Skip to main content

Full text of "Cobbett's political register"

See other formats


Dar. Rm. 




aMf— «■— <»^ 

VOL. V. 




plniiimii inaMaabM— —— <wwk*— iM^*Jb> 







1804. . ■ 

1 i diiiti 


VaL. V. No. 1.] London, Saturday, nth Jannarij, 1804. [ Pricc^D 

As members of House, we are obliged to represent '? ^''^ MaJ^tJ °^|;.^l"..^i^l^,';\' 

" to tlie persons he advises wit 

" to do so, or from selfish mot 

" vice, we neglect or betray not only our duty to our country an 

" to our Sovereign." Mr, ^andys's Speech, in the House ot C 

with regard 
if we neglect 


th or employs in the executive part of the government 
ives abstain or delay giving his Majes'y a proper iufoimation -^"^ a^' 

nd constituems, but also our duty 
ommons, Feb. 13, \^]^'^• 




Of two Pamphlets, lately published, the one 
entitled, " Cursory P^emarhs upon the State 
of Parties^ during the Administration of 
Mr. Addington, by a Near Observer;" 
and the other entitled, " A Plain Answer 
to the Misrepresentations and Cahmmies 
contained in the Cursory Remarks of a Near 
Obbserver, by A More Accurate Ob- 

(Continued from Vol. IV. p. 917.) 

IV. The conduct of tic New Opposition in 

With respect to this part of the subject, if 
tlie answer had been silent, I should not 
have thought it necessary to include it in my 
examination ; for, the remarks, which the 
Near Observer has made on the parliamen- 
tary conduct of those gentlemen, who com- 
pose what has been galled the New Opposi- 
tion, always appeared to me to be so weak, 
and, indeed, so evidently absurd, as not to 
stand in need of an exposure. Bat, when a 
•work, written with some talent, and, to all 
appearance, coming from authority, pro- 
fesses to be an answer to another work, it is 
very natural to conclude, that whatever is left 
not answered, is unanswerable. Therefore, as 
the pamphlet of the Accurate Observer is 
entitled " a plain Answer to the Misrcpresen- 
" tations and calumnies of the Cursory l\e- 
"■ marks oi' a Near Observer," the author will, 
it is reasonable to suppose, be, by his readers 
in general, regarded as having, to the best of 
his knowledge and abilities, aiisweied the 
nvhole of those misrepresentations and calum- 
nies ; and, as he has, in reality, aitenipted to 
answer only that part of them which bear 
upon the character and conduct of his prin- 
cipal ; as this course (a course by no means 
cither generous or just) has been pursued by 
the partisans of Mr. Pitt, it seems necessary 
that his omissions should be supplied. Yet, 

had he observed a strict silence with respect 
to the members of the New Opposition ; had 
he excluded their characters and tht^ir par- 
liamentary conduct entirely from the discus- 
sion, I certainly should not have been the man 
to drag them into it. But, while he was re- 
minding his adversary, that " no species of 
" fdlseiiood is so certain of passing current 
" in the world as tliat which has some de- 
" gree of truth for its foundation," he ap- 
pears not to have forgotten anoiher maxim 
equally true, that " no malice is so likely to 
"■ succeed as that which assumes the garb of 
" friendship," He has introduced the mem- 
bers of the New Opposition merely as crea- 
tures, or things, destined to the uses (some- 
times not the most honourable) of Mr. Pitt: 
here, they serve, like his own Cinque Port 
volunteers, to swell out his train, to be " set 
" up upon a hill to rajike a show ;" there, 
he considers them as regulars, and marches 
them on to meet the enemy : now, they are 
rolled before him m the capacity of a mante- 
let to cover his sap ; then, they are piled up 
into a parapet of sand- bags. Whatevei- be 
tlie character or form, in which they appear, 
for Mr. Pitt's purposes, and for those pur- 
poses alone, do they seem to be empioyt^d j 
and, when these purposes do not require that 
they should be defended, so far is th>.' Accu- 
rate Observer from attempling their dtf.:'nce, 
that he often tacitly admits the justice of the 
censure, sometimes joins in, and improves 
upon, the misrepresentations, and, in orw or 
two instances, adds to that calumny, which, 
agreeably to his professions it was his duly 
to endeavour to refute. So that, in this part 
of my task, I shall have to answer both Mr. 
Bt-NTLEY and ]Mr. Long, who, thougli they 
have, like Peachuu) and Lockit, throti.led, and 
would willingly slraugle each other, cdu so 
far master dnir mutual haired, as to co-opc- 
rale most cordially against the members of 
the New Opposition. The Near Observer 
has introduced seven of tliese gentlemen, 
namely, Lcrd Temple, Mr. Grenvilie, Dr. 
Laurence, Mr. Elliot, Mr. Canning, I ord 
Grenvilie, andMr. Wiudliam} only the three 
liiter of whom have been at all noticed by 
the Accurate Observer. How he has no- 




tirrd them we shall see hy-and-by ; but, 
lust, it is uccf-siary to speak of tliose whom 
he has omitted. 

Lord IVmple is chirked, by the Nenr Ob- 
Server, with demanding placfs for his fa- 
mily: " Lord Temple demand-, places for 
" his family (insatiable family!) and his fa- 
" nnl, insist upon naming llir King's mi- 

f nislers." It was, surely, the duty of a 

writer, who professfd to an'-wer the whole 
pf the Cursory Remarks, to contradict this 
fslsc and maiiiioos assertion; or, if it was 
regarded as a fiheluod too baref iced to me- 
rit a serious contradiction, it was his doty to 
notice it as such, especially a^ he must have 
been aware, that the falsehood, though bare- 
faced and base, was by no means one of those 
wirch the Addingtons valued the least. But, 
wc uniformly tind this writer ready to sacri- 
fice any and every other person lo the pur- 
poses (jf Mr. Pitt.- The Ncisr Obseiver, 

in bringin.1 his charge against Lord Temple, 
has omitud [he 'Uj/l^'il' and ihe lulH-n ; but, 
he, no doubt, alludes to the debate of the 
2'Uh of iNo\ember, when his lordship made 
use of expressions, wliich were, by Mr She- 
ridan, tortured into a demand of places for 
his fuiiily. but which neither containcd'nor 
would bear any such meaning. The New 
Opposition had, in the couvsc of the debate, 
bfcn accused of wi'-hing for war, at any 
rate, in preference to peace, on any terms j 
fi charge, the truth of which Lord Temple 
denied, " The object of our arguments is," 
said he, " to open the minds oi the people 
" to their danger ; to sliow them into what 
*' hands their country has fallen ; and, to 
" convince them, that, while it remains in 
•' suck hands, there is no hope of sncce-s in 
" war, nor of honour and security in peace. 
" . , . . iMuch remains to be done ; and, 
" in other bands, much may be done, not l)y 
" engaging in a hazardous war, but by real 

" (iniiness." These are the expi■e^•>ions, 

wh'.cli the /Addingtons and Dragged liave 
construed into a demand of places <'or the 
Grenville family; into a claim, on the part 
«t that family, to name the mini>>ters of the 
King I The Accurac Observer, who under- 
takes to answer misrepresentations and ca- 
lumnies, ought, one would think, not loliave 
pasied over this part of his opponents re- 
marks. Nor, would it have been a depar- 
ture from l)is othce, if, in answer to the ex- 
clamation of, " insatiable family !" as ap- 
plifd to the Grenvillcs, he had given his 
readers some account of the great merits, of 
ihe talents, the integrity, the long and emi- 
nent services of ihal family. And, having 
been forced upon this subject, he fiiight and 
ought to have- shown, that the Addingtons (I 
Will not call ihcm afam'uij) and their end- 

less train of hungry relations, have already 
possessed themselves of three times as much 
ol :he public weahh as the Grenvilles ever 
enjoyed ; besides having debased the cha- 
racter and enfeebled tlie power of the go- 
vernment, by filling the public offices with 
persons, whom the people must despise, and 
towards the supporting of whom in upstart 
idleness and in>-o'ence, they cannot and they 
will not chearfully contribute. 

Mr. Grenville ant! Dr Laurenceareaccusrd, 
by the Near Observer, of having cri' d inces- 
santly for war, till war became evidently inevi- 
table, and then, of having " turned snddeidy 
" as the wind." The passage of the Cur- 
sory Remarks, which I here allude to, is 
as follows: — •• Mr. Thomas Grenville dc- 
" elated, that there was no mVi more ready 
" or more eager to vote fnr the address," [on 
the King's Message ot the Slh of March^, 
" especially if it should be likely to procure 
" pence and i'nnt/uil/itj' ; and, D 'ctor Lau- 
" rence profrssed his wishes were for 
"peace!// He expected " it should be 
" proved, that the war, if it must now be 
" rene^^ed, was indispensably necessary to 
" the safety and honour of the Empire ! I !" 

If these expressions, these tixaci words, 

had been n)ade use of by Mr. Grrnville 
and Dr. Laurence, what inconsistency would 
they have discovered .' These two gentle- 
men objected to the peace of Amiens for 
several reasons ; but a principal reason was, 
that it gave us so small a hope of fasting 
peace and tranquillity ; and, the address 
which, on the loth of May, 1802, both of 
them voted for, advised his Majesty to adopt 
such measures as migh^ tend to render du- 
rable the tranquillity, which he had, by so 
many sacrifices, graciously intended to re- 
store to his people. Would it, therefore, 
have been turning like the wind, if the 
same persons, who, from .such motives, 
vo;ed for that address, had, from the same 
motives, supported the address in answer 
to the King's Message of the 8th of March, 
1803.' But, durmg the debate in ques- 
tion, neither Mr. Gienville nor Dr. Lau- 
rence expressed any uisb either tor peace 
or war. Their opponents in doors, and the 
vulf^nr wiihout doors, anticipated much 
Iriuniph, on iheir part, at the prospect of 
seeing a speedy end to that peace, which 
they had so strongly and so justly repro- 
bated. But, they were careful to discover 
no such triumph, and to remind their hear- 
ers, that the principles, on which they had 
condemned the peace, had never warranted 
their adversaries in representing them as 
bent upon war. Mr. Grenville said, that 
" he should chearfully vote for tiie address. 

5] J A N U A 

'* which he w'shed to see carried with per- ) 
" feet unanimity, because it would thereby 
" be the more hkely to convince the world 
" that we were able and willing to defend 
,..!f' our rights, which conviction was (he 
"** means best calculated to produce a sta'e 
" of real peace and tranqmllily." Wai this 
turning about? Was this "shifting sud- 

" denly like a sail ?" Dr. Laurence 

stated his wish to obtain some information 
as to the grounds of the war; and trusted, 
" that, when those grounds came to be pub- 
*' licly known, they would be fuunJ suffi- 
*' cient to convince the ivorld of the justice 
, Mi of our cause." He turther observed, that, 
j/(* as to the desire, which he and his friends 
'/^:had been accused of entertaining to 
vf. plunge the nation in war, it never had 
fj*c existed for a moment; and, thnt one of 
^1*; the reasons why he disliked the peace 
^< was, that it evidently, directly, and ra- 
ft pidly tended towards the event, which 
*f' had so soon arrived."- Was this shitt- 
ing suddenly about ? And, with such means 
iit hand, was the defence of Mr. Grenville 
and Dr. Laurence a task too laborious and 
too difficult for the Accurate Observer. 

Mr, Elliot also is charged by the Adding- 
tons with shifting suddenly about upon this 
occasion, and, together with Mr. Windham, 
with having opposed the Irish militia law, 
tor the purpose of embarrassing the minis- 
ters, in their warlike preparations. " Both 
" these gentlemen," says tlip Near Obser- 
ver, " were now discovered to be adver.'c 
" to the system and principle of militia 
*' forces altogether, an opinion which diil 
" not so much surprise the admirrrs of the 
" constitution and of that constitutional 
" force, upon any other ground, as because 
" in their otficial situations, they had se- 
" verally appeared the most zealous advo- 
" cales and promoters of this species of 
'* array. Mr. Elliot, who now opposed re- 
" cruiting the Irish miliiia at four guineas 
*' per man, was reminded by the Attorney- 
" General for Ireland, that lie himself (Mf. 
" Elliot) had brought in a bill for recruit- 
" ing it at six guineas; and Mr. Windham 
*' was put in mind that during the time he 
" had been in office, the militia in England 
" had been augmented to an unprecedent- 
" ed degree, and the militia of Scotland 
*' and Ireland instituted and begun ! ! Thus 
" it appeared, that it was not solely in the 
** instance of the negotiations at Lisle, but 
*' in great general measures of domestic 
♦* import, executive government ai\d legis- 
" lation, that the manly, consistent Mr. 
*' Windham, had not only lent his name, 
♦* countenance, and authority against his 

R Y 7, 1804. [6 

*' opinion, but that he had even conde- 
" scended to become the official in>itrument 
" and organ of measures which he disap- 
" proved and condemned. It always re- 
" mained, however, to be accounted for, 
" both by this Right Honourable Gentlc- 
" man and Mr. Elliot, why they felt then)- 
" selves more obliged to declare their op- 
" position at one time than at another ; why 
" they could submit their docile consciences 
" to ihe hand of Mr. Pitt, and shew such a 
" resiive spirit of mutiny under the guid- 
" ancc of his successor ! I ! It will be said, 
" that they were in office at one lime, and 
•' out of it the other ; but, if this is an ex- 
" cuse, it follows, that to be neutral in 
" things you disapprove, is less blanieable 
" than to be active in them; and that yon 
" may originate measures you condemn, 
" but not suffer others to promote them, 
'' afterwards."' Here are misrepresenta- 
tions and calumnies, an answer to which one 
might have reasonably expected from an 
Answerer, who assumes an appellation de- 
scriptive of great accuracy of observauon. 
But, no : the defender of Mr. Pitt could, in 
the present instance, find no materials 
whereon to -work ! which is the more sur- 
prising as, in hunting through the parlia- 
mentary debates for facts wherewith to re* 
buf the accusations against Mr. Pitt, he must 
have seen the speech, which Mr. Elliot 
made, at the time, in answer to these very 
misrepresentations and calumnies ; for, they 
are, after all, a mere rechautfee of a di.-h, 
and a most disgusting one too, which had 
originally been served up from the Treasuiy 

Bemh. -The debate, alluded to, was on 

the bill, passed last iMarch, for granting a 
bounty of four guineas a man to such men as 
were willing to serve as mili'ia-men in Ire- 
land. To talk of the " coi^titution" and of 
" constitutional force," in such a case ; to 
call men raised by bounty, miiitia-aitn, re- 
quires no small portion of even that assur- 
ance, with which the Addingtons are so su- 
pttr-abundantly gifted. But Mr. Elliot's 
speech is so full and satisfactory as to every 
point, its sentiments have been so fully ve- 
rified in the time which has already elapsed, 
and it contains such an useful lesson for the 
future, that I shall cite it almost entire. 
"■ He had," he said, " no objection to tha " 
" adoption of the principle of a militia in 
" Ireland, On the conuary, he had sug- 
" gested the expediency of making the ex- 
" periment by the establishment of a force 
" of that description; a very moderate 
" number, five or six thousand for exam- 
'• pie. He was, however, told from the 
" bench opposite to him, that, if a militia 



'• in Ireland were to be formed by ballot, 
♦' there would be so many substitutes, and 
" at such large bountit-s, tliat the gcntr::! 
•' retniiiing service wouM be more iiiipi-Jed 
" by that mode than by the restricted boim- 
" ties specified in tlic bill before the House. 
" This, he admitted, was an argument of 
" great weight, but it amounted to a dccla- 
" ration that it was imjiracticable in Ireland 
" to obtain a militia upon the genuine 
" principle of a militia, which he couM not 
" help considering as a decisive objection 
" against the institution. Accordingly, by 
" the present bill, the principle of a miliiia 
" was nhnndoned ; for it proposed to raise 
" ] 8,(K>0 men, not by ballol, but by bounty. 
'f This force, ihtrefore, had no other aflini- 
*' ly to a militia than that it was to be rais- 
♦' ed in counties, and was to be commanded 
" by olTiccrs noniinally militia colonels. It 
" would be strictly an establishment of 
" fencibles. AVhat were fencibles but corps 
" raised wiilun particular districts, and offi- 
" cered by gentlemen of landed property 
" connected v\ith such districts? The force, 
*• therefore, proposed to be raised, would be 
" in principle nothing but a fencible esla- 
" bliihmi-nt of the worst species, because 
" Ibrmed on such terms of service as would 
" cor.finc it entirely to Irelarid. If it was ab- 
" solutvly necessary, as some gentlemen had 
" alleged, that a force of such numbers 
" .'■hould be raised on the spur of tlie occa- 
" sion, in order to co-operate with the re- 
" gular army, why not r.iise a fencible force 
" on a more enlarged fuotirig of service, ap- 
" plicalle, for instance, to Great- Britain avd 
" Ireland? At the sa trie time he acknov/- 
" iedged he'felt almoit insurmountable ob- 
" jections to that de^ciiption of force; be- 
•' cause it tended to produce a most itijuri- 
*' ous con!p«ti,,"on of bounties between ihe 
" home and regular service ; and if we 
" adopted it, wc should be compelled (as 
'• we \stre in' the late war), to raise the 
" bounty for the line to an amount which 
^' would not only render our army so bur- 
*' thensome in point of expense, that the 
" pecuniary means of the country would 
" scarcely be adequate to sustain it, but 
'* which \vas also calculated to produce, in 
" other points of view, the most prrjudici d 
" ctFects on the service. It had been ob- 
*' served^ in the course of the debate, that 
'• in the late v/ar the militia had been most 
♦' successfully applied to the recruiting of 
" the regular army. He ' was glad lliat 
" measure had been mentioned, because he 
V should h-ivc selected it as a complete il- 
'* lustration of the truth of the arc^ument he 
'' Vas stating, In the course pf iLp lylc 

" war, so much of tli« population of the 
" kingdom had been locked up in defen- 
" sive corps, that the recruiting service was 
•* so entirely suspended, that it was found 
" necessar)' to dissolve a considerable pro- 
" portion of the local force to supply the 
" alarming deficiency of the regular army. 
" The expedient was certainly not to be 
" justifi.d on any principle, but the urgency 
" of the occasion. The emergency, how- 
" ever, was pressing, and he felt Lliat every 
" tribulo ol public gratitndc and applause 
" was due both to the energy of the coud- 
" cils which devised the measure, and to 
" the patriotism of the officers who gave 
" their co-operation to it. But he believed 
" it would not be proposed to adopt it as a 
" general system of recruiting. He was 
" persuaded such a system would not be 
" avowed. If indeed it was understood, 
" that the colonels of militia were ready 
" to lend their regiments to the recruii- 
" ing of the line, it miglit in a certain de- 
" grce diminish his objections to the pre.sent 
" measure, though he could by no neans 
" bring h'nvelf to think, that a systematic 
" application of the mi'ir a to the recruiting 
" of the line ^vould be a judici? u; course of 
" proceeding,' However, he should npt 
*' then take up the tin.c of the House by 
" enlarging on that subject, since he was 
" confident such a system would not be as- 
" serted as practicable. Mr. Elliot next 
'* adverted to a remark which had been 
" made bv his right hon. and learned friend 
" the Atlorne\ General of Ii eland, and 
" which he could not notice without some 
" ap( logy to the House, as it had little rc- 
" lalion to the merits of the pre-ent ques- 
*' tion, being entirely an arguinentun nd ho- 
" rahicm. His learned friend had stated, 
" that he (Mr. Elliot) had expressed no dis- 
" approbation of laws of a simibr tenden- 
<' cy while he sat in the parliament of Ire- 
" land. It was true that, while he was in 
<' that parliament, one or two acts passed, 
" aiitiiorising a lew of volunteers by boun- 
" ty in augmentation of the militia. He 
'' had, however, always entertained consi- 
" dcrable prepossessions against (hat .sys- 
" tern of military policy, and experience 
" had confirmed iheni. But his learned 
" friend liad really spoken, as if he (Mr. 
" Elliot) had been a principal instrument in 
'' forming the militia of Ireland. Now the 
" f.ict was, that he was appointed to the 
" war-olf:ce in Irelaiid in the summer of 
" 1796, at which period the militia had 
*' been raised between two and three 
" years, and he found it armed, arrayed, 
'• and ci:campc4r VVhat did h;s learned 

9 5 ' J A N U A R 

*' friend conceive he should have done in 
" such circurasLances? Did he mean to 
" suggest that he ouglit, from his place in 
*' parliament, to hav-e proposed the dissolu- 
" tion of the establishment in the midst of 
" war ? That, he believed would not have 
*' been thought a very safe or well-timed 
" measure. But the case was now wide- 
*' ]y different. On the conclusion of the 
*' lat6 war, the miliJtia establishment of Ire- 
*' land v/as disbanded, not diserjibodied, 
*' but actually dissolved; and the question 
*' before the House was, whether (he in- 
*' stitution was to be revived in a shape 
*' calculated, at a most critical conjuncture, 
" to cut up the general recruiting service 
" by the very root. He could not conclude 
" without making an observation on what 
*' had fallen from the Secretary at War, 
" who had imputed to him, that, after 
" having sounded an alarm through the 
*' country, he was now throwing obstruc- 
*' tions iii the way of the public service. He 
" must remark, that it did not very well be- 
" come the right honourable gentleman to 
*' reproach him with alarms, just at the 
" conjuncture when his Majesty's minis- 
" ters, though rather late to be sure, began 
" to participate in those alarms. He hovv- 
" ever, avowed the intention of giving the 
" alarm upon the pre ent bill. He was 
*' most anxious to impress parliament with 
*' a full sense of its dangerous tendency ; 
" for, if there was a measure more calcu- 
*' lated than another, to prostrate this coun- 
*' try at the foot of a foreign foe, it was 
" surely that which, in the present perilous 
" crisis, should contribute to the annihila- 
" tion of the recruiting means of the em- 
" pire. It had -been insinuated both ngainst 
*' his right honourable friend (Mr. Wind- 
" ham) and himself, that they were now 
" endeavouring to cast a damp upon the 
" ardour of the country. This was cer- 
*' tainly a new charge against his right ho- 
" nourable friend and himself. Neverthe- 
" less, it might be well founded. They 
" might have changed their conduct. He 
" trusted, however, they^ould be found 
" consistent. He believed, there were no 
" two members of that House more desi- 
" rous of calling forth the mind and spirit 
" of the country than his right honourable 
" friend and himself But there might be 
" a difference of opinion in respect to the 
" best mode of accomplishing that object. 
" It was, he thought, a part of true wis- 
" dom, as well as of genuine courage, to 
" lo^k at the impending danger in its full 
" extent. There was no piety in the de- 
" lusion which covered it, either from the 

Y 7, 1804. 


" parliament or from the people. In order 
" to apportion our eflbits to the emergen- 
" cies of our situation, v/e ought to know 
'Mhe full measure of our peril. In the 
" event of a fresh contest the country bugl.t 
" to be prepared for great and trying sa- 
" orifices. He had never represented war 
" otherwise than as a great calamify, but 
" he had stated, and he retained th.e opi- 
'* nion, that it might prove a less danger- 
" ous, and certainly a more honourable pre- 
" dicanient, than a perseverance in a series 
" of submisnve councils. If fhe country 
" was roused to a full sense of the peril of 
" its situation, and was made to understand 
" the real ground and principle of the cun- 
" test, (for he earnestly deprecated the in- 
" jurious policy of sliding the nation into a 
"' war in darkness and obscurity,) he was 
" persuaded that we should find in the peo- 
" pie that prudent, courageous, persever- 
" ing, patient, fortitude, which had carried 
" this country through many arduous and 
" painful struggles. He was convinced 
" that, with an adequate impression of our 
" danger, and a due consciousness of the 
" justice and soundnefs of our cause, we 
'* should, with one united effort resolve, 
" either successfully to support the ancient 
" fabric of our laws, rights, liberties, and 
" independence, or to perish under the 
" ruins of an edifice, which no ingenuous 
" or rational mind could be anxious to sur- 
" vive; for beyond it there was no retreat, 
" no refuge, no consolation. It was mat- 
" ter of awful reflection, that if ihis country 
" fell, the lapt asylum of the civilized wnrlrl 
" was gone. These were the reasons which 
" induced him fo wish that we should, as far 
" as ive were able, preserve the means of 
" the nation collected and unimpaired. It 
" was a painful task to him to object to any 
" arrangement connected with the defence 
" and security of the country; but he did 
" not make an exaggerated statement ct' 
" his opinion, when he declared that, if a 
" beard of French general officers had sat 
" for the purpose of devising the most ef- 
" fectual mode of sapping to their founda- 
" tion the military strength and resources 
" of this empire, they could not, in his 
'* judgment, have contrived a measure bet- 
" ter adapted to the accomplishment of 
" that object, than the resolution contained 
" in the report upon the table."- Not 
much more than three months after this 
speech was delivered, and before the Irish 
militia were half got together, every intel- 
ligent man from that country, not influenced 
by a jobj either in existence or in embryo, 
was ready to declare openly, that, unless 



llic Trisli milit»a were rendered trar.sferable 
to England, tliey would do mfitiiiely more 
harm tiiaii good •, and, it can hardly be ior- 
goLleii, ihat.tlie san)c opinion was pretty 
distinctly expressed by Lord Liniejick, in 
secondinji; the address to the throne, on the 
2J:d of November last. " With respect," 
he said, " to the militia of Ireland, the 
" wisest policy was, to employ tlietn, par- 
*' tiallv', at k-a.-f, ;'w ////j cctniliy. Thcru 
" niij^ht, indeed, esi4 an aver^on, on the 
" part ol' the Engli.-'h and Scotch militia to 
" crossing the sea; but, he repeated his 
" opinion, that, with re=;j)ect to the lri<li 
" militia, they would, it brought to tins 
" c(;untr\, behave as v\ell as troops po<sibly 
•• could." Now, every one knows, that 
his I(,r(lship, if he had thought it prudent to 
speak out, would have said, that the 18,000 
men, raised in Ireland, at four guineas a 
man, under tl.e name of militia, were of 
very little Uf-e; so little, in the opinions of 
some pc'sons, as to render ihGxr nbsmce some- 
thii'.jj truly desirable; nay, I have heard it 
declared, by a genllemdn vi-ry well ac- 
quainted with the slate of Iroland, and vaiy 
deeply interested in its fate, that lie should 
Jock upoB his estates in that country as 
being much more va'uable than they now 
are, il' the i S,ooo militia had never had arms 
put into their hands. When, therelore, one 
reflect-;, that of this body of men, eight or 
ten thousand might, by a bounty of seven 
guineas a man, have been enrolled in the 
regular army, and, of course, sent to anv 
part of the world, we are astonished at the 
a-surance of those, who can, with the lesson 
of exjiciiencc betlre them, still rail at the 
O)hjections urged by Mr, Elliot anil Mr. 
Windham again t the measure in question. 

. But, the Near Observer says, that 

these gentlemen were now, and for the 
first time too, discovered to be "adverse to 
" the system ■m\(\ /nirc'pk of militia forces 
" altogetlier." Mr. Elliot began his speech 
not only by stating, that " he thought it 
" highly imporlaiu that the pr'iiidf'le of the 
" vtilitut Ahjvl\(\ hf; preserved vinA cherished," 
but he also said, that he " had no objection 
" to the adoption of the principle of a mi- 
" litia in Irt:Iand ;" and, in the snnie de- 
bate, thotigh Mr. Windham appeared to be 
more averse to a militia system than Mr. 
Elliot, ht; said, *' that he did not n'.v.m, that 
*' there should be no militia at all 3 he o:ily 
" alluded to the proportion of it coinpared 
" to the standing army, which he thought 
/' much ir.ore essential to the defence «t" the 
*' country, and wliich, therffore, he did not 
" wish to see sapprd by bounties <.^i\en to 
" raise recruits tor what were caMtd juilitia 

" regiments." 1 have already observed 

that the passage above quoted from the 
Near Observer is a mere rcchauffce of what 
was delivered from the Trcaiury B«nch, on 
the 15th and lOih of March last. The At- 
torney-CJencral of Ireland is, indeed, quot- 
ed by name, though tlie candid partisans 
of the rnndid Addrngtons omitted to no- 
tice Mr. Elliot's answer, which, as we iiave 
seen, contained a complete refutation of 
the charge preferred against him by that 

same sort 

of Cvl 

learned g«nlleman. Tht 
dour has been observed with respect 10 Air. 
Windii3m, of wliom it is asserted, in a re- 
petition of almost the very words of JMr. 
Yorke, that be "in his official situation 
" appeared the most zealous advocate of tliis 
" species of army ; that, during the lime lie 
" was in ofnce, the militia in Jingland had 
" been augmented to an unprecedented 
" degree, and the miiiiia of Scotland and 
" Ireland instituted and begun." Hence, 
it is concluded, tliat I\Ir Windham lent his 
name to measures wh'!.:h he condemnsd ; 
and, that he was ready "to submit his ^o- 
" cih conscience to the hand of Mr. Pitt." 
These are the words of the Near Obsener. 
Let us now hear Mr. Yorke. " He did not, 
" by any means complain of thehoa. gentle-. 
" man's objections to this measure; he only 
" complained that the right lion. gent, had 
" made his general objrcrions at a time, 
" and upon an occasion, when these objec- 
" tions could lead to no practical conclasion. 
" He complained that the right honourable 
" gtutleman, entertaining such opinions 
" upon this subject as he now appeared to 
" do, should, while he was in olhce, have 
" augmented the militia to a degree hereto- 
'• fore unprecedented; for the right hon. 
" gent, was at that time in a department 
" (war ofiice) imtncdiatcly connecud with 
'■' the public force. The right hon. gent. 
" had not only suffered the militia in Eng- 
" land to be so augmented ; but, while he 
" held an important office in administration, 
"■ llie militia of Scotland was formed, and 
" he believed that of Ireland; aud yet upon 
" tlicsc occasions the right hon. gent, had . 
" urged no objcctien. But now, e\en if the 
" right honourable gentleman's oi)iicticns 
" should prevail, ^unless the parliament 
" were to supercede all the militia laws at 
" once,) he stated them for the first time. 
" When the bill,. of which the present one 
" was only a part, was before the House, 
" and when, from the situation of the couu- 
" try, hii objections could have been mere 
" deliberately and maturely examined, the 
" right hon. gent, sat ptrfeUly silent," — 
Eroiu iJic Addingtons or the Hawkesburics 

J 3] 

one mi^Iit have expected to hear insinua- 
tions and charges like these, but, though 
" evil communications corrupt good man- 
" ners," fi ora Mr. Yorke, I, most assuredly, 
should not have expected them. As a cabi- 
net-minister Mr. Windham might, in the 
cabinet, oppO'^e the measures here spoken 
of J but, it his opposition proved unsuccess- 
ful, if he' could not enforce his opinion 
against that of the rest of ihe council, v/ill 
Mr. Yorke say, that it was his duty to resign 
his office, and to quit the cabinet? Of this, 
however, more hereafter. Mr. Yorke charges 
him with " having augmented the militia," 
and wiih having, " while in a department 
" hnmed'hitely coimeeied zuiih ihe public force, 
" SUFFEUED the militia of England to 
*' be augmented, and that of Scotland and 
" Ireland to be formed;" Who, that is un- 
acquainted with the nature of the othce that 
Mr. WindhaiH held, would not, from (h's 
representation, imagine, that Mr- Windham 
was the author, the first proposer of the 
augmentation of iVie. militia in Englai:id, as 
well as of the establishnjcnt of a militia in 
Scotland and Ireland; especially ?.» hi^ office 
was that of Secretary at li^ar. Mr. Yorke 
certainly could not intend to send forth to 
the world so gross a misrepi-esentaiion : and, 
3'et one hardly knows how to account for his 
expressions in any otlu'r way, without im- 
puting to him a want of even comtron dis- 
cernment, Mr. Yorke knew ; Mr. Yorke 
must know, for he was Secretary at War him- 
self at the lime when he made the above 
quoted speech ; he muU, theiefore, well 
know,, t^'.at Mr. Windham, as Secretary at 
War, had no more lo do with the augmtnt- 
jng or creating of militia forct-s, than the 
Lord Chancellor had. Mr. Yorke knew, 
that the management cf the militia lay ex- 
clusively with the Secretary of State for the 
War Department, which cfhce was then 
filled by Mr. Dundas, now Lord Mtlville ; 
Mr. Yorke knew, that by Mr. l^undas and 
the Commander in Chief the v.liole of that 
branch of the public service was managed ; 
that no official communication existed be- 
tween it and the war-office ; and that, ex- 
cept as far as his opinion and vote would go 
in the cabinet council, Mr. Windham had 
no more controul over the measures alluded 
to, than the Emperor of China had. This 
.being the true state of the case, let the world 
judge, whether it was fair and manly in 
Mr. Yorke to charge Mr. Windham with 
" having augme?ited the militia," and with 
having " sujfered the militia to be augrnent- 
'• ed and foniied." If he had preferred this 
charge against the late Lord Chancellor or 
Secretary at State for foreign affairs, it 

JANUARY i, 1804. [14 

would not have succeeded, (here would have 
been nothing for it to stick to ; but, the ap- 
pellation of late Secretary at War was charm- 
ingly calculated to take with the ignorant 

gaping crowd in the galleries, I would, 
however, put it to Mr. Yorke, whether the 
taking advantage of such a circumstance waa 
worthy of him, or of any one who had the 
honour to reply to JMr. Windham; whether 
he thinks that Mr. Windham would have 
resorted to the use of such means ; whether 
he does not now lament, that he has furnished 
the Near Observer with the materials of mis- 
representation and calumny ; and, finally, 
whether he can view without feeling some 
degree of humiliation, the contrast exhibited 

in the conduct of Mr. Windham. One 

point only remains, Mr. Yorke states, that 
Mr, Windham " urged no objection" to the 
militia measures adopted Awhile he was in 
office. Where does Mr. Yorke mean ? He 
cannot know, that he urged no objections in;netj he must, therefore, mean^ that 
he urged none in parliament ; and, I would, 
then, like to hear Mr. Yorke say, whetlier 
it was the custom, \^ht■ther it ever has been 
the custom, whether an instance of that kind 
ever was heard of, for a member of the cabi- 
net to oppose, in parliament, a cabinet mea- 
sure. But, Mr. Yorke goes further, and 
says, that, since Mr. Windham has been 
out of the cab'net, he has never opposed any 
militia arrangement 'tilt 7iozu. " Even," 
says he, " if the Right Honourable Gentle- 
" -man's objections were to prevail, he has 
" now stated them for the Jirst time.'' I 
hope Mr. Yorke's memory is veryshon; for^ 
I should be sorry to suppose, that, when he 
made this assertion, he had not completely 
forgotten what passed upon the bringing up 
the report of the Scotch militia bil', on the 
31st of May 1802. The object of this bill 
was to enable his Majesty, in case of inva* 
sion, or any other great emergency, to aug- 
ment the Scotch militia in the proportion of 
one half. Mr. Elliot objected to the mea- 
.«ure, for (he same reason that we have seen 
him object to the Irish militia system; to wit^ 
that it v.'ould tend to destroy the recruiting 
serincefor the regular army. The concluding 
words of Mr. Elliot's speech express opini- 
ons, which cannot be too generally inculcat* 
ed, and to which it is, at this time, peculi* 
arly useful to call the attention of the public. 

** Li the northern part of that country, 

" too, thiough the spirit of clanship, and 
" the hereditary attachment which prevailed 
" tliere to particular families, there wer© 
" means of recruiting which existed in no 
" other parts of the empire. The establish* 
** ment, therefore, of a large local forct 




" wiiliin so contracted a space was, he 

♦' maintained, to cut up by i/u- roots the- ic- 

•' cTttUing iervicc of the army. It uas abso- 

" lutely to frustrate and nullify the military 

" resonrccboflht' country. The aKtmpt to 

" combine a considerable augmeiitaiion of 

" the local force witli (he recruiting >-ervice 

*' of the army was, he asserted, ari incon- 

** i^ruotis system. It was to present iiiduce- 

" ments to men to stay at home, at the 

" same time that invitations were held out 

*• lo them for eonstraeiu for general service. 

" A premium was otVered with one hand 

" a«^'Tinst the bounty which was tendered 

" with the other. For these reasons, he 

" had always thought the original institution 

*• of the Scotch militia an injudicious ar- 

♦' ningement ; and he -was sure its augmcn- 

" tation would be a perseverance in a very 

" injurious error. It might, perhaps, be 

" said, that the number of men proposed 

" to be added was not large. For tjie ex- 

" tent of the country, however, lie alleged, 

" it was not inconsiderable. It might pro- 

" bably be stated, that the measure was not 

*• to be carried into effect, unless in case of 

" thedangf^rof invasion, or some pressing 

*' emergency. To tliat he should answer, 

" that it was not evident that it would be 

" necessary even in the event of invasion, 

" to increase the militia ; for if a consider- 

" able portion of transferable force was in 

" the kingdom in such an exigency, it 

*' woidd be as applicable for the purpose of 

*' detcnce as a local force. But if such a 

" measure should prove requisite, .the inter- 

" venti'Hi of parliament might then be used; 

" and if it was not sitting, it could be con- 

" vened soon enough to give its sanction ro 

** the measure. The bill, however, did not 

" limit the measure to the event of invasion, 

*' but extended it to any vflcr great emer- 

" gcury, which words vested in the govern- 

*' ment a complete discretion on the snb- 

*' ject. A great emergeniy might, for in- 

" stance, be the commencement of a war, 

** tbe very conjuncture at ivh'ub fie should 

*' most deprecate such a measure. In short, 

" he desired lo be understood as objecting 

" to the principle of the arrangement, since 

•* it led lo a system, which was fundamrnt- 

" ally vicious, and whuh appeared to him 

*' lo be directly the rcvcrar": to that whicii in 

•' the event ot a war, it would br, expedient 

*' (or this country to adopi." — Xow, 1 .-!sk 

any observing and impa'lial man, whethe'r 

these opinions have not already Ix-en veri- 

i\rd ? We are giving fro n 35 lo 50 guineas 

for recruits lor the Aimv of Reserve, recruits 

SccRcjiister, \VI. I p. 69a. 

to do little more than stay at home ; and, we 
have, during nine months of exertion, raised, 
out of fifteen millions of souh, about nine 
thousand rerrnits for the regular army, seven 
thousand of whom have, in one way or 
anftther, each individual of them cost the 
country fifty guineas, at the lea^it farthing, 
previous to his joining a regular regiment ! — 
But, what did Mr. Windham say, upon the 
occasion alluded to? He said, " lie concur- 
" red w itii every thing that had been ad- 
" vanced by liis honouiable friend, (Mr. Ei- 
" hot) but thouglit he had not gone far 
" enough. Not only any clause of the bill, 
" but its whole principle ought lo be op- 
" posed; as it went to lay out -(Lc force of 
" the country in a defensive instead of an 
" offensive army. He did not wi>h to see the 
" n)\\\U?t totally exi'wguisbed; yet he thought, 
" that instead of increasing its numbers, it 
" ought to be reduced hcJoiv the old establish- 
" mciit, b(jth in Scotland and England, and 
" never to be augmented except in cases of 
" emergency. I'o one consideration he 
" v.ould particularly call the attention of 
" the House : every compulsory force em- 
" ployed in raising men must necessarily 
" increase the diiHcuhy of voluntarv recruit- 
" ing, as it takes away the fair competition, 
" and thus raises the bounty; as appeared 
" in the late A\ar, where it rose to 15 gui- 
" nea<, instead of one guinea, the usual 
" price formerly given. The reason of this 
" \\as evident : it was absolutely necc'ssf-ary 
" to allow the employing substitutes. Peo- 
" pie in certain circum--tanccs gave anv 
'• price f<:r substitutes, rather than serve 
'• themselves; the consequence was, that 
" the premium for substitutes was known to 
" be enormously high, and of course the price 
" of recruits for the regular nrmv was rais- 
" ed in proportion. From these and msny 
" other considerations, he was a derided foe 
" to the militia M>trm ; he considered a re- 
" gular army as the mo«t proper and be^t 
" ileffuce of the country *■." — '1 ids debate 
took place, as I have before observed, on the 
3 1 St of May, 1 802 : .M r. Vorke wss present 
at the lime; anil, which is singular enough, 
scarcely opened his mouih in reply. He was, 
as yet, little scliooled in the ways of the Ad- 
dingions and Hawkcsburies : he was, as \-et, 
incapable of charging Mr. W irdham with 
having, as Secretary at War, " augmented 
" the raiiilia," or with having " suffered it 
" to be augmented." Still, as 1 liavealrfSdv 
declared, 1 would fain believe, that, wheil 
Mr. Yoike did, on the iOlh of M.irch Inst, 
accuse Mr. Windham of having iben ob- 

* fee Dcbrctl's Far!. Register, Ilay 3T, iSo: 


17] J A N U A 

jected, "■ for ihtjirst time" to the augmen- 
tation of tlxe militia; I would fain believe, 
and I must believe, that when Mr. Yorke 
made this assertion, he had totally forgotