parliamentary authority was

* American Revolt, i. .'507.

^'J

EX(^DUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. lir,

1702—1713.]

on all hands admitted to be coextensive with tlie Chaitik
limits of the empire, Init an nndefined idea existed — '-
that the king might do things in America by the
mere exercise of his prerogative, which would have
been ultra vires in England ; how far this power ex-
tended, and indeed whether it had any limits at all,
seemed undecided. One or two examples will explain
what is meant. Holt, the chief justice, advised his
sovereign, at the time of the troubles in Maryland, to 1080
abolish the proprietary government of that province,
and to declare it, without any form of law whatever,
a royal government ; Sir Thomas Trevor doubted
how far the Marylanders could claim the benefit of
the Great Charter. The king's advisers were un-
animous in denying the Ijenefit of habeas corpus to
New England, on the ground that it had never been
conferred on the colonists by any former monarch ;
leaving tlie plain inference to be drawn, that this
most important of all rights, the best security for the
liberties of Englishmen, could be given or withheld
from British subjects at the pleasure of the king.
It w\as stated above that Locke, witliout doubt one
of the most prominent pliilosophers and thinkers of
that time, advised William to appoint a captain-
general armed with dictatorial powders to le^^y and
command an army in the colonies witliout either theii'
own consent or that of the English Parliament. So
widespread was the belief that the inherent rights of
colonial subjects of the crown were different from
those of the mother-country, that even so learned a
man as Sir Williiun Davenant professed liimself
unable to determine whether the people of tliose

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EXODUS OF 'L'lIK WESTERN NATIONS.

[1702—1713.

CiiAiTER distant lauds possessed the riglits of British subjects,
- — 1 and recomvneiided tliat, as encouragement to an in-
dustrious people, a declaratory law should be passed
assuring to English subjects the enjoyment of English
laws while they remained in countries subject to the
jurisdiction of that kingdom. Charles Molloy, the
learned author of the treatise '* De Jure ]\[aritimo et
Navali," with more accurate kno wledge pointed out that
" none are aliens who are born within the liegeance and
obedience of the king, so that those that are born at
this day in Virginia, New England, or any other of
his Majesty's plantations are natural-born subjects."*
The law, tlien, was clear upon the point ; but when
we find such widespread hesitation among the most
learned statesmen and jurists, we must acquit states-
men of the Eevolution of intentional unfairness ; still
it is impossible not to seC that constant and vexatious
interference, such as they attempted, without the power
of giving full eftect to their commands, had the effect
of materially weakening the royal authority.

1702 Queen Anne ihen succeeded both to the policy and
the difficulties of her predecessor : all through the
Spanish succession war comjjlaints continued to arrive
from the royal governors and other crown officers,
setting forth the impossibility of obtaining any kind
of assistance from the colonies.

For the first few years, Louis made head against
the grand alliance ; but, as Eugene and Marlborough
warmed to the work, as one name more splendid than
another was added to the roll of English victories,
the French became more and more dispirited, and less

* \k> Jure :\Iar. et Nav. b. 3, o. 2. Edit. 1682.

rv.
JTil

EXODUS OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS. IT

1702—1713.]

objects of terror. In the ninth year of the war, the CiiAnK.u
Emperor Joseph died, leaving the imperial crown to
his brother Charles, the only direct survivor of the Aus-
trian line. There was now no longer any object in
asserting the claims of Charles to the throne of Spain ;
the union of the imperial with the S])anisli crown,
which would have taken place had Philip Y. been ex-
jDclled, was now more to be feared than the indirect
influence which Louis might exercise over the councils
of Madrid. If Louis had been a young man, there
might still have been a motive to persevere; Philip
owed to him his throne and looked upon him as the
head of his house ; but Louis was now past seventy,
his sceptre must in the course of nature soon descend to
a youthful grandchild, who would assuredly not bias
the conduct of his uncle, the Spanish king, either
through Iiis fears or his affections. It is true that
Philip might succeed to the French crown, but no
one was better aware than himself that in such a case
he must resign his Spanish dominions : it was a
favourite object of his ambition to rule over France ;
but he never seems to have contemplated the possi-
bility of holding both France and Spain together.
In fact the death of the emperor and the increasing
debility of France, rendered the question which had
once been of vital importance almost immaterial.
Our ancestors were surrounded by difficulties re-
specting the succession of their own crown, and cared
httle for foreign politics except as they affected tlie
views of Englisli parties. In the opinion of the
Whigs, peace was inseparably connected witli danger
to the Protestant succession; it was notorious tlial

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118 EXUDUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[x702— 1713.

CifAPTER from tliG day they took the oaths of office, Ilarley and
— '- St. Jolui liad been in comnnniication with the Pre-
tender : tlie queen both by education and temper
was drawn to tlie side of the Tories. She had formed
an exaggerated estimate of the royal prerogative, and
nourished a not unnatural desire to keep the succes-
sion in her own fjimily. Those in her confidence
were aware that she looked upon herself as a usurper,
and entertained considerable compunction at possess-
ing a throne which, as she thought, should belong to
her brother. The Whigs knew that with such views
the queen could not but be adverse to the interest of
the elector, whom they desired to see established as
her successor ; indeed she declared her feelings with-
out disguise: "lie knows right well," she said,
speaking of her brother to the Duke of Buckingham,
" that I prefer him to the elector." For these reasons
any treaty which showed favour to France, or which
stopped short of demanding her complete humiliation,
was looked upon by the AVliigs as a move in the
direction of Popery. The Tories regarded peace with
quite opposite feelings.

It does not appear that there was any deliberate
intention on the part of the ministry to interfere
with the succession : there was a large party in the
state who professed Jacobite opinions, and among
them were many men of weight and influence ; but
the number of those who were disposed to incur any
risk for the Pretender was exceedingly small. If
the prince wouJd liave consented to become a Pro-
testant, they were ready enough to receive him ; but
as a body they were as much averse to the re-

but

[• any

1. If

Pro-

biit

EXODUS OK TIIK WESTERN NATIONS. 119

1702—1713.]

establislniient of Catholicism, as tlie Wliiq-s could be. Chmter
Mauy of tliem advised the chevalier to change his — '-
religion, but the advice was always rejected : it was
doubtful whether the step if taken would have been
of much avail ; few would have given the royal
exile credit for sincerity, fewer still would have
been disposed to set aside the Act of Settlement in
favour of so recent a convert. The ministry w^ere
not at all inclined to pledge themselves to him ; but
they were exceedingly anxious to secure a retreat
from their present dilemma. For this end peace
was all-important to them. A politician in those
days staked fortune, perha2:>s life, on the die ; it was
but a sliort step, as a peer said in the House of
Lords, from the queen's closet to the Tower, and
from the Tower to the block. Ilarley knew that the
queen's health was precarious, and that the elector
looked uj)on him with anything but favour : he some-
times sent an embassy to Hanover, sometimes an
emissary to St. Germains; his party oscillated from
one side to the other, as the chances appeared" in
favour of the elector or the chevalier. The AVhiirs
constantly and steadily pursued their aim of putting
the house of Hanover on the throne under the terms
of the Act of Settlement ; they were so eager in
their views that they invited the elector to land in
England with an army in osder to overawe all pos-
sible hesitation in the mind of the queen. This
absurd purpose was rejected by the cautious German,
who looked with considerable dismay at the factious
subjects he was one day to rule; but he, neverthe-
less, not unnaturally regarded the Whigs as the

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ll-'o KXODUS UF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1702—1713.

and
rations

made it necessary for the latter to obtain, if possible,
an interval of peace, to recover their credit and
arrange their plan of operations : they were further
inclined to peace by the reflection that tlie war was
a Whig war and Marlborough a Whig general ; if
they displaced him, some disaster would probably
ensue for which they would be held responsible ; if
they continued to employ him, all his successes would
redound not to their credit but to that of the Whigs.
Ill truth, had it not been for the eager haste of the
French monarch and of the English Tories, such
terms as those, which were actually signed, would
hive been considered entirely inadmissible ; when,
in the next reign, the Whigs came into power, they
took a fierce revenge for the affronts which they
considered England to have sustained. Peace, if
necessary to the English ministers, was tenfold more
necessary to the French king : he was old and infirm,
There was no Colbert to put order into the finances :
Yendome, when he was awake, which was not often,
.could show fitful gleams of energy, and even of
genius, which reminded his master of Luxembourg.
Of the crowd of marshals who led his armies to
battle, Villars, d'Estrees, Chateau-Renaud, Tallard,
Harcourt, Berwick, still lived ; but, with the excep-
tion of Berwick, and perhaps of Tallard, none re-
mained who could, in any degree, replace Boufflers
or Noailles, Tourville or Tauban.

The events of the war, after the first two years of
1704 its continuance, had uniformly been disastrous to

of
to

IV.

170()
1708
1700

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 121

1702—1713.]

Louis. First in order came the bloody fields of Bleu- Chaiter
heim and Rainilies ; Gibraltar was seized bv Rooke
and his blue jackets ; Lille yielded to Eugene. Oude-
narde and Malplaquet crowned the arms of " fighting
Jack Churchill ;" the galleons of Spain were seized
in Vigo harbour. Bad as was the condition of the
Spanish monarchy when the war began, before the
close of it the French were almost equally exhausted.
The misery of the people contrasted strangely with
the gloomy but still magnificent ceremonials of the
court. We are told of revenues falling off, of mer-
chants ruined, of taxes, which, avoiding the nobles
and the clergy, fell almost entirely on the labouring
population : travellers described the country as a
desert, and asserted that for forty miles together they
had not seen a man capable of bearing arms ; they
talked of nothing but ruined houses, deserted vil-
lages, and starving peasants crouching among the
wreck of their dwellings with the apathy of despair.

The court still kept up a melancholy shadow of
its former ostentatious splendour ; the king divided
his time between Madame de Maintenon and his
confessor ; the parasites of the court affected the
extreme of devotion, just as in the after days of the
regency they, with equal complaisance, affected the
extreme of profligacy. The etiquette of the court was
tlie most absurd and puerile. Louis himself, while
his country was going to ruin and his troops flyiug
before the enemy, condescended to hear, and gravely
to decide, disjmtes as to whether the first dame
d'honneur or the surintendante should hand the
queen her shift, or hold the napkin at dinner. We

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EXODUS OF THE WKSTEUN NATIONS.

[1702— ITin.

CiiAiTKit liave Ills own royal assurance tliat when liis brotlier,
— '- tlic Diiko of Orleans, asked tliat his wife miglit have
a stool with a back to it in the qneen's presence, he
" instantly saw wliat the conseqncnce of such a con-
cession would be," and refused it, thougli at the
expense of exceeding mental pain. In the early part
of his reign a hard heart and irresponsible power,
wielded without compunction or remorse, made him
at least resi)ected ; the ceremonial gravity of the
court seemed but an illustration of the imperious
character of the king. But in his later years the
grasp of mind which had given dignity even to
trifles, disapj^eared, thougli trifles still retained full
power over his enfeebled intellect. Few men could
have endured for a week the tedium of an existence
which he adopted from choice for more than three-
score years and ten. From the moment of his
awakening, till he ^^•as again surrounded by the
curtains of his royal bedstead, keen eyes were upon
him ; writers, friendly or satirical, were at hand to
chronicle his minutest actions, to discover or invent
a meaning in his lightest words. The first physician
and the first surgeon came in with the first nurse, at
eight o'clock, to rub bin • the " grandes entrees"
made their appearance at an early stage of his
toilette, the " petites entrees " were admitted in time
to watch its completion ; he performed liis devotions
with an obsequious crowd of courtiers on their knees.
After the lever he was unattended, except by the
grandes entrees, till one o'clock brouglit the dinner
" an tres jDctit convert," at which monsieur alone
was honoured with a chair, while the princes of the

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

H.'.3

1702—171.'].]

1)1()(k1 stood around convcr.sing in wliispcrs, and the Chattkb
great cluunlievlain waited at tahle. The king* was — L
ke[)t steadily in view 1)y clianiheilain or first gentle-
man, or " brevets d'atVaires," till the time came for
^Madame de Maintenon's maids to disrobe her, while
the king sat by with his ministers, and midnight
brought back the obsequious crowd of grandes and
l>etites entrees, who watched the king through the
rubbings, physickings, and other ceremonies of his
Goueher,

There were tw^o men under the high black periwig
of Louis XIV., one, five feet eight of human flesh,
formed with a S2:>irit of the most daring ambition?
the most inflexible will, and the most sublime selfish-
ness ; the other, a mere tailor's lay figure for laced
coat and ruffles, Toledo sword and high-heeled shoes,
dealing with matters of the first importance as with
questions of the shape of a chair or the precedence
of a maid of honour. Troubles came sc fast upon
France, that before the succession war was half over
Louis was weary of tlie game. He saw the coalition
which his ambition had raised against him threaten
him with annihilation. The spirit of dead William
animated the grand alliance : the master workman,
as Burke phrased it, was gone, but the w^ork w^as
truly wrought. Nevertheless, the first overtures
came from England.

In January, 1711, the Abbe' Gaultier was sent to
Paris to negotiate with Torcy, and commenced the
proceedings by asking abruptly if he wished to make
peace. Such a proposal at the moment of their utmost
need, was " like asking a sick man if he wished t(j

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124

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS,

[1702—1713.

Chaiteb ffet well." * The minister liovvcver, was too f>;ood a

1 dii^lomatist to show his hand. He affected reluctance ;

l)ut the state of France was too accurately known to
make hesitation really possihle. Louis proceeded
to settle the affairs both of France and Spain, as if
both were under his own immediate sway. The
Netherlands, he said, Naples and Milan, should go
to the Austrians ; Minorca and Gribraltar to the
English ; the French West India Company at that
time owned the Asiento — a contract for supplying
Spanish America with negroes — the company should
resign this contract to English merchants ; Dunkirk
should be razed to the ground ; British merchandize
should have an exemption from certain duties at
Cadiz : an establishment should be allowed to them
on the llio de la Plata ; they should be put on the
same footing as the French with regard to the in-
ternal affairs of Spain. Such was the eagerness of
the English minister for peace, that the Spanish
succession, which gave the name to the war, and was
nominally the sole cause of it, was not even men-
tioned ; the only part of the treaty which bore upon
the subject was a clause to the effect, that " the King
of France would take all reasonable measures for
hindering that the crowns of Spain and France
should ever be united on the same head."

In addition to these articles, tlie inconvenience of
which mainly fell on Spain, France made several
concessions of territory in America. William Penn
had advised that the St. Lawrence should ])e made
the northern boundary of Bi'itish America, Acadia,

* Mcim. do Torcy, iii. 21.

^•.ff«

02—1718.

good a
Lctance ;
own to
oceeded
n, as if
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uld go
to the
at that
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0 them
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the ill-
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nd was

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3 upon
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made
Icadiii,

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 125

1702—1713.]

{iccordinc; to its ancient limits, and Newfoundland Chaitkb

^ IV.

were therefore demanded from the French as well — '-
as the pos.'^ession of the Hudson's Bay, and the
exclusive right of the Newfoundland fisheries.
Louisiana was left to France : its limits, according-
to French authorities, included the whole basin of
the Mississippi, though the ports actually settled
were but a few isolated ports on the Mexican Gulf,
and some small trading ports near the coi!flu3nce of
the Eed River and the Mississippi. These undefined
cessions formed in the next generation a cause of
war : for such vague satisfaction were twelve years
spent in warfare, so many millions of treasure wasted,
and so much blood spilled.

There were many things in the Utrecht Treaty, 1713
humiliating as tlie terms were to France, which
sooner or later were sure to cause war. One of the
principal clauses of the treaty was the stipulation that
the Asiento should be transferred from the French
West India Company to the English. We have
already had occasion to speak of the peculiarly niggard
manner in which the policy of Spain supplied Spanish
America with European goods : during the succession
war, the Spaniards, crippled at every point, were
quite unable to keep up even the slight supply
which they had been in the habit of sending. The
French were called in to remedy the deficiency, and
so brisk a trade sprung up between France and the
Spanish colonies, especially those in the South Sea,
that the material prosperity of Chili and Peru, during
the twelve years of war, made a stride in advance ;
and the inhabitants, once having enjoyed the conve-

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12G EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NAIIONS.

[1702—1713.

CiiArTER nicnce of a real supply of European commodities,
became fully determined never ag'ain to suLmit to be
deprived of it. On tlie shores of tlie Mexican Galf
an equally brisk trade arose with Great Britain. Of
course, in time of war, the Customs' regulations of
an enemy were completely disregarded. Spanish
cruisers were unable to keep the sea ; and American
officials found it to their interest to connive at a trade
so manifestly to their advantage. Jamaica became
an emporium of European commodities, wlience coast-
ing vessels traded, almost without the appearance of
precaution or of secrecy, wath all the ports of the gulf:
moderate Customs' duties might have been paid, at
least in time of peace ; immoderate duties, or duties
which amounted to prohibition, were altogether
evaded. When the war came to a close, the smuggling
merchants were a large and powerful class ; they
could not look with equanimity at the prospect of
resigning a commerce of such magnitude : on the other
hand it was impossible that the British Government
should permit them to disregard the laws of an ally
with the same impunity which had attended their
operations when Spain and England were at war.
Nothing was more certain than that Spain would
resume her prohibitory policy, unless the trade could
be kept open by treaty: the "Asiento" was the
result of negotiations thus prompted. It was agreed
bv that treatv, that trade shoidd continue between
England and the Spanish possessions, " where hitherto
trade and commerce have been accustomed;'' Imt as
all trade had hitherto been illegal, the words, if
they meant anything, must mean a recognition of

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

127

1702—1713.]

tlie smuffG-liiiG: trade. In this view tlie Eno-lisli mer- Chaiteu
clifints regarded it : but both Great J^ritain and — '-
ripain hesitated formally to assert such a proposition.
England was as great a stickler for commercial
monop(dy as Spain, and though she was prepared to
violate the monopoly of Spain in acts — she could not
do so in words withoutlogically discrediting her own.
It was necessary to find some decent veil behind
whoso friendly shelter the smuggling trade might
be carried on. The traffic in negroes was selected.
Her Britainiic ^Mnjesty covenanted to bring 144,000 1713
negroes into the port of New Spain within thirty
years ; on each of them a duty of thirty-throe dollars
was to be paid ; the Asientists were to have access
to all the ports of New Spain, to establish depots
in inland places, to be permitted to send yearly one
ship of 500 tons, laden with a cargo which should be
sold free of all duties at the annual fair; the produce
of the trade, whether bars of silver, gold, or other
connnoditles, were to be sent direct to England in
English vessels. Here then was smuggling com-
pletely legalized. Small craft was allowed to bring
occasional supplies to the one vessel recognized by
the treaty. The favoured vessel, lying at her moor-
ings in Portobello Harbour, unloaded her cargo day
after day, and a fleet of small tenders plied to and fro
between her side and Jamaica, filling up through
one gangway what she sent ashore by the other.
Such manifest violation of law and justice could not
foil to l)ecome a cause of war, as soon as Spain
should find herself strong enough to notice afi'routs.
In addition to the quarrel thus brewing with Spain,

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128 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1702—1713.

Chapter was one scarcoly less imminent with France. Tlie
limits of French cessions in America were described
withont any pretence at accurate definition. In fine,
no one could doubt that the advent of renewed
hostilities was only a question of time.

The colonies had not been called upon to take much
part in the war just concluded — Carolina on the south,
and Massachusetts on the extreme north, were the
only two involved in it. The little garrisons in Louis-
iana and Pensacola afforded each other what suppoi't
they could ; but the Soutli Carolinians were able to
drive the Spaniards out of St. Augustine, and rej^el
with loss the attacks made upon their shores by a
French squadron from the Havana. Massachusetts
was not so successful : in 1704 a scalping party from
Canada made a raid on that province, which \vas only
the first of a hundred similar expeditions : the raid
of 1 704, led by Hertel de Rouville, consisted of some
three hundred or four hundred Indian warriors and
a couple of score Frenchmen. It was marked with
all the hideous atrocities to which the student of
American history becomes accustomed, and with
which the last generation of novel readers was
intimately acquainted in the pages of Fenimore
Cooj^er. In succeeding years these scalping raids
became so frequent that the border farms were never
at rest, and a war of extermination was waged by the
frontier men, who ploughed and reaped with their rifles
hung at their backs, and received from the colonial
government a reward for every Indian scalp. After
1690 I*hipps' destruction of Port Iloyal, the inhabitants
who had taken refuse in the interior came back and

IV.

EXODUS OF TIIK Wl'.STERN NATIONS. ]\i\)

]7()2— ITi;?.]

rebuilt the town ; in ti short time it liad again become Chmter
a nest of pirates. So powerful a connnunity was
formed by these lawless men that successive governors
were obliged to treat with them on terms of equality,
and at last openly took them under their protection.*
M. de Subercase issued a public address to tlie free-
booters, in which he demanded their assistance
against the English. Independent expeditions started
from Canada, and came across the mountains which
separate it from Nova Scotia, to join the bands which
were commanded by St. Castin and the other
partisan leaders of the Acadians, The northern
colonies of the English were so lian^^sed by land and
sea that they at length determined to spare no efforts
to rid themselves once for all of their tormentors.
Three expeditions were fitted out against Port Tioyal
without success; it seemed as if the New England
militia were no match for the hardy freebooters of
Subercase.j The garrison with whom the Anglo-
Americans had to contend consisted but of fifty
regular soldiers, guerillas of St. Castin and his
friends, and the crews of a few pirate vessels, yet
they were quite sufHcient to drive back the New
England levies. In the second Boston expedition,
St. Castin, always foremost where hard blows were
to be exchanged, surprised the New Englanders in a

* llauieau, i. 32.

t M. di' Ik'ouillaut, uc iiouvuut cs] ea r de sccoiws du doliors, fit iilliance
avec Ic'S corsaires qui fireiit do la lleve Iciir liou do refuge. — CiAitNAULT,

Hi.

IM. do Suboirase n'avait pu (rouvcr d'autro iiioyen jiour sc niainli'nir h,
Port Royal, que de s'allier avee les ilibustiers qui eloiu,iiaieut reunenii par
leuvs courses, et eutretcnaieut laboiidauee dans la ville. — (lARXAri.T,
ii. 233.

VOL. II. K

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130 KXODl'S OF 'rill-: WESTERN NATIONS.

[1702—171."..

Chaiteu snccessioii of well-coutriNcd aml)iiscades, uikI inflicted
— '- iipoii tlicm a loss of some five Innidred men before
tliey could even commence the siege of the town.
The Eng'lish did not allow themselves to be cast
down, though their dead amounted to a third of the
whole number engaged in the expedition : they re-
solved upon a night attack ; Imt on advancing to the
assault they f.nuid themselxes outmanrjeuvred, and
placed by St. C'astin and his comrades between two
fires so destructive, that the survivors with difficulty
fought their way to the boats and sailed back to
Boston. The New England men were so much en-
raged by the defeat of their troops that they sent
back the expedition, after allowing them barely time
to recruit their strength and numbers ; but it was
only to rush upon fresh destruction : for the third
time the ships returned without effecting their object.
En 1710. the English, who had in the meantime
suffered ten*il)ly from the cruelties inflicted by the
French marauders ])oth by sea and land, sent a new

5 710 armament to Port Royal. Subercase called his hardy
pirates around him, but this time he was hard pressed.
Six English vessels, joined by thirty of New England,
and four New England regiments, set sail from
Boston. The garrison of Subercaht consisted of but
a handful of men ; his troops were exhausted by pre-
vious expeditions; murmurs and desertions multiplied ;
in a few days terms of capitulation were agreed upon.
One hundred and fifty ragged scarecrows, the remnant
of the courageous little garrison, marched out with tlui
honours of war, and proceeded at once, with the
eagerness of famine, to entreat their opponents for

Tlio ^

KXODUS OF THE WKSTKUN NATIONS. 181

1702— 171. 'i]

food, [n aiiotiiei" day or two starvation would liave chaiter
conipellcd them to surrender at discretion.
Baron de St. Castin tried in vain to recover the
place ; but the Eng'lish flag has waved over Anna])olis
(so it was re-christened after the queen) from that
day to this. The Treaty of Utrecht, which confinned
to England the possession of Acadia, delivered the
Bostonians for ever from all fear of their redouhtahle
neighbours. Nicliolson, iiinnediately ai'ter the sur-
render, put a garrison into the fort; some of tlie in-
habitants were sent to Rochelle, a few took refuge in
the woods, but the larger number emigrated either to
the mines, to Miramichi, or to the Island of (^ape
Breton, where the little town of Louisburg was soon
made into a great arsenal : the engineer's of France
expended all their ingenuity, and vast sums of money,
in defending it with fortifications, which thev at
length declared impregnable. The strife which per-
petually surrounded the warlike inhabitants of the
coast did not disturb the peaceful farmers of the in-
terior. At the head of the Bay of Fundy a small
agricultural population pursued their labours unmo-
lested : after the expedition of Phipps they were re-
cruited by refugees from Port Royal. The Treaty of
Utrecht did not expressly include them in the cession
made to the English, and they afterwards became
known in history as the French neutrals : they were
subject to English jurisdiction, but neither took the
oaths of allegiance to the English crown, nor were
subject to English military service ; they remnined
French in feeling, in manners, and in language,
thoue'li by tacit consent of botli nations thev were

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IV.

182 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1702—1713.

Chai'tkk considered as Englislimen by tr-^nty ; the position in
which they were placed, thoiip;h ill defined and some-
times vexatious, did not interfere with their rapid
development. It wonld have been easy for the French
government to keep on foot a garrison at Louisbnrg
sufficiently strong to afford a rallying point to the
French neutrals in case of war, and secure to France
the command of tlie St. Lawrence by planting a war-
h"ke outpost at the entrance of the gulf

f1.

EXODUS UF Till-: WKS'JMOUN NATIONS.

13;:

1713—1739.]

f '

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(JHAPTEK V.

Mississirn and south-sea schemes.

[1713-1739.]

Accession ol' George I. — Death of Louis XIV. — Long peace, disturbed only
by the auibitiou of Cardiiuil Albi —Views of tiic English Colonies

on the Accession of George L — ' ,,ress of Conniierce — l*a|ier ^loney —
John I,a\v — Mississi]iiii Scheme — South Sea Scheme — llajiid Progress
of the English Colonies during the Peace — Administration of Walpole —
Quarrel with Spain.

Hardly had the Treaty of Utrecht been conchided
when Queen Anne died. But a few days before, the
Earl of Oxford had been dismissed from office ; and
the great Whig leaders, under pretence of seeing that
the Act of Settlement was duly carried out, invaded
the council-room of the dying sovereigii, and pos-
sessed themselves of power. It was, perhaps, well
for the Protestant succession that they acted so
promptly in the emergency ; for Jacobite emissaries
were everywhere busy, though tliey acted with a
mixture of recklessness and irresolution which
alarmed the country without furthering the cause.
If there was any moment at which the Pretender
could have made a bold stroke, the opportunity was
allowed to slip ; George, the Elector of Hanover, was
proclaimed King of England without a shadow of
opposition. Now, for ihe second time since tlie

CitArrEK
V.

Anoj.
1714

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KXODUS OF TllK WESTEIIN NATIONS.

)luti

[171.".— 1730.

Silt on tlio Enirliisli tliroiie, iilicu

Chaiieh revolution, a prince
— - in temper, in manners, nnd in speecli. In any other
conntry tin's would liave Leen matter of grave
inconvenience, in Kiig;land it had only the effect of
throwing- tlie people more upon their own reaoiu'ces,
and placing- almost the whole jDOwer of the country
in the hands of their representatives.

The new king was at Hanover when he heard the
news of his accession ; nor did he appear to be in any
hurry to take possession of his dominions: his first
step was to appoint a number of zealous Whigs to
administer affairs during the time he might still
remain absent ; his next, to make leisurely prepa-
rations for a visit to England. He does not appear
to have cared personally for his new honours; he
was five-and-forty years of age, his habits and tastes
were formed ; he hated trouble, and as he could not
speak the English language, he looked forward with-
out satisfaction to the prospect of transacting the
affairs of state in dog-Latin ; he was, moreover, gifted
with a sturdy honesty which made him look upon
himself as a usurper. The homely indulgences which
he was wont to permit himself would not be increased
by increased dominions ; he was fond of punch, but he
could get as good punch at Hanover as in England ; he
liked elderly Hanoverian ladies, he could enjoy their
society with less scandal in Hanover than in England.
A man so singularly devoid of ambition as was
George 1. could hardly consider the prosi)ect before
him as presenting- many allurements ; he had to live
in a foreign country, to take possession of an uneasy
throne, <o suiiound himself with factious and most

EXODUS OF TlIK WESTKUN NATIONS. J85

1713— 173;i.]

unpleasantly onerj[^otic subjects, part oF whom were Cii.\rii:R
plotting n<^ainst liim, and part in his favour; l)ut of — '-
whom not one solitary individual entertained any
aft'ection for his person, or looked upon him in any
other light than as an impersonation of an abstract
idea, the Protestant succession.

Ere he was well seated on his throne his Whig-
ministry seized the long-watclied-for opportunity of
revenge on their political o])ponents ; the obnoxious
Treaty of Utrecht afforded them an ample ]jretext.
Oxford was sent, in spite of illness, to the Tower.
Bolingbroke saved himself by flight ; he was informed
one day that his life was in danger ; that evening he
went to the theatre, and to avert suspicion, bespoke
a particular piece for the ensuing night ; before day-
break he had landed, disguised as a lackey, in France \
and in a month was Secretary of State to the Pre-
tender.

The Jacobites determined not to resign their
views without a struggle : the Earl of Mar held him-
self in readiness to proceed to Scotland, wdiere he was
to raise the Highland clans, while his other partisans
stirred up a rebellion in England. The preparations
were nearly completed, when an event occurred
which disconcerted all their plans — Louis XH'.
died at St. Germains. But for this, the Jacobite 1715
plans might have been put into operation with some
prospect of success. The concessions made by France
at Utrecht had rankled sorely in the mind of Louis ;
he would probably have seized some pretext for a
new war as soon as his coinitry had in some degree
recovered from the exhaustion produced by tlie U(st.

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1.^1! F.XODUS OF THE WESTERN NATfOys.

[1718— IT.'W.

('HArini For tliis purpose the rig-lits of the PretoiKler would
— '- liavc afforded a pretext as good as any lie was hkely
l(» find. His ]\'']<j;]\ had hcen niai'ked hy too many
victories, lor him lo think with patience of the
reverses lately experienced hy his arms : it had been
a hitler humiliation for him to hear an Kng-lish
ambassador insist to his face ujion the dismantliniL;* of
his elaborate fortifications at Dunkirk. He had
dictated tei'ms to European coalitions when the
politicians who now presumed to thwart his will were
in their cradles ; he had survived his own and two
other generations : he had been the contemporary
of nine different poi)es, four emperors of Germany,
three kings of Spain ; Charles I. and Charles H. of
England had been his tri1)utaries, he had known
Cromwell, he gave asylum to James II., and to
the son and grandson of James II.; he had mea-
sured strength with AVilliam, and with the general
whose genius made the reign of Anne illustrious; he
had seen the accession of the House of Hanover. The
policy which had actuated him throughout his life
pointed to the restoration of the Stuarts ; ho had
tried to effect this object on more than one occasion.
It is more than probable that if he had lived he would
have made another attempt at the death of Anne,
when a restoration of the Stuarts would have been the
triumph of a crusade rather than an ordinary victory ;
but it by no means followed that his successor should
look on tlie Pretender with equal favour. Louis left
to his great-grandson a ruined treasury, a beaten
army, a corrupted court. The Regent Duke of
Orleans was much more inclined to make com-

ill

EXODUS OF TUH \Vi:STKUX NATIONS. i;57

1713—17^0.]

171011 eaiiso witli Go()r<»;c, wlio, as he was ccnistaiitly CirAriKu
^•eiiiiii(l('(l, was a usurper like liiinself, than to side
willi tlie exiled raee ; iievertlieless, the Pretender, to
the <lis<j5'ust of some of his adherents and the astonish-
ment of all, gave the signal to Mar, who at once
raised liis standard in Scotland. But the time was
ill judged : no assistance came from the Regent of
l^^'rance, nor di<l the Scottish people show the alacrity
that had lieen expected; the Jacobitism of 1715 was
l)ut a mild ])assi<)n contrasted with the feverish one
which preceded the Restoration.

A long peace foll(jwod throughout l^irope, broken
only for a moment by the restless ambition of Spain.
The Princess Orsini had long ruled in that country ;
and Philip Y. Avas, to all appearance, as c(jiii]iletely as
ever under her control when the death of his cpieen
left him at liberty to marry again. T3y the advice of
Alberoni, wdio was just then rising into notice, the
king determined to espouse the Princess Elizabetli of
Parma. The queen elect "svas represented to the
Princess Orsini as an insignificant girl, easily to be
managed : at the time a})pointed for the arrival of the
royal bride, the princess hastened to the frontier to
receive her, confident of a favourable rece])tion, and
of an easily-won ascendancy over one so pliable as
she su2:)posed Elizabeth to be ; but a letter from the
king had preceded her. Elizabeth received the ex-
favourite with rudeness, and terminated the very
first interview by ordering her to her carriage, and
sending her under a guard out of the country. Al-
beroni soon acquired the control from wdiich the
Princess Orsini had been dismissed, he promised, if

H'W

'^■m/.-

138 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1713— IT.'JO.

Cjiaiteu liis master would keep Spain at peace during five

L years, so to nurse the finances, that Spain should

be in a position to recover all the provinces of
which she had been stripped bv the Partition Treaty.
But Philip had not the pat^'ent genius which is
willing to bide its time — the partition was ;t subject
of wliicli he could not talk with comjiosure ; it was
w^ith rage in his heart that he had seen the Em-
peror of Germany take possession of Lombardy ; he
knew thai the emperor still styled himself King of
Spain, and that a few malcontent Spaniards at
A^ienna were dignified with the title of the Council
of Spain : he determined to attack his rival in Sicil}',
and, it" possible, wiest from him what had been the
Italian dominions of Spain.
1718 France and England immediately made common
cause with the Emperor ; each rejected the overtures
M'hich was assiduously made by Alberoni. The
regent sent the Duke of Berwick to the Pyrenees,
that frontier which Louis XIY. had but a few years
before declared was a barrier no longer, and the
English despatched a fleet to the Mediterranean.
Philip was com]iletely luiable to compete single-
haLded with tlie allies; tlie King of Spain was forced
into temporary quiescence, but he never forgave the
rejection of his pr()[)osals by England, though he was
forced to put aside his resentment for nearly twenty
years.
1714 Throuti-hout Eiiii-hsh America the accession of the
House of Ifanover was heartily welcomed. Mary-
land, unabashed by the rel»uif with which her ofH-
cinus lovallv liad liceii received bv Queen Anne,

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. IL'IJ

1713—1739.]

again passed an act deciaving tlie succession of King Chaitek

George : tliis time tlie compliment was gratefully L

acknowledged. All the provinces understood well
enough that the Cjuiet accession of tlie Hanoverian
race was a guarantee for peace, and coiise(|uently for
rapid increase of prosperity and wealth. If the
temper of \Valpole and of Fleury had been warlike^
questions enough were at hand to serve ;\s an excuse
for war ; the fisheries, the boundaries of Acadia, the
boundaries of Louisiana, the foi'ts on Hudson's Bay,
the forts on the Mississippi — each of these, if the
ministers of France and England had been disposed
to (piarrel, would have afforded ample pretext. Hos-
tilities between the two countries would have ma-
terially retarded the advance of all the plantations,
for the war would have extended along the whole
frontier ; and the French boundaries, according to
French authorities, lay along the whole western
limits of the English.

The })eace was not so profound but that it was dis-
turbed by occasional skirmishes. Carolina was too
near to the French establishment made by Bienville,
and to the Spanish settlement of St. Augustine, to
escape attack. The Indians excited by the artifices
of the French and Spaniards sent scalping parties to 171;,
lay the country waste : it was not till after very
desperate fighting that they were driven back, and
the settlers allowed to pursue their husbandry and
trade in peace. A body of German emigrants, who
had fled after the destruction of the Palatinate, iiiet ITU
with severe disaster : under a k'ader named (Jralfen-
ried thev had made an estabhshmeiit in (^iroh'iia.

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140 EXODUS OF TIIM WESTERN NATIONS.

[1713— 173!t.

CiiAi'iDR wliicli had begun to acquire some importance ; it was
suddenly attacked, and almost annihilaied by a fierce
onslaught of the Tiiscarora and Corec Indians. The
savages were repelled by the iiastily raised militia
of Carolina, who with the assistance of a tribe of red
men whom they had made their allies, patrolled
the woods, scalping and tortui'ing with more tlian the
barbarity of their Indian enemies. The incursion of
the Indians was followed by a domestic revolution in
Carolina. The Caciques, Landgraves, and other
dignitaries of Locke and Shaftesbury, had utterly
neglected the territories which they commanded ; they
had attempted to monopolize the pul)lic laiids, and to
discountenance all free action on the part of the
people. The militia — in. other wc'ti.i; the people in
arms — rose, expelled the Landgrioves and Caciques,
and onpointod a governor of their own. They then
sent an agent to England, at whose instance the
proprietors were declared to have forfeited their
charter ; Carolina was then j^roclaiined a royal colony,
and a governor of experience sent out to administer
its affairs on behalf of the crown.

While these things were going on in the co-
lonies, the exclusive turn of men's minds towards
commercial pursuits was producing a curious result
in England and France simultaneously. The adop-
tion, it nn'ght almost be said the invention of pa})er-
nioney, as a circulating meilium, by offering on a
sudden new facilities for ti'ade, rjiised a spirit of
gambling which for a few years rnged like an ej)i-
demie. Hitherto facilities for carrying on com-
meicial trajisacHons by no means kept pace with the

1720

I ;

EXODUS OP TME WESTERN NATK \'S. 141

1713—1730.]

increased requirements of trade ; new machinery, new Chaitku

systems of exchange, new means and appliances were L

iirgently demanded ; the principles of credit were
little understood. Paper-money was known, but the
precious metals alone were used as a circulating
medium. Gold and silver were valued, not as repre-
senting wealtii, but as constituting wealth itself.

For many centuries the export of gold and silver
was punishable as a crime : the East India Company
alone, when it was established in 1.000, obtained the
privilege of exporting a small quantity of the pre-
cious metals to India ; but even that indulgence was
granted, not in the belief that the goods imported in
exchani>'e for bullion were more valuable to the nation
than bullion, but because, as was alleged, the goods
brought back were sold to other countries for a larger
quantity of gold and silver than had in the first in-
stance been sent out to the Indies. Apologists of
the East India Conqiany compared their export of
gold to the actions of a sower, who puts corn into the
ground to reap an increased quantity of tlie same
kind of grain; so, said they, is it with the exported
gold of the East India Company.

The possession of gold being thus looked upon as
the thing most to be desired, the theory of the balance
of trade was invented. Its siqoporters schemed, by
encouraging exportation and discouraging importa-
tion, to acquire for the country the largest })ossil)le
balance of the precious metals, after all commercial
transactions had been adjusted. They asserted that
tlie excess of the vahie of exports over iinpoits was
the measure of the wealtli of the couiitrv.

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142 KXODrS OF THE WES'I'KUX NATIONS.

[1713— 17'i!'.

That tin's tlicorv is false in fact as well as in prin-
ciple every one now admits ; Imt it was the funda-
mental theory upon which the whole commercial
legislation of Europe was for centuries based ; and
this fact explains the unwillingness of merchants to
trade except for tangible gold and silver, and the
consequent joaralysis of trade, when in the eighteenth
century, favourable circumstances gave it a sudden
op])ortunity of expanding beyond former precedents.
The demonstration that credit was as good as gold,
and that a promise to pay, based upon capability to
pay, may be circulated and dealt with as easily as a
gold coin, came like a new revelation : it seemed
as if Eldorado itself was opened ; capital appeared to
be multiplied indefinitely ; ample facilities for com-
merce were created in a moment ; every one rushed
headlong into gambling speculations in the hope of
becoming speedily rich.

When the Regent Orleans assumed the government
of France, he found its aftairs in frightful confusion.
The public debt was three hundred millions ; putting
the debt on one side, the expenditure was only just
covered by the revenue. St. Simon advised him to
declare a national bankruptcy. De Noailles, less
scrupulous, proposed to debase the coinage. A court
was instituted, to inquire into the practices of the
contractors and farmers of the revenue during the
last reign. But tlie relief obtained by this measure
was a trifle ; a lew small peculators were brought to
justice, and many innocent persons ruined, but the
great spoilers made terms with the court, and escaped
with a large portion of their plunder; even the small

■■■h'

EXODUS OF Till': WESTERN NATIONS.

143

* r

ITi:;— 173!).]

portion that was recovered was not allowed to go in Chaiti:!!

diminution of the national burdens, for it was di- — L

vided by the regent among the guests at his little

suppers.

In such desperate circumstances, it was no wonder
that the regent was ready to catch eagerly at any
ljros])e(^t of success. A remedy was proposed to him
by the famous John Law of Lauriston. This new
light of finance had gandjied in, and been banished
from, lialt' tlic courts of Europe; he had figured in
the English " Hue and Cry," as " a very tall, black,
lean man, well-shaped, above six feet high, large
pock-holes in his face, big-nosed, speaks broad and
loud." He was a big, masterful, bullyiug man, one
of keen intellect as well ; the hero of a hundred
romantic stories. He had been so fine a gentleman
that he was nicknamed " Jessamy Law," among the
beaux at "White's. He had won the heart of the
future Countess of Orkney ; he had broken prison in
England, where he had been confined for killing an
injured husband in a duel ; he studied finance at Am-
sterdam, then the great school of commerce, and
ottered his services and the "system" which he had
invented, first to Godolphin, when that nobleman was
at the head of affairs in England, then to \'ictoi'
Amadeus, did^e of Savoy, then to Louis XIV., wdio,
as the story goes, refused any credit to a hei-etic.
He invented a new combination at cards, which be-
came the despair of all the croupiers in Europe : so
successful was this last invention, that he arrived for
the second time at Versailles, in the early davs of
iho regency, with u[nvards of a hnndrod and twenty

■1'

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144 EXODUS OF THE WESTEI'tN NATIONS.

[1713— 173!>.

CiiAiTKii tliousand pounds at liis disposal, and a copy of his
— - " system " in liis pocket.

A [)rince who consumed on his personal pleasures
sums of money which would have heggared the trea-
sury of France, even if it had not been beggared
already, who had listened to, and almost acquiesced
in a proposal for a national bankruptcy, was naturally
taken by the plausible eloquence of Law. There was
a dash of daring in the scheme which suited well with
the regent's peculiar turn of mind ; it was gambling
on a gigantic scale. D'Aguesseau and St. Simon
miglit advocate retrenchment and economy, but even
with the most rigid economy they could not promise
to do more than stave oft' disaster ; yet here was a
man who by a turn of the hajid could make France
the richest country in Europe. Besides, the scheme
was plausible and to a certain point correct. The
regent, with all his faults, was too clever a man not
to recognize the gejiius which gleamed in Law's dark
eyes. Law showed that the trade and commerce of
eveiy country was crippled by the want of a circu-
lating medium ; specie was not to be had in suflicient
quantities ; paper, backed by the credit of the state,
was the grand secret. He adduced the examples of
Great Britain, of Genoa, and of Amsterdam to prove
the advantage of a paper currency ; he proposed to
institute a bank, to be called the " Bank of France,"
and to issue notes guaranteed by the government and
secured on the crown lands, exchangeable at sight
for specie, and receivable in payment of taxes; the
bank was to be conducted in the king's name, and to
be managed by commissioners ap[)()inted by the

not

tlie

k1 to

thu

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 146

1713—1739.]

States-G-eneral. The scheme of Law was based on Chaptkr

principles which are now admitted as economical — '-
axioms ; the danger lay in the enormous extent to
which it was intended to push the scheme, 't was
obvious that when it w\as proposed to pay off an
enormous debt witli paper, only that part of the paper
issued which was represented either by actual specie
or by existing manufactures, or by the increased
wealth consequent on commercial facilities afforded
the scheme, had any basis at all , the rest was simply
an addition to the already overwhelming national
debt. When, therefore, it was proposed to create suf-
ficient paper to pay off a debt which exceeded by an
immense amount the whole actual and potential
wealth of the state, it was certain that the first
panic would discredit the system, and involve the
whole concern in ruin.

While the bank was in the hands of Law himself,
it appears to have been managed with consummate
skill ; the notes bore some proportion to the amount
of available specie ; they contained a promise to pay
in silver of the same standard and weight as that
which existed at the time. A large dividend was
declared ; then the regent stepped in. The name of
the bank was changed to that of the Royal Bank of
Prance, the promise to pay in silver of a certain
weight and standard was dropped, and a promise
substituted to pay " in silver coin." Thi omission,
on the part of a prince who had already resorted to
the expedient of del)asing the currency, was ominous,
and did much to shake public confidence ; the intel-
ligence that in the first year of the new bank one

VOL. II. L

' *-K V

..(''VI

Till

^ H

•-'!■

i.i

i^^

I4(; KXODUS OF THE WRSTHHN XATIf^XS.

[1713— 173!t.

Chapter thousand millions of livres were fabricated, was not
— _ calculated to restore it. But these trifles were for-
gotten in the mad excitement which followed.

Law had lono; been elaboratino- a scheme which
is for ever associated with his name, and besides
which the Bank of France sank into insignificance.
1717 In 1717, the year before the bank had been adopted
by the regent, the billets d'etat of five hundred livres
each, were worth about a hundred and sixty livres in
the market. Law, with the assent of the regent,
proposed to establish a company wdiich should engross
all the trade of the kingdom, and all the revenues of
the crown, should carry on the business of merchants
in every part of the world, and monopolize the farm-
ing of tlie taxes and the coining of money ; the stock
was to be divided into 200,000 shares of five hundred
livres each. The regent nearly marred the scheme
at starting by inserting a proviso that the depreciated
billets d'etat were to be received at par in payment
for (he new stock, on which four per cent, was gua-
ranteed by the State. This roundabout and clumsy
device for raising the value of billets d'etat was in
reality nothing but an elaborately cunning plan of
the regent and his friends for outwitting themselves,
inasmuch as the concern of the State with the billets
d'etat was not to raise their value but to pay them off.
At the time of the Treaty of Utrecht, Louis XIY.
had assigned the exclusive trade of the vast territory
of Louisiana to one Anthony Crozat, who entered
into partnership with La Motte Cadillac, the founder
of the city of Detroit. Cadillac, shortly after his
engagement with Crozat, became governor for the

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS,

14:

1713—1739.]

King of France of the territory over which the part
ners possessed the monopoly of trade. He found in
the Illinois country abundance of lead, but neither
silver nor gold. Still nothing could remove the
belief entertained by tlie French that vast gold mines
must exist somewhere in the country. A fable was
invented that at a place, to which the name of St.
Barbe was given, a mine of the purest ore had been
discovered : two pieces of silver brought by a tra-
veller from Mexico were exhibited as the produce of
the mine to Cadillac, who hurried to the spot only to
meet with disappointment : he, however, allowed the
story of the supposed discovery to obtain pul^licity,
and kept his disappointment to himself. Nothing
could be more unsuccessful than the colony : by the
year 1717, the total number of the French, including
the royal troops, did not amotfnt to more thun six or
seven hmidred persons. The Spaniards in the iieigh-
bouring settlement of Vera Cruz showed themselves
hostile, and the English outbade the French for the
traffic which they attempted to set up with the Indians.
Their small population was scattered over the land
from the country of the Creek Indians to Nachitoches.
A small military post, called Fort Toulouse, was
built on the head waters of the Alabama, and a little
stockade, named Port Rosalie, occupied a plot of land
on the site of the city of Natchez : but they could make
no profit either from agriculture or from trade. At
last Crozat determined upon returning to France and
surrendering his patent. He chose his time well ; John
Law was on the point of issuing his universal com-
pany, and acquired on easy terms from Crozat the

L 2

CHAnER

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148 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1713—1739.

CiiArTER command of the bonncllefis territory which the latter

had found so miprofitable. Rumours were set afloat

that the long-sought mines of St. Barbc had been
discovero.l, and th.at they surpassed in richness any-
thinir that imafri nation had conceived. Louisiana
was described as a paradise, the unlucky fort of
Cadillac was represented as the capital of a fertile
emjrire, parcelled out into endless plantations and
manors, and adorned with cities whose wharves
teemed with commerce. Shaieholders in the com-
pany were told that they would enjoy the mono-
poly of trade throughout French North America,
and the produce of a country rich in every kind of
mineral wealth.

Billets d'etat were restored to their nominal value ;
stock in the Mississippi scheme was sold at fabulous
prices ; ingots of gold, which were declared to have
come from the mines of St. Barbe, were taken with
great pomp to the mint, six thousand of the poor
of Paris were sent out as miners, and provided with
tools to work in the new diggings. New issues of
shares were made ; first 50,000, then 50,000 more ;
both at an enormous premium. The jobbers of the
rue Quincampoix found ordinary language inadequate
to express their delight : they invented a new slang for
the occasion, and called the new shares " les filles," and
" les petites filles," respectively. Paris was divided
between the " Anti-system " party who opposed Law,
and the Mississippians who supported him. The State
borrowed I'rom the company fifteen hundred millions ;
government paid its creditors in warrants on the com-
pany. To meet them, Law issued 100,000 new shares ;

I- ■ ;

EXODUS OF 'J'llH WESTKltN NATIONS. 140

1713—1730.]

wliicli came out at a premium of 1000 jkt cent. Tlie Cumier

Mississippians went mad with joy — tliey invented 1

another new slang- plirase ; the *' cinq cents" eclipsed
the filles and the petites filles in favour. The gates
of Law's hotel had to be guarded by a detachment of
archers ; the cashiers were mobbed in tlieir bureaux ;
applicants for shares sat in the ante-rooms ; a select
body slept for several nights on the stairs ; gentle-
men disguised themselves in Law's livery to obtain
access to the great man. A cobbler named Fourton,
who worked under a shed of planks, built against the
hotel of the director, furnished his abode with seats
for the ladies who were waiting for shares, and
gained two hundred livres a day by finding pen, ink,
and paper, and a corner for the brokers to write in.
Nobles mortgaged their lands, ladies j^awned their
jewels.

By this time the charter of the company of Senegal
had been merged in the bards, which also became sole
farmer of the tol)acco duties ; the East India Company
had been abolished, and the exclusive privilege of
trading to the East Indies, China, and the South
Seas, together with all the possessions of Colbert's
company were transferred to Law. The bank now
assumed the style of the Company of the Lidies. Be-
fore the year was out the regent had transferred to 1719
it the exclusive privilege of the mint, and the con-
tract of all the great farms. Almost every branch of
industry in France, its trade, its revenue, its police,
were now in the hands of Law. Every fresh pri-
vilege was folk)wed by a new issue of shares ; the
scrambio became more active than ever ; fine ladies

> ■

■ -4

'I- in

) ,■

i-V:

160 KXUDU8 UF TIIK WESTERN NATION'S.

[1713 -173y.

c'HAi-iEu screamed, fire ! while Law sat at dinner, or were over-

L turned in tlieir coaclies as lie approached, in the hope

that he might address them and give an opportunity for
them to apply for shares. Well might they be eager,
for the shares of 500 franks were now worth 10,000.
The rue Quincampoix became impassable, and an
army of stockjobbers camped in tents in the Place
Vendome : even this space was too small, and the
crowd was transferred to the magnificent gardens of
the Hotel de Soissons, where every species of gambler
plied his trade, from the dealer in Mississippi stock to
tlie speculator with three thimbles and a pea. The
excitement spread to England : rumours reached
London of vast fortunes made in a day ; people be-
came first attentive, then curious, and at last caught
the fever. Prudent men realized their stock in the
Royal Bank and the Company of the Indies, and
speculators hurried over the Channel ripe for a new
venture. It became known that one individual had
driven a hay-cart all the way into Holland with a
million of livres concealed under the trusses : here
then was proof positive of large gains to be made.

Blount, a scrivener of London, was the first to
start the new excitement. During the administration
of the Earl of Oxford, a large number of fundliolders
had been incorporated under the name of the South
Sea Company. The Spaniards having already the
monopoly of the South Sea trade, it was not clear
what legitimate objects the company proposed to
itself; it had been very active in the contraband
traffic during the Succession war, and it had obtained
tlie contract for supplying Spanish America with

t h

,.^*.^^7t--JI%lia^l).

KXODUS Oh" THE WESTEllN NATIUNS.

151

1713— 173! ».]

negroes under the Utrecht asiento. By the advice Ciiaitik

of Blount, who detailed his scheme to Aislal)ie, the L

Chancellor of the Exchequer, this com[)any proposed
to pay off the national del»t ])y converting it into
South Sea stock. I*arliament had provided, by the
adoption of a plan of a sinking' fund, for the extinc-
tion of part of the public debt ; there was another and
still larger moiety not redeemable by parliament,
which consisted of long and short annuities, some of
which would not expire till 1808. The company
2)roposed to capitalize the annuities, and t)fter the
amount in South Sea stock to annuitants : they were
willing to pay a large premium for permission to
perform the operation. Walpole, and others who
disapproved the scheme, declared that others besides
the South Sea Company ought to be consulted before
it was finally decided on : upon this the Bank offered
a bonus larger by two millions than that which had
been proposed by the South Sea Company: the latter,
determined not to be outdone, advanced two millions
and a half upon the offer of the Bank ; the terms
thus submitted were accepted.

Rumours soon got into circulation that enormouj-
riches were to be made ; Gribraltar and Minorca, it
was said, were to be exchanged against some places in
Peru ; the company was to obtain from the Spaniards
a monopoly of their American trade. At the begin-
ning of the operation the shares of the company paid
a yearly dividend of about thirty per cent. ; the South
Sea House was soon surrounded with a crowd almost
as eager as that which two years earlier had thronged
the liotel of Law. Peers, clergymen, and fine ladies,

• tl

) -••

Is*-'-

152 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1713—1739.

Chapter gambled as fiercely as their Parisian prototypes;
the api)roaches to the offices of the company were
blocked up with carriages as the rue Qnincampoix
had been ; the stock rose to five hundred, eight hun-
dred, and a tliousand per cent. The mania for gam-
bling once aroused, a thousand bubble speculations
were sta^-ted ; in an instant their shares were at a
premium. But why go on ? a generation which re-
members 1845, the great railway mania, and Hudson
tlie railway king, knows how universal is such a
contagion, and how such 1 nibbles burst.

Law's system and the South Sea scheme both went
down togetlier. Both were calculated to last so long,
and so long only, as universal confidence existed;
when it began to be whispered that those in the
secret were realizing their profits and getting out of
the impending ruin, the whole edifice came down
with a crash. Old-established companies, merchants
whose names had been a tower of strength, members
of parliament, widows, orplians, were brought to
beggary. A universal cry arose for vengeance ; some
of the king's Hanoverian counsellors, mad with fear
and unused to the outsj^oken discontent of a free
l)eoplc, gave him absurd and contradictoiy advice.
They jjroposed at one moment that he should retire
to Hanover, at another that he sliould abdicate and
leave the nation to its fate; that he should call upon
the army and make himself despotic ; that he should
bi'ing in foreign troops. Parliament was called
together, and a secret committee of investigation
a])pointed : they found that r)70,00()/. of fictitious stock
had been dis[)osed of by the directors t(.) facilitate the

I-

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 153

1713—17:^9.]

passing- of the Bill. The king's mistresses, the Duchess Chaitku
of Kendal and the Countess Platen, had received
large gratifications ; Aislabie, Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, had pocketed nearly 818,000/. ; the Earl of
Sunderland 1GO,000/., Secretary C^-aggs 695,000/.,
and Stanhope, Secretary of the Treasury, 47,000/.
Stanhope and Sunderland were acquitted by parlia-
ment, though by narrow majorities ; Aislabie was
expelled the House and committed to the Tower;
whence he proceeded with the wreck of his phmdei to
his Yorkshire estates, and amused his enforced leisure
by creating the unequalled pleasure-grounds which
have now passed into the possession of the noble house
of de Grey and Ixipon. The strongest measures
were adopted for diminishing the weight of the blow
which must fall upon the pu\)h'c ; the directors were
forced to give inventories of their several estates, and
were permitted to retain only a part of their pro-
jierty. It was decided that all stock of the company
should be paid for at 400 per cent. ; that 33 per cent,
should be paid to the proprietors out of the com[)any's
stock ; tliat the seven miUions due to the public should
be remitted ; that th(jse who had l)orrowed of the
company should be allowed to compound for ten per
cent, of their debt.

The French scheme was even more disastrous.
No sooner was it evident that the system was about
to break down, than Law, the only man who could
at least have mitigated the blow, was banished. The
most vehement of his opponents took the matter in
hand, and resorted, in their despair, to the wildest
expedients. Law appears to have been himself

■I.-

* • I

• iJ

■It

'•i'

154 HXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1713—1730.

Chaiter carried away by the extraordinary good fortune
whicli at first attended his plans. His writings show
tluit he originally intended his notes to be based npon
a metallic currency ; carried away by his own suc-
cess he changed his plan, and adopted the chimerical
idea of superseding gold and silver altog:!ther by
inconvertible j^aper. During the time when he pre-
sided over the French finances, the standard of silver
coins was several times arbitrarily altered, without
reason, and apparently without the slightest idea of
the effects which would inevitably ensue. After
Law's departure, the most absurd plans were adopted
for getting in the bank notes ; finally they were de-
clared inconvertible, and the death-blow was given
to the system in October, 1720, by an edict which
deprived the notes of all value whatever, after the
first of the following November.

The disaster was similar in France and England,
but the manner in wliich it was met was widely dif-
ferent in the two countries ; both were equally open
to deceit, neither could reproach the otlierwith greed
of gain, or declare with truth that she yielded less
easily than her neighbour to \he absorbing jiassion.
The English, stern and self-reliant, at once set them-
selves to investigate and to punish ; but to investigate
according to parliamentary precedent, and to punish
according to law. The French gave way to a pa-
roxvsm of resentment, and took illegal vengeance on
m'nor ofi'enders, while great culprits were permitted
to escape. In the first burst of rage, an outcry was
made in England which almost frightened the king
and his friends into making their escape to Hanover;

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 155

1713—1730.]

but ill a short time the happy results of long years chaiter
of free government irppeared ; equal justice was — 1-
mcted out to all classes of offenders. Great peers
like Sunderland, ministers of state like Craggs and
Aislabie, were brought to trial : then the free
people calmly and wisely deliberated over the best
means to reduce to its smallest dimensions an evil
which they could not stop; and to avert ruin from
us many homes as possible, the government, in the
name of the nation, took upon itself engngements,
which if not met would have ruined public credit :
they remitted seven millions which were to have
been paid into the exchequer. In a short time
confidence was restored, and the nation recovered
from a shock which, manfully faced, hardly retarded
material prosperity by a single day. It was far
dift'eront in France. The first act of the regent
towards restoring national confidence was to banish
the pailiament ; the next to declare, by an arbitrary
edict, that after a certain date the notes of the Royal
Bank should bear no value at all ; the third, to
order that original proprietors, who had sold their
shares, should make up the number they first held by
})urchasing the worthless shares of the company at
the valuo of 13,500 livres each; the fourth was to
search private houses and confiscate such moneys and
jewels as might be sup[)osed to be acquired by stock-
jobbing. Many persons found at the frontier, with
money concealed on their persons, were arrestt^, but
the great delinquents were not touched. The Duke
of Bourbon rebuilt Chantilly with his spoils, and ])ur-
chased all the land in Picardv between the Oise and

■,!*•

■■ 1

..'

m- .

156 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1713—1739.

CiiAiTEK the Somme. Tlic Prince of Deux Fonts, the Duke
— L of Guiclie, tlie Duke of Antin, and the Prince of
Rohan, restored tlieir embarrassed fortunes with noble
interest.

Mr. Gage, a brother of an EngHsli peer, who after-
wards figures in liistoiy as Count Gage and a
Spanish grandee, was able to oft'er the King of
Poland three millions sterling for his throne. The
French scheme had, in the first instance, the advan-
tage over its rival ; it had a solid basis, and might
with proper management have succeeded, but Law
was from the first subject to constant and arbitrary
interference. Though the undertaking depended solely
upon public confidence for its success, the short-
sighted avarice of the regent constantly prompted
him for momentary gain to strike at the root of
public confidence : to do this was a great blunder as
well as a crime ; the doAviifall of the system was
insured before it was well developed, for credit once
inn)aired can never be completely restored. On the
first appearance of the Royal Bank a wonderful im-
23etus was given to agriculture, to industry, and to
commerce. Farms which had lain waste since the
days of Louis the Great were taken into cultivation ;
vigour was everywhere inspired into the national
life. Rut the interference of despotic power, by
making the basis on whicli all this prosperity rested
insecure, gave a character of audacious gambling to
a scheme which, under sober management, and kept,
as Law intended, within narrow limits, would hav^e
])roduced solid and lasting results. With the down-
I'all of the Mississij)pi scheme, the colony of Louisiana

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. I'u

1713—17.39.]

fell from the lu'f^h place it occupied in the estimation Chaiter

of tlie French during the reign of Law, yet it had L

struck permanent roots. New Orleans had been
fomided, and a brisk trade sprang up with the West
India islands : half a century after its first establish-
ment by La Salle, its population consisted of about
five thousand Frenchmen and half that number of
negroes. Meanwhile the northern colonies of Eng-
land wore advancing with great rapidity : Boston
became a very considerable town. In 1738, we arc
told by Mr. Bancroft, forty-one topsail vessels were
built there, amounting, in the aggregate, to more
than six thousand tons : the population increased so
rapidly that the country was divided into town-
ships ; settlement and agriculture gradually extended
over Termont. A larce influx of Germans from the
Palatinate, and of peasantry from the north of Ire-
land, poured into Pennsylvania; white emigrants 1732
settled along the valley of Virginia. But as yet few
Europeans were settled west of the Alleghanies ;
scattered herdsmen only held grazing farms in the
plains of Ohio and Kentucky. At the time of the
rupture with Spain the population of the British 17;{0
plantations was about four hundred thousand.

Considering the ideas whicli then existed on the
subject of colonies, it was to be expected that the
more settlement increased the more England woidd
be tempted to tighten her commercial restrictions.
The proprietors of English iron-works became jealous
of a nation which possessed extensive iron mines ;
EngJish hatters became jealous of a country in which
the beaver was indig(Mious : l)oth the forging of iron

■■1

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: i

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158 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[171.5—1730.

Chaptek und the making of liats was proliibited. But a still

L mo/e solid grievance was founded on the preference

given by English policy to the sugar plantations of
the West Indies over the northern colonies ; a duty
was ordered to be levied on the introduction of rum
and molasses into the northern colonies from the
West Indies.

It was natural that young settlements, having the
materials of wealth in J^.bundance but as yet none of
its accumulation d, sliould always be in debt to the
mother-country. Specie almost disappeared, and
America was left without a currency. Even before
the experiments of Law, the paper money had been

1712 tried in the colonies. As earlv as 1712 South
Carolina established a bank of 48,000/. ; Massachu-
setts followed two years later with an issue of
50,000/, Morth of bills to be let out at 5 per cent.,
secured on real estate and repayable by instalments
in five years. The debts were of course not paid at

17Ln maturity, and a further issue was made of 100,000/.
All the colonies, except Virginia, followed the lead
thus given. Massachusetts established a land bank ;
Rhode Island issued bills for 40,000/., on which in-
terest was payable in hemp or flax. Virginia alone,
of all the colonies, liad no debt, no bank, no bills of
credit, and no paper money ; its commerce was given
over to foi'eign factors, and its taxes paid in tobacco.
The colonial paper soon became depreciated : in

1738 1738 the New England currency was at a discount
of 500 per cent. The bills of New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland were at a dis-
count, varying from 160 to 200 pei cent. North

■ TTTSIm

1739.
Still

■eiice
IS of
duty
rum
the

KXODUS OF TUK WKSTEHN NATIONS. loU

1713—1730.]

Carolina paper was worth — if indeed it could be said Chapter
to have any value — a discount of 1,400 per cent, in
London, and 1,000 per cent, in the colony itself. In
the face of such depreciation no one could decide
what steps ought to be taken ; Burke proposed a
depreciation of the currency ; but the exchange
value of gold and silver was not to be affected by
royal ];.rociainations, and the plan was not adopted.
Though the colonies submitted, with very little
appearance of discontent, to commercial restrictions
and inconvenience, they were sensitively alive to
anything whicli could in the smallest degree trench
upon their personal freedom. It was in vain that
Massachusetts was ordered to settle an annual salary
on the royal governor. The burgesses resolved to
vote from year to year such a siun as his conduct might
seem to them to merit. Governor Burnet, in his letters
to the Board of Trade,* asserted that " for some years
last past the assembly have attempted by unwarrant-
able practices to weaken, if not cast oif, the obedience
they owe to the crown, and the dependence which all
colonies ought to have on their mother-country."
Connecticut entered into a dispute with the Home
Government respecting the law of entail ; the Gover-
nor and people of New York came into collision on
the subject of the surveys of new grants ; a news-
paper was established to defend the popular side,
the editor was prosecuted for seditious libel ; the
grand jury pronounced him not guilty, and New
York gave his advocate the freedom of its city.
Pennsylvania was so entirely under popular control,

* Bancroft, ii. 982.

1730

, • )■■•

1728

85-

1720

IT.'U

IGO EXODUS OF THE WKSTERN NATIONS.

[1713—1739.

CiiAiTEu tlmt tlio governor informed flic proprietary that tlieir
government was " not tenable except by a miracle."
Maryland was as restless as Pennsylvania. It was
at this time that the colony, now the state cf
Georgia, w\as founded. In 1717 it had been proposed
to i^lant a new colony south of Carolina ; three years
later, during the South Sea scheme, the project was
revived. When Carolina became a royal colony, the
governor y as directed to make out townships as far
sou. ' a he Alatamaha ; and in 1731 a site was
chosi li u)i' a. colony of Swiss on the banks of the
Savanii.iii. Ti'e founder of the colony of Georgia,
James Oglethorpe, a member of the English Par-
liament, and a connnissioner for inquiring into the
state of jails in the kingdom, had been horror-struck
in the course of his official investigations by the
sight of crowds of debtors who were immured with-
out hope of release : he resolved to establish for them
an asylum in America. A charter was granted by
George II., conferring on a corporation " in trust for
the poor," all the country between the Savannah
1728 and the Alatamaha. Oglethoi'pe went himself to
America and founded the city of Savannah ; the
Moravian Protestants were invited by the English
Society for the Propngation of the Gospel to emi-
grate in a body ; they were offered a free passage,
provisions for one season, land to till free for ten
years, and at the expiration of that time at a small
quit-rent : tliey were further promised all the privi-
leges of Englishmen. The terms were eagerly
accepted, and a large number of emigrants arrived
in 17.34. In the same year, the town of Augusta

171
Wf

.. .. iVSL

1735

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 161

1713—1739.]

was founded on a spot some hundred miles up the Chapikk
Savannah. The new town rapidly increased in im-
portance : the Indians were friendly, and ready to
trade ; volunteer emigrants poured in. A company
of Highlanders founded New Inverness, and a few
weeks later Oglethorpe himself landed with 300
men, amongst whom were two who exercised enor-
mous influence over the intellect of America — John
and Charles AVesley ; they were followed by one
even more distinguished than themselves — George
Whitfield.

The colonies, in common with the ^est of the
empire, owed the peace under which the h. ' become
thus prosperous mainly to the bene) env _^ olicy of
Walpole. He had strenuously oppos* '. tl, "^ South Sea
scheme, as indeed he opposed every ctht act, good or
bad, of the Sunderland administratio" o' 3 of the prin-
cipal results of the downfall of that aclministration was
to place him at the head of affairs. There was no one
to dispute the pre-eminence with him ; he had led
the House of Commons for many years ; he had been
Marlborough's confidant all through the duke's
quarrels with the queen. At the fall of the Whigs
he had been expelled the House of Commons and
sent to the Tower ; but he made the Tower fashion-
able ; his levees in that fortress were attended by all
who were remarkable for rank and political influence
in London. On the accession of George I. W^alpole
became Paymaster of the Forces; and on the death of
Halifax, first Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of
the Exchequer. In 1717, when the king went to
Hanover, Sunderland found means to supplant him,

VOL. II. M

• 4

i>!.

■■>

m '

1G2

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

^4-

1 1* •■'
I- •

h .

I-

[1713—1739.

CuAPTEn SO tliat luckily for his fame Wnl ole was out of office
— '- at the time of the South Sea hubble. The plan of a
sinking fund for the extinction of the national debt
had been passed through parliament under his
auspices just before his dismissal, and in the debates
on the Mutiny Bill, the Peerage Bill, and other
measures which were discussed during the admini-
stration of Stanhope and Sunderland, he acquired an
influence over the House of Commons which in after-
days he turned to good account. For many years
Walpole absolutely monopolized jDOwer : the Jacobite
conspiiacy in 1722, in which Bishop Atterbury was
implicated, was the only event of importance in
external politics. The parliamentary battles of the
ministry — first with Pulteney and Wyndham, and
at a later day with tlie Prince of Wales's part}-, Pitt,
Lvttelton, and the Grcnvilles — were the most
notable features of internal politics ; but during the
whole of Walpole's administration the nntion was at
peace, and, as always happens, the quiet advance of
wealth and commerce added far more to the real
power of the country than the most stirring events
or the most signal victories. The struggles which
took place in parliament were almost all on economical
subjects. The sinking-fund, the excise scheme, the
scheme for the reduction of the debt, even the
Prince of Wales's annuity bill, can hardly be placed
in any other category.

1727 In June, 1727, George I. died, and was succeeded
by his son. The new king at first attempted to place
a political nonentity, Sir Spencer Compton, at the
head of affairs ; but Compton was soon compelled to

' i

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. IG.".

1713— 17.'i<».]

acknowledge his incapacity, and to sc<'k for tlie lielp chaitku
of Walpole. In no Ion,; time Wal[)ole was again in __
possession of power as great as ever ; and a firm
alliance between him and Queen Caroline, to whom
the king looked for advice and assistance in every
emergency, went far to cement it.

Walpole's well-known love of peace, and extreme 17J^S
unwillingness to engage the country in the inevitable
disasters which attend on warfare, furnished at last a
handle to his enemies which they were only too eager
to use. British commerce in the Spanish main,
though carried on nominally according to the terms
of the asiento, was, as has been already mentioned,
extremely galling to the Spaniards. They found the
monopoly which they considered so important, slip-
ping from their grasp : every harboui* afforded a
refuge for the English cruisers; cargoes of contra-
band goods were run on every shore. The Spaniards,
full of resentment, sent armed vessels to overhaul
not only the smugglers, but all ships sailing under
the English flag ; neither nation was in a temper
to pursue its objects with moderation. The Eng-
lish notoriously infringed their treaty-rights ; the
Spaniards as notoriously receded from their treaty
obligations. The Opposition urged Walpole to com-
mence hostilities ; his declared unwillingness to do
so added fuel to their patriotic ardour, for they per-
ceived a chance of compassing the downfall of the
minister as well as the vindication of national honour.
Stormy debates ensued. Walpole was well aware
that the conduct of his countrymen had been inde-
fensible, and that slight concessions would satisfy the

M 2

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t i

'>:f^\ I

■}

M-

h':.

164 KXODUS OF TIIK WKSTERN NATIOXS.

[1713—1739.

Chapter Spaniards; but the country was in no mood for con-

L cessions. Slii[)-captains were brought to the bar of

the House of Commons, and interroo-ated as to the
crueJiies and lianglitiness of the Dons : one of them,
named Jenkins, exhibited to tlie assembled Commons
a pair of ears, which he said had been torn from his
head by the olHcer of a guarda-costa : contemporary
gossip states that lie had another pair under his long
periwig. On another occasion, Alderman Willimot
read a letter in the House, in wdiich it was stated that
seventy English sailors were working in chains in
the Spanish dockyards. The stories, whether true or
false, show the eagerness with which the Opposition
pursued their object of driving the country into war.
Though the public mind was not goaded to frenzy,
AValpole still tried to temporize. During the parlia-
mentary recess of 1738 a convention was signed
at Madrid, providing that plenipotentiaries should
meet in that city to regulate the trade of the two
crowns, both in America and in Europe, and to adjust
the boundaries of Florida and Carolina. The King
of Spain, on his part, agreed to pay an indemnity of
95,000/. for the claims of British subjects injured by
the illegal severities of officers who commanded the
Spanish guarda-costas ; but all these concessions
were of no avail. The Opposition well knew that
the Spaniards would not abandon the right of search
without a war ; they declared, therefore, that the
entire abandonment of the right of search, and the
payment of an indemnity of 340,000/. would alone
satisfy tlie nation. The more evident it was that
Walpole had set his heart upon averting war the

EXUDUS OV THE WESTEUX NATIONS. lO-'i

1713—1739.]

more were they bent upon forcing it on. Wlien tlie Chaitku
House of Commons met, Horace Wiilpole moved a —
vote approving of the convention concluded in the
recess, and called for a short delay for receiving full
satisfaction and security : he was answered by the
lofty eloquence of Pitt, who was then just beginning
his parliamentary career, and who demanded, in in-
dignant tones, whether Englard was still a free
nation ? and declaring that he from his soul believed
the convention to be the seal of national ignominy.

The address was carried by a narrow majority,
which, on such a subject, was almost equal to a
defeat. The king and many of the cabinet sided
with the war-party. Wal})ole, with great reluctance,
applied for a vote of credit, and despatched a fliet
to the Mediterranean. The Spaniards on their side
declared that tlieir honour was wounded bv the tone
adopted in parliament, and refused to continue the
negotiations unless the right of search was first con-
ceded, and the English fleet withdrawn. A Spanish
Jenkins was found who had lost, by the hands of an
English captain, not his ears only, but his nose ;
worse still, he had been forced to eat them. A long
manifesto was issued, setting forth the conduct of the
English for many years back. Philip gave way to
the long-nursed resentment which had animated him
ever since his overtures of alliance had been made in
vain, nineteen years before, and declared war in
1739. 1739

'• i

iV!.-'

166

KXODIS OF Till-: WKSTKHN NATIONS.

fl73!)— 171S.

(MIAPTER VI.

CAITUIJE OF i.oiJisnuKr,.

[1739—1748.]

Views ol tliu Eii;j;lisli Colonies under Georj^c II. — Temlency to IndoiuMi-
dcnce, a Result of the Development ot" Free Nations — Virtual Inde-
licndenoe of tlie Colonies as evinced by (,'olonial Le;^isIalion — War of
17o0 — Vernon seizes Porlo Bello — Anson's Voyai^e — Fall of Waljiolu
— France joins tlie Spaniards — Austrian Succession — Hostilities in
Acadia — Shirley Governor of Massachusetts — Capture of Louisburg —
Fontenoy — Jacobite llebellion of '40.

(.inAi'TEu It was natural that tlie Eiiglisli colonies, as tlicy

i increased in wealth and importance, should from day

today weaken the tie that hoimd them to tlie mother-
country. The same radical fault which liad been
committed during the reigns of William, of Anne,
and of George L, was continued under George II.
To give orders where there is no means of enforcing
the command, results necessarily in the destruction
of all autliority ; yet this was tlie course which was
steadily pursued hy Great Britain during the whole
century which preceded tlie American revolution.
Though one conimand after another was disobeyed,
and ^he power of the royal governors tell more and
mole into ahsolute contempt; though the colonies
cejised to send home (heir ])rovincial nets tor the

iiiii:

EXODUS OF THE WESTKRN NATIONS.

k;'

VI.

17^0—1748.]

royal ai)proval, and laughed at the king's authority CuArTER
when at long intervals some act, passed in flagrant
violation of Englisli law, was disallowed, English
ministers could not perceive that the colonies were
esca])ing from the grasp of England, and went on,
year after year, in the old way, loud and authorita-
tive in the issuing of commands, which were ahan-
doned as soon as they were resisted.

It wouLl hut weary the reader, to trace through-
out the reigns of George If. and George HI. the
evidences of that independent spirit which hegan to
exhihit itself under William. Throughout the weary
folios of colonial correspondence in the f^tate Paper
Ollice, there is hardl}- a letter from a colonial governor
to the Board of Trade or the k?ecretary of State for
the Southern department which does not ring the
changes on one unvarvinii' tlieme. Tiie colonists
seized every opportunity, in every I'eign, in peace or
war, in tunudt or (piiet, to estaljlish as nearly as they
could a [)Mre democracy, in which the king's re])re-
sentative should act a subordinate and dependent
part. The form of government remained long after
the substance was changed. For many a year before
the tea was thrown into Boston harbour, the colonies
oidy consented to remain in nominal de])endency,
because the assistance and Avealth f)f England was
necessary to them, as long as the French lay watchful
and hostile on their northern and western frontier.

Numerous observers re[)orted to the Duke of New-
cast''" during the whole of his long term of olTicej the
inevita])le result of the movement that was going on
in tlie colonies. I^radley, the attorney-general of

■^-^i

m-'

168

EXODUS OF TUK WESTERN NATIONS,

[1739—1748.

Chapibr New York, wrote to tlie Duke of Newcastle, in 172 » :

— 1 " The assemblies of this and the vother colonies seem-
ing at this time to aim at independence of the crown,
I thought it my duty to represent the measures they
take to his Majesty's council." Burnet, governor of
Massachusetts in 1720, wTote that the people of his
province had made many attempts at independence,
but that one which they had just made was the most
dangerous of all. Dunbar wrote from New Plamp-
shire, in 1739, that the people there were generally
republican. Admiral Warren, who was on the coast
in 1745, said that the New England men had "the
highest notions of the rights and liberties of English-
men, and indeed were alm(^st levellers." And the
Board of Trade reported to the king, in 1758, "The
facts, resulting from an examinjition into the acts
and proceedings of the Council and House of Kepre-
sentatives, are such as convinced us that the de-
pendence wliich the colony ought to have upon the
sovereignty of the crown stands on a very precarious
footing ; and unless some effectual remedy be applied
at the proper time, to restore the constitution to its
true principles, it will be in danger of being totallv
lost." It would be easy to multiply testimony upon
this point. The foregoing, taken almost nt random,
at different dat<s and in different colonies, mav serve
to show how wide-spread was the belief, among those
who had the best opportunity of knowing, that the
declaration of the independence of the colonies was
only i\ (piostion of time.

It is curious undrr these circumstances to examine
whether this tendency towards separation was in trntli

1
o

EXUUUS OF THE WESTEUN NATION'S.

lU'.i

1739—1748.]

owing to oppressive and unjust laws, or whether it c
was only the natural result of the development of a
free nation ; since upon the answer to that question
depends in a great measure the verdict that must be
given as to the strength of the tie wliich binds Great
I3ritain to her colonies at the present time. It seems,
then, that the yoke of England sat very lightly on
the colonies. The Board of Trade rej^resented, in
17G0, tliat "the people of Connecticut and Rhode
Island have hitherto affected an independency of the
crown ; they have not for many years transmitted any
of their laws for consideration, nor any account of
their transactions :" in otlier words, they exercised all
the rights of independent sovereignty witliout inter-
ference, and consequently were not oj^pressed unless
by rulers appointed Ijy themselves. In January, 1740,
the Board of Trade again reported to the House of
Commons, " that as the charter governments appie-
hend themselves ])y their constitutions to be very
little dependent on the crown, they for that reason
seldom pay that respect to his Majesty's orders which
mighr reasonably be expected of them." In tliis
again there is no evidence of opjiression, but rather
of complete and absolute self-government. Again, in
1760, the board complained that the Pennsvlvanian
Assembly had passed acts "contrary to natural jus-
tice, the laws of P]ngland,and the royal prerogative;"
yet we look in vain for any evidence that these laws
were either repealed or disalhnved. It was true that
vexatious laws intei'fered nominally with the industry
of the colonies ; but we have abundant evidence that
it was impossible to enforce the restrictions which

IIAPTKII

VI.

'♦I

'■*1

! ■ »

vr.

tv;

h .

170 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1739—1748.

Cmai'tku wore imposed. To give a single instance : the laws
for preserving the timber reserved for the masts of
the navy were extremely ineffectual ; they were
opposed to the spirit of the people ; judges and jurors
alike were interested in the event of every prosecu-
tion. Anchmuty, the advocate-general in Boston,
told the ministry, in 1730, that "if the surveyor is
not supported, the honour and power of the crown
will ever be had in ridicide by the levelling people
here, where the officers are already their butt;" a law
wliich only brought derision on the officers who at-
tempted to enforce it coidd not be considered very
oppressive. In the first three years of Geoi,a 3 II.,
again, trade Ijetween England and the plantations fell
off to a very considerable extent, owing to a la^v passed
by the colonists, exempting their own person- from
arrest for del)t ; and in all cases where debts wt r" due
both to a colonist and an Kno-hshman. irivvia the
\ -i irity to the colonist. The British meroh;;ats, says
Chalmers,* "hadbeen so mucli ob'itnicted n, '\e reco-
very of debts, and so often defrauded •. v ^se .-^nc ess'.ve
depreciations of currency, that tiiey had gradually
withdrawn their conlvlenfo and had latelv ceased vo
traffic." The iiiabilit\ m! f e home goveri:ment to
])revent these abuses, miJ iiiv. utter Ijreak-tlown of the
law passed by \\\Ki. British Parliament " for the more
easy recovery of debts in the colony," ]>rove how
j»urely nominal were many of the restrictions imposed
by Great Bi'itiiin on tbe plantations. The contrast
between the assumed authority and the real power of
the p]nglisli Parliament was made strikingly manifest

C'hiilmer.s, ii. 1 1(1.

VI.

KXOl'i'S OF TIIK WKrtTEUN NATIONS. 171

i7;;i)— iT4y.j

hi 1733, wlieii jNFr. Jeiuiiiiah Dunbar was called to CuArrKu
the bar of the Massacliiisetts House of Assembly, and
severely censured for having presumed to give evi-
dence before a conunittee of the House of Commons
with regard to their trade and manufactures.* If
there had been any reality in the supremacy of Great
Britain, such a violation of the privileges of parlia-
ment wouM have been met by summary punishment ;
as it was, the Commons could do no more than pass
an idle resolution : " that presuming to call any ])er-
son to account for evidence given before the House,
was an audacious ]iroceeding, and a high violation of
their privileges." The colonial annals of tlie reign
of George II. are full of long and friililess dispiitcs
between the governors and the assemblies, tlie one
desiring that permanent fixed salaries should be at-
tached to their oflices, the others insisting on their
right, by withholding a civil list, to render the royal
governors virtually dependent on tbe colonial dele-
gates.

Such was the temper of the English colonists at
the connnencement ol the war of 17.')0 The war
was in reality for the maintenance of the contraband
trade with Spanish-American ports, in which tli<
colonists had taken a very active part, and wliic!:
they were consec[uently hugely interr ed in main-
taining. Innnediately on the breakiii )ut of hostili-
ties, Adminil A'ernon was sent with a fleet to IIi"
West Indies, where he seized Porto Kello from the
Spaniards. The success of \"crn n animated the
nation to still further efforts; men b«-gan to talk oi'

I '\

.»;

■ )' '

■jr.!

ciiiiiiiicrs, ;:. i'i;i.

ITli

M-

EX(Tf>US OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS.

[1739—1748.

Chapter reducing to obedience all the Spanisli settlements in
— '. the New World. Commodore Anson was sent to
ravage tlie coasts of ChiU and Peru, wdiile twenty-
seven sail of the line, besides frigates, fire-ships,
bomb-ketches, store-ships, victuallers, and transports,
with ten thousand sailors on board, were sent to the
West Indies, under Sir Chaloner Ogle, to reinforce
Vernon, and co-operate with Anson by means of in-
teHigence to be interchanged across the Isthmus of
Darien. The expedition liad liardly arrived in the
West Indies when Vernon died. Tlie command de-
volved on weak and incompetent leaders, wdio were
experienced more in the language of abuse and recri-
mination than in action ; under them, the armament
lost a great part of its numbers in a disastrous attack
on Carthagenji, and then wasted away, by fever
and dvsenter\', imder the burning sun of the
tropics. Before they returned home, fifteen thou-
sand men of the flower of the English troops had
been destroyed.

^•'iie expedition muler Anson was hardly more for-
tunate : a storm scatteivd Ills ships, and compelled
two of tlieui t. ' leturn ; the I'cmainder put into Juan
Fernandez, wliere the crews vec(<vered tlieir health
and spirits. Tlience tlie conuuodore started on an ex-
pedition down the (^hiliaii coasts. Everywhere the
degenerate descendants of the conquerors fled in
alarm to the churches, and gave up their country
without resistance to the spoiler. In the midst of his
successful raid Anson fouiul in one of his prizes
papers which told of the shameful miscarriage of the
English at Carthagena. Part of his plan had been

KXODUS OF THK WKSTEUN NATIONS. 173

1739—1748.]

to attack Panama, while Yernon penetrated by Sir Cuaiter

Henry Morgan's route across the istlnnus from 1

Cliagres and took the fortress in rear ; but the intel-
hgence whicli tlie commodore now received compelled
him to abandon that part of his plan ; he therefore
bore away for Acapulco, in hopes of intercepting the
Manilla galleon which, he had heard, was now at sea.
By this time he had but one vessel, the remaining
having been abandoned for want of hands to navi-
gate or means to repair them. After many tedious
adventures, Anson succeeded in intercepting the
vessel of which he was in search, and returned with
all speed to England with treasure on board to the 1741
amount of 1,31,'},000 dollars, and with uncoined silver
'Hjual to iiearly 44,000 dollars more.

After Anson's expedition to the South Seas, no
further attempt was made on Spanish-America, nor
did any materia^ disturbance tal^^^ })lace in the secu-
rity which was so essential ti- vlio progress of the
English colonies. The course of events gave a new
turn to the war, and diverted it almost entirely from
the Amei'ican to the European continent.

For some years past Walpole had only held power
l)y a very uncert;iin tenure. He had carried the
address in answer to the royal speech in 17.') 9, by a
very narrow majority ; and though the secession of
Wyndham and his friends from parliament* enabled
him to pass a few measures of importance, yet he 17.'{1)
soon found that no concession he could make and no
course that he could pursue could conciliate an Oppo-
sition whose enmity was nol against measures of the

• lidril ,1. Kiisst'ir.sMeni. ol'Kuropf', ii. 442.

.'I

174

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1739—1748.

ciiArTEii minister but a<2,*aiiist the minister liimself. New-
VI. . .

— 1 castle, as was his habit, liad intrigued against liis

1-ii cliief, and as tlie opposition in parliament grew
stronger, the opposition in the cabinet itself grew
bolder. At length a direct vote was made in the
House of Commons for the removal of Walpole. Mr.
Sandys, who made tliis important motion, began by
contrasting the English constitution with that of
alisolute monarchies. In the one, he said, discontents
gather till they burst into insurrection ; in the other,
free advice and information, given to the crown
against an unpopular minister, enables the sovereign
to dismiss the offender, and save the nation. The
orator then adverted to the general unpopularity of
Walpole : he had departed from the principle of the
grand alliance ; ho had favoured our old enemy the
House of Bourbon, at the expense of our old ally, the
House of Austria; he had signed treaties each one more
divSgraceful than the last. In the Treaty of Hanover
we had been duped by France ; we had seen the empe-
ror lose Sicily and Naples and France gain liorraine ;
wo had allowed the power of Austria to fall into
miserable degradation. It was true that we had been
many years at peace, but that peace was dishonour-
able, and had added iiolhing to our wealth. The
nalionul debt had not diminished; large standing
armies had Itceu kept up in defiance of the constitu-
tinn ; iirbiliary and useless penal laws had been
made; inquiry into the management of j)ublic money
resisted. By negligence in furin'sliing oui- tlei^ts tl>o
enemy had been suffered to escape. All this was to
be attributed to one person, who grasped in his own

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 175

1730— 174 S.j

liaiids every braiicli of j^ovcrimiont, and made a blind Chaitfh

sul)niissi(»n to his will the only terms to j)i'escnt L

favour and future expectation.

Walpole made a reply, which even in the form in
which it has come down to us is a model of manly
eloquence. The motion for an address to the kin<»;
for his removal was negatived hy large majorities in
both Houses; but a shock had been given to his
power. He had spent the best years of his life in
avertijig hostilities by diplomacy. lie felt himself
" not cut out to carry the truncheon."* lie was not
likely to prosecute the w ar witli vigour, or to acquire
glory by boldness and activity.

In the first year of the war Charles VF. died. 1740
He was the last i)rince of the ancient and illustrious
House of Austria, which now came to an end in the
empire as it had done a few years before in S[)ain.
The claimants for the imperial succession were even
more numerous than the claimants for the Spanish
succession had been. The rights of ]>lood as well
as the Pragmatic Sanction, which had been guaranteed
by almost all th.e European powers, devolved the
whole succession on Maria Theresa, the late enqieror's
eldest daughter. Charles Albert, Elector of Bavaria,
Augustus, King of Poland, the most Catholic king,
the most Christian king, each put in a claim more or
less remote. Louis XV., conscious that he could not
hope to really enjoy unmolested the dominions of
the empire as well as his own, interfered only in
tho |u>pe that he might acquire some extension of
territory in the scramble. The interests of England

* Walpoliaua.

\:\

170

KXODUS OK THR WKSTEUX N'ATIOXS.

', , ■ .

'*-

I ' '' '

1 li'i .

". ,

1 . '

[1780—17-48.

CHAiTEn were involved, only by tlie feai'H of the elector for
— 1 liis Ilaiioveriiin dominions.

In 1741 ])iirliament was dissolved; the House tliat
was returned in December of that year was bitterly
hostile to the minister. ITis candidates were every-
where beaten at the poll, or if returned, their seats
were declared void by the decisions of election com-
mittees. It became evident that Walpole could not
long retain his power ; in the followin<^ year he
finally retired, and was succeeded by Pulteney, who
accepted the task of governing an administration,
though he himself refused to accept office. Lord
Ilardwicke continued Chancellor, the Earl of New-
castle one of the Secretaries of f^tate, Mr. Pelham
Paymaster-general ; Mr. Sandys became Chancellor
of the Exchequer, and Lord Carteret Secretary of
State.* The Boys — as AValpole called the young
Whig party, Pitt, the Grenvilles, and Lyttelton —
were not included in the new administration.

The patriots who assumed power on the retirement
of Walpole had been in the habit, while in oj^posi-
tion, of thundering against Oerman subsidies, against
standing armies, agaiiist continental connections.
In office, their first political acts were directed to the
maintenance of the very policy they had denounced.
They subsidized Denmark and Hesse Cassel ; they
procured a vote of money for the Queen of Hungary ;
they augmented the land forces to upwards of sixty-
two thousand men : the Earl of Stair was sent to
marcli and countermarch in the Netherlands in con-
cert with large Hessian contingents.

* Wiidp, 421.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 177

1739—1748,]

Franco had signed the Prafj^mr. Ic Sanction, and Ciiai-ikie
liad thereby guaranteed tlie succession of tlie empire
to Maria Theresa ; hut Cardinal Fleury alleged that
the engagements of France were so limited as not to
prejudice the claims of the Elector c>f Bavaria. The
real object of Fleury was so to crijiple the House
of IIai)sburg, as to prevent Gennany from ever
again asserting a prepondeiating influence in Europe.*
The object was to be achieved 1 y dividing their ter-
ritory between Prussia, Saxony, and Bavaria. A
partition of the Austrian dominions was proposed by
France ; l)ut Frederic of Prussia on the one hand, and
]\Iaria Theresa on the other, were both equally im-
practicable, and no decision was arrived at. Tn a short
time, France broke away from her friendship with
England, and formed a close alliance, first with
Prussia, and afterwards with Spain. Louis concerted
with the latter an invasion of England, with tlie
avowed object of restoring the House of Stuart.

The Pretender had been for many years treated
with neglect by the continental powers, he was now
used as a means of annoyance to the English court.
If this expedition had been undertaken at once it
might have been dangerous; there was still a con-
siderable amount of Jacobite feeling in England, and
Lord Stair's military promenade had taken away
the greater part of the available troops ; but it was
agreed between the new allies that ten thousand
Frenchmen should first join the King of Spain in
Savoy, and that the P'rench and Spanish squadrons
in concert should strike a vigorous blow for the

Lord .1. lIuHscll, ii. 145.

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'■' ;■ '

)(-ji

•

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i!-'

1 ;,«.

■ •

178 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1739— 174P.

CHArTETi recovery of the sovereignty of the Mediterranean.

1 If successful, they were to join the Brest fleet, and

co-operate in an invasion of p]n gland. It was this
project of an English invasion which diverted the
attention of both belligerents from America to events
nearer home. Anson was just now returning from
his predatory cruise, and bringing back to Plymouth
the spoils of the Manilla galleon ; but the Spaniards,
far from attempting reprisals in America, were too
glad to escape from further molestation. During the
whole course of the war the internal provinces of
English America enjoyed complete ti'anquillity ; but
when the French took the field in concert with the
Spaniards, hostilities were again resumed on the
unfortunate northern frontier, which had already
been the scene of so many combats. The first blow
was struck in Acadia — even before the news had
been received in America of the declaration of war
by the French, a body of French from Cape Breton
surprised the English garrison at Canseau, destroyed
the fishery, the fort, and the other buildings, and
removed the garrison as prisoners of war to Louis-
burg. The capture of Canseau was followed up by
an attack on Annapolis, the only remaining defence
of Acadia. Father le Loutre, a French missionary, of
most warlike temper, who for years figured promi-
nently in all the frontier fights in which his fierce
catechumens were engaged, headed a party of Indians
in a desperate onslaught, whicli was with difficulty
repelled.

1741 Two or three years before, Belcher, the governor
of Massachusetts, had been superseded by AVilliam

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 179

1739—1748.]

Shirley. Tlio now governor found " the treasury
empty, Castle "William, the key of the province,
defenceless, the garrisons ready to desert, the civil
officers starving." It required talents of no ordinary
kind to restore order amidst such confiu^ion ; yet
Shirley was a man of clear sight and calm determi-
nation. He perceived that it was useless to fight the
up-hill game which had been played by his prede-
cessors, of opposition to the Colonial Assembly,
unless he was supported by the force at the com-
mand of England, as well as by the empty expression
of the commands and wishes of parliament. He
well knew that he could not hope for that support,
and he therefore determined to temporize with a
power that he was unable to overcome. It is no
slight mark of talent that for four or five years in a
government where, to use his own expression, " Shute
quitted the charge, Burnet broke his heart, and
Belcher failed in the midst of his countrymen," he
managed to please both the home government and the
assembly ; to obtain rewards and honours from the
k'ing, and an ample salary from the New Englanders.
Shirley at once saw the extent of the danger
which threatened the English possessions. The
population of Acadia, about sixteen thousand in
number, were all of French origin ; they had been
ceded to England at the peace of Utrecht, and had
most unwillingly transferred their allegiance. It
was evident that a general rising of tliis hardy
population would be sufficient to drive out the
English, and restore the whole of Acadia to France.
Shirley sent at once to solicit aid from home, and to

N 2

Chapter
VI,

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■• r I.

I- r

:;i:

VI.

i:..

180 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1739—1748.

CHArTER describe the nature of liis peril ; but the emergency
did not admit of delay : that autumn, the Canseau
garrison, who had passed the summer in captivity at
Louisburg, were sent to Boston on parole ; they
brought accurate accounts of that supposed impreg-
nable fortress, and experienced soldiers among them
gave it as their opinion that it might be taken. If
once Louisburg were in the hands of the English,
the French, deprived of their base of operations,
would be no longer formidable in Acadia, and
England would be in possession of a post at the very
entrance of the St. Lawrence, whence the commu-
nications of Canada with France could be easily
threatened. Shirley resolved not to wait for the
answer from home, but to propose to the assemblies
of the New England provinces an expedition on
their ow^n responsibility. The proposal was not at
first favourably received. In the Massachusetts
assembly the vote passed by a majority of one, but
the other New England provinces threw themselves
into the plan with considerable energy. New York
and Pennsylvania sent a small supply of artillery
and stores ; New England alone furnished men,
ofwliom Connecticut raised five hundred and sixteen,
New Hampshire three hundred and four, and Massa-
chusetts upwards of tln-ee thousand. Three hundred
men who started from Rhode Island were too late
for active service. Pepperell, a merchant who, as
Chalmers says, " had counted fortune too diligently
to find leisure to study the art of war," but who,
nevertheless, showed himself made of good stuff"
when the pinch came, was made commander-in-chief.

YI.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 181

1739—1748.]

The expedition was almost ruined at the outset by Chaiteu
absurd disputes about precedence ; every colony
which in any way contributed to the expedition,
insisted on issuing a separate commission to its
officers, quite forgetting that the expedition was
destined for operations beyond the limits of the
colonies, and indeed of the empire. Each colony
likewise insisted on sending, commissioners with the
expedition, to receive and account for the money
which it voted. While all the colonies thus carefully
guarded their own position, and refused to yield to
any one even the appearance of authority, Shirley
had the address to convince the minister at home
that he had contrived the plan, directed the execu-
tion, and secured its final success.

While the expedition was in course of preparation
a change of ministry occurred at home. Carteret,
the Prime Minister, was replaced by the Duke of
Newcastle and his brother, Henry Pelham. The new
ministry included all parties, Tory as well as AVliig.
It is remarkable for this, if for no other reason, that
William Pitt took under Pelham his first office
of Paymaster of the Forces. Newcastle, unfortu-
nately for the colonies, retained the Secretaryship
of State for the Southern department, which then
included the administration of the plantations.

Pepperell had made himself thoroughly acquainted
with all details relative to the fortress he was about
to attack. After the capture of Annapolis, the French
had devoted considerable attention to strengthening
the naturally formidable defences of Louisburg, with
a view to compensate in some measure for the loss of

..1.

1744

1714

?■'■.-(:.

( ■■ !

M':

r.K '

(■•

• ■

182

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

n...

[1739—1748.

CitAiTEu Port Royal, by establishing a strong position at the
— 1 mouth of the St. Lawrence. The climate of Cape
Breton was foggy and inhospitable ; few regular
inhabitants dwelt there, although the French go-
vernors had done their utmost to attract thither
the French population of Acadia : the town and
fortifications of Louisburg, which had become the
centre of the cod-fishery, alone boasted any consider-
able number of inhabitants. There were a few
stations, the chief of which were at St. Peter's, at St.
Anne's, and at Spanish Bay, to which fishermen
resorted in the summer ; but in the winter, even these
scattered inhabitants returned to tlieir families in
France. Some scanty supply of that coal, which is
no doubt destined to make Nova Scotia one of the
richest nations of the world, had already been found
there, but no mining operations of any importance
had been begun. The environs of Louisburg were
almost entirely uninhabited ; the fishermen lived in
the most squalid misery, and were almost w^ithout the
common necessaries of life. Louisburg itself contained
about 2,400 inhabitants. Part of them were Cana-
dians, and part emigrants from France : there were
also among them large numbers of engages, hired or
kidnapped on the coasts of Normandy and sold for a
limited term of service. Every captain of a vessel
going to Cape Breton was bound to convey thither a
certain number of these men.

The fortifications, though by no means impreg-
nable, as the French engineers declared, were of con-
siderable importance ; the walls, raised on a neck of
land lit the mouth of the harbour, were forty feet in

go-

VI.

1745

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 183

1739—1748.]

tliickness, and of considerable height ; they were CnAiTEtt
mounted with a hundred and twenty cannons, seventy-
six swivels, and some mortars. The harbour was de-
fended by an island battery of thirty-two guns, which
were then looked upon as of large calibre, and by a
battery on the shore, which mounted thirty large
cannons, and was surrounded by a formidable moat.
Such were the defences which the New England men
determined to attack.

When all was ready, Shirley wrote to the English
Government to announce that the plantations had
resolved ujion commencing operations without waiting
for the reinforcements which they confidently expected
from home ; he added that the New England volun-
teers would be reinforced by a large number of hardy
fishermen whom the French had driven off the New-
foundland banks, and that he had written without
success to solicit the co-operation of Admiral Warren,
then in command on the West India Station, who,
after consulting with his officers, declined to have
anything to do with the enterprise.

The Duke of Bedford, who afterwards succeeded
Newcastle as Secretary of State for the Southern
department, was at the head of the Admiralty.
He ordered Admiral Warren, then with his fleet at
Antigua, to co-operate with the American militia.
Pepperell had time to communicate with Warren,
before his own preparations were complete, and to
arrange that the whole force should rendezvous off
the coast in the immediate vicinity of Louisburg at a
certain day and hour ; that they should wait for night,
land under covcj* of the darkness, march through

'iiJ

i:. I

184 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1739—1748.

Chapter tliickot and bog to tliG city, and take the fortress and

'. the royal battery by surprise at daybreak. Tlie vokm-

teers to whom this hazardous enterprise was entrusted
were composed of seemingly most unwarlike materials,
but they were brave and hardy. They were of fisher-
men from the great banks, lumberers to whom the axe
and rifle were equally familiar, and farmers from the
interior, who Jhad passed their days in scouting and
Indian fighting. Such a force, however much it
might lack the discipline necessary for a regular siege,
possessed in a high degree the qualities necessary for a
desperate assault. The force arrived off Louisburg
in liigli health and spirits : covered by the squadron
of Warren, the attacking force crowded into the
whaleboats and made good their landing, driving
back the troops of France into the woods. Next day
a detachment of four hundred men under AYilliam
Yaughan, a volunteer from New Hampshire, marched
round the town, and with wild cheers attacked the
royal battery. The French spiked tlieir guns and made
their escape into the fortress. Then the abnormal
composition of the besieging force stood them in good
stead ; the major of one New England regiment was
a gunsmith ; under his directions a party of smiths
was detailed, who rebored the spiked guns of the
French and turned them on the late defenders of the
works. The colonel of another regiment was a car-
penter : he designed sledges on which the hardy
fishermen dragged tlieir guns over the morass that
surrounded the town, and opened fire in alarming-
proximity to the works. The volunteers laughed at
zigzags, parallels, and approaches, according to the

::i

\l.

1745

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 185

1739—1748.]

art of war. Every night parties enlisted, Indian- Chaiter
fashion, under a chief of their own selection, and at-
tempted sometimes an assault, sometimes a surprise.
The harassed garrison became mutinous ; supplies
sent from France by a ship of the line were taken,
ship and all, in sight of the batteries. The governor
sent a flag of truce, and on the 17th of June, 1745,
the strongest fortress in North America surrendered
to an undisciplined army of Americans. The news of
their success was received with great rejoicings in
England ; it was by far the most considerable opera-
tion of the war. It came more opportunely because
it was exactly contemporary with a great disaster.

In the spring of 1745 a numerous French army
under Marshal Saxe, in which the king and the
dauphin were present in person, laid siege to Tournay ;
the English with their allies, under a prince of the
blood-royal of England, advanced to its relief. It
has been stated, that on the 30th April the Eng ish
fleet came in sight of Louisburg ; on that very day, in
another hemisphere, the Duke of Cumberland advanced
to attack the French who were posted near the
village of Fontenoy. About nine o'clock in the
morning, the British and Hanoverian infantry, ad-
vancing under a tremendous fire, drove the French
beyond their lines, but the Dutch failed : Saxe
brought up his reserves; the English were sur-
rounded ; a tremendous fire of artillery obliged them
to retire. The event of that battle placed the
French in possession of Ghent, Tournay, Bruges,
and Ostend.

When afternoon shadows began to lengthen over

^ ,'l-:

\\- •? '•

i ■

\' [ ■

' ' <

U:. ■

186 EXODUS OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS.

[1739—1748,

CiiAiTEn the red field in Flanders, it was still early morning
— - in the distant longitude of Louisburg. While the
English troops at Fontenoy were slowly giving way,
the oars of New England whale-boats were bending
as the stout fishermen of Maine rushed through the
surf to attack the Dunkirk of North Amei'ica. Both
the British forces, the force in Flanders and the force
in Cape Breton, rested that night on the field of
battle, beaten and weary. Fortunately for British
pride the merchant general at Louisburg was able to
give a better account than the royal jirince of his
ultimate success. " We are making bonfires for Cape
Breton, and thundering over Genoa," wrote Horace
Walpole * to Sir Horace Mann, " while our army is
ruiniing away in Flanders." At the time when this
letter was written, Horace Walpole was probably not
aware that the Chevalier Charles Edward had actually
sailed for Scotland, f with the avowed purpose of win-
ning the throne of England for the Pretender. If
Horace Walpole's father, in the days of his power,
had but devoted some of the restless energy and
dauntless courage which he displayed in retaining his
hold of power, to the task of reducing the Highland
chiefs to proper subjection, the bloody scenes of the
*' forty-five" might have been averted. The Duke of
Cumberland was more successful at CuUoden than at
Fontenoy. By land the French had all the glory, by
sea the victory was with the English. It appeared at
one time that the war would be transferred in earnest to
1740 America. The Duke D'Anville was sent from France
with a large fleet to attempt the recovery of Louis-

* July 2G, 1745. f J"ly 14> ^ <'45.

174S

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS, ls7

1739—1748.]

Luig, but its object was deFcutcd by storms and sbip- ch.mteu

wreck. D'Aiiville died at sea, and his successor 1

committed suicide. Next year Anson and Warren 1747
captured the fleet destined for Canada and Cape
Breton. The French made no reprisals, but one or
two small trading ports on the frontier were captured
by the French and Indians.

The war had now changed its character ; peace
was confidently expected, and it was believed on both
sides of the Atlantic that neither belligerent really
desired the vigorous prosecution of the war. Shirley
and AVarren had planned an expedition for the reduc-
tion of all Canada, and Virginia had agreed to furnish
a contingent of eight thousand men, but the Duke of
Newcastle ordered the provincial levies to be dis-
banded ; next year the English army itself was re-
duced to a mere skeleton. During the course of the
autumn the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was signed. It
was agreed tliat all treaties, from that of Westphalia,
should be confirmed ; that all conquests made on
either side during the war should be restored, and all
prisoners returned without ransom. The Asiento
and the privilege of the annual ship was to be con-
tinued to the British for the term of four years, during
which it had been suspended by the war. The main
cause of war, — or at least the cause which had been
alleged in 1739, — the right of search claimed and
exercised by Spanish ships, was not even mentioned.
The sole benefit obtained by England for the expen-
diture of so much blood and treasure v/as the ba-
nishment of the Pretender from France. Thus an
aimless war was succeeded by a hollow })eace ;

■ I. ,

V{;

188 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1739—1748.

CnArTEn France recovered Loiiisburg, but the bomidjirics of

— '- Acadia were still left in disj^ute and the frontiers of

Florida nntraced. All the causes which provoked

tlie last war remained in full operation, ready to

afford pretext for another.

JVl

EXODUS OF THE WKSTEIIN NATIONS.

180

1748-1755.]

CHAPTER VIT.

<.♦

'ij

STIIATEGIC VALUE OF OANADA TO FRANCE.

[1748—1755,]

Aliln Stfitcsmpii of France under Louis XV. — Coniniissioncr.s to dcciile tlio
J5uundarie3 of Acadia — Agi^rcssions of tlie Froncli in America; Letter of
the Earl of All)enuirlo tliereuiion — M. de la (falissoniere's Paper on the
Strategic Value of Canada — Conduct of tlic English Colonies on hearing
of tlie French Aggressions — M. du Quesne — Canadian Militia —
M. Celei'on desiiatched to the Ohio — Unsuccessful Mission of Washington
— Commencement of Hostilities.

During the years which followed the peace of Aix-
la-Chapclle, the progress of society, Loth in England
and in English America, was very rapid. The British
colonies, especially, iiicreased both in wealth and
importance. The idea that it was possible for
colonies to emancipate themselves from dependence
on their metropolis, though sufficiently familiar to
colonial governors, and to those who enjoyed an
opportunity of closely watching the course of affairs,
and the tone of thought in the plantations, had not
yet obtained admission into the calculations of any
section of European statesmen. The French colonists
lived, on the whole, content under their feudal
seigneurs. The Spanish Creoles, far from entertain-
ing any ideas of emancipation, lacked even the means
of making their wishes known in Spain, and lived

ClIAT'TKH

VI [.

• 1

«,'•>.,. ■:

^■'■:-

190 EXODUS OF THE WESTEKN NATIONS.

[1748— 1 Tor).

Chatter in abject siiLjectioTi to the handful of Eniopean
— 1 Spaniards who monopolized every post of honour
and importance in America. The English colonists,
independent enough in theory, absolutely republican
in practice, xsQyq still in need of British protection;
Ftp nee made no secret of her intention to hem in the
English colonies effectually by a chain of posts along
the Mississi2)pi, and the Anglo-Americans knew that
if this was effectually done it would hardly be in
their power to resist subjugation by France Alli-
ance with England could alone for the present avert
danger, and allianco could only be purchased at the
price of remaining dependent. Besides this there
were many amo^g the colonists who were united to
England by ties of every sincere affection. The
generation which haH fled from active persecution
had long passed away : the descendants of tho Pu-
ritans, though they were fully detei'mined on inde-
pendence, so soon as they could safely assert it, still
looked with pride to the inheritance of glory which
they possessed in common with the English. Many
a well-to-do gentleman, both in New England and
the old dominion, sent liis sons home to study at
Cambridge or Oxford, or to complete their education
by serving a campaign with lord Stair or the Duke
of Cumberland. It was easy to >3ee that the interval
of repose wliich Europe was now enjoying must be
succeeded by a strriggle with France Uiuch more
fierce tiian ilis languid wars which had just termi-
nated. The peace wr^s but an armed truce : the
belligerents had pai^sed because each had need of ji
moment of repose, but their spirit of hostility had

'^- n

1748—1755.

European
lion our
colonists,
publican
election ;
m in the
sts along
lew that
\y be in
3 Alli^
nt avert
(1 at the
lis there
mited to
1. The
secution
tho Pu-
m inde-
t it, still
Y which
Many
md and
tudy at
lucation
le Duke
interval
nust be
1 more
termi-
e : the
}d of a
ity had

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 191

1748—1755.]

been by no means quelled. The very basis of the Chapter

peace, that en oh power should retain the possessions '.

she held before the war, chafed the spirit of both
parties. Frnnce was especially dissatisfied, and
Louis XV. soon made it evident that he intended, in
spite of honeyed words and specious promises, to try
the fortune of war i>gain. While the forces of the
rival nations thus confronted each other, matters of
dispute arose at two points which were almost the an-
tipodes of each other. Both in India a.id in America
causes of quarrel existed which were ready at any
moment to produce open hostilities ; in each, Louis
was served by statesmen who, for ability and energy,
might compare with the ablest servants of his great
grandfather. La Galissoniere in Canada, and Dupleix
in Lidia, were men who might be safely trusted to
forward the ambitious and unscrupulous views which
had become the traditionary policy of France. Du-
pleix met in India a genius superior to his own. In
a few years the power of France disappeared from
the Carnatic, and the humble traders of the East
India Company became the lords to whom the great
princes of India paid homage ; but La Galissoniere *

* M. de la Galissoniere (Uolaiirl Michel Barin, Marquis dela). — 11 ^tablit
a Quebec un arsenal maritime et un. ohantior de construction, oil Ton n'em-
ploya que les bois du pay?, ct coucut, proposa, et adopta le vaste plan dont
il commen^a I'dxecution, de juindre le Canada et la Loui.siaiie par une
cliaiuede forts etd'etablissements le Ion<];de I'Ohio et du iMississipi h, travers
les regions dcosertes qui separaient cos deux colonies h. I'ouest des lacs. A
I'avantaso d'etablir eatre olios une communication moins penible ot moiiis
longue fiue par le Nord,se joii^nit c lui de i»ouvoii' faire parvonir losdepechos
oil France en hiver par la Louisiaiio, taudis que reniboucliure du (louve St.
Tiaurent est ferniee par les glaccs. Enfiu celui do rcsserrer los Anglais
entre les montagnes ot la mcr. — Biographic Univcrscllc, art. liA
Gaijssonikui:. Conquost of Canada.

■•<■»
•1*

>!'■

'■■M'-m

Cha.
VII

}y.

-il ('■:

192 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748—1755.

£R had no Clive to encounter and to thwart him : had
his able counsels been followed, French power would
have been established within, and in all probability
far beyond its former limits in America. French
statesmen looked upon the possession of power in
America, only as a means of annoying* an enemy ;
we no\^ know with precision, that which was hidden
from our forefathers, the exact nature and scope of
the views of De la Galissoniere ; the secret papers
which he addressed to the French court, during
the time of his vice-royalty, and after his return
to France, have been collected. They show the
position of affairs during the latter years of the
Duke of Newcastle's administration, as they appeared
to one of the most acute and far-seeing of contem-
porary French statesmen. M. de la Galissoniere never
for a moment hid from himself that the Treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle was but waste paper, the peace but
a breathing-space which it behoved France to use to
the best advantage by assiduous preparation. He
saw that the theatre of the next struggle would be,
from strategic reasons, in America, and that it must
terminate in the downfall of either the French or the
English power in the New World. His anxiety was
quickened by the belief that the supremacy of France
in Europe depended on the maintenance of her power
in America.

Kalm, who travelled through Cann.da while M. do
la Galissoniere was governor there, expresses in
cntliusiastic terms his surprise at the range and
nature of the viceroy's acquirements : his knowledge
of all branches of natural science was extensive.

m
find

VII.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 193

1748—1755.]

" When I began to talk to him about natural Chapter
history," exclaims Kalm, " I imagined I saw our
p-reat Linna3us under a new form." The new fc im
would not in point of personal beauty have been to
the advantage of Linnseus, for M, de la Galissoniere
was short and humpbacked ; but he was one of those
persons in whom physical misfortune produced no
corresi)oiiding warp or crank of mind. A der uta-
tion of chiefs of the Indian tribes waited upon him
soon after his arrival at Quebec ; these untutored
men, extremely open to the effect of a stately car-
riage and imposing manner, could not restrain the
expression of their astonishment when first they saw
the representative of the great French king ; but
the fire of his eye, and winning charm of his man-
ner were such as to impress even savages who were
in the habit of measuring men by thews and sinews,
and not by mind. They soon began to appreciate
his wisdom and moderation, and before the deputa-
tion went back to their villages they were heard to
declare that the king, La Galissoniere's master, must
have a wonderful idea of his intellect, or he would
never have sent such a man to rule over them. The
marquis used to say of himself that he knew how to
apply natural history to politics, and that philosophy,
mathematics, and other sciences all helped him to see
clearly how a country shorM be made powerful in
order to depress envious neighbours.

M. de Chateaubriand in his Travels* says, that, in
observing old maps of Canada, he was for ever
haunted by the idea, why it was that the government

* Vol. ii. ].. 207.
VOL. II. O

•K

' 'M

|t:

•.?.■■■, ..

t-N" •' I. .'.

! f

VII.

194 EXODU:'" OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748—1755.

CnAPTKR of France liad left colo'^ies to perish, wliicli would
afterwards have been the source of inexhaustible
prosperity. From Acadia and Canada to Louisiana,
from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to that of the
Mississippi, the territories of New France surrounded
the lands which originally formed the thirteen colo-
nies. The eleven other states, which now form part
of the Union, too:ether with the districts of Columbia,
Michigan, the North West Missouri, Oregon, Ar-
kansas, all belonged to France, by the cession of
the English and Spaniards, the first heirs of France
in Canada and Louisiana. " The French," he ex-
claims, " disinherited of the conquests of our genius
and our courage, now hear the language of Eacine,
of Colbert, and of Louis XIY., spoken merely in a
few hamlets of Louisiana and Canada, under a foreign

sway.

Similar ideas had long before occurred to

Galissoniere.* He continually expressed his opinion,
that a chain of forts behind the English colonies,
which should connect Canada with Louisiana, was
the only way to check the advance of the English.
His first proposal was that a large and well -orgam' zed
expedition should be sent from France ; he demanded
that 10,000 peasants should at once be despatched, and
settled according to the common practice of the French
in seigneuries selected for the strategic value of their

* So also said Charlevoix : — "Notre (Jtiiblisscment ilans la Louisiaiic fait
grand nial au coour h ceiix-ci (los An,sj;lais) ; c'l'st uiui barrioro que nous
niettous ontre leurs puissantes colonies dc rAnit5rique Septentrionalo ct le
Mexique. Lcs Espagnols, qui nous voyent avcc des youx si jaloux nous
fortifier dans ce pays, ne sentent jias encore riniportance dn service que
uous leur rcndous." — Cliarlevoix, vi. 160.

-1755

VII.

1713

1749

745

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 195

1748—1755.]

situation. But his application was disregarded. He Chapter
then set himself to consider whether the Acadians
who were tlieii, and had been since the Peace of
Utrecht, under British rule, could not be seduced from
their new allegiance, and persuaded to place them-
selves again under French protection. Soon after
the taking of Louisburg, MM. de Beauharnois and
Hocquard wrote to the Count de Maurepas, announc-
ing the opinion that the French neutrals, as they were
called, were very desirous of returning under French
dominion ;* that it had always been their expectation
of the Acadians, that Acadia would be reconquered ;
and that so strong was this belief, they waited for the
return of their former masters before rebuilding tlicir
shattered habitations. La Galissoniere saw that if
he could attract these unfortunate people to the Cana-
dian side of the frontier, he should have in them allies
even more hardy and helpful, because more accus-
tomed to the life of the wilds, than emigrants fresh
from France would be. He accordingly applied to
the missionary priests who had settled among them,
and who in all political disturbances took a most
active part ; by their instrumentality a large number

• I'

* As regards the disposition of the inhabitants towards us, all, with very
few exceiitions, are desirous of returning; under the French dominion.
Sieur Marin, and the officers of his detachment, as well as the missionaries,
have assured us of this ; they will not hesitate to take up arms, as soon as
they see themselves at liberty to do so ; that is, as soon as we shall become
masters of Port Royal, or they have powder or other munitions of war, and
will be backed by some sedentary troops for their protection against the
resentment of the English. If, notwithstanding this preliminary, any
settlers should still be found to hesitate declaring themselves, all difficulties
would be overcome by the employment of menaces and force. — N. Y. Co],
MSS., 27th June, 1745.

o 2

VII.

19G EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748—1755.

CuAPTKii of English subjects were brought into Canada. On
all occasions La Galissonicre was ably seconded by
the warlike missionaries of the frontier. These men
naturally acquired an influence over their flocks,
which was perhaps in the main used for the further-
ance of order and religion ; but the conditions of
life on that warlike frontier were so remote from
anything that we can readily imagine, that we arc
tempted to set down even the civilizers themselves
as beyond measure brutal and uncivilized. Throi^gh-
out the long wars whicli preceded tlie capture of
Canada, the Indians were led to battle by their mis-
sionaries. It was the custom for the governors of
Canada to divide the Indians capable of bearing
arms into missions, instead of companies, or bat-
tab'ons. For example, in a letter from MM. de
Beauharnois and Hocqiiard* to the French minister
of marine and the colonies, we find the Indians thus
enumerated : — " In the Sieur Loutres mission, 200 ;
80 at Isle Royale, Maillard, missionary; 195 at
Miramichi, Father Lacorne, missionary ; at Resti-
gouche, 60, Father Lestage, missionary ;" and so on.
All the warlike fathers enumerated were more or
less celebrated as partisan leaders ; and, if we may
judge from the descriptions of their exploits inci-
dentally given by their military superiors to the
French ministers, none of them appear to have con-
sid^^red it necessary to temper the horrors of warfare
with any exhibition of clemency to tlie vanquished.
Le Loutre was sent to Canada in 1737 by the Society

* MM. Uoiuiliarnois ami llocciuart to Count dc Mauropas. — Quclx-c,
I'J Sopt., 1745, ill New York Cnl. MSS., x. 15.

EXODUS OF THE WHS'i'EllN NATIONS. 197

1748—1755.]

of Foreif]rn Missions in Paris, and took up liis abode Chaitku

amonf^ tlie Acadians and Miemacs : we liear of him '.

heading an attack on Annapolis in 1744.* He l)ecame
so odious to tlie Englisli in consequence of liis repeated
attacks upon tliem, tliat a reward was offered for liis
apprehension. He at one time made himself of so
much consequence, from his influence on the frontier,
that he was appointed vicar-general of Acadia. In
i75V, before the final cession of Acadia, he fled in
disguise to Quebec, to avoid falling into the hands of
the English, but the Bishop of Quebec, who by no
means approved of his turbulent sul)ject, sent him
home in disgrace. He appears to have been a man
of savage temper, and was for many years the evil
genius of the French neutrals. Smith, in his History
of Canada,! says with reference to his management of
the Acadians: — "These unhappy people had from
the first felt the iron hand of his tyranny ; neither
the provisions nor ( lothing furnished by the crown
could be obtained without repeated supplications and
prayers, and in every instance he showed a heart
steeled against every sentiment of humanity." Even
after Cornwallis had estal)li8hed Chebuctow, Le Loutre 17 IW
caused the homes of the unhappy Acadians who liad
remained faithful to the English to be burned.

Scattered notices of his predatory raids occur inci-
dentally in many of the letters of IVI. Beaidiarnois
to the French court. The manner in which thev are
narrated shows the temper in which the frontier
warfare was carried on. In the same letter which
lias been already quoted, M. Beauhai-nois says : —

* Williaiuisuu's Maine, ii. 21(1. f Vol. i. [\ 217.

•■i

■ r.l

-•"11

! i

I •

It. .'

I ■

iy« EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748—1755.

Chai-ter " Lately, a Ixjat belonging to an English mercliant-

'. man, having landed at La Heve for wood and water,

the Indians killed seven of them, and bronght their
scalps to M. Marin : they can be depended upon to
pursue the same course as long as means will be
found to furnish them with arms, powder, and ball.
This is also the opinion of M. Loutre, their mis-
sionary, who arrived at Quebec on the 14th Sep-
tember."

Father Germain was another of these warlike
priests. He was a Jesuit, and lived among the
Abenakis on the river St. John. He constantly
figures in the " Colonial MSS.," sending intelligence
to Quebec of privateers, corresponding with the
Governor of Canada on the w^arfare waged around
him, and distributing arms among the Lidians of his
mission. But he does not appear to have been dis-
tinguished either by the activity or the cruelty of
Le Loutre ; indeed, on one occasion ^ve find him
ransoming an English prisoner taken by the Indians
in a fight at Minas basin. But the most notorious of
all was Father Lacorne. This man was better
known as Captain Barthe : " there was nothing about
him of his order but his coat ; he w^as a trader, visited
Quebec in his own sloop, navigated by himself to
sell his goods and purchase supplies ; when he had
amassed considerable wealth he abandoned his mis-
sion, and returned to France on pretext of ill-health.
There he kept his carriage, mixed in ladies' society,
and thought no more of his convent."* He became
secularized in 1757.

* Collection of t!n' QucKc Literary and Historical Society, 1838, \). 82.

1
tl

IXODUS OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS.

iliant-
vatei',
their
on to
1 be
ball,
mfs-
Se]!-

the
mtlj
ence

tlie
)iind

his

190

1748— ] 765.]

Ill March 1757 tlie Reverend Chinde Godfroy Chaitku

• vir
Cocquard wrote tliis to his brotlicr : — " You will '.

learn that our Indians have waged the most cruel
war ag-ainst the English, tliat they continued it
through the spring, and are still so exasperated as to
be beyond control. Georgia, Carolina, Marreliinde,
Pensilvania, are wholly laid waste ; the farmers have
been forced to quit their abodes and retire into the
towns. . . . The Indians do not make any pri-
soners; tliey kill all they meet, men, women, and
children. Every day they have some in their kettle,
and after having abused the women and maidens,
they slaughter or burn them."

In a subsequent letter, the same reverend father

says

u rr

The Eno'lish have taken one Delaware chief

whom they have gouged. M. Damas, governor of
Fort dii Quesne, has taken advantage of that act of
cruelty to represent to the Indians of that nation
what they might expect from our enemies. It has so
infuriated them that not a person falls into their hands
who is not burnt. These same Delawares, on return-
ing from their expedition (in which they murdered a
large English detachment), met eighty English, who
on the approach of the Indians, had fortified them-
selves in a house to which the latter set fire, " et ainsi
fit rotir les Anglais." But enough has been said to
show the ferocious spirit in which the border warfare
was carried on.

After the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle M. de la Galis-
soniere returned to France ; an article in the treaty
liad provided that a commission should meet in Paris
for the purpose of defining the " ancient limits " of

■ ! j

'111

I*'; ■■

•V ■

!■.■•■

2lX) EXODUS OF THE WES'JKllX NATIONS.

[1748—1755.

Chapteu Acadi.i mentioned in tlie treaty. Sir William Shir-

VII

! ley, who had been created a baronet for liis services

in organizing the expedition against Louisl»urg, and
Mr. Mildmay were selected as the representativTS of
the English ; M. de la Galissoniere and M. de Sil-
houette were appointed on behalf of the French. It
soon became evident that the French court were only
trifling ; every artifice was used to gain time, and
every nerve strained by France to prepare for a con-
flict upon which, as we have seen, they had already
determined. The limits of Acadia, if they had been
really the subject in dispute, might liave been decided
in ten minutes : when the French ceded " Acadia
according to its ancient limits," they of course ceded
all that France had ever held or claimed under that
name. A French instrument was at hand, and was
well known to both parties, which defined those
ancient limits with precision ; but neither party chose
to appeal to it. The Charter of Henry lY., appointing
De Monts in 1004, described Acadia as extending south
as far as the fortieth parallel of latitude, and north
as far as the forty-sixtli. This document would have
given the English more than they had ever dreamed
of claiming ; but the English commissioners did not
appeal to it, they considered it imprudent to rest,
even in appearance, their title to a part of these posses-
sions, on grants made prior to the patents of Virginia.
The French were still more unwilling to bring it up
in evidence, for the limits therein described would
have decided their claim against them. The Earl of
Albemarle, v.lio represented the court of England as
Ambassador at Paris, complained in vain of the

il-

• <l

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

201

1748—1755.]

delays and pretences of the Frencli colonial office.
His remonstrances were parried and explained away
— the king person? lly condescended to express his
regret that anything should arise to give cause of
oft'ence ; he professed the utmost purity of intentions,
and sincerity of moti\'e ; but the systematic energy
with which the French preparations were followed
up proved to both nations that neither the king nor
his minister were to be relied upon.

M. de la Galissoniere was succeeded as governor-
general by M. de la Jonquiere. This officer had
been appointed governor before Galissoniere, but he
had unfortunately fallen in with the English fleet on
his way to assume the government, and had been
taken prisoner in Anson and Warren's action off Cape
Finisterre. M. de Jonquiere was a man of very con-
siderable ability, and, till his constitutional avarice
grew upon Iiim to such an extent that he was unable
to attend to anytliing except money-making, he
followed the policy of his predecessor with good
success. Just before the assembling of the commis-
sionei's at Paris, the governor-general received posi-
tive instructions from home to carry out La Galis-
soniere's views with regard to Acadia, and M. de
Boishebert was sent down with a considerable force
to the River St. John, and took possession of the
isthmus that connects Nova Scotia with New Bruns-
wick. As soon as this flagrant violation of tlie treaty
was known in England, the Earl of Albemarle was
directed by his court to remonstrate in the strongest
terms. In accordance with these instructions, he
wrote to M. de Puysieulx, the Frencli minister : — " M.

■1

ClIAITEU

VII.

1749

May KJ,
17-lG

1749

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202 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748— 1755.

Cii.MTKii Coriiwallis," lie says, "g<3vcrnor of Nova Scotia, lias

'. infbniied tlie Duke of Bedford by a letter d[ited 1st

of May this year, that the French have taken posses-
sion of Nova Scotia, beyond the Bay of Fundy, from
the River Cliiquecto to that of St. John. He demands
that the conduct of M. de la Jonquiere sliould be
disavowed, that positive orders should be sent to him
immediately, to withdraw his troops and the Indians
under his authority from the places belonging to
Great Britain ; that amends be made for the acts of
violence which liave been committed, and the da-
mages whicli the king's servants have suffered."

M. de la Galissoniere's knowledge of the subject in
dispute at once showed him the importance of the
crisis. He prepared a paper, which, proceeding as it
does from one of the most clearsighted of French
statesmen, and giving unreserved expression to the
feelings which animated the mind of France at that
time, forr' i a very remarkable illustration of the secret
designs which terminated four years afterwards in
the breaking out of hostilities.

M. de la Galissoniere begins by saving that the
pretensions set up by his Britannic Majesty's com-
missioners respecting the extent of Acadia, and the
measures which the English Govenmient are taking
to re-establish themselves in that part of the American
continent are of a nature to demand the most serious
attention on tlie part of the government. He de-
clared that while peace appeared to lull the jealousy
of the English in Europe, that passion was in active
operation in America, where the English were rapidly
placing themselves in a position to invade the French

ans

KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 203

1748—1755.]

colonies .at tlie outbreak of the war, which could not CirAnKR

VII

be far distant. The military authorities of France — '.
and England were each of course anxious to secure to
their own country the occupation of all the avenues
by which the territories of the otiier could be ap-
proached.

"It is not proposed," he writes, "to dwell on the
utility of colonies. If any doubt should arise on
this point, let any one look at the account of the
revenue of the king's farms, the immense (piantity of
all sorts of commodities and manufactures sent to the
colonies ; the returns which come from tliem, some
of which are necessary to manufactures ; and the sur-
plus produce which is exported to other countries,
and which make the balance of wealth to turn in
favour of France."

He admits that Canada and Louisiana are not pro-
ductive directly of such wealth to France, as St.
Domingo, Martinico, and other tropical islands ; and
that those colonies are, on the other hand, an expense.
He complains, a little unreasonably, that the im-
mense extent of Canada and Louisiana prevent them
from being ruled by one mind, or from affording
each other mutual support ; that they can only re-
ceive goods, &c. from France by two rivers, 2,700
miles distant from each other ; that they would be
glutted with their own produce, and starved for the
w^ant of European commodities, if a maritime nation
were to blockade them ; that the expenses for military
stores exceed the revenue ; and that the necessity
for cultivating the friendship of Indians necessitates
a large outlay for presents.

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VII.

fill''

ll^!lli

204 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748—1755.

Nevertheless, he {ir<^nes, motives of religion,
honour, and glory forbid their abandonment. It
would be an act unworthy of France to give up a
French population, who had gone to America under
the expectation of French protection : it would be
cruel to abandon the chance of converting the heathen.
But he refuses to insist either on those motives, or on
the probable future wealth of Canada : he prefers to
regard Canada solely as a barren frontier, such as
tlie Alps are to Piedmont, or as Luxembourg would
be to France. It would, he says, be impossible to
abandon such a boundary ; its position offers too good
an opportunity of making head against a powerful and
disagreeable neighbour. Canada, he says, has always
been, and is now, a burden on France, but it forms
the best possible barrier against England ; the proof
of that fact is the frequent attempts the English have
made to possess themselves of it. The position of
Canada is such as to enable it to cope single-handed
with the English colonies. If the English plantations
were allowed to remain undisturbed, tliey would ab-
sorb all the colonies on the continent of America,
and with them the tro})ical colonies of France. The
difticulty of seizing Canada hitherto had always been,
not its intrinsic strength, but the difficulty of sending
from Europe sufficient troops to subdue it. The
English colonies, from the rapidity of their develop-

be in a position to fit out arma-
of America, sufficiently for-
midable to insure the capture of the French posses-
sions witlioul assistance from liome. lie admits that

ment, would soon
ments on the continent

the C

uuKiians nave always success

jfully waged war

1'
a
ii

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 205

1748—1755.]

against the English, notwithstanding^ tlieir numerical cuAnER

inferiority, but that success has been owing princi- ;

pally to the alliances of the French with the Indians,
who liked them better and feared them more than
they did the p]nglisli ; and to the habits of the
P^-ench Canadians, many of wliom had adopted the
manner of life of the Indians and tlieir mode of
fighting.*

The superiority, he continues, of tlie French in Ame-
rica is thus in some sort accidental anl the balance is
liable to be overturned if the eflfortiL: of the French are
for a moment relaxed. That loss of superiority would
be followed by the loss of all the French settlements
of America, and " would drag after it the superiority
which France must claim over England." If any-
thing can in fact destroy the superiority of France in
p]ngland, it is the naval force of the English. This
alone sustained the House of Austria at the com-
mencement of the war of the Spanish succession,
as it caused France to lose, at the close of the last

■'Ml

' 5 ;

* M. de Boislidbert gives the following account of the mode of fighting
adopted by the Indians: — "They never submit to any regrlarity on the
march ; that is to say, they are not commanded like the French, and ordi-
narily do what they please, and it takes a good deal of i)ersuasion to induce
them to march. They are conversant with the forest and the paths through
those vast wildernesses, and follow the trail of men as of wild beasts, and.
whether in wet or dry soil, calculate on the autunm leaves their nunibor
pretty nearly as correctly as if they saw them. 1'heir knowledge in this
regard surpasses all imaginable ideas. But they often abandon you when
the fancy takes them or they have got all they can. They act bravely
when they plea-e ; risk much to secure the scalp of a nian the}" have killed,
which they have sometimes taken amidst a storm oi musket balls, and are
very a'''roit in suri/rising their enemiis. They would be a great assistance
to us, were they willing to serve us faithfully, and wc are always in need of
some of them. But with them wc must always be the strongest and be
givJMj: them presents." — New York Col. MSS, x. 83.

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206 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748—175;-).

Chaptkb war, the fruit of tlie entire conquest of the Austrian

; lower countries. The French could not, he says, long

continue an expenditure equal to that of the English.
But it is impossible to adopt the only other resource
■ — that of attacking them in their own possessions —
without fortifying Canada and husbanding means in
that colony itself : there the advantages possessed by
France can be advantageously put forth, and even
increased, at an expense trifling in comparison with
the cost of armaments sent from Europe.

The utility of Canada is not confined to France.
It also affords protection to Mexico, which in its turn
protects Louisiana from the English, and, with that
colony, forms a barrier which the English are unable
to penetrate.

If any unforeseen difficulty were to arise with
Spain, the French would be able to share with Spain
their rich settlements in America. But as such an
event appears by no means prol)able, France must
seek to extend her possessions to the eastward in tlie
direction of the English, and not towards the
Spaniards. " All thot precedes sufficiently demon-
strates that it is of the utmost importance and
necessity not to omit any means, or to spai'e any
expense, to secure Canada, inasmuch as that is the
only way to wrest America from the ambition of the
English, and as the progress of their empire in that
quarter of the globe is wlnit is most capable of con-
tributing to their superiority in Europe."

Even if both parties had been earnest in their
desire for peace, it would have been difficult to pro-
pose terms which should satisfy both nations without

Jtrian

VII.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 207

1748—1755.]

wounding tlie pride of either; but when the prin- Chapter
cipal commissioner was so clearly resolved on war, as
this paper proves him to have been, the task became
impossible. The conduct of England evinced great
moderation and forbearance ; insults were offered to
the English flag both at the eastern and western ex-
tremities of her empire, which were not resented ; yet
every sign announced that a declaration of war could
not long be withheld. The j)eace was still un-
broken, when Labourdonnais sailed from the Mauri-
tins and expelled the English from Madras. The
English Government made no sign while Dupleix
was aiming at the sovereignty of all India, and sub-
jecting English prisoners on parole to indignities
whicli would not have been becoming if the parole
had been refused. English ministers contented them-
selves with remonstrance when, in return for the ces-
sion of Louisburg according to the terms of the
treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, M. de Boishebert took pos-
session of the neck of land between New Brunswick
and Nova Scotia. Nor did the aggressions of the
French stop here : the governor of Canada threatened
the eastern frontier of New England, and strength-
ened his posts on Lake Champlain, in order to over-
awe northern New York ; he sent a strong party to
the Ohio, with the intention of hemming in the Eng-
lish settlements to the west. M. de Celeron, to whom
this delicate service was entrusted, commenced ln"s
operations by working on the old jealousy of the
Five Nations, and inspiring them with the belief
that the English looked upon their country as Eng-
lish territory, and themselves as English subjects.

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1749

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VII.

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if*

208 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748—1755.

Chapteb Wliile these intrigues were in progress active steps
were taken for connecting the great lakes with the
mouth of the Mississippi, by a chain of forts.

Tlie EngHsh frontier colonies perfectly understood
the difficulty of their position. The assembly of
Massachusetts declared that they " beheld with alarm
those insolent intrusions, and advised that the neigh-
bouring provinces should be informed of their com-
mon danger." They expressed their dread of even
the most distant prospect of being subjected to the
tyranny of France, and concluded by sending an ad-
dress to the king thanking him for his former pro-
tection, and begging that "no breach might be made in
any of the territories of the crown on this continent.'*
The English Government had at the peace dis-
banded a large body of men both of the land and sea
forces. The army was reduced to little more than
18,000 men, those in Minorca, Gibraltar, and the
American plantations to 10,000, and the sailors in
the royal navy were under 17,000. It was feared
that the disbanded men might take to brigandage or
piracy. The easiest remedy, and one which might
be turned to a good account hereafter, was the
formation of a military colony in America. Nova
Scotia was selected ; fifty acres of land were offered to
every disbanded soldier, ten for every child, besides
a free passage and exemption from all taxes for ten
years.* Above four thousand persons witli their fami-
lies embarked under the command of Colonel Corn-
wallis, and landed at the harbour of Chebuctow.f The

1748

* Chalmors, ii. 259.

t Lord Maliun's flistory of Kiii;laiul, iv. (!.

, 1 1

'il

EXODUS OF TlIF, WES'l'KHX NATION'S. 209

1748—1755.]

Earl of Halifax was then at the head of the Board of chmtfr

Trade, and the new town was named after him '.

Halifax.

In the same year a large tract of land on the east-
ern bank of the Ohio was granted to a company of
English merchants. A considerable number of plan-
ters at once sent men and money to the new settle-
ment, which they placed in such a position as to cut
off the com^munication between Canada and Louisiana
that M. de Galissoniere was so anxious to retain for
France. Soon afterwards, M. de Yaudreuil, the
Governor of Louisiana, reported to his court* that the
English had been intriguing with the Indians in
Louisiana, and had begun an establishment on the
Ohio ; he adds, that he had required of the French
Indians to avenge the insolence of the English, and
the former hnd brought in 130 scalps to Mobile.
" After this brilliant exploit," writes M. de Yaudreuil,
" the greater part of the revolted villages have altered
their sentiments." He remarks, that it is the design
of the English to push their settlements into tlie inte-
rior of the country, so as to cut off the communication
between Louisiana and Canada.

"While this state of uncertainty prevailed in Acadia
and on the western frontiers of Pennsylvania and
Virginia, the French took measures which proved
that in their opinion war was not far distant. The}"
made their stockade on the Niagara into a formidable
fort ; they built vessels of large size at Frontenac,t
tlie place where the waters of the Ontario turn nortli-

■■I

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* New York Colonial MSS., x. 2iVt. IStli Sopt., 1750.
t Now Kingston.

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210 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748— ITof).

CHAiTER wards into the channel of the St. Lawrence ; they sent
troops to overawe the Indians, and to drive away, by
menaces, if menaces were sufficient, and if not by
force, the Pennsylvanian traders who liad flocked to
their grant on the Oliio. Tlie French and PJnghsli
leaders vied with each other in attempts to gain the
Indian tribes. Every chief fonnd himself courted by
subtle emissaries from two great nations ; every
warrior became suddenly possessed of riches that
seemed boundless to the imagination of a savage.
His white father from the Canadas sent him supplies
of powder and of muskets ; his wigwam was full of
English blankets and tomahawks, corn, and brandy.
Meanwhile, M. de la Jonquiere, obeying the stern
summons that comes once to all, had left his cherished
hoards of specie, and had died by the light of a tallow-
candle at Quebec* L^i, Galissoniere, who was con-
sulted, recommended as De la Jonquiere's successor
the Marquis du Quesne, who landed in August at
Quebec. Immediately on his arrival, Du Quesne
began to reorganize the militia of Quebec and the
provinces — all the inhabitants of the colony. An
ordbnnance already provided that all, except those
who were noble by birth, or who by their employ-
ments held the rank of nobles, should be enrolled in
the militia. The captains were selected from among
the most considerable percons in each parish, and
were entitled to occupy the chief seats in the parish

* M. de la Joiuiuiere was of an extremely miserly disposition. He
amassed by gross peculations an enormous fortune at Quebec, but his
palace was without the common necessaries of life. When he was dying,
he desired the attendant to remove the wax-lights, saying that tallow was
good enough.

1752

EXODUS OF THE WESTKRN NATIONS.

1748—170;-).]

church, ?'nl to be treated as magistrates in the towns.
They were h^ld in great respect, and government in-
sisted on all orders transmitted through them being
punctually obeyed. If any one refused obedience, he
was taken to the nearest town and arraigned Ijefore the
military tribunals. When it became necessary to call
out the militia, the governor-general transmitted his
orders to the colonels or the town-majors, who sent
requisitions to their captains to furnish each a cc^'tain
quota of men. The officer who ordered the draft chose
the conscripts, and marched them to the town-major, by
whom each man was furnished with an equipment —
a gun, a capote or Canadian cloak, a cotton shirt, a
cap, a pair of leggings, a pair of mocassins, and a
blanket. They were then marched to the garrison
for which they were destined. It was usual in time
of peace for the governor-general to review the whole
body once or twice a year, and to inspect the arms.
The artillery company of Quebec was exercised at
great-gun practice every Sunday, under the orders of
the artillery serjeant-major of the king's troops.

The captains in the country districts were charged
with various duties. The intendant communicated
with them on all questions respecting police, or suits
touching seigneurial rights : to them likewise orders
respecting the roads were transmitted by the grand
voyer.* Du Quesne attached bodies of artillery to
the garrison of each city, and remodelled the parish
militia in many important particulars. The governors
of Canada had all been military men : they seized and
fortified such situations as would give their nation

* General Murray's Report.

p 2

CHAPTT'tR
VII.

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[1748— ITSr..

(Jhapteh most influence with the Indians, and most facilitate

VII.

— '. incursions into the nortliern Knglisli colonies. The
command of Lake Cliamplain had been acquired by
erecting a strong fort at (/rown Point; and a connected
chain of forts was maintained from Quebec up the St.
Lawrence and along the great lakes. Du Quesne
now determined to carry out the oft-attempted plan
of his predecessors, by taking positions which should
circumscribe the western frontier of the British,
along the wdiole valley of the Mississippi from its
head waters to the sea. In February, 1753, the
troops under his orders actually took the field : a
large number of soldiers destined for service in
the south-west were despatched from Quebec. They
arrived in April partly by boats, and partly on
the ice, at Niagara, which became their base of opera-
tions.

An examination of the map will show that the
river Ohio takes its rise in the high ground south of
Lake Erie, where it runs in a south-westerlv direction
through the western part of Pennsylvania. It then
divides the states of Indiana and Ohio from their
southern neighbours Virginia and Kentucky, and at
the western angle of the latter state joins the Wabash
and flows with it into the Mississippi.

Morang, the commander of the Canadians, having
secured the command of the river Niagara by build-
ing a fort at its embouchure in Lake Ontario, pro-
ceeded to cut a road through the bush to the south-
west, in order to connect the fort with the trading-
posts of Presquile, Le Bceuf, and Venango, which lie
along the course of the Ohio, within the limits of

-ITof

EXODUS UF THE WESTEltN NATIONS. Iil3

1748—1755.]

Peiinsylvani,^. The settlers and their Indian allies
were equally alarmed. A strong representation was
made to the Board of Trade ; and that hody repre-
sented to the king,* that " the crown of France, not
having the least pretence of right to the territory of
the Ohio, an imjjortant river, rising in Pennsylvania,
and running through A'irginia, it was matter of
wonder what such a strange expedition in time of
peace could ^uean, unless to complete the object so
long in view, of joining the St. Lawrence with the
Mississippi : that, the king's servants having already
abandoned their settlements, the lives and liberties of
the people of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, in
case of a rupture must be greatly endangered. Orders
were at once sent to the respective governors to re])el
the French by force, provided they were found within
the undoubted limits of their several provinces, and
it was again proposed that the assemblies of each
province should send a committee to form a general
treaty with the six allied tribes, and to agree on the
measures necessary for the common defence.

Washington, then a major of the Virginia militia,
was despatched by the governor of Virginia to the
Ohio to demand explanations of the French. This
was the first occasion on which this name, now
so well known and loved, occurs in history. The
occasion, trying for a raw \'irginiaii youth, called
forth all his powers. In his negotiation, fruitless
though it was, he showed all those qualities tliat have
made his name illustrious. His temper, his patience,
his tact, his energy, made a deep impression on those

* Board ol' Tnulu lu llic Kiii^. Au.uust, 1753.

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214 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748—1755.

Chaitkb wlio «aw him. Tlie discussion he r>iistained with so
mucli ahility was of course without result. The French
had decided it by a foregone conchision. Eloquence
even more powerful than that of the provincial sur-
veyor would not have availed with the Canadian officer
against the positive orders of Du Quesne. What
those orders were, the native shrewdness of Washing-
ton soon discovered. Joncaire, a French adventurer,
who had been adopted by the Indians, and who now
commanded the French detachment at Venango,
avowed the whole design. Washington sat quiet
and watchful at supper, while Joncaire, more and
more elated with wine, blurted out the scheme that
had been elaborated by La Galissoniere. Du Quesne,
he was told, intended to seize and hold the whole
valley of the Mississippi. " We know well," exclaimed
the Frenchman, growing boastful in his cups, " that
you coidd laise two men for our one, if your assem-
blies were only united among themselves ; but you
English dawdle over your preparations till the time
for action is over."

All this and more Washington carried away.
The law of nations had never decided that the whole
course of a river, from its embouchure to its source,
belonged of right to the nation which first discovered
its mouth. But was this an opportune moment for
argument ? It would have been useless to point out
that the country had belonged to the English, by
right of discovery and occupation, long before the
period to which even the most imaginative French-
man dared refer as the time whence the claims of his
country should date.

!■:

s i

VII.

EXODUS OF TUE WEbTEUxN NATlOxNS. iil5

1748—1755.]

The quarrel in wliich the French and Englisli now Chai-ikk
engaged was exchisively a colonial one. The posses-
sion and defence of the Americans had already cost,
over and over again, a larger sum than the whole
produce of their trade would have produced. * The
English had the mortification of observing that the
colonists claimed all the security of Englishmen
against attack, and repudiated their obligation to take
a share of the burdens which their ilefence occasioned.
Were they attacked by the French, — they were Eng-
lishmen, and had a right to the jegis which that name
throws over all subjects of the crown ; were they
called upon for a subscription in aid of the war, — they
were men who would not submit to be taxed without
their own consent ; were they taken at their word,
and requested through their own assemblies to tax
themselves, — they sometimes refused, and sometimes
doled out a minute supply, taking care to mix iiji with
their money bill some infringement on the royal
prerogative, which rendered it impossible, except
under severe exigency of the public service, for the
governor to accept tlie terms offered. " Every
assembly," says Chalmers,! " when asked for reason-
able aid, seized the welcome opportiniity of public
distress to degrade the ro} al j^rerogative, by assuming
the executive powers of the prince, to encroach on
the national jurisdiction by departing from the subor-
dinate station of local legislatures."

The action of the colonies at this crisis was in ac-
cordance with their invariable policy. As soon as
they perceived that the French meditated a war of

* Lord Shoflk'lil. t An Aniciicau lawyer who wrote in 17Hli.

■{

•■}'

i ■■ ( .,

j-zV •. .

i &■■

'\;'

21U EXUDUS OF 'I'lil-: WHSTEUN NATION'S.

1748—1755.

c'liAnKK uggTessi<jii in Ainerica, u cliorus of complaint and

'. apprehension eanie at once from the colonists.

Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts, and Clinton,
Governor of New York, had convened an assembly
ITJS at Albany dnring- the last year of the last war, to
concert measures for uniting all the colonies for
connnon defence ; Massachusetts and the other New
Kngland States were, of course, anxious that the
union should be carried out. They were the barrier
between the Canadas and the southern colonies, and
if any attack was made they must bear the brunt of
it. Besides this, years of warfare had raised u})
among them an adventurous class who were perfectly
ready to swell the English raidvs, and fight in their
own defence, provided they were well paid. The
Congress of A Ibany, and especially the Legislature of
Massachusetts, advocated the erection of a line of
detached forts which might be so arranged as to
overawe the French frontier, and defend the New
England colonies from attack. Shirley, in trans-
mitting the proceedings of the assembly to the Duke
of Bedford, strongly advised that a tax should be
levied on all the colonies for the purpose of main-
taining those forts. " Eor,"* s, '^-^ he, " I think it as
reasonable tliat it should be ])erformed at the joint
charge of all the colonies, as that Portsmouth should
be maintained at the expense of the people of Eng-
land, The circumstances of the British subjects on
this continent are now such, that making them con-
tribute towards their common security, could not
reasonably be thought laying a burden upon them,"

* Ai-iil, 1749.

vn.

EXODUS OF THK WKSTEHN NATIONS. 217

1748—1755.]

It was iill in vain ; every colony, with the exce})tion c^haitku
of Massachnsetts, Connecticut, and South f*arohiia,
refused to contribute one farthini;' towards tlie ex-
pense. The exce])tions will easily he understood on
looking at the map : the two first were directly in
the way of the first movement that might be made
by the French militaiy colonies on the Richelieu ;
the last was ecpially exposed to incursions from
Florida rmd Louisiana. Kven in 17').'], when the
French were actually on the Ohio, and Washington
had brouglit l)ack certain intelligence of their inten-
tions and views, the Virginians refused supplies to
Dinwiddle because they declared themselves " easy
on account of the French." When at last the French
had actually established themselves in fortified posts
at Niagara, at Le Bceuf, and at Venango, when
Contrecoeur had driven a colonial officer out of a post
which he held on the fcrks of the Mononguhela,
when Fort du Quesne had arisen on the ruins of an
English stockade, they could no longer close their
eyes to the danger which was actually within the
boundaries of their State. They granted 10,000/. of
their currency ; but Dinwiddie wrote home that the
})ill was so clogged with encroachments on the prero-
gative, that he would not have given his assent had
not the public service rendered the supply impera-
tively necessary.

With the money voted by Virginia, and a small
quantity of stores which had been sent from home,
Washington, who had already been of so nnicli ser-
vice, look the field ; but the planters threw every
kind (>]" obstacle in his way : he com[)lained I" Din-

■ f

• I

'''4"'-

^^'::^;'.! •

.■ ':'']■"■

I'-' '

/ • '

r ',

V!^

K '0

■<

218 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748—1755.

Chaitlr widdie, that he met witlj opposition from those who,

'. if they had been good subjects, would have exerted

their abihties to forward his designs. The North
Carohna militia disbanded, because the military chest
did not contain money to pay them in advance. The
commanders of the independent corps quarrelled for
precedence with the piovincial militia. There was no
martial law — constant mutinies occurred. Even the
genius of AVashington could make nothing of the
disorderly crowd of which his army was composed.

1754 Men n while the French seized, one after another, the
small forts on the Ohio. Before A\'^ashington could
reach Wells' Creek, tlie French, led on bv Contre-
cceur, came down from Venango, and summoned the
English at the fork to surrender. The preparations
which were made against them rendered resistance
on the part of the garrison absurd. Contrecoeur at
once set himself to erect a fort on the site of the
little stockade he had taken, which he called Du
Quesne. The forest trees around were felled and
burnt : log huts and cabins of bark were erected
around as barracks for the soldiers. The settlement
then began is now the great city of Pittsburg. It
was no easy march that A^'^ashington had undertaken ;
his force was small and mutinous ; he had to cross
deep streams. The connnissariat stores were bad ;
the troops had no tents to shelter them from cold
and wet ; they had to drag their cannon painfully
through the forest. Contrecueur despatched several
parties to feel for the enemy, and Washington at
length came upon one of these scouting parties ; he
had advanced all night, heavy rain was falling, and

■^4

EXODUS OF TUE WESTERN NATIONS. 219

1748—1755.]

it was pitch dark,, Indian scouts reported that the CHAFrEn
French were concealed among some rocks ; a party — '.
was sent on to take them by surprise. Jumonville,
leader of the French, was killed and his men cap-
tured. The incidents of that skirmish differ but little
from those of a thousand others ; but to the Ame-
ricans it has an interest of its own, for in it was fired
the first shot in the war which deprived France of
h^r colonies, and opened the way to American inde-
pendence. Washington was assailed with the bit-
terest terms of hatred by the French on both sides of
the Atlantic : the parasites and panders who sur-
rounded Louis XY. declared that he had violated
the law of nations, that he had attacked an ally, in
time of peace, on neutral ground ; they declared him
a murderer, who had leagued with savages to stab
an honourable enemy in the dark. They chose to
forget their own armed invasion of British soil ;
to ignore the preparations of Du Quesne and the
diplomatic delays of Louis ; they only remembered
that England and France were still nominally at
peace. Washington was now in a very critical
position : a company of South Carolina men who
joined him added little to his strength ; for their
captain, Trent, who held a commission from the king,
began an absurd squabble for precedence with the
provincial commander. Wash^'ngton left him behind
to complete a small fort which he had begun to Imild
at Great Meadows, and continued his advance. But
the number of the French continually increased in
his front, and he fell back on Fort Necessity. The
royal troops of Carolina had done nothing to make

V ^1-1 *'f

■•!.'.

• 1

if IS

VTI.

iJ20 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1748—1765.

CiiAiTEK it tenahle ; it stood in a glade between two eminences
covered with trees. On the third of July, six hun-
dred French took j^ossession of one of these lieights,
and opened fire on the English. For nine hours the
unequal contest was inaintained ; but, at length, De
Villiers, the French commander, proposed a parley.
The provincials, soaked with the rain that had
fallen incessantly, were overmatched and dispirited.
Washington foinid that it would not be possible for
him to keep them together much longer ; he was
therefore compelled to accept the terms of capitula-
tion which were proposed to him. The capitulation
was written in French, which neither Washington
nor any of the officers around him could understand.
One of the clauses of this document related to the
decease of Jumonville : the word used in the original
to signify the manner of that officer's death was
" assassination," the interpreter read it, '' defeat and
death." Washington would, of course, not have ac-
quiesced in terms which attributed to him the crime
of murder, had he known them to exist ; but the
stigma which he thus unknowingly acquiesced iu,
was long and angiily affixed on him by the French.
The English garrison marched* out with the honours
of war ; and '' in the whole valley of the Mississippi,
to its headsprings in tJie Alleghanies, no standard
floated but that of France. "f

July 4, 1754.

t liaucrult, iii. 86.

^M-:

r ■

H :

EXODUS OF THK WKSTEI5X NATfOXS.

-»'Jl

175.-)— nr.o.

'^M

CHAPTER YITI.

CAMPAIGN ON THE MONONGAIIELA.

[1755—1759.]

Political ('oiulitioii of tlio rolonii'S — Congress of Albany — Braddock's
Expedition — Rattle of the Monongahela — Defeat of Dieskau — Action
taken in this emergtmcy by New Hanipshive, Massachnsetts, New York,
New Jersey, Peinisylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas.

[t might be sup]:)osed that in this extremity the CfrAPTUR
colonies would co-operate cordially with England — '
ill defence of their soil. The most indifferent could
not but be aware that a war with France, in which
the independence of the colonies was involved, had
actually begun. Subject provinces would have
obeyed the orders of the dominant country, whatever
those orders were : still more readily would they have
obeyed, wlien the orders given involved the details of
ari-angements made by a powerful protector for their
defence : provinces sincerely anxious to retain the
connexion which bound them to the mother-country,
would even, if necessary, have yielded something, in
order to retain advantages which the> appreciated.
The course pursued by the colonies at this important
period of their history was unlike either of these
alternatives.

; 1

■Ji-

' -^

?>:■'

Chapteu
VIII.

>:.

222 EXODUS OF THE WESTRKN NATIONS.

[1755— ITnQ.

The political relations, different in each colony,
which the xVmerican plantations maintained with
Great Britain, are already known to the reader, and
demand Lnt a word in passing. Virginia, as well as the
Carolinas and New Jersey, was a royal colony. The
king, under his sign-manual, appointed the governor
and the council, who constituted a court of chancery.
The provincial judges, appointed by the king, held
office during the royal pleasure. There were courts
of vice-admiralty, presided over by a judge, a magis-
trate, and marshals, all appointed by the Lords of the
Admiralty. Controllers and collectors of the customs,
appointed by the commissioners of customs, were
stationed at each harbour of importance. Militia
officers and justices of the peace were appointed by
the governor in council. One branch of the legisla-
ture was elected by the people, and the other was
appointed by the king.

North of the Potomac, at the centre of the Ameri-
can continent, were the proprietary governments of
Maryland and Pennsylvania. In them the king h ad
no officers ; and, except in the customs and admiralty
courts, his name was hardly known in the acts of
government.

New York was in some measure different from
either. It was the central point of political interest.
It possessed the most convenient harbour on the At-
lantic, and a magnificent river penetrating far into the
interior. It held the keys of Canada and the lakes ;
the forts of Crown Point and Niagara, bases of
French operations, were encroachments on its limits ;
within its boundary was the chief council-fire of the

VIII.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 22;^

1755—1759.]

Six Nations, whose Wtavering allegiance was given CnArTKR
sometimes to their French neighbours at Montreal, and
sometimes to their English neighbours on the Hudson,
according as the fortune of war promised from one or
the other the greatest advantages to themselves. The
country, having been obtained by conquest from the
Dutch, was not at any time distinguished by loyalty
to the British crown. The authorities at home per-
sisted in regarding the local legislature as existing
only by favour of the king, and depending for its
limited power on the king's commissions and the
king's instructions ; the people looked upon their
representatives as a body existing by inherent right,
and co-ordinate in power with the British House of
Commons. In no other colony were the relations of
the province to Great Britain more sharply debated,
and nowhere had the legislature so nearly appro-
priated to itself all executive authority.*

The New England plantations were an aggregate
of organized democracies. As New York had been
settled by grants of land to individuals, the New
England colonies had been settled hy grants to the
towns. Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut,
Rhode Island, and Maine, were all divided into little
territories, each of which constituted a separate inte-
gral government, choosing its own officers, holding
meetings of its freemen at pleasure, and empowered
to see that every able-bodied man within its precincts
was duly enrolled in the militia, and provided with
arms. Each township elected its representatives
to the assembly, raised and appropriated money for

♦ Camden, 104.

•J

■ ''^.i''

•221

EXODrS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

h .

[nr)!-)— 1759.
CHAprrR the support 0^" schools, highways, poor, and other

." mniil(;lpal expenses. In Connecticut and Massachn-

setts, the system was carried still farther ; each town-
ship constituted also a parish, in which an inde-
pendent church was established by vote of the
people, who also elected their minister, and raised by
annual vote a sum ibr liic support.

In Pennsylvania the people had already managed so
to monopolize power, as to make any attempt to dis-
turb their authority almost equivalent to the intro-
duction of anarchy. The lieutenant-governor had a
veto on legislation ; but he dejiended on the assembly
for the annual vote by which he w^as supjiorted, and
had often to make his election between compliance
with their will and starvation. There was but one
branch of the legislature, and of this Benjamin
Franklin was the moving spirit; it was hardly to be
expected that in the hands of so ardent a democrat
popular autliority would be permitted to lose one jot
of its force. By constant perseverance the legisla-
ture had established an independent existence of its
ow^n. No power but its ow^n could prorogue or
dissolve it, but it was elected annually by the people.
The judges were appointed by the lieutenant-governor,
but were paid by an annual vote of the assembly,
which not unfrequently exercised their power of
withholding the supplies. Moneys were raised by an
excise, and were kejDt and disbursed by colonial com-
missioners. Maryland, the other proprietary govern-
ment, was much more under the nominal control of
the proprietary. Frederick, sixth Lord Baltimore,
a wild and dissolute youth, was the onlv landlord of

lit

vrii.

KKonns »»F Till': westkkx nations. 22;

1755— 175!>.J

the province. To him belonged of right the power Chapter
of initiating all the laws; hut the delegates hnd
managed to reduce this power to a triple veto — by
his council, his deputy, or himself. He established
courts and judges, punislied or pardoned offendei's,
and appointed councillors, and all the most consider-
able officers throughout the colony. He received
quit-rents from the whole population, besides escheats,
wardships, the fruits of the feudal tenures, and fines
of alienation, which last, though abolished in Eng-
land, were still retained in Maryland. He also
enjoyed a port duty of fourteen-pence a ton upon all
vessels owned in the province, and he exacted
licence duties from hawkers and i^edlers. The public
service was provided for by a permanent fixed duty
on tobacco, out of which the lieutenant-governor was
paid ; the other ofJHcers were })aid by fees and perqui-
sites. The assembly imposed no taxes, except for the
wages of its own members.

Lord Baltimore had also power, as prince-palatine,
to raise his liegemen to defend the province. The
Colonial Act of 1702 had divided ^laryland into
parishes, and established there the P^nglish Church,
which was endowed with an annual tax of forty pounds
of tobacco for every poll. There was no bishop in
America ; and the pulpits of Maryland, under the
loose sway of Lord Baltimore, were soon filled by
men of the most ruffianly and disgraceful lives, who
speedily bro..ght their own and all religion into dis-
repute. The king had reserved no right of revising
the laws of Maryland, except so far as tliey were
repugnant to the laws of England.

VOL. II. Q

,>">'

■■ f

:.-ri;

) •.

til T

L'26 F.XODUS OF THK WESTERN NATKjNS.

[I7r.:.— 1751).

Chapter III A'iigiiiia tlicre was less strife tliaii elsewliere

■ between tlie executive and the assembly. Tlio king

bad a permanent revenue from ([uit-rcnts and per-
petual grants; and tlie governor, at that time the
Earl cf Albemarle, resided in England, and was care-
ful not to let his deputy hazard his sinecure more
than was necessary by controversv. The Church of
England was established there by law, but its pulpits
were filled too often by ill-educated and licentious
men. The country was divided among planters who
lived in rude magnificence on their broad domains,
and dispensed to all comers the most open-handed
hospitality. Many of the resident gentry, allied to
good old English families, looked down upon the
money-making Roundheads of New England and the
Dutch traders of New York. Each estate was culti-
vated by a multitude of hands, purchased and assigned
servants, many of them negroes from Guinea. The
proprietors travelled to each other's houses in almost
feudal state. The younger gentlemen pursuexl eagerly
the diversions of hunting and cock-fighting, and their
annual holidays were the races and assizes of James-
town. They had few mariners, and built no ships for
sale, but from their private wharves on the banks of
the Potomac or the James, the resident gentry sent
their tobac*"'" to London or Bristol, in their own ships,
and importea in return ai tides of English manufac-
ture. Their connection with England was in all ways
more intimate than with the northern colonies.

The C^arolinas could not complain of the harshness
of English legislation, or their staple productions,
rice and indigo, were both exempied from tlie opera-

.".■^ ■■

ictions,
Dpern-

i:X()l)rs OF TllK WESTERN XATlnXs. 227

ITiJ;")— ITu'J.]

tion of tlic iiavio-ation laws, and even encourae^ed l)y cuArrER

a bounty similar to tliat given for the production of '

naval stores. Tliey had no manufactures of their own,
nor could they, m the existing state of their popula-
tion, have maintained them even if the provisions of
the English law had been changed : the system of par-
tial drawbacks on exports to tlie plantations enabled
them to obtain foreign manufactures cheaper than tliey
could be bought in PiUgland. The people were no-
minally yeomen, owing small quit-rents to tlio king;
in fact they were freeholders, for it was impossible to
collect rents from adventur< who built their cabins
and pastured their herds ,.ii vast savannahs and in
forests that had never been surveyed. Lal)OTU'ers were
imjDorted by slave-merchants and sup))]ied on credit.
English soldiers were, at the request of the inhabitants,
quartered in the colony to kee]i in check the wild
tribes of the frontier, and to intimidate the slaves.
The planter " might ciouble his capital in three or four
years."*- North Carolina contained perhaps twice as
many white inliabitants as its southern neighbour;
but so purely agricultural was the community that
it did not contain one considerable village. The
sw^amps near the sea produced rice, and the alluvial
lands teemed with maize. There were but few slaves ;
a hardy and laborious population of white men,
scattered among the fertile uplands, obtained a frugal
livelihood by himting on the spurs of the AUeghanies
for marketable furs, or pasturing their cattle on the
plains and their swine in the woods.

On hearing of Washington's defeat, (xOVHrnor

• "I

''1

."'■r
1

P.ancnift, li.fi.",.

Q 2

•k

If . <

If-

CifAnT.ii
VIH.

« I

228 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATlt^NS.

[175")— 1 759.

Dinwiddic summoned the Assembly of Virginia, in
Aug'ust, 1754. It was matter of notoriety that great
part of tlie disaster miglit have been avoided if the
troops under Washington's command had been subject
to a proper degree of discipline : but for this purpose
it was necessary to jdace tlie provincial militia under
martial law, and this the Assembly steadily refused to
do. They had no objection to advance a sum for the
conduct of the war, for they had before their eyes the
exam2)le of the New P]ngland colonies, whose expen-
diture on the capture of Louisburg had been repaid by
parliament with ample interest. The assembly there-
foi'c voted 20,OOOZ. for the war ; but as if it was impos-
sible for them to do anything pleasing to the mother-
country without at tlie same time endeavouring to mix
some bitter with the sweet, " they clogged it witli a
rider, to pay a factious agent two thousand and five hun-
dred pounds ;"* and they refused to provide tents and
provisions for the three independent companies which
had been sent to their assistance. Dinwiddie, in
great wrath, dissolved the assembly. He assured the
Board of Trade that " it was impossible to conduct
any expedition in those parts with a dependence for
supj.^lies on assemblies, without a British Parliament
lay a poll-tax on the whole subjects of these pro-
vinces, to bring them, to a sense of their duty."f
Maryland, after lengthened negotiations, granted a
sum of 6,000/. and New York 5,000/. But these small
supplies, with the 20,r!00/. voted by A^irginia, which

■I '■
■<\ ■

* Chalmers, ii. 209.

t Lientenant-Oovernor Dinwiddie to the Board of 'i'rade, 23rd Sei)t.
17.-4.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 220

1755 — 17')',),]

Diiiwiddie was compelled by hard necessity to accept Chaitku

on the terms proposed by the ass('ml)ly, only enabled '

him to secure tlie passes of the mountains, and provide
n\agazines for future operations. Dinwiddle found it
impossible to persuade the colonists that unless they
would consent to help themselves it was impossible
to prevent the French from takiufi; possession of the
country ; he wrote to the Board of Trade, that the
assemblies were all " i^t^norant, obstinate, or indepen-
dent." His own view of the course to be adopted
was to pass an act of parliament to compel the colo-
nists to contribute to the common cause. He thought
tliat in the eminently critical situation in which the
colonies were now placed, they would not refuse
obedience to an authority so august, althougli, owing
to "the neglect of some and the infatuation of
others," it was hopeless to expect the colonies, of
their own accord, to agree upon the amount of their
several quotas.

Meanwhile, in consequence of the royal requisi- 1751
tion of the previous year, a committee consisting of
delegates from the four New England colonies, Mas-
sachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland,
met at Albany.* New Jersey, A'irginia, and the
Carolinas refused to send deputies. f A series of eager
debates took place. It was impossible for the north-
ern colonists to be in ignorance of the pressing nature
of the danger which threatened their frontiers. The
deputies came to a rescdution that " it seemed neces-
sary to take tl^e most speedy measures to secure the

",>X'

i f

* Juno 19.

t llutcliinsoirs llistury of Massachusetts, iii. 'J I.

I! ,

f
i.

f ■
I 111",

1^ ..,<

VIII.

•jnu KXoDus uF Till': wrstkhn nations.

[175.")— IToU.

CiiAiTKK colonies tVoiii tlie slavery they are tlireateiiecl witli, as
the French court liave, since tlie peace, more tlian
ever made tliis continent tlie object of their attention."
They agreed in the cours(.' ot" their discussion, that
the danger arose, not so much from the numl)ers of
the French, for the numerical superiority rested with
the Fnglish colonies, but their compact organization ;
whereas the Fnglish colonies " never entered into any
joint exertions or coiuisels." They therefore deter-
mined to petition the Fnglish Parliament for an act
whereby a general government might be formed,
yet each colony retain its own constitution. A com-
mittee was appointed to draw up a plan for the per-
petual confederacy of the continent. Franklin w^as one
of the committee, and as he had " already projected a
plan and had Iji'ought the heads of it witli him,"* he
was deputed, after some discussion, to make a draft of
it. On the lOtli of .luly he produced bis plan of per-
})etual union, which was read paragraph by paragraph,
and debated all day long. The committee at length
agreed on the proposed confederacy " pretty unani-
mously." Franklin, giving an account of the . ?sult,
said that it was " not altogether to his mind, but that
it was as lie covdd get it.'' The Congress proposed
that there sliould be a legislative president-general and
grand council, the president to be appointed and sup-
ported by the crown, the council to be chosen by the
respective assemblies, and to consist of forty-eight
members. The convention w^as to be called together,
at the discretion of the king's representatives, but not
without their own consent. Thev were to be invested

Huichinson's Historv nt ^MassaclmsdtK.

.ted

KXnDls OF TIIK WKSTKUN NATIONS. j.'ll

ITM -ITuU.J

witli power to diicet Iiidiim nilMirs, to make war and
peace with the aborigines*, to raise and snp})ort armies,
to pass hiws for the guidance of tlie wliole federation,
subieet onlv to the condition that tliey should he in
accordance with tlie fundamental laws of Kngland,
and should receive the royjil assent. The executive
power was to be divided l)etween the president-general
and the grand council. The juesident was to have
the nomination of military olHcers ; but the council
retained a veto upon the nonu'nation. The council,
on the otlier hand, were to nominate to civil oftices,
and the president to retain a veto.

So satisfied were the asseml>led deputies witii this
characteristic })roposal that they i"efused to concert
any other means of defence until thev heard whether
the })arliament of Great Britain would adopt it.
While the Congress of the colonies were thus settling
their plan of union at Albany, tlie I^oard of Trade
were employed on a similar task at home. The pro-
ject of this body, though less democratic than that of
the Congress at All)any, was in many respects very
similar to it. The main difference was that the pro-
posal which emanated from Whitehall, provided tliat
all action should originate in the royal prerogative ;
while the proposal of the colonies regarded the par-
liament as supreme. Neither of the two was adopted
by the administration, who seem to have cautiously
avoided all political regulation as either dangerous or
unnecessary. " There were statesmen enough in
England," says Chalmers, " who having beheld the
colonies proceeding onward by a natural })rogress to
a state of self-command, regarded the plan of union

( 'II.U'TI.H

Mil.

• I

1.'.: .

I m

Ik'"

Si>'

Uii

i .••

VI ri.

232 EXODUS OF THI-: WESTERN NATIONS.

[1755 — 1759.

CHAi'TiiK proposed ])y tlic congress as the keystone of that
fabric of independence which the assemblies had for
years been diligently building."*

Meanwhile, it had become impossible for the Eng-
lish government any longer to avoid taking notice of
the conduct of the French. It was arranged that an
English force sliould proceed to America, to avenge
the defeat of AVashington. The king's exclamation,
when he heard of the death of Pclham, " Now, I shall
have n(> iuore peace !" was literally fulfilled. The case
was surrounded with difficulties : it was impossible to
leave the French in possession of a series of strategic
posts whence they could at will sweejj down upon the
English settlements, yet the colonists who were most
concerned seemed entirely indisposed to conjoint
action. The Duke of Bedford saw no other course
than to take the defence of America into the hands
of Great Britain, and to look upon any assistance
which might come from the colonies as only secondary
to the efforts which might be made at home. In ac-
cordance with this policy. Admirals Boscawen and
Mostyn were sent into the North American seas to
intercept the reinforcements of France, and General
Braddock was instructed to assume the command in
America.

Early in the spring General Braddock landed in
Virginia, with two regiments of regular troops from
Great Britain, which it was supposed would bear down
all opposition. The people, ere he had well landed,
began to speculate on the speedy termination of
the wai-, find to prophesy that the French would,

* Chalnu-rs. ii. 273.

EX0DU8 OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

233

•vl

1 ,-55 -1759.]

without the sHfflitest difficulty, ho driven back to Cuaitkk

VIII.

Canada. — '

Wasliington, who had resigned his commission tlie
year before, in consequence of some absurd regula-
tions made by Governor Dinwiddie, joined Rraddock
as a member of his family ; " he conceiviug, I sup-
pose, that the small knowledge I have had an o])por-
tuiiity of acquiring of the country and the Indians
is worthy of his notice, and may be useful to him in
the progress of the expedition."*

Braddock had entered the army as ensign in the
Coldstream Guards, in 1.71G, and apj^ears to have
been continually fighting, either professionally or
in duels : one of the latter coml)ats occurred with
Colonel Waller, on the day on which Braddock ob-
tained his promotion to tlie raidc of lieutenant. The
story of another of his encounters is told in a letter
to Sir Ilonice Mann by Horace Walpole : " lie once,"
says Walpole, " had a duel with Colonel Gumly,
Lady Bath's brother, who had been his great friend.
As they were going to engage, Gumly, who had
good-humour and wit, said, ' Braddock, you are a
poor dog ! here, take my purse. If you kill me you
will be forced to run awav, and then you will not
have a shilling to sTq)]iort you.' Braddock refused
the purse, insisted on the duel, was disarmed, and
would not even beg his life. However, with all his
brutality, he has lately been governor of Gibraltar,
where he made himself adored, and where never any
governor was endured ])efore."f Braddock saw a

* \V;i,sliin,!j;ti>ii',s (-'oitcsiioikIciico.

t liCttors itt Sir II. Mmhu, Au,l;iisI, 17">.">.

.^^. ^

■fl

2;u

KX(.)r)US OF TllK WESTERN NATIONS.

<;)a-

i '

1759.

CuAPTEu e^ood d(ial of service in Flanders, and was i)resent
VIII ... . ^

— ^" witli liis regiment on the unfortunate day of Fontenoy.

Stories of his hi^-h play, liis buftbonery, and his de-
bauchery, preceded him to America ; but the tone of
society in \'irginia was not generally sucli as to
render the character which the general brouglit with
him a disadvantage in their eyes. His unflinching
devotion to the bottle gained him golden opinions,
and added enthusiasm to the welcome Avitli which
tiiey were prepared to greet the officer who was to
deliver the country from the French.

Braddock had at least the good sense to surround
himself with alile advisers. Washington, as has been
already said, was admitted into his family as aide-de-
camp ; and Frankhn, who was pos\xTtctster-general,
was promptly made useful in orga:u'znig the connnis-
salviat and transport of the army, wliich he did with
the (puet shrewdness and completeness which dis-
tinji'uished his character.

The two regiments from home were cantoned at
Alexandria, whither liraddock himself, and Admiral
Keppel, the commander of tlie fleet wliich brought
him over, repaiied to meet the governors of several
colonies whom they sunnnoned to a council of war.
Sliirley and Washington, as we are told by the bio-
gi'apher of the latter, were thrown much together on
this occasion, and formed a high opinion of one
another's powei's.

It was determined to attack tlie French at all
points. I>raddock himself undertook to drive the
French from the Ohio ; this would secure the west.
Sir AVilliam Shirlev was to march to the norlh-west

:.n

)liK,

VIII.

KXODUS OF TIIH WKSTEPvX XATlO :s. 1:35

1755—1759.

and attack Niagara. J(jliiisoii, a leader whose in- chaiteu
fliienee with the Indians far surpassed that of any
other officer, was to go due nortli to Lake ChampLiin,
and possess himself of Crown Point. Tiawrence was
to seize Nova Scotia. The enemy was then to be
attacked on all parts of the frontier at once ; a
splendid plan, on paper, if only General J^raddock
had been the man to carry it out.

It was not easy to put the army in motion ; nor,
when it had fairly started, was there any lack of dif-
fieulty. " The general was disappointed, vexed, and
thrown into paroxysms of ill-humour at not finding
the horses and waggons which had been promised,
and on which he depended for transporting his bag-
gage-tents, provisions, and artillery." * It was only
by the prompt exertion of the influence possessed by
Franklin over the farmers of western New York and
Pennsylv.nnia, that he was at length enabled to pro-
ceed. The march of 130 miles was made through the
wild solitudes of an American forest, as if the army
was traversing a plain in Flanders. Precautions
suggested by Washingt(m were adopted as long as
their author was himself present ; but a fever pre-
vented him from accompanying the latter part of the
march of the armv, and it was not till the eve of the
battle of Monongahela that he was able to rejoin his
chief.

The higli lands to the north of the Monongahela
river, which the army at length approached, pre-
vented Hraddock from marching in that direction ;
and when about fifteen miles from Foi-f du Qiiesne,

* sparks" Life ol \Vasliiivj,t<'ii.

■^

230 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1755—1759.

Chaitek the British forces were compelled to cross the stret.m
— ' twice, and march a part of the way along' the southern
bank. Five miles further on, the track left the river,
and crossed a plain which sloped gently upwards for
about half a mile, and then entered a rugged district,
intersected with deep ravines, and covered with dense
forest, that stretched from the height of land far
beyond Du Quesne. " Washington was often heard
to say during his lifetime, that the most beautiful
spectacle he had ever beheld was the display of the
British troops on this eventful morning. Every
man was neatly dressed in full uniform ; the soldiers
were arranged in columns, and marched in exact
order ; the sun gleamed from their burnished arms ;
the river flowed tranquilly on their right, and the
deep forest overshadowed them with solemn grandeur
on their left.*" The advanced guard, in the highest
spirits, entered the wood, while the remainder of the
army were getting over the river. By two o'clock
the last straggler had passed over the ford, and the
whole army was in motion towards the crest, when a
sudden rattling of musketry was heard from the
woods. The general and his aide-de-camp rushed
hastily forward ; but before they could reach the
woods the detachment was in confusion.

Accounts of the battle, which have been published
by English or American authorities, are derived
jjrincipally from men engaged in the combat. Sur-
prised, surrounded, mowed down by an unseen enemy,
striving in vain to stop a retreat that raj)idly became
a headlong rout, and changed a gnllant army into a

* S|i;irk>i' Life (if Wiisliiiigtuu, i. (i5.

EXODl'S OF TIIK WESTERN XATIOXS.

23:

-1759.

islied
•ived
Sur-
lemy,
came
11 to a

175.")— 1759.]

panic-stricken mob, — it is natnral tliey slioiild have ("avtkr
a very imperfect knowledge of wliat was occurring —
around them, and tlint their accounts should magnify
})oth the danger and the confusion. Scarcely an
officer escaped death or wounds. Many, it was said,
fell by the hands of their owmi men, as they struggled
to escape from the deadly converging tire that was
poured upon them from behind every rock and tree
in the surrounding woods. An account, written by
a French officer to his superior, tells in simple lan-
guage into what sort of ambush Braddock's army
fell. The despatch* has neither commencement nor
signature, but is probably from M. du (^uesne to
M. de Yandreuil, or from the latter officer to M. de
Machault.f

*' M. de Contrecoeur, captain of infantry, command-
ant of Fort du Quesne on the Ohio, having been
informed that the English were taking up arms in
Virginia for the purpose of coming to attack him,
was advised shortly afterwards that they were on the
march. He despatched scouts, who reported to him
faithfully their progress. On the seventeenth instant
he was advised that their army, consisting of three
thousand regulars from Old England, were within
six leagues of the fort.

" That officer employed the next day in making
his arrangements : and on the ninth detached M. de
Beaujeu, seconded by M. Dumas and De Lignery,
all three captains, together with 4 lieutenants, 0

* The MS. in No. 181) in tl>e CavUm marked, " 1755, Mavinr." DcpOt-
(ipnoral de la Guorro, Paris.

t Successor to M. de Rouillc in tlie Colonial Depatment.

■i!

^1'

. ■

■ni'

I-

W^ ■

■11

238

EXODUS OF 'I'lIK WKS'l'F.WX XA'ITOXS.

[17r)r.~17r)9.
Chaptkr ensimis, 20 cadets, and 400 soldiers, 100 Canadians,

VIII

' and 000 Indians, witli orders to lie in ambush

at a fjivourable spot ul'ich lie had reconnoitred the
previous evening-.

"The detaciiment, before it could reach its place
of destination, found itself in presence of the enemy,
^vithin three leagues of the fort. M. de Beaujeu,
finding his ambush had failed, decided on an attack.
This he madi' with so much vigour as to astonish the
enemy, who were waiting for us in the best possible
order ; but their artillery, loaded with grape a car-
touche, having opened its fire, our men gave way in
turn. The Indians also frightened by the report of
the cannon, rather than by any damage it could
inflict, began to yield when M. de Beaujeu was
killed.

" M. Dumas began to encourage his detachment :
lie ordered the officer in command of the Indians to
spread themselves along the wings, so as to take the
enemy in flank, whilst he, M. de Lignery, and other
officers who led the French, were attacking them in
front. This order was executed so promptly that the
enemy, who were already shouting their ' Long live
the Kin"- !' thought now only of defending them-
selves. The fight was obstinate on both sides, and
success long doubtful ; but the enemy at last gave
way. Efforts were made in ^•ain to introduce some
sort of order ; in their retreat the whoop of the In-
dians which echoed through the forest struck terroi-
into the hearts of the entire enemv.

" The rout was complete. We remained in posses-
sion of the field with six bi'ass twelves and sixes.

was

KXODUS OF THE WESTKUX NATIONS;. L'^.O

1755— IT-.O.]

four liowitzer-carriao'cs of fifty, eleven small royal
grenade mortars, all tlieir annnunitioii, and j]^enerally
their entire bagg'a|2;e. j^ome deserters who have come
in since have told ns that we had been euga ;'ed with
only two thousand men, the remainder of the army
being four leagues further oft": these same deserters
have informed us that the enemy were retreating to
Virginia ; and some scouts sent as far as the height of
land have confiiiiied this by reporting that the thou-
sand men who were not engaged had been e<[ually
panic-stricken, and abandoned both provisions and
ammunition on the wav. On this intelligence a <le-
tachment was des];atched after them, which destroyed
and burnt everything that could be fouiid.

" The enemy have left more than a thousand men
on the field of battle. They have lost a great ]\art
of .the artillery and ammunitions, provisions, as also
theii* general, whose name was Mr. Braddock, and
almost all their ofiicers. ^Ve have had three oflicers
killed, two officers and two cadets wounded. Such
a victory so entirely unexpected, seeing the inequalit\'
of forces, is the fruit of M. Dumas' experience, and
of the activity and valour of the officei's under his
command."

The English general used every effort to I'ally the
men, but in vain ; the English regiments would not
stand to be shot at by an unseen enemv, who wei*e
concealed behind bushes and rocks that shut in the
entrance to deep ravines. The Virginian provincials,
bettei' accustomed to the Indian whoop, that sounded
so terrific to the unaccustomed ears of the regulars,
took to the trees after the recognized Indian fashion,

CiiArn-.n
VIJI.

• I

VIII.

1758

240 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[17,^5— IT')!).

CHAiTF.n and made a stand. But Braddock could not compre-
hend manoinvres wliicli lie attributed to craven un-
willingness to advance ; he persisted in unavailing
efforts to make the men re-form according to t'le cus-
tom of civilized warfare. While thus occupied, he
received his death -wound ; with a fortitude which
evinced, as one of his advocates had said, '' that he,
at least, knew how to die, though he could not reclaim
a degenerated soldiery."

Nothing con kl exceed the astonishment and disgust
with which tlie news of Braddock's defeat was re-
ceived. The newspapers rang with abuse of all con-
cerned in the action. The most contradictory ru-
mours prevailed : some pretended to remeinber that
the regiments engaged, the 44th and 48th, were the
same who had run away at Preston Pans ; some
alleged that the slaughter among the officers was not
made by the enemy but by the men ; they affirmed that
the officei's, trying to stop the rout and to rally the
men, ran some through the body, and that others of the
fugitives, who expected the same fate, shot them with
their pistols. On the other hand, it was said that
the defeat was owing more to presumption and want
of conduct in the officers than to tne cowardice of the
private soldiers ; and that a retreat ought to have
been resolved upon the moment they found them-
selves surprised by an ambush.*

Long afterwards an expedition was sent to search
for the relics of Braddock's army. The party con-
sisted of a company of American sharpshooters under
the command of Captain West, a brother of West the

" See the Uentlemans Ma^azinp, August, 17a5.

' * \l

the

'ith

jhat

vant

the

liave

lem-

?arch
con-

der
fc tlie

EXODUS OP TIIK WESTERN NATIONS. 241

i7r)5— I7r>9.]

painter. The story is told in Gait's life of that artist. Chmtii!

Several officers of the 42nd regiment accompanied '

the detachment ; among them Major Sir Peter ITnlket,
who had lost his father and Ijrother in the I'atal de-
strnction of the army. The Indian guides regarded
the expedition as a religions service, and guided the
troops in profound silence. P\ir from the scene of
disaster, the soldiers came upon skeletons lying
aci'oss the trunks of fallen trees, — a mournful proof
to their imagination that the men who sat thei'G
had died of hunger in the vain attempt to reach tlie
settlements. Sometimes tliev found skulls and hones
scattered ahout in snch disorder as to make it plain
that the corpses to whicli they belonged had been
devoured by beasts. In other places the;/ found aslies
among the relics : here victims had been tortured
nnd burnt at the war-stake by the Indians. Gralt
tells a romantic story of Sir Peter Halket dis-
covering the body of his father, which he recognized
bv an artificial tooth !

The command in America now devolved on Sir
William Shirley; reinforcements were thrown into IVri")
Oswego, but Niagai'a was not attacked. Indeed,
Shirley seems rather to have devoted his attention to
the task of lessening the influence of Johnson witlx
the Indian tribes than to the vigorous prosecution of
the war. Johnson on his part collected togethor
ahout three thousand provincials from New York,
New England, and New Jei'sey, and marched cau-
tiously on Crown Point.* Marshal Saxe had recom-
mended Louis to send thither a general officer named

Tonqtiost of Canadn, ii. 4^.

VOL. II.

• i\\

:ii ■:

VIII.

24J PLXoDUS ul' 'J'lIK WES'l'EIJN NATIONS.

[IT.VJ-lir.O.

CiiAiTKR Dioskaii, who now coinman(l(3d tlie Frencli rcgularw,
tliu ('niiadi.iu militia and the ln(han alh'es of France.
They met oit the liigli j^ronnd hetween Lake George
and tlie ITn Ison. In the early morning of the Dth of
Noveml)er, the j)rovincials were attacked by the
French and ^.-ave way. '^rhey were saved from de-
Ktrnction only by the assistance of the Mohawk Indians,
wlio bitterly complained that they had been sacrificed
to the cowardice of their allies. The fim'itives were
pnrsned to their camp, which was surrounded by a
breastwork of trees, and defended by cannon. The
numbers on both sides were nearly equal. Once be-
hind their defences their courage was restored. In
vain the grenadiers of France came again and again
to the attack ; their officers were killed ; the (Cana-
dians and Indians gave way; the regulars were re-
pulsed with considerable slaughter; Dieskau himself
fell into the hands of his cajjtors, mortally wounded.

The defeated general wrote to M. de Yaudreuil with
the simplicity of a man whose affairs on earth are
done : —

*' SiK, — I am defeated ; my detachment is routed.
A nimiber of men are killed, and thirty or forty are
})risoners, as I am told. I and jM. Bunies, my aide-
de-camp, are among the latter. I have received for
my share four gunshot wounds, one of which is
mortal. I owe this misfortune to the treachery of the
Iroquois."*

Johnson was unable to reap the advantage of his

* M. Dieskr.u to t'.ic Maniuis de Vamlreiiil. Now York Col. MSS.,
X. 318.

imted.
ry are
ixido-
id lor

icli is
of the

)f his

ll. MSS.,

KXOi)rs or 'I'llE WKSTRIIN NATION'S. 243

it:..")— 1750.]

victory. Ills Mohawk allies, in spite of all I'emon-
.strance, retired to their own country to monrn foi-
the warriors whom thoy had lost. The provincials,
like tlie feudal levies of the Middle Ag'cs, melte<,I away,
for there was no law hy which they could he com-
pelled to remain. They were replaced hy many
whom the love of adventure attracted to Johnson's
standard ; but the improvidence of the colonial legis-
latures, who had no certain rule of action and no
unity of council, left them ])adly supplied with provi-
sions or ammunition.

It was now more than ever necessary for the colo-
nies cordially to unite in every province ; tl.'e go-
vernors exerted themselves to the utmost, l)ut with
no other effect than to embroil themselves still further
with their local legislatures. The New Knglanders
were especially hard to deal with. There had been
a contest of long continuance in New Hampshire,
whether the crown or the local legislature had a right
to nominate representatives to the assembly.* English
lawyers insisted that this power belonged to the pre-
rogative ; but they were unal)le to point out how the
right could be enforced. The assembly never met
without refusing admission to the crown nominees,
and the governor as constantly dissolved them.
Wearied with repeated dissolutions, the assembly at
length yielded ; but the strife had produced such
bitterness of feeling that they threw obstructions in
the governor's way, which brought public business
almost to a stand-still. Events soon occurred which
showed to what an extent these quarrels had weak-

en .mm r.u

VIII.

See and coinparo T^ancrol't, iii. '24.

' I '

• I

'I'

i,.i:i

R 2

J >

■ r ;

1 ■ i '

■ ! ..

-'14 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

Chatter cHcd tlic adiniiii'strati'on of insticG : two Canndifiii
VIII. . . .

— ' Indians were murdered on tlie frontier; the offenders

long* lay concealed, and when at length a|)prehended
they were rescued l»yan aimed party of their friends.
The St. Francis Indians retaliated, and a hloodv
frontier warfare ensued, in the midst of which the
convention of Albany was called.

The men of New Hampshire had received too
recent and severe a lesson of the danger in which
they stood from the French to refuse to entertain the
question how danger niiglit best be averted. They
said, in answer to the king's recommendations, that
they should always be reaviy to aid their neighbours ;
but in sending their delegates to the congress, they
took care to settle in their own favour the point which
had been so long in dispute. They refused any pay
to their delegates, which of course was tantamount to
a refusal to send any, nnless the local legislature were
permitted to nominate them without the intervention
of the crown. Wentworth wrote in despair to the
Board of Trade.* " In most of the northern colonies
they esteem the king's instructions and prerogative
as burdensome and useless, and take every oppor-
tunity to force acts contrary to both." The New Hamp-
shire delegates, animated like the other northern colo-
nies with intense hatred and dread of French enroach-
ment, sent three hundred and fifty men to take part
in the expedition to Crown Point, where they shared
in the honour of Dieskau's defeat. The costs of their
contingent were defrayed out of the parliamentary
subsidy granted for the expenses of the expedition.

* Octubcr, 1754.

KXODUS OF THE WKSTK15N NATIONS. iilo

IToS— 1759.]

During' tlic wliole course of the French war, tlie con- Cumtku

duct of New Ilnnipsliire was marked by tlie same "

indifference to all orders received from liome. A
small subsidy, voted in aid of their own defence, was
purposely so clogged by invasions of the prerogative
that the governor had no choice but either to refuse
the royal assent to the bill, and thus lose a supply
which was absolutely necessary to the conduct of the
war, or else accejDt it as it stood and see the royal au-
thority taken away piecemeal. In vain the governor
remonstrated : the delegates " f(jrmally denied any
intention to encroach on the royal prerogative, ami
pleaded precedent for every innovation." Soon after^
an act was passed by the Imperial Legislature prohibit-
ing the export of provisions and stores to the enemy.
When this act was laid before the assembly, they
revived an act of their own which they had passed
some years before, setting aside the provisions of the
English Act. The governor remonstrated ; they re-
turned no reply to his message.* On a similar occa-
sion, tAvo years later, the delegates remarked that
" such measures have been practised for some time,
and if they had done wrong, some public notice would
have been taken of their practice ; and till tliere is,
they see no cause to change their proceedings." It
was impossible for a governor to do anything with
an assembly of such temper. At the very time when
the New England men were invading the royal pre-
rogative, insisting on being allowed to traffic with the
enemy, clogging money votes, which were to pay the
provincial levies, with insulting and unacceptable pro-

* Clinlnu'is, ii. 300.

I '\

■■)'

L'46

EXODUS OF TUK WESTERN NATIONS.

lii'.

If. l'

' », ■■

[1755—1750.

Ci:urKu visions, a British armv paid by Britisli taxes was
VIII. . . . ^ , .

— ' fighting for tlie hves and liberties of tliose who took

so ungrateful an advantage of their defenders. The
governor's attempts at carrying on hostilities, were
made, as he declared, " at the expense of suffering tlie
prerogative of the (^rown to be treated with con-
tempt, of seeing his commission and instructions ren-
dered useless, as the members of both houses are all
become commonwealth men."* The governor was
reduced to the position of a mere correspondent of
the ministry. The war was conducted by committees
of the assembly.

MassacLusetts was not at first so difficult to deal
with. During the absence of Governor Shirley in
174U-r)2 Paris, the government was administered by Phipps,
the lieutenant-governor, a native of the province, who
did not interfere in any way with the action of the
assembly, and kept the home government in complete
ignorance of the course of affairs within the province.
Shirley tore himself unwillingly away from the
gaieties of Paris, and reached Boston in 1753. He
found Massachusetts in a state of great alarm at
the conduct of the French on the Ohio, and took ad-
vantage of the state of public feeling to induce the
colony to put itself in a posture of defence. Dele-
gates were sent to the Congress of Albany, and
supplies voted which enabled the governor to raise
the necessary fortifications; the assembly then trans-
mitted an address to the king thanking him for his
bounty of onhiance stores, and begging for further as-
sistance, "as they were so much reduced as to be less

♦ ClialiniTs, ii. 300.

EXODUS OF TUE WESTERN NATION^

247

.lUJ-

-1759.]

able to defend themselves against extvaordinaiv en- Chaitkr

croacliments." After Braddock's defeat, Massachusetts "

sent a body of eight hundred men into the field, for
which they were immediately repaid by the English
Parliament. In subse(j[uent campaigns they did not
exhibit tlie same activity ; they refused to take any part
at all until they received money from England to i)ay
their troops, and even then they insisted that their
forces should move only under the orders of a general
apjiointed by themselves. It was but natural lliat
such an arrangement should have no good result ;
tiiey sent five thousand men to the borders of Lake
St. George, but their general refused at the critictd
moment to make any junction with British troops.

Chalmers says, " It was the supreme deliglit of
New England to send armaments to conquer under
her own banners and direction, and to receive from
Britain a reimbursement of the charge." The re-
call of Shirley, and the death of Pliipps, in 1757,
threw the management of affairs in Massacliusetts,
under the provisions of the charter of William III.,
into the hands of the council. Under that body,
the whole machinery of government was allowed to
fall into decay. AVhen at length a new governor,
luimed Pownall, was sent from England to assume the
command, he wrote in despair " that there had l)een
no government at all for some time, but overything in
confusion, and the militia absolutely ruined, as there
was neither form nor law to direct it." Several dif-
ficulties arose, which wei'e not of vital importance ;
amongst others, a dii^pute as to whether the Engh'sli
mutiny law extended to tlio phtntations. This (piesti(jn

S-*

. ;■'

(' .! ' •

jr-l

1 '

1/ '

1 •

1 ■

'■^•.'

>•■■:.,

'ZiS

KXUDU'S OF THE WKSTEIIN NATIONS.

[IToo — 17;VJ,

Cmaitku involved the ilclit of Lord Loudoun to send ii IHi:*bland
VIII. . . . .

— ' bultalion wliich liud been despatched to the aid of New

England, into winter quarters at Boston; Loudoun
})iudently avoideel the dispute, Avhich seemed likely to
l)ecome serious, by counter-ordering the march of his
1 loops; a more serious quarrel soon arose. Th. dele-
gates claimed an exclusive jurisdiction, not only over
the granting of money, but also over its application ;
from voting ihe number of troops they began to
assmne the right of deciding on their destination, and
directing their operations. They assumed the power
of sending field commissioners with their armies after
the fashion of the Dutch. Jt was convenient not to
remend)er that the expenditui'e of money upon which
they based this absurd assumption, was invariably re-
paid with interest by the mother country ; the money
voted by the colonists was but a loan, and a loan
Nvliich was expended for the benefit of the lendeis ;
even liad it been a free grant, Massachusetts could
not with propriely claim the right of absolutely inde-
jiendent action, without first declaring her coiniection
with England at an end. The governor remonstrated
ill vain ; he laid before the assembly resolutions of
the Imperial Parliament, with regard to similar pre-
tensions in Jamaica, but they returned no answer.
In this dilemma he thought it best to com])ly with
irregulai ities, which had been indulged by his prede-
cessor, and asked lor further instructions, ^riie Hoard
of Trade wiote in November J 7r)H, that, " however
dangerous these ])roceedings are, it is not perliaps
advisable, in tlie pi'esent situation of things, to attempt
an elfectual remedy; though it is hoped when the

■1

' it

VIII.

I he

KXODUS OF TUK WKSTERN NATIONS. Ii4'.)

17r)r)— 175!).]

time will admit of it, all but designing men will unite Ci»ai>tk«
in restoring the constitution to its true principles."
The fact was that Pownall and the Board of Trade
were equally powerless to contend against the sys-
tematic encroachment : Pownall found that he must,
like his predecessors, bend before the assembly or
cease altogether to rule. The commander-in-chief
concerted in a congress of governors the plan of his
campaign, and the apportionment of quotas. It was
entirely beyond his power to convince the assemblies
of the feasibility of the one or the equity of the
other. The delegates advanced nothing but diffi-
culties. They disputed the general's plans ; they
refused the quota of men they were called on to
furnish ; they disapproved of being brigaded with
the regular troops. In vain the general argued,
explained, persuaded. The difliculty was at length
got ( ver by a despatch from Mv. Pitt, which was
communicated to the general court under an oath of
secresy. Chalmers, who narrates the fact, does not
say what were the contents of the despatch, which
produced such magical results, but all became easy
and plain sailing. The representatives vo.ted seven
thousand men ; there could, of course, be no dilh-
culty in raising such a force in a colony which num-
bered forty-six thousand persons capable of bearing
arms; Pownall was enq)()wered, in case he found it
less easy than he expected to make up the contingent,
to resort to the press-gang. So great was the e'^eet
of Mr. Pitt's des])atch that tlie delegates receded from
their recent pretensions of directing mih'tary opera-
tions and passing accounts ; nor did the committees of

.- I

ifl

,!■

250

EXODUS OF THE WKSTEIIN NATIONS.

W" ' <.

[1755—17:.!).

Chaiteu war any more take tlie field witli the armv. Altlioimli
— ' we are not informed of tlie exact contents of this re-
markable despatch of My. Pitt, we can hardly he
wrong in surmising that it contained some allusion
to the very liberal parliamentary grant which was
innnediately afterwjirds announced. The amount
granted was sufficient, even when diminished by the
depredations of a host of contractors and agents, to
reimburse the expenses of the colony, and enable them
to offer a handsome bounty for volunteers. The
delegates even consented to retain the troops on
half pay during the winter, and to gratify the com-
mander-in-chief by providing for the reception of the
king's troops. They were, however, careful to couple
this last concession with a declaration tliat the Mu-
tiny Act did not extend to the colonioR, and that

IToi) quarters for the soldiers coidd not be demanded as a
right. In 17G0, the delegates again came forward in
hearty support of the war : they had begun to feel
some confidence in the certainty of repayment, for
whatever sacrifices they might make. AV^ithout wait-
ing for the king's promise of recompense, they
provided i'or the support of the garrison of provin-
cials left at Louisburg, and for a further force of five
hundred men. Of all the colonies Massachusetts was
the first which discovered the intentions of the French,
and remonstrated against their aggressions ; of all
the colonies, they most zealously promoted measures
of union for connnon defence, and mude the greatest
exertions in furtherance of their views.

When these facts afe {-Akvw into consideration, the
reverse of the medal l)ecomes by o'ontrast only more

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 251

1755— ITiVJ.]

striking : this colony, so liig'li-spiritecl, so warlike, CHAni-u
and apparently so loyal, would never move hand or — '
foot in her own defence nntil certain of repayment
by the mother country. The assembly was ever on
the watch to weaken the power of the governor and
bring the royal authority into contempt. Tt was not
pretended that the instructions given to tlie king's
rei)resentative were unreasonable or illegal ; but in-
structions to tlie governor of any kind were con-
sidered by the assembly as shackles which it was
Hieir interest and their pleasure to break. AVhen
two courses of action were open to them, it was suffi-
cient for the governor ^o advocate one to obtain its
immediate rejection. Almost the last act in Pownalf s
administration was a quarrel with the asseni])ly on a
question of the royal ))rer()gative ; he had a general
instruction not to give the royal assent to any law of
an extraordinary nature, uiitil the pleasure of the
king were known upon it. A similar clause now
exists in the instructions of the governors who nv>w
administer responsible government in our colonies.
Tlie Massachusetts assembly took offence at this very
reasonable provision, and a correspondeiicc ensued, in
which the Board of Trade entered fully into the
merits of the question, and disposed of it with great
weight of argument and propriety of language. They
wrote to Pownall that the objection proceeded '" upon
a total misapjU'ehension of the king's instructions,
which are not directory to the representatives witli
regard to the manner of iVaming their bills, but to
you only, as lo the mode in wliich you are io <'il»p!y
tliat assent or negative which by the constitution is

. 1

• i
'i

' )

•

^*;l

25li EXOUUS OF THE vVKsTEUN NATIONS,

[ITGH-lToO.

Ckaiteu invested in yoii." Before the quarrel was concluded,
\'iri
■ Powiall, whose mode of life by no moans accorded

with the strict morals of the New Englanders, was
recalled, and the " unpleasant task of reformation,"
says Chalmers,* " which has seldom been attempted
in any couiitr}' without convulsion, or among a sullen
people without rf^volt," was left to his successor.

The disorder wliich existed in the affairs of other
colonies after the Treaty of Aix-la-Chaj^elle was as
nothing to that which distracted New York ; the
governor, Clinton, at first endeavoured to persuade
the assembly to relinquish encroachments on the pre-
rogative which they had made during the war ; he,
however, soon found how hopeless was the task he
had undertaken. The Board of Trade did not and
could not support his authority ; there was no power
in America to which he could appeal for assistance.
In despair he thought of relinquishing a charge which
he could not maintain with honour. He wrote to the
Board of Trade that he had " yearly for these five
years represented to the Secretary of State the en-
croachments which the assembly have made on the
prerogative, and their persisting in their disregard of
the king's instructions without having received any
directions." A new governor. Sir Danvers Osborne,
was at length sent to relieve Clinton in his untenable
situation. The ministers at home had often been
warned that in the action of the Imperial Parliament
alone was to be found a remedy for the disorders
which existed. This action, thougli often recom-
mended by the wisest statesmen, the cabinet of that

* Vul. ii. 813.

EXODUS OF TfrK WKSTKHN NATIONS. 2.".T

17;",_17r,9.]

dav had resolved never to adopt. The new o-overiioi- c'uMTrn

. N III.

was ordered to signify to the assembly in the most —
solemn manner the king's high dif-:pleasnre at their
contempt of his commission. But the assembly had
long been accustomed to deride and disregard the
royal instructions : the very terms of the announce-
menr in which Osborne was instructed to convev the
king's displeasure, sliowed how absolutely useless
words must be in such a condition of affairs, 'i'he
message recited that " government had been sub-
verted, justice obstructed, the prerogative nsu^'ped ;
that the delegates, forgetful of their allegiance, had
not only refused to comply with the governor's com-
mission, but in violation thereof have assumed tlie
disposal of money, the nomination of 'public officers,
and the direction of the riiilitia." Osborne was
desired to charge them to recede from their un-
justifiable encroachments ; he was to ask for a per-
manent revenue, and to remove every counsellor who
should again concur with the delegates in their
unwarrantable measiu'es.

It requires little reflection to see that if tlie
accusations contained in this indictment were true,
the men who had been bold enough to encroach so
far on the royal prerogative would hardly retiu'ii to
obedience, only because they were again summoned
by the power they had so long defied. It was hardly
encouraging for the new governor to hear that tli(^
universal rejoichigs which he witnessed on his arrival
were not intended in his honour, but in diilight atthe
departure of his predecessor; and the first act of his
government — the reading of the royal instructions —

■•1"

I ..

1^^^

\ ■

VIII.

•( "

254 KXODl'S OK THK WKSTKIJX NATIONS.

[iTM -nr.o.
CiiAiTEu very nearly created a revolt. The assembly loudly
protested that the I3(\ard of Trade had been abused
by groundless imputations against a loyal people :
they attributed all the late disturbances to the mal-
administration of Governor Clinton, and denied that
there had 1)een any conflict between the crown and
the legislature. They next proceeded to prove the
loyalty they asserted by refusing all the concessions
which Osborne was instructed to demand. On re-
ceiviii. \iV .igerce of this, the Board of Trade laid
the cat' ii sui ^ the king.* They said that the facts
upon wi.il tfv obnoxious instructions had been
l)ased were verified by the most incontestable evidence.
The journals of the assembly proved that faction and
animosity had prevailed in the legislature ; the laws
passed by them demonstrated that the delegates liad
not only taken upon themselves the disposal of public
mf)ney, but the nomination of officers, the custody of
military stores, and the direction of troops.

French encroachments on the Ohio, an invasion by
the Canadian Indians, and the general alarm which
was in consequence felt throughout the colonics, com-
pelled Sir Danvers Osborne to convene an assembly
in 1754, and ask for supplies. Delegates were still
in the same temper wliich they had shown on his
first arrival ; they voted a small subsidy in aid of the
war, but they insisted, as the Massachusetts men had
done, upon retaining in their own hands the admi-
nistration of funds voted. The grant was thus
rendered utterly useless ; it was impossible for the
commander-in-chief to communicate every detail of

* Hoard of Tradfi to tho Kincr. April, \~:A.

I I

hi
i

FA'ODUS OF TlIK WESTKHN NATIONS. 2r.r.

ITnr)— ITal).]

Ill's plans to a larg'o and uiiwarlike assembly, and Chaptku

equally impossible to allow tliem to decide upon the

destination of their contingent, and the operations it
was expected to luulertake. The delegates still fur-
ther committed themselves by volunteering a declarji-
tion that in their opinion the building of forts on the
Ohio did not constitute invasion of British territory
on the part of the French. The subsidy, on the terms
proposed by the delegates was refused, and as neither
[)arty woidd give way, the assembly was prorogued ;
but as the war proceeded, the crown found it necessary
to recede from demands which it had no means of en-
forcing. The immediate exigencies of the ■- iblic service
rendered it expedient to acce})t subsidies or diatevcr
terms they might be granted. The a.s, >^TBt. , became
at once energetic and liberal ; befo: !;li capture of
Quel)ec they had voted more than 430~00i> '., ss'hich was,
however, as in all other instances, . . ^^ than repaid
by the Imperial Parliament : their contingents took
part in Braddock's disastrous expedition, and shared
in tlie honours of Johnson's defeat of Dieskau. But
they had used the necessities of the state as a pretext
for wresting almost all the executive authority of
government out of the hands of the king's represen-
tative. They appointed paymasters, and sent their
field commissioners to accompany every march of the
army : it was with great difhculty that they were in-
duced to maintain the law against supplying arms and
munitions of war to the enemy, or to permit the royal
troops who had so bravel}^ maintained their borders
to be cpiartercd during the winter in their towns.
A course similar to that pursued by the othei' New

« I

'•• J

iw-i

t .

1 «l .

ClIAITKU
VIII.

2r>(J KXoDUS OF Till': WKSTKIJX N'A'I'IOXS.

[iTnn— iTr.o.
Kno-laiid States was adojited I)y New .Jersey. At
first the New Jersev men afiect* i to consider them-
selves as little interested in tlie result, hut at lenirth
thev were induced to furnish a continirent of one
regiment, which they kept on foot till the termination
of the war : tliey prohihited the export of warlike
stores, and pi'ovided for the suhsistence of the king's
troojis in their march through the colony ; they,
however, insisted on defraying the cost of these
undertakings hy issuing paper money, against the
express command of the English Parliament, and they
ordered their contribution to he paid to connnissioners
appointed hy themselves. The governor was obliged
to })ass the bill in which these provisions occurred,
" though it was very faulty, as the five hundred men
woidd otherwise be lost."

During the whole war New Jersey had to provide
for defence against the Indians who hovered on the
frontier, ever ready to attack a defenceless settlement,
or to burn down an isolated farmhouse ; for this pur-
pose a strong frontier guard was ke[)t up, composed
of scouts and " Indian fighters," to whom an adven-
turous life of skirmish and ambush became almost a
second nature. This defensive measure, though
dictated b}- the simplest rules of self-preservation,
was loudly insisted on by the assembly as a work of
merit and a proof of loyalty, on the strength of A\hieh
they demanded the royal assent to a second and larger
issue of paper money. The liberality of Pitt, wlio
lavished subsidies on all the provinces, and defrayed
the expenses of any armaments which they would
consent to raise, kept up their contingent, and averted

KXODl'S OF 'rilK \VKSTi;i!N XATK^XS.

257

atioii,

ork of

whicli

argvr

wlio

lavet

ITf.-)— 17')".).]

tor i\ ihxia the striiGfo-l(-> wlnV-li tlic oondiiet of tlio
delegates constantly tcnd'^d to j^rovoki'.

It was soon after the aj)[)ointinent of iramiltoii t<>
1)0 governor of Penn.sylvania that tlio Frciieli, under
(-eleron, invaded the western part of the state, ami
expelled the Philadelphian traders of tln^ Ohio Com-
pany. The inroad of a foi'eign enemy, instead of
nin'ting all jmrties for self-preservation, only ]>ro-
(hieed a hmg (piarrel hetween the pro])ri(.'taries and
the people, each of whom declared that the cost of
the colony onght hy right to fall upon the other. On
the commencement of actnal hostilities, the governor
recommended the as.send)ly to provide for their own
deiV'nce : the delegates immediately jiassed a hill for
raising paper money, but expei'iencc had shown that
eveiy issue of ]ia]>er money was folhnved hy deprecia-
tion of the currency so serions as to atVect very
mateiially the secnrity of property, and positive in-
strnctions wei'e sent to the governors of each ])rovince
not to give the royal assent to any bill for this object.
Hamilton was therefore compelled to disallow it. In
vain did he send to the assembly, first, a letter from
the French 2;eneral on the frontiers avowing his de-
signs, then a desj^atch from the Secretary of State,
ordering that force should be opposed to force, and a
missive from the l>oard of Trad(^ I'epresenting the
importance of sending commissioners to the Congress
at .\lbany. The only answer made to the repeated
connnunications of the governor was to send back the
Paper-money liill, which he had already been com-
pelled to reject. Meanwhile the Krenchcarrii^d their
threats into exe<Mition ; they (\xpelled the Virginians

\0i„ II. t>

( M M'll'll
\ III

III

••.1

'■!•'

It*'

. •

i:-

ill'

4fl''

I ';

! r

C'llAi ri:i{
VIII.

Oct.

!.'-.« KXODUS OF 'i'llK WMSTKIIX NATIONS.

[1 7:.r>—i ::.!».
iVoin tlu'ir tni-t on flic M()iioiii;licln ; a.^-aiii ilic
irovcriior laiM hofoi'c flic Pi'imsvlvaniaii assuniMv tlu'
fact tliat actual iKKstilitivs wore takin.n* place on their
frohticrs : the delei;-ate.s sent hack, as the oiilv condi-
tion t)f their takin<.^ suiy i)arf in their own delence,
the often rejected I*a[)er-nione_v l>ill. The li-osernor,
thus pressed hv ahsolute iiecessitv, liiive wav : he
consented to thi' issuing" of |)aper hills, hut shortened
the time for which thev were to run. The amend-
ment was instantly rejected hv the delegates, who
cl.'iimed exclusive jurisdiction over the property of
the ])eople. After Washington's defeat, and the
flight of th(.' friendly Indians, Hamilton was induced
hy the clamour of frontier settlers again to convene
the delegates, who at once sent him the old Paper-
monev IJill. After consultation with the Attornev-

t ft'

General, who advised him that he could not con-
sistently with his connnission give it the royal asscjit,
the governor dissolved the assemhly, and sent a com-
plete statement of the circumstances to the Board of
Trade, '' that the king nn'ght form ii judgment on the
sincerity of their zeal, as they made am})le professions
of their lovaltv."

Weary with contending,- in vain iiii'ainst the colo-
iiists, Hamilton at last resigned his jiost : he Mas
replaced hy a man named Morris, a native of the
colony, who was supposed to know the state of feel-
ing in Pennsylv.'inia, and to have some chance of
])ersuading them. The new governor was I'cceived
with coldness hy the peo|)le, who affected to dis-
helieve the validity of his connnission, and it was not
till Decernher that he ventured to meet his assemhly.

i ■:

II ilic

ilv till'

ft/

tluir
coiuli-

cnior,
,'. lie
rtentMl

s, wlio
I'l'ty ot"
1(1 tlu'
iidiicotl
Hiveiio

b(^rnev-

ft'

>t COll-

asseiit,
a col 11-
oard of
[ on the
"essioiis

e eolo-
le ^vas
of the
.f feel-
uiec of
L'ceived
to diw-
vas not
>eiiil)iy.

KX(»I>rs (»F rilK WESTKWN NATION'S. 'Sm

17.".— IT-.O.]

Morn's laid hefore them a statement of tlu' jiroi^Tess of (uaitkr

the French, declared that if the colonies maintained '

tlieif indifierciice, they woidd infallihly he ruined,
and exhoi'ted them to uv.iko some elfort to save their
countrv from destruction. With curious })ertiiiacity
they adopted in reply the old expetlient of a. P.'ipi'r-
nioncy I>ill. It was in vain that Morris reminded
them of his positive instructions, and hoped in con-
ciliatory lanii'ua^'e that they would not press him to
disohey them ; the deleg:ates were only animated to
insist rnori' strongly than ever on tlu'ir favourite
measure. The dis])ute soon de<^enerated into acri-
mony and altercation. The delei:;ates determined to
ap])eal to the kini;'; and stated that the orders of tli<
])roprietary were the only reason which prevented
them from raisini;- money for his Majesty's service,
'i'lie Pioard of Triuh' was instructed to investigate the
complaint and to hear counsel on helialf of the [tro-
viiice. After patient investigation, the grievances
alleued hv the colonists and the exi)ressions of lovaltv
with which tlii^y marke(l their demands, were ]»ro-
iKMUiced e(pially groundless, and the king was ad-
vised to reiect their loval address. The arrival of
Piraddock in America induced Morris once more to
convene the assemhlv in 17.');"). ^Plie deleii'ates sent
liiiii in silent contem[>t a copy of the often rejected
l\iper-iiioney ]'>ill. It was again refused; hut the
danger had now hecomo so imminent that hoth
paiMes were fain to seek some mode of evading the
settlement of a dispute wdiich one party wouM not,
and tlie other could not terminate hv concession.
The assemhly, therefore, <letei-mined to grant a sni.ill

• <<

)

'■'• i

•M

.i'.

I ■'

i^i

200

EXODUS OF TIIK WKS'I"KI!N' NATIONS,

i J

[iTr..") — i7:)'j.

CiiAiTKu Sinn to BratWock for tliu nscs of tlic ejinipiii<i'n, and
viir. ' ^

— a lar^'er sum to MassacluiRetts, to enaltle lier to send

her troops against (^rown Point ; llio pecnliar per-
versity of tlic assembly was strongly niark(.'d hy
granting the smaller sum to the army wliich was to
drive the foe from their own borders. They further
evaded the long-vexed question of <'i Pnjx'r-moncy
Bill, by providing that the sum voted should be
defrayed by bills of eredit drawn without the
sanetion of the legislature, and conseiiuently not
requiring the royid assent. Morris expostulated with
the representatives in terms whicli show that both
parties were now fully aware of the designs of the
other. " Yom' oflering money," said he, " in a way
which you knew I could not, consistent with my
duty consent to, can only be legarded as trilling wilh
the king's demands, and as a refusal to gi\e. 'I'he
M-hole of your conduct must convince the world that
youi" I'esolutions have been, and are, to take advan-
tage of your country's danger to aggrandize and
render permanent your own authority and to destroy
that of the crown ; and besides this unconstitutional
])urpose, it can only be considered as a means to
promote yoiu* scheme of fntui'e independence that
you are graspiiig at tlie disposal of all public money ;
the power of filling all oflices of government, es})e-
cially those of revemie, thiit you lefuse to grant the
necessary supplies, unless you can at tlie same time
encroach on the rights of the crown and increase
y« .1 own influtaice, already too gi'eat for a dependent
govermnent, so distant iVom the ])rincipal seat of
powe]"." AfU'i- l?Jii(ldo('k\s di'feat the inhabitants of

< H

-IT.-.'.t.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 201

ivr.-)— iTnn.]

Pliila(lel])]n'a presented a remonstrance to the assem-
bly, urging them to grant considerable sn])|)lies, and
ottering to contribute their pro})ortion of 100,000/.
[ndividuals applied for arms to defend their homes
and families; the governor, in the name of the
]n-oprietaries, made liberal offers of lands on the
frontiers to those who would settle on and defend
them. So great was the excitement that the as-
sembly were compelled to change their plan of
operations.' They granted 50,000/. of their currency
by a tax on real and personal estates, not excepting
those of the proprietary. The unfortunate governor
again found Inmself in a position in whieli he was
compelled to withhold his assent from an iiuiovation.
It was in vain that a few gentlemen of Philadelphia
offered to pay the sum in dispute, which amounted
only to about 500/. ; the delegates decliired that
they wanted to form a precedent rather than to raise
ihe money.

The assembly concluded iheir session by resolv-
ing to raise 10,000/. by subscription in order lo
siip])ly the troops on the borders of New York \vith
necessaries; but they se])arated without Inking any
action for the defence of their own frontier. It
was impossible that the ibi'ce of obstinacy could go
further; the borch'r inhabitants, exposed without
defence to the cruelties of savage warfare, sent a
remonstrance couched iu language which connnandiMl
attention. During this extremity of apprehension
the ( egales onee more presented to the governor a
Paper-money Hill framed on the same model as befoi'o ;
it was again rejected. The matter had now gone

■ !

ChAI'TKU

vrrr.

175 J

I •

■■i

ClIAPTKU
VIII.

1 '

J T.Vi

l:(52 kxodus of the \vEs'ri:i{X nations.

[17:,-)— i7:.o.

too far for tlie iiilial)ittvnis to look on iiiiiiioved. Tl.e
mayor and inlialutants of Pliibuklpliia, fearing- tliu
near a])})ioacli of tlie enemy, i)roceuded to the Ilouwe
of A.stsemhly, and demanded, in tones wliieli it waw
impossible to mist;dve, the defence of their lives and
properties. Many of the Quakers assured the assem-
bly of their ability and readiness to defend them-
selves; and the pro})riefaries, to avoid the dang'er of
the precedent which the delegates were so anxious to
estal'lish, oftered a Iil»erid contril)ution. The assem-
bly gave way, coiitenting" themselves with a resolution
that " although it was the right of freemen, not
only to j)etition but even to advise their rej»resent-
atives, their ap})lieation ought to be respectful, per-
tinent, and true." This rebuke did not [)revent the
principal inhabitants of Pennsylvania from jtresonting
a petition to the king, in which they described the
defenceless state of the province, and ])rayed for
relief. The Board of Trade were commissioned to
hear counsel on tiie ([uestioii, whether every peo[)le
who are attacked by a cruel enemy are not bound to
defend tliemselves. The arguments adduced weie
convincing; the board decided that the Pennsyl-
vanians were no more exempted than any other com-
munity, tliough they pleaded that the })roprieta]y was
ol>liged by his charter to del'eiid the [)rovince. 'J'he
Jioard added, that they could see no ivmeily for the
evils so justly coni))lained (jf, unless by the inter-
position of parliament as had been fbiinerly advised.
A soldier of some ability named JJeiinis was soon after
sent to relieve Morris from his mieasv seat. Affairs
jn'ogressed more smoothly iindej his adnnnistration.

-iTr.o.

KXUDUS OF THE WKS'l'ElIN NATIONS. 2G3

1 ::,-)— 1750.]

for tlie assembly hit upon the lAan of adniinistoring
to tlio peciiniiiry wants of the needy officer, as often
as he stretched a point to p)ass a hill a little beyond
his instructions. " To such a pitch of proflio-acy did
they carry this fraudulent traffic that a distinct sum
was given to Dennis for each breach of trust as he
{)assed every l>ill." *

Maryland, after some little delay, voted in 1753 a
sum of money which was to be raised by a variety of
taxes, excises, stamps, and a lan<l tax which included
the proprietaiy's mauors. The assembly desired that
the amount they had suljscribed should be expended
in l>uilding fortifications, in engaging the aid of the
southern tribes, in giving bounties for In(b'an scalps,
in carrying out any expedition which might be con-
certed with other provinces, and in raising a regiment
of 200 men. The Marvlanders soon afterwards
raised their regiment to ')00 men, whom they placed
under the command of an able officer, named Dag-
worthy, '^riie conduct of the Maryland regiment
was so good, and its assistance was so useful in
drivii.g the French from their encroachments, that

VIll.

it was received into the kinir's service and

v^y

(^uesn

aiK

1 tl

ace w

hicl

1 was made wi

ith tl

>p.

the " Royal Americans." The conquest of Foi*t (hi ITr),s

ludians, freed the borders of Maryland from danger ;
after this they could not be induced to do anything
further in support of the war.

While \\\i' French were [)ressiPig on the borders of IT');}
Virginia, the House of Ihirgesses voted 10,000/. to
repel their hostile attempts. But like other colonies,

Chaluioi

S. 11.

CM.\ni;u

VI tr.

2G4 EXODUS OF THE WESTKTJN NATIONS.

[ITW— 1759.

tlio A^iro-iiiiaiis so elo<>'j>:od tlicir o'ift with nnroasnn-
al)le ciici'oaclimeiits oii the prcroif^'ativc, tliat it was
necessity alone tliat conipelled Governor Diiiwicldic
to accept it. Tlie buru'csses had for sonic time been
engaged in aUercations with Dinwiddie, about tlie
yystem of granting wild lands : they were glad to
make this disagreement an excuse, to avoid attending
the congress at Albany, or contributing anything to
the common defence. It was only a small party of
the most loyal inhabitants who welcomed General
l]raddock when he came among them to assume the
command; by lar the lai'ger numl)er liekl sullenly
aloof, and reaj)ed a rich harvest IVom the necessities
of the army which had V)een sent for tlieir defence.
The general com})lained bitterly of the unworthy
advantage which was taken of his position. d of
the want of support wliich he received liv-in the
Virginians. J lis defeat produced a univerf>a^ I'eding
(.ji idarm, and for a moment the Vii'ginia?' ' seemed
inclined to do their duty : the daLger wlich i.l often
been foretold now seemed to '>e couiiug upo.i iheiu;
Ibr two days aft'^r *he battle, every siianty idong tlic
track wliicli led i'» t- i <)liio "was crowded wi;h
jugilives, who Vfrcad ;;m<»n., lie scattered p>)pidatiou
exaggerated accounts ot the disaster. Tlie governor
dexterously took advantage of the genersil paiiio, to
obtain from the ivjirescntatives authority h) raise a
tliousand men (ni- siiviee aii'aiiist the enemv : ln.t as
the sense of fear wore oft", tli(! short-lived nnlilary
ardour of the pi'opk' subsided. 1 1 was fnuid im])os-
sible 1o raise tlie (juota of men llial bad been voled,
and wlien Dinwiddie next J'ound il iiecessaiv to call

KXODU!^ 01'' THE WESTERN NATIONS. 2i\o

it:..".— 1759.]

an iiKseiiil>lv, tlic nu'iiil)ors lind fully rosumcd tlioir
accustomed temper. An attemj)t was made to issue
200, ()()()/. in paper hills, willi(Mit cstaMishino; an/
foundation for tliem. This Dinwiddie, like the
o-overnors of Maryland and Pennsvlvania, was
()hli,ii;ed to resist ; he dismissed the assendjly, and his
report to the lioard of Trade drew from that hiAy
an ohservation, which nnist hy that time have heeome
fann'liar lO their pen, that " they were surjn'ised to
find that the hur^-esses .shouM liave availed them-
selvi's of a time of distress, to force on the <j,'ovenio7'
a dt'parture from the royal instructions.*' TIk; 'v'ir-
ginians, thoup^h they evinceil no readiuess to hear
their fair share of the ('X|»eiiS(' ineui i'(l foi- liuir
defence, had no hesitation in ciainn'n^- ])arliamentai'y
icimhui'sements for saci'ifices already made. They
])i'ctended that nearly 150, (U)0/. had l)een ex]iendod
in the contest hefore January, IT.')?; hut " in what
manner those supplies had heen a])pli('d did nol
a])[)e.'U', iuasnmch as they had heen j)ut into the hands
of committees who were acconntahlo only to thi'
assenddy."* The extent of their irre^-ul;:rity m-iy
easily he imaj^Mned, when the nature of the Vii'^-Inian
system of dishursement is taken into consider.ttioii.
'i'iie l)ur<j;esses had some years hefore insisted on
ap])ointin|L!,' a treasnrer of their own, tin igh whose
hands passed all moneys voted l)y t' assend»ly.
liohinson, tin; speakei' of the asseud)l\ vas in IT.'hS
appointetl trcasui'er, and rapidly arro_ii,'ated all tln^
real powei' of the province to hims» f ■ his plan <>f
operations was simple; he lent the pnlih'c money tn

* < 'haliiicV.s, ii. M^i'j.

Chaitkk
Vlll.

'■•1

•■f

;•-.>

n ■

})■:

CiiAi'i'iai

viir.

■J (f

2G(; EXODUS OF TIIK WESTERN NATIONS.

[1755— iTr.O.

tlic poorer (l(jlo<i';it.es, on condition of lieiii,!;' siipporled

by tlieir votes; lie tlms ohtained sncli prcponderiiting-

infinence, that Dinwiddie niled oidv on ordinarv

occasions, wliile Robinson acted as dictator in

enier<>'encies. Worn out with vexation arid ag'e,

Dinwiddie at length retired ; he was succeeded by

a man named Fauquier, possessed of little courage or

capacity, and who was oidy too hap[>y to buy ])eace

with his assembly by entering into an arrangement

with J{obinson.

A large (luantity of pa])er money was soon pnt
into circulation; British merchants, who bore the
main burden of the war, were thus loaded witii an
additional tax of the most oppressive kind; for the
cnrrency became depreciated to an. extent wln'ch ren-
dered it almost impossible for them to obtain psiy-
ment of tlieir debts. The 2^i"ovince was enabled by
the increase of its i)aper currency, to set on foot two
regiments, which rendered good service till the \)uv-
g'.'sses in ii fit of ill-hmu" u* recalled them from the
field.

It is not easy to miderstand whv the bnrii'esses
who had, through the connivance t)f Governor Fau-
quier, the go'den opportunity of voting su})plies in
paper, and being re])aid in sterling money, did not
more largely avail themsoKes of the privilege. It
would seem thnt tlie temptation of asserting inde-
pendence of action aT a tiiuc wh<Mi it was most
inconvenient to the motlu'r-counlrv, and most difK-
cult to resent it, overmastered all other considerations.

The su}»])ly of the war was not tl

le only question upon

which \'irginia seized the opportunity of quarrellin

f»'

).)— i7:"n.

>()r[ed

ei'Mt.fiig-

(lliiiiry
f(ir ill
1 n.o-c,
Il'(1 1>v
r.'ii^e or

;onient

nil put
re tlio
ith ;in
"or tlic
h reii-
II pay-
led by
ot two
e l)ur-
'111 tlio

'g'essos

r Fiui-

!ies fn

d not

•0. It

indo-

niost

; diffi-

itioiKs.

upon

clliiig'

KXODUS OV TflK WKSTKIJX NATIONS.

(;>.>-

•ITfj'J.]
ith tli(3 1

It has li

ilri'jid'

wirii rM(3 Home goveinnieiiT. it iias iiecii Minady
sfaU'(l, that at a former time tlie king's riglit ot"
advowson liad been transferred to the vestries; at
the time when this was (h>ne, a law had been passctl
l)V the assembly and assented to bv the crown, pro-
vidirm' tor tiie maintenance of the elei'ii'v ; everv
minister was entitled to a stipend consisting of a cer-
tain weight of tobacco; tlie amount of the stipend
thus fbictuated witli the price of tobacco. 'i1i*' Iiur-
gesses now determined to ])ass anothei' law, declaring
that tlie sti[)end should lie )»aiil at the iixed rate of
twopence for every ])ound ; the governor was a]»j)ealed
to in vain ; the clergy sent home aniemorial to the
king. The act was in the opinion of the best
lawvers clearly ilhs^-al, inasmuch as it intert"ered with
the freehold rights of a large class of citizens. The
Hoard of Trade in much p( rplexitv applied to iJishop
Shei'lock for advice. " It is surelv b''.''ii time'' wi-ot(.
the Bislio[) in answer,* "to look ai '.t us, consider-
ing the several steps lately taken in <liminution of
the inlluence of tlie crown, and the great change
which manifestly ap[)ears in the temj)ers of the
peo[)le : though if the (n'own does not or cainiol
support itself in so plain a. case, it would be in vain
for them to plead the act confirmeel by the king,
since their riji'hts and the roval authority must stand
or fall together."

North and South Carolina acted in like manner
to A'ii'ginia. There was the same unwillingness to
help, the same panic after the deteat of liraddock,

* l»iblio[i Shorluck to llnj ISc.inl nt 'i'uali.'. Juir', 17. "'J.

(11 M'lTI!

Mil.

I • I

^ '■

Mli.

2r.8 KXODUS OF TIIK WESTERN NATTOXR.

[175;")— IT-'O.

ciiAiTiMi tlio same iiisistoncooii oneninlterino'tlio Kniall supplies
ultimately _i2,Taiite<l with Mils for the raisini^ of paper
money. I'o recount it, liowcvcr shortly, is iinneecs-
saiy, since the eyents which then occurred have no
other importance than as an indication of tlie temper
of the colonies at that time.

-«

'.">— 17r»9.
'U])jilios

niicccs-
iivo no
tc3mj)er

EXODUS OF THE WES'I'ETJN NATIONS.

"'lit

17r,7— 1703.]

= n

CIIAPTr:!! IX.

COXQl'EST OF CANADA.

[1757—1703.]

Accession of William Tilt to Power — Cn]itnre nf I.ouislmv- — State nf
Society in Oanada before the Couciiiost — ('a|iture of (iuebic — i'.lleet of
the Conquest of QueKc on tlio English Colonies.

A'l" tlio time of the Itattlc of MonoMfi-aliola, affaiis in cumii-i!
Knrope were in a very aiioniiiloiis position. Kiiulaiid —1
and France, tlionjU'li nominally at ])eace, were em-
]>loyed in all parts of the j.;-l(>l)e in ninrdciiiiu* <•!!('
another. The conduct of lMii;"lish affairs was ahout
to pass from the feel)le liands of the Dnke of New-
castle into tlic firm p^rasp of AVilliam Pitt, wlio had
lip to tliat time occnjned a snhordinate post in the
ministry. Braddock was killed in .Fnly ; in Xovem- 17.",,",
her, the House of Commons met in a state of extreme
excitement. Pitt led the Opposition, which was coun-
tenanced hy the Prince of Wales; and l)efore long', it
hecame evident that Pitt alone could manat;"e the
House of ( \)mmons and the country. The ag'gressions
of the French in America were punished l)y enter-
itises conducted on tlie element over which l*]ng"land
ei\^joyed undisputed supremacy. The ministry ordered
ihat French vessels should be made prizes whereNcr
they might be found; and the French, unable to retti-

I • '

h ^

CiiAni
IX.

i '

271) KXODliS OF TIIK WKSTKHX XATIONS.

[I7:.7— 17(;.1.

i li.'ito l»yson,<lotoriiiiiieil njinji invadinji; tin- IFMiiovoiiin
• loiiiinions (4' tlic Iviiio; oK Iviii'liiiid, As soon ns tliis
rcsolvo was inadc; iniiiiit'est, Kotli nations het'aiiio scii-
sildc of tliciiecessltv of new alliances. Spain, I*ortii,n'al,
and the Unite(l Provinces, determined to remain neu-
ti'al ; l>nt the I']mj)erors()f Austiia and of Russia, wlio
Were disjioseil to lo()k with iLi^i'eat indi^xiiation on tlic
aecjiiisition of Silesia hy Freih'riek of Prussia, coii-
chided an alliance witli Louis X\'., and therel)y
raii_ii-ed tlie Kin|L;' of Prussia on the side of iMii^Iand.
War was deelai'ed hetween tliese C()ml)atants in Ahiv,
IT')!!: its openinjL!,' scenes were frau,L;'ht with diso-i-nce
and disastei', wliich adde<l fuel to the an<;vr of fli(!
I'i'iiji'lisli j)eo]ik\ All parts of the kini:'(h)m were in a
state of furious excitement ; speeclies, lampoons, cari-
catures, and ])!imphlets, rL'))i"esented Kn<i'land as he-
trayed and undone hv tlie cowai'dice o^ her leaders
and the iml)ecility of her statesmen. All paities
looked to IMtt, whose kjfty character and imperious
tcmjHU' inspired every one with conlidence. Put i*itt
at first would ntuther serve with Newcastle nor with
Fox; and it was onlv after a short trial of strenji'th,
during' Avhich he held p(nver for five months in con-
junction with the Duke of Devonshire, that he con-
sented at last to form an alliance with the Duke of
Newcastle. Pitt to(jk the lead in the House of Com-
mons, aud the whole management of the war and of
foreign affairs; the duke was left in undisturlied
possession of the power which he uiost loved, that of
huvini'' votes with the secret-service money. A new
spirit was at once infused into the war. Put a few
months ago the English people lieliexc themselves

.si

'It

KXOnrs OF TIIK WKSTKIJN XATi(>NS. 271

i7-,:_i7r,r,.]

f(> 1)0, us their pnrty jiamplilctocrs tri* 1 liard to ]v'r- (
siiiitlo tlioiii they were, a de;j;riuletl uiid <l('f!;ent'rMt('
race, doomed to h<^ eoii([iiered iiinl eiislavrd ; now the
vi^TMir of" Pitt's luiiid pervadcil every department of
the administration : liis splendid disre_nard of all mere
eeonomiral considerations seemed to he conta^'ious.
Jle ])ersuad(.'d the House of Commons To lavi-<h sums
upon armauients ot" every desciiption, far lar<i"cr than
anv former minister had evei" ventuivd to <lem;ind.
The first acts of his administration were, iieverth<'less,
ill-jiid<j;'ed. lv\}>edit ions were sent a^^'ainst diffei'cnt
parts of the French coast, at enormous cost and with
very indifferent success. The ishind ttf Ai\ was
taken; Roclifort threatened; the harhour of St. Malo
attacked; and a few f;'un8 cajitured at Chci-houi'o- ;
liut these pi'occedini^'s had no ett'ect on the war he-
yond that of exaspei'atiufj," the Frencli ; they wei'e
descrihed bv the wits at home as schemes to lireak
windows with «i'uineas. A ne»re serious disaster
occurred to the Duke of ('umherland, who allowed
himself, with l>8,0U0 Hanoverians, to he taken at a
disadvanta<2;e by the Duke of Hichelieu, .and to be so
pent in l>etween the Weser and the Elbe that he had
to ca[)itulate with his whole army. l>ut measures of
a very different cliaracter were soon set on foot, liy
the advice, it is said, of Frankliu, the Fi-ench were
attacked in America ; tTie colonies were invited to
help, and were promised that if they woidd find
men, the British Government would find money,
arms, ammunition, and rewards. Three ex[)editions
were set in motion. Generals Andierst and \V^)lfe
were to join the lleet under Boscawen, and take

II M'TKK

Sept.

17:.7

. .{ ■

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

K
^

1.0

I.I

11.25

IIIIIM

i;£ 12.0

i.8

1-4 11.6

Photographic

Sciences
Corporation

23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, NY. 14580

(716) 673-4503

..>•%

;*•■.

'n'

IX.

1758

272 EXODUS OF TIIK \Vr:STERN NATIONS.

[I7r)7— i7f;;>

CiiArn:!! LoiiisLiirg ; Grcncral Forbes was to iindertako Hit
conquest of the Ohio valley, where the unfbrtiiiiat
Bvacldock had already failed ; and General Abei-
crombie w^as appointed to the chief command, with
orders to throw a heavy force on Ticonderoga and
Crown Point.

On the 19 th of Febniary, a magnificent armament
left Portsmouth for the Acadian peninsula. Amherst
was so long delayed by contrary winds, that he did
not reach Halifax till the 28tli of May, when he found
Boscawen's fleet actually under way for Louitsljing-.
Wolfe, on arriving off the P^rench fortress, immediately
commenced reconnoitrinQ- the beach for a landing-
place, but for some days the surf was so high, that it
was impossible to effect a descent on the shore. The
French had thrown up batteries at every point where
a debarkation seemed possible, and these works were
connected by abbatis of fallen trees along the beach.
It was not till the 8th of June that the troops, luider
coxQY of the fire from the fleet, attempted to disem-
bark, Wolfe led the first division, and on coinina-
into shoal water, leaped into the sea, waded, at the
liead of his mer., through the surf, crawled U[)
the beach under a murderous fire of the French,
drove in the enemy from their breastworks, and in-
vested the fortress. In three weeks from the suc-
cessful landing, Louisburg was a heap of ruins, and
the Chevalier de Drucour, with his garrison of r),(;no
men, were prisoners of war, on their way to England.
The harbour of Louisburg still offers shelter tVom
the storms which ol'ien sweep over tJiat inliospitab!(>
coast; l)ui a few hovels ojily mark the place wliicli

■57—1 in;!.
ake tlio
>rtiinat('
[ Aboi-
id, with
iga and

mament
Viiilierst
lie did
10 found
iiislturo-.

Lcdiatelv
iaiidiijg'-
), that it
re. The
it whore
■ks wore
e beacli.
s, under
() disoni-
coniing

I, at the
kvlod 11 [)
Froncli,
and in-
tlio suc-
liiis, and

of :),(;:u)

^hm'land.
:ov from
i)spita])lo
wliifli

EXODUS OF THE WESTEim NATIONS. 273

1757—1763.]

was erected at sucli cost, and conquered by so much Chapter
heroism. The captured standards were borne in tri- _11
iimph through London and deposited in St. Paul's,
amidst the roar of guns and kettle-drums and the
shouts of assembled multitudes. Addresses of con-
gratulation came in from all parts of England ;
parliament decreed tlianks and monuments, and be-
stowed, without reluctance, still larger supplies than
before.

The brilliancy of the victory caused the disaster
which befel another part of the combined expedition
to be forgotten. Abercromby was defeated, with
great disgrace, at Ticonderoga, and various detached
parties were cut off hy the French ; but Fort Fron-
tenac was taken by an officer named Bradstreet, who,
after leaving a garrison in the stockade, returned to
Abercromby, whom he found wasting his time in
fortifying his position on Lake Champlain. LV)r])es,
who ought to have made the best of his way to Fort
du Quesne, loitered till the season was almost too far
advanced to proceed ; but Washington, with a bri-
gade of provincials, hurried forward and, after an in-
significant resistance, drove out the garrison. The
French, at the moment of retiring, fired the place,
and left Washington in possession of the key of the
West. Tlie dismantled fortress was unanimously called
Pittsburg by the conquerors. "As long," says Mr.
Bancroft,* "as the English tongue shall be the language
of freedom in the valley traversed by the IMononga-
hela and the Ohio, his name shall stand inscribed on
the gateway of the west."

,1 .

}.-

Anu'vicnii Hcvolulion, i, .'JfiM.

VOL. if.

Chapteu
IX.

^ '

I:
1.

I-' ,,

274 EXODUS f)F THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1757— 17C3.

The power of France in America was now near its
downfall. French policy hiad dwarfed the proportions
of what, under another system, might have been a
vigorous nation. Military rank was limited to the
favourites of tlie powers at home ; commercial enter-
prise was barred by monopoly ; territorial possessions
were unattainable except by those nobly born. The
high-spirited, the adventurous, and the ambitious had
no resource but to sit and chafe idly at the restrictions
which surrounded them, or to wander away to the Far
West to seek adventures among the distant savages.

At first, after the defeat of Braddock, the hopes of
the French were high. The subordinate officers in
Canada, especially, considered that all danger was at
an end ; that the English were beaten and dispirited,
and that the French would have an easy victory.
One of the frontier missionaries writing to his brother,
when the news of Dieskau's capture had reached
Canada, says : — " Some Micmac Indians in Acadia
seized an English schooner on her way from Boston,
loaded with provisions and clothing, for Port Royal ;
in that vessel were found a quantity of papers,
amongst others, a letter from General Jonhson,*
wherein he states that General Braddock has been so
imprudent as to go and attack the fort on the river
Oyo ; that he had lost 1,600 and 600 dead. That he,
Jonckson,* was ordered to attack Fort Frederick, but,
that for his part, he was resolved to ask for his dis-
charge. That there were no means of fighting the
Canadians ; that the English were all panic-stricken,
which prevented them from resisting ; and, in lotuin

* Qy. Jolinsoii.

,7— 17G3.

lear its
ortions
been a

to the
I enter-
sessions
L. The
)us had
;rictions
the Far
vages.
lopes of
icers in
r was at
spirited,
victory,
brother,
reached

Acadia

Boston,
t Royal ;

papers,
onhson,*

been so
;he river
That he,
;ick, bnt,
^ his dis-
iting the
-stricken,
in letinn

EXODUS OF THE WESTEHN NATIONS. 275

1757— 17G3.1

for their expense, all they received was the n?ifortu- chapter
nate Baron de Dieskaii, whom they would give for .^
four sous."

But when Pitt assumed the direction of affairs, this
tone of confidence disappeared. The French were
bewildered at the rapidity and weight of his attacks ;
they saw with amazement the enormous subsidies
which were voted by the English Parliament, and the
confidence which the spirit of the minister inspired
in all his subordinates. Even during the five months
in which Pitt shared power with the Duke of Devon-
shire, the English minister found means to impress
foreign politicians with a sense of the firmness and
power of his character. The Due de Belle Isle
writes* to M. de Moras, that he has correspondents in
England who are thoroughly well informed of Mr.
Pitt's movements. These assert, that Mr. Pitt wishes,
at any price, to regain tlie superiority in America, and
that he would not hesitate to drain England of men in
order to attain his object. " There is to be despatched
thither," writes the Due de Belle Isle, " exclusive of
the two regiments of Scotch Highlanders, each 1,800
strong, nine regiments of infantry, viz., five from the
Irish establishment, not coimting the three regiments
that sailed a few months ago for New England. All
these will form a body of more than eight or ten
thousand regular troops : a large park of artilleiy is
also sent forward at the same time, and every sort of
arms and munitions of war."

The duke also expressed his opinion that as Ame-
rica was the principal and true cause of the war,

* Col. MRS. i. 3. Feb. 1757. Vol. x. p. 520.

T 2

•i:!

>. I

<■ 1

1 i '

^iii

. Is' '

: ?i )

•

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■<! '

276 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1757—1703.

Chapter the attention of the French should be (lirected mninly
IX •
. to that part of the world. "It is the good or bad

condition, wherein we shall happen to be, that will

sooner or later determine the English minister to

make peace, and to render it either ruinous or

advantageous to us." We shall never conclude a

solid one if we cannot have Acadia.

Among the principal causes of anxiety which
agitated the minds of the French leaders was the
condition of Canada itself. It was no longer the
homogeneous mass that it had formerly been ; it
was no longer governed by men of the consummate
ability of La Galissoniere. Peculation was rife in
the highest places, the militia was not well in hand,
the troops had been permitted to lose something of
their strict discipline. The nerves of the colony were
unbraced, and the government at home seemed
unwilling to adopt the only measures which could
restore to them their proper tone.

Accounts of travellers, and the correspondence of the
governors and other officials with the authorities of
France, enable us to form a good notion of the state
of society which then existed. The feudal constitu-
tion of Canada, by depriving native Canadians of
all hope of advancement in life, took from them one
of the greatest incentives to exertion, and gave a
certain air of frivolity to the pursuits of those whose
fortunes removed them above the necessity of daily
toil, without bringing them within the magic circle
of those distinguished by gentle birth. They were
devoted to social amusements — excursions by day,
gaming or daJicing parties by night — during the

IX.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATlUNS. 277

1757— 17G3.J

siiniiner months pic-nics, snow-slioeing and skating Chapter
parties during* the winter occupied time, which in the
h^nghsh colonies was more profitably passed in pur-
suits which tended to increase the material pros-
perity of the country and their own. They were
inclined to the faults which idleness usually brings
with it, such as ostentation and extravagance in
dress and entertainments. Gambling especially was
carried to a pitch which, except in Virginia, was not
usually attained in the English colonies. The
Bishop of Quebec, just before the conquest, attributes
the danger wdiich overhung the country to the " wrath
of heaven for the absence of pious zeal, for profane
diversions, for insufferable excesses of games of
chance, contempt of religious ordinances, open rob-
beries, heinous acts of injustice, shameful rapines."
Even less strict moralists than Monseigneur Henri de
Pont Brian found themselves called upon to repro-
bate some of these excesses. M. de Vaudreuil, the
governor-general, had for some time been on bad
terms with Montcalm, the commander-in-chief, and as
it appears, with good reason. M. de Vaudreuil was
surrounded by relatives of mean extraction, whom he
allowed to peculate without check or remonstrance.
The documents preserved in the Ministerc de la
Guerre at Paris are full of information corroborating
this view. " M. Bigot,"* writes Montcalm,t " appears
to be only occupied in making a fortune for himself,
his adherents, and sycophants. Cupidity has seized

* The intendant of the province.

t M. di^ Montcahn (o Marshal dc BcUo Isle. Montreal, April 12, 1759.
Dopt. du la Guerre. Paris.

' '

■■|t

i:'

■v. 1-

J ; f- « ■

; '. f '

1 i

( •

I '

278 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1757— 17G;^..

Chaiteb officers and storekeepers ; the commissaries who are

_11 about tlie River St. Joliii or tlie Ohio, or witli tlie

Indians in the upper country, are making astonisli-

ing fortunes M. deVaudreuil, witli wliom men

are equal, led by a knavish secretary and interested
associates, would confide a vast opei^ation to his
brother,* or any other colonial officer, the same as

to M. de Levis Everybody appears to be in a

hurry to make his fortune before the colony is lost ; an
event which many, perhaps, desire as an impene-
trable veil over their conduct lias the king

need of purchasing any goods for the Indians ?
Instead of buying them directly, a favoui'ite is
notified, who purchases at any price he pleases ; then
M. Bigot has them removed to the king's stores,
allowing a profit of one hundred or even one hundred
and fifty per cent, to those whom he desires to
favour." In the collections of the Quebec Literary
Society f there is a similar anecdote respecting
M. Bigot. The intendant has fallen completely under
the influence of tlie wife of a Canadian named Pcan ;
this lady became at last the channel through which
the public patronage flowed. Poan, in a short time,
became possessed of fifty thousand crowns. On one
occasion, Bigot, requiring a large quantity of wheat
for the use of the royal troops, gave Pean the con-
tract for supplying it, and advanced from the royal
treasury money with which the wheat was bought.
The intendant, next day, issued an ordinance, fixing
the price of wheat much higher than the price at

* M. Higaiul, nientionc>l olsewhcre in a despatch of Montcalni, as being
" iicitlicr waiitinj]; in spirit, in a certain talent, nor in intrigue."

t 188H, )t. c;^.

■ti

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

•Zld

j<— i7(j;i
^ho are

til tlie
;tonisli-
m men
erested

to his
{line as
be in a
ost ; an
mpene-
le king
idians ?
rite is
! ; til en

stores,
undred
sires to
jiterary
pecting
y under
I Pean ;
1 which
rt time,
On one
f wheat
he con-
e royal
bought.
, fixing
)rice at

, as being

1757— 17G3.]

which Pcan had bought it. The latter delivered it Ciuiteb
to the government at the price fixed by the ordinance, -11
and was able to buy a seignory with the j^tlunder.

Besides peculation such as this, M. de Yaudreuil
permitted excesses which were very prejudicial to the
discipline of the troops, as well as to the tone of
society. " I have found," writes M. de JMontcalm,*
" some of our officers were inclined to games of
hazard, and proposed to M. de Vaudreil to prohibit
them ; I even placed an officer under arrest. There
was no play either at Quebec or Montreal until
M. de Yaudreuil's arrival at Quebec. M. Bigot loves
to gamble ; and M. de Vaudreuil thought proper to
permit a bank at M. Bigot's. I said what I con-
sidered my duty, but did not wish to forbid our
officers playing at it, as it was displeasing to M. de
Yaudreuil and ]M. Bigot. Captain de Maron of La
Reine has lost twelve thousand livres, which have been
paid, his lieutenant-colonel having lent them to him."

The disci23line of the army was, moreover, consi-
derably relaxed. Many officers reported that it was
exceedingly difficult to maintain strict discipline
among soldiers who are in separate quarters during
the entire winter season, and, as it were, out of the
officers' sight. None of the regiments were to-
gether, except the two battalions that were in garri-
son at Quebec and Montreal — there were dangers,
too, for the younger officers, as well as for the rank
and file. The eyes of Canadian ladies were bright ;
and even the stern glances of Montcalm were of no
avail to prevent the natural consequence.

* M. de Montcalm to the Count d'Argenson, Aiu'il 24, 1757.

I • I

C'haitku
IX.

u !

/.■T

(h .K1

■ *

280 EXUDUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1757— ITG3.

I have found* our office is inclined to contract
niarring'cs which were not any more ad\'anta;T^cous
for the political interest of the colony tlian for that
of the king. M. de Vaudreuil apj^eared to me to
favour them. lie is encompassed with relatives of
mean extraction. . . . The difficulties I opposed to
the granting of permission have prevented the mar-
riages of two young lieutenants, minors, and under a
father's control, who were consulting only their pas-
sions, and have put a stop to many similar jirojects.

I^efore condemning too hastily the imprudence of
the young officers, over whom the authority of the
great Marquis de Montcalm was exercised, it will be
just to hear the opinion of M. Kalni,! at that time
in Canada, who appears to have devoted, considering
I lis position as " Professor of Economy," very serious
attention to the subject.

The manners of the Canadian ladies appeared to
Kalin to contrast favourably with those of the fair
inhabitants of the English colonies. He pronounces
them " well bred, virtuous, with an innocent and
becoming freedom." He, however, draws some dis-
tinction between the dames of Quebec and of the
provincial society of Montreal. The former possess
the politeness peculiar to the French nation, " having
the advantage of frequently conversing with the
French gentlemen and ladies who come every
summer with the king's ships, and stay several

* M. de Moutciilm to Count d'Argenson. April, 3757. Antoinc llend
do Yogcr d'Argenson succcodcil liis uuclo the Comi»te d'Argenson as
Minister of War, Feb. 2, 1757.

t A Swedish tniveller, I'rolessor of Economy in the Swedish University
ot Aobo, who published an acoount of his journey, 1761.

IX.

EXUDUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 281

iT.'iT— ira.j

WLck.s at (Quebec, bi». seldom at Moiitioal." Tlie Chavteu
hulies of the lust place are accused of " partaking too
uiTicli of the pride of the Indians, and of l)eing much
wanting in French good-breeding." Sunnning up
the relative merits of the two places, Kalni decides
that the ladies of Montreal are handsomer than those of
Quebec. " Their behaviour likewise seemed to me to
be somewhat too free at Quebec, and of more be-
coming modesty at Montreal." On the other hand,
the ladies of Quebec " are not very industrious ; a
girl of eighteen is reckoned very poorly off if she
cannot enumerate at least twenty lovers. These
young ladies, especially those of higlier rank get up
at seven, and dress till nine, drinking their coffee at
the same time. When tliey are dressed tliey place
themselves near a window that o^ ens into the street,
take up some needlework, and sew a stitch now and
then ; but turn their eyes into the street most of the
time. When a young fellow comes in, whether
they are acquainted with him or not, they imme-
diately lay aside their work, sit down beside him, and
begin to chat, laugh, and joke, and invent double
mtendres ; and this is reckoned ' avoir beaucoup
d'esprit.' In this manner they frequently pass the
whole day, leaving their mothers to do all the busi-
ness of the house. In Montreal the girls are not quite
so volatile, but more industrious ; they are always at
needlework, or doing some necessary business in the
house. They are likewise cheerful and content,
and nobody can say that they want either wit or
charms ; their fault is that they think too well of
themselves,"

• !

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CHAITEU

IX.

282 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1757— 17(]3.

The last sentence, concluding a parallel very favour-
able to the ladies of Montreal, is malicious ; but the
professor had, in a foi'iner passage, complained that
the ladies " at Montreal es|)ecially, are very ready to
laugh at any blunders strangers may make in speak-
ing, and they cannot hear anything uncommon with-
out laughing at it." It is, therefore, not im])ossible
that M. Kalm's Swedish accent may have drawn upon
him some of the caustic raillery of wliich he com-
plains, and that he may have suffered from it suf-
ficiently to qualify his otherwise entire admiration.

The habit in the French colonies was to rise early.
The governor held his leve'e at seven o'clock in the
morning, which was throughout Canada the usual
hour for breakfast. This meal consisted of bread and
brandy for the men ; chocolate, or coffee, from the
French provinces in South America, for the ladies :
dinner was at noon. For each guest the entertainer
provided a plate, a napkin, a spoon and fork ; every
lady or gentleman came provided with his own knife :
the principal beverages were claret and spruce beer.
The passion for dress was carried to an extravagant
height before the time of the conquest. " Frenchmen,"
says Kalm, " who consider things in their true light,
complained very much that a great joart of the ladies
in Canada had got into a pernicious custom of taking
too much care of their dress, and squandering their
fortunes and more upon it. They laughed at each
other if they were not dressed in the newest Parisian
fashions ; though, from the length of the voyage, the
newest fashions in Canada were those of the year
before in F'rance." But all this finery was reserved

KXODUS OF TilK WESTERN NATIONS.

w;i

'57— lTt).'i.
favour-
but the
led that
ready to
II speak-
m with-
possible
vn upon
be com-
i it suf-
ation.
5e early,
k ill the
le usual
ead and
•om the
ladies :
ertainer
; every
11 knife :
ce beer,
avagant
climen,"
le light,
le ladies
- taking
ig their
at each
Parisian
age, tlie
he year
■eserved

hoUdlivs an'l visitiii";.

common

occasions CuAi-rEn
v/ore a neat j;ick(5t, and a short _1_

IT.-.T— 17G3.]
fol

women of all itw
petticoat wliich reached to the middle of the leg ;
tliey also had shoes with enormously high and pointed
heels. They powdered their hair every day, and put
their locks in paper at night — " which idle custom
was not introduced into the P]nglisli settlements.'*
The gentlemen generally wore their own hair ; those
who wore wigs were the exception. " Peo})le of rank
used to wear laced clothes, and the crown officers
carried swords. All the gentlemen — even those of
rank, the governor - general alone excepted — when
they go into town on a day that looks likely for rain,
carried their cloaks on their left arms." hi the coun-
try the women were exceedingly industrious ; they
" greatly surpassed the English women in the planta-
tions, who have taken the liberty of throwing all the
burden of housekeeping upon tlieir husbands, while
tliey sit in their chaii's all day with folded arms."*

Some there were, however, in Canada, who, like
the English women, did nothing but prattle all the
day long. While at work in-doors, they were in the
habit of diverting themselves with singing songs, " in
which the words amour and cceur are very frequent."

Such was the state of Canada before the fall of
Louisburg; after that event they were completely
cut off from communication with France. The fleet,
upon which the court of Versailles relied for the
relief of the province, was destroyed ; the mouth of
the St. Lawrence was in the hands of the English ;
the only other access into Canada was through the

* Kahn, iii. 30.

i 1-

I!"

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1

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-■:! ■

■ , ,\ ■'

2«4 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1757—1763.
Chapter English coloiiics, by Boston or New York, or by tlie
— 11 long and circuitous route of New Orleans and the
Mississippi. Even those roads were now blocked ;
for ^he English fort of Pittsburg stood on the ruins
of Fort du Quesne. and the English flag waved over
Fort Frontenao at the head of the St. Lawrence,
and over Chouegen,* on the soutliern shore of
Ontario.

Montcalm, surveying the prospect before him, and
tlie materials at his disposal, was constant in his
assurances to the minister tiiat, unless some very
large reinforcement came to Canada, or some strange
blunders were committed by i)e enemy, the English
would soon be in possession of Quebec. Statesmen
in France took the same view, and urged in vain on
the government the propriety of immediately send-
ing out supplies and reinforcements. The unhappy
Canadians had not enjoyed repose enough to culti-
vate their lands and fill their garners : the scarcity
of provisions, now that supplies could no longer reach
the colony from France, was so great that Montcalm
contemplated the result with dismay, which breaks
out in almost every despatch which he writes to the
ministers in France.f He speaks of the famine as
very great : " New Fiance needs peace, or sooner or
later it must fall." iMl the garrisons i*^ Canada, and
many of the inhabitants, were put on a reduced

* The French namo tui Oswego.

t Sec letters from ]\I. ile Ivioutcahu to MM, de Moras de Pauhney !.nd
the Mardchal de Ikdlc Isle ; especially those dated Feb. 20, 1758 ; July 2S,
1758; Nov. 1, 1758. M. de Vaiulreiiil's statement of stores necessary lor
Canada, and prices of i)rovisions in Canada. Montcalm to de Cremille,
Nov. 21, 1758 -, April 1.2, 1751). Montcalm to Marechal do Belle Isle.

.757

17G3.
•r by tlie
and the
blocked ;
tiie ruins
ved over
lawrenee,
shore of

him, and
it in his
me very
e strange
) EngKsh
statesmen
1 vain on
ely send-
unhappy
to culti-

scarcity
^er reach
^ontcahu
h breaks
tes to the
amine as
sooner or
tiada, and

reduced

Pauliney j.nd

58 ; July 28,

necessary Ibr

c Cicmillt',

Ulc lalc.

IX.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATTOXR. 285

1757—1703.]

allowance of food : the soldiers received but half a Chapter
pound, and the inhabitants l^ut two ounces of bread
daily. Many kinds of domestic animals became nearly
extinct ; the whole couriiry was bare of vegetables,
poultry, sheep, and cattle. " If the soldier," writes
Montcalm to M. de Belle Isle, " received horseflesh
at Prague, he at least always had a pound and a half
of bread ; he has learnt to live here on half a pound,
and bore with it the more patiently, knowing that
his superiors (who, indeed, for money, have never
wanted for any food except bread) were reduced t.;
a quarter of a pound per day."*

M. Doreil writes from Quebec,! " We have been
limited since last summer to four ounces of broad a
day ; the people have been restricted to two ounces
since the first of this month." M. Daine, on the
19th May, addresses Marshal de Belle Isle : —

" Nothing is more melancholy or more afflicting
than the actual condition of tlie colony. After having
passed a part of last autumn and winter on a quarter
of a pound of bread per person a day, we are reduced
these six weeks past to two ounces. This country has
subsisted up to this time only by the wise and pru-
dent economy of our intendant ;]: but all resources
are exhausted, and we are on the eve of most
cruel famine, unless the succours which we are ex-
pecting from our monarch's boimt}' and liberality
arrive within fifteen days at the furthest.

"I am at a loss for terms to describe our mis-

* Montcalm to Belle Isle, April 18th, 1758.

t April 30th, 175H.

X M. (le Moiitcalra n;ave a different account of M. Bi<;ot.

tv:

W^'

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IX.

!]■■■

28G EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1757— ITna.

CiiArTEu fortunes. The supply of animals is beginning to fail ;
the butchers cannoc furnish a quarter of the bcrf
necessary for the subsistence of the town, thougli
they pay an exorbitant price for it. Without fowls,
vegetables, mutton, or veal, we are on the eve of
dying of hunger.

" To make up for the want of bread, beef, and the
other necessaries of life, our intendant has ordered
twelve or fifteen hundred horses to be purchased ;
these he has distributed among the poor of this town,
at a rate much below what they cost the king. He
is now having distributed among the same poor a
quarter of a pound of jiork and half a pound of cod-
fish a day ; but that cannot last long. The mechanics,
artizans, and day-labourers, exhausted by hunger,
absolutely cannot work any longer ; they are so feeble
that it is with difficulty that they sustain them-
selves."

The Marquis of Montcalm repeatedly urged these
and similar topics upon the government of France,
It was known to Marshal de Belle Isle that, in addition
to the material difficulties of Montcalm's situation, the
general was not supported by M. de Vaudreuil : to such
an extent was the misunderstanding carried, that the
commander-in-chief and the governor held no com-
munication with each other either on public or pri-
vate business. In Ajoril, 1759, just before Wolfe's
attack on Quebec, Montcalm writes to M. de Cremille ;
" I cannot tell 3^ou precisely how we ar j off foi pro-
visions and w^arlike stores. Ordinarily I learn the
fact only from the public, which informs me that we
are badly oft for the one and the other, miless we re-

t •!' !■ 'liii:.

iiaiii

Uig.

1757— ITOa
g to fail ;
tlie bc*f
, thongli
lUt fowls,
e eve nf

, and the
ordered

irchased ;

his town,
He
poor a

1 of cod-

echanics,
hunger,

so feeble

in tliem-

ged these
P B^ance.
1 addition
?ition, the
1 : to such
, that the
no com-
c Qv pri-
i Wolfe's
Crcmille ;
' fox pro-
learn tlie
e that we
!ss we re-

. 'H

IX.

1759

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 281

1757— 17(i.3.]

ceive powerful succours from Europe." But those Chapter
succours France was unwilling or unable to afford.
He had been informed in February by Marshal de
Belle Isle,* that he was not to expect reinforcements.
" Besides augmenting the scarcity of provisions which
you have only too much experienced up to the present
time, it would be much to be feared that they would
be intercepted by the English on the passage ; and as
the king could never send you assistance propor-
tionate to the forces the English are able to send
against you, the efforts which would be made here
would have no other effect than to excite the ministry
of London to still greater efforts to preserve the supe-
riority it had acquired in that part of the continent."
Montcalm was thus left, at his greatest need, to his
own resources. At the time when the Minister of
War sent his definitive announcement that nothing
was to be expected from home, the toils had surely
closed around the doomed force of the French. The
force at MontCitlm's disposal consisted of about lljOOO,!
of whom a large number were colony militia, a force
which Montcalm invariably spoke of with extreme
contempt. " Our government," he says, " is good
for nothing; money and provisions fail. Through
want of provisions, the English will begin first ; the
farms scarcely tilled ; cattle lack ; the Canadians are
dispirited ; no confidence in M. de Yaudreuil or in
M. de Bigot. M. de Yaudreuil is incapable of pre-
paring a plan of operations."

While such was the position of Montcalm, Pitt had

* Versailles, I9th lob., 1759, in the Department tie la CJuerre, Paris,
t Montreal, 12th April, 1759.

,«■.'

ri
ill

\ f •■

I:.

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{

288 EXODUS OP TIIH WESTERN NATIONS.

[1757—17(53.

CiiAi-TER pushed on the preparations for the English campaign
—ll with untiring energy. The plan which had nearly
succeeded in the preceding year was again adopted.
Amherst, the commander-in-chief, with the main body
of the army in America, was to advance from liis
cantonments at Crown Point, and to fight his way to
Montreal. Stanwix, with a force of manngeable size,
was to start from Pittsburg, and take possession of the
line of forts between the Ohio and the Niagara, which
was still held by Audry for the French. General
Prideaux was to advance through the woods, talce
Fort Niagara by storm, and then proceed with his
force northwards across Lake Ontario and down the
St. Lawrence to Quebec, joining as lie passed Montreal
the main body of Amherst's army. Wolfe was to
leave Louisburg as soon as the breaking-up of the ice
would permit the fleet to move, and operate directlv
by land and water against the fortifications of Quebec.
It was well observed by Lord Macaulay, that in
many of the expeditions planned by Pitt, there was
no evidence of profound or dexterous combination.
The warmest admirers of that great statesman's genius
will admit that, in the instance of the Canadian cam-
paign, the allegation was true. Great masters of the
art of war — Marlborough, Napoleon, Wellington —
have held it as an invariable axiom tliat the great
ciforts of a general should be directed, first, to dis-
cover the weak point of an enemy's line, and then to
attack that weak point with an overwhelming force.
Pitt's plan for the Canadian campaign was just the
reverse of this. Canada had three strong points upon
her frontier — Crown Point, wliich gave her the com-

rn7— I7f53.
.mpaign
. nearly
iclopted.
lin body
rom his
3 way to
He size,
n of the
a, wliicli
General
ds, take
with his
own the
Montreal
3 was to
>f the ice
I directly
Quebec,
that in
lere was
3ination.
s genius
lan cam-
rs of the
ngton —
he great
t, to dis-
then to
g force,
just the
[its upon
he com-

ix.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIOxVS, 289

1757—1763.]

mand of Lake Champlain and the Hudson, nnd Ciimt-er
with them easy access to the heart of New York ;
Niagara, which commanded the route to the south
and the west, and afforded a starting-place for the
great western fur-trade, and a base of operations
whence the military road through Le B(Deuf, Yenango,
and Pittsburg passed to the Mississippi and to
Louisiana ; and lastly, Quebec, the strongest natural
fortress, except Gibraltar, in the world. One point
on the Canadian frontier was particularly weak —
defenceless indeed, if Crown Point were once lost —
namely, the place where the Richelieu River falls
into the St. Lawrence at Montreal. The latter
town had no defences, and presented no facilities
for defence. The district around it was the most
highly cultivated and thickly-settled part of Ca-
nada ; if once the English were in possession of
Lake Champlain, they would have, by way of the
Hudson, the Lake, and the Richelieu, a broad and
smooth highway into Canada. With Louisburg in the
hands of English soldiers, and covered by an English
fleet, Quebec, cut off from the fertile country above it,
and from all access with France, would soon have
been starved into surrender. Instead of this obvious
plan, a plan which Montcalm, who knew better than
any other the weak points in his armour, thought
would certainly be adopted,* Pitt desired that the
English forces should be divided into three ; that

* Assurcilly the Kn,L:;liali will make an attack by Lakes St. Sacrcment
and Ontario .... the enemy's preparations are made, and absolutely
speaking, they mi;j;ht make llioniselves masters of Canada by these two
l)oints. — Memoir on tlte Defence of Canada, January, 17")!).

VOL. II. r

'U\

290

EXODUS OF TIIH WESTERN NATIONS.

¥•■■ '

;^i(V'

"li"

.tf'lM

[1757— 17n3.

Ghaptek each division slioiild be detached ai^ainst one of the
IX .

-^ strongest points on the enemy's hne, and trust to tlie

doubtful event of victory at all points, and delay at
none, for the possibility of ever eftecting its junction
with the rest. The scheme has the merit of boldness,
and the double merit of success ; but it may well be
doubted whether Quebec would have fallen in 1759 if
Amherst had been in the place of Wolfe.
1750 In the early summer, Admiral Saunders, with Wolfe
on board his fleet, made his way out of Louisburg-,
and arrived, without accident, at the island of Or-
leans, in the river below Quebec.

The first blow was struck on the Niagara frontier.
General Prideaux advanced on the fort, which was
held by Pouchot with six hundred men. Tlie de-
fences were now very different from the simple pali-
sade which :ad been made in the early days of the
colony by La Salle, or from the stockade which had
been built on the ruins of La Salle's post, by Denon-
ville. Prideaux found himself obliged to open
trenches and invest the place in regular form. The
besieged conducted themselves with great bravery :
repeated sorties were made with a view to raise the
siege ; but Prideaux' s forces were too numerous to be
repelled, and even the death of the English general,
which occurred by the bursting of a mortar in the
trenches, did but devolve the command on an officer
still more able and energetic. Sir AVilliam Johnson.
On the day of the siege, news came to Pouchot that
help '.vas at hand, M. d'Audry having assembled a
force of 1,200 men from Le Boeuf and Yenango. A
desperate fight took place in the woods between a

757—1703.

3 of the
St to the
delay at
junction
3oldiiess,
well l)e
1 1759 if

til Wolfe
Duisburg,
1 of Or-

frontier.
hieli was
The de-
iiple pali-
ys of the
hicli had
y Denon-
to open
m. The
bravery :
raise the
ous to be
general,
lY in the
in officer
Johnson,
ichot that
embled a
mgo. A
etwcen a

IX.

1750

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 291

1757—1763.]

portion of the besiegers and the relieving force, aided CiiArrKu
by a gallant sortie of the garrison ; but it was in
vain : Pouchot was at last obliged to surrender, and
to march out with his brave men, unarmed, as pri-
soners of war. The victory was so complete, that
Brigadier Stanwix was able to execute his part of the
combined operation, by taking possession of the line
of jiosts from Pittsburg to Niagara, without opjoosition.
Meanwhile the commander-in-chief was idling
away his time on Lake Champlain. Instead of push-
ing forward to Montreal, he allowed M. de Bourla-
maque, who had been detached by Montcalm more to
hold him for a moment in check, than with any ex-
pectation of arresting his advance, to keep him for a
month or more making fortifications, which would be
unnecessary if Quebec were taken, and worse tlian
useless if the attack failed. De Bourlamaque had
with him many of the nobility of Canada, men proud
of their rank, of their ancestry, and fighting for tlieir
families and their broad seigneur:.es. They did all
that could be done in the face of an army so vastly
superior in numbers to tlieir own ; they knew that
the whole of Canada had been levied e)i masse ; that
their army could not be recruited ; that even as it
was there were not men enougli to reap the harvest
round Montreal : but tliey were forced to give way,
and before the end of July, Crown Point was occu-
pied. Every one now supposed that Montreal would
be immediately attacked ; but Amherst let month
after month go by, without advancing. It was not
till the beginning of October that he jnit his army in
motion : he liad not moved many miles, when lie re-

II 2

''t'

■V

292

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

m''..

^V?■ .

.J I

.ji!

< •

[1757—1703.

Chapteb ceived intelligence of the c-lorioiis success of Wolfe

IX o o

— 1 before Quebec.

It is not necessary here to detail the incidents of
the siege ; the first repulse of the grenadiers of
Louisburg, at Montmorenci ; the sharp fight for tlio
possession of Point Levi. A grateful country remem-
bers well the incidents of that starlight night in Sep-
tember, when the English force dropped down in
breathless silence with the ebbing tide, towards the
scene of the next day's battle. A survivor of the
fight has told how their young commander, then
going to his death, repeated to the officers aroimd
him Gray's beautiful lines —

" Tlie boast of lieraldry, the pomp of power,
And all that beauty, all that wealth e'er gave,
Await alike the inevitable hour ;
The paths of glory lead but to the grave ;"

and said that he had rather have written that poem
than take Quebec. The Highlanders were the first
to land; they scrambled up the face of the cliff,
taking advantage of the low trees and brushwood
which then, as at this day, clothed its precipitous
sides. They were undiscovered till they had nearly
gained the summit : a minute more and they were in
possession of an entrenched post at the top of the
little pathway that Wolfe had selected for the passage
of his army. Before daylight the whole British force
had scrambled singly up the steep ascent, and formed
in order of battle on the plain above. From the spot
where they stood to the fortifications was about half
a mile of ground, then laid out in corn-fields, and
divided by rail-fences, which now forms the race-

■ m

757—1703.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 293

1757—1703.]

course of the garrison of Quebec. The right of tlie CnAinrR
Engh'sh rested on the precipice, and was formed by -11
the 35th Regiment; then came tlie Louisburg grena-
diers, wlio were destined that day nobly to retrieve
the disaster caused by their rash valour at Montmo-
reuci ; between them and the 43rd, wlio formed the
centre, stood the 28th ; then came the 47th and the
78tli. The extreme left, resting on a ridge which
overlooks the valley of the St. Charles, was held by
the 58th. General To wnshend commanded the second
line, in which were the 15th Regiment and the two
battalions of the Royal Americans. Colonel Burton
with the 48th Regiment formed the reserve.

The action was commenced by the French, who
appeared shortly after daybreak on the slopes under
the ramparts, and despatched a party of Canadians
and Indians into the brushwood on the face of the
cliff, and into a corn-field opposite the 35tli ; a couple
of field-guns at the same moment opened fire with
considerable effect.

Montcalm, who was in his intrenchments on the
St. Charles, could scarcely believe the messenger who
brought him intelligence of the position which the
Englisli had gained. At first he declared that it
must be a small party come to burn a few houses and
retire ; but he soon became convinced of his mistake,
and, instead of throwing himself with his army into
the almost impregnable fortifications of Quebec, he
adopted the almost incredible resolution of ad-
vancing to give battle to Wolfe on the plains before
the citv. It has been surmised that the dissensions
which existed between M. de Vaudreuil and himself

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1^94 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1757— 17G3.

CirAiTKu prompted tliis rash resolve, and that a taunt of the
—1 governor-gcnerars upon his personal courage stung
him into the imfortnnate exliibition of rashness, which
lost him the battle and his life.

The noble regiments of regular infantry, Bearne,
Guienne, La Sarre, Languedoc, and the Royal Rous-
sillon, and two battalions of the Marine, Montcalm
could depend upon to the last extremity : not so the
Canadian militia, of whom he had about 2,300, or the
Indians on whom he frequently declared he had no
reliance. The forces of the French amounted to 7,520
men, of whom half were militia. Wolfe had 4;828;
but every man of these was a trained soldier. In a
few minutes the victory was won, and the French were
in headlong retreat to the citadel into which they
poured through the St. John and St. Louis' gates,
closely pursued by the Highlanders, who made up by
their activity for their absence of cavalry. But the
generals on both sides were struck down. "Wolfe
was twice hit before he received his mortal wound,
and Montcalm was shot while trying in vain to rally
a body of fugitive Canadians who crowded into a
thicket near St. John's gate.

Message after message had been sent by Montcalm
to de Yaudreuil, who had with him 1,500 men in the
camp on the St. Charles ; but the governor fled with
precipitate haste to take refuge with de Levy at Mon-
treal, and left his brave colleague to perish unsup-
ported. M. de Ramsay, who commanded in the
absence of de Yaudreuil, by order of his chief, and by
the advice of his council of war, surrendered the j^hice
on the 18th of September. The same evening the

KXODUS (»F 'llll': WESTEUN NATKiNS. 205

1757— 17(;;J.]

LoLUMbiirg greiiudiurs mtirclied in preceded hy a de- Ciimteu

tacliiueiit t)t' artillery and one ji,'un, the carriage of —

wliicli was adorned by the British flag, which Avas

soon after hoisted on the highest ])oint of the citadel,

at the moment when a body of iMiglish seumen took

possession of tlie lower town.

America was wild with exultation at this signal
victory, nor was the news received with less enthu-
siasm in England. All seemed to prosper to which
Pitt put liis hand. AVithin the space of one year 1759
Englishmen heard how the negroes had assembled
on the heights of Gorce to see its forts surrender to
Commodore Keppel. Next came news that Guada-
loupe, the finest of tlie West Indian islands of Fr.'ince,
whose position gave it the command of all the neigh-
bouring seas, had surrendered to Barrington ; a
month later Johnson took Niagara, and Amherst,
Ticonderoga. On the Continent, the independence
of Hanover was secured by a victory over the French
at Minden, even more decisive than that won in the
previous year at Crevelt.

But the victory was costly. Statesmen on both
sides of the Atlantic perceived that to remove French
power from Canada was to take away a standing
menace from the American colonies, and to hasten
materially the period of their independence. While
the cession was still pending, many persons announced
the fact in tones of warning or of exultation, according
as they wished well or ill to the power of England.
Many of the consequences of the conquest had for
years been foreseen, and were recorded in terms which
were afterwards fulfilled with remarkable accuracy.

'■•^. h ' ^^'

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.1 .' t.* • '

t! -

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29G EXODUS OF THE WKSTEUN NxVTIONS.

[1757— ITr,;^.

CiiAiviiu The temper of tlie English colonies, and their resolu-
-1-^ tion to break with the mother-country at the first
available opportunity was no secret ; it was talked of
opeidy, and recorded as matter of fact by foreig-n
travellers, and of warning by English politicians.
Twenty-eight years before the declaration of inde-
pendence, soon after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, at
a time when American historians would have us be-
lieve that sincere loyalty animated the colonies,
Kalm, the Swedish professor of Aobo, put on record
that the people among whom he was sojourning,
leavened as they were with large numbers of French-
men, Germans, Swedes, and Dutch, had no love for
England, and meditated removing themselves from
her sway. He thus records the effect produced on
his mind by the language which was daily held
around him :* —

" It is of great advantage to the crown of England
that the North American colonies are near a country
under the government of the French like Canada.
There is reason to believe that the king never was in
earnest in his endeavours to expel the French from
their possessions there, though it might have been
done with little difficulty. For the English colonies
in this part of the world have increased so much in
their number of inhabitants, and in their riches, that
they almost vie with Old England. . . I have been
told by Englishmen, and not only by such as were
born in America, but even by such as came from
Eurojje, that the English colonies in North America,
in the sjjace of thirty or fifty years, would be able to

* Kalui, i. L'(j-1.

.iiH'i;!'

• l

KXOIH'S OF TIIH WESTEIIN NATIONS. 'JOT

1757—1703.]

form a state \>y tlieinsolves entirely iiidepeiKletit of Old CnvrTKn
lOiiglaiiJ. But as the whole country wliicli liesal«)ng* __
the shore is unguarded, and on the land side is ha-
rassed by the French, in times of Avar tliese dangerous
neighbours are sufticient to })revent the connection of
the colonies with the mother-country from being
quite broken off. The English governn^ent has there-
fore sufficient reason to consider the French in Noi'th
America as the best means of keeping the colonies in
their due submission."

Nor were there wanting voices among our own
people to proclaim the result of the policy of Pitt.
Lind, a lawyer of eminence, who took an active part
in the discussions which arose at the time of the
American war, describes a conversation which he
had held wit^i the Ambassador of France at Constan-
tinople in 17G3.

" The French," he says,* " seem to have been better
acquainted with the temper of the North American
colonies than we ourselves. Upon looking over some
rough draughts of letters I had written to some friends
in England from Constantinople (where I was at the
close of the last war), I found in one of them an
account of a conversation I had at that time (viz.,
early in the year 17G3) with M. de A^'ergennes, then
Ambassador from the Court of France at the Porte,
and now Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. ' You
are happy,' says he, ' in the cession of Canada : we
perhaps ought to thirdi ourselves happy that you

■-4^

i:.

* Three Letters to Dr. Price : by ii JMcmber of Lihcoln's Inn. London,
1770, ]). 137. Tlie pamphlet is anonymous, but is attributed on good
authority to Lind.

'\M

IX.

■' ! ' .

Kv '

MX^^

"If

298 EX()1>US OF THE WKS'J'EJIX NATIONS.

[I7r)7— iTi;;',.

CiiAiiKii luivc acquired it. Delivered from a neighbour tliey
have feared, your other colonies will soon discover
tliat they no longer need your protection. You will
call on them to contribute tow^ards supporting tlio
burden they have lielped to bring upon you, and tiiey
will answer you by shaking off all dependence."

At the very time of the conquest, warnings were
not wanting. A letter* attributed to Pulteney, Earl
of Bath, had appeared, strongly urging the retention
of Canada, at the peace which then appeared near at
hand. Tt was answered by onef in which the follow-
ing passage occurs: —

" If, sir, the people of our colonies find no check
from Canada, they will extend themselves almost
without bounds into the inland parts. They arc
invited to it by the pleasantness, the fertility, and the
plenty of that country, and they w ill increase infinitely
from all causes. What the consequences will be, to
have a numerous, hardy, independent people, pos-
sessed of a strong country, communicating little, if at
till, with England, I leave to your own reflections.
... I will only observe that by eagerly grasping at
extensive territory, we may run the risk, and tliat
perhaps at no very distant period, of losing what we
now possess. The possession of Canada, far from
being necessary to our own safety, may in its conse-
quences be even dangerous : a neighbour that keeps
us in some awe is not always the worst of neighbours.
Bo far from sacrificing Guadaloupe to Canada, \)vY'

* Letter to Two Oreat Men on tlic Tros])ccts ol' Peace. 1700.
t I'eiiiiirks oil llio Letter to Two Great Muu. No date. V. 51 (attribuled
to William lUirko).

EXODCS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. '.^09

1757— 17G3.]

haps, if we might liave Canada without any sacrifice Cuai-tku
at all, we ought not to desire it." — ^

But the clearest view of all was given by the
Marquis of Montcalm, a few months before the
capture of Quebec, in a letter to his friend and
cousin, M. Mole, President of the Parliament of Paris.
j\Iontcalm looked u[)on colonies from a completely
French point of view, as machines to be worked for
tlie benefit of the mother-country ; but the clearixess
with which he appreciated the character of the
English, the temper of the Aiiglo-AmericaiK^; and
the course of events which he did not live to see, is
most remarkable : —

" Old England has been foolish enough and dupe
enough to allow them to establish arts, trades, and
manufactures for themselves. In other words, she
has permitted them to break the chain of necessities
which bound them to her, and which makes them
dependent. All these English colonies would long
ago have shaken off the yoke, each province would
have formed a little independent republic, if the fear
of seeing the French at their gates had not restrained
them. Master for master they prefer their country-
men to foreigners ; acting, nevertheless, ii]3on the
maxim to obey as little as they may. But if Canada
were conquered, and the Canadians and these colo-
nists formed but one people, think you, my dear
cousin, that on the first occasion, when Old England
appeared to touch their interests, the colonists wc^uld
o])ey? What would they have to fear if they
revolted ? I cannot conceal the fact that Old England
with a little management would be able always to

' 'I

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' ¥ S.

PFOi*

300

EXODUS OF THE WESl'ERN NATIONS.

sfl.

II:

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i
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■ I .. 1

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[1757—17(53.

Cjiaptkr keep in her hards a tahsman, for bringing her
— ^ ancient colonies to reason. The riches, the strength,
and the nnmber of inhabitants of Canada, are as
nothing comjjared with the EngHsh colonies ; but the
bravery, tlie industry, and the fidelity of its inha-
bitants supply tlieir place so well, that for a century
past they have fought with success against them all.
Ten Canadians are worth a hundred English colonists ;
daily experience proves the fact. If Old England,
after conquering Canada, knew how to attach it to
herself, and by benefits wisely conferred, to preserve
it for herself alone ; if she left to it its religion, its
laws, its language, its customs, its ancient govern-
ment ; Canada divided on all these points from the
other colonies would always remain an isolated
country, which would never take part in their
intrigues. But that is not British policy. When
the English make a conquest, they consider it incum-
bent upon them to change its constitution ; they
bring to it their laws, their customs. Behold, then,
the Canadians transformed into politicians, merchants,
men infatuated with that pretended liberty, which
among the English populace so often degenerates into
licence and anarchy. I am so sure of what I write,
that I would not give ten years after the conquest of
Canada for its accomplishment. That is what con-
soles me^ as a Erenchman, for the imminent danger
which my country runs of losing this colony."

Nor was it long before the prediction of Montcalm
becaii to take effect.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

301

17G3— 1783.]

CHAPTER X.

DECLARATION OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.

[17G3— 1783.]

Conciliatory Character of Englisli Legislation with regard to America up to
the time of the Treaty of Fontainebleaii — 'Change in English Policy
after that date — Pitt— The King, the House of Commons — Adminis-
tration of Grenville — Progress of discontent in America — The Stamp
Act — Lord Rockingham's Administration — Reaccession of Pitt to
Power — Measures which resulted in the War of American Inde-
pendence.

It has been shown that a tendency towards separa- CiiArrKn
tion naturally follows the development of a free _L_
nation. In the case of the Anglo-American colonies,
desire for independence was the consequence of
approaching maturity, and not of any peculiar harsh-
ness on the part of the dominant country. Indepen-
dently of unjust legislation, a determination to bo
free arose and gathered strength ; whatever had been
the course of legislation, that resolve would sooner
or later have been acted upon. It was formed when
the behaviour of England was uniformly concilia-
tory ; and though its fulfilment was no doubt hastened
by the injustice of English legislation, subsequent
to 1TG3, the time only, and not the occurrence of
disruption, was affected by the change of policy.
TJie colonies liad iu fact grown up; tlic time had

iri-

1703

302 EXODUS OF TUB WESTERN NATIONS.

[1763—1783.

CiiAiTKR como, when, by means fair or foul, tliey would have
contrived to establish for themselves an independent
position. Proof has been advanced, that the rela-
tions between Great Britain and America — according
to the state of political science — had been up to that
time wise and kind ; it is fully conceded that from
the time of the Treaty of Fontainebleau, a very
different spirit animated the councils of England.
The course of government was tyrannical and ill-
judged ; legislation, such as that adopted by the
advisers of George III. after the dismissal of Pitt,
acting upon a temper prepared like that of the
Americans to fire up at the least offence, was at once
fatal to the continuance of British power.

If it be permissible to speculate on what might
have been, it may be said that after the cession, of
Canada, two alternatives seem to have been open to
the statesmen of this country : — to prolong for a few
years the connection between the metropolis and the
colonies, by mild and conciliatory legislation, by
sacriiiciiig tJie dearly-cherished monopoly of trade, by
raising the colonies to a position much nearer equality
with the dominant country ; these concessions might
have purchased the opportunity of choosing a favour-
able opportunity for amicable sej^aration. The other
alternative was to strain to their utmost tension the
laws of trade, to disregard remonsti-ance, to overawe
resistance by military force, and in the last extrenu'ty,
to decide by an appeal to arms, whether England
should rule over a conquered people, or lose alto-
gether the last shadow of ])ower over tlieir destinies.
There was no middle course; lor nothing short of

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

303

1763—1783.]

absolute independence would long have satisfied the CirAiTEn
colonies. 1—

At the time of the taking of Quebec, Pitt was 17.")i)
minister in England, Choiseul in France. Pitt, by
his able conduct of war, and the vast sums which he
was able to dispose of, raised England from a position
degraded and disregarded, in Europe, to the height of
glory : soon the end was forgotten, and the means
pursued for their own sake ; the minister began to
delight in war and costly armaments; successful
military operations raised th.e humbled pride of the
nation ; Pitt became the idol of the people, and from
day to day his will became more absolute, his temper
more unyielding.

Choiseul found France gradually diminishing in
strength ; her colonies were destroyed, her fleet
vanquished, her treasury bankrupt. He w^as strongly
inclined for peace, to which the English statesman
was still more strongly opposed. Pitt ouce would
have been " satisfied to see France on her knees ;
now he would not be content till he had laid her on
her back :" he opposed the peace with France with 1702
such violence, that he preferred leaving office rather
than figree to it.

In 1760 King George II. was succeeded by his
grandson. The new king had been brought up by
the Princess Dowager of Wales witli exaggerated
views of the royal prerogative, and was endowed by
nature with an unbending obstinacy of temper which
could ill brook the haughty dictation of Pitt. The ])e-
culiar tenets which had been instilled into the mind of
George III. were all based on the assumption that the

■-•'— — ■ — ^— —

|<v,.' ;•
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i '

804 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1703—1783.

CiiAiTKit king ouglit to be the first and greatest power in the
state ; liis wliole policy was nullified by the fact that
the thing assumed was impossible. It was easy to
point to the House of Commons, and to declare that a
body so notoriously and grossly venal ought not to
be the most powerful body in a well-balanced system :
the disease was undeniable, but the remedy was hard
to find. It was vain for the king to study the re-
commendations of his favourite author,* to resolve
that he would not allow any body of men to dictate
to him, that he would surround himself with the best
men without respect to party, that he would by the
exercise of his authority put an end to faction and to
the system of bribing members of parliament. The
House of Commons sat with closed doors, and held the
power of causing every battalion in the king's pay to
be disbanded, and every part of the machinery of his
government to be brought to a dead lock. Preroga-
tive such as that which he desired could only be
exercised by a king who was really stronger than the
body he intended to coerce ; but power in the reign
of George III. had passed out of the hands of the
monarch without being placed, as it is now, in the
hands of the people. The House of Commons then
was iiractically an irresponsible body holding the chief
power in the state. Hopeless as the contest was be-
tween the king and his parliament, George III. em-
barked in it with all his might, and the accidents of
the struggle decided the fate of the Anglo-American
empire. The king's views were to get rid one by one
of the ministers who held power by virtue of their

■■* Bolin'j;lir()kc'. I'iitriot Kiivj.

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3— ITBa.

in tlio
ct that
lasv to
that a
not to
)^stcm :
,s hard
tlic re-
rcsolvc
dictate
be best
by the
and to
t. The
licldthe
3 pay to
ty of liis
reroga-
)nly be
an the
e reign
of the
in the
ms then
le chief
was be-
ll, em-
dents of
Qierican
Q by one
of their

1758

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 305

17G3— 1783.]

predominance in pirUament, and to replace them by Chapteu
creatures of his own, t)rough wliom he could govern
at his will. The scheme was a hopeless anachronism,
and never really endangered for a moment the
liberties of the country, but it was pursued with a
tenacity which exercised a disastrous influence on
current events.

The first object of the court was to get rid of Pitt.
That minister and the Duke of Newcastle, after quar-
relling bitterly during the last years of George II.,
had each constructed a ministry separately, and failed,
each for want of the strength in which the other most
abounded. At length they determined to unite, and
their union formed a government stronger than any
that had existed in England since the days of Queen
Anne, The power of England increased to an unex-
ampled extent under the energetic management of
Pitt; the parliament of England, under the judicious
manipulation of Newcastle, met but to follow the lead
of ministers, and to vote witliout a murmur the enor-
mous sums required for their gigantic schemes. The
heads of all the great Whig houses, Cavendish, Len-
nox, Wentworth, Granville, and Russell, were either
members of the government or its warm supporters.
Henry Fox was Paymaster of the Forces. It was this
powerful party that lay in the way of the king's de-
signs. The Earl of Bute, who had shared with the
Princess Dowager of Wales the charge of the educa-
tion of the king, was now the willing instrument of
his designs. Almost immediately after the king's
accession, Bute became Secretary of State, and the
confidential, almost the sole, adviser of his master,
vol.. u. X

»' ii

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■I-

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i'lft

306 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

OuAPTEK Overtures for peace, made on l)e]ialf of the Kino; of
France by Clioisenl, were received witli eagerness by
the king, and with great disfavour by Pitt. It be-
came tlien a matter of the utmost moment with tlio
king to lead the majority of the cabinet to advise a
peace in whicli Pitt won kl refuse to concur, and whicli
woukl consequently compel him to withdraw. It was
impossible to dismiss him, for his popularity was so
great that such a course would be in the highest
degree unsafe ; but he might gradually l)e surrounded
by enemies, and placed in a position where he would
have no option but to resign. The king began
his operations on the first day of his reign ; the speech
with which he met his parliament was written by
Bute, and was not submitted to the cabinet. It was
with difHculty that Pitt could obtain the alteration of
a statement respecting the war, inserted expressly to
annoy the minister, and as Pitt declared, false in
fact. Legge, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was
the first to go. The other members of the cabinet,
all of whom were disgusted by,the extreme arrogance
with which Pitt forced hip, own views on his colleagues,
were soon, with the exception of Lord Temple, in-
duced to side against him. Choiseul, on the part of
France, was sincerely desirous of peace. lie pro-
posed that each power should remain in possession
of the territory it had wrested from the other : this
proposal would have left England in possession of
Canada, of Senegal, of the vast dominion wrested by
Clive from Dupleix, in India, and would have given
nothing to France in exchange but La Galissoniere's
conquest, Minorca. But Pitt demanded in addition

.(, - ■'

(► .

EXODUS OF TIIK WESTERN NATIONS. 307

17(i3— 1783.]

the demolition of Dunkirk, the absolute cession of tlie Chapter
Newfoundland fisheries, the possession by England of JL
half the neutral islands, St. Lucia and Tobago, the
entire control of the slave trade, and freedom to assist
the King of Prussia against the Austrians, who were
busily engaged in driving King Frederick out of
Silesia. Such terms, even in the extremity to which
France was now reduced, could not be accepted.
Choiseul declared that he would resign his post rather
than sign a treaty so disgrae3ful to his country : the
King of England and the majority of the cabinet were
willing to grant much more favourable terms, and
indeed would have agreed to anything that should
drive Pitt from office. For a consideral)le time the
haughty minister was able to hold out against the
united power of the king and his colleagues ; he was,
however, at lengtli outvoted on a vital point. The
King of Spain, when formerly on the throne of the
Two Sicilies, had been harshly treated by an English
captain at the command of Pitt. He had been forced
to yield, but his ruling passion from that time had
been hatred to England. While Pitt was fighting
against peace in the cabinet, the ministers of France
and Spain were busily engaged in negotiating the
terms of a treat v which should bind the two countries
to an alliance, offensive and defensive, against the
power of England. Pitt was well aware of this
negotiation. He knew that Spain was expecting a
vast supply of specie from America ; he foresaw that
if this money was allowed to reach the Spanish
treasury, and the two Bourbon kings were in close
alliance, they might compel England to grant far

X 2

^ I

'ft

■■{il
' ,' 1

I • •

'^}

''I

308

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

. '■*

y.:

[1703—178.'?.

CuArTEii better terms tlian those tliev were now willing to

_1_ accept : he tlierefore proposed to declare war with

Spain, and at once to intercept tlieir treasure sliips.

Tin's proposal was rejected in the cabinet, and Pitt

resigned.

But the triumph in which the court indulged was
premature. Pitt's bold policy had so long prevailed,
that the only hope of security was to continue it. To
draw back was to incur certain danger, which could
only be averted by an exhibition of vigour. Tlio
treasure ships came to port : France and Spain signed
the family compact ; and the nation found itself em-
barked in a war with Spain, without the assistance of
Pitt to carry it through. Newcastle unwillingly
followed Pitt into retirement, and Bute, in pursuance
of his royal master's policy, assumed the direction of
affairs. He had great difficulty from the first in
maintaining the position he had assumed. The
Spanish war was popular, and it w^as known that Pitt
had designed it. No one was so well able as he to
carry it to a successful issue. Every success which
was acquired by the English arms was popularly
ascribed to Pitt, and every reverse to the government.
The peace, which was concluded in 17G3, w^as far more
favourable to France than any that could have been
hoped for even from Bute himself in 17G1. The
ministry sunk to zero in the popular estimation. Pitt
was carried into the House of Commons, in the midst
of an attack of gout, and spoke with such energy as
he C(juld command against the peace. Bute, in order
to obtain a majority in favour of the peace, had been
compelled to ally himself with Henry Fox. The

3— ITSf?.
iiig to
ir witli
ships.
id Pitt

ed was
sv ailed,
it. To
1 conld
. The
L signed
iclf cm-
tance of
illingly
rsuancc
iction of
first in
. The
hat Pitt
as he to
is which
)pularly
rnment.
'ar more
bve been
The
n. Pitt
le midst
lergy as
in order
ad hcon
le

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

30'.)

17G3— 1783.]

ministry which boasted of the purity of its principles
— which declared that since the young king came to
the throne no Englishman had been brihed — now
resorted to bribery to an extent which had never be-
fore been seen. By fair means or foul a majority was
obtained ; but Bute was so alarmed and disgusted by
the treatment which he had been forced to put up
with in office, that he suddenly resigned his post, and
the king, after some hesitation, entrusted the forma-
tion of a ministry to George Grenville.

To the despotic and arbitrary temper of the new
minister, the tyrannical measures that finally estranged
America are due. He was a man of great formality
and gravity, but gifted with a fatal fluency, both of
ideas and words, that made him the terror of his
friends, and of no one more than his royal master : to
the end of his life the king looked back on the inter-
minable harangues of his minister with horror. To
fear and to sensibility Grenville's nature was equally
inaccessible. It was unfortunate for England and for
America that, at a time when war might by concilia-
tion and kindness have been averted, the throne was
occupied by a prince arbitrary and stubborn beyond
precedent, and the chief power of the state wielded
by a minister as unyielding and more narrow-minded
than his master.

Immediately after the conclusion of peace it was
announced that a standing army was to be kept on
foot in America, and that the colonies were to be
required to pay a considerable portion of the expense
of the last war.

The colonies were at that moment in the midst

CllAl'TKIt

' ! '

It'

■'b

r.l

310 EX0DU8 OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[17Ca— 17M3.

CuAnEu of" a dispute arising out of tlie laws of trade. The
— '- Custom-house olHcers petitioned tlie Supreme Court
of Judicature, statiuo; that they could not fully ex-
ercise their ofHccs in such manner as his Majesty's
service and the laws in such case required, niid
praying that the court, according to the usage of the
Court of Exchequer of Great J5ritain, would grant
writs of assistance to aid tliem in the execution oi'
their duty. This application, supported by the king's
attorney, was o})posed on behalf of the city of
Boston, l^y James Otis, a man who afterwards became
famous for his writings and speeches in favour of
American independence. His eloquence on this
occasion roused the passions of the Bostonians to the
highest pitch, and induced Massachusetts to believe
that a direct attack was meditated upon their liberties.
In the midst of this ferment intelligence was ^'eceived
that the government had at last decided on the plan
of taxing the colonies.

The cessation of the Canadian war had filled the
provinces with soldiers and officers, all accustomed to
active service, and unwilling to subside again into
the routine of peaceful life. There ""'as also in every
province a formidable body of efficient and resolute
militia. These, in almost every instance, were ani-
mated by anything but a friendly feeling towards
the English regulars, who were in the habit of
laughing at their unmilitary aj^pearance and pecu-
liarities of pronunciation, without remembering their
effectiveness in bush fighting and skirmishing. There
was every fear that, the old danger from Canada
having disappeared, and a ready weapon being in

■a. ii''

EXODUS OF TIIK WKSTEIJN NATIONS. .",11

17);;{— 1783.]

tlid lifuuls of tlie coloni'stH, tliey ini_<i;lit l>e iiuluciMl to ciimtku
appeal to urnis witliont duo deliheration. Uiidei-
tlieso circumstances it behoved tlie ji^ovGrninout to l»e
doubly careful and conciliatory; but nothing was
further from Georj^e Grenville's thou_£:;hts or from
the thoughts of (ieorge III. than conciliation. It
was not yet known what was the scheme of the
Knglish nn'nistry for raising a revenue, but every-
body was well aware that some such scheme was
entertained. The Puritans of New England resorted
to their old tactics, and endeavoured to raise the
genei'al discontent by asserting that it was the inten-
tion of the government to introduce the Established
Church into Xew England, and subject them all to
the hierarchy. In Massachusetts this announcement
had the eftect only of increasing the distrust with
which parties regarded each other ; but in A^irginia
the result w^asmore serious. The Church of England
was there already estaljlished by law, and the clergy
were provided for by a " parson's due," as it was
called, which, owing to the scarcity of silver, was
paid in tobacco. The Dissenters and democrats first
used all their influence to commute the tithes at the
low rate of twopence for each pound of tobacco, and
afterwards to reduce the amount of tithes thus settled
to a point which rendered them insufficient to support
the incumbents. It was in vain that the clei'gy ap-
pealed. The law was clear, but no jury \vould give
a verdict in their favour; and at length the legis-
lature went so far as to vote money to defend any
action which the Churchmen might bring. From
this and similar causes distrust and disaffection soon

■'-N

f» .

312 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[17G3— 1783.

Chatter became general throughout the colonies ; the scheme
-1— of transatlantic taxation kept every one on the ten-
terhooks of expectation, and at length a feeling arose
with respect to it which would have made a wise
minister pause long and deliberate maturely before
he braved it.

It would have occurred to most minds to reflect
that a tax such as it was intended to impose, were it
a hundred times as productive as it was likely to be,
would never repay the cost of collection from an un-
willing people : still less would it be worth while,
in an economical point of view, to incur the risk of
quarrel for the ]3urpose of enforcing it. Even if the
scheme had been of unquestioned legality, which it
was not, it would have appeared to most men inju-
dicious. But the stevn and narrow mind of Grenville
had no room for such reflections. He argued that
parliament was the supreme power in the empire,
and that what the monarch desired and parliament
sanctioned was law from one end of the King of
England's dominions to the other. He had no notion
of that higher law which supersedes the mere letter
of the statute-book, and which teaches that govern-
ment of a free people must be administered in the
interest of the governed, or else fall to the ground.
The Americans were unanimously resolved not to be
taxed ; to continue the attempt to tax them was
only to provoke opposition, which the experience of
every day proved more clearly would result in open
quarrel. Grenville knew well that his scheme would
be met with resistance. He determined to overawe
resistance by military force, and an army of ten

( ■

•M

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 313

1763-1783.]

tliousand men was ordered to prepare for service in
the colonies.

No time was lost in putting again into vigorons
action those laws of trade which had been suffered to
fall into disuse during the seven years' war. Orders
were issued to the officers of the fleet which were
stationed on the American coast to confiscate every
ship that vas engaged in the cmuggling trade. A
very lucrative traffic, in direct contravention of the
navigation law, was at that time carried on between
the American provinces and the colonies of Spain on
one side, and between New England and the French
West Indian islands on the other. With the Spanish

province;: the colonies exchanged their own and
British manufactures, against gold and silver, me-
dical drugs, dye stuffs, and live stock ; with the
French the New Englanders bartered their njitive
productions against the rum, sugar, and molasses of
the French planters. This traffic had hitherto been
connived at by the Custom-house officials : but the
naval commanders, stimulated by the hope of prize-
money and urged on by stringent orders from home,
now seized the ships engaged in it, whether belong-
ing to subjects or foreigners, and speedily paralyzed
the trade. While the public [mind was still agitated
by this high-handed proceeding, Grenvilh ventured
on another step in advance. Duties were imposed,
for the avowed purpose of compelling America to
contribute joart of the cost of the last war, on molasses
and syrups, and an additional duty upon white sugars
of the growth of any foreign American })lantation.
This Act, connnonly called the Sugar Act, was

>'i

ClIAlTER
V

r-]

'} .

If;-

314

EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS.

%T-

■■*4

.«^

h. ;

,•',

It ',

■ \ •'

[176.",— 1783.

Chaiteb strictly enforced by the naval officers on the Anie-
— L rican station, and pi'oduccd the ntmost consternation
among the people. Vast nnmhers of merchants were
ruined, the business of the fishery in ^lassachusetts
was broken up l)y the want of money to pay the
men, large fleets of merchantmen rotted idly at tlie
quays, crowds of seamen were thrown out of employ.
The vessels employed to carry fish to Spain and
Portugal were freighted with the plant which had
carried on the fisheries and sold in foreign harbours;
and, more than all, a virtual monopoly of the fishery
was given to France, which was relieved by the
action of our own government from any form of
English competition.

Englisli merchants trading with the plantations
fared nearly as badly as the colonists. They could
collect no debts, for the means of carrying on their
trade were destroyed. They could dispose of no
cargo, for their correspondents were reduced to beg-
gary. But the English minister looked on unmoved.
He saw that it would be impossible to obtain con-
victions for breach of the oj^pressive law which he
had framed, if cases in which it was infringed were
tried in the colonies to which the delinquent be-
longed. Vice-admiralty courts all over America
were therefore directed to take cognizance of such
cases on the spot where the infraction of the law took
place. I'hus, a trial b}^ jury might be taken awa\',
and a defendant forced from one end of the conti-
nent to another to support his claim in a Court of
Vice-admiralty, at an expense, perhaps, out of all
proportion to the value of the property in question.

3—1783.

I Aine-
•iiatioii
iS were
liiisetts
ay the

at the
iinploy.
in and
ch had
rhours ;

fishery
by the
x)rm of

ntations
y could
pn tlieir
of no
to beg-
iinoved.
im con-
hich he
ed were
lent be-
Vnierica
of such
aw took
n awav,
e conti-
Jourt of
It of all
estion.

P:X0DUS of the western nations. 315

17G3— 1783.]

Strong and energetic remonstrance arose all over Chmteu
the country^ and concerted action began to be talked
of. A pamphlet by James Otis, entitled, " The
Rights of the British colonies asserted," was read in
the Assembly of Massachusetts. Similar tracts ap-
peared in Rhode Island, Maryland, and A'irginia.
Petitions to parliament poured in. That from New
York was couched in such strong language that no
member of i)arliament would undertake to present it.
In Virginia the representatives agreed upjon a peti-
tion to the King, a memorial to the House of Lords,
and a remonstr.jice to the Ministry against the
ruinous course they were pursuing.

The effect produced in England was curious.
Many considered that the minister had gone too far,
and that the Americans were being goaded into
rebellion. Two acts were passed, with a view of con-
ciliating the colonies ; one, for granting a bc)unty
on the imi)ortation of hemp from America into Great
Britain ; another for encouraging tlie whale fishery.
But the rigid enforcement of the laws of trade were
a present and sensible evil, the effects of the concilia-
tory acts could only be remote ; the concession was
attributed to fear, and the remonstrances poured in
against the trade laws more fiercely than ever.

Grenville was now bent, with stubborn energy, upon
his favourite scheme. The Stamp Act, in spite of
some resistance, was passed by an immense majorivy.
The news reached Virginia while the House was in
session. Patrick Henry, afterwards so famous during
the revolution, denounced it with such fiery elo-
(pience, that he was interrupted by a cry of treason.

,' -I

nib ;;

If ^ ■

m.-

.•»! .'.'

"^ ';:iPf|

;

|i-— '^'ffl

if^' '. 'f

if':''''' '■'

'".r«

310 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[17G3— 178.'?.

CiiAiTER Yet lie said notliiiifj: tliat was not said a thousand
X. . . .

-1_ times, and with still more angry emphasis during the

next few weeks. The act was received with a roar
of execration from one end of British America to the
other.

There never could have been any well-grounded
hope that the Stamp Act would have been quietly
submitted to. Notice had been given of the intention
to pass it through parliameiit, and the delay had
been sufficient to allow all who were disaffected to
the British Government to organize their plans of
resistance. AVhen the news of the bill having re-
ceived the royal assent reached Boston, the ships in
harbour hoisted their colours half-mast high ; the
Ixdls rang a muffled peal ; and copies of the act itself,
with a death's-head printed in the place where the
stamp is usually affixed, were hawked for sale about
the streets.* Copies of it were burned by the mob
in various places throughout the country. The
thanks of the House of Assembly of Massachusetts
were voted to General Conway and Colonel Barre,
who had strenuously opposed its passage through the
House of Commons ; and many persons, supposed to
favour the ministry, were hung in effigy on the
branches of a great elm that stood in the market-
place in Boston, and which received the name of
Liberty Tree. Sermons were preached on the signi-
ficant text, " I would that they v/ere even cut off"
that trouble you;" and a mob, maddened by excite-
ment and liquor, burned the houses of many of the
king's officers, and destroyed not only the public

* llalibui'lon. Rule and Misrule in America.

r
c
i

EXODUS OP THE WESTERN NATIONS.

317

3—178.'}.

iig tlio
a roar
to tlie

blinded
cfiietly
teiition
ij had
cted to
laiis of
iiif^^ re-
Oiips ill
;li; the
3t itself,
lere the
about
he mob
The
chusetts
Barre,
igh the
wsed to
on the
niarl^et-
aiiie of
le signi-
cut off
excite-
of the
! pubhc

(ii.>-

-1783.]

files and records, but their private papers. In one of Chapter
the towns of New Hampshire, a coffin, bearing the _1_
inscription, " Liberty, aged CXLT. years," was car-
ried to tlie grave, attended by two unbraced drums,
and an oration was pronounced in honour of the
deceased. In Connecticut the collector of stamps was
burned in a^gy : so great was the excitement that
tliat officer, as w^ell as the newly-appointed collector
for New York, resigned his situation. Lieutenant-
Governor Colden's carriage was carried through the
city, and drawn up beneath a gallows on the com-
mon, upon which a figure, made to represent the
governor, was hanged with a stamped bill of lading
in one hand, and a drawing of the Devil in the
other. After allowing the offigy to hang for a con-
siderable time, the mob made the whole pageantry,
including the carriage and the gallows into a bonfire,
which they set on fire amidst loud acclamations.
All over the country similar indications of popular
feeling took place. The stamp collectors were every-
where forced by the " sons of liberty" to resign their
offices, and take refuge in flight. In Virginia the
stamp-master had the option of resigning or seeing
his house burnt down, and, on his choice of the former
alternative, all the bells of Jamestown were set
ringing, and the town was illuminated.

The more sedate portion of the inhabitants,
though they took, of course, no part in the mere
action of tlie mob, were no less inflexibly bent on
resistance. An association was formed for the non-
coiisuiuption or importation of Britisli manufactures.
b]ncouragemont was given in defiance of Enghsli

.■'P.

f^nSHBH

I) ■'

Jvlr,

ki ■'

318 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1708—178:5.

CHAiTi^n laws to American mami fa v^turos. Citizens of all ranks
_1_L appeared in tlie ^'treets, dressed in homespun materials,
and even ladies bound themselves .solemnly to wear
nothing tliat was not made in the colonies. Nor -was
this the only important step that was taken. The
General Court at Boston, taking into consideration
the state of public affairs, passed a resolution that it
was expedient that there should be as soon as pos-
sible a meeting of committees from the House of
Representatives or Burgesses in each of the several
colonies of the continent, to consult together on
their circumstances, and the difficulties to wliich
they were reduced by the late acts.* They then
agreed that the first meeting of the general congress
should be at New York, and directed letters to be
forthwith prepared and transmitted to the resjiective
speakers of the several houses of representatives to
advice them of the resolution, and tc invite them to
join, by their committee, in the meeting. Tlie com-
mittee of the House of Assembly cf Massachusetts,
who were instructed to take steps for carrying these
resolutions into effect, proceeded by a unanimous
vcye to adopt several propositions which have acquired
great celebrity as forming the basis of all subsequent
declarations of American rights. They asserted that
there were certain essential rights common to man-
kind, founded in the law of Cxod and nature, and
recognized by the British Constitution. That the
inhabitants of the colonies were entitled to those
rights, and that no law could deprive them of the
enjoyment of them. That no man is entitled to

* BiUicroft, I'il.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 319

ITO.'i— 1783.]

take tlie property of anotlier'vitliout liis own consent, CuArrER
and that on tliis principle is founded the right of
representation in tlie same body which made hiv/s
for raising taxes. That having taxes to pay for the
siii)port of their own government, it was nnjust to
expect them to assist in supporting that of England.
That as the representation of America in the English
parliament was impossible, it followed that America
ought to be permitted to exercise all the powers of
legislation on its own behalf.

Combinations against the trade of England soon
became general. Merchants bound themselves, by
the most solemn engagements, not to import any
goods from Great Britain, to recall all orders alroatly
given, and not to dispose of any articles sent to them
on commission. The people of Philadelphia also
passed a decree that no lawyer should sue for money
owing by Englishmen to persons In America, nor
should any one owing money in England presume to
pay his debt. ^laiiy Americans came to a resolution
not to eat mutton lest the supply of wool should
fail, nor to deal with any butcher who should ex-
pose sheep for sale. The most fashionable persons
were content to set an example to their countrymen
by dressing themselves in homespun clothes ; and
many who had formerly been conspicuous for their ad-
herence to British fashions and materials, now made
themselves equally remarkable by the eagerness with
which they assumed the outward garb of patriotism.

On the appointed day, committees from nine colo-
nies met at New York, and the congress was orga-
nized by the appointment of a president. Tn the

•j^^

■■li

■■|i.

iL.i

If '■

320 EXODUS OF TUE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1TG3— 1783.

CiurTER course of a few weeks, a " Declaration of the rights
and grievances of tlie colonies " was agreed to and
trajismittcd to England. The resolutions found the
English parliament in a very different temper to that
which had dictated their arrogant replies to former
remonstrance. The king had long felt for Grenville
great dislike, and recent insults had increased that
feeling to positive hatred. His Majesty first had re-
course to Pitt ; and, finding his old servant imprac-
ticable, by the advice of his uncle, the Duke of
Cumberland, he intrusted the formation of a ministry
to the Marquis of Rockingham. This nobleman was
of a younger generation than the Whigs whom Pitt
had displaced, or the party by which he had himself
been displaced. The party which he led had, in
17G5, never yet been in office, and its members num-
bered in their ranks but few persons who could bring
strength to the government in the way of oratory or
of official experience. But among them was one who
was destined to excel in oratory the most celebrated
members of the assembly in which he w^as now for
the first time introduced : Edmund Burke was brought
into parliament by the influence of Lord Rocking-
ham, and appointed secretary to the minister.

When Rockingham took office, every mail brought
tidings more and mo^" alarming. The discontent in
America, and the interruption of commercial relations
between that country and England, had ruined half
the merchants of Bristol and Liverjoool, and caused
vast numbers of workmen in the manufacturing
towns to be discharged. It w^as xpected that dis-
tur])ances of a formidable kind would be the result of

17G5

an was

ExoDrs OF 'vnv. western NATFOXS. 321

I TO.",— 178.",,,

a policy ar^aiiist which all the great towns liad already CnAnTti
n})peale(l in vain ; and it was also expected, with _!_
equal confidence, that France and Spain would seize
the opportunity of domestic discord to declare war
against us.

'J'hcre were, as Lord Macaulay points out,* three
courses open to the ministers. One was, to enforce the
Stamp Act hy the sword; this was the plan upon
which the king aud Grenville were hent. The second,
to regard the Stamp Act as a nullity ; to pronounce
it, as Pitt pronounced it, a bill whif^ parliameiit
was constitutionally iucompetent to ..ss, and there-
fore of no more validity than Charles's right to ship-
money or James's proclamation dispensing with penal
laws. The third course was that adopted by Lord
Rockingham and his colleagues : it is one which
most statesmen have since concurred in approving ;
it was to assert the power of parliament, consisting of
Iving, Lords, and Commons, as the supreme authority
in the state, to pass any law whatever, but at the
same time to repeal the Stamp Act.

It is obvious that no law can be of greater power
than the body who made the law. No law could
therefore destroy the legal competency of parliament
to pass any statute, however foolish or wicked, and
to make it binding on all parts of the empire. It was
equally obvious that, to persist in attempting to en-
force the Stamp Act against superior physical force,
Yvj^^^ — putting the intrinsic merits of the tax out of
sio'ht altoo-ether — to render all law ridiculous. It
was accordingly determined to repeal the Stamp Act,

* Essay ou thv. Earl of Chatham.
VOL. 11. V

^^li-.':

'S^

822

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[i7r„",_l7H;v
ITU In tlie famous (lel>nte in wliicli this course was de-
cided on, Pitt spoke veliemently ap^ainst the le^-;ilitv
of tlie tax. He declared tliat lie was ft-lad that tlie
colonists had shown the temper of Eng;lis]mien, and
had not suhmitted to injustice. Three millions of
people, he exclaimed, so dead to all th(^ feelino-s of
liherty as voluntarily to submit to be sljives, woidd
have been fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest.
News of the repeal of the Stamp Act was received
1 700 in America with the most lively demonstrations of joy.
But the joy was called forth by the victory, not by
the concession. The contest had shown indisputably
that the colonics, when united, could defy the attempts
of the mother-country to coerce them ; and the repeal
of one obnoxious act only made them more resolved
to obtain the repeal of another. It was nc>t under-
stood— or, if understood, the fact was disregarded
— that the withdrawal of the Stamp Act was in-
tended by Kockingham's ministry as an act of con-
ciliation ; the change of government, and consequent
change of policy of England, was not much thought
of; the quarrel had been wn'th the whole country, not
with any section of her politicians ; and the victory
was looked upon as one carried off against the whole
force of the country.

Rockingham soon began to find his tenui'e of power
uncertain : he received scanty and grudging sup-
port from the king. Pitt held aloof; Grenville was
actively and sleeplessly hostile ; and a large number
of politicians, on whose support he had counted, began
to take orders direct from the king, and under his
directions to thwart iho kino's minister. It became

Exr)nrs of tiik western nations. n2.3

170.1—17^3.]

impossiltle to carry on the government at all, and CuAPTKn
Ixocklnrrliam resi^q-ned. _L_

lie was succeeded by Pitt, who, in an evil lionr 17(](J
for liis fame, acceded to the royal request and con-
sented to form a ministry. Pitt had declared that
the British parliament was incompetent to tax the
colonies. Lord Charles Townshend, the new Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, had voted for the repeal of
the Stamp Act, so that surprise was mingled with the
indignation of the colonists, when they found that the
first acts of the new government with regard to the
colonists were as hateful and tyrannical as the Stamp
Act itself. A bill was brought in " for the better
support of government and the administration of the
colonies," which provided for raising a transatlantic
revenue, for maintaining a standing army in the
colonies, and for securing permanent salaries to
governors and judges, and thereby rendering them
indej)endent of the local assemblies. One clause
enabled the crown, by sign manual, to establish a
general civil list throughout every province of North
America, with salaries, pensions, or appointments.
It provided that, after all such ministerial warrants
as are thought proper and necessary shall be satisfied,
the residue of the revenue shall be at the disposal of
parliament. At the same time a law was passed
obliging the several assemblies to provide quarters
for the soldiers, and furnish them with fire, beds,
candles, and other articles at thu expense of the re-
spective colonies. An act was also passed for esta-
blishino; a Custom-houi>e and a Board of C^ommis-
sioners in America.

Y 2

>• '

CiiArrcR
X.

K't

ITHT

824 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

Tlio people of New York at once refused to admit
tlie troops tliat were to be billeted upon tbeni. As
soon as the news of this refusal reached Kn<^laiid, a
law was passed for restraining the Assembly of New
York from all legislative function until it had com-
plied with the Act of Parliament for furnishin|[!; the
royal troops with the requisite necessaries. All the
colonies felt that their liberties were now indeed at
stake. Men said that collision with the mothor-
country had become inevital^le ; that the rubicon was
passed ;* that such counsels " would deprive the prince
who now sways the l^ritish sceptre of millions of
free subjects."! The people of Boston encouraged
one another to justify themselves in the eyes of pre-
sent and coming generations. " Strength," they said,
"consists in union; let us then be of one heart and
one mind. Call upon our sister provinces to join us.
Should our righteous oj^position to slavery be termed
rebellion, yet pursue duty witli firmness, and leave the
event to Heaven. "J It was resolved to opj^ose the
landing of the commissioners. Paxton, who was at
the head of the Board, " must be led to Liberty Tree
or the gallows, and compelled to resign. "§

A petition to the governor to convene the legis-
lature of Massachusetts was rejected ; and the inhabi-
tants of Boston, on the 28th Oct., assembled in town
meeting, and voted to forbear the importation and use
of a great many articles of British manufacture : they
a})pointed a connnittee to obtain a general subscrip-

* Ik'iuard to Shclbiinie, Scjit. Ulli, 17<)7.
t l)ritanmis AnK'ricaiins in Boston Clazotto, Aufjust ITth, ITf)?.
X ISoston Gazette, Aui;;. 31,st, 1707, letter to Kdes and (Jill.
§ Bernard to Shelbnrne, Sept, 2l!st, 1707.

EXODUS OF THE WESTKUN NATIONS. SLT)

171)3—1788.]

tioii to such an agreement, and ordered their resolve Cn
to Ije sent to all other towns in tlu^ province and to
the other colonies.

Just at this time appeared the famous " letters
from a farmer in Pennsylvania to the inhabitants of
the British colonies." The author of these remarkal)lu
letters was one John Dickinson, " an enthusiast in
his love for England, who accepted the undefined
relations of the parliament to the colonies, as a jier-
petual compromise which neither party was to dis-
turb by pursuing an altstract theory to its ultimate
conclusions."*

The writer of the present pages has endeavoured
to prove that the dealings of England with the
colonies had hitherto been wise and just : Dickinson
took the same view. He admitted tliat parliament
possessed a legal autho* ity to regulate the trade of
every part of the empire. He examined all the
statutes relating to America, from its first settlement,
and found tliat all of them had been based on a prin-
ciple consonant with justice and right, up to the time
of Grenville. Never before did the British Commons
think of trifling with the liberties of America, or of
imposing upon them unjust legislation — much less
did they ever attempt to impose duties on the colonies
for the purpose of raising a revenue. "This," said
Dickinson, " is a dangerous innovation. If once," he
said, " we are separated from the mother-country, what
n3w form of government shall we adopt, or where
shall we find another Britain to supply our loss ? Torn
from the body to which we are united by religion,

* Bancroft, v. 75.

Mini
X.

IM:^

,*J-

32G EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1703— 17.-;j.

CiiAi-iKu liberty, laws, affections, relation, langiiag-e, and coni-
-1— merce, we shall Meed at every vein. . . I would per-
suade the people of these colonies immediately,
rigorousl}^ and unanimously to exert themselves in
the most firm but the most i)e{iceal>lc manner for
obtaining relief. If an inveterate resolution is formed
to annihilate the liberties of the governed, English
history affords examples of resistance by force."

It was at this moment that a reconstruction of the
English ministry tllsplaced Shelburne, who hud
hitherto been President of the Board of Trade, and
American affairs were committed to the care of a
1700 Secretary of State The new office was filled by Lord
Hillsborough. The first act of the secretary was to
call on the General Court of Boston to rescind the
resolution on which the famous letter to the other
provinces was founded, on pain of dissolution. The
order was debated, and a distinct intimation conveyed
that the House had resolved by a majority of ninety-
two to seventeen not to rescind. An address, stating
what had been the action of ^lassachusetts in the
matter, was sent to the other colonies, and was warmly
applauded. Connecticut, New Jersey, and Georgia
voted addresses to parliament ; Virginia sent a me-
morial to the Lords, and a rcm-^nstrance to the
Commons, against the acts of the late parliament, and
were in consequence dissolved by the governor. The
assem1)lies of Georgia and Massachusetts having
approved the ju'oceedings of Massachusetts, were
also (h"ssolved. The New York Ic^-islature had
already been sup]U'essed, on account of its refusal to
make the required provision lor I he Iroops.

■1 ",'■
1,,'

:-'J-l7.-:;.

of tlie
liad

e, and
3 of u
y Loixl
was to
:kI tlie

other

Tlic

iveyej

nnoty-

17G0

EXODUS OF Til 10 WES'J'JOUN NATIONS. ;iL'T

1703—1783.]

From remoTistrancL; the colonists now proceeded to ciiAi'ri:u
stronger measures. A revenue sloop which had made
itself conspicuous in enforcing the Sugar Act was
seized hy a body of men in disguise, and burnt to the
water's edge, and distiu'bances occurred in Boston
which were exaggerated into dangerous riots.* AVhcn
parliament met, pa})ers relating to the colonies, and
particularly relating to the recent riots in Massachu-
setts, were laid before the two Ilouses. The Loi'ds
reconnnended instructions to the governor of Massa-
chusetts to obtain full information of all treasons, and
to transmit oft'enders to England, to be tried there,
imder an old statute of Henry AMI I., for the punish-
ment of treasons committed out of the kingdom. At
length, in 17G0, the British troops, which had been
camped cii Boston common, began to receive insults
from the people, which gradually grew into importance.
IMiey were followed by mobs, pelted and hootetl at. If
found alone, they were hustled and beaten ; if in small
pai'ties, they were challenged to fight. At last they
were forced either to keep altogether in their quarters
or to go in sufticient numbers to defend themselves :
so systematic was this usage that the people did not
even refrain from it when the soldiers were on duty ;
and on one occasion the populace attacked a [)iquet of
eight men so furiously that they fired into the crowd,
killing three persons, and dangerously wounding five
others. The town was immediately in a ferment.
At a town meeting, it was resolved tliat, " nothing
could be expected to restore peace and |)revent blood

* Uutchiiisou tti KicliiU'd Jiicksoii, Murcli 'J3nl, 170S. Ciayo lo Sc<;i. tary
ol" Slate, Oct. 3iBt, 17tJ8.

/ ■

• I

11'

;■*' •

32H EXODUS OF THE WESTEHN NATIONS.

[1 703— 1783.

Chaitek and Ciirn.ai'-e, but tlie immediate removal of tlie
J— troops." * The story of the l^oston m^sxaere, as it
was called, was exaggerated into a furious and unpro-
voked assault by a brutal soldiery on a defenceless
crowd, and the people were everywhere excited to
madness ; but the officers of the piquet, and of the
main guard who went to its assistance, were defended
by Johii Adams and Josiah Quincy, two of the lead-
ing patriot lawyers, and acquitted on their trial for
murder ; it is evident that the true story was not in
favour of the mob.

Matters continued in this state of antagonism till
the arrival of some tea-ships belonging to the East
India Company, in Boston harbour. The mc^itures
of the coloirists had already produced such a diminu-
tion of exports from Great Britain that tlie ^vare-
hcjuses of the K -;t India Company contained about
seventeen millions of i)ounds of tea for which no
market could be procured. The company deter-
nn'ned to apply for leave to introduce it into
America, charged only witli the ex ise duty on land-
ing, but exempted from export duty in J^ngland.
By this means it would reach America cheaper than
in limes before the imposition of the excise duty.
It was, therefore, only ui)on the ground of objection
to the princi2)le of the duty itself that America
could resist. It was determined, unanimously, that
the tea should not be permitted to land. J.Jeso-
lutions were passed denying the claim of parliament
to tax America, declaring every one who should,

*A (li'liiili'd iiirouiit is '^ivcii ol' tlic "Ilcstoii iiinssiicrL'" in lianciulVs
History ui' liic I'liiud Sliitcs, v. 231.

EXODUS OF THE WESTRRN NATIONS. 329

1703—1783.]

directly or indirectly, countenance tlie attempt, as an Ch.mtki!
enemy of his country, and requestin<]^ the agents of
the East India Company to resign their posts. The
agents, some che(3rful]y and some reluctantly, gave up
their appointments, so that in a few days none re-
mained. The compari}'- had determined to despatch
its consignments simultaneously to Charleston, to
Philadelphia, to New York, and to Boston.

The first cargo to arrive was that of Boston. Tlic
vessel was ])oarded at nightfall hy a numljer of men
in disguise, wlio hroke open the chests and cast all
the tea into the dock. The Pennsylvarn'a ship was
stopped four miles from the city, and sent home with
the tea on hoard. The New York consignment was
destroyed as that of Boston had been. The Charles-
ton ship was unloaded, hut the cargo was slowed
away ^n a damp cellar, where it speedily rotted.

Intelligence of the destruction of the tea in Boston
was communicated to both Houses of Parliament in a
message from the throne. The conduct of the colo-
nists was re})resented, not only as obstructing the
commerce of the kingdom, but as subversive of the
Biitish constitution. l^oston was selected as the
object of vengeance, although it was evident that the
opposition to the sale of tea was connnon to all the
colonies. An act was passed closing the port of
Boston, and the constitution of Massachusetts was
changed, in several material points, by the abrogation
of the charter, and placing increased power in the
hands of the governor. As it was anticipated that
riots woidd be committed in conse(|uence of these
acts, and that the jurymen of Massachusetts would re-

ifi 1

It'

ll. ':

CiiAi'i :i
X.

1774

May
1774

330 EXODUS OF THE WE8'i'El!X NATIONS.

[1703—1783.

fuse to convict, ii tliird act was passed, providing tliat
all persons accused of murder in Massachusetts should
be sent to England, or to some of the other colonies,
for trial.

In America these arbitrary enactments were natu-
rally loolvxd upon as forming a complete system ol
tyranny ; and, on the arrival of General Gage, who
Mas removed from Canada to assume the government
of Massachusetts, a contest began between the general
and his assembly which speedily assumed most serious
pro])ortions. Meetings were called and active resist-
ance opeidy talked of. In the midst of these demon-
strations the seat of government was removed to Salem.

The New York Sons of Liberty had meanwhile
received, the Boston I*ost Act direct from home, and
acted upon the intelligence with fiery haste. A
general congress was proposed, and invitations to
attend it sent to every English colony on the conti-
nent. The colonists resolved on calling out their
militia, and issued a manifesto exhorting each other
to stand firm and prepare for resistance. By this
time the jiartisans of the mother-country did not ven-
ture to show themselves in public. Every one who
was even susjiected of sym[)athy with England was
subjected to the indignity of tarring and feathering.
The king believed that a i»lot had been laid to "pitch
and feather," as his j\Iajesty phrased it, Governor
Hutchinson himself. Warlike councils were broached
in the jjrovincial assemblies and congresses. Patrick
Henry, in the A'irginian Assembly, exclaimed that
war was now inevitable ; and, said he, *' let it come.
Gentlemen may cry, ' Peace, peace,' but there is no

EXODUS OF THE WES'l'ERN NATIONS. ;!;51

17G3— 1783.]

peace." Henry Lee, another prominent niemher of (
tliat assembly, was talking- to two of" In's colleag-nes in
the porch of the capital; as they parted, he inserihed
on one of the pillars, with his pencil, the lines from
Macbeth —

" When shall wo thrco meet again,
III thunder, hi^litning, or in vain ?
When tlie hurlyburly's done.
When the battle's lost and won." *

The provincial Congress which superseded the General
Court of Massachusetts, published inFel)ruary an ad-
dress, informing the people that large reinforcements
of troops were expected in Boston, and that there
was reason to apprehend the destruction of the
C(jlony. The assendjly therefore urged the milititi,
especially the minute-men, to spare neither time,
pains, nor expense to perfect themselves in mili-
tary preparation. They also passed resolutions
for procuring fire-arms and bayonets, and decreed an
issue of provincial bills of credit to the amount of
fifty thousand pounds. ]\Iilitary preparations were
diligently pursued ; artillery and other stores were
collected at various places. Gage was roused to
action by these evidently hostile proceedings; he
sent an officer on the 20th of February with a party
to seize the stores which had been deposited at S.'dem.
But the object of their search had been removed to
Danvers, and the soldiers at once advanced to the
drawbridge leading to that place. Here a Colonel of
American militia had mustered an armed party and
drawn up the bridge. Leslie, the ofliccr in connnand
of the English detachment, desired them to lower it,

* (Iraliain. History ol' the United States, iv. .'370.

IIAI'IIUI

< (<)

|,, I

H "

832 EXODUS OF THE WESTKIJN NATIONS.

[17G3— 1783.

CiiArTER and, on tlieir refusal, prepared to cross tlie rivpr witli
-11 some ])oats that were moored to the sliore ; but the
peasan^-ry around him, perceiving his intention, scut-
tled the hoatswith their axes. A conflict would liave
ensued at once had it not been for the prudent inter-
position of a minister of religion, who came forth from
his church — it was on a Sunday morning — and per-
suaded the Americans to withdraw. In the mean-
time the stores had been removed, and the British
detachment withdrew.

April 18 Another attack on stores amassed by the colo-
nists at Concord did not terrainate in so blood-
less a manner. The British posted parties on all
the roads leading to the towm, with a view of
intercepting any expresses which might be sent
from Boston to alarm the country ; yet messengers
contrived to elude their vigilance, and communicated
an alarm w^hich rapidly spread. Every church rang
forth its peal ; signal guns and volleys of small amis
sounded in all directions. The British troops found a
small body of minute-men prepared to receive them.
The pi'ovincials were challenged, and ordered to re-
tire, and upon their refusal were driven in, with a loss
of eight men, upon their main body, who had taken
up a position within the town. The number of the
insurgents was not sufficient to stand against the force
of regulars which was o])]iosed to them. A party of
light infantry took possession of the bridge, and the
main column entered the town and destroyed the stores
which they found there, among them two cannon and
a few hundred pounds of bullets. Meanwhile the
American militia poured in in lapidly-increasing

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 333

1703—1783.]

iiiiinbcrs; the regulars were forced to give groiiiul, Cmaitku
and were ultimately compelled to retreat to Bunker's
Hill, where they took up their position for the

'fi

night.

In this skirmish the first blood was drawn in a con-
flict which only terminated with the acknowledgment
of American independence. It is not within the
scope of this work to enter into the details of that
memorahle struggle, which was finally terminated by
the recognition of America as an independent nation i78,'j
at the General Peace of 1783.

"< .

334

EXODUS OF THE WESTEllN NATIONS.

[17G.3— Ini.-,.

OPT AFTER XI.

f ■

. . ■

ENGLISH, SrANlSlI, AND POIJTUGL'KSE AMKRICA, DUliINd
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR.

[1703—1815.]

Louisiana — Position of Canada muler English Military Rule — Influx of
English Settlors — The Quebec Act, 1774 — Division of Canada into tvvo
Provinces by the Constitution Act of 1701 — Growth of Antagonisn)
between English and French Settlers — French Revolution — Revolu-
tionary War — American War of 1812— fiallantry of the Canadians
— I'osition of the S]ianish Colonies — Mexican Revolution of 1810 —
Gradual Spread of Anarchy in Spanish America — Political State of Prazil
— Removal of the Portuguese Monarchy to that Country — Declaration
of Brazilian Independence.

CnAn-Eu The French colony of Louisiana enjoyed complete
-^ tranquillity during the whole course ofthe seven years'
war. At the Peace of 17G3 it was ceded to Spain in
exchange for Florida, and the latter country was hy
the same treaty given over to England in exchange
for some of the West Indian Islands.

Such of the Canadians as had not quitted the army
17r>() after the taking of Quebec dispersed to their villages
after the final seizure of Montreal, and the most 2)r()-
found peace was established throughout the country.
It was soon hardly possible to see any remaining
eft'ects of the war which had so desolated the country
round (Quebec, which liad been reduced to ruins and
ashes. This district had for two years l)een occupied

XI.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 335

17C.3— 1S15.]

l)y rival armies ; tlio capital, twice besieged, was almost Ch.m iku
battered to pieces; the sul)iii-l>s, wliicli had been the
theatre of three l)attles, showed the traces of desperate
conflict. The inhabitants, ruined in purse and deci-
mated in numbers, thoui^ht only of returning to their
ruined farms, to restore there some semblance of their
former prosperity.

The English took every precaution for guarding
the acquisition they had made. Amherst selected a
chosen body of his troops to furnish garrisons in the
fortified posts, and sent the rest back to England, or
distributed them over the other colonies. lie separated
Canada into three departments, and put them under
martial law. (general Murray was stationed at
(Quebec, General Gage at Montreal, and Colonel Burton
at Three Rivers ; each of tliese officers was accom-
panied by a Swiss secretary, through whom he made
shift to communicate to the inhal)itants.* General
Murray established a military tribunal, composed of
seven officers of the army, to decide even criminal
and civil cases. General Gage, within his jurisdiction,
softened in some degree the rigour of this arbitrary
system, by allcnving the captains of tlie old French
militia in each parish to settle cases which arose
between their countrymen, reserving to either litigant
the riglit of appeal to the military commandant of the
district or to himself. A little later he divided his
government into five districts, in each of which he
established a court of justice composed of not more
than seven or less than five officers of militia, who
repor^"ed accoi'iling to the locality to one of the three

* (iiiiiuaii, llisloirt' ilii CaUiKla, oS;").

.^\^\ .

•

l^rll

:i^

ij.

u ■

1704

336 EXODUS OF THH WESTEHN NATIONS.

[17(>5— iHi.O.

Chaitku courts martial composed of ofKccrs of tlio Kii«>-lis|i

VI - ^ "^

-' 50iiiy, tliat were established at Montreal, at Vareiiiies,
and at St. Sidpice. Tlio adniinlstratiou of siicli rude
justice as could l>e dis[)ensed under marti:d law was
continued by the military tribunals until the IV-ace

1703 of Fontainebleau.

V)y the fourth and seventh articles of the Treaty of
Peace of the year 17 Go, Canada was ceded to Great
Britain. In the month of October following', about
eight months from the conclusion of the treaty above
mentioned, his Majesty pul)lished a proclamntion
erecting four ]iew governments, those of'' Quebbc, East
Flori'la, West Florida, and Grenada, in the countries
.and isles of America" which had been ceded to the
crown by the definitive treaty. In this proclamation
the king exhorted his subjects, as well of his king-
doms of Great Britain and Ireland as of his colonies
in America, to avail themselves, with all convenient
speed, of the great benefits and advantages that would
accrue to their commerce, manufactures, and naviga-
tion, from the acquisitions ceded to him ; and Jis en-
couragement to them to do so, he informed them that
he had given to the civil governors of the four new
provinces directions that as soon as the circmnstances
of the colonies would admit, they should, with the
advice and consent of members of his Majesty's
council in the said provinces, summon and call
general assemblies of the people within the said
governments in such manner as was used in those
colonies and provinces in America as were under his
Majesty's inunediate government, and " that in the
mean time, and until such assembHes could l)e called,

FXODTTS OF THF, WESTRRN XATTC^NS. 337

1703—1815.]

nil persons inliabitlnp; in or rosortiiifj; to his Mnjosty'H
said colonies might confide in his Majesty's royal pro-
tection for the enioviiient of the benefit of the laws of
his realm of England. That f(yr that purpose his
Majesty liad given power, under the great seal, to the
governors of his Majesty's said new colonies, to erect
and constitute, with the advice of his Majesty's said
councils respectively, courts of judicature and public
jusf'ce within the said colonies for the liearing and
determining all causes, as well criminal as civil,
according to law and equity, and as near as may be
according to the law of England, with liberty to
appeal to the Privy Council."

About six weeks after this proclamation, the king
issued acouimission as Captain-general and Governor-
in-chief of the province of Quebec, to Major-General
Murray, who had been placed in command by
Amherst immediately after the conquest of the town.
The commission, and the instructions that accompanied
it, seemed everywhere to take for granted that the
law of England was in force in the province ; they
were full of allusions and references to those laws on
a variety of different subjects, and did not contain the
least intimation of a saving of any part of the laws
and customs that prevailed there in tlie time of the
French government.

It seemed, therefore, to be the intention of the king
to establish in Canada the stime laws as were in force
in the other royal governments, and not to continue
the municipal la^^s and customs by which the con-
quered people had hitherto been governed, any
further than those laws might be necesssiry to the

yoL. II. z

CriAI'TER

XI.

Nov.
l7iU\

II 'i -J

:r«

ij.i ■ •>

i'.

338 EXODUS OF THE WESTEl^X NATTOXS.

[i7r,3— iPir,.
CiiArTER preservation of tlioir property. It was tlie general
t_L opinion in Kn^^-laiid tliat by the refusal of General
Amherst to grant the continuance of the ancient
customs of Canada, and by the allusion to the laws of
England in the fourth article of peace, sufficient notice
had been given to the inhabitants that it was his
Majesty's pleasure that they should henceforward be
governed by English law ; the English Government,
therefore, not unreasonably concluded tliat by con-
tinuing to reside in the country, instead of with(baw-
ing from the province within the eighteen montlis
allowed for the purpose by the Treaty of I'eace, the
inhabitants had agreed to the proposed change.

General Murray at once proceeded to nominate a
council of eight members, wlio, at their first meeting,
passed an ordinance confirming the decrees of the
military courts.

During the next ten years a considerable influx of
British and American settlers poured into the fertile
province of Canada, and settled down side by side
with the French. At the time of the conquest the
jDopulation amounted to about sixty-five thousand per-
sons, wdio were chiefly settled ahmg the banks of the
St. Lawrence and its tributaries. Officers and soldiers
who had served in the war on the Ohio, and against
the Indians, were rewarded by grants of land, and
liberal oft'ers were made to all classes of emigrants at
home with a view to absorb in a British population
the original settlers of the French. But in the mean
time the relations of Great Britai ;i with her American
colonies became so threatening, and the temper of the
government at home sodespotic,thatthe English settlers

:ij

FXDDUS OF THE WFRTEHN XATTOXS. 3.W

1703— 181 f).]

l)0":nn to fear that tliev were destinod to remain for ever CnAT-rrn
iiiider militarv j2:overinneiit,an(l tliattliev were witlimit J_l
any jn'ospcct of enjoy i mil:: tlie representative institutions
wliicli lia(ll)een promised ])y tlie])roelamationof 17G4.
ritt and l{ockinp;liam snrcessively retired from the
k'infi;'s service, and left Grenville at the head of aflairs.
Tlie SiijL^ar Act, the Stamp 7\ct, the two Quartering
Acts, the Tea Duty Act, were passed in quick succes-
sion. Tlie ])Oston riots occurred : it was natural that
men who sympathized closely witli tlieir English
hrethren in America, and wlio saw witli alarm the
wholesale attacks which were made on lil)ertv, should
consider that the time had arrived when it would no
longer he safe for them to refrain from remonstrance.
The French, who found themselves much better off' even
under the martial law of the P]nglish than they had
been under the grinding tyranny of their own country-
men, were contented, and averse to change ; they had
not the habit of political agitation, or of thinking for
themselves on political subjects; these enjoyments were
as necessary to the l^ritish colonists as the air they
breathed. But the French could not understand the
eagerness of the Anglo-Canadians for an assembly,
and, in fact, dreaded any change which would put the
restless spirits who had settled down among them in any
moie prominent position than they already occupied.
As yet they were all, French and English together,
under the autocratic authority of a military ruler, — a
ruler, moreover, who, to use his own words, "gloried
in having been accused of warmth and firmness in pro-
tecting the king's Canadian subjects."* They were

* General Murray's Roport, in Smith's Flistory of Canada.

z 2

•) m

?r«

340 EXODUS OF TTTE WESTERN NATIONS.

fl7r.?,— 1815.

Chapter not accnstomccl to representative institutions, and far
-^ from consiclerinf^ tlienisclves oppressed, tliey fully
recognized tlie fact that tliey liad never l)efore l)eon
so prosperous or so little interfered with. It was true
that the nohlesse wei'e insulted by the deinocratio
Americans ; hut the noblesse had lon^; taught (^inadian
"censitaires" that their joys and griefs were not neces-
sarily sentiments to he lield in conmion, so that the
" haln'tan " looked on the himiiliation of his seigneur
with equanimity : when, therefore, in 1773, the inhahit-
177.'{ ,ints of (Quebec called a meeting in order to petition the
king for an assemuly, several Fren( li gentlemen who
attended the meeting, and at first promised to assist
the English in their views, withdrew from the matter,
saying that tliey would forward a petition of their own.
The petition of the English settlers reached liome
at an inopportune moment ; tea was still floating in
the harbour of Boston ; Englisli soldiers were every
day in collision with the Boston mob ; the northern
colonies were, in defiance of the home government,
issuing their invitations to the southern assend)lies to
send delegates to Philadelphia ; everything in the
old colonics announced revolution : Grenville with
fierce obstinacy was nerving himself to resist to the
last. It was at this moment that intelligence cnuK^
that the English (Canadians too were dissatisfied, and
that in all North America the only men who ]-(^fused
to join iu censuring and o])struetiiig the ETiglish
(Jovernnicnt were tlie French Canadians, who had
been I tut ten years under its sway.

The resolution taken by the niinistei* was a mo-
mentous one, and one wliich |troduced all the evil

EXODUS OF 'J'lIE WESTHRN NATIONS. 311

1703— IHlf).]

consequences that ensued. He determined to reverse
the poh'cy which had hitherto existed, to try the
French system of governing colonies, since the Eng-
lisli one produced nothing hut violence and ingrati-
tude. An act was framed uniting into one govern-
ment all the country north-west of the Ohio to the
head of Lake Superior and the Mississippi, and con-
ferring the whole authority over this immense tract
up(^n the executive. The demand of an asseml)ly
was not granted ; ])ut a council was a])pointed for
provincial idfairs, without the power of taxation, and
removahle at })]easure. To this council the Canadian
Jloman Catholics were equally eligi])le with the
English settlers. l>ut a far more important change
was the substitution of French for English civil law.
The ciuubrous seigniorial code, with all its incon-
veniences and accumulated absurdities, the w^orst
heritage of feudal times, was thus with gratuitous
cruelty foisted upon a growing colony, within a few
years of the time when Old France itself was destined
to shake oft' the burden as intolerable. The Catholics
were not displeased that the promise of representative
institutions had not been kept. If the policy wdiich
had been followed since the cession of (\anada had
still been pursued, the legislature would have par-
taken of English nature and prejudices. No place
would have been found within its walls for Roman
Catholics. The whole French population would have
been sul)jected to an oligarchy, hateful on account
of their race, their religion, their position of con-
((uerors. Tlie milit.'iry law, under which they had
already existed for ten (juiet years, would have been

Chaiteu
XI.

Qutliec
Act.

1774

;■<•'•.

i- ■. ■ ;

342 EXODUS OF TflE WESTERN NATiONS.

[17G3-1H15.

Chaiteh far pre feral )lc to sucli a fate. The Canadian provincial

-^ nobility were 8till further concih'atecl l)y the proposal

to enrol Canadian battalions in which they could

hold commissions on equal terms with Enp^lish officers.

The final provision of the Quebec Act was one
which excited even more indignation among the
English settlers than any of the others. The capitu-
lation of New France guaranteed to the Roman (^i-
tliolic clergy freedom of public worship, but the laws
by which they collected their tithes were merged in
martial law, .and wer»^ no longer valid. By the Quebec
Act they were confirmed in the possession of their an-
cient cliurches and their revenues; so that the Romari
Catholic religion was as effectually established in
Canada as the Presbyterian religion in Scotland.

Thougli the French were well satisfied, the effect
u[)(>n the minds of the English settlers was unfoi-
tiinate. They saw that the government at home
deliberately intended to su])ject the English to the
French race; they saw that they had but the wretched
choice of al)andoiiing tlieir property, or of I'emaining
in a nn'serablu minority to be ruled by foreigners
whom their countrymen had con(|uered and by whom
they were disliked. They lost no time in forwarding
a petition, in which they were joined by the merchants
of London interested in the North American trade.
This petition, which was presented by Lord Dart-
mouth, set forth, " that your lordship's memorialists,
encouraged by the capitulation of (^inadn, confirmed
by the definite treaty oF ]teac(.', and his Majesty's
royal |)r()claiiiati()ii of tlie 7tli of October, L7()3, did
purchase lands, plant, settle, and eai'iy on tiade and

XI.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATHANS. 34a

17f;3— ISIT).]

commerce in this province in a very considerable Cuai'teb
manner, and to tlie manifest advantage of Great
l>ritain, in confident expectation of his Majesty's
said proclamation giving' express powers to his
governor, with the advice and consent of his
council, to summon and call general assemblies, to
make, constitute, and ordain laws, statutes, and or-
dinances, for the public i)eace, welfare, and good
government of the said province as near as might be
agreeable to the laws of England. For which cause
your memorialists have drawn up and transmitted
herewith their most humble })etition to the king, ])ray-
ing his Majesty will, out of his royal and paternal care
of all his dutiful and loyal subjects of this province,
be graci(^usly pleased to relieve them from the ap])re-
hensions they are under of their prop'^rty being en-
dangered and losing the fruit of their labour, exposed
to ordinances of a governor a?id council repugnant to
the laws of England, which take place before his
Majesty's pleasure is known, and are not only contrary
to his Majesty's commission and private instructicms
to the said governor, but we presume equally griev-
ous to his Majesty's new and ancient subjects. Your
lordshi])'s memorialists further see with regret the
great danger tl;c ohildren born of Protestant parents
are in of being utterly neglected for want of a suffi-
cient rnmiber of Protestant pastors, and thereby ex-
posed to the usual and known assiduity of the Poman
(\atholic clergyofdiffeient orders, who are very numer-
ous in this country, and who from their innnense funds
have lately established a seminary for the education
of youth in this province, wlii(;h is the more alarming

■%

■hi

t! ■'

344

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

!'!■•.

; a ■

W''

If i

r i .

[17G3— 1815.

(jiiAiTKa as it excludes ull Protestant teachers of any science

— whatever."

This and simihxr petitions were, however, unnoticed,
and the Quehec Act permitted to take its course.
Emigrants continued to pom- in hoth to Quehec and
Montreal, especially after the peace with the United

1783 States in 1783. In that year, vast numhers of
Loyalists withdrew from their homes in the old colom'cs
rather than remain under any other dominion than
that of England. Many of them settled on grants of
land in Upper Canada, tlien almost completely wild
and uncultivated, where they formed settlements on
the north shores of Ontario that have since grown
with unexampled rapidity, and now rank among the
most flourishing industrial centres of the woi-ld.
The new settlers consisted chiefly of the up])er and
middle classes in their own country ; they were
active and intelligent ; their strong sense of loyalty
hatl heen well proved hy their abandonment of tlieir
homes. All had thought and many had written
upon political affairs. It may safely be said that no
portion of the British possessions ever received so
noble an ac(piisition.

A few years after the acknowledgment of American
independence, and just before the breaking out of the
French Kevolution, the Loyalists joined with the oldci"
settlers in demanding some modification of the Quebec
Act, and the establishment of a local legislr.ture.

J 71)1 The answer to this demand was the passing of
what is called tlie Constitution Act. A line was
drawn along the b'mits of the French seivleaients,
(bviding Canada into I wo parts, to wliich tlie name

EXODUS OF THE WESTKl'X NATIONS. 34:")

1703—181 5.]

of U[)pcr .111(1 Lower Canada was fi^iveii. Tlio
boundary, wliicli ran alon^^ the Ottawa Rivor, jL'-mvc
to the French moiety both the cities of Montreal and
Quebec, besides the command of the navigation of
tlie St. Lawrence. The intention of the Constitution
Act had been to allow the old settlements of thr
French to remain as French as they liked, and to kt
the English congregate in the u])per ])rovince. P>ut
in practice this ])lan was unsuccessful ; though the
English ill Lower Canada were in a minoi'ity, tliey
formed the most stin-ing ]K)rtion of tlie pojHilation.
The French habitan was of so conservative a nature,
that he adhered without reflection, and without wish
for change, to the old methods of husbandry which
had been in use since the commencement of French
coloni/aiion. He was of a nature lethargic as regards
material ini])rovcment, contented with things as they
were, and politically unambitious. Such a race could
not fail to be under the absobite control of the
Catholic clergy, and to be a ready tool in their hands.
The numerical superiority of the French Canadians
would enable their leaders to carry out any designs
which national or religious jealousy might dict.ate.
Among the English settlers, although their numbers
were smaller, there was a far larger class who looked
with intelligent interest on jmblic aftairs. AVith the
])eculiar instinct of the Anglo-Saxon colonist, every
man considered himself fil to discuss and to criticise
political events, and entitled to use for their regula-
tion his influence and his vote. The raidvs of the
hjiiglish settlers were recruited every day ; the Fivnch
received no accession of numbers. It was evident

('llAIIIU

XI.

. f.'

J...

.i<

>•:, ;

.'54(! EXODUS OF 'I'lIK WESTERN NATIONS.

[I7(;;j— 181;-).

cirAriKit tliJit by the :aoro lapse of time parties would l^ecome
1— more and more equally divided, contests stronger and
more frequent ; and that the raoe Avhicli was now a
numerical majority, nii.de dominant by law, would
eventunlly be in tho jior'ition of a numericid minority,
sujiported by law (done in its hig-li pretensions. The
Upper Canadians, who were exclusively composed of
Kii|L!;'lishnien, could not look with any favour on a
ren'ulation which placed the conimand of the macnifi-
cent highway of the St. Lawrence at the disposal of
rivals, who, by the very fact of separation, were
almost recognized by the legislature as enemies.
The possessors of Quebec and Montreal might at any
moment inij)ose such duties on the navigation of the
St. Lawrence as to shut the English Canadians out
from any communication with the sea, save what
they could obtain from the precarious courtesy of the
United States, or by toilsonie passage overland
through the hjwer provinces.

Mr. Fox pointed out ihese objections in the debates
on the bill ; but the moment was even more oppor-
tune than that at which the English Canadians had for-
merly opposed the Quebec Act. Revolution was clearly
at hand in France ; it was impossible to tell how far the
contagion might spread : at .any rate, it was not con-
sidered a judicious moment for confiding more ])ower
than could be liel[)ed to the hands of English colo-
nists, who, in the eyes of British legislators, were all
Kepublicans at heart. It would have been only fair
if those in authority had remend)ered that many of
the men thus stigmatized were Loyalists, wi\o had
given up home, country, and prof)erty, rather than

EXODUS OF TllK WKSTEKN NATIONS.

347

ri7(i;5_i8ir,.
Id ])cc()me
Diiger and
as now a
w, would
minorit\-
)ns. Tl"
nposod of
our on a
3 mag-nifi-
isposal of
ion, were

enemies,
lit at any
on of tlie
dians out
xve wliat
!sy of tlio

overland

le debates
re oppor-
is liad for-
as clearly
3W far the
; Jiot con-
)re power
lisli colo-

were all
only fair

many of
wii.o liad
her than

i
I

i7(;i^— iHir,.]

prove disloyal. The Quebec Act, to which the I^ower c
Canadians appealed as their charter, and \vliich, ;is
they said, promised them the enjoyment of l^'rciich
laws, was itself a breach of faith to those whc> liad
settled on the faith of the proclamation of IT(».'{.
The French pointed to that act, and said tli.at it
would be imp- ssible for the British Government to
deprive them of it, without <>toss breach of faith.
The Eno-lish exclaimed that a breach of faith had
already been connnitted towards the British settlei's,
and urged the government not to confirm the evil by
new enactments.

The remonstrance of the iMiglish settlers was com-
[)letely disregarded ; but some excuse must, in fair-
ness, be made for the peculiar position in whicli IMtt,
then at the head of affairs in England, was placed, in
conunon with a very large body of his countrymen ;
Pitt was siruck with terror and sur[)rise at the
recent excesses of the French Kevolution. it was
supposed, not without some reason, that the ex-
am[)ie of America had encouraged the republican
feelinc: of France, and had been mainly instrumental
in bringing it to a crisis. No political pai'ty was
disposed to sanction any proceeding whicli might
start another colony on the road to revolution, and
give to the English people a fresh example of excess.
A war was in existence with France, and the minister
no doubt, in his iimiost heart, felt what is patent to
o])servers of our time, that he was not fitted for a
war minister; ho had no experience in conductiiig
war, but he well iemend»ered the state of England
at the time when be entered [luhlic life, and he feared.

II AllKIl

XI.

.'■1 J

I '

ClIAITKU

XI.

.'MS KXODUS OF 'J'lIK WKSTKItN NATIONS.

[I7r,n_isi.-.
Avitli iiiis|),'!iknl>lc3 <lie;i(l, any step which mi<2;lit (cikI
further to einljioil liis country.

At the close of tlie American Revohition, Eno-laud
was in a position wliicli luif^ht well move the fears of
her friends, and excite the li()})es of her enenu'es. On
many fields her armies were worsted by half disci-
|iliiied levies of iXmericans. The House of Bourhon,
hunilded and defei'ted a few years before by the
|L!;enius of ( ir>i\ ; », caught at the opportunity for

nrrnved affiiinst ns. Our fleets

V» A!

178.*}

reven.ii'e, iuui

were driven fi . iii' Meditei'ranean ; the professed
neutrality of the XoriUcrn Powers was not likely
much lono'er to be ])reserved ; our power was threal-
eued ill the Kast Indies and in Ireliuid; our home
jH'overnment was feeble, and little regarded; the king
and his ministers were unpopular. In this state of
alTairs, Lord Shelburne became minister. His first
care was to com])lete a treaty of peace wliicli had
alrcndy been partly negotiated by his predecessor,
the Marquis of Kockingham. The terms obtained,
though not by any means glorious, were as advan-
t;igeous as the events of the war justified us in demand-
ing. Some places in the Mediterranean, and in the
Gulf of Mexico, were ceded, and the independence
of the revolted colonies of England was acknow-
ledged, but the main sources of her power w^ere un-
touched, and her dignity preserved.

ft had been the business of Pitt to prevent his
country from ever ngain falling into the condition
from which the peace of 1 78.'{ had rescued her. After
the fall of Shelburne, and a few months during which
the Duke of Portland and Charles Fox were in

were in

XI.

KXODT^S OF THE WESTEHN NATIONS. .119

17*;.^— iHir.j

power, tlie duties of minister tlevolvcfl on Pitt. Ei_o-lit citAnKu
years of peace succeeded, wliicli were as tranquil
and prosperous as any in Kno-lisli history. The
nations wlio had been lately in arms against her, and
who flattered themselves that in losino; her American
colonies she had lost one of the main sources of her
strength, saw with wonder that she was now stronger
and more prosperous tlian ever. Ifei' ti-ade in-
creased : alnsndy the connnerce which she carried on
with the United t^tates exceeded in value that which
had existed during the colonial times of America.
The English exchequer was full to overflowing,
l^^nglish arms were everywhere respected. Fi u,
was obliged to recede from her arrogant prete; "ioi
with regard to Holland, and 8[)ain from her -• -o, as-
sions on English commerce in Oregon. Internai wj--
content was lulled to rest, the king and the 'un'ster
were loved and extolled by all classes of the com-
munity.

But as the signs of revolution became more and
more clear in France, Pitt saw that he would be
called upon to depart from the patli which he; had
found so pleasant to himself, so beneficial for his
country, and embark on a, new scene of foreign, and,
for aught he could tell, domestic strife. He can
hardly be blamed for not, at this time of all others,
giving full credit to the English Canadians for the
loyalty which they professed, and of which many of
them had given such convincing proofs, more espe-
cially because, from the nature of the case, the lan-
guage of the I'iUglish settlers was that of complaint,
while the French asked nothin<»-butto letmatters alone.

••r

l ■ •

■

•

m ■

\f\

ClIArTEIi

XI.

I70'2

nno KXOni'S OF TflR WF-^STEHN" NATIOXS.

[1703— I Sir..

Tlio ]i()licv of strict nciitrnllty wliicli I itt at first
adopted towards Franco could not lon<^ Le main-
tained; an ao^grcssivc and revolutionary spirit ruled
in France : " irx one short summer," to use the words
of l)Urke, " they pulled down their monarchy, their
church, thei: nohillty, their law, their nrniy, their
revenue." Frcncli nohlcs, of the highest and most
ancient families, poured hy thousands into Fngland to
pick up a precarious living in our towns as dancing-
masters and professors of languages. The conven-
tions now decreed that it would grant assistance to
all ])eople who wished to recover theii- liberty, and as a
first step in that direction proposed to invade England
with forty thousand men. An angry correspondence
ensued between the English ministry and the French
ambassador, in the midst of which the murder of
Louis Wl. took place, and M. diauvelin was ordered
1703 to quit London. On the 3rd of February war was
declared with France.

After the peace of 1803 the 15ritish and Americans
divided between them the carrying trade of the world.
Each of these nations regarded the other with feelings
of extreme dislike. It wanted but the arrogant preten-
sions of the British Government with respect to the
right of search, to produce a declaration of war. In
May 180G, Mr. Fox, tiien leader of the British Govern-
ment, declared the courts of P^rance from Brest to the
Elbe to be in a state of blockade. In that year and the
following Napoleon retaliated in the celebrated Milan
and Berlin decrees. He declared the whole Britisli
islands to be in a state of blockade, authorized the
seizure of any vessel of any nation bound to Britain,

4i-

' war was

EXODUS OF THE WF.STET^N NATIONS. 3r,l

17<53— 1815.]

and confiscated T>ritisli o-oods iiiidcr wlmtever i\'.\<^
tliev mif^lit be found. Hni;lanu .ij^-ain I'ctorted l)y
oiders in council, declining' all conntrics nn<lc'r tlie
power of France to be blockaded, whether actually
blockaded or not.

Constructive blockade was a novelty in wai".
I^jifi,*lisli ministers attenijited to justify it on the ground
that England having a thousand ships of war afloat,
did actually blockade the whole world. 'I'lie pro-
position has long been admitted to be absurd, but
how nmch more absiml was the assumption of France,
who, without a single ship of the line and oidy a few
smaller vessels capable of putting to sea, declared the
hlockade of the whole ]5ritish empire.

N(!utral nations, such as the Americans, were of
course sorely tried by the pretensions of the belli-
gerents. Tiy far the greater number of Fiench mer-
chant seamen had been pressed into the service of the
State by the conscription, and Fnglish seamen by the
press-gang, so that America fdmost monopolized the
carrying trade of the world. An enormous merchant
navy sprang up, U[)on which British orders in council
and French decrees fell with overwhehning force. As
the English cruisers swarmed in every sea, American
merchant vessels bound for French ports, or ports
under the protection of France, were captured by
scores, while J>ritish ships were almost unmolested.

The Americans were treated hut little better by
France than by England; their ships "were caj^tui-ed
in neutral ports by France ; French shi])s of war
seized American merchantmen, Jind plundered or
burnt theni at sea ; but the democa'atic i)ai'ty, eager to

('IIAITKU

XI.

■b

\:-:

xr.

nr/i EXODITS OF 'I'lIK WRSTEIJX NATIONS.

[iTfi.i— iHir..
CnAm;u limiihlo r]nglim(l, piiKsod almost iimioticcfl tho afj^gres-
sioiis of Nnp<iloon, an<l accopted every liumiliation
ijitlier tliau (piarrel witli Franco. It was apiinst
Kii2:laii<l oii'y tliat tlieir indignation was directed;
tlicir desire was, in conjiniction with France, to wrest
Canada iVoni I^ni^-land and extinf::;nisli the maritime
and colonial emjiire ot tlie JJritisli islands.

IS 1 1 was a i)eri()d of universal ferment. Decrees,
orders in council, proclamations, non-im})ortation
acts, non-intercourse acts, blockades, a7id embargoes
hroiiglit tlic trade of the world almost to a standstill.
Amei'ica refused to receive Tiritish manufactures, and
prohibited the export of cotton and rice of the
United States. Tn Xovend)er the President appealed
to congress for men and monev. Armaments were
made during the winter, and in the spring of 1812
fresh sup])lies voted for the impending war. At
length, while Napoleon, at the head of the " army of
Ilussia," was ])ressing on triumphantly on his way
to Moscow, while Wellington was wpiabbling with
juntas and camarillas in Spain, the United States
declared war against England.

Canada, in the struggle which ensued, held her
own with great success. The troops of England
were almost all employed in Europe ; the only regu-
lar force at the dispos.al of Great Britain in the Nt)rth
American provinces was a detachment of the 41st
regiment of infantry, a detachment of the 49th, and
a few companies of pensioners and artillery — a little
over nine hundred men in all. Sir Isaac Brock, a
general whose name is still fondly recollected in
Canada, and whose monument now marks the spot on

!.'

17(;3— I8ir..
a up;g;ros-
niiilintioii
s a f;-; (in si
(lirectcd ;
, to wrest
maritime

Decrees,
iportatioii
Mnl)nri^ocs
standstill,
tiires, and
'C of tlio
t appealed
lents were!
g of 1812
war. At
" army of
Ills wav
ling with
ed States

held her

.England
only regu-
the Nortli

the 4lst
4nth, and
y — a little
; Brock, a
Uected in

le spot on

KXODUS OF TIIK WESTERN XA'l'loXS. 353

17G3— isir,.]

Quecnstown Heights, where he fell at the head of his ciiMTKn

men, wan at tliat time in command. Issning a pro- _!__1

clamation, in which he called the loyal snhjects of the

king to arms, he hurried at the head of the small force

which lie conld collect towards the American frontier

at Detroit. The Americans had collected in force at

several points. ])odies of troops were concentrated

at Detroit, and on the Niagara, the St. Lawrence,

and the Richelieu rivers — strategic points on the

houndary, wdience it was supposed that concerted

inroads might be easily made. In answer to General

Brock's summons, the entire population came forward

and tendered tlieir services. The Indians placed

themselves under their own chiefs ; volunteer troops

of cavalry and companies of artillery were organized

with great rapidity, and in an incredibly short time

the whole frontier, consisting of many hundred

miles, was maimed. The staff of the militia was

organized, but it had never been exercised or drilled.

The flank companies of each regiment, consisting

principally of old soldiers, who liad received grants

of land in Canada for their services in the American

revolutionary war, were instantly embodied, and

formed the nucleus round which the whole force

rallied, and became effective. It had been supposed

that the route taken by Amherst in 1750, and by

Montgomery, and Arnold, at a later day, would have

been selected for the main attack. A force, assisted

by the Freuch, could without much difficulty have

penetrated by the old wjiy of the lakes and the

Richelie 1, to Montreal, which could have offered but

slight resistance; but the war was by no mean;^

vol,. 11. 2 A

i\.> I

*»4

^. m

(!iiAi'ri;ii
XL

ISI2

354 EXODUS OF THE WKSTERN NATIONS.

[1703—1815.

popular in tlio New Eiiif^liind strifes. Citizens of those
states expressed extreme abliorrence of France and its
ride, and londly protested against tlie introduction of
Frencli troops on American soil. Diirinj^ tlic wliole
war no attack was directed a,G;ainst any part of the
extensive fi'ontier, from I^ake C]iam])lain to the ocean.
War was declared on the 27t]i of Jnne, and on the
12th of July, General Hull, at the head of the Ameri-
can army of the West, crossed the Detroit river at
S.'nidwich, in Upper (^anada, whence he issued a ])ro-
clamatiou, promising' })rotection to those (Canadians
who would stay (piietly at home, and declaring* his
intention to liang every man found in arms againsl
the United Shites, es])ecially if in alliance with the
Indians. When Mi'. Pickering', senator from Massa-
chusetts, had asked in congress what force would he
retjuircd for the invasion of (\anada, General Porter
had contenii)tuously declared that he wanted but a
corporal, and a file of men to carry a flag. It was
Ills belief that the country was disaffected to the
British crown, and would rise in favour of the in-
vaders. The boastful s[>eecli was soon belied. On
the 1 7th of Julv, the American carrison of Michili-
macinac surrendered unconditionally to (^i])taiii
Ifoberts, Il.N., and forty-five men. On the iSth,
lilth, and 20(h, a thousand Americans, under Major
Denny, were three tunes repulsed in three attempts
to cross the Canard river. On the 7th and (Sth of
Aug!' ^ Colonel St. George, with three hundred
(^inadian Militia, nttacked General Hull at !>andwicli,
and drove liini and two thousand five hundred A\\\o-
ricans across the J)etroit liver, into the Anu'riean

•■!;

703— 1 BIT).

of those
'C and its
iiction of
he wliole
^rt of tlic
he ocean.
ikI on the
ic Anieri-
t river at
led a ]vr()-
(/jinadians
hiring his
lis ap;ainst
5 with the
oni Massa-
; wouhl he
pral Porter
ited hnt a
It was
ted to tlie
of the in-
)elied. On
of Michih-
o Cai^taiii
1 the li^th,
mder Major
ee attempts
and Hth "f
ee hundred
t i^andwieli,
ared Anie-
AnuM'ieaii

X[.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. .r.ri

1703—1815.]

city of Detroit. By the IGth, Brock liad ci'ossed tlie Omai'ikr
Detroit in pursuit, had attacked and defeated Hull,
and had compelled the surrender of himself, his army,
the fort and citv of Detroit.

In Octoher, General van Ransellaer, with the
American army on the Niagai-a, crossed that river
and took possession of the Eng'lish batteries on
Queenstown Heights. The next day he fouglit and
lost a 1 tattle, wliicli was, however, dearly bought by
the Canadians at the price of tlieii- leader's death.
The Americans had crossed in the night, and when
Brock heard of their arrival they were already in
possession of the ])atteries. Mounting in haste, and
followed by a single aide-de-camp, he galloped to the
spot. He then placed himself at the head of the flank
companies of his own regiment, the 4i)th, who had been
in occupation of the batteries, and charged up the hill.
Hardly had he got half-way up the steep ascent, when
a rille ball from the enemy terminated his career.
Sir Roger She.affe, his second in command, whom he
had ordered to follow with all speed, arrived witli his
four hundred Canadians and Indians, onlv in time to
find his leader, together with a large proportion of the
small force wiih which he had so gallantly advanced
to the attack, dead upon the field. Amongst them
lay elolin Macdonald, Attorney-(;}eneral of the pro-
xiiice, who was acting as aide-de-eam]> to Sir Isaac.
Mr., afterwards Chief flnstice, McLean, who was
fiii'litln<>; as < volunteer, was among tlie wounded.
Slieaffe was odtiimubered, three to one. I)i\idiiig
liis force, he placed the Indians in the woods, an<l, at
a preconcerted signal, attacked the batteries on tlie

. ' i

■vJ:

•

i 1

;$:

C'riAi-iKU
XI.

1«13

LSI I

nr.O EXODUS OF TIIK WESTERN NATIONS.

rear and botli iiaiiks Himiiltancously. No sooner wm
the dreadful Indian yell heard, than the enemy
began to waver ; many were taken prisoners, a few
escaped, and many, in tlieir panic, jumped over the
precipitous banks of the Niagara into the stream
beneath, or fell from rock to rock till tlieir mangled
corpses were caught in the trees at the base of the
cliff. Among the prisoners was Colonel Scott, subse-
quently Conmiander-in-chief of the American army,
who was sent to Quebec with the rest. A few days after-
wards. General Dearborne, the American Commander-
in-chief, made an unsuccessful attack on Toronto ;
and, in November, at Lacolle, in Lower Canada,
General Wadsu'orth and the force under his command
surrendered themselves i)risoners of war. The actions
which took place during the war were more than fifty
in numl)er. In tlie second campaign. General Wil-
kinson, commanding the American army of the
North, made various attacivs upon (Vmadian territory.
Fights of more or less importance took place at the
River Raisin in Michigan ; York, in the lowei*
district ; Fort George, in the Niagara district ; and
also at Jsle au Noix, Chateaugay and Chysler's Farm,
in Lower Canada. At the close of the campaign,
General Winchester, and his entire force, Colonel
IV)erstler, and Generals Chandler and Winder were
prisoneJ'H of war, and the American fort commanding
the entrance of the Niagara River, was in the hands
of the (VmadianH.

fn ISIlj the army of the North, under General
llampdcii, invaded L(tW(!r Cana<la They were re-
pelled at their three diili -rent points of altacOv — Lacolle

llCr WAH

enemy
•s, a lew
over tlie
! sti'eam
mangled
e of the
tt, subse-
m army,
ays af ter-
iinandcr-
roronto ;

Canada,
["ommaiid
le actions
than fil'tv
oral Wil-
of tliu
territory,
ice at the
lie lower
rict ; and
jr's Farm,
campaign,
', (\)]onel
ider were
nrnanding
the hands

r General
V were re-
— Lacolle

EXODUS OF THE WESTKUN NATIONS.

357

ITCS— 181.-,.]

Mills, in Lower Canada ; Fort Erie, in Upper Canada ; c'iiaitku
and Long Woods, in the Western district. At the close -1^
of that campaign, the Canadians had made prisoners
of all wlio had inyaded their shores, not a foot of
British gronnd was in the hands of the Americans;
while on their whole line of i'rontier, from 15nlfal(t to
Fort Niagara, eyery house and haystack had been
destroyed, in retaliation for the destruction of the
(^inadian village of Chi])])ewa.

h will thus be seen that the Canadians behaved
with the utmost gallantry during the three years of
the American war. Up to that time, none of the evils
which were predicted by Mr. Fox resulted from the
separation of the Canadas. The lower province had
a large majority of Frenchmen. The representatioi»
had been based upon the principle of po[)ulation, and
in the first assenil)ly elected after the Constitution
Act, thirty-five out of the fifty meml)ei's of the House
were Fienchmen ; nor was thei'e agaiii, for many
years, even so large a number of Fnglishmen as fifteen.
The French majority, wholly miac(piainted with the
forn>s of parliamentary government, did not at first
understand the power with which they were invested
hy their numerical superiority, and for s(mie time
proceeded with moderation and decorum. They, how-
ever, gradually began to indulge in views which were
(pu're inconsistent with the rights of the English
minority, or w'lih the duties of English suljects ; they
learned to use the jiarliamentary ascendancy, granted
to tlunu by the policy of Mr. Pitt, for the subversion
of English authority. It was not till after the peace
of IHlf) that their views ])ecame fully develo[)ed.

■ i •

.1-

II ■ ■■

I ,

■ 4

f'irAl'TKIt

\I.

■!)I

3r)S EXODUS OF Tin-: wkstkijx nations.

[1703—1815.

Tliuv j^Tadiially ventured on n series of liigli-liancled
measures witli every person wlio ol)strncted tlieir
views ; all persons favoural)lo to the excciitive M'ero
removed from the Ilonse ; holders of high official
stations were impeached ; the judges accused of un-
fairness, and when the governor refused to remove
them without previous investigation, they resolved
" that his M^cellency the Governor-in-ehief has, by his
answer to the address of the House, violated the con-
stitutional rights and privileges thereof."

In all these complaints and proceedings the English
minority took no par<" ; they constantly affirmed thai
the only grievance under which Lower Canada could
be said to labour, was, that it was given up to the
control of men aliens by birth to Cheat liritain, wlu.
used the ]iower given them by the Englhih for i\u.
subversion of English rule. Owing to the divisio';
of the tWo provnices, the English, though formii;?' a
large majority in the two provinces ^ogethei', \ e
too hopelessly in the minority in Lower T': iiad;),, t- ^
make their voices heard -ivith any eftect.

Meanwhile, in fhe Lpi;,;r i vovince, there was no
coni])Iaint whatever. Both pio\i ces had obtain.ed,
by the Constitution Act, a governor and executive
council, a])i)ointed by the crown ; a legislative coun-
cil, forming the second estate, also ap])ointed by the
crown, and re})iesenting the House of Lords, and a
representative assembly or House of Commons. In
U])per Canada, the ]H)])iilation, com])osed exclusively
of English loyalists, and com])letely in harmony both
v/ith I he mother country iind among themselves,
occupied tliemselvtv> with reclaiming tlieir settlements

170;}— 1815.

Ii-liaiulod
ted tlieir
h'vo were
li olKlcial
d of iiii-
) remove

resolved
as, l>y liis

the con-

cEiig-lisli
•iiied tliai^
ada eould
p to ih'i
tain, mIk.
li for tiu;
3 divisio'i
loruiij];.'' a
liCT, \ "e
t iiiitl;!., t' '

I'e wa8 no
obtaiivjd,
executive
tivo conn-
ed l»y tlio
rds, and a
nons. In
xeluKivcly
Qony botli
lemselvcs,
jitlemerits

EXODUS OF 'J iIE WESTERN NATIONS. .'550

I7(;,'?~T815.]

from tlie wilderness, and tm'ning the desert into a (
garden, without indulging in any political dissension.
In the war of 1812, they played the part of a l)rave,
loyal, and united people.

The revolutionary war whicli found the new colo-
nies of England loyal and prepared, ar.d eventually
caused the late possessions of our comitry to be
arr.aycd against her, was fatal to the colonial power
of Spain, and changed the destinies of the American
possessions of Portugal. No amount of subser\'iency
to Napoleon, on the part of Spain, would satisfy the
tyrant whose far-reaching ambition

" N'livait qu'uii regard pour iiidsuror la tcrro
Et do scrrcs iioiir rembrasser." *

The power whicli ho obtained in Spain, fai- ti-oni
satisfying him, only made in'm more rajjacious. He
was already able to dictate to the (Vjurt of Madrid,
on the great questions of war and ])('ac(i; he now
wished to secure a complete and pei'inanent sway by
placing a ])rince of his own blood on the throne.
With this view, Beauhai'iiois, the French ambassador,
commenced a series of intriirues at the Couit of
Madrid, which soon bore fruit. A treaty was signed
at Fontainebleau for the dismemberment of Pc ugab
It was agreed that the northern part should 1 ,rans-
fei-red to the King of Etruria, and the south* in part
to the Prince of the Peace, under the pro! tion of
the Catholic King; that the middle i)art -liould re-
main in secpiestration foi' future disposal, ad that the
colonial territories of the Portuguese crown should

* Lainartiue.

iiM-rKit
XI.

iH.Wi

t^,

.»^,!;

. 1. •

I - m

r> ••

300 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[iTn.o.—iHin.

CMAiTEn be divided between France and Spain. Twenty-
— - eight tliousand Frenchmen were permitted by tliis
convention to enter Spain nnder the pretence of pro-
ceeding to Lisbon ; but a mucli larger number, nnder
the command of JVIurat, embraced the opportunity of
estabhshiug themselves in the Spanish fortresses and
garrison towns, and remained there, rendy to i)lny
their part in the drama of treachery which had bicn
prepared. Charles 111. was induced to abdicate the
throne, and ^lurat advanced upon Madrid, which he
seized and occupied with French troops. Ferdinand,
the Infant of Spaiji, and his father the deposed king,
were successively induced, on various pretexts, to
})lace themstd\ es within the grasp of Na})oleon, who
then declared tliat the Bourbons should never more
rule in Spain, and placed his own brother, Joseph
l>uonr.p»arte, on the vacant throne.

180S Tlu' fiist act of Josei)h was to declare that Spain
was no lont»vr an absolute mon i 'chv, and that he in-
tended to confer upon his subjects the benefits of a
liberal constitution, and to summon the Cortes, which
had not for many years been permitted to take any
real part in ji'blic affairs. News of tlic revolution in
Spain created a great ferment in America, and raised
higli the hopes of the Spanish Creoles. The spirit of
inde})endence which was nevei- (puite forgotten, had
assertc<l itself at vari(jus times of the Spanish domi-
nions in bloody, though unsuccvssful, revolt. But in
1 808, when the dominant country herself ceased to be
a despotic })ower, the )>eople of Sjtanish America
lookcil oil at the biith oi' what appeared to be a new
era of freedom, with keen anticipation that they niiglit

[■]

1703— i8ir;.

Twenty-
l by tliis
je of pro-
ler, under
•tuiiitv of
esses and
f to play

liad been
licate tlie
wliich he
"erdinaiid,
)sed king,
etexts, to
leon, \\lio
iver more
2Y, Joseph

hat K^pain
liat ho in-
lefits of a
tes, which
take any
ohition in
md raised
le spirit of
ttten, had
lish donii-
t. But in
ased to he
I America
I he a new
hey niiglit

\i.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 301

1703— IS 15. J

obtain some approach to cquahty of right and some (."nAnrn
emancipations from colonial restrictions. Tliey soon
found 'hat the popular assembly of Spain, though
loud in expressions of attachment to liberty, and of
admiration of free political institutions, ])roved itself
to be with regard to Spanish America as deeply in-
fected with the spirit of caste as the most haughty of
the old coiupiistadores. The petitions of the jieople
of the New Woild were answered with insult, and
tlieir demands either remained altogether unanswered
or were replied to by threats and insults. The syste-
matic disregard which was shown to the feelings and
wishes of colonial Spain, combined with the long
course of oppression unaer which it had suiVered,
brought about a feeling of ^ turning hatred towards
the Spaniards. The niother-counti'y from the first
day of its connection with the New World till its
yoke was finally shaken off, exhibite ' towards its
dependencies a monopolizing and grasping spirit,
which wounded the self-love of the colonists and de-
graded their national character. A nation, or, as the
provinces of Spain may fairly be called, a collection of
nations, who were comi>elled for centuries to acquiesce
in a position of inferiority little removed from actual
slavery, could hardly be expected to show those great
and self-reliant qualities which are usually exhibited
in the hour of trial by free nations. When the time
of emanci]>ation came, they were found deficient in
the nKU'al (pialities which alone would have been
able to carry them through the jierils and tenq)<:itions
of revolution. The character of the Spanish-Ameri-
cans wanted altogether the ennobling inlliieiice of

JT' I'

XI.

If I

;W2 EXODUS OF TJIK WErS'J'ElJN NATIONS.

[170.1— IS 1.-.

CitAiTiii froodom ; and tlieir course since tlieir political cinaii-
cipatiuii lias proved latterly disappointing:^ to tliose
who, like Mr. Cannino;, believed that they afforded
materials which could be moulded into new forms of
l)olitical life, and redress in the New World the
balance of the Old. It was found that they had been
too long and bitterly o]ipressed to be able to recover
the unselfish instincts of freemen, or exercise tho
rii;-hts which they seized with the self-restraint which
alone could i;-ive them value.

With reg'ard to Spain herself, the loss of her Ame-
rican ]>ossessions must be regarded rather as a bless-
ing' than, a calamity. Without the Indies, 8[>ain
has lost none of her political weight. Mismanaged
and oppressed as they were, they added to, rather
than diminished her embarrassments. The commerce
she derived from them served only to enrich her
enemies in time of war, or to retard in time of peace
the industrial development of her ])eople. kShe had
ceased to be able to hold them with effect. Her
military force was but just equal to the task of garii-
sonii'ga few of the great towns; many of the smaller
tcnvns wei'e at the mercy of banditti, who took ])os-
session of the roads, and hardly (condescended to
move (»ut of llie way when a division of the roval
troops was actually passing over them; trade was
at a HhiudHlill, agriculture languished, the mines
were abandoned, the troops wearied out, the rich
in dismay : large bodies t)f the poorer classes
formed themselves into predatory parties, who
wandered ovei" the country, phnideiing and de-
vastating wherevei' they went. Such was the

170?,— irtir..

to tliose
afforded
■ forms of
'orld tlie
lia<l 1)001)
;o rccovoi"
u'cise tlio
iiit wliicli

her A 1110-
is a bless-
es, Spain
smaiiaf>;od
to, rather
commerce
nricli lier
e of peace
81 ic bad
ect. Her
c of garri-
be smaller
took ])os-
oeiulod to
tliO roval
trade was
tbe mines
tbc rich
or classoH
ties, who
:; and de-
was tbe

EXODUS OF TIIK WESTKHX NATIONS. 363

17(i3— 1815.]

account given l)y a Spanisb general to bis court in riivnrii

1S14. iih

^[ore tban oiico during tbe revolutionary war, tbe
policy of attacking S})aiu in America by jissisting
lier provinces to revolt, was debated in tbe Englisb
cabinet, and abandoned only from a sense of tbe
incalculable miseries wbicli sucb a course would
entail upon mankind, ^[r. Fox, on bis accession to
oflice in iHUd, distinctly disavowed tbe libei-ation of
Spanisb America as part of tbe })olicy of bis govern-
ment. But altboun'b tbe scbeme of libcratinii' tbe
Creole Spaniards was not entertained, one scarcely
less impracticable was gravely propounded. Tliis
was to induce tbe Sjxmisb-Ainericans to transfer tbeir
allegiance from tbe Spanisb to tbe Knglisb crown.
it was not till convincing proofs bad been given
tbat tbe Spanisb Creoles, bowever eager tbey migbt
be for independence, bad not tbe smallest intention
of excbanging one servitude for anotber, tbat tbe
scbeme was defniitely abandoned.

Tbe first colony in wbicb any serious attem})t at
revolution occurred was Mexico, wbicb rebelled in
1810. Tbe wbole of Spanisb America was soon
after in a ferment ; l)ut it lias been justly observed*
that tbe revolt was ratber a nniversally diffused
anareby tban a national movement. Oi'licors collected
a few score of armed peasants to tbeir standard, and
called tbeinselves generals; but tbey were in reality
little blotter tban bandits. Wberever a piopular
goNeiniiiunl succeeded in establisbing itself for a
lew weeks, tbe first act of tlu; legislature was in-

QuiuiLiiy Itcvitw, c\iii. ;!08.

' J

':'i

* (J

u ••

!■•

XI.

304 EX(3DUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1703—181;-.

CirAiTKu vun'jibly to vnte to its own meni))ors cnonnoiis salaries.
Atrocities at which humanitv sliudders were comniitteil
by either side wliicli happened to obtain a nioincntary
ascendancy; thousands were butclured, not in tlie
excitement of battle, but after fig-litin_i»: had ceased.
Tlie ca})ture of a town was usually followed by an
indiscriminate slaughter of the inhabitants. The
republican governments, as they were called, set up
by the liberators, were in reality military despotisms,
which, instead of devoting themselves to the establish-
ment of something like permanent institutions,
(juarrelled with neighbouring peoples in the same
condition as themselves, and commenced un[)rinciple(l
wars of aggression before they liad themselves fairly
escaped from the throes of revolution. Peru and
Ibienos Ayres both commenced a series of such wars
in the first moments of their political existence.
(Njlumbia was the scene of a dozen revolutions and
counter-revolutions, none of which resulted in keep-
ing their authors in i)ower beyond a few months
at a time, and at last split up into three inde-
pendent republics, which carried on a furious in-
ternecine struggle amongst themselves. Chili, within
four years, underwent two revolutions, which were
succeeded by a prolonged civil war. In Central
America a republic was declared ; but a civil war
broke out within a few months of its establishment,
in which one half of the population gave no quarter
to the other h.'df. Every part of the vast district
Avhich was once under the dominion of Spain was
in the early part of the })resent century the theatre
of endless and meaningless pelty wai's, got up usually

[I70a— 1S15.

im salaries,
comniittt'd
fiomentury
lot ill till'
ad ceased.
A'ed l»y an
iits. Tlie
led, set up
lesj)otisiiis,
.'estal)lisli-
istitutions,
tlic same
H)riiici}»led
'Ives fairly
Peru juid
such wars
existence,
utions and
d in keep-
)w montlis
liree inde-
iurioiis in-
lili, within
^diich were
In Central
civil war
ihlishment,
no quarter
ast district
Spain was
the theatre
up usually

XI.

EXODUS OF TllK WKSTEllN NATIONS. 3fl5

17(ia~181;-.]

l»y sonic adventurer, who Iiavinp^ scraped ' -ji^cther a ( kmtiu
few pistoles for the purpose of hrilung a handful of
mutinous and half-staived soldiers to revolt, rallied
round him a few of tlie lowest rahhle, and set
forth on his own account to hurn, devastate, and
destroy the unhappy land. It would he useless to
<(ive any detailed account of these frig'htful sceULS.
Kach revolution oriij^-iiiated in Spanish oppression
and wickedness; Init when the yoke was thrown
off, the emancipated people found that they had
miscalculated their ])owers, that long' misgovernment
had hanished pul>lic spirit, hravery, constancy, out
of the land, and had left them fit only to remain in
slavery. Nothing hut such a government could
have formed such ;i po[)ulation, nothing hut such
a population would have tolerated such a govern-
ment.

AVhile anarchy and ruin thus overspread the
gieater part of the heautiful continent of South
America, the Empire of Brazil won an independent
existence without hloodshed, and kept it with credit.
The Dutch conquest of Brazil, and its reconquest hy
the J*ortuguese, has been mentioned in a former
chai)ter. The country long remained under the close
and oppressive monopoly imposed upon it by the Portu-
guese ; but in 1808, when Napoleon invaded Portugal,
the regent embarked, with the royal insignia, foi'
Brazil, which at once assumed the dignity of an
integral part of the kingdom. The ports were opened
to the connnerce of the world ; the printing-[)ress
was introduced ; learning was encouraged; the enor-
mous resources of the country were explored; foreign

isos

■,''i

• * I-

t;, M

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.0

I.I

1.25

^ ti& mil 2.0

iiiiii

1.8

1.4 11.6

Photographic

Sciences
Corporation

,%^

#:^.^^

23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 872-4503

iv^'

366 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1703—181;-..

(jii.MTKit settlers were invited to establisli themselves ; embas-
__ sieh' were sent to European powers of the first rank,
and diplomatic agents received. New towns and
harbours were planned ; new life was breathed into
1S21 every department of the state. After a few years,
the state of affairs in Europe compelled King John
YI. to return to Europe, as the only chance of
preserving the integrity of the monarchy. The
Cortes of Lisbon invited their sovereign to revisit
liis ancient capital, and deputies from Brazil wero
sunnnoned to attend the sittings of the National As-
sembly. But before the dei^uties could arrive, the
Cortes had resolved that Brazil should be again
reduced to absolute dependence on Poitugal. A
resolution more senseless or more impracticable can
hardly be imagined. The territory of Brazil was as
large as all Europe })ut together ; Portugal was a
little kingdom, isolated and without influence amoiig
the monarchies of the Old World ; yet it was delibe-
rately decreed that all the monopolies of the exploded
colonial system should be revived, and that England
should be deprived of her free trade to Brazil.*
The king appointed his eldest son, Dom Pedro,
Regent of the new kingdom, and soon after took his
departure for Lisbon, with many of the emigrant
nobility. Dom Pedro assumed the government under

* Commcrco and industry, which can never prosper but under the
licnijAiKint shadow of peace, had not only been desjjised and rclinquislicd,
but seemed even entirely destroyed by the unlimited licence granted to
(orci^nn vessels in all the ports of Brazil ; by the fatal treaty of connnerce
with England in IHIO, by the consequent decay of trade and national
innmifactures. — jManifcsto of the Portuguese, 18U1. Sec Empire dn
ih'csil. M. Angliviel de Beauniellc. Paris, 1828.

!it!i>.:

XI.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. ,",07
17(1.1—1815.;

the perplexiiifj; circumstances of an empty treasmy, cnAprEu
a heavy piihHc debt, and the provinces almost in
revolt ; Baliia disavowed his authority, and the
Cortes withheld their support from him. The rcj^ent
reduced his expenditure to the monthly sum Jtllowed
to his princess for pin money ; he retired to a country
house, and observed the most rigid economy. By
great exertions he reduced the public expenditure
from $5(1,000,000 to $15,000,000 ; but the northern
and internal provinces still withheld their taxes; the
army became mutinous, and the ministers of his
father, who still remained in power, were unpopular ;
the regent, in despair, demanded his recall. But
the Brazilians were at length disarmed by his noble
conduct ; they recognized his activity, his beneficence,
his assiduity in the aftairs of government; and the
habitual feelings of affection and res})ect for the
House of Braganza, which had for a moment bouii
laid asleep by distrust, were reawakened with re-
newed strent>"th.

It was fortunate that the quarrels which disturbed
Brazil were accommodated before the arrival of
intelligence from Portugal. Hardly liad the king
arrived in Lisbon, when he found himself obliged to
assent to a constitution which treated liis Brazilian
subjects as mere colonists ; succeeding mails brought
orders more and more humiliating to the Brazilians.
The design of declaring Brazil an independent
kingdom, grew more and more in public fjivour ; bnt
the prince was unwilling to place himself in direct
rebellion to the crown of Portngal, and steadily
adhered to his determination to leave America. At

i- -1

' i

i'.^

3G8

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

It' '

[1703— is* ir,.
CiiAi'TEu length, it is related, a despatch was delivered to the
■1— regent, which he declined to show to any of his
ministers, but which evidently excited in his mind no
ordinary emotions of anger : he crushed the paper in
his hand, and moved away to a window, where he
stood for a few minutes in thought ; at length he
turned to his council with the words " Independen(;ia
ou morte :" — the exclamation was received with
tumultuous cheers, and was adopted as the watch-
word of the Revolution. The Portuguese troops
were sent back to Europe.

The Cortes of Lisbon were now anxious to recall
their obnoxious decrees ; to admit the deputies from
Brazil ; to make any concession that might be
demanded. But it was too late : the independence
1822 of Brazil was formally proclaimed in August, 1822,
and in December of the same year, Dom Pedro was
crowned as the first Emperor of Brazil. I'his is the
first, and as yet the only instance of a modern colony
achieving its independence, and separating itself
completely from its metropolis without bloodshed.

\ '

li!S

illli

EXODUS OK THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1TC3— IftlT).

red to tlie
my of liis
lis mind no
le paper in
, where lie
length he
[ependen(;ia
jived with
the watch-
uese troops

us to recall
puties from

might he
idependence
iigust, 1822,
1 Pedro was

This is the
dern colony
ating itself
oodshed.

1.S 15—1848.]

;',(;',)

i ■

CHAPTER Xll.

ESTA15L1S11MENT OF PARLIAMENTAUY GOVERNMENT.

[1815—1848.]

Establisliiiicut of rics])onsiblo (lovenuncnt — I'owers uf tVjlonial Governors

— Kubi'llion Losses Bill.

After the peace of 1815, a vast influx of English
settlers took place, hoth into Upper and Lower
Canada ; many tlionsands of men disengaged from
the war having now to settle in a liome, sought one in
those provinces. The immediate result of tlie immi-
gration was dissension in hoth provinces : in Up[)er
Canada, the new comers foirid that the old settlers
liad estahlished themselves into a kind of aris-
tocracy, very exclusive in its nature, and exer-
cising a cramping iniluence on the energies of
those who settled among them. Tlie old Loyalists
almost monopolized power in the executive and
legislative councils, and in the assemhly; nor could
the new comers ohtain, in any department of life,
the advantages to which they believed themselves
entitled. In Lower Canada, the quarrel became still
more deadly ; the French, hitherto undisputedly in
tlie ascendant, began to fear for their nationality.
English settlers settled in and around jVIontreal and
Trois Rivieres in such numbers, that they were able

VOL. 11. 2 l{

ClIAlTKU

Xl[.

-t

ClIAI'T

XII

• i:

! > ;-7i:i*fa«rl

!. ■ <

;570 EXODUS OF THK AVERTTIKN NA'J'IONS.

[isin— IS4S.
to orgjiTiize a stron^j; and united opposition, and send
to tho assembly at Quebec a minority fully determined
not to allow French claims to pass without challeiig'e.
Thus, in botli Canadas, the unwonted spectacle of nn
opposition was seen ; but in Upper Canada it was
formed of the newly arrived English exclusively, and
in Lower Canada the new settlers only reinforced
the English, who had hitherto languished in a hope-
less minority.

The French had still power to carry their views in
the Lower Canadian assembly, and make wliatever
comjdaints they pleased to the home government,
ostensibly in the name of the whole population of
the province. Disputes arose, whicli extended over
the whole period of the administrations of tlie Duke
of Richmond, Lord Dalhousie, and Sir James Kem])t.
Complaints multiplied, public meetings were held,
violent speeches made, and, finally, delegates were
appointed to demand a redress of grievances from
the Lnperial Parliament.

Tho Parliamentary Committee, to whom the com-
plaint of the delegates was referred, made a report
which was acknowdedged to be an able and impartial
one. A remedy was ordered for every grievance
that could be alleged ; but the French, whose object
was not to obtain relief of grievances, but to have
something to complain about, passed fourteen reso-
lutions, embodying some of the okl and a few new
grievances, and appointed an agent to advocate their
claims. Lord Aylmcr, wdio had recently arrived in
the province as governor, could not but feel astonished
that vlie same people who liad so lately ex})ressed

EXODUS OF THE WESTRIJN NATIONS. IMl

IH 15— 1848.]

tlioir (loliglit and satisfaction at tlio proceedings of chaiti-k
parliament, and who knew that the recommendation ^illl
of the committee was in train of execution, sliould
again he as clamorous as ever ; l)efore attending to
the new matters which were brought before him, he
prudently entreated that the assembly would bring-
forward at once every grievance of wliicli they could
complain, in order that nothing might be produced at
a future time, after those which were now alleged
should be redressed.

The answer of the assembly was characteristic.
They declined Lord Aylmer's request to add any-
thing to the fourteen resolutions, wliich were ac-
cordingly sent home. But before action could be taken
upon them, no less than ninety-two resolutions of
fresh grievances were passed by the assembly. V>y
this time all the disorders, the remedy of which lay
with the government, had been removed, and only
those which required the co-operation of the assembly
itself remained untouched. It was evident that the
French majority had asked what they did not require,
and hoped would not be granted, in order that refusal
nn'ght serve as the pretext of fresh agitation. The
ninety-two resolutions submitted to Lord Aylmer fell
to pieces on examination. Some of them were repeti-
tions of the grievances already redressed, some were
merely declamatory, some were mere compliments to
politicians in England who were supposed to be
favourable to the cause of the complainants ; nothing
really new was contained in them. The resolutions
were referred, like the others, to a comnn'ttee, who re-
ported that "the utmost anxiety had existed on the

w j> —

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:\7-2 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1815—1848,

CiiAiTi;u part of tlie liome government to carry into effect tlie
snggestionw of tlie committee of 1828, and that tlie
endeavonrs of the government to tliat end liad been
unremitting, and guided l)y a desire in all cases to pro-
mote the interest of the colony, and that in several im-
portant particulars the endeavour had been successful.
Memorials, contradicting the statements of the French
in Qvery ]iarticular, were sent by the English settlers.
The government, therefore, determined to send a com-
mission of inquiry, of which Lord Gosford was the head,
to inquire into the matter on the spot. Lord Gosford
was reminded that he went on a mission of peace and
conciliation, that he was to exercise a spirit, not of
distrust, but of confidence, and that he was to re-
member that his success would depend, not only on the
ability and fairness of his inquiries, but on his perfect
separation from all local and party disputes, and on
his own unquestioned frankness and impartiality.

The arrival of Ijord Gosford cut the ground from
under the feet of the French ; they could no longer
urge grievances with damaging effect when a board
was at hand to investigate and remedy them ; so un-
reasonable were they, that the act of investigating the
complaints they had themselves made was resented
as an indignity offered to the assembly, whose word
they said should be accepted without question or
remonstrance. Knowing that the instructions given
to the commission were of the most conciliatory cha-
racter, and that nothing more could be obtained by
the continued assertion of grievances, the French
boldly threw off the mask and asserted their right to
independence. .

KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. ;{:;;

1815—1818.]

Tlie words of ^roiitculin, uttered in ITfjO, were now (
literally fulfilled. " J^es Auo,-lois font ils uue coiupiete,
il faut qu'il.s cliangent la constitution du pays, ils y
portent leurs loix, leur coutumes. Voila les Cana-
diens transformes en politiques, en ncgoceans, en
lionnnes infatues d'une pretendue libertr, <(ui cliez
la })opulace tient souvent en Angleterre, de la
licence et de la nardin.'"* The Canadians, altliougli
they affected to consider every institution and usage
of their own so sacred as to achnit of no change,
were notso scrupulous as regarded those of the English.
The respectful coiuhict of the government formed a
curious contrast with the insolence of the French.
They passed an act to make notice of action, served on
the attorney-general for damages against the crown,
legal and binding. If the suit went against the crown,
it was provided that execution might issue against the
governor and his furniture, or the guns of the fortress, f

It was long before hopes of agreement w^ere aban-
doned. The governor opened the legislature wnth a
conciliatory speech, to which the assembly replied by
stopping the supplies. For four years no ap])ropria-
tion of provincial funds was made, and the oiHcials,
who depended upon their offices for support, were re-
duced to the greatest distress and the government to a
dead lock. At length the crown resolved to concede
no longer. It was nece»ssary for parliament to inter-
fere, and Lord John Kussell proposed and carried the
six famous resolutions, for which he has been, accord-
ing to the bias of the speaker, so much praised iind so
bitterly abused. The most inij)ortant of these was

iiArri'i;
Ml.

'■::\'

■ -J

* ]\[outculm lo M. de Mule, Auunst L'Uh, IToO.
t Ilalibui'tdii. Iiiilt' iUid Misrule in America, ii.

;>(.

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1837

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.(I'iri'ilf

374 EXODUS iW TIIH WI^STERN NATIONS.

[1815—1848.

CnAi>Ti;u tliat the administration of the hereditary, territorial,
and casual revenues of the crown should be applied
to the payment of the arreai's due on account of the
established and customary cliarires of the administra-
tion of justice, and of the civil government of the
province, without the intervention of the assembly.

That something must be done was clear. " There
was no powei' to make new laws, no means of paying
those who administered the old ones, no appropria-
tion for the public service in any department ; schools
were neglected, roads unrepaired, gaols unprovided
for, temporary laws expired, confusion and disorgani-
zation everywhere."*

In December, 1837, two persons, arrested for sedi-
tion, were rescued by some armed peasants, and im-
mediately afterwards Lower Canada was in a state of
open rebellion. The infection soon spread to the
Upper province ; but the disease was there shown in
a very modified form. The demands, too, of the pro-
vinces differed from one another. The Upper Cana-
dian minority, excluded from power by those who
were in possession of office, saw that their only chance
of obtaining their fair share of influence in the ad-
ministration was by making the executive council
responsible to the assemljly. The Lower province
demanded that the legislative council should be made
elective.

Immediately on the breaking out of the rebellion,
the constitution of Lower Canada was suspended ;
the revolt was put down at once, and with little
difficulty. Though the outbreak in Uj^per Canada
showed that a comparatively small portion of the

* Halibnrton. Rule iiml Misrule in America, ii. 2()4.

.■ ■■■■i

5()

KXODUS OF THE WKSTEHN NATIONS.

iK)i)iilntion '■ ns (lisafFocted to tlio Q'ovornmeiit, tlioro cuAnir.

were some sliarp skiniiislies l)efore tlie siiioiilderino- : ;

fire was comj)letely trodden out. The writer of tliese
jtag'os lias frequently heard the events of tliat time
descrihiMl by men who took u prominent part in the
scenes wliicli they narrated. The traveller in Cana(hi
will often find that the fi'iend at whose hosj)ital)le
table he is entertained, or the merchant with whom
his imwarlike business is transacted, himself com-
manded a company of volunteers when the rebels
were marching on Toronto, or pidled an oar in one of
the boats which reconnoiti'ed Navv Island oi- cut out
the Caroline.

On the night of the 4th December, IS.'IT, when all
Toronto was asleep, except the policemen who stood
sentries over the arms I i the city hall, and a few gen-
tlemen who sat up to watch out the night with the
Adjutant-Greneral of Militia in the Parliament I louse,
the alarm came that the rebels were upon the city.
'J'hey were under the command of a newspaper editor
named Mackenzie,* whose grotesque figure was until
very lately familiar to the frequenters of the Cana-
dian House of Assemblv. Rumours had been rife
for some days past of arming and drilling among
the disaffected in the Home and London districts : a
witness had sworn before the magistrates that bags
filled with pikeheads were concealed in a blacksmith's

■j:

* This person united considerable boldness and oritduality ol views with
a most acrimonious disposition and extraordinary jiersonal activity. Tin-
writer has seen him, during tho excitement of (h bate, leup at a single
bound on to the table of the House of Assembly, though at the time of
]ierlbrming this singular leat he must have been more than seventy years
ol'age, and liom the shortness of his stature the table was on a level with
his chest.

xri.

••vj^ivjmi .;

■■ 'r .-.

\i'- ■

:{7(; [•:x()i)rs of tiik wkstkux nations.

[1815—1848.

CiiAiTint tovp^e iiL'Jii' tlie town. Tlie alajin tlircw Toronto into
commotion. Everybody was stirred to activity save
the governor, wlio came down in liis sliirt toseewliat
was tlie matter, and retired again to 1)ed, grumbling
at having been distnrl)ed. While the rebels were
approaching, Mr. Camei'on, then a student at law,
and since solicitor-general, rushed to ring the great
college bell ; while others, momiting in haste,
galloped about, I'ousing the Loyalists from their beds,
and in default of keys, breaking open the door of
St. James's Chiu'ch with axes, in order to add its peal
of bells to the general alarm. The volunteers were
formed in the market-square during the night, and
well armed. In point of disci [»line, even in the first
instance, they were not wholly deficient, many of
them being retired officers and discharged men from
both the naval and military services. The arm-chests
in the market-place were broken open, and the
muskets and accoutrements delivered to each man as
he arrived. By daylight upwards of five hundred
men were formed into one battalion of ten comj^anies,
with ofticers and sergeants duly distributed. Amoiig
those carrying muskets stood the late Chief Justice
Robinson, though he held rank as a colonel of militia.
The Adjutant-General, Colonel Fitzgibbon, requested
him to fall out and take the command, but he declined,
saying, in an animated tone, that the example he
thus set would have an encouraging effect. Towards
morning news came of a smart skirmish which had
occurred during the night, in which a party of the
rebels were driven back, and their leader killed.
During the succeeding day and night, loyal yeomen
kept pouring in to act in defence of the crown. Sir

it;

IIXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[181')— 1848.

3ronto into
tivity sHvo
to see wliat
oTuinl)liiic:
ebels were
nt at law,
r the great
ill liaste,
tlieir beds,
lie door of
idd its peal
iiteers were
iiig'lit, and
in the first
t, many ot"
} men from
s arm-chests
1, and the
ich man as
iQ liinidred
companies,
cl. Among
lief Justice
1 of militia.
, recpiested
le declined,
xample he
Towards
which had
arty of the
der killed,
yal yeomen
Town. Sir

isi

■IS-lH.J

Allan, then (\)lonel, Macnah, the Speaker of the House cnxnii!
f iv l)ly, who had already seen service in the war 1

()

Ml.

f 18l.:i as a sailor under Sir James Yeo, and suhse-
quently as a soldier under General T>roek, raised a
body of his friends and adherents in the course of the
night and following day, and, seizing a vessel in the

iiarbour at Jhimilton, hurried to Toronto. The
arrival of the Speaker with his " iu'Mi of (iore " — as
thev were called, from the name (»f the district in
which they were raised — w\as hailed with deliii-ht bv
the Loyalists. The rebels were defeated and dispersed
next day, at a })lace some two miles from Toronto.
In this action, the Speaker took the command of the
volunteers, which he kept during the subserpient
campaign on the Niagara frontier, and till all danger
was over. While the rebels were iji full retreat, after
the battle of Toronto, towards a tavern where Mac-
kenzie had esta,)lislied his head quarters, (V)loiiel
Fitzgiblxm and one of his sons, with Captain Ilalkett,
a son of the chief justice, and Mr. Maitland, rode as
hard as they could in advance of the column, on the
track Mackenzie had taken, which led towards the
woods. Maitland, better mounted than the resi,
pressed Mackenzie so hard that the rebel left his
horse and ran into the forest just as his pursuer got
within pistol-shot. Mackenzie soon rallied his
scattered adherents, and seized Navy Island, just
above Niagara Falls, where he was joined by large
numbers of American "sympatbizers," who came
to the spot on the chance of a quarrel with tlie
English. On receipt of this intelligence, the Speaker
hastened from the neighbourhood of IJrantford (where

h'i

»i.,t>,

i%,ry0-

m .''

*|i!.

;?7H EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[IHlf)— 1S4S.

CnAi-TEu ^le had just dispersed a band of insurgents under the

V F T

I : command of a doctor named Buncombe) to reinforce

Colonel Caiucroji. formerly of the TlHli, who had taken
up a position at Chippewa.

Navy Island, an .^yott some quarter of a mile in
length, lies in the Niagara River, within musket-shot
of the Canadian bank. The cui-rent rinis past the
island on both sides with gi-eat velocity, and im-
mediately below it, hurries o\'er the two miles of
rocks and rapids that precede its tremendous leap.
The rebels threw up works on tlie side facing the Cana-
dians. They drew tlnir supplies from l^ort Schlosser,
an American work nearly opposite the village of
(yliippewa, and employed themselves diligently in
concentrating their forces for another attack on the
Canadas. As long as the communication remained
open between the island and the American shore, a
land force coidd not hoj^e to produce any impression ;
it therefore became necessary to organize a flotilla :
tln-ee schooners, and all the boats that could be found
on the Cana(Man bank, were hired to transport the
troops : a volunteer crew proceeded to reconnoitre the
enemy, and select a place for a landing. The boat
was allowed to proceed unmolested the entire length
of the island on the American side, but wdien she
rounded the end and proceeded, co descend the stream,
the bank nearest to Canada wa lined w^itli the sliarp-
shooters of tli3 insurgents. The whole Loyalist force
was encamped on th.e bank, and the mcii crowded
down to the river-side to witness the exciting race.
The officer in command stood up in the stern-sheets.
while the gallant little crew pulled for tlieir lives

XII.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 371)

1815—1848.]

along the front of'tlie insurgents. Tliey swept within Ch.mtku
ten yards of the mouth of a fiekl-piece, from wliich as
they passed they were saluted with a liarmless fire of
grape. It Vvas afterwards discovered that tlie gnu
was pointed hy an American officer from ^Yest Point,
who had come out, as he said, for a day's shooting on
the island. In this manner the Loyalists proceeded
about half a mile, cheered by their comrades on the
one bank, and fired at by the rebels on the other,
without the loss of a man, or any other casualty than
a broken oar.

A schooner had been seen plying between Fort
Schlosser and the island several times during the
day, and had brouglit over several field-pieces and
other military stores ; it therefore became necessary
to decide whether it was not expedient for the safety
of Canada to destroy her. Great Britain was not
at war with the United States, and to cut out an
American steamer from an American port, was to in-
cur a heavy I'csponsibility. Nevertheless Colonel Mac-
nab determined to assume it. From the lake sailors,
and such adventurous spirits among the Loyalists as
possessed the necessary qualification of pulling a. good
oar, crews were selected to man seven boats. I^'ive
of these were intrusted to lieutenants in the royal
navy, one to a merchant-captain, and one to (Japtain
Drew, R.N., who commanded the expedition.

The moon had not set when the boats started. In
order to understand the jxciting nature of the ser-

0 fulfil, it must be remembered

vice tliey

gom<

that they pidled absolutely across the head of the
great rapid ; that a wounded man, or a broken row-

*• M

■:..r<

I ',

I*.,.

l5.' • ■

C!iiAi'Ti;u
XU.

;]80 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1815— 1S4S.

lock would have sent tliem, without a chance of
rescue, over the falls : moreover, it was even doubt-
ful whether, witli all their skill, and undei the most
favourahle circumstances, hoats could make head
against the tremendous stream. For some minutes
after the adventurous party had left the bank they
tugged at their mufHed onrs in silence ; but before
they were half way across it was whispered among
the crew^s that they were not making headway, and
that they were drifting over the falls. Happily the
commanders, though one of them at least was fully
convinced that the terrible foreboding was true, suc-
ceeded in reassuring the men, and a few minutes'
observation of stationary lights on the bank proved
that the suspicion was in truth unfounded. The
boats were fortunate in hitting oft' the very spot they
desired, just off Fort Sehlosser ; and though a light
was visible at the steamer's mast-head, a small low
island near the fort concealed them. It was not yet
dark, and they lay upon their oars for nearly three
quarters of an hour, till the moon went down. About
midnight they proceeded to attack. As they drifted
alongside the vessel with the current, the watch hailed
the boats for the countersign ; but before the alarm
could be given the boarders were on deck. A smart
skirmish ensued, in which several of the Americans
were wounded, but no lives lost. Hopes by which
the vess(.'l was moored alongside the wharf were cast
off, and the steamer was set on fire. At this moment
a young man, named Sullivan, discovered that the
Caroline was fast under water. Cold as it was he
jumped down, broke the ice, and cast off the chain.

EXODUS Ol' THE WESTEIJN NATIONS, 381

IS 15— 1848.]

Tlie Americans had now asscmliled in force, and Cmaiti-.u

were smartly eno-ag-ed with a paity under Lieutenant '. '.

Ehnsley, whicli liad been detailed to cover the attack.
Tlie signal was given that the service was sufficienly
performed ; and the whole party hurried to their
boats under a brisk fire f.'om the shore. The doomed
steamer swiftly drifted down to her fate : she was
on fire fore and aft. No eftbrt was made to guide
her, and from her position in the stream it was sup-
posed that she would go over tlie American ftxlls :
but such was not the event ; she made her own way
across the river, passed on the Canadian side of Goat
Island, and, in presence of thousands of spectators,
went blazing over the British fall.

For a short time after the outl:>reak the con-
stitution was suspended, and the province remained
under martial law. A permanent court-martial sat
at Montreal, and considerable bodies of troops garri-
soned the city. Upper Canada was safely left to the
protection of the loyal men who had defended it in
the time of trial. .15ut it daily became more evident
that, 1 hough martial-law must speedily be abandoned,
the old system could never be restored. Unde. these
circumstances it was determined to send the Earl of 1838
Durham to Canada, with full power to examine and
report upon the best means of governing Canada fo?"
the future.

Lord Durham's appointiiient was twofold. Tie
was governor-go i) era! and commander-in-chief of all
the North American provinces, and also lord high
commissioner, to inquire into, and, if possible, adjust
all questions about civil government then pending in

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, 1

' t'

liS2 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[IS J;-,— 1 848.

CirAPTER Upper and Lower Canada. His powers were nnder-
stood to be unlimited, mat of granting a general
amnesty to all concerned in the rebellion being one
of the most important.

The high commissioner landed at Quebec on the
20tli of May, and at once proceeded in his work of
pacification. The French at first held sullenly aloof,
and the hopes of the English section were raised high.
But the judicial impartiality of the high commissioner
was not likely to please either of the parties who had
so lately been engaged in civil strife ; and existence,
as each believed, was involved in the issue of the
inquiry in which Lord Durham was now engaged.
A general anniesty, publislied in Upper Canada, had
rather the effect of displeasing the Loyalists than of
reclaiming the affection of the disaffected ; but several
measures for internal government were more success-
ful, and in a short time quiet was completely restored.
Lord Durham and his coadjutors were meanwhile
busily engaged in collecting materials for the cele-
brated report, wdiich perhaps has had more effect tlian
any other state-paper upon the future happiness of a
large portion of the Anglo-Saxon race. One of the
principal measures to which the high commissioner
was inclined was the federation of all the North-
American provinces. It seems to be 2)ri))id facie evi-
dence in favour of the scheme of federation, on which
our transatlantic colonies are even now engaged, that
on all occasions where the ordinary machinery of
government has proved insufficient, recourse has at
once been had to the principle of confederation.
Delegates from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick were

iiiii;:;rt::

EXODUS OF THE WEfeTEllN NATIONS. 383

18 lo— 1818.]

Imsily eiic;aG,-cd, 'vitli others in C^an;uln, in discnssino- Cii.u-ikr

the details of the propo^^ed union, when Lord Durham's 1 !

recall put an end to their deliberations, and post-
poned for the time the arrangement of terms, though
all were understood to agree upon the principle.
Proceedhigs in parliament, by which the plenary
powers conferred on Lord Durham were much cur-
tailed, and some of his acts disavowed, induced Lord
Durham to return home towards the close of 183!). 1889

Li the following year an act was passed for the 1840
union of Upper and Lower (Canada, and the re-esta-
blishinent of civil government in the latter province.
It was not possible, after the entire break-down of the
old system, to recur to it : Lord Durham's advice
was to establish a form of government which should
resemble, as far as circumstances would permit, the
constitutional government of this country. " The
experience," said he,* " which we have had of a
government irresponsible to the people of these colo-
nies, does not justify us in believing that it would bo
very well administered. . . . The only power that can
be effectual at once in covering the present disaflec-
tion, and hereafter obliterating the nationality of the
French Canadians, is that of a numerical majority of
a loyal and English population ; and the only stable
government will be one that is more popular than
any that has yet existed in the North-American
colonies."

The carrying out of this scheme, however desirable,
was yet fraught with no inconsiderable difficulty.
To abandon entirely to their own devices a colony

* Jleport, p. 220.

*'■';

.•^.'

, I

;j8i

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

t' ■•' .

i ■

"1815—1848.

CiiAPTEu ill wliicli tlie aslics of civil discord were vet smoul-
XII . . . .

1 — '. deriiig, and wliicli for two years had been kept in

clieck only by martial law, must have appeared to
statesmen who were proceeding experimentally, and
on whom the responsibility of failure would fall, a
course fraught with danger. While we admire the
success which has attended a form of government far
more uncontrolled by the crown than that which Earl
Ilussell conceded in 1840, we cannot but admit that
the noble Lord's courage and his caution were alike
worthy of praise. Earl Ivussell pointed out what he
considered the necessary distinctions between the go-
vernment of a colon}^ and of this country. He stated
that although responsible government, as understood
by the colonial assemblies, was open to objections
fatal to its utility, he saw no objection to the adop-
tio ^ of the views advanced by Lord Durham. At
^he present time the govei-nment of the North- Ame-
rican provinces is in the hands of legislative assemblies,
from whose ranks an executive council or cabinet is
selected to advise the governor. These cabinets are
responsible to the assemblies, and hold office only
while they can command a majority in the provincial
legislature. Before tlie rebellion, the council whicli
assisted the governor had held office for life or during
good behaviour. Earl Russell announced that office-
holders should in future be called upon to retire when
the public service seemed to require it.
1840 At the time when the Canada Act was passed,
which united the provinces of Upper and Lower
Canada, the disaffection of the French settlers was
general. Tliey were aliens in speech, in manners,

EXODUS OF THE WES'I'EHN NATIONS, :W>

1815—1848.]

ill laws, and in affections. Their jurisprudence, es-
pecially, was in a hopeless state of embarrassment.
English law was introduced at the conquest ; French
law was admitted by the Constitution Act; the co-
lonial legislature and colonial courts speedily added a
third form of procedure. Colonial law trimmed be-
tween one code and the other ; it attempted to explain
anomalies in the English code by the aid of feudal
law ; it attempted to evade the intricacies of the
seigniorial tenure by reference to the English statute
book. The result, as might be expected, involved a
mass of contradictions and anomalies which was the
delight of lawyers and the despair of suitors. It was
thought that by uniting under one government the
Anglo-Saxon population of Upper Canada and the
French of Lower Canada, the distinctive charac-
teristics of the latter race would speedily die out, and
that the cumbrous seigniorial code would disappear
before the superior convenience of English law.
There was another consideration which was probably
weighed by the framers of the Canada act : it would
have been unadvisable to leave the French in a lower
position in the social scale than their brethren in
Upper Canada, — to compel them to remain under in-
stitutions more or less despotic, while their neigh-
bours in the west were exercising the privileges of
self-government ; and it would have been equally
unadvisable to allow them to perpetuate by means of a
separate assembly those feelings of French nationality
which had already once incited them to rebellion,
and which would if not discouraged prevent them
from becoming loyal subjects of the English Crown.

Chaiteu
XII

IT.")!)
ITii'i

I'-Ji

I .

■ i

VOL. II.

2 0

f , .

Chapter

xir.

-.1 V

I v. i

(•'

'..( •

386 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS,

[1815—1848.

As the rebellion bad been crnslicd in the upper
province by tlie unassisted efforts of native LoyaHsts,
a party in Upper Canada witli some reason con-
sidered itself as the sole representative of loyalty. It
was, therefore, hardly possible when the union had
been effected, and the united legislature met for the
first time under the speakership of Sir Allan Macnab,
that persons who had lately encountered each other
in the field should regard each other with much com-
placency in the Senate. The Freuch Canadians failed
to acquire due consideration in the new parliament ;
and although Lord Sydenham's instructions were to
carry out and establish, as far as possible, the theory
of constitutional government, the circumstances of
the time, and the necessarily disjointed state of
parties, together with his own great administrative
ability, forced him to assume the attitude of an
arbitrary governor. Under Lord Sydenham's suc-
cessor a little step in advance was made in the con-
stitutional history of the colony, but Lord Metcalfe,
who succeeded Sir Charles Bagot, became involved
in a series of disputes with the assembly, which,
whether his conduct were right or wrong, involved
a retrograde movement in the state of political affairs.
Lord Metcalfe entertained, on a subject of import-
ance, a difference of opinion with his council. The
constitutional practice in such a case would evidently
be to dismiss his advisers, and to summon assistance
from the rardcs of the Opposition. If these failed
to obtain the support of the assembly, an appeal to
public opinion by means of a dissolution of parlia-
ment might be had as a last resort. If the result of

XII.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 88]

1815—1848.]

tliat appeal were adverse to the views of the go- Chapteu
vernoi", liis only constitutional course would le either
to give way or to resign to her Majesty the trust
which circumstances rendered him unable to fulfil.
It is useless now to discuss whether it would have
been possible in the then state of parties and in the
then existing constitutional knowledge among colo-
nial politicians to have recourse to such expedients.
Lord Metcalfe pursued a different plan. He effected
his object indeed, but it was by quitting the vantage
ground of neutrality, upon which a colonial governor
ought to stand, and by throwing himself as a par-
tisan into the ranks of one of the great parties by
which the colony was divided. The result was, that
the Opposition directed their attacks no longer against
the advisers of the governor but against the governor
liimself, and the crown, which he represented. Tlie
party by whom Lord Metcalfe was supported, backed
as it was by the authority of the governor and the
crown, naturally considered itself as the party of
loyalty ; and as the opponents of that party gradually
began to acquiesce in the estimate that was formed
of them, the act of the governor was indirectly the
means of exciting disaffection.

The temporary embarrassment which Lord Met-
calfe had to face was for the moment obviated, but a
greater danger was left in reserve : in all repre-
sentative assemblies, a majority has a tendency to
become weak and a minority to be strengthened. It
became evident that as soon as the minority which
had been industriously stigmatized as disloyal, ac-
quired sufficient strength to supplant its opponents,

2 c 2

''n I

■ \ I > 'I

i? i

XII.

fi:.

'.[' ,'-

r.'

388 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1H15— 1H4H.

OiiAi'iKR the partisans of the crown would no longer ho the
dominant power in the state. Lord Metcalfe was
compelled hy illness to retire from his government,
and died, before the difticulties which he evidently
saw no means of surmounting, liad come to a crisis :
lie was succeeded by Lord (/athcart, a governor whose
purely military education fitted him very little to face
constitutional difficulties. He was placed in office on
account of the danger which existed of a rupture with
America, and as soon as the Oregon negotiations liiid
been settled, Lord Cathcart was succeeded by the
Earl of Elgin.

That nobleman found himself surrounded by special
difficulties. It was his object to escape from the ne-
cessity of depending for support upon a party, as
Lord Metcalfe had found himself compelled to do.
The result of the policy he pursued was to transfer
power from the hands that had wielded it so long to
the French Canadians and the Liberal party in
Western Canada. The feeling of these politicians
when possessed of power, was very different from the
spirit which possessed the same gentlemen in oppo-
sition. The disloyalty with which they had been
reproached, if it had ever really existed, vanished
beneath the sunshine of prosperity. Lord Elgin,
although he very naturally incurred the dislike of
the party who had been accustomed to consider them-
selves as the rightful j)ossessors of authority, pre-
served to the end of his administration the attitude of
neutrality which he originally assumed. His govern-
ment passed through trying times. One of the first
questions which he had to dispose of involved a

XII.

KXMDUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS, ;is(»

ISIT)— 184S.]

dilemma in wliich no governor would willing-ly find Chapter
himself placed. A Bill was brought in, indcnmitying
those not absolutely concerned in tlie rebellion tor
losses incurred during the contest ; the Bill, as
might be expected, was argued by both parties with
a degree of heat to which the recollection of recent
civil disturbance could alone give birth. The Loyal-
ists who fought for the crown in that struggle might
assert, that after defending the rights of England
with their lives and property, it was cruel and unjust
that they should be taxed to pay for the damages which
had been committed by order of lawfully-constituted
authorities. Their opponents might assert that if an
indemnity meant anything, it meant not only immu-
nity from imnishmcnt'but oblivion of the past ; that it
was not intended to indemnify those who had actually
taken up arms against the sovereign ; and that those
who had been convicted l>y a jury of their countrymen
of being implicated in the disorder, were specially
exempted from the benefit of the Bill. Lastly, they
might assert that they lived under a constitutional
government ; that the Bill was constitutionally carried
by a parliamentary majority ; and that by the funda-
mental rule of our constitution the decision of the
majority was binding. The circumstances are almost
tpo recent for one who witnessed the heartburnings
of that time to pronounce with absolute impartiality ;
it seems to be one of those cases in which, to the
actors, right seems almost in abeyance, and feeling-
takes its place. It is certainly one of those questions
upon which a free nation must be allowed to decide
for itself, by means of its legally-constituted parlia-

!.»•,'

,1 .

300 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1815—1848.

CiiAiTKu merit. The Bill was [)assecl Ly both houses ; hut the
— \)iiriy who had acted with Lord Metcalfe asserted
their conviction that the Queen would refuse to sanc-
tion an act of such deep ingratitude to those who
had fought for her cause. They requested Lord
Elgin to withhold the royal assent, and to send it
home for the decision of lier Majesty. To accede to
this request was to shift on to other shoulders a re-
sponsibility which rightly belonged to himself. The
constitutional f(jrms wliich he had been sent out to
establish, recognized no difference between one Bill
and another, provided no prerogative of the crown
was invaded by it. The duty was a painful one, but
the constitutional course was plainly to assent, in the
Queen's name, to the Bill. Lord Elgin's performance
of this duty was made the occasion of serious riots, in
which, however, the uneducated classes only took part.
From thr^ time the imjoartiality of the governor was
emphatically pronounced ; and it is probable that this
single act luis in itself been very signally instrumen-
tal in placing constitutional institutions on a firm
foundation. Parliamentary government may from
that time be considered as fairly established in
Canada : similar institutions were, at the same time,
given to Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and shortly
afterwards to Newfoundland. Since then it has been
the object of successive governors to develop consti-
tutional principles in British America, and to natu-
ralize English forms and precedents ; with what
success those will best appreciate, who liave most care-
fully watched the warm loyalty and wonderfully rapid
development of hei- Majesty's transatlantic possessions.

KXODUS OF TIIK WKSTKRN NATIONS.

391

1818—180.").]

CHAPTER Xlll.

IMIOPO.SKI) FKDMIJATION OF iJWITISiJ AMEI{1CA.

[1848—1805.]

Miiiisloriiil "Doivd Lock " in C'iuiailii — I'irst Proposal of u Fciloratioii —
CoimmTcial Position of tlii' C'oluuit.s iiroposiiiij; to join the Ftdfrntion —
Description of iio Plan.

Ai/nioUGii the gciieviil provisions of tlic Caiiadu Act
have been in inany essential ])articiilars a benefit to
tlie colonies, one provision of that Act has been pro-
ibictive of gTatbially increasing- einbarrassinent, and,
at length, has mainly pr()ni[)ted the resohition of
which we see the fruit in the projected confederation
of the IJritish American provinces.

By the Act of Union, an equal number of members
was assigned in the United Assembly to Ujiper and
Lower Canada. The arrangement was at first con-
sidered to be in favour of the Uj^per Canadians, who
were at the time inferior in point of numbers to the
inhabitants of Lower Canada. Ijut the tables were
soon turned : emigrants from England, fiom Scotland,
from L'eland, from Germany, poured into the country,
and naturally settled down among their own country-
men, in the fertile upper country ; while the French
were hardly recruited by menns of immigration at all.
The character of the Frencli habitans moulded, by
events which have already been described, diftered

(!ll AITER

\ni.

■h i.-

•I .
I

' 'I

: -I

XIII.

ft -

'! '

3\)'2 HXODUS OF THE WIOS'J'KUN NATIONS.

[1848— ib(;5.

Chakieu widely from those of the active and energetic race
which nominally formed with them one people. The}^
were slow, and behind the world in agriculture ; the
people of the Upper province were keen advocates
for labour-saving machinery and improved methods of
cultivation. They were closely under the dominion of
their priests ; the Upper Canadians had too much of
the Scotch element in their character to do more
than offer bare toleration to Catholics. Lastly, they
retained French habits, songs, language ; and the races
did not amalgamate. It naturally happened that
the less energetic people fancied that they were
ill treated and shouldered aside in the everyday
affairs of life ; they began to stand upon the rights
conferred by the Act of Union, and obtained, as their
rivals averred, an undue influence in public affairs, by
the expedient of combining with any section of Upper
Canadians who happened to be temporarily in oppo-
sition. The Upper province bore the inconvenience
for a considerable time without complaint, but as they
grew in population the evil became more galling.
The rule which had worked well when Upper Canada
was numerically inferior to the lower province, was
found oppressive when a small minority was able vir-
tually to control a large and energetic majority. A
demand arose among the Upper Canadians for repre-
sentation in proportion to population. It was con-
tended that with two races, two languages, two
systems of religious belief, two sets of laws, it was
impossible that, without sacrificing their principles,
public men of both sections could remain together in
the same government ; the difliculty, it was said, went

EXODUfei OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 31)3

1848—1865.]

on increasing from year to year. The West continued Chmter
to increase in population, till Upper Canada exceeded
the Lower province by 400,000 souls, and paid by far
the larger moiety of the taxes, without enjoying a
proportionate representation. One election followed
another, one '* ministerial crisis " followed another,
without bringing any solution for the difficulties in
carrying on the government of the country. Discord
and agitation were constantly carried on among that
section of the people who busied themselves with
politics, and at last differences grew to such a
height that they resulted in a complication to which
the Canadians gave the expressive name of " the
dead lock," in which all government was suspended,
and neither party could form an administration which
was not strangled in its birth.

At length, in ■ July 18G4, the Canadian ministry,
with Mr. Macdonald at their head, were defeated by
the Opposition, headed by the great advocate of repre-
sentation by population, the Hon. George Brown,
member for Toronto ; this was only one of a series of
alternate defeats and victories, and Mr. Brown knew
that any government, which he formed in consequ<3nce
of his victory, would be at once upset in its turn by a
new combination of the Opposition.

Already the diflerence which existed between
Upper and Lower Canada had produced in both
divisions of the province a degree of exasperation of
which Englishmen liave but little cciiception ; the
more violent of the French Canadians talked of
returning to tlie state of things wliich existed before
the Canada Act, when each section of the province

XIII.

— i

J 804

'■''it'

■j'l

I :' I

'tm .

f/ •■ •

394

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATJ NS.

■if-

I-

[1848— 18G5.

Chaiteu liad its own legislature and its own laws. This state
XIII 1 . . .
' of feeling was alarming; it could not be supposed

that the Upper Canadians would allow matters to
remain permanently in a position so unfair to their
interests, nor was it likely that the French would
resign the position of equality in which they had
been placed by the Imperial Act of 1840. An
aj^peal to England would have involved, if the sove-
reign had consented to decide the point in dispute, an
expression of opinion which might have had a disas-
trous effect upon the loyalty of one if not both of the
provinces. It would have been hardly possible to
allow Quebec and Montreal, the strategic keys of
British America, to bo placed under the sole control
of a province which was in the act of separating from
a neighbouring British territory, avowedly on the
ground of nationality ; nor would it have been
possible to induce the eastern province to consent
to a remodelling of their constitution without u
struggle which might prove most dangerous to the
public peace. It was resolved that a compromise
should be effected ; that ^Ir. Brown and a few of his
political friends should join their late opponents ; and
that the question of representation by population,
which seemed unattainable by itself, should be merged
in the larger question of the federation of the I5ritihii
North-American provinces. This decision was an-
nounced by Mr. Brown to the Canadian Assembly in a
speech which is likely to become historical in Canadii,
as the first public step towards the formal amalgama-
tion of the different provinces which will hereafter form
on(i of the most powerful nations of the New World.

[1848—1805.

This state
be supposed
V matters to
ifair to their
'rench would
ch they had

1840. An
., if the sove-
11 dispute, an
had a disas-
>t both of the
y possible to
tegic keys of
le sole control
parating from
wedly on the
it have been
L'e to consent
m without u
gerous to the
X compromise
il a few of his
)ponents ; and
ly population,
uld be merged
of the Ikitibd
isiou was an-
Assembly in a
cal ill Canada,
lal amalgania-
hereafter form

New World.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 395

1848— ISnt).]

The federation of the provinces was no new proposal. Chaiteh
The Dukt of Newcastle had, in 18G2,* given the ^-
assent of the British Government to the principle, and 18'J2
had stated that he considered that it should emanate,
in the first instance, from the provinces, and should
be concurred in by all of them which it would aft'ect,
" I should," he wrote, " see no objection to any con-
sultation on the subject amongst the leading members
of the governments concerned. But whatever the
result of such consultation might be, the most satis-
factory mode of testing the opinion of the people of
British North America would probably be by means
of resolution, or address, proposed in the legislature
of each province by its own government."

It will not be necessary to examine, at any length,
a project which may possibly never come in a
formal shape before the consideration of the English
Government. The legislature of Canada is known
to be favourable to the scheme ; New Brunswick
is just j^fissing through the political excitement of
a dissolution of its parliament, in order that the
(piestion may be decided by a new assembly fully
qualified to represent the views of the province u])on
it; Nova Scotia would probably refuse its assent to
the federation if New Brunswick led the way ; New-
foundland is understood to be entirely favourable;
Prince Edward's Island does not consent even to dis-
cuss it. Such is the position of the various provinces
concerned ; it may therefore l)e thought that in a book
bearing in some degree an historical character a mere
project such as this ought not to detain us long ; nor

* July (kh, ISII'J.

vlH

i,,:,v
ft.,'

Hv:v

;,:t

39(5 EXODUS OF THE WESTER?^ NATIONS.

[1848— 18G5.

Chapter is it proDOsecl to do mofe than notice some of its
■ more prominent characteristics ; but it would be im-
possible to conclude a work written with a view to
appreciate the value of our colonial policy, without
regarding its latest fruit with some curiosity, and
examining, as well as imperfect data will allow, the im-
port and tendency of a proposal such as that which
has been provisionally sanctioned by the Imperial
authorities.

The provinces which it is now desired to join in
one federation are of great extent, and each will bring
into the proposed union elements of national strength
which are wanting in the others. If it be allowable
to take the vast area of the North-West, of British
Columbia, and Vancouver's Island, into the calculation
— and all of these will no doubt some day join the con-
federacy— they would be in point of territory the most
extensive country in the world. In round numbers
the superficial area may be stated at nearly 3,000,000
square miles, or upwards of 500,000 square miles
larger than the territory of the Federal and Con-
federate States combined, and within 250,000 miles
as large as the whole of Europe put together. This
extensive district has within it means which will
make it a most formidable political organization : the
population of the Capadas and the maritime provinces,
without counting the inhabitants of the North- West
and of the Pacific colonies, is over 4,000,000, and the
number of men fit to bear arms is not less than 500,000 ;
they have sixty or seventy thousand men who could
be readily made available as sailors, for the defenof^ of
their water frontier ; there is besides a constant and

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 397

1848—1865.]

increasing emigration from the United States ; every Chapter

day makes the United States less desirable as a resi- ' *

dence ; and it may be confidently anticipated that
large numbers will take refuge in Canada, from the
terrors of financial embarrassment and conscription.

Situate within the temperate zone ; with a fertile
soil, a healthy climate ; well wooded and watered ;
with 1,500 miles of coast washed by the Atlantic,
with thousands of bays, coves, and inlets for trade or
shelter ; a river and lake navigation altogether un-
equalled ; the new confederation possesses all the
elements necessary for success.

The detached provinces are in themselves as
capable of development as the Federation ; but want of
cohesion would be a fatal bairier to national strength.
Canada is cut off from the seaboard during half the
year : destitute of coal, it labours under disadvantages
which no art or enterprise would be able to overcome,
and which would ever stand between it and the full
development of national greatness : on the other hand,
the lower provinces would from their size never be
able to form first-class powers for defence or aggres-
sion.

As a Federation, they would be in a different
position ; their inhabited territories would be larger
than any European country, except Russia ; their un-
occupied land, containing the germ of three great
empires, could support a hundred millions of souls,
and grow cereals enough for that purpose. New-
foundland is rich beyond any other country in
maritime resources ; in the unexplored and rocky
fastnesses of the interior it is probable that great

.*-^

hi:':

Y' M

I *' "

898 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1848— 18G5.

Chapter mineral wealth is concealed. Nova Scotia lias iin-

XIII.

— * rivalled harbours ; and though some of them are in
winter shut up by ice, Halifax is always open, and
will no doubt become the great emporium of the
west ; it will be the Portsmouth and the Liver-
pool of the new confederation. The minerals of Nova
Scotia are almost inexhaustible ; her iron and coal will
render the confederacy independent of foreign aid.

With its great extent of sea-coast, British Nortli
America, if consolidated into one power and obliged to
undertake its own defence, would have to depend to a
greater extent than is generally supposed upon a
naval force, which has yet to be brought into exist-
ence. The elements of such a force exist in abun-
dance, and only require the transforming hand of
necessity to give them the shape in which they could
be used with effect. Nearly all the provinces possess
an abundance of timber suitable for the building of
ships ; they build for sale elsewhere, as well as for
their own use, a large number of vesseb. The
number of ships used by them for the purposes of
commerce form in the aggregate a commercial fleet
which is exceeded by that of only three nations —
England, the United States, and Russia : it therefore
ranks as the fourth in the world. Of the five provinces,
Nova Scotia is the highest in this respect and Canada
the lowest. The ships owned in British America may
be estimated, as far as imperfect returns will permit
an approximation, at G 5 2,1 74 tons. A large part of the
shipping of the maritime provinces is engaged in the
fisheries, in which Canada has not yet joined. Be-
sides the tonnage belonging to British North America,

'ti

DNS.

[1848— 18G5.

otia lias uii-

tliem are in
ys open, and
Drium of the
d the Liver-
erals of Nova
L and coal will
breign aid.
kitish North
md obliged to
;o depend to a
losed upon a
lit into exist-
xist in abuu-
Liing hand of
Ich they could
vinces possess
le building of
,s well as for
^essehj. The

purposes of
nmercial fleet
ree nations-
it therefore
ive provinces,
t and Canada
America may
s will permit

ge part of the
iigaged in the

joined. Bc-
orth America,

XIII.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 309

iR48_i8nr>.]

her commerce requires for its accommodation .30,000 CnArrKn
vessels, measuring in round numbers 6,250,000 tons —
nearly double the tonnage engaged in the commercial
marine of France ; it is therefore obvious that British
America contains within herself the principal elements
of a great naval power. She has besides, an extent
of sea-coast, fisheries, and opportunities for commerce,
which will cause that marine rapidly to increase. Her
imports already exceed those of the United States
forty-three years ago. In 1821, the total value of the
goods imported into the United States was only a little
over 62,000,000 dollars, of which over 10,000,000
worth were re-exported; those of British America are
now nearly 70,000,000. At the same date, the exports
of the States were less than 05,000,000, an amount not
very largely in excess of those of British America at
the present time. The commerce between Canada
and the other provinces is not large, the exports being
less than 1,000,000 dollars last year, and the imports
scarcely exceeding 500,000. This intercolonial trade
would receive a great impetus from a political union
of the provinces, which would give them a common
tariff and break down the barrier which Customs'
duties now raise between them.

There is considerable diversity in the products and
pursuits of the provinces of Canada, which may be set
down as a lumbering and an agricultural country;
Nova Scotia as a fishing, agricultural, and commercial
province ; Newfoundland as a huge fishing station ;
Prince Edward's Island as a fishing and agricultural
country ; while New Brunswick gives its chief atten-
tion to the forest.

]^'

■■.A:^^'

CHAPTEn

XIII.

1763

400 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1848—180;-).

Not the least important element of tlie material
prosperity of the federation arc the fisheries upon its
coasts. When, in 1763, Fi-ance ceded Canada to Eng-
land, she reserved to herself che right of fishing and
drying fish on part of the coast of Nevvfoundland,whic]i
had been previously secured to her by rhe treaty of
Utrecht ; but the French were not to resort to the
island beyond the time necessary for fishing and
drying fish. From Cape Bonavista to the northern
part of the island, and hence by the western side to
Cape Biche, is the part of Newfoundland on whicli
alone the French are entitled to catch fish and dry
it ; but in the gulf they are not allowed to exercise
the fishery nearer than within fifteen leagues of Cape
Breton. The islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon
were reserved by treaty as a shelter for French fisher-
men ; but it is provided by the same treaty that they
should not be fortified or have any buildings erected
on them, except for the convenience of the fishery, and
that no force beyond a guard of fifty men should bo
kept upon them. In the treaty by which, in 1783, the
independence of the United States was guaranteed, the
citizens of the republic were secured in the right of
fishing on the grand bank and the other bank of
Newfoundland, as well as in the Guli of St. Lawrence
and " all other places in the sea where the inhabitants
of both countries used at any time heretofore tofisli."
They were left at liberty to resort to every part of the
coast used by British fishermen ; and, though they were
not permitted to dry or cure the fish on the island,
they might do so " in any of the unsettled bays, liar-
bours, and creeks of Nova Scotia, Magdalen Island,

[1848—180;-).

tlie material
ries upon its
nada to Eng-
f fishing and
idland,\vhich
T.lie treaty f»f
resort to the
fishing and
the northern
stern side to
tnd on wliich
fish and dry
k1 to exercise
igues of Cape
,nd Miquelon
French fisher-
jaty that they
Idings erected
le fishery, and
en should he
, in 1783, the
luaranteed, the
the right of
ther bank of
St. Lawrence
lie inhabitants
ofore to fish."
iry part of the
|ugh they were
n the island,
|led bays, har-
■dalen Island,

XIII.

1S18

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 4()1

1848—1865.]

and Labrador," a riglit which was to cease whenever CuArrru
any of those places should become settled, unless tlicy
could make their own terms with the inhnl)itants.
They had also the right to fish on the " coasts, bays,
and creeks of all other of his Britannic Majesty's
dominions in America." Bv a convention between
England and the United States in 1818, tlic ports of
the coast of Newfoundland on which the Americans
should enjoy the lilierty of fishing w^ere defined, and
to their previous lights wa.s now added that of drying
fish on the soutliern coast of Newfoundland. The
States at the same time renounced the right of fishing
within three miles of any part of the British coast in
America, or of curing fish thereon. But American
fishermen might enter any bays or harbours on the
prohibited coast, for shelter, for the repair of damages,
or to obtain supplies of w^ood and water.

Thus it happened that while the French had ex-
clusive rights of fishery in some parts of Newfoand-
land, the inhabitants of the island had only a concur-
rent right with the Americans. Jealousies sprang up,
and it was found very difficult to prevent the occur-
rence of disturbances similar in character to tliose
petty private wars which took place in the early
whale fishery of Davis's Straits. These difficulties
were removed by the Eeciprocity Treaty in 18.54. 1854
The Americans are not now restricted as to the dis-
tance they sliould fish from the British shores, and
they may land for the purpose of curing their fish or
drying their nets. They are, however, prohibited
from taking shell-fish on our coasts. British subjects
have a right of fishing on the eastern coast of the

vol.. IT. 2 T)

'!■

■ i-_ ■

402

KXODIIS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

Chai'teh
XIII.

[1848—180,-,.

United States to tLe 3Gtli parallel of north latitude,
but it is of no practical value.

There is no part of the British American coast
where the fishery cannot be prosecuted with success ;
at Labrador, Newfoundland, Cape Breton, on the
eastern shores of New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia —
at Prince Edward Island, the JMagdalen Islands, and
at Anticosti ; but though the fisheries thus surround
the British American coasts, they are most extensively
prosecuted by subjects of 1^ ranee and citizens of the
United States. By Canada they are almost entirely
neglected ; it is worthy of note that Canada is the
only one of the provinces that offers a bounty for the
encouragement of the deep-sea fisheries, and that she
is ihe only province that does not pursue this branch
of industry to any extent worth mentioning.

France and the United States both pursue the
policy of giving bounties : France pays from 530,000
to 540,000 francs a year, averaging about 17/. to each
man engaged in them. The policy of granting
bounties is defended by the French partly on the
ground that the fisheries act as a nursery for seamen
who could not be so cheaply trained in any other
way, and partly on the ground that the French pursue
their industry at a great disadvantage of distance
from having no possessions in the neighbourhood
except two rocky islets. The number of French
seamen engaged is under twelve thousand. From
1820 to 1851 the Americans paid $8,000,000 in
bounties on fish ; and the same policy is still pur-
sued. Without the aid of bounties, the English
provinces export beyond their own consumption of

NS.

[1848—180;").

)rtli latitude,

eiican coast
vitli success ;
ton, on the
ova Scotia —
Islands, and
lius surround
it extensively
tizens of the
most entirely
^anada is tlie
ounty for the
and that she
Q this branch
ling.

I pursue the
from 530,000
it 17/. to each
of granting
Dartly on tlie
for seamen
in any other
rench pursue
of distance
eighbourliood
ir of French
land. From
18,000,000 in
is still pur-
the English
►nsumption of

KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

408

XIII.

1848—1865.]

fisli, the value of about eiglit millions of dollars and Cirxi
a half a year.

Such are the various provinces which it is now
desired to unite on the principles of a Federation.
It was at first intended to attempt the formation of a
legislative union ; many of the framers of the plan
still express in their speeches their approval of that
form of union, and their regret that it was neces-
sary, in order to obtain a compromise on which
all might agree, to abandon the idea. But the
French Canadians, if they feared for their nationality
when it was merely a question whether Upper
Canada should return a few more members to the
Canadian assembly, could by no means be persuaded
to agree to a proposal which would make them a
small, and numerically an insignificant minority of a
large Anglo-Saxon assembly. The idea was, there-
fore, formally abandoned, and a plan adopted which,
as we ought not to disguise from ourselves, contains,
amidst much that is admirable and sound, some of
those evils which are implied in divided and possibly
antagonistic authority. Legislative union might
perhaps have acquired a monarchical tendency, and
have relieved us of some dangers which now appear
inherent in the scheme ; a Federal union must in its
nature be democratic. A few of the obvious advan-
tages which will arise from the proposed union, in
whatever shape it may come, have already been
indicated. Some of the points on which it may clash
with Imperial interests will be considered in the next
chapter : the scheme is not without opponents in the
provinces, or entirely free from objections apart from

2 D 2

TF.R

|. - :}

'■l^'-;^-^-

404 EXODUS OF THK WES^rERN NATIONS.

[1848— 1!}«-).

Chaiteh those wliicli iriay bo considered as of Imperial im-
XIII. ^ • •

— portauce.

Mr. Sanborn, for instance, a Lower Canadian
meml)er of considerate experience, is reported to
have made the folhjwing remarks in a speech to his
constituents : —

" Is a federation of the whole of tlie North Ameri-
can provinces desirable at all ? I am by no means
convinced of it. I was strongly inclined to ojjpose
it ; my visit to the lower provinces has mollified my
opposition somewhat. The objections to it are patent
and forcible. Tlie shape of the territory to be brouglit
under one government is not favourable. It is a
band of earth, including the North- West territory, of
more than two thousand miles in length ; the width
of land available for tillage is comparatively narrow ;
it has a frontier exposed nearly along its whole
length, and a seaport only at the eastern extre-
mity. It is taking a great deal of pains for our
extreme North- Westers to journey all the way to St.
John or Halifax to snuff' the sea-breeze — it is takina"
a great deal of pains and trouble to keep on our
own territory.

"' The next objection to federation of all the pro-
vinces is the greatly increased expense. We sliall
have a large proportion of the expenses of the
general government to sustain, while we must have
in Canada at least two subordinate legislatures to
keep up. If we have a government comprising all
the provinces, it will be necessary to have in some
form the attributes of a nation. To our present
expenses will be added the maintenance of our own

NS.

[1848— IBO').

mperial im-

T Caiiadiiui

reported to

speech to his

orth Ameri-
)y no means
id to oppose
moUified mv
it are patent
:o be brought
jle. It is a
: territory, of
a; the widtli
^ely narrow ;
cr its whole

xin

stern extre-
ains for our
le way to St.
—it is taking

ceep on our

all the pro-
We sliall
uses of the
e must have
gislatures to
)mprising all
lave in some
our present
of our own

KXODITS OF THE WESTKllN NATIONS. 40")

1848—1805.]

defences and the treating with foreign governments; CuAnKK
we caiuiot have a greater name and combined in-
fluence without a more expensive outfit. The revenue,
which is now devoted to the support of schools, the
administration of justice, and the develrypment of
internal improvements, will go for the support of the
general government, and all these internal expenses
must bo sustained by direct taxation. It will necessi-
tate the building of the intercolonial railway, and
the sustaining of it ; no one has yet demonstrated
that sucli a road can be self-sustaining as a mer-
cantile enterprise. Situated as we are, the great
proportion of our population being agriculturists,
good livers but not rich, having a competency but
not much spare capital, are we prepared for what
such a federal government will bring ? I am not
yet convinced of it, though I do not wnsh to pro-
nounce against it. I have my doubts whether we
can better our relations to England, or our relations
in each section of (Canada to the other. Lower
Canada may prefer to concede the principle of repre-
sentation by population, with guarantees of her local
laws and cherished institutions, to a federative
govei'ument in which she has no better status with
much additional expense."

In a note at the foot of this page* is the rejxu't of

* PROPOSED CONFEDERATION.
(Translated from VUnion Nationale.)
lIc'iKjrt of a committee appointed at the meeting of cil'zens of Montreal,
held on the 8th of August, to take into consideration and rc^wrt upon the
confederation scheme.

Your committee have the honour to re|)ort that, in conformity uith the
mstructious contained in the resolutions appoiutini; them buch committee,

■ '«■

i^i. n

»h

406 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1848—1865.

chaiter a series of resolutions held among some of tlie French

^^' inhabitants of Montreal. It is not intended to bring

into undue prominence the opinions of what is

your committee devoted several meetings to study and discussion of the
schemes of federation and confederation, and came to the conclusions
contained in the following resolutions, which werci adopted at its last
meeting, held on the 22nd inst. : —

Moved by Ivomauld Trudeau, Esq., seconded by G. E. Clerk, Esq.,
Editor of the True Witness, and

I'v-.-solved, — Considering that in principle all constitutional or organic
changes are dangerous, and that the governed should only have recourse to
them in cases of absolute necessity ;

Considering that tlie necessity for such a change in the actual constitution
of the country has not been proved or established in a satisfactory manner ;
Considering tliat, even should it be admitted that organic or constitutional
changes liave become necessary, it has not been established that federation
or confederation would be of a nature to promote the interests of Lower
Canada and protect its riglits ; but that, on the contrary, the political
difficulties, the sectional contlicts, and the administrative embarrassments
under which the country labours would become considerably increased, and
that these new forms of government would be far more expensive and
necessitate the imposition of direct taxation;

Considering that in the case wliere organic changes would become, or at a
later ])eriod, would be necessary, the only favourable change to Lower
Canada, and which in justice she has a riglit to demand, would be the
■pur et simjjle of the legislative union which was imposed upon it against its
clearly expressed wish ;

Considering that if Lower Canada accepted federation or confederation it
would renounce its just and beneficial right, and the hope of obtaining a
repeal of the present legislative union, in case the necessity for an organic
change should become im[X!rative.

Your committee consequently came to the conclusion that federation or
confederation would be prejudicial to the interests of Canada, would place
its autonomy in danger, and would be a virtual renunciation of the most
imjiortant of its rights, namely, the repeal, pure and simple, of the present
legislative union.

Moved by Narcisse Valois, Esq., seconded by Joseph Leblanc, Esq., and
Resolved, — That it is urgent that i)ublic meetings should be called for
the purpose of submitting to the appreciation of the people of Lower
Canada the project of constitutional changes which the government under-
took to submit to parlianxent at its next session, as also of i)rovoking, by
Uicaus of public meetings and petitions to the three branches of the

3NS.

[1848—1865.

jf tlie French

ided to bring

of what is

discussion of the
0 the conchisioiis
[opted at its last

L E. Clerk, Esci.,

utional or organic
y have recourse to

ictual constitution
;isi'actory manner ;
ic or constitutional
ed that federation
nterests of Lower
rary, the political
e embarrassments
bly increased, and
ore expensive and

dd become, or at a
change to Lower
nd, would be the
upon it against its

Dr confederation it
•pe of obtaining a
ity for an organic

that federation or
.nada, would place
it ion of the most
pie, of the present

Leblanc, Esq., and
ould be called for

people of Lower
;ovcrnnient under-

of provoking, by
! branches of the

CuAm-K
XTll.

EXOIUTS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 407

1848—1865.]

possibly an unimportant party ; bnt in discussing' a
scheme such as this no pubhc expression of opinion
should be altogether left out of consideration.

Immediately on the result of the agreement
between Mr. Brown and the Canadian Opposition July
becoming known, it was arranged that a deputation
from Canada should visit Charlottetown, in Prince
Edward Island, where already a conference of dele-
gates from the maritime provinces was sitting to
discuss the question of joining those provinces to-
gether in a minor federation without reference to
Canada.

1864

legislature, the expression of a respectful but firm disaj)probation of the
constitutional changes above mentioned.

Moved by Jacqxxes Grenier, Esq., Alderman of the city of IMontreal,
seconded by Jude Labelle, Esq., Councillor of tlie said city, and

Resolved, — Considering that it is of the utmost importance to Lower
Canada that she should act with the most perfect accord and with great
jn'udence under present circumstances, your committee is consequently of
opinion that the following resolutions would be of a nature, owing to the
absolute principles of political justice which they entertain, to rally all
Lower Canadians without distinction, nationnl or religious, and that they
would extinguish all party spirit, being in all probability favourably
welcomed by the uovernment, which cannot opiK)se any plausible reason to
their adoption ; and the which resolutions are as follow : —

Firstly, — That it woidd be derogatory to the liberties and the jiolitical
rights of the subjects of her Majesty to change the constitution of the
province without having in the first place demanded and obtained the
assent of the people who inhabit it, and that consequently all organic
changes of the present constitution of Ca lada should be submitted to a new
parliament expressly elected for the purpose of taking these schemes into
consideration.

Secondly, — That under any circumstances no scheme of organic change
in the constitution of Canada should be considered, sanctioned, or authorized
by parliament except in the case where tae majority of the representatives
of each section of the province should approve of such change, so that a
new constitution be not imposed on Lower Canada without its consent as
expressed by the majority of its representatives.

!•

40M

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

W\. I

( '

[1848— LHO").

CiiAiTKu The preliminary business was soon transacted, and the

" ; executive council were able to present to the Governor-

18G4 General, on the 23rd September, 18G4, a report that
" the conference duly met, and that the question of a
confederation of the British North American colonies
was discussed at length, and such progress made that
it was thought desirable by the conference that the
subject should be resumed in a formal and official
manner under the authority of the governments of
the several provinces.

" The committee have therefore the honour to ad-
vise and submit for your Excellency's approval that
the several governments of Nova Scotia, New Bruns-
wick, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland, be
in\ited to appoint delegates, under the authority of
the despatch of the Secretary for the Colonies to the
Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, dated July G,
1862, and communicated by the Colonial Office to
your Excellency by a despatch of the same date, to
confer with the Canadian Government on the subject
of a union or federation of the British North
American provinces."

On their return the delegates passed through a
great portion of the magnificent territory of which
the federation will be composed. They saw Pictou,
the chief shipjDing port of the Nova Scotia coal beds,
the yield of which, within five years, has increased
from one hundred and fifty to two thousand tons
per day. Large as these works arc, they yet per-
form but a small part of the coal trade of Nova
Scotia. From Pictou they passed over a well-built
railroad to Truro, wh«M'o Ihcy watched the various

[1848— iHljr..

cted, and the
LC Governov-
, report that
uestion of a
can colonies
;s made that
nee that the
and official
ernments of

onour to ad-
pproval that
New Brims-
)undland, be
authority of
lonies to the
ited July G,
al Office to
me date, to
the suhjcet
ish Nortli

through a
y of whieli
saw Pictou,
a coal beds,
s increased
usand tons
y yet per-
of Nov; I
■a well-buiU
he various

KXODUo OF THF, WESTERN NATIONS. 409

1848— 18G5.]

processes by which Nova Scotian iron, equal in, Chaitku
qu'.iity to the best ore of Sweden, is converted into " — '
steel at the rate of fifteen thousand tons a year ; they
were told that it had been ascertained by geological
surveys, that ore similar to that which they had seen
under manufacture, unrivalled in quality, and inex-
haustible in abundance, extends over a vast section of
the country. From Truro the same railroad took
them to the gold country, where they found that a
steady yield, averaging some 750/. per week, rewarded
patient and persistent labour in a single mine. Tlie
gold-bf^ring district, they were informed, was as
extensive as that of the iron ore. Thus, within four-
and-twenty hours, the delegates were able to see
with their own eyes specimens of the bountiful supply
which nature has stored up to insure tlie future
greatness of their country.

On the 10th of October, delegates from the colonies 1864
of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward
Island, and Newfoundland, with the ministers of
Canada, assembled at Quebec. They sat until the
28tli of the month, and before separating agreed to
seventy-two resolutions, which have since been sub-
mitted to the Legislatures of the difterent provinces in
tlie form of an Address to the Queen. The resolutions
are too long to be inserted iiere, but the gist of them
is given in the following extract from a despatch of
the Governor-General :* —

" The plan which has been adopted by the con-
ference, you will observe, is the union of all the jiro-
vinces on ^he monarchical princi])le, under one

* Viscuuiit Mui ck tu the Ki.^lil Uuii. K. Ciudwcll, M.l'., Ndv. 7, Isdl.

■J-

:),*

Chaitku

xiri.

■ V'.'

i '

410 EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1848—18(35.

governor, to be appointed by the crov/ii, witli
ministers responsible, as in England, to a parliament
consisting of two houses, one to be nominated by the
crown, and the other elected by the people.

" To this central government and legislature will
be committed all the general business of the united
provinces, and its authority on all such subjects will
be supreme, subject of course to the rights of the
crown and of the Imperial Parliament.

" For the purposes of local administration it is
proposed to have in each province an executive
officer, to be appointed by the governor, and re-
movable by him for cause to be assigned, assisted by
a legislative body, the constitution of which it is pro-
posed to leave to the decision of the present local
legislatures, subject to the approbation of the Imperial
Government and Parliament.

" To these local bodies are to be entrusted the exe-
cution of certain specified duties of a local character,
and they are to have no rights or authority beyond
what is expressly delegated to them by the Act of
Union.

" To the general government it is proposed to re-
serve the right of disallowing acts passed by the
local legislatures."

The reader wlio compares the precis given by Lord
Monck with the details as given in the resolutions
tliemselves, is struck with dismay at the contrast be-
tween the simplicity of the design and the inevitable
complexity of its execution. The success of the new
constitution evidently depends upon the extent to
which it is worked accordiug to the sj^irit of its

)NS.

[1848— IH05.

crov/u, with
a parliament
inatcd by the

pie.

gislature will
Df the united
1 subjects will
rights of the

istration it is
an executive
rnor, and re-
id, assisted by
^hicli it is pro-
present local
)f the Imperial

usted the exe-

)cal character,

lority beyond

by the Act of

proposed to re-
)assed by the

XIII.

iven by Lord
the resolutions
le contrast be-

the inevitable
ess of the new

the extent to
u spirit of its

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 411

1848—1865.]

framers, without wrangling too much about the Chaitku
letter. There can be no doubt that the best consti-
tution is one like that of P^ngland, which is not written
down in a book and hampered by formulas, but which
has grown up with the growth of the nation, and, re-
gardless of symmetry or of logic, has adapted itself
from time to time to the exigencies of varying cir-
cumstances : but where such a constitution has not
made itself, the nation which desires to adopt con-
stitutional government is under the necessity of
reducing its aspirations to paper, defining rights
which can only be satisfactorily defined by custom
and prescription, inventing checks to replace public
opinion, and formulas to fill up the lack of precedent.
If it is difficult to construct an act of parliament
which cannot be evaded, how impossible must it be
to frame a constitution which shall present no loop-
hole. In the present instance the difficulty has been
reduced to its smallest dimensions : the framers of the
confederation, with wise reticence, have wisely ab-
stained, wherever it was possible to abstain, from
definitions, and have assumed that reference is to be
made to British precedents for the establishment of
any rule. But there are some dangers which cannot
be avoided, and which, in truth, seem formidable
enough. The greatest of these, without doubt, is that
involved in the concurrent jurisdiction of various
legislatures, and the vast difficulty of deciding where
the limits of one ends and the other begins. Lord
Monck says of the local legislatures in his despatch : —
"To these local bodies are to be entrusted the
execution of certain spccifiec]f» duties of a local

nj;

■< .

XIII.

,-r

If '

412 KXODUS or THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1S48— ISfir,.

CiiAiri-.n cliaracter, and tliey are to have no lights or authority
beyond wliat is expressly delegated to them by the
Act of Union." This seems to assume the whole
question at issue : if the local legislatures will frankly
accept the position designed for them, and claim no
authority but what is specially assigned to them — if,
in fact, they act in the spirit of the Act of Union, all
will go well ; but it is at least possible that they may
not do so. The point which Lord Monck disposes of
in three lines, is insisted upon by the framers of the
constitution in ninety-nine resolutions.* A legislative
union would have got rid of all danger of conflicting
legislation, but Mr. Brown frankly said that he was
obliged to give up that part of his plan, on account
of the impossibility of inducing the local legislataires
to consent to their own abolition. Far from getting
rid of local governments, two new ones are created
by the scheme, tliat of Upper Canada and that of
Lower Canada. It is not unreasonable to suppose
that the minor field of local politics will be abandoned
to the least distinguished politicians : if in Lower
Canada, for instance, the example of the wise and
statesmanlike among the French population is witli-
drawn, an unsatisfactory state of things is likely to
ensue. Besides this, several points are expressly re-
served for the consideration of the local legislatures
within their several limits, which are also to be dealt
with on a large scale by the general government. At
the foot of this page is ])rinted the list of matters

* To Hpoak hU've cori'i'Ctly, tlic [wwors of tlio i^eiioral and local as.seniblics
occupy 15 resolutions ; hut resolution 2'J is subdividfd into 37 heads, and
resolution Jo into 18 heads.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 413

184:8—1805.]

specially designated as witliin the jurisdiction of tlic ('haitku

general government.* A careful comparison between ' "

the matters reserved to the central government, and
those assigned to the local legislatures,']' will show

* The general parliament shall have power to make laws fur (lie peace,
welfare, and gnod government of the federated provinees (saviui; the
sovereignty of Er^land), and especially laws resix;cting the follo\ ing
subjects : —

1. The public debt and proi)erty.

2. The regulation of trade and commerce.

3. The imposition or regulation of duties of customs on imports and
ex[)orts, except on exports of timber, logs, masts, spars, deals, and sawn
lumber, and of coal and other minerals.

4. The im]X)sition and regulation of excise duties.

5. The raising of money by all or any other modes or systems of
taxation.

(J. The horrowiiuj of money on thr pnhlic credit. To the local govern-
ment is reserved the right to borrow money on the credit of the province.

7. Postal service.

S. Lines of steam or other ships, railways, canals^ and other works,
connecting any two or more of the provinces together, or extending beyond
tlie limits of any province.

9. Lines of steamships between the federated provinces and other
countries.

10. Telegraphic communication and the incoriX)ration of telegraph
companies.

IL All such works as shall, although lying wholly within any province,
be specially declared by the acts authorizing them to be for the general
advantage

12. Tlie census.

13. Militia — military and naval sei'vicc and defence.

14. Beacons, buoys, and lighthouses.

15. Navigation and shipping.
IG. Quarantine.

17. Sea coaftt and inland fisheriis.

18. Ferries between any province and a foreign country, or oetween any
two provinces.

19. Currency and coinage.

20. Banking, incorporation of banks, and the issue of paper money.

21. Savings banks.

22. Weights and measures.

23. Bills of exchange and promissory notes.

t See Appendix.

xmtmam

•liiTinriTi

414 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1848—18(1.-..

Chapter tliat the RGctions printed in italics are expressly,

■ and in terms entered on Loth lists. Many of the

matters treated of in them may prove grave sources
of inconvenience ; to take a single example, the New-
foundland fisheries. It is impossible to remember
what a constant source of irritation and heartburning
the fisheries have been, and the antagonism which
has existed between Imperial and Newfoundland
policy upon the question,* without seeing how
materially the central government may be incom-

24. Interest.

25. Le^^al tender.

26. Bankruptcy and insolvency.

27. Patents of invention and discovery.

28. Copyriglit.s,

29. Indians and lands reserved for the Indians.

30. Naturalization and aliens.

31. Marriage and divorce.

32. 77ie criminal law, excepting the constitution of Courts of Criminal
Jurisdiction, but including the jnvced are in criminal matters. To the local
government is reserved the administration t)f justic<', including the constitu-
tion, maintenance, and organization of the courts — both of civil and criminal
jurisdiction, and including also the procedure in civil matters.

33. tendering wiiforra all or any of the laivs relative to property and
civil rights in U]iper Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland,
and Prince Edward Island, and rendering uniform the procedure of all or
any of the courts in tlicse provinces ; but any statute for this puriwse shall
have no force or authority in any jjrovince until sanctioned by the legisla-
ture thereof.

34. The establishment of a General Court of Appeal for the federated
provinces.

35. Im....^ Hon.

36. Agriculture.

37. And generally resj^cting all matters of a general character, not
specially and exclusively reserved for the local government.s and legisla-
tures.

* A few years ago, after long disputes whioli, reiiarded from an Imperial
point of view, it was dcsirabl-- o tc'rminate, a convention was agreed to
between France and England on the subject of the fisheries. There was
a clau.se in the treaty that it shoidd not take eilect without tiie consent of
Newfoxmdland, which was refused.

NS.

[1848—180;-..

re expressly,
klaiiy of the
»Tave sources
pie, the New-
to remember
heartburning
vonism which
sewfoundland
seeing how
ay be incom-

Cuuvfs of Criminal
uttirs. To the local
?liuUng the constitu-
of civil and criminal
latters.
ve to projwrfy and
ick, Newfuunilland,
procednve of all or
or this pur^wse shall
oiicd by the legisla-

al for the federated

eneral character, not
nments and legisla-

cd from an [miierial
ition was agreed to
fisheries. There was
thont the consent ol

xiir.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 415

1848—1865.]

moded if the local legislature neglect or refuse to act chaitku
with complete self-abnegation.

Next in importance to the powers of the local
legislatures is the manner in which they are to be
organized. The central authority is vested, as at
the present time, in a Grovernor-General appointed
by the crown. Under him, at the seat of federal
government, are to be two Houses of Parliament : —
a legislative cor.ncil appointed by the crown, and
a House of Commons. At the present moment,
the legislative council is eh'^tive ; but there seems
to be among the statesn who have framed the
constitution, a very general mistrust of the elective
principle as applied to the UiDper House ; and it was
on all sides agreed that in the new confederation the
Upper House is to be nominated by the crown.

" The Elective Upper House," said Mr. Brown in a

long

existed in Canada.

recent speech, "has not
Besides, when the elected councillors first took their
seats, they found already in the chamber a large
number of old appointed members, who, no doubt,
exerted a certain degree of influence over their pro-
ceedings ; and the question, I think, fairly presents
itself whether, when the elective system had gone on
for a number of years, and the appointed members
had all disappeared, two elective chambers, both re-
presenting the people, and both claiming to have
control over the public finances, would act together
with the harmony necessary to the right working
of parliamentary government. And there is still
another objection to elective councillors. The elec-
toral divisions are necessaril r of enormous extent —

! . :l|

410 KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1848— lS(i,-,.

Chaitkh some of tliem one hundred miles lone: bv sixty wide

XIII. . ■ o ► ^ *'

— ' — SO lar^e tluit tlie candidates liave great difficulty in
obtaining personal access to the electors ; and the
expense of election is so great as to banish from the
house all who are not able to pay very large siuns
for the po-session of a seat. From all these consider-
ations, it did appear to me, when our friends of
Lower Canada, who were most interested in the con-
stitution of the Upper Chamber, desired to have the
members appointed by the crown, that, acting in the
interest of Upper C\anada, it was my duty to consent."
The Upper Chamber is to consist of seventy-six
members, distributed as follows : —

U)ipcr Can.iila

Lower Canada .

Nova Scotia

New Brunswick .

Xewfoundlanil .

Prince Edward Island

Total ....

Tlie House of Commons is to be constituted on the
basis of representation according to population.
It is to be composed at first of one hundred and
ninety-four members, distributed as follows : —

Upper Canada .

Lower Canada

Nova Scotia

New Brunswick .

Newfoundland .

Prince Edward Island .

Total

. 194

After each decennial census the sectional represen-
tation is to be readjusted according to population,
and for this purpose Lower Canada is always to ha\'e

[1848— l^(i">.

' sixty wide
difficulty in
's; and the
isli from tlie
large sums
ese consider-
r friends of
d in the con-
1 to have the
icting iii th(.'
y-to consent."
)f seventy-six

24
24
10
10

itituted on the
10 population,
hundred and

lows : —

82
65
19
15

194

lional represen-

to population,

I always to have

XIII.

EXODl'S OF THE WKSTEUN .\A'ri(>NS. 41'

IS4S— ISOf).]

sixty-five memhors, and the other sections are to Ciiaiteh
receive the exact numljer of memhers to which they
will 1)6 severally entitled ])y their population, tailing
the sixty-five memhers of Lower Canada as their
standard. Tlius the representation will he strictly
hased on population; the disparity of population be-
tween the several sections will he accurately provided
for at the decennial census, but the number of members
ill the house will not be much increased.

The exact mode in which the local legislatures are
to be constituted has not been definitively arranged.
So much difference of opinion existed on the subject
that it was considered the wisest plan to leave it to
the existing parliaments. The present parliament
in each province will therefore determine the form
their future legislature shall assume.

The whole of the judges throughout the confedera-
tion, those of the county courts as well as those of
the superior courts, are to be appointed and paid by
the general government. It has also been provided
that the general parliament may constitute a general
court of appeal, to which an appeal will lie from the
decisions of all the provincial courts. The public
property, and the public debt of the several provinces
are to be assumed the central government.

In almost every detail of this remarkable scheme,
we are struck by the evidences of compromise. First
the great compromi.^se of principle, made by sacrificing
legislative union to the national fears of the French ;
next, rights and :luties assigned, at the imminent risk of
disturbance in vhe machinery, to the local govern-
ments, which might much more properly be dealt
VOL. 11. 2 k

' • I

' *' ■ i

■fri

• 1

%'f

ClIAl'lKU

xrii.

■J^m • '

41S KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1848— IRGf).

with by the central government : of tliis kind were
rights of jtroperty, the forms of j)rocedure at civil
law, and the principles of state education, which,
as Mr. Brown observed, " we were compelled to
leave to the local governments, in order to afford
that protection which the Lower Canadians claim for
their language and their laws, and tlieir peculiar local
institutions. I am sure we are all glad that they
should have that security. I am sure, notwithstand-
ing all that may have been said to the contrary, that
none of us have had any desire to interfere with the
mere local institutions of our fellow-subjects of Lowei-
(\anada, and that it will be held as a sufficient
answer to all objectors that the arrangement has
been made in a spirit of justice to Lower (^anada, and
with the view of securing hereafter that harmony and
accord which are so desirable in the future govern-
ment of the country."

Such again are the arrangements made with respect
to the public debt which is to be assumed by the general
government. ''We found " — I again quote ?Ir. Brown
— "we found a difficulty in associating provinces which
were free from debt with those that owed large public
obligations. But we fell upon this plan ; we struck
an average of the debts of the several provinces,
and we agreed that those whose debts exceeded the
average should pay interest at five per cent, annually
into the public exchequei", while those whose debts
were below the average should receive interest in
like manner from the chest — a basis just to all. Then
it was found that while some of the provinces could
maintain their local governments without money

[1848— iHr.r..
is kind were
lure at civil
tiuii, whicli,
ompellctl to
ier to afford
ans claim for
peculiar local
ad that tliey
lotwitlistand-
iontrary, that
•fere with the
ects of Lower
i a sufficient
Liigenieiit has
r Canada, and
: harmony and
Liture govern-

,e with respect
|by the general
ite ^Ir. Brown
lovinces which
I large public
,11 ; we struck
Iral provinces,
exceeded the
:ent. annually
whose debts
'e interest in
to all- Then
•ovinces could
lit bout money

KXODUS OF Till': WI'.STKHN XA'I'IONS.

■119

1S4H— ISC;-).]

from the public chest, there were other provinces not Chaiter

. . . XIII.

accustomed to direct taxation, and in order to meet ' — '

their views, we were compellrd to adopt a coni-
Thus it will be seen that in the following"

lef-'is-

promise.

important particulars, the constitution of tlu
lature, the forms of civil law, the nature of pul)lic
education, and the principles of taxation, it is not the
best possible plan that has been adopted, but the best
obtainable by compromise. With all its defects, the
scheme reflects great credit on the temper and forbear-
ance of its authors. The very faults it contains show
how many conflicting opinions had to be brought into
harmony, how many prejudices overcome, before it
was possible to arrive at tlie point where we now find
them. Still further modifications may be expected
before the scheme is submitted, if it is to be submitted
at all, to the consideration of the lm])erial Parliament.
The legislatures of the lower provinces have yet to
ex])ress their opinions, and it is whispered that in
more than one of the maritime provinces it may have
to run the gauntlet of a severe opposition. On the
whole, — regard being had to the evils out of which it
forms the only apparent way of escape, and to the
general soundness of the scheme itself, — liowever much
we may criticise details, w^e may well be content to
wish success to the proposed plan of federation. In
the next chapter will be noticed a few of the points
upon which, without venturing on idle prophecy, wo
may fairly anticipate the bearing of the plan on the
relations between the colonies and Great Britain.

2 f; 'J

'•1 i

■i ,■ ■!.

.V..l;|

•r'-

t< ■

420

EXODUS OF TTIE WESTERN NATIONS.

[IKHf).

CHAPTER XIV.

^|V^

ff'^

RESULT OF ENCtLTSH POLICY.

[1805.]

Position of England witli regard to the Colonics — Duty of defending
Canada — Course of Policy to be pursued — Natural Tendency of Colonies
to Lji!ei)endenoc — Present Position of British America compared with
that ;if the American Colonies before the Declaration of Indeiiendence —
Power of Veto which resides in the Crown — Probable Manner of
Separation — Sir George Lewis on Colonial Independence — ProiKjr Mode
of preparing for Sei)aration. — Draft Treaty of Sejiaration. — L iniination
of the proposed Federation Scheme as it affects Imperial Interests on
Military Questions ; on Commercial Questions ; on Matters involved in
Questions of Legislation — Probable Form of the future Government of
British Nortli America — Conclusion.

CiiAnER The sketch of our colonial policy lias now been
xrv. . . .

— ' brought down to a point when British North America

may be said to have commenced her national exist-
ence. From the time of the imion, the inhabitants
of Canada and of the lower provinces, have been free
to deal with every great question of politics, religion,
law, or commerce, as it pleased them, without fear
of interference from the Imperial Government;
frequently, indeed, against its expressed opinions and
advice. Tlie authority reserved to England is purely
nominal : the more closely it is examined, the more
vague and shadowy it apj^joars. Statesmen who
would hesitate to acknowledge that the moment of
separation from oiu' most important colonies has

:-4

JS.

[1805,

Duty of defending
tnidcucy of Colonies
fica compared ^vltll

of hideiwudence—
rc,bal)le Manner of
\encc— VvoF^- "^^^''^'^
ation.-l- iminatiou
luperial Interests .>n

Matters involved ni
re Government of

Atur

has now been
Nortli America

national cxist-
bhe inhabitants
,, have been tree
)c)Utics, religion,
m, without fear
Government ;
sed opinions and
higland is purely
unined, the more

Statesmen who
. the moment ()\
u\\ colonies ba«

KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

421

lK(i5.]

arrived, niakc admissions without scruple, which. Chapter

. XIV

taken in the aggregate, prove that separation is a ' '

fact accomplished, and not a cpiestion for future con-
sideration at all. Enough, and only enough, of our
nominal authoritv is retained to make it sure that we
shall part in anger if a change he not made in the
principle on which our ])olicy is based ; and it be-
hoves every man to give liis warning, however
humble, figainst a danger which he believes to bo
imminent.

A writer expressing opinions such as these, may
not unnaturally Ije asked : — Would you subject
England to the humiliation of withdrawing from the
defence of colonies, to which she is bound by every
obligation, only because the defence is likely to be
costly ? Surely not. No Englishman would con-
sent to abandon at its need a nation in alliance with
ourselves; we have not to consider whether a par-
ticular community is to be defended, but whether it
is wise to secure means of retreat, from a position of
supremacy which has ceased to be effectual. Till the
nation attacked ceases to be a colony, the cpiestion
whether it shall be defended or not, can never be
argued ; for as long as any foot of land belongs even
theoretically to our crown, the whole forces of the
empire are pledged to defend it to the death. A late
debate in the English Parliament will no doubt be
fresh in the reader's recollection : the feeling of the
House undoubtedly was, that the duty of defending
Canada admitted of no dispute; the bargain w;is
made long ago, the obligation has been entenjcl into
and cannot be evaded ; the duty, therefore, of

♦'••*«

422

EXODUS OF niE WESTERN NATIONS.

CHAiTEit England, as between a British colony and a foreign

' nation which might attack it, may safely l)e left out

of consideration as already settled and put aside.

It is true that some speakers urged with great
force and ability, the argument, that the defence of
British North America is a matter not of duty but
of possibility ; those statesmen would have us be-
lieve that we cannot defend Canada successfully,
and that we ought consequently to withdraw our
troops from the risk of defeat. The impossibility of
defence is not proved ; many of the ablest soldiers
think it does not exist ; but if it did, the inference
drawn is not worthy of the British name. The
defence of every part of our emp'i r is admitted by
all to be a duty : it would suioly be better for
England, if even the worst should happen, to be beat
swGii in hand out of her last defences, than to shrink
from the performance of a plain duty, from a fear of
possible disaster.

The subject really under discussion is one which
does not affect the fullilment of obligations so long
as they exist ; it concerns rather the advisability of
taking steps in view of the eventual termination of
those obligations. The engagement entered into ])e-
tween Gieat Britain and her colonies was mutual ;
to one side was allotted the duty of protection and
the right of supremacy ; to the other the duty of
reasonable obedience, and the acknowledgment of
dependence. If one side has ceased to fulfil its
obligation ; if by force of those laws by which Provi-
dence works and governs the world, the de])endency
must tend towards independence ; if that law has

il|

id a foreign
{ l)e left out
it aside.
. with great
e defence of
of duty but
have us be-
successfully,
ithdraw our
possibility of
blest soldiers
the inference
name. The
admitted by
)e better for
e:i, to be beat
lan to shrink
rom a fear of

is one whicli

ions so long-

dvisability of

rmi nation of

ered into be-

WRS mutual ;

rotection and

the duty of

vledgment of

to fulfil its

which Provi-

e de])endency

that law has

EXODUS OF TIIK WK8TERN NATIONS.

423

ah-eady done its work, and has developed tlie infant Chaitku

into a man ; if the subject has thrown off subjection, ' '

and ceased to render even the slightest obedience ;
if the only tie that remains is the mere name and
shadow of an unexercised authority ; — is there any
reason why the first party to the contract sliould be
content for ever to fulfil its share of a bargain whicli
is not duly observed by Ijoth ? To terminate the
bargain must be a work of time and of mutual
agreement till the release is duly executed, and the
time fixed for its termination has arrived ; p]ngland
must keep her share of the contract, whatever may
be the course pursued by British America : the
facts of our colonial history are eloquent with warn-
ing to be wise in time ; yet a little longer, and we
may be too late to settle the terms of separation as
they ought to be settled, with mutual goodwill. It is
not argued that separation shoidd take place now, nor
in five years, nor in ten ; it is not even proposed
that the time of separation should be hastened by a
single day ; it is only urged that the certainty of
eventual separation should be recognized at once^
that tlie manner in whicli it is to take place, and the
treaty which must be substituted for the present con-
nection should be arranged now, while it may yet be
done in peace, without reference to any immediate
subject of dispute.

The European settlement of America is the last of
that series of migrations by wdiicli difterent })ortions
of the world liave been successfullv settled. As
Asia overtlowed its boundaries, and poured its hordes
over Enro[)e, so Euiope in its turn sent a portion of ils

I-

'CI

\''k '.

i24:

EXODUS 0¥ THE WESTERN NA'J'IONS.

' if. ' ;■

Chaiteu
XIV.

1 .in . , T

''>l •

[IWIf).

population still further to the west. Six nations took
a part in the exodus, and the policy which they in-
troduced has heen descrihed in preceding chapters :
all the six ado2:)ted different forms of government —
each represented race, manners, laws, religion, lan-
guage, different from the rest ; three of them
succumhed to foreign conquest, three to domestic
revolution ; each hy widely different roads have now
reached the same goal — independence.

As with men, so it is with nations : Nature has
decreed that their progress shall he continuous ; they
have their infancy, their manhood, their decay ; they
are succeeded, as men are succeeded, by others of
their kind, who become heirs of their arts, learning,
virtue — perhaps even of their vices and crimes. At
no time in the world's history has an instance been
known in which a colony permanently remained
under a distant sway ; the assertion is as true now
as it was when Edmund Burke* warned our great
grandfathers of the danger of coei'cing the thirteen
colonies : — " Three thousand miles of ocean lie be-
tween you and them. No contrivance can prevent
the effect of this distance in weakening government.
Seas roll, and months pass between the order and
execution, and the want of a speedy explanation of a
single point is enough to defeat a whole system.
Nothing worse happens to you than does to all
nations who have extensive empire, and it happens
in all the forms into which empire can be thrown.
In large bodies the circulation of power must be less
vigorous at the extremities. Natin-e has said it. The

* (,'onciliation with America.

■

[i8(;r>.
nations took
licli tliey in-
ig chapters :
Dvernment —
•eligion, lun-
ee of tliem
to domestic
(is have now

Nature has
iniious ; they
decay ; they
by others of
irts, learning,
I crimes. At
instance heen
ly remained

as true now
ed our great

the thirteen
Dcean he be-

can prevent

government,
e order and

anation of a

lole system.

does to all
\ it happens
he thrown.

must be less

said it. The

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATK^NS.

4'_'

is(?r).]

Turk cannot govern Egypt and Arabia and Kur- Chaitkb
distan as he governs Tln*ace ; nor has ho the same — '
dominion in tlie Crimea and Algiers which he has
at Brusa and Smyrna. Spain, in her provinces, is
perhaps not so well obeyed as you in yours ; she
complies, too — she submits, she watches times ; this is
tlie immutable condition, the eternal law of extensive
and detached empires."

The wisest statesman is not he who would by any
shift postpone the inevitable day, but he who most
clearly recognizes the signs of maturity, and seizes
tlie riglit moment for separation. It matters not
wliat may be the forms of law or religion of the
colonist, the dominant country cannot retain her
colony after the time when it is fit to stand
alone. Great nations are not, and never have been,
inu'sed into greatness. It was through peril and
ilitiliculty that the city was built, and the gods
brought to Latium, whence came the Latin race, and
the Alban fathers, and the walls of Rome. The
Greek colonies carried with them the sacred fire, and
independence ; they fought their own way, and pros-
pered. The greatest race of all, the Anglo-Saxon,
has fought with other nations — has conquered, or
submitted to defeat — has displaced races, or absorbed
them when they came in the way of its development ;
but it has never relied on any other arms than its own
to fight its battles — it has never depended for power
on any earthly authorit}". AVill our colonies consent
to do so now ? will any descendants of our race conde-
iscend to be permanently beholden to us for freedom
and protection ? It seemed a year ago as if the vicious

■I

r> '•

42U

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

w:'

[1805.

ciiAiTEn system wliich we have ourselves inti'odiiced, for a

XIV .

' — ' moment paralyzed tl:e good sense of the Canadians,
and inspired them with a resolution to leave their
defence to us. Such a resolution was to be expected
rather from a decrepit nation tliar from a young and
vigorous people just spi'inging into life ; but, in truth,
we ourselves were more in fault than they. We had
not, as it was our duty to do, accustomed them to the
idea of self-defence; the events of 1812 testify that
the spirit of their fathers was in them. Peace, with
its blessings, may have also brought sloth ; over-
speculation may have cri])pled Canadian resources ;
our own plan of providing for their defence may have
for the moment accustomed them to rely on others ;
but already the spirit of their race has returned, and
should occasion arise, British-American men will be
ready to assist in the defence of their own soil.

Upon God and upon her own right hand must
(Canada rely for strength ; the laws of Xatui'e are
against permanent union. Already we have, witli
regard to Canada, " to comply, to submit, to watch
times." It is, ay Burke said, the inevitable law.
Nations which have colonies may differ in their treat-
ment of them. The colonies themselves may be in
temper and race wide apart as nadir and zenith ;
but " the eternal law of extensive and detached
empire" will be obeyed, and all forms of government
will lead to independence. The colonies of France,
gifted with immense tenacity, with a power of amal-
gamating with aboriginal tribes such as no other
nation has ever possessed, with leaders of conspicuous
ability, with a government highly centralized, a

,*.

[180;-).

luced, for a
i Canadians,
leave tlieir
) be expected
a young and
but, in trntli,
3y. We had

1 tlicm to tlie

2 testify that
Peace, with

sloth ; over-
m resources ;
nee may have
?ly on others ;
returned, and
1 men will be
wn soil,
it hand must
)f Natui-e arc
;e have, witli
bmit, to watch
levitable law.
in their treat-
/es may be in
r and zenith ;
and detached
of government
lies of France,
lower of amal-
as no other
of conspicuous
centrali/ed, a

EXODUS OF THE WESTEUN NATIONS.

ISGo.]

policy curiously definite and profound ; — fell as easy c'liAn-EK
victims to a f(>reign foe as the weak colonies of the ' — '
Swedes and Dutch. Under the French rule the
Canadians were allowed to do nothing for them-
selves ; their energy was destroyed, and their
strength turned to weakness. When French America
came into English hands, an opposite system was
adopted. The French were encouraged to govern
themselves, to debate, to legislate, to combine; yet
both roads, widely divergent as they were, tended
equally to the subversion of a metropolitan authority.
The Spaniards introduced into Americji a crushing
tyranny ; they ruled by means of a Spanish iristo-
cracy, to whom was committed the government, the
[)roperty, almost the lives of those who had not 'he
advantage of being born in r]urope. They crushed
the Creoles to the ground; they enslaved the
Indians; they subjected Spanish America to an in-
tellectual and religious thraldom which almost anni-
hilated both intellect and religion. What was the
result ? — Indepc ndence. The Portuguese established
in l>razil a despotism founded mainly upon commer-
cial monopoly. Circumstfinces raised Brazil to the
position of an integral portion of the monarchy;
some rays of intellectual light were permitted to
penetrate through the darkness ; some degree of dig-
nity was permitted to the native Brazilians ; some
degree of freedom was allowed to theii" trade, and
encouragement to their agriculture. What was the
result in their case ? — Independence. Fnglish fugi-
tives spread themselves among the forests of Maine
and Virginia, and received from the home govern-

''. Ji

f '.

» .■

' i

f , , J

428

EXUDUS OF THK WKHTEUN NATIONS.

( '

m' . .'

[IHGf).

Chai-teii ment " tlie inestimable boon of hii neglect." They
' — * grew up free as any nation upon eartli ; no one in-
terfered with tlie pursuits in which they chose to
indulge ; they lived under laws vvhich they had
framed themselves ; they submitted to no tax that
they did not themselves propose ; learning, religion,
ai-ts, sciences — all were free. In their case also the
result was independence.

The provinces of British America alone remain.
Free as were the inhabitants of the thirteen colonies,
they are freer still. Their government is not over-
looked, nor their free action impeded by any superior.
A nominal veto on their laws, if any should be passed
in contravention of the fundamental law of England,
alone reminds the Canadian statesman that he beloiigs
to a " dependency." The old colonist lived under a
commercial system which hampered trade in the
mother-country, and of which the colony also felt the
inconvenience. The modern colonist enjoys the
benefit of English free trade, and imposes differential
duties in his own ports on the goods of the metro-
polis. The veto which nominally controls him does not
exist in fact ; he is told b j English statesmen that
the connection need not be kept up a moment longer
than suits his convenience. What will be, nay,
what is, the result in their case ?

Pursue a little further the parallel between the old
thirteen colonies and British America, and see the
mode in which independence came about in the case
of the former people.

The two great instances of principles of coloniza-
tion, diametrically opposed to each other, are Spain

•f-

ONS.

[18(55.

rrlect." They
I ; no one in-
thcy cliose to
\ch tliey bad
3 no tax tliat
:ung, religion,
• case also tlie

alone remain,
rteen colonies,
t is not over-
y any superior,
lould be passed
i\v of England,
tbat be belongs

lived under a

trade in the
ny also felt tlie
ijt enjoys the
)ses differential

of tbe metro-
)ls him does not
statesmen that
moment longer

will be, nay,

)etween the old
!a, and see the
Dut in the case

es of coloniza-
lier, arc Spain

KXODUS OF TIIK WESTERN NATIONS. }•->!•

1865.]

and England. The first allowed no liberty to her CuvnT.ji

. • ' . \iv
colonists, the second enacted but very limited ol)edi- * '

ence : arguing from tlie result in their case, it may
bo said that colonies which have never been accus-
tomed to self-government assert their independence
in a different way from that which is followed l)y
colonies educated in freedom. The first remain abso-
lutely under the control of the mother-country until
the moment when some accidental circumstance or
train of events gives them an opportunity to shake it
off once and for ever — the fact of independence and the
time at which it occurs are coincident. The second
develop gradually into independence, and are inde-
pendent, in fact, long before their complete emanci])a-
tion is acknowledged. The difficulty and danger of
dealing with the latter kind ( )f colonies, is this : — being
nominally dependent, they may with ])ropriety be
called upon to do many things which covld not be
demanded from an absolutely independent nation ; but
being de facto independent, with the feelings and habits
of thought of an independent people, any such demand,
however right and proper in itself, is apt to wound
their self-love, and im^iel them to assert, with anger,
an independence which no one has ever had an idea
of denying. The collision between Great Britain
and the thirteen colonies was owing only to the non-
recognition of the fact that they had been for many
years virtually independent. There was in the ab-
stract no desire to oppress the thirteen colonies ; the
people at home were engaged in a struggle for the
supremacy of Parliament over the C^rown, and all the
other estates of tlie nation : to question the jiower of

I'-

l?fM«:

•1.".0

KXODUS OF Tin-: WKSTKUN NATIONS.

« '

Iff

•'? '

[1865.

CiiAi-TKR parlfaipcnt was to rim comiter to the feelings of tlio
— ' wliolc IJiitisl) |)eo})le. After t lie repeal of the Stamp
Act, other taxation acts were passed by the legisla-
ture, for the sole pur})ose of asserting the power of
jKivliam'^nt, and without the intention of insisting on
their being obeyed or rea])ing any advantages from
their execution. But by this time the temper of the
independent nation was roused, and the abstract right
asf'Crted, became as distinct a question of grievance as
material opjnession would have been. U]) to the very
last moment the colonists themselves did not know
that they were independent : they used the language
of devoted lovaltv. Neither side recomiized the fact
that separation was actually a fact accomplished;
hence the war, hence the bitter feeling which has
existed ever since.

Now the same diflficulty exists at this moment in
Canada ; neither side chooses to acknowledge that
British America is actuallv as free as the United
States themselves ; neither side ventures to acknow-
ledge that British America affords a complete parallel
to the state of the thirteen colonies before the war,
and that a similar danger to that which disturbed
the peace in one case now threatens us in the other.
Let us for a moment compare the two.

Proof has been brought forward that ever since
the accession of William III. the American colonies
entertained the idea of becoming nominally as well
as in fact independent. Their object became more
and more evident throughout the innumerable dis-
putes which arose between the crown and the local
legislatures. The contest terminated in the complete

:oNs.

'c'C'liiigs of the
I of the Stamj)
)y the leg is! a-

the power of
:)f insisting on
vantages from

temper of the

abstract right
)f grievance as
U]) to the very
dill not know
i the language
ofnized the fact

accomplished ;
ine: which has

lis moment in
nowledge that
as the United
es to acknow-
mplete parallel
before the war,
hich disturbed
s in the other.

lat ever since
erican colonies
ninally as well

became more
numerable dis-

and the local
n the complete

EXODUS OF THE WESTEKN NATIONS. 431

1805.]

victoiT of the colonists before the invasion of Vir- c'livnER

ginia by the French in 17.J4. It became so mucli ' '

a habit to resist any ])roposal made to them on the
part of the Knglish Govennneut, that the colonists
preferred, after Braddock's defeat on the ]\Ionon-
gahela, to risk their national existence rather than
forego the pleasure of contradicting the king's
government. It was in vain that the royal gover-
nors urged upon the colonists the absolute necessity
of combination; now, if ever, it might be thought,
tlie Englisli colonies would unite ; now, if ever, the
instinct of self-defence would induce them to obev.
Their very existence as a free people was threatened.
It is true that they did not understand to the full ex-
te!it the far-reaching plans of La Galissoniere, nor
did they know that the ablest statesmen of France
regarded the subjugation of the English colonies ^s
essential to the well-being of France ; but they knew
that the campaign had closed in disaster, and that
their position was perilous in the extreme. Braddock
was defeated and slain. In all the valley of the Mis-
sissippi there was not a British soldier except the few
who had escaped the Indian scalping-knife and were
captives in the hands of the enemy. Niagara, the
French base of operations, was unassailed. Crown
Point had not been compromised by the defeat of
Dieskau ; and vast numbers of Indians, who before
had been friendly, had joined the French. There
were tl:ree thousand regular troops and a large force
of the w{ rlike miliria of Canada, who waited only for
the spring to renew the attack, under the leadership
of some of the ablest captains of France. The Anglo-

.'■■•[

•*!

]:•'

Vr}

F ■ i

432

KXODUH OF THE WKSTEHN NATIONS.

ft.'.

, . ; ■ > ■

■'Mm

mj^

■

»* *. i

■

■ ■»*t«^it=,v,,j"7'

'iH

i*'

■ '' ' .

CiiAiTKR Americans, on tlie other hand, were distracted by
\IV' • . . *

t — ' jealonsies, torn by jarrin^- interests and factions, and

in no condition to make liead against the active and
vigilant liostility of tlieir enemies. There was one
resource : they were nominally subject provinces (.»f
England ; already in two former wars the blood and the
treasure of the mother-country had been freely expended
for their protection; every exertion they had made in
their own defence had been punctually and liberally
paid for ; if they would only resolve on some course
of united action it would be easy, with the help of
England, to clear the soil of Virginia from the in-
vader. Surely if the A -iierican colonies had been sulv
ject provinces in 175G, they would, in presence of the
great danger that threatened them, have complied with
the demands of the mother-country ; since they did
not so submit, it is clear that the independence which
was declared and acknowledged twenty years later,
then actually existed, whether acknowledged or not.

We have only to suppose the occurrence of a similar
case in the colonies of any other nation, to see at once
that this is self-evident. Sup])ose Canada to have been
attacked by the English : the Canadians hold meetings
at Quebec and Montreal : reply to demands from Louis
for men and money by refusing both except on con-
dition, first, that the sum advanced shall be repaid ;
secondly, that in the mean time it shall be expended
by delegates chosen among the habitans, whose duty
to tlieir constituents shall compel them to interfere
with and thwart tiie combinations of the royal
general : thirdly, that no martial law should be per-
mitted among their militia levies ; fourthly, that out

if. ■

[i«r,r,.
listracted by
factions, J»n«J
[le active aiitl
lere was one
provinces of
blood and tlie
eely expended
T had made in
' and liberally
n some course
th the heli> of
from the in-
3 had been sub-
presence of the
J complied with
since they did
endence which
ty years later,
edged or not.
Ince of a similar
1, to see at once
ii to have been
hold meetings
lids from Louis
xcept on con-
all be repaid ;
11 be expended
|ns, whose duty
im to interfere
of the royal
should be per-
irthlv, that out

KXODUS (iK TIIK WKSTKlIN NATIONS.

•133

isr,-).] •

of the grants thus doluil out and to br repaid, certain ("mapter

men who had passed all their time in stirring up * "

opposition to the king should have a subsidy of j)ub-
lie monev; fifthlv, that every distiict of Canada and
Acadia should issue, irrespective of I lie views of its
governors or of the crown, its own commissions to
the olHcers who were to command its militia ; that no
district l)eing willing to acknowledge the precedence
of another, the officers of various distriots should be
loft to squabble for precedence in front of the enemy ;
tlie only thing on which they could agree being, ;»
determination not to let the (juarrel l)e settled bv the
kiiisi'.

Or suppose, again, the dominion (A' Spain attacked
by a foreign power. 'I'he peojde of the various pro-
vinces agree that no assistance shall be afforded to
the arms of Spain, except on conditions involving the
entire abandonment of the commercial monopoly of
the mother-country; — the issue of pai>ei--money, for
exam})le, or a scheme to postpone the payment of
debts to Spaniards, till all debts due to Creoles should
be discharged. To state such cases as these is to
prove them absurd ; yet demands identical in cha-
racter with these here attributed to the (\Mnadians
on the Spanish were actually made and (enforced by
the American colonists.

We have seen what were tbe evidences of se-
paration having actually taken )>lace between tbe
thirteen colonies and the niother-countrv at the close of
the eighteenth century ; let us see if similar evidences
are present in the case of British America. Already
they have regulated their commercial afil'airs iii such

VOL. Tl. 2 F

^;fi

434

I'XOPrs OF TIIK WKSTKHX NATIONS.

:3'

! 'I-

* '

[ISO.-,.

criArTEn H wav as to imposo a licavy cliity on our p:oo(ls ;* and

' ' the colonial minister remonstrates in vain a<'-ainst a

]>olicy which divides them from the rest of the em-
pire. He is met hy the fact that the g-overnment ol'
Canada has lieen, hy the consent of Knti'land, made
respoiisihle to the ])eople of (\'inada, not to Kiiglaiid ;
and that it is honiid to act according* to the views
of its constituents, not accordinjo: to the views of the
mother-country. We are attached to the principles of
free trade ; it may, without injustice, he said that the
Canadians are not, nor is it natural that they should
1)0, considering that young' and uneducated nations
seem naturally addicted to the commercial vice of
protection.

Again, hy the (V)nstitution Act of ITSU, one-seventh
of the nngranted lands of the colony were set apart
for the support of a Protestant clei-gy. Jn 1840,
when the provinces were united, these lands were
sold, and the proceeds applied in certain proportions
to the endowment of the clergy of dift'erent denomi-
nations ; those of the national chiu'ches of England
and Scotland receiving a share far exceeding that
which would have been assigned to them had the
division been regulated hy the number of mend)ers of

rrl

* With R'ffard to tlic <lift'oi't.'iitial dutios allo^ctl to be iiiiiioscil ou British
poods ill coloiiiid markets, it is answcnMl by tlio colonists that th(' duties
iiii|ios('tl are not oi' a luotcctivc ciiaracter, but that duties on imports
fi)rm the only availal)le means of raising a revenue iu British America, It
is undeniable that very ;.';reat difliculty ariscH iu levyiu'j; taxes iu Cauada
and the other colonies, which would Ix' eheorfnlly paid in l-iUrope; tin'
excuse may be tru(!, and tiie duties may not be im|iosed in a " protective''
spirit ; but it' iuiportiiis merchants have to pay ihoKe dues, with whatever
view imjmsed, it matters little what they may l)c railed.

. t ,l.-

[IRPm.

■ o-oods ;* and
'jiin a<;-aiiist a
3st of the em-
rovernmcTit of
iiicvlaud, niado
,t, to Knii,daiid ;
r to tlie views
3 views of the
\e principles of
^e said that the
lat tliey sliouM
lucated nations
nereial vice of

ni,one-sevcntli
^ were set apart
ll-cry. In 1840,
se lands were
lin proportions
fterent denonii-
les (^f Knglnud
exceeding' that
them had the
r of nienihers oi

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

43r)

»e

ouists tliat tlu! (Uiti's
;U (hitii's oil iuil'oris
11 Uritisli Amcricii. U
vyiii'^ taxrs in Ciuuulii
Yiii'l ill Envoi •(•: tin'
,s(d in IX " iivoU'Clivf "
(Uicb, with wluileVLf
.1.

1 80-,.]

the several churches.* This arran2:enient "-ave rise CnAnTn

XIV

to very considerahle discontent ; and nn address was ' '

voted l)y the C'anadian Assemhly to tlie Queen, pray-
ing' her to recommend to the Imperial Parliament a
measure for the total repeal of that part of the Act
of 1840 wliich related to the cler^v reserves. The
British Government were strongly averse to any such
concession ; hut it soon hccame apparent that the
feeling in Canada was too strong to he resisted.
iMemhers of the assemhly openly proposed, that not
only the fund itself should he sequestrated, hui: that
the riglits of present incumhents shoidd be disre-
garded, and that the local legislature sliould at once
alter tlie law, without waiting for the repeal of the
Imperial Act. Lord Grey, in his account of this
transaction, virtually admits that the local assemhly
were only prevented from passing this measure of
wholesale spoliation, in defiance of a distinct act of
the Imperial Government, by the hope which was
held out to them that, if they would consent to save
British honour by regarding the rights of existing
incumbents, the main question in dispute shoidd be
conceded. Lord Grey states the difHculty with great
skill : " From the tone of the debates which took
place," he writes, " it may be inferred that this judi-
cious advice " (to refrain from de])riving present in-
cumbents of their benefices) " would have been little
likely to prevail in the assemhly, but for the reliance
placed on the adherence of the Imperial Government
to the principles which had of late been observed in
the exercise of its authority in the province."! What

* I-onl (iroy. Colonial Policy, i. '2:.4. f ibi.l., i. 2r.n.

9 w ')

'I3i;

EXODrs OF 'I'llK Wr:STKI}\ NATIONS.

I I. r

I '

CiiAiTEn were the piinciples whieli liatl of late been observed

XIV .

■ by the Imperial Government in the exercise of its

authority ? Let the despatch in which Lord Grey
annonnced the decision of the i^overnment answer
the question. Tier ^Tajesty's Government unnomiced
that the desire expresse<l by th(> assend)ly wonld
be acceded to : " In coming to this conehisicm, her
Majesty's Government have been mainly influenced
by the consideration that, great as in their judg-
ment would be the advantages which wonld result
from Ici /ing undisturbed tlie existing arrangement.
. . . still, the question whether that arrangemeni
is to be maintained, is one so exclusively affect-
ing the ])eo|)le of Cnnada, that its decision ought
not to be withdrawn from the provincial legislature""
Great as would be the advantages of retaining ;i
national church, the government considered the ques-
tion as one of a local chariicter! Having l)een in
Canada at the time, the writer can bear testimony that
no (\anadian was deceived by these "brave words."
Ao'ain, with reo'nrd to the Militia I5ill. Three
- years ago danger threatened us from the United
States. We pronq)tly sent over a, large force, con-
sistivig of the very tlower of our army : it was not
aided or materially supplemented by the Canadians
themselves ; on the contrary, a bill for providing the
nucleus of ;in etticient militia was thrown out of the
assemblv. There were local canses which caused tli(*
rejection of the bill ; no doubt they were good and suf-
ficient. We cnuTiot argue that the Cniiadinn assembly
oua'hl to have t>ursued anv course ditVerent I'l'oiii ihat
which they chose to ;idop< : they possess free institu-

EXODUS OF 'J'UK WKS'l'EUN NATIONS.

437

arrano-eineiil

ist;5.]

(I 1

tioiiK, ami Jiave a no;

lit to

piirHUe their own i)ulicy in Chai'teu

their own way ; only, in face of such a eon\ ineinj

XIV,

instance

to tl

le contrary, it is not [xjssible for us to

persuade ourselves that the su[)reniacy of England is
more than a name.

We have seen then, that, wliereas persistence in
our commercial policy drove the Americans to ex-
tremity, we were compelled, in a somewhat similai"
case, to yield the matter in dispute to the Canadians.
We have also seen that, in a matter so essentially
imperial in its nature as the mode of maintainin,!'' a
national church, a ([Uiirrel witli Canada was again
only avoided by concession of tlie point in dispute;
that when a (juestion arose; of inmiineiit war with a
iieigliljouring nation, the people of Canada, like the
people of the thirteen colonies of old, chose rather io
)nt'nue their local disputes than to unite in defend-

iiig themselves against the danger. We sliall now
sIkjw that the natural displeasure whicli was felt in
England, at being left alone to l)ear all the burden,
wlule the colony rea])ed the whole advantage, was
sdluded to by tlie principal minister of the crown in
Canada, — not in the heat of debate, but two years aftei-
wards as a matter soberly rellected over, and deli-
berately concluded on, — in terms not less strong, and,
indeed, very similar to those used by the author of the
" Farmers' Letters," at the time of the American war.
Dickinson's famous letters have already been al-
hided to in a foi'mer cha[)t"r : com[»are with one of
them a speech recently made by the Hon. (ieorge
Brown, l*rime Minister of Canada.*

* IU'[iorU'tl ill llio 'I'oruiilo liloljc, nl iMoiiilay, Nov. V, JMl'l.

}

■i

J*'-

11"

438

Chapter
XIV.

■ r

.',{

^^^^

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[18G5.

" Sir, no man in Canada appreciates more than 1
do the generous consideration tliat has ever been
shown by the mother-country towards this province.
But I desire to enter a firm 2)rotest against the
manner in which of late our duty has been laid down
for us, chapter and verse, by gentlemen three thou-
sand miles oft", who know very little of our circum-
stances, and yet venture to tell us the exact number
of men we are to drill and the time we are to drill
them. Sir, I venture to assert that the language
recently used towards this jjrovince is neither just,
nor yet calculated to promote a desirable end. This
province, like the other colonies of the British empire,
was founded on a compact entered into between the
crown and the people ; an assurance was virtually
given to those who emigrated to this province that
they should be protected by all the strength of
British arms. And nobly has Great Britain fulfilled
that promise. Never has she hesitated for a moment
to expend her blood and treasure in defending her
colonial empire. 1 hold that Great Britain is bound
to fulfil on her part the conditions on which the
settlement of this and other colonies took place, and
to continue to aid us until we have grown to that
degree of maturity and strength which will fairly
demand at our hands a reconsideration of the terms
of the contract. If I am askeil whether Canada,
united witli the Lower provinces, is able to take u[)()n
herself a larger share of the burden of defence than
she has heretofore borne, I answer without any hesi-
tation— undoubtedly ' yes.' It were utterly unrea-
sonable to expect that to these colonies the people of

NS.

[18tJ5,

more than 1
s ever been
liis province,
fiirainst the
en laid down
1 three thou-
F our circuni-
3xact number
e are to drill
the language
neither just,
le end. This
>ritish empire,
) between the
was virtually
piovince that
) strength of
ritain fulfilled
fur a moment
lefending her
•itain is bound
on which the
)ok place, and
^Town to that
eh will fairly
I of the terms
ether Canada,
e to take upon
defence than
hout any hesi-
utterly unreii-
i the peoi)le of

KXUDUS UF TH!': WKSTJOIIX NATIONS.

439

isG.-).]

Knicland should nmch lon<>*er send armies and navies Chaiiek

. . . . . XIV
for their defence, whilst we continued developing the " '

resources of our conntrv, and accumulating wealth
untaxed for the appliances of war. But what 1 do
say is this, that when the time anives that a colony
has outgrown the conditions of her first settlement,
and when she is fairly bound to assume new and
hiu'her relations to the mother-country in the matter
of defence, it is only right that the matter sliould be
approached, and the whole subject discussed in a
candid and reasonable spirit. And 1 am free to
express my opinion that had the Canadian ]ieo})le
been invited frankly to enter on a discussion of the
changed relations in matters of defence they ought
to occu])y to (Ireat liritain, the demnnd would have
been responded to readily and heartily. And it is
only due to the jjresent Colonial Minister, Mr. Card-
well, to say that this is the spirit in which he seems
desirous of a})proaching the question ; and that such
is the spirit in wduch 1 believe negotiations hereafter
will be carried on between these colonies and the
parent state. It is not to be concealed that we in
Canada are dee[)ly interested in this whole ({uestion
of colonial defence being thoroughly discussed and
settled. We all heartily desire to perpetuate our
connection with Great Britain ; but it is ([uite evident
that a feeling is growing up in England which may
prove dangerous to that good feeling and attachment,
unless the duties and responsibility mutually due are
clearly understood."

On the very threshold of the American revolution,
John Dickinson wrote as follows : — " If once we are

,, !'

■■• b

440

EXODUS OF THE W ESTEllN NATIONS.

C' ■ I

[IHOi

>o.

. ;■'«■ ' ■

;!■■-■.

chaitek separated from tlie motlier-country, wliat new form

X IV 1

— ' of government shall we adopt or wliere shall we
find another Britain to snjiply our loss ? torn from
the hody to which we are united by religion, liberty,
laws, affection, rebellion, language, and commerce,
we must bleed at every vein." It was just, he went
on to say, tiiat parliament should regulate the trade
of every part of the empire, but that " to adopt such a
measure for the purpose of raising a revenue is an
innovation, and a most dangerous innovation. We,
being obliged to take commodities from Great Britain,
special duties on their exportation to us are as much
taxes upon us as those imposed by the Stamp Act.
Great Britain claims and exercises the right to pro-
hibit manufactui'es in America. Once admit that
she may lay duties upon her exportations to us, for
the pui'pose of levyijig money on us only, she then
will have nothing to do but to lay those duties on
the articles which she prohil)its us to manufacture,
and the tragedy of American liberty is finished. AVc
are in the situation of a besieged city, surrounded in
every part but one. If tliat is closed up, no step can
be taken but to surrender at discretion. ... 1 would
persuade the }ieo))le of these colonies, inmiediat(!ly,
vigorously, and unanimously, to exert themselves in
the most firm but the most peaceable manner for
obtaining lehel". W an inveterate resolution is
formed to anniliilate the liberties of the governed,
Englisli liistory affords examples of resistance by
force."

Grant the fact tliat the countri'^s to which these
orators respecti\ely addressed themselves, and on

mMw

[iHfio.

lat new form
lere shall \vc
i ? torn from
igion, liberty,
id commerce,
just, he went
late the trade
> adopt siu'li a
revenue is an
(vation. We,
Great Britain,
5 are as much
e Stamp Act.
\ right to pro-
;e admit that
ions to ns, for
nlv, slie then
ose duties <n\
manufacture,
inislied. AVe
surrounded in
), no step can
. . I would
innnediately,
licmselvcs in
manner for
ji'solution is
11^ governed,
esi stance by

which these
ves, and on

EXODUS OF THE WESTEllX NATIONS.

441

180,-).]

wliose behalf they spoke, were independent nriions, Chaiter

and the language of both becomes dignified, coiici- ' ^^

hatory, manly, wortliy in each case of a patriot and
a statesman : assume in either case that the speaker
belongs to a dependency, and in what terms will you
characterize oratory so bold and so determined ? No
one can critically consider the tone of these two
extracts, the courtesy, the loyalty which animates
each, and at the same time tha temperate but firm
protest against a snpposed encroachment, without see-
ing that the frame of mind which dictated one was
present in the other. In each there is an undeniable
wish to remain on good terms with Kngiaiid, aiid an
e([ually firm belief in the right, and what is more
important the power, to terminate the connection.
Dickinson expresses unalterable attachment to the
British crown, and in the same breath declares that
to imj)ose a tax for the i»urpose of revenne is an inno-
vation, which is to be firmly protested against, and,
if necessary, repelled by force. A century later
Mr. Brown, the responsible minister of Canada,
" desires," as we have seen, " to enter his firm protest
against the manner in which of late our duty has been
laid down for us, chapter and verse, by gentlemen
three thousand miles oif, who know very little of our
circumstances." He expresses deep loyalty to the
cj'own ; he makes admission that England was i-ight
HI what she asked, though, in his opinion, wrong in
the way of asking; just as Dickinson admitted the
right of taxation in the abstract, but not taxation for
a particular purpose. Mr. Th'own adds a significant
ruinark tiiat " it is evident that a feeling is growing

\:. (

•^W"

442

EXODUS OF TIIH WESTERN NATIONS.

(Juaitk;; up ill England, which may prove dangerous to that
" — ' good feeling and attachment, unless the duties and
responsiV)ility mutually due are clearly understood :"'
just as Dickinson declares, that instances have not
been unknown in English history in which oppres-
sion has been followed by armed resistance.

Again, com])are the language held by James Otis,
one of the fiercest orators of the Kevolution, on the
i ccasi^ of being elected moderator of the town
■\\}vput,g; at Boston in 170.'], with the words uttered
th«: o; h -r day by the Hon. John Rose, a member
of liie Ca : dian Government, in a speech made for
the purpose of proving the loyalty of the Cana-
dians, and the necessity which exists for retaining
the connection between the colony and the mother-
country.

" Wg in America," said Otis,* " have abundant
reason to rejoice. The heathen are driven out and
the Canadians conquered. The British dominion
now extends from sea to sea and from the great river
to the ends of the earth. Liberty and knowledge
will be coextended, improved, and preserved to the
latest posterity. No constitution of government has
appeared in the world so admirably adapted to these
great purposes as that of Great Britain. Every
British subject in America is of common right, by
act of parliament, and by the laws of God and na-
ture, entitled to all the essential privileges of a Briton.
By par«ticular charters, particular privileges are justly
granted in consideration of undertaking to begin so

4 ■

rKUicrolt. American Kevolutioii, iv. 63.

DNS.

reroiis to tliat
he duties and
understood :"
tices have not
wliicli uppres-
ince.

)y James Otis,
dutioii, on the
of the town
words uttered
ose, a nieuiber
)eech made for
of tlie Caua-
3 for retaining-
id the mother-
have abundant
driven out and
itish dominion
the great river
nd knowledge
eserved to the
;"overnment lias
idapted to these
ritain. Every
mon right, by
f God and na-
Iges of a Briton,
leges are justly
ing to begin so

03.

EXODUS 01' TUK WKSTEliN NATIONS.

448

1805.]

glorious an empire as British Ameriea. J^ome weak cmaiiki;

{ind wicked minds have endeavoured to dift'use jea- - '

lousies with regard to the colonies ; the true interests
of Great Britain and her plantations are mutual, and
what God in his providence has united let no man
dare attempt to pull asunder."

This was the language of the man whose fiery
eloquence contributed more than any one man to
bring about hostihties. AVithin five years of that
time, the city in wdiich these eloquent words were
uttered, and the man who uttered them, were in
armed rebellion.

"We know," says Mr. Rose, speak, i^^ )f war in
which the colonies may become i 'voicd, "that
Canada may have no concern c. in. Test in the
(piarrel, except as an integral port'on of the empire.
What was the question of the rig . i search to us ?
What interest had we in Ruatan? what in the
Oregon boundary ? what in the enlistment question ?
what in the island of San Juan ? what in European
interference in Mexico ? what, save, indeed, as J3ritish
subjects, interested in the honour of our Hag in the
Trent affair ?" Now, admitting, for the sake of
argument, that the questions Mr. Rose recites have no
special interest for the Canadians, he proves, if he
proves anything, that in six out of the seven cases
cited by him, Canada was nearly involved in quarrels
for which she herself cared nothing, and that in the
seventh case, a war in which she had no interest was
waged on her own soil : if the other cases cited
had come to o[)en rupture, or if all of tiiem had
been followed by war, Canada would have been seven

J-

>'VI

414

EXODUS OF Till-: WES'lEUN NA'JIONS.

IP'

t '

I
I

[IKO.-).

CuAiTEB times tlie theatre of hostile o; .rations in which she

XIV . ...

■ liad no interest. Tliis would not arise if Canad.i

were independent, because it would be useless to
attack an independent nation in a British quarrel ;
and no one, after reading the speech in which Mr.
Biown regents the British call to arms as an invasion
of Canadiun freedom, can imagine that Canadian
loyalty would survive a strife waged among their
own fields, especially if the (.^anadians took no per-
sonal interest in the question, and inununity from the
hoi'rors of war could be purchased by sejiaration.
Suppose another quarrel to arise in which, as in the
other instances mentioned by Mr. Bose, Canada felt
no interest exce})t as a part of the British empire ;
wliich would be the best ])Osition for both parties,
that Canada should be placed, by timely separation,
in the position of an interested spectator, or that they
should be obliged to discuss terms of sejjaration in the
midst of the irritation wliich would naturally prevail
among the Canadians, at the thought that they had
been dragged imnecessarily into a war? It is not in-
tended to accept Mr. Kose's dictum, but only to show
what it proves, assuming it to be true. No one who
has the honour of being acquainted with Mr. Hose
would for a moment imagine that there was any
similarity, except in point of eloquence, between his
opinions and those of James Otis. If the fragment
quoted from Mr. Kose's speech were adduced for the
purpose of inferring any latent disloyalty on the i)art
of the speaker, that gentleman might properly com-
plain that an isolated ])aragraph had been divoreeti
from its context ; but it is not quoted with that view ;

EXODl'S OF TIIK WKSTKRX NATION'S.

446

18fi-,.]

the wliolc speech was conceived in :i strain of enthiisi- Chmtf.u

. . . XIV.

astic loyalty whieli tliose acquainted with tlie speaker ' — '
know to be genuine. Mr. Ixose was ad(hiced as a
witness, above the suspicion of disloyalty, niakin*:; an
admission all the more forcil)le from its unconscious-
ness, that geographical causes prevent absolute iden-
tity of interest between his country and our own : it
may, for instance, be doubted whether anything will
divest society in America of its tendency to demo-
cracy ; but feudal institutions are in Eno-land burned
into the national heart, and have been carefully
niodelled to fit the national rerpn'rements. if it be
a(hnitted that at the time when Otis and Dickinson
wrote the thirteen colonies were i/(' faclo independent,
it will be difficult to maintain that the Canadians are
not de facto independent at the present time.

The complete self-government wliich we liave given
to the Canadas is only fettered by one proviso —
tliat no law shall be passed contrary to tlie funda-
mental law or policy of Englan(L Great stress is laid
l)y writers on our colonial system upon this proviso,
wliich they appear to consider as one of yast pi-ac-
tical importance. The power of veto is always
adduced in evidence when the reality of the tie bi'-
tween England and her colonies is questitjned ; a
little examination will show that the power practicdly
exists only in name and is not and cannot be ex-
ercised.

A return * was presented to the House of (\)mm()ns

* Orderici) uy TiiK House ok C'()MMos^^ to he imunted, L'fVni Jri.v,
1S(>4. — IJiturn of tlie titles and dates of bills [asst'd by tlic h'l^ishitmis nt'
Canada, Nova Scotia, New Ur\iiis\vick, Nruj'oundlaiid, and Tiincv Kdwavd

446

EXODUS OF TIIK WKSTF.KX NATIONS.

vi '

CnAiTETi (Inrinji; tlie present session which affords tlio means
XIV ...
of appreciating tlie power of veto at its exact

vahie. It will tliere he seen that tlie nnmlxr of
l.iws to which tlie roval assent was refused ])etween
1841 — the year after the nnion of I'pj)er and Lower
Canada and the year ISOf) — was, in tlie three pro-
vinces of f^inada, Nova J^cotia, and New Brunswick,
twelve oidy.

New Brunswick in 184,'J passed two Acts, entitled.
" An Act relating to the Collection of Duty on Tiniher
and other Lumber," and " An Act to Establish Regula-
tions for the future disposal of Timber and other Lumber
cut on Crown Lands." These were disallowed on the
ground that they were inconsistent with imperial
legislation, aiid that they re})ealed a part of the Civil
List Act. hi the same year, " An Act regulating the
Currency of tlie Province," was disallowed on the
ground that it gave a fictitious value to the English
sovereign and the eagle of the United rotates. In 1852,
an Act was passed " to exclude certain Persons from
serving as Members of the Legislative Council of New
Brunswick," which was disallowed on tlie groimd that
it interfered with the royal prerogative by dismissing
the bishop of the province from a position in which
he had been placed by the crowm. Tlie last instance
of a refiisal of the royal assent to a New Brunswick
Act w^as in 1856, when " An Act relating to certain
Exemptions from Duty," conveying certain special

Island since the yiar 1830, which have been reserved by the goveinois of
those colonics rcajx ctivcly for rercrcnce to her Majesty's Secretary ol' State
for the (Colonics, and of the titles and dates of bills so referred, to whicli the
royal assent was nltiniately refused ; and copy or extracts of the terms in
which such refusal was conveyed." — Viscount litn-y.

( )NS.

[ii^r,-..

lis the means

at its exact

le 11 limber of

fused l)et\veen

ler and Lower

he tliree pro-

5W Briinswiek,

Acts, entitled,
intv on Timber
tablish Reo-iila-
iotlier Lumber
allowed on tbo
witli imperial
irt of the Civil
regulating tlie
Uowed on tlie
to tbc English
ates. In 1852,

Persons from
Vmncil of New
he ground that

by dismissing
ntion in which
le last instance

ew Brunswick
[ting to certain
(certain special

liy the <iovcin(iis ol'
I's Secretary ol State
lel'crred, to which the
lacts of the terms in

KXODUS Ol" '11 IK WKSTKHN NATIONS.

447

is(;.">.]

privileges upon the Fnitetl ^^tates as regards the
tf:id(' with one ]>Mrti('ular pnit in New ih'unswick was
disallowed on the ground that it was inconsistent
with the fundamental laws of tlu; empire.

In Nova Scotia tliree Acts liave been disallowed
since 1S4(>. "An Act for facilitatiim' the liecoverv<»f
St'amen's Wages " was rejected on the recommenda-
tion of the law ollicers of the crown ; and the last
instance was as loni:: ajro as lS|7, wlien two Acts
"relating to the Crown Lands Department of the
province'' were rejected, on the ground that they
interfered with the sale of crown lands without im-
proving the ]>rinci])le on wliieh those s.ales W( .e
conducted.

Fn Canada, three Acts have been disallowed since
the union. One, in [84.'», " For the Discouragement
of Secret Societies ;" which was rejected on the ground
that "the Queen cannot be advised to concur in an
enactment placing any class of her Majesty's subjects
beyond the ju'otection of the law, and depriving them,
without a previous conviction for crime, of the pri-
vileges to which all l^ritish subjects have a common
title."

The next was in the same year, and was entitled
" An Act for the better securing the lnde})endence of
the Legislative Council of this Province," which " in-
terfi.'red with the power vested in her Majesty by the
Act of the Lnperial Parliament, of the 3]-d and 4th
ji'wv of her Majesty's reign, c. 25, in reference to the
app(»intment of the members of the Legislative Council.
In consequence of which it was not conn)ctent to the
Queen, in point of law, to assent to the bill.'

(if ArrKu
XIV.

0 Dec,
l.s4a

448

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

Chaiteu
XIV.

29 31 ar
184.")

( '

''i--^

[180.-,.

The last occasion on whicli the right of veto was
exorcised by the crown in Canada was in 1845, ex-
actly twenty years aj2;o, when "An Act to Dissolve the
Marriage of Henry William Harris, Esq., with Eliza
Walker, his now Wife, and to enable him to Marry
again, and for other pnrposes therein mentioned,"
was disallowed, on the groinid that the divorce wou]<l
only l)e A'alid within the limits of the province of
Canada, and not in other places beyond such limits
where the law of Hngland prevails.

Now these are the only instances in which provin-
cial acts have been disallowed since the Act of Union
between Upper and Lower Canada. The little
island of Prince Edward and tliat of Newfoundland
add a few to the list, as may be seen by the A])-
pendix ;* but tliose small connnnnities offer peculiiir
dilHculties to the eftective cariying out of parlia-
mentary government, which render their legislation
.somewhat exceptional in character. The reader will
probably remark that in none of the cases mentioned
above has the roval assent been refused to nnv act of
public importance, or to any u[)on which there could
by possibility be any dangerous amount of ])ublic ex-
citement. He will be tempted to inqnire whether
acts of real importance are dealt with on some plan
different to that pursued with regard to inoperative
divorce acts or petty invasions of tlie prerogative of
the crown respecting waste lands ; he may not impro-
bably be tenqtted to suspect that the right of veto, as
a[)plied to the legislation of nations exercising their
own parliamentary rights, and framing their own laws

* \<<\. i. A|ipf'ii(lix.

[I8nr..

of veto was
in 1845, ox-
» Dissolve the
|., witli Eli/a
liiii to ^farry

mentioned,"
livorce would
> province of
id sucli limits

wliicli proviu-
Aet of Union
. The littlr
S'ewfoundland
n by the Ap-
ofter peculiar
|i»ut of parlia-
eir le^'islation
le reader will
ises mentioned
to any at-t of
li there could
of public ex-
piire whether
)\] some plan
o inoperative
)rcrogative ot
lay not impvo-
i^ht of veto, as
;ercising theiv
lieir own laws

KXODl'S OF TIIK WKSTKIIN NATIONS.

440

im-y.]

unist he either nupitory or superfluous. If it he the
case that laws contrarv to the fundamental laws of
I']iig]and have heen passed in Canada diiriuG; the
last twenty years, and British ministers have not
ventured to impose her Majesty's veto upon them,
the ])Ower of veto is plainly nug-atory : if no such
laws have heen passed duriiij^ twenty years, it is
surely superfluous. ]\h)st observers will atlmit that
the former is the case; and that no JMio-lish minister
would dare to veto a law of any importance, or one
upon which the hearts of tln' colonists wovo set.
Look for a moment at the question of secularizing'
the clergy reserves, and say whether the Secretary for
the (V)loiu'es did not shi'iidx, as a true and hnal
I'jig'lishman must shriidx, from the inevitable collision
(,f opinion which would have arisen from refusal to
acquiesce in the wishes of Canadians ? The knowledge
that the power exists is, no doubt, in ])etty cases,
sufficient to prevent the necessity of an a]q)eal to it ;
ill no way can the personal influence of a constitu-
tional <>-overnor be more beneflciallv exei'cised than
in preventing the amount of discord between the
home and the colonial government, which is im-
plied by the disallowances of a law passed by a Colo-
nial Assend)lv ; and it is onlv in rare or extreme cases
that a bill is allowed to pass, which absolutely chal-
lenges the authority of the C^rown, and justiiics its
rejection by the responsible advisers of the sovereign.
The ii *^'M'fe)'encc of the governor vv^ould be of no avail
in important questions ; and the only hypothesis upon
which we can account for the fact tliat tlic right of
veto is never really exoicised, is that our jxtwcr rests
vol,. IT. 2 'I

("ii \riKR
XIV.

450

EXODUS OF THE WESTEHN NATIONS.

[IH

li;).

■*■'.

I ,

Cu.uTEu on too weak foundations to allow us to incur llic

\ IV

' ' risk. If the only authority we possess is held on

such slender tenure, is it not the duty of statesmen
to wei^h deliberately the result, and if possible to
reg'ulate the manner, of separation ?

We now assume as proved, that P^ngland retains
her power only on sufferance ; but a large number- ol"
])oliticians show no disinclination to allow her to
continue in that position. They argue soniewhaT after
the following fashion : — Is it not l>etter to retain
oven a nominal power as long as it can be exercised
v.'ithout remonstrance on the part of our colonies, "jkI
without inconvenience on the i)art of the mother-
country, rather than dismcnd)er the (nnpire, and
thereby bring about a state of things, wounding at
best to the national vanity, and not inn)r()bahly
encompassed with evils worse than those which now
exist ? As long as the connection is nominally main-
tained, it is not necessary to anticipate the future;
matters may remain as thev are mitil the colon its
themselves express some desire to leave us, and when
they do express such a wish, the way will be open to
separation on terms more just to the colonies, and
more agreeable to the national pride than now.

Surely if you wait till the present anomalous state
of things has become unbearable, any demand niauo
by the colonies for independence will not be made in
terms tliat will convey much satisfaction to English
pride. There seems, too, to be a confusion of thought
betwi'en ' retaining nominal power, and retaining-
advantages which the possession of real power would
confer: when once tlu^ substance is gone the shadow

ONS.

[I8i;r).

to incur llif
!ss is lifkl «»ii
• of statesmen

if possible to

iifrland retains
irge number of
allow her to
soniewliar after
2tter to retain
m be exercised
nr colonies, "Jid
of tlie mother-
c empire, and
^s, wounding at
not improbalily
[lose wldeli now
nominally main-
)ate tbe futmv;
til tlie colonics
veus, and wlieu
will be open to
10 eolonies, and
ilian now.
anomalous state
ly demand made
not be made in
lotion to Knglish
"usion of thonglit
I, and retainiu^i"
eal power would
■one tlie sliadow

KXoDUS OF TIIK WKSTKlIX NATION'S.

-l.M

ISr.;").

is sure to follow, and eertaitdv, "to eonutlv, \<> ciiAni-K

submit, to watch times," for an indeHnito ]»(iiod, !_ '

and perhaj)s ultimately to separate on terms really
injurious to national pride, is a far less sensililo jdaii
than to use the little authority that remains, in
devising a scheme of ultimate separation just and
equal for l)otli sides.

It may be asked, why is it necessary to insist so
strongly on the necessity of being ]»repared for se|)a-
ration, if it be true that the colonies arc already
virtually independent? Because the retention by a
dominant country of nominal pcjwer when the reality
is gone involves a gi'cat political danger, which can
oidy 1)0 avoided by being ready at a moment's notice
to acknowledge, as d<' jnn\ the state of things which
already exists lie facto. A ccdony will ne\er desire to
<pu"t the protecti(m of the dominant country, uidess
it considers the connection to involve hardships and
inconveniences so important as to outweigh the ad-
vantages to bo derived from that connection : when
separation takes place at the request of the colony, it
must necessarily be the result of a more ov less grave
(piarrel, which would be needlessly aggravated by
the delays and negotiations necessary to arrange the
treaty of separation. This danger might bo entirely
avoided if a timely agreement were made as to the
conditions on which independence shouM be gr;inted.
ft is not necessary to insist that a more e(ptitalile
agreement could be made in a time of mutual jieaco
and good-will than it would be [)ossible to make
amidst the din of jarring factions.

It has already been said that no wish is liere ex-

2 G 2

452

KXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[)■'

ii-".

ClIAITKIl

X I V.

( '

[iHr.r,.
prossetl to o-jve up our colonies, to recede from oMi-
gatioiis incurred, to refuse protection against attack,
or in any way to act otherwise than a motlier-
countrv sliould do. Tiiere is a- vast difference between
what is called "giving lip our colonies," or " dismem-
bering our eni])ire," and the recognition of the factthat
some of our colonies are in reality colonies no longer,
and that it is dangerous to our quiet to treat them as
such.

Tlie writer of these pages confesses that the argu-
ment which he is most concerned to notice is,
that those who believe it to be right t^s recognize
in time the inde])endence of our British American
colonies, are unmindful of the hoiiour of oni'
country, and wish to dismember her p( ^''cr. The
argument is not i'jasonahle no" the ficc? '^'•li ion just ;
and it cannot be amiss to recnll to jiie r»';o.'k'Cti()n of
the reader some I'cmarks written yars ago, and
therefore with no reference to evc'ds^^ 'lich are now
occurring. Sir George Cornev/;.!! L"\\iM, n his Kssay
on the Gov^'-nment of Dependeucies, arguing witli
that dispassioiiate r;dm wliicli so distinguisiied his
mind, dcs'-«>ibecl the [)"' cy, wliich is now denounced
as dismeml)ermenl of the empire, as the grr'at mark
at which colonizing nations ought to aim. At the
time when Sir Ge(^rge Lewis's essay was wr'tten, the
pro])7'iety of emancij)atingde])endencies had not issued
forth from within the limits of al)stract reasoning;
yet in discussing the contingencies v/hich would make
such a course (k'sirjible, he describes with wonderful
fidelity the circumstances which may now be seen
around us : —

KXODUS OF 'J"HE WKSTEUN NATIONS.

•ir)3

IhG;').]

Tlio priictical ditHculties and

iiicoiivenie'ices ii
Jicrent intlie government of dependencies wliicli have
been stated in preceding chapters, are necessary or
natural conseqnences of the relation of supremacy and
dependence, and of the in)perfect though necessary
expedient of a suliordiuate government. Now if ;i
de[)entlency is considered as in training for nlti'iiatc
iiidapendence, the difficulties naturally incident to its
govenunent, if they do not vanish, are nevertheless
greatly reduced. If a dependency were so considtu'ed,
the free and forcible action of its local institutions
would be encour.'iged as ari unmixed good, not dis-
couraged as a source of strife \At\\ the dominant
country, and of vain resistance to its power; and ai!
the precautions on the part of the supreme govern-
ment, for the purpose of preventing the peoplo of the
dependency from regarding their subordinate govern-
ment as virtually supreme, wonld be needless. Tf a
dependency be distant, if its territory be larc^e an<l vi
population numerous, and if the powers of its locai
subordinate government reside to a con.sideiabie c.v
tent in a body chosen by its inhabitan..s, it is difficiili
for the dominant country to prevent it from forming
habits and opinions which are scarceb consistent witli
virtual de})endence. Ihit if such dependency be
regarded as in training for indt'i > .idence, the local
popular institutions leading to a' ' implying self-
government may be allowed to ba/\e free play, and
the interference of the dominai ; country with the
affairs of the dependency, may cease almost in-
sensibly.

"Admitting ibe impossibility of ibe prevailing

ClIMTKK

XIV.

4.-,}

HXODLSOF 'lill-: WESTERN NATIONS.

EM;

[18(!5.

Cii.\ni;u Opinions conccrninn^ llic advantage of exteiuletl cni-

' \nni bein<»,- so lar modified as to permit a domin;nil,

country to take such a view of its political relations
with its dependencies as that now indicated, it is
proved by the example of England that the dominant
country may concede virtual independence to a de-
pendency by establishing in it a system of popular
self-government, and by abstaining Jilmost constantly
from any interference with its internal affairs.

" Such a relation of tiie dominant country and the
dependency as has been described in the preceding
ptiragraph seems, however, scarcely consistent with
the duration of the de])endenee of the latter for any
considerable period. It is true that there has not
been hitherto any instance of a dependency becoming
inde[>endent by the volnntarv act of the dominant
country. The Greek colonies form no exception to
Adam Smith's remark, since they were independent
from their first esti • lishment, and therefore the
mother-country i)ossessed no power over them which
it could sul)sequeutly relintpiish. The most remark-
able changf s from dependence to independence have
been produced by insurrectioii against tlie dominant
country ; and the dominant country has not consented
to recognize the indopendomv of the formerly de-
pendent communities till it had exhausted all its
means of reducing tlicm to olK^lience. Examples are
furnished by the Swis^i Confedei'acy, the United Pro-
vinces of the Netherlands, the United States of
America, and the various independent states which
have l)een formed out of the revolted Spiinish and
I^ortuu'uese eohuiies in North and South Americ-a.

i:X()UUS OF TIIK WKSTHUN NATIONS.

'' It is, liowever, eonceival)lc that in a o-iveii case tlie Cm mti u

. . . . XIV.

(loniiiuiiit L'duntiv miii-lit iiLTceive that it derives no ' — '

l)oiiefit JToiu the possession of a dependency, and that
tlie de]>endeney is ahle and wiUing to form an inde-
pendent state; and that consequently a dominant
country mii;'lit al);ind()n its autliority over a de-
pendency for want of a sutHcient inducement to i-etain
it. A dominant country miglit for exann)le see that
tlie dependency contrihutes nothin*;' to its nn'litary
defences or to the expenses of the supreme p)verii-
ment ; that it adds nothing-, as a (h'penihjncy, to the
productive resources or commercial facilities of the
dominant count^-y ; that it is a constant source of ex-
pense to the dominant country, is likely to en^'ender
many economical (. vils, and may even involve the
dominant country ir war on its account. It mi<j,"ht,
moreover, perceive that tlie doendency is suOiciently
populous and wealthy to torn. ■ n independent state,
and tliat tlie people of the de])endency desire inde-
pendence. If a dominant country understood the
true nature of the advantag'cs arisinj^ from the rela-
tion of su[»remacy ainl dependence to the related
connnunities, it would voluntarily recoo-nize the lef;iil
iii(l('ptnidence of such of its own depend(>ncies as were
fit for iiide[)endence ; it would hy its political arrange-
ments study to prepare foi" independence those which
were si ill unahle to stand alone ; and it would seek to
promote colonization for tlie purpose of extendinf*; its
trade rather than its empire, and without atteiiqiting
to mahitain the dependence of its colonies heyondthe
time when they need its protection. At all events,
the long duration of its dependence under such cir-

456

EX(J1)US OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1805.

Cii.MTKii cuinstaiices iini)Hes as miicli moderation on both bides

' as woidd be implied on the side of the dominant

country by a vohnitary cession of its autliority over
the dependency.

" It is obvious to remark that the dominant country
ouglit not to abandon its authority over the de-
pendency, unless the people of the dependency consent
to the cession, and are cajiable of forming an inde-
pendent connnunity ; it is bound morally not to throw
off a helpless dependency, although the possession of
it should promise no advantage to itself." *

The exception which Sir George Lewis makes is as
striking as the proposal itself: it is a condition pre-
cedent of granting independence that the colonies
should desire it. The writer of this book ventures to
advocate, not the dismissal of any colony, but rational
preparations for a time which the inexorable logic of
facts proves to be fast approaching.

The recognition of British-American independence
must be concerted with the representatives of British
America themselves; when that is done, the time of
separation may be safely left to be settled according
to the convenience of both. National honour demands
the continunnce of relation.' which now exist, and the
protection which England is now bound to afford,
until thoy s1udl bi^ no more needed ; but meanwhile
we are free to discuss the terms and manner of
eventual separation, and to arrange the provisions of
that importiUit Treaty with careful and delil>erato con-
sideration. A man liolding a lighted match would
retain it only as long as prudence permitted liim to

* Lcwit). LiuvuniinL'iit ut' Ik'[icudoncio.s, p. o3li — oy<i.

aing an inde-

^is makes is as
condition pre-
i the colonies
)k ventures to
^, but rational
arable logic of

KXOUUS OK 'lllK WKSTEHN NATION'S. lol

l.sOu.j

do so; he would not wait till the actual pain of burn-
iiig flesh compelled him to throw it from his hands,
Kngland need not part from anythiug she could hold
oidy let her not, for the em})ty boast that a power '\>

ClIAl'IKIt

XIV.

diich

liers winch m reality lias long fleparted, enaauger
really solid advantages which she might retain lor
ever.

.Mr. Tiiriiig,* in his pamj)hlet on Coloiiijd Jxeform,
[)io[)Oses that a rolonial l>ill, which he gives in his
Appendix, should be passed, and should come into
effect within two years, providing, amongst other
matters of great importance, that " Her Majesty may
hv i)roclamation in anv colony declare that colony to
be independent from and after a t!me to he named in
such proclamation; and the colony with respect to
which such declaration is made shall become inde-
pendent from the date therein mentioned."

This })rovisi()n would no doubt perfectly attain the
oliject in view, when the tiu\e at which such separa-
tion was to take i)lace had once been fixed, and \\\it
treaty recognizing the independence of the colony
had been signed. But in fixing the time and the
terms of separation the whole dilliculty lies. An
earlier clause provides that " the Legislative (\)uncil
and House of Assembly in any colonv, may, bv a
majority of not less than two-thirds of the whole
number of members comjiosing such house, resolve to
address her Maiestv, nravinn- that the colony mav lie
deohu'ed to l»e inde[)endent ; but such resolution shall
ho of no efteet unless it is confirmed diiriim- the same

* Sni:f'4o.stio!is lur Colonial iictunn, l.cmilon. Slrwiis, Sdis, anil
IlaviiL's, iHtl."),

468

KX(>DUS OF THE WKSTERX NATIONS.

If-

[ist;5.
cnAnKii session, in hotli houses, by ii like resolution, passed

* l>y a like majority, at ;m interval of not less than

three months after the i)assin^of the first resolution."
This clause is <;-ood in itself, but somethiui^ more is
^vanting. We have the quarrel with our colony, which
we so anxiously desire to avoid, upon us in downright
earnest, unless the resolution passed by the colony
shall find us prepared with a Treaty, drawn up
with a view to ultimate separation, and already
signed. It is obvious, as we have remarked, that
the colonies will desire to enjoy the advantages
ail'orded by connection with Great Britain, so long
as they can do so without incurring inconveniences
greater than those advantages. They will in no case
leave us of their own accord until their interests and
those of the mother-country seriously clash. What
must be provided for, is a means of scparatiorj, befoi-(.'
exasperation has had any time to work ; nay, a
scheme of se]\aration worked out and agreed to long
before any cause of dispute has arisen, wliile yet men's
minds are able calmly and dispassionately to decide
on provisions which would be fair to both parties in
the Treaty. If such an arrangement were arrived at,
we might leave the question of time to be decided at
some future day, when the war-cloud Avhicli now un-
happily lowers over our Canadian outpost shall have
disappeared : we might then look with equanimity
even at the occurrence of a chance quarrel : it could
not last, there would be nothing to exasperate it oi*
to induce its continuance ; but the provisions of such
a Treaty need neither be many nor intricate. " More
than half the heartburnings and bickerings in the

NS.

[1st;-,.

itioii, passc'd

lOt less tlian

t resolution."

liiif^ more is

:olony, wliifli

n downright

i the colony

, drawn \\y

and already

narked, that

advantage's

tain, so loiii:;

conveniences

ill in no case

interests and

ilasli. What

ration, befon*

3rk : nav, a

ree<l to long

lile yet men's

'ly to decide

th parties in

re arrived at,

)e decided at

lich now nn-

st shall have

equanimity

el : it could

isperate it or

sions of such

EXUDLS ()[•• TIIK WKSTKUX NATloNj^.

•l.VJ

cale

rings in the

1KG5.]

world," as Afr. Thring; says very truly, "arise tVom
the absence of a settled rule of conduct to meet a
possible contingency, from the impossil>i]ity of parti ng
without tlie pride of one party being- hurt nr the dig-
nity of tlie other offended." For the sake of conve-
nieiice, the few points which present themselves for
settlement are here set down in the form of a Draft
Treaty, such as nn'ght form the basis of negotiations.
It will be observed that all tlie provisions of the
treaty are matters which may be settled with perfect
facility at a time when there is no immediate neces-
sity for putting them in force ; but many (.)f them
might present insuperable objections to a si'tllement
in a moment of irritation such as that which must
infalliljly exist at the moment of parting, if some such
provision l»e not previously made.

AkTICI.es of SePAIJATION, to 1!E A(,lI{EKn TO I'.E-
TWEEX (rllEAT J5uiTAIN AND J^JUTISII NoilTil

America.

AViiEREAS the British North-American provinces
have increased of late years with gre;it rapidity, bdtli
in point of population and wealth ; and whereas it is
desirable that the said provinces should at some i'uture
time assume the dignity and undertake the responsi-
bilities of an independent nation: it is agreed be-
tween the Secretary of State for the Colonies, acting
as plenipotentiary on behalf of Great Britain on the
one part, and A. P>., on the part of the confederated
provinces of JJritish North America, hereinafter called
" The New Nation," on the other part, as follows : —

ClIAI'lKU

XI v.

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

f/.

1.0 !fi

I.I

1.25

2.8

M
2.2

?r is

U 11.6

'el

^>.

Photographic

Sciences
Corporation

23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 872-4503

^<b

<»<>

'<5^

4(J0

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

Chaiter
XIV.

[18()f

hil

Art. I. It shall be lawful at any time for the
Sovereign of Great Britain and Ireland to give
twelve months' notice to his subjects in the New
Nation colonies, of his intention to discontinue
the exercise of any sovereign rights over the terri-
tories now known as British North America, or
any part thereof, and to recognize the Government of
the part so freed from control as an independent
Government : And the Sovereign of England shall
give such notice as aforesaid, either by and with the
consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and of
the Commons, in Parliament assembled, or at the re-
quest of the inhabitants of the Britisii North-Ameri-
can Colonies, conveyed by an Address from both
Houses of their Legislature. Provided always that
the Sovereign of Great Britain ard Ireland shall in
no case give such notice (except at the request of the
inhabitants of British North America conveved as
aforesaid), within clear years after the termina-
tion of the present disturbances between the United
States and the Confederate States of America : and
provided also that, at the time of giving such notice,
there shall be no reasonable prospect of danger to, or
aggression to be sustained by, the British North-
American provinces.

Art. II. The British North-American provinces
shall, from and after the termination of the novice
given as aforesaid by tlie Sovereign of Great Britain
and Ireland, be known by the name of

[J^or the purpose of tJiu treaty, scy/ " The N'cir
Nation^]

EXODUS OF THE WESTERX NATIONS,

401

" The Ni'ir

18fi5.]

Art. III. The New Nation shall he entitled to c
assume as her national standard the Union Jack, as
adopted by England and Scotland in the time of
Queen Anne, with such difference as may he deter-
mined by the Heralds' College.

Art. IY. Any fortification, barrack, or other mili-
tary work constructed within the British North-
American colonies at the expense of G-rent Britain,
shall be handed over to the New Nation ; and anv for-
tification or other military work which shall have been
undertaken by the Imperial Government, and which
at the time of the giving of the notice mentioned in
Article I. shall be in course of construction, shall be
completed at the expense of the Imperial Govern-
ment, according to the original estimate submitted
to the Imperial Parliament at tlie time of the under-
taking of such work, and shall ])e paid for either by
an annual grant provided for in the English Esti-
mates, or by a sum handed over to the authorities of
the New Nation, as may hereafter be agreed upon.

Art. Y. It is agreed between the contracting par-
ties, that as a further mark of goodwill towards the
New Nation, the British Clovernment may assist the
government of the New Nation in the completion of
any military or naval works of defence, which may
at the time of the Royal proclamation of independence
have been undertaken by the British North -American
provinces, with the consent of Great Britain, and
which at the time of such Koyal proclamation may be
in progress, by guaranteeing the interest of Jiny loan
which may be necessary to finish the said woi-ks.

iiArxKi:
XIV.

•1^ ■:■

402

EXODUS OF THE \VE!STJ:KN NATIONS.

Chapter
XIV.

[1H05.

Art. VI. It is further agreed, tliat all military or
commissariat stores, guns, arms, ammunition, &c., as
may at the time of the Royal 2:>roclamation be in any
fort or other place within the limits of the British
North- American provinces, shall be handed over,
free of cost, to the authorities of the New Nation.

Art. VII. In order that the New Nation may start
as far as possible free and unincumbered by debt, it is
agreed that any moneys which may be due from the
government of the British Nortli-American colonies,
to the British Exchequer shall be remitted. But any
guarantee which may have been given by the Impe-
rial Government for the due payment of interest on
any moneys expended for any public work or other
purpose, other than the military works mentioned in
Articles III. and IV., shall be assumed by the
Government of the New Nation, and paid out of its
funds.

Art. VIII. There shall be a special treaty of friend-
ship and alliance between Great Britain and the New
Nation, and diplomatic officers of suitable rank shall
be sent by each Government to the other.

Art. IX. It is agreed between the contracting par-
ties, that in case the New Nation shall be attacked by
an external enemy, Great Britain will exert her utmost
efforts to defend her, by sending to her assistance
money subsidies, or men, in such manner as may be
found most conducive to the due carrying out of tlie
spirit of this treaty. And it is further agreed, that
Great I>ritain shall use her influence to induce the

.i .

EXODUS OF THE WESTEl^N NATIONS. 403

18G5.]

United States and tlie Confederate States of America, cuArrEu

and the Maritime Nations of Europe, to join lier in ' '

guaranteeing* tlie independence, and freedom from
attack of the New Nation.

Art. X. It is agreed that no differential duties
shall be imposed, by either of tlie parties to this treaty,
on the Imports or Exports of the other ; and, gene-
rally, that any commercial privilege which either of
the parties to this treaty may grant, by treaty or
otherwise, to any Foreign Nation, shall be extended
as of right to the other party to this Treaty.

Art. XI. It is agreed that the provisions of the
Alien Act, now in force in Great Britain, shall not
extend to natives of the New Nation ; and tliat any
inhabitant of the New Nation shall be eligible to sit
in the Imperial Parliament, to hold property, and
generally to exercise all the rights of citizenship
which may now be exercised by a native-born subject
of Great Britain : and it is further agreed that a
similar privilege shall be extended by the New
Nation to native-born or naturalized subjects of Great
Britain.

It is probable that an English reader, to whom the
consideration of this question is new, would, at first
sight, arrive at the conclusion that the provisions of
this treaty were entirely one-sided ; that the New
Nation alone would profit by it ; that it would entail
a large expense on Great Britain ; and, inasmuch as
it would pledge this country to exercise our wliole
power in defence of the New Nation in case of external

\CA

EXODUS OF tup: western nations.

f 1.-

/■i

> -I

ClIAITKIl

XIV.

i . ■

a;*!'

[1865.

nggTcssioii, it would leave us in the same plight as
that from which we now desire to escape. That con-
clusion would not be altogether just, as an examina-
tion of the different articles will show. The first
three require no comment : it is obvious that our
protection must continue as long as any danger hangs
over the colony, which may be traced, even remotely,
to the connection of the New Nation with Great
Britain. The third, providing that the national flag-
shall still wave over the ships and forts of the New
Nation, would perpetuate and draw closer the bonds of
union betwer n the two nations, and follow the analogy
of English custom, by which the son assumes, with a
certain difference, the name and arms of his father.
The Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Articles
would, no doubt, entail expense on Great Britain :
but it is submitted that the expense to be incurred is
one wliich could not honourably be evaded ; it must
be the care of the mother-country to see that the New
Nation commences its national existence under the
most favourable circumstances, and that it has every
prospect of a prosjierous and honourable career. The
expenses 2:)rovidcd for are terminable. Even if for
ten years after separation an annual sum is required,
what are ten years in the life of a nation ? The
stipulations of the treaty will at length be completed,
and Great Britain freed from further liability. The
Seventh Article requires no comment ; but tlie Ninth
is more important. It is true that, by covenanting
to stand by the New Nation in case of aggression
upon her Ijoundaries, we are placing ourselves some-
\v]y.\i in the same position as that from which many

•" ♦■

IS.

[1805.

lie ])ligl»t as
That con-
xii examina-
. The iirst
us that oin-
anger hangs
on remotely,
witli Great
national flag
of the New
• the bonds of
T the analogy
limes, with a
A his ftither.
nth Articles
-eat Britain:
)e incurred is
ded ; it must
that the New
e under the
:, it has every
career. The
Even if for
li is required,
lation ? The
le completed,
.bility. The
.lit tlie Ninth
covenanting
if aggression
■selves some-
which many

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

4»)5

18G5.]

persons would now desire to escape ; hut, in the first Chaiteu

place, we cannot at once shake olV, even under the ^ ."

most favourable circumstances, the liabilities and dan-
gers which may now attach to our position ; and in the
next, there would be a material difference between our
circumstances then and now. Even supposing the
United States to be of that aggressive temper which
is often attributed to them, an attack on an unoffend-
ing neighbour would be an act from which the most
unprincipled government would shrink, more espe-
cially as it is impossible to imagine a motive which
would tlien exist for aggression. The Munroe doc-
trine is not held by all parties, or even, it is be-
lieved, by a majority of the inhabitants of the United
States : it would not suit the industrious manufac-
turers of New England to ruin their trade, and entail
upon themselves the horrors of war for " an idea."
Such advantages as can be obtained by trade between
the Northern states and the British provinces must
depend on natural causes, certaiidy not on causes which
could be improved by war ; and no war could long
continue which did not command the success of the
population of New England. It is notorious that
most of the threats which have been held out of
attacking Canada, have been threats not against a
coveted territory, but against a British frontier : let
that frontier be the frontier of an independent nation,
and it would, in all probability, be respected. As
long as an annexation party existed in Canada, there
was always a possibility that "sympathizers" from
the States might create formidable disturbance, with
a view of divine' effect to the views of malcontents:

:' i

VOL. II.

'Z 11

4(J0

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

K'^

[IHGo.

CiiAiiEn the party of aympatliizers luis ceased to exist, antl no
' — ' danger is now to be anticipated from that source.
Above all, it must be remembered that the treaty
especially provides that no separation shall take place,
at least by any deed of ours, until all the heart-
burnings and dangers which now exist have clean
passed away, and become matters of history. The
tenth article requires no comment ; the eleventh is
borrowed from a suggestion made by Mr. Goldwin
Smith, in a late article in Macmillan's Magazine.*

The practical utility of a Treaty, such as that just
proposed, must depend upon the truth of the assertion
so often made in these pages, that our present colo-
nial system contains within it several not unimport-
ant elements of danger. It remains to state, in a few
words, how and from what quarter the danger men-
tioned is likely to arise.

The new Confederacy will necessarily offer many
points of difference from ourselves. It will have to
proceed, in many instances, by compromise, in order
to secure the assent of its members : it is not im-
possible that the form in which public measures will
emerge, after passing through the fiery trial of the Ge-
neral Legislature, will not be one entirely acceptable
to the mother-country. It may be expected that dif-
ference will occur, if it occur at all, on subjects con-
nected either with military defence, with commerce.

^i:

* " Supitosinp; the political connection to be dissolved, all the etToctive
ties of kinisliip would reniaiu ; nor does there ajipear to be any objection to
onr abrogating, as against the Canadians, all the legal and political divS-
abilities of aliens, so that a Canadian coming to reside in England might be
at once in every resi)ect an English citizen." — The jrroposfd Vonstitittiou
fur British America. — Macmillan's Magazine, March, ^.805.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

467

or with legislative functions : a little consideration will
show of what natnre those difiiciilties are likelv to he.

The Canadians possessing legislative independence
cannot he prevented, on the occurrence of any
military emharrassment, from examining into the
circumstances of the quarrel, and forming their own
conclusions whether their country is in danger or not.
It has already heen agreed that the whole power of
England must he exercised to defend the colonies
against attack, nor can this state of things he now
altered, even though the time of ultimate separation
should he decided on ; if the Canadians should choose
to attach undue importance to that admission, and,
relying on the protection of England, vote through
their independent Legislature that they will not incur
their fair share of responsihility, it would be impos-
sible for us to offer any opposition to a course which
our own gift of the power of free legislati/^n has
rendered possible. We cannot confer self-govern-
ment, and hope to dictate the use to which they may
put it, though we may by finding fault with their
proceedings produce an unfriendly feeling, or even
violent rupture.

The Canadian frontier is not less than fifteen
hundred miles in length, and offers many vulnerable
points to an invader. During many months in
every year reinforcements could not readily be
sent to the West, nor communications kept up
with the base of operations on the coast. It would,
therefore, be necessary to keep a considerable force
in war-time on the spot, and to vie with the
Americans of the northern states in juniaments on

2 II 2

ClIArTF.U

MV.

468 HXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[IKOf),

CKAPTEn tlio frontier lakes. We slionld do this at a dis-

\ I V

' ^^ advantage : our opponents woidd draw their supplies

from points near at hand, while we should be toilfnlly
furnished forth from Europe. The scarcity of labour
must always render recruiting* difficult and expensive,
desertion easy and frequent. It would be possible, in
case of attack, if the population turned out as one
man to defend their frontiers, as the people of the
Confederate States have done, to make Canada secure
against the devastation of war ; but the Confederates
have had none to fight for them, and years of depen-
dence have taught the Canadians to look elsevrhere
than on their own arms for assistance. The new
confederacy will no doubt be prepared to send a very
consideral)le and very efficient body of auxiliaries
into the field ; but it would require the actual expe-
rience of war, and of the evils that wnv carries in its
train, to bring about that general armament which
alone would render Canada secure against attack.
The levy ' en masse ' which w^as sufficient to hurl
back the invader in 1812 would not now make head
against the vast numbers of trained soldiers which
could be directed against them by American leaders.
Military organization would have to take place in
front of the enemy at a vast expense of energy and,
perhaps, of disaster. A recent report which has been
presented to parliament affords the intelligence that a
militia force could be raif3ed without any difficulty,
which would, with the aid of a British contingent,
hold the places necessary for the defence of Upper
and of Lower Canada. In the latter province, Quebec
and Montreal afford defensible positions which

V ■♦

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

4G9

18(5').]

would hold out for a considerable time, and the
force that held them would ultimately remain
masters of Canada. But Quebec is without any
fortifications which could offer any resistance to
modern artillery ; the new works were only sanc-
tioned by parliament a week or two ago,* and
Montreal has no fortifications at all. Kingston,
which co\ers the mouth of the Ridcau (^inal, is
entirely without defence : as for Hamilton and
Toronto, they are entirely at the mercy of the
invader who should be master of the lakes. At the
present moment some twenty-one thousand Canadian
volunteers are all that could be considered available
in case of attack : these are, perhaps, equal in military
efficiency to a sir^ilar number of Enghsh volunteers.
Even if the fortifications existed, sucli a force would
be totally inadequate to man them, and, opposed to
the armies of the Republic, could not hope to be of
any avail. Nothing has yet been done by the British
Americans themselves to put their country in an
adequate state of defence ; and yet, for four years,
the most aggressive power of modern days has been
in open conflict across the frontier, and on many
occasions has held language which must prove that
they are in danger. Englishmen are ready to take
a fair share in the defence of any part of the empire
tliat may be attacked ; but they have a right to insist
that no part of the empire, least of all that part upon
which the attack is directed, shall sit by idle and
unarmed. It is not likely, perhaps, that the Ameri-
cans will attack Canada in the midst of the exhaustion

Chaiter
XIV.

March 23, 18 G5.

470

KXODUS OF 'JHK WKS'l'KHN NATIONS.

i'li'

[iH(jr).
CirmEii produced by their gig^antic efforts in tlie civil war ;
— still it is right to be prepared : recent despatches
have shown that the highest officials, both of the
federals and of the confederates, liave calmly dis-
cussed the propriety of laying aside their mutual
feud for a time, in order the better to concert an
attack upon us. Yet in the face of danger like this,
the responsible minister of Canada can tell us that
our remonstrances against the unparalleled apathy
of the colonies may have a bad effect upon the mutual
good feeling of Canada and the mother-country.

Of late a very great change has taken place in the
spirit of the Canadians. Every disposition is, it is
said, now shown to bear their fair share of the cost of
defending their country from attack. It is, indeed,
stated by those who have every means of ascertain-
ing the truth that the Canadian cabinet were ready
to raise the whole sum necessary for the construction
of defensive works at Montreal and Quebec, on the
sole condition that Great Britain should })rovide the
necessary armaments for the works. Although it
was necessary to abandon that scheme for a time, on
account of the provision which exists in the proposed
act of confederation of the provinces, that the debt of
Canada at the time of federation should not exceed a
certain fixed sum, it is still believed that a large share
of the expense will ultimately be borne by Britisli
America. A bill, which was introduced into the Im-
perial Parliament on the 2nd of Maich in the present
year by Mr. Cardwell, "to enable her Majesty's colo-
nies to make better provision for maritime defence,"
shows conclusively that the transatlantic subjects of the

•NS.

[l«fJ5.

e civil wiir ;
t flespatches
both of tlio
I calmly dis-
tlieir mutiiiil

0 concert an
n-er like tliis,

1 tell us tluit
k'led ai)atliy
)n the mutual
country.

1 place in the

ition is, it \6

of the cost of

It is, indeed,

of ascertain-

t were ready

construction

uebec, on the

i provide the

Although it

m a time, on

the proposed

at the debt of

not exceed a

a large share

tie by l^ritisli

1 into the Im-

in the present

lajesty's colo-

ime defence,"

subjects of the

EXODUS OF TIIK WESTKIIX XATIOXS.

471

180.-).]

')ueen are at length fully awake to the necessity of CifM-u

itrcnuous exertion. Mr. (\ird\vel], in In-inu-injj: in ' 1

the bill, explained tliat the navy contemplated by tlic
bill would be paid for by the colonies themselves;
there is consequently every dis])osition on the part of
the frontier colony at least to provide for their own
defence with due public spirit and liberality.

But the question of armaments has already been used
as an engine of party warfare; and we have only to
look at the keen attacks to which our own system of
fortifications are subjected in the Imperial Parliament
to be aware that the principle upon which Canadian
defensive works are to be constructed might at any
moment be upset, or even the requisite grants of
public money for their continuance refused. If at the
time of such refusal Great Britain had, luider the
belief that the whole scheme woidd be carried out,
voted her share of the expenditure, the discontinuance
of the work (for which under a system of Responsiltle
Government no person or body of men could be
properly considered worthy of I'lame) would revive
the old antagonism in its most dangerous form.
Mr. Brown, when in opposition, used the Militia Bill
as a means of defeating a govei^nment : ho had consti-
tutionally every right to do so, nor is it pretended
that his course was not in every point of view justi-
fiable; but the same course might with equal propriety
be adopted agamst his goverinnent while carrying
out the Canadian defences, as he himself employed
when he opposed them.

It is not asserted that such a departure from public
faith is likely ; but the chess-player who would win

I * ■ mH ~T'-nnr-

if- -

.ri ' '•■'

472

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

( '

[18G5.

Chapter his game, the soldier who would conduct his cam-
^ — ' paign with honour, the statesman who would rule an
empire with success, will weigh every possibility and
give to ever}' one its due measure of importance.

Another point which might arise as a subject of
dispute at some future time was indicated by Mr.
Cardwell in his speech on bringing in the bill for a
colonial navy : —

" The question of raising a colonial navy was not
a simple one. If it was to be purely a colonial navy,
it was obvious that it would not have the rights and
privileges of an .international navy, and would not be
acknowledged by foreign nations in time of war ; and
if there was to be a divided command, questions migiit
arise between a colonial officer and the senior Queen's
officer of the station v-zhich might lead to serious
practical difficulties."

One of our maritime provinces already has an
armed ship of its own ; but, as Mr. Cardwell remarked,
"that ship being merely under colonial autliority,
possessed none of the rights, and in presence of foreign
nations, could have none of tlie privileges of a ship
of war. Those rights and privileges could only be
secured by putting the ship under the control of the
Admiralty." Probably no difference of opinion would
ever arise out of this divided allegiance ; it would, at
any rate, work well enough as long as no feeling of
irritation existed between tliC two countries ; but it is
evideni that disagreement might arise cut of it, wln'ch
v/ould render the inevitable parting less amicable and
more difficult to arrange than it would be if a pi'oper
scheme were deliberately arranged beforehand.

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

473

18G5.]

The manner in which differences of opinion are Chapteu

AT 'T\T

likely to arise on commercial matters differs from the ^ '

direct and positive antagonism which other disputes
are likely to exhihit. They are, however, not on
that account less important : the principles on which
trade should he carried on still afford materials for
widely divergent opinions ; and even when principles
are agreed upon, politicians often find it hard to
agree upon the mode of their application. The legis-
lation of this country, with respect to the commercial
affairs of British America, has suffered many changes ;
and although for many years every alteration has
been made with the view of relieving commerce
from the trammels of the ancient navigation law,
disputes have occasionally arisen in which the subject
was so ingeniously mystified, that a demand for pro-
tective duties actually assumed the likeness of a cry
for the extension of free trade. Of this nature was
the demand for intercolonial free trade which was
made by the Canadian Legislature in 1858.

The removal in 184G of the differential duties
which existed in favour of the colonies was, of course,
an unpopulai- measure ; changes of policy, liowever
right in themselves, usually involve loss to those
engaged in tlie trndoti affected by them ; and in this
instance tlie ciiange deprived the colonies of an ad-
vantage which they had long enjoyed, and which had
been, as they considered, secured to them by the Act
of 1840. The colonies considered tlie protection
afforded by tlie differential duties as a right, and
looked upon its removal as an injustice; and though
the policy of 184(5, by compelling colonial inilustry

K '•.

■ i j

m. :

474

EXODUS OF THE WESTEIW NATIONS.

it , < ■'

■:i "

[1865,

CwAPTEK to depend rather upon the energy and skill of its

' traders than upon differential duties, has produced a

highly beneficial result in the colonies-, attempts are
constantly made to revert to the system of protection.
The manner in which the demand is put forward
is sometimes so specious that at the first blush it is
difficult to distinguish whether it is a departure from,
or an extension of, sound economical principles. A
large party in the colonies loudly asserted that the
demand for intercolonial free-trade was in accordance
with the. recognized principles of unfettered competi-
tion ; it was advocated as such by a Committee of
the Legislative Council of Canada, which was ap-
jjointed " To inquire into the commercial inter-
course between Canada and Great Britain, the
West India possessions, the United States, and other
foreign countries.' Circulars were addressed by
this committee to the governments of the colonial
possessions of Great Britain in America, to ascer-
tain whether in their judgment the adoption of a
fr<5e commercial intercourse, like that whicli exists
between the different states of the American union,
would promote the prosperity of the colonies, and
induce a direct trade by the St. Lawrence. The trade
of Canada, especially that with Great Britain, has
always been subject to sudden and violent fluctuation :
under the Canadian tariff, when it was fostered by
the system of protection, it increased in a ratio of
three to one over that from the United States. When
the cause of fictitious prosperity was removed in con-
sequence of the altered policy of the Lnperial Govern-
ment, it decreased as conq)ared with that of the;

EXODUS OF THH WESTERN NATIONS.

i75

1865.]

United States. Tlic St. Lawrence canals, tliouffh Chaftkr

XIV

made at an enormous expenditure for the purpose of t — '
drawing tlie trade of the Western states to thf ports of
Montreal and QueLec, faUed in attaining tl e object;
and the trade of Western Canada itself, on and above
Lake Ontario, was, before the present war, diverted to
the ports of New York and Boston. A vessel con-
taining freight from the upper lakes can go from her
point of departure to Quebec in less time and for less
money than she can to New York. So far the ad-
vantage is on the side of the Canadian route ; but
owing to various causes the advantage ends there,
and the whole voyage from the upper lakes to Eng-
land is cheaper by way of New York than by way of
Quebec. It was clearly perceived by the committee,
that, to improve the St. Lawrence navigation and to
attract shipping into it, was the best way of recover-
ing for Canada her lost balance of trade. The ex-
isting trade was not remunerative to Canada, for it
went to swell the balaiice-sl cet of the Americans.
A new trade must, if possible, be created and mo-
nopolized. For this purpose the West Indies and
other colonies of Great Britain were invited to agree
to a tariff' which should abolisli all Imj)ort duties on
articles produced in one colony and imported into
another : the only stipulation on the part of Canada
being, that i\\o trade should jiass through the St.
Lawrence. The replies received from the various co-
lonies were strongly in favour of tlie scheme ; indeed,
the extension of reciprocal free trade between our vari-
ous colonies is not a matter that at first sight appears
to militate against the principle of free trade ; but the

''I

476

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

1- ■ .

V ■ . ,

1
1

♦ '

!,',(

[1866.
Chapter colouies, SO far as trade is concerned, are integral
^ — ' parts of the imperial commercial system. England
has treaties and relations with foreign powers by
which she herself, her colonies, and the foreign
countries with which she treats must equally be bound.
If any two colonies consent to receive from each other,
free, articles which imported from the foreigner
would be chargeable with duty, they are establishing
differential duties as against that foreigner, and
violating the regulations which as part of the Imperial
system they are bound to uphold.

Earl Russell was at the head of the Colonial Office
when the proposal reached England. Lord Stanley,
in 1843, had commented upon this subject. He had
observed the great difficulty which existed in the
imposition of discriminating duties ; he had pointed
out that to legislate on such a matter without a full
knowledge of all the commercial treaties, and politi-
cal relations of Great Britain with other states, must
render error inevitable, and occasion practical incon-
venience. This knowledge the colonies have no
means of acquiring ; they have no machinery for
concerted action, and the general code of the emjoire
would, if such a mode of proceeding were adopted, be
at variance with itself in many important particulars.
Government could not treat with confidence with any
foreign state, nor could they fulfil treaties when made.
Under the old colonial system, the dependencies of
Great Britain were bound to very strict compliance
with the supposed interests of the mother-country.
The importation of silk from France was forbidden
to Canada, and the AVest Indian Islands were not

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS. 477

I8r,5.]

fillowed to obtain provisions and lumber from the Chaiter

United States, in order that the motber-conntry ' '

might retain exclusive possession of tlie colonial
markets. The repeal of the Navigation Laws, in
1849, put tlie finishing touch to the more enlightened
polic};, whicli for many years previously bad been
progressing in the colonies as well as in the commer-
cial legislation of England. The protection against
foreign competition in colonial markets, wbicb in
foi'mer times it was considered right to extend to
British industry, and that which the colonies enjoyed
in the bome-market, were at lengtb swept away. No
duties protect the Britisb producers in the home
market, and no attempt is made to prevent the colo-
nies from admitting upon equal terms the British, the
colonial, and the foreign producer. " But," writes
Lord Russell,* " tbis policy of freedom for the pro-
ducer and the trader, as well as the consumer, would
be seriously affected if colonial legislatures were to
establisb differential duties in favour of tbeir own
natural productions or manufactures, wdietber against
the Britisb or the foreign producer. And a similar
violation of the principles of free trade would result,
if favour were sbown in the legislation ' of a colony
to one colony over the other, by the reduction or
total abolition of duties in favour of particular
colonies." It was evident that, so far as such an
arrangement was concerned, the colonies who entered
into it would be commercially separated from the rest
of tbe empire. The interests, not only of consumers

* Circular of Lonl Jului RnssoU to the (iovernors of Her Majesty'a
Colonies, July 12, 1855.

if ,

ii'--:„

478

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

■( ■«

("' 'i

[186.'T.
CiuiTEK in the colonies who were parties to the arrangement,
" — ' but of producers in every part of the empire, would
suffer. " It is the earnest desire of her Majesty's
Government," wrote Sir William Molesworth, in an
able despatch upon the same subject, " to maintain
and extend a course of policy which shall closely unite
together, by ties of mutual interest, the whole of her
Majesty's colonial empire with tlie mother-country.
To such a policy any measures tending to form the
colonies into separate groups, with peculiar and ex-
ceptional commercial relations, would be opposed."

It is unnecessary to multiply instances ; the one
just described will sufficiently indicate the class of
difficulties which may be expected to arise out of
the conflicting commercial interests of Great Britain
and British North America.

It seems, indeed, not improbable that legislative
matters may involve subjects of dispute even more
easily than questions arising out of military or com-
mercial affairs. Any one of the numerous points of
contact, which will exist between the authority of
Great Britain and that of the central legislature in
the proposed confederation, may be productive of in-
convenience. It is not probable that the substitution
of a confederation for the legislative nnion, which
was at first contemplated, will be of any great im-
portance from an Imperial point of view. The
immense extent of British America renders it neces-
sary to adopt some plan by which local superin-
tendence may be secured ; to do this effectually is,
perhaps, as important as to establish one strong cen-
tral authority. No executive arm would be long

EXODUS OF 'IIIK WESTF.KN NATIONS.

479

1805.]

enough to reach from tlie capes of Xewfoinidland to cumtkr

the plains of Rupert's Land. Moreover, all the pro- ' '

vinces invited to unite have heen for years accus-
tomed to their own local governments ; the universal
custom has grown easy and natural to them ; it has
begotten interests of locality, of office, and of class :
if only the machinery by which they are now re-
gulated can be so modified, that each member of
the federation will consent to act in all things as
subordinate in fact as well as in theory to the central
government, all may be wxdl. The question with
which the Home Government is concerned is, whether
the confederation is to be framed on Democratic or
on Monarchical principles. This sTd)ject has not
escaped the attention of political writers in Canada
itself; and all who have written their opinions upon
it have come to the conclusion, that upon the deci-
sion arrived at on this point depends the permanence
of British- Ai lerican connection with p]ngland. A
confederation has existed as frequently on a mo-
narchical as on a republican basis. The Homan
government commenced with a confederated, and
ended in a consolidated monarchy. The monarchy
thus formed survived in the Lower Empire eleven
hundred years ; the Empire of Charlemagne survived
a thousand years in the modern Empire of Germany,
and, after resisting the arbitrary recasting of Ger-
manic institutions by Napoleon, was again restored
in the present Germanic confederation ; there is
therefore no reason, except the character of the
people, which should deliberately incline the new
confederacy to democracy.

480

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NAl'IONS.

CuArxEn
XIV.

■HI

" -M

[1865.

Upon tin's point it is only right that we should see
what the colonists have to say about it themselves, and
what estimate they form of the course of events
around them. A tlioughtful letter, signed " A Back-
woodsman," addressed to the Attorney-General for
Canada, is on the table of the writer, who believes
that he recognizes in its lines the well-remembered
eloquence of a trusted friend, than whom no one is
more able to speak with authority, acquired by learn-
ing, experience, and thought : — " I confess, Sir," he
writes, " after fair opportunities for observation pretty
constantly employed for many years in British Ame-
rica, I am not, for one, convinced that the virtues and
sentiments which are essential to a monarchical people
have dropped away from our general public cha-
racter. I take the chief of those virtues and senti-
ments to be — a keen sense of individual honour, a
proper pride of origin, a strong affection between
members of the same family, a love of stability, a
passion for order, a reverence for law, a religious
respect for age, a salutary awe of lawful authority,
an irrepressible individualism, a tendency to classify,
a predisposition to obey. These traits of British-
American character I do not always find most marked
in what are called with us Conservatives ; their local
opponents, the Reformers, have perhaps as fair a
proportion of the common stock as others, an obser-
vation which consoles me with the belief that our
national character is still substantially the same as
that of our ancestors, and that, therefore, our national
institutions need not necessarily be otherwise than
British. Nor does this analysis exclude from its

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

481

[180)5.

should see
selves, and
of events
" A Back-
reneral for
bo believes
emembered
. no one is
id by learn-
ss, Sir," lie
ttion pretty
ritisli Ame-
virtues and
hical people
public cha-
s and senti-
1 honour, a
on between
stability, a
a religious
1 authority,
to classify,
of British-
ost marked
their local
s as fair a
s, an obser-
ef that our
he same as
ur national
rwise than
from its

18G5.]

compass our French-speaking population. That po-
pulation has never been tainted, except on the very
borders, with the bitter infusions of modern demo-
cracy. They were drawn oft' from Old France, like
the pure waters intended to feed cities, at a point
too remote for contact with the infidel sophists who
attempted towards the end of the last century " to
reconstruct society," on the devil's old design, of a
world without a God. In their religious dispositions,
in their h'itoric retrospections, in their strong local
attachments, in their family government, in their
general contentment with their born condition, they
approve themselves a monarchical rather than a de-
mocratic people. They are the real descendants of
those Normans and Bretons whose blood has entered
so fully into our British reservoir. Their two cen-
turies' habitation in the New World has not obliterated
the strong lines of character, which we have but to
turn to our own history, especially under the Plan-
tagenet line of kings, to see conspicuously illustrated.
We, sir, should never forget that to a race almost
exclusively of this origin and language we owe the
Great Charter ; that to their countryman, de Mont-
fort, we owe borough representation ; and, moreover,
to the unexpended Norman energy of the English
baronage we owe the famous statute of Edward I.,
de tallagio non concedendo. It is true, their own
privileges at those periods fortunately coincided with
the rights of the people, as settled in the more ancient
charters of Edward the Confessor and Kinjo* Alfred ;
but it cannot be denied that, either from policy or
love of justice, or both, this race conciliated pri-
VOL. II. 2 I

CllArTKIt

XIV.

:■{

SumSUmSm

482

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

t '

(r I

■ .1 ■ ■

[isnr,.
CnAi>TF.ii vilcge and popularity, and to give a new lease of"
— ' lives (may it be * renewable for ever !') to tlie Britisli
constitution.

" While I trust I am not unmindful of that large
and important community whose language is French,
still my associations better enable me to speak of the
monarchical dispositions which distinguish our Eng-
lish-speaking people. As to the English, Scotch,
and Irish, by birth or immediate parentage, they are
all — especially the two last — a people of pedigree
and precedents. They are, in the best sense, wliat
they call themselves, ' Old Countrymen.' Europe
contains their ' home ;' their home memories and
home affections are often there. Every one of them
looks forward to revisit at some time or other his
fatlier's land, or ' his own, his native land.' Among
men so minded there is no humiliation in the tliought,
provided our local rights are respected, of continuing
for ages to come dependencies of the empire. They
feel none of those petulant and ill-considered aspira-
tions for a brand new nationality to which an Oxford
Professor has lately appealed. If I understand them
rightly, they would infinitely prefer, if it can be
found possible and mutually convenient, to remain in
the empire always, than by any wilful act of theirs to
establish an upstart, costly, and precarious independ-
ence. And this denomination of people, be it ob-
served, are nearer a third than a fourth of our whole
population — an element not to be underrated.

" It is not, certainly, sir, among that other great
section of us whose speech is English, the descendants
of ' the United Empire Loyalists,' that we are to

i; ■-,■> «•

TIONS.

[ISOf).

a new lease of"
) to tlie British

111 of that large
uage is French,
to speak of the
guish our Eng-
]nglish, Scotch,
mtage, they are
)le of pedigree
)est sense, what
^men.' Europe
memories and
,vy one of them
ae or other his
land.' Among
in the tliought,
', of continuing
empire. They
isidered aspira-
lich an Oxford
nderstand them
if it can he
it, to remain in
act of theirs to
rious independ-
ople, he it oh-
h of our whole
rrated.
lat other great
ihe descendants
lat we are to

KX(.)1)US OF TIIK WESTKKX NATION'S.

483

1805.]

apprehend the general prevalence of democratic dis-
positions. The constitution to which their fathers
clung with such desperate fidelity, for which they
preferred exile to enjoyment — the constitution, to
cling to which they fled into these northern wilder-
nesses— that same constitution, improved rather tlian
decayed in this century, has now, for the first time in
seventy years, a fair field open to it in North Ame-
rica. Will the descendants of those hy whom alone
of all the English colonists the monarchical princi})le
was cherished and upheld here during the reign of
George III., abandon that same principle, represented
as it now is by ample colonial self-government under
the good Queen Victoria.

" It was not from any affection for the despotic
measures of a misguided minister that so many edu-
cated American colonists in the last quarter of the
last century preferred the wilds of Upper Canada
and New Brunswick to their former pleasant pos-
sessions on the Merrimac, tlie Mohawk, and the
Susquehanna. They were moved by no aboriginal
instinct for gew-gaws and stipendiary sustenance.
They were, many of them, men of uncommon strength
of mind and superior education ; nor is it any in-
justice to their descendants to say that among them
questions of government, of the origin of power, of
the obedience due to those in high places, were much
more fully considered than they have been of late
among ourselves. There were probably more men,
to a thousand of them, who had read Burke and
Macintosh, Priestly, and Paine, and even Locke,
Hobbes, and Lord Bacon, than there are now among

ClIAI'TKIl

XIV.

VOL. It.

2 K

484

EXODUS OF THE WESTEitN NATIONS.

•M-':

■ r

[isr,-),
CiiAiTER a Imndred tlirnisaTul of us. "Wi; liavc liardlv yet

XIV . • » ^

' crossed in the Canada of tliis day tlie tliresliold of

discussions whicli they liad puslicd to tlieir last re-
sults. A grave and God-feariii"; generation, tliey
deliberately cliose the side of monarchy for them-
selves and their descendants ; and I repeat, sir, once
again, I do not believe you will find many, if any,
of those descendants arrayed on the other side. It
would, indeed, be a strange and unnatural reverse if
democracy were to be imposed on us by the descend-
ants, where our monarchy had been saved from ex-
tinction by the ancestors.

" There will be no doubt, sir, when you meet the
representatives of Acadia at Quebec next week, many
who will cry out, * The people will not approve of this !
or of that ! or the other !' The duty of a statesman is
surely to make the people a study, not a scarecrow.
As one of that people so often, and sometimes so
incorrectly, invoked, I dare assert that in this quarter
we are prepared to give not only a fair but a cordial
reception to any constitutional charter which may be
agreed ujion between the provincial and imperial
autliorities. We are well persuaded that neither will
outstretch the reins of authority, and we are sanguine
that neither will omit from the system the power of
regulation and the guarantees of permanency. We
repose, though not with shut eyes, all confidence in
yourself and the gentlemen acting with you, that you
will not sacrifice the hopes of all these provinces to
the interested theories of superficial observers. Your
coadjutor, Sir Etienne Tache, can give you many
proofs in detail why French-speaking Canadians prefer

)NS.

[) hardly yet
tliresliold of
tlicir last rc-
cration, they
hy for tliem-
icat, 81 r, once
nany, if any,
licr side. It
iral reverse if
J the descend-
Lved from ex-

you meet the
:t week, many
)prove of this !
a statesman is
t a scarecrow.

sometimes so
n this quarter

but a cordial
vhich may be

and imperial
at neither will
e are sanguine
1 the power of
lanency. We

confidence in

you, that you
;e provinces to
ervors. Your
ve you many
nadians prefer

EXODUS OF TllK WKSTKUN NATION'S.

483

IHOr,.]

that the proposed union (their local institutions bein*:; chai'ieu

religiously res[>ected) should stand on a monarchical ' '

basis, and no other. The Knglish-speaking ])eoi)le of
Canada, Mr. Macdonald, are not conscious of having
ceased to be British at heart, and they look hopefully
to you and your associates that you do not deprive
them of a free government, moulded on the British
model, embracing a fair, well-balanced representation
of the three long tried estates — the Crown, the Peer-
age, and the Commons. Of the methods by which
this iniieritance, with whatever unavoidable reduc.
tions, may be continued to us and our children I will
not presume to speak ; but this nmch, I hope, I may
venture to say without offence, that the gentlemen
who are to assemble at Quebec are understood to be
for the most part Ministers of the crown from othei-
colonies and invariably so on the part of Canada.
This being so, it would be monstrous to suppose the
interests of the crown in this part of her Majesty's
possessions could be sacrificed by those wlio have been
sworn of her Majesty's councils. Formerly, it was
found necessary to move in the British House of
Commons ' that the power of the crown had increased,
was increasing, and ought to be diminished.' With
us, for many years the exact converse is true — the
power of the crown is diminishing, has diminished,
and in my mind ought to be increased. For her
Majesty's colonial councillors to unite their talents,
regardless of their official responsibilities, is what, 1
am certain, they will never be guilty of. Rather, let
us hope, they will approach their onerous task in the
spirit of Lord Bacon, who, in opening the disciuisition on

486

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

! ! •;

> '

[1865.

Chapter governments already quoted, commences with — ' but
^ — ■ first of the King.' A minister, says Mr. Burke, in
his * thoughts on French affairs' (1791) ought not to
be ambitious of the glory of a speculative writer.
'He is to support the interests of the public as
connected with that of his master. He is his master's
trustee, advocate, attorney, and steward — and he is
not to be indulged in any speculation which contra-
dicts that character or even detracts from its eff c^ioy.'
I dwell, sir, on this point lastty, because in a recent
2)ronunciamento alleged to be ' semi-official,' I read a
great deal that was said — and very properly said —
about the rights and duties of the local and general
legislatures under the proposed confederation, but
scarce a w^ord of the rights, pre-eminency, and prero-
gatives of -Ihe crown. If we are to have a republic
of any pattern, at least let us have it without
disguise ; but if, on the contrary, we are to acclimatise
and cultivate the essentials of monarchy among us,
surely that estate is the first and not the last thing to
be tliought of in all your conferences."

No apology is made for the length of this extract.
If the question is raised whither political events are
hurrying a people, who may be more naturally called
U23on to answer than the most thoughtful among the
people themselves ? The composer of the letter just
quoted is right, with respect to himself and thousands
like him, but of all the eloquent appeals that he has
made, the last few lines seem to strike most forcibly
upon the ear. " In a recent pronunci amenta pro-
nounced to be semi-official, I read a great deal that
was said — and very properly said — about the rights

'IONS.

[1865.

3es with—' but
Mr. Burke, in
I) ought not to
'ulative writer,
the pubhc as
! is his master's
ird — and he is
\ which contra-
om its effcncy.'
luse in a recent
fficial,' I read a
properly said —
;al and general
ifederation, but
3ncy, and prero-
have a republic
lave it without
tre to acclimatise
rchy among us,
the last thing to

•

I of this extract,
litical events are
) naturally called
^htt'ul among the
of the letter just
3lf and thousands
)eals that he has
■ike most forcibly
nunciamento pro-
i great deal that
-about the rights

EXODUS OF THE WES1ERN NATIONS.

487

1865.]

and duties of the local and general legislatures under Chapter

the proposed confederation, but scarce a word of the "^ '

rights, pre-eminency, and prerogativcL^ of the crown."
Thinkers in far-away back wood settlements may read
of greatness achieved by their English countrymen
imder a constitu.tion the most free and most stable for
which any people in any age have had to bless the
Almighty Creator, and dream, of the blessings that
might still result from institutions which should
check the evils to which I'nrestrained democracy is
heir ; but the workers of the politifal hive, creatures
and exponents of the popular will, fc-llow, it may be
feared, to its inevitable result the bias of colonies
towards a democracy. At the present time the con-
stitution of British North America, tliough quite as
free and almost as democratic as that of the United
States, has one great advantage over tliem. Tlie
supreme power is not elective, but hereditary. The
sovereign of the British empire, to quote the homely
eloquence of ' Sam Slick,' " is the head of his people,
not the nominee of a party, not supported, right or
wrong, by the party that chose him, nor hated and
oppressed, right or wrong, by t'other because they
don't vote for him, but loved and supported by all
because he is their king, and regarded by all v '.th a
feelin' we don't know notliin' of in our counti'} , a
feelin' of loyalty." *

Few persons can have watched the progress of a
presidential election without regretting that tlie form
of American institutions imposes upon them such an
inconvenience: after four years of constant excite-

'" Sum Slick, 271'.

>- ■ "BJIig

488

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

ClIAlTER

XIV.

!■■

I ■

[18G5.

meiit, the deliberations of countless " caucuses," and
interminable disputes, about the probability of carry-
ing the " ticket " of one or other of a hundred parties,
a second-rate man is after all elected because all
parties are jealous of the best. The struggle begins
again the day after the election, to last during the
new President's four years of office, and to recom-
mence once more on the morrow of his successor's
election.

The monarchical government, under which the
North- American colonies have made such wonderful
advances in wealth and happiness, has hitlierto saved
them from the inconveniences to which their neigh-
bours are sul)ject. They are fully aware of the evils
which would result from any change in their institu-
tions ; the loyalty towards our Queen and attachment
to monarchy, which is so universally expressed
throughout the British provinces, are real and genuine
sentiments ; they might endure, if they were not
liable to be overmastered by more powerful agencies,
which may thrust them aside. But a vigorous people
cannot permanertly remain even nominally under
the dominion of a government different in character
from its own ; admirers of monarchical institutions
may indeed be permitted to doubt, whether there
is open to the Colonies any better way of escape
from evils such as those which have culminated in
the overthrow of civil liberty in America, than the
establishment of a monarchy in alliance with that of
England.

Placed as the colonies arc, between Great Britain
and the United States, they must eventually take

[1865.
uciises," and
ity of carry-
;lred parties,

because all
[ggle begins

during tlie
I to I'econi-
3 successor's

wliicli the
li wonderful
tlierto saved
their neigli-
of the evils
heir institu-
[ attachment
y expressed
and genuine
were not
111 agencies,
3rous people
nally under
11 character

institutions
ether there
r of escape

niinated in
a, tlian the

i^itl

1 luat

['eat Britain
ually tiike

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

489

186.5.]

their form of government either from the one or Chaiteb
from the other. The distance between virtual and " — '
actual independence is so small, that it is not safe to
leave the question for future consideration. If we
are to stand for any length of time in tlie same rela-
tion to one another, the colonies must advance in the
direction of a monarchy, for England is intensely
monarchical ; more so, perhaps, than ever, in conse-
quence of the lesson taught us by the check received
by democratic institutions in America. If, on the other
hand, they continue in their approach to republican-
ism, the want of sympathy between tlie two forms of
government will become more apparenl^ every day.
The interests of British America point to drawing
more closely the bonds which unite them to England :
that policy would be stiengthened and confirmed, if
it were possible to place the new Union on a mo-
narchical basis ; it must be endangered by placing it
on a republican one.

If such an idea should take firm possession of the
mind of British Americans, a means might thereby
be found by which all that was real in loyalty, and
respectable in talent throughout that country, might
co-operate with us in retaining a connection which
all Englishmen value, and which all would retain for
ever, if they only could see the way to do so. There
are. no doubt, great difficulties in the way. There is
at present no class, between tliat of the Prince and
the great body of tho people, in possessson of titles,
lands, wealth, and leisure : it would not be possible,
even were it desirable, in a young society, to create
such a class. All European aristocracies are feudal.

490

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

\v <

[18fi5.

Chapter based Oil land, and in possession of distinctions which

t ■ liave been handed down by hereditary descent from

remote generations. In our Constitutional Monarchy,
that class is an advantage ; it offers materials for that
kind of governmental clieck, the want of whicli is
supplied in democracies by Upper Chambers, elected
for longer periods and from wider constituencies
than the ordinary representatives of the people. The
British-American federation proposes that such a
chamber should be appointed by the crown for life.
To create a titled nobility, such as that of Europe,
might be a dangerous experiment, and would cer-
tainlv involve an anachronism ; but new forms must
be adapted to new requirements ; and, even if it were
found impossible to establish a nobility on a non-
feudal basis, as wealth increased with time, the want
of an hereditary aristocracy would be less sensibly
felt, in consequence of the increasing number of edu-
cated and wealthy men from among whom the Upper
Chamber might be recruited.

A constitutional monarchy is the only form of
government which the experience of the world has
proved capable of securing the liberties of a people,
and, at the same time, of rendering its institutions
stable ; in a word, of combining liberty and order.
This is the form of government to which England,
Italy, Belgium, Portugal, republican Holland, and
Sweden have boon brought, after much suffering and
great vicissitudes. The question to be solved is,
whether Canada and the maritime provinces have it
in their power to secure this great political blessing
for themselves : the germ (»i' it already exists in the

)NS.

[18fi5.

ictions which

descent from

al Monarchy,

erials for that

of whicli is

Libers, elected

3onstitiiencies

people. The

that such a

L'own for life.

t of Europe,

1 would cer-

V forms must
ven if it were
y on a non-
me, the want
less sensibly
imber of edu-
)m the Upper

)nly form of

lie world has

of a people,

3 institutions

Y and order,
ich England,
lolland, and
juffering and
je solved is,
inces have it
tical blessing

exists in the

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

491

1865.]

institutions to which they have become accustomed, chm-ikk

The English connection would support tlieir govern- ' ^^

ment till time had given it consistency. No govern-
ment, no institutions can be stable, in Avhich the
executive is weak, and in which the conservative
element has not a just and fitting representative.
In a constitutional monarchy the crown is possessed
of great powers, because these powers are necessary
to the well-being of the country ; but as they are all
determined beforehand by the law, and can only
be exercised according to law ; and as the ministers
of the crown are responsible for the legal exercise of
them, the means of becoming despotic, as well as the
temptation to become so, are wholly destroyed and
have no room for existence ; consequently, in a con-
stitutional monarchy, there is no fear of the crown.
A monarchy would lend itself as readily to the
accomplishment of the object which the colonies are
now striving to attain, as a federation. The problem
to be solved is, how to form a government which
would carefully protect what is general and national,
but would not encroach upon what is provincial.
British America believes she has found the solution in
a federal form of government ; but a monarchy would
be more efficient to this end than a republic, because,
while a monarchical government is more prompt in
emergency, and holds men more firmly to a strict ob-
servance of the laws than a republic, it does not of
necessity, any more than a republic, absorb all pro-
vincial and local authoritv ; on th^ contrarv, a consti-
tutional monarchy must leave the administration of
provincial matters in ])rovincial hands : it is so in

■•w

492

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

p. '

?% "

[1HG5.

Chatter England; it is eminently so in Brazil. And thus, if

t ■ a monarchy were founded, of which the Canadas and

the maritime provinces were part, there could be no
difficulty in intrusting to the local governments those
interests which ought rightly to be dealt with by
them.

It is not easy to see b}- what other way than by
the adoption of a form of government similar to our
own, the connection between England and British
America can be placed on a lasting basis : the present
tie is more imaginary than real, and the vast increase
in national importance which will ensue from the
federation of the provinces, must diminish even the
amount of security which now exists. The proposal
for a monarchy comes, as we have seen, from among
the colonists themselves; it must by no means be
taken as the panacea which the writer of these pages
would recommend for the existing evil. It is fair
to state the obvious advantages of such a course, and
to point out that by no other means can the manifold
disadvantages be avoided, of placing at the head of
the state an elective first magistrate, who, unless he
were chosen for life, and so virtually become a king,
must always remain the representative of the party
who bore him on their shoulders to power, and a
mark for the hostility of those who voted against
him.

The writer has now described the overflow of
Europe by which the waste places of America were
filled ; the crimes and errors by which the glorious
heritage was lost. He has tried to prove that in the
territojy now ruled by England the same natural

i .(.■••»

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

493

[18(15.

^iid thus, if
/cinadas and
could be no
nicnts those
lit with by

ay than by
tnilar to our
and British
the present
ast increase
3 from tlie
sh even the
he proposal
Tom anions
3 means be
these pages
It is fair
course, and
he manifold
the head of
3, unless he
)me a king",
f the party
wer, and a
ted against

)verflow of
iierica were
he glorious
that in the
me natural

1805.]

c uses are at work wliich have already parted six Ciiapteu
great nations from their Colonies. Ultimate sepa- 1_'
ration between this country and British America is
inevitable, but according to our conduct now it may l)e
hastened or indefinitely postponed. It depends upon
us whether separation, when it comes, shall furnish
to our children a subject of bitter regret or of heartfelt
thankfulness : God grant that we may be wise in
time, and deal with our transatlantic brethren as
freemen should deal with freemen. This is the
plain duty of England : to say no word which
might embitter separation. To recognize as a high
and holy thing the duty of conferring an inde-
pendent existence upon a nation of our own kindred.
To shrink from no expenditure of treasure or of
blood which may be necessary for the purpose of
carrying out engagements made with our colonies,
of protecting them from their enemies, or of de-
fending them from the consequences of any danger in
which imperial policy may have involved them. To
form with them, if they leave the mother's side, the
firmest friendship ; to throw over them in the most
effectual manner the aigis of English protection. Few
there are who would not, if it were possible, elect
rather to " bear the ills we have than fly to othe/s that
we know not of." Few would not wish to retain till the
end of time a connection between England and her
Colonies, under which the Mother-country has become
great among the nations of the earth, and the Colonies
have increased in peace, in prosperity, and in happi-
ness : but, if the Statesmen of our time perceive that
the inevitable tiuie has come when the Colonies can be

ft .

494

EXODUS OF THE WESTERN NATIONS.

[1SC5.

Chaiteii Colonics no longer, and " Nature has pronounced them

t — ' free," it onl}'^ remains to arrange the parting on terms

so just to both, that, as long as the land endures

and the waters roll, there may be peace between

them.

M
f *

I • *

THE END.

LONDON: PRINTKD BT WII.MAM CLOWES A:.n SONS, STASIFCRD STRKF.T
AND (HAKING OUO.SS.

^TIONS.

[1S65.

ronounced them

)arting on terms

le land endures

peace between

LSIKORD gTUKF.T

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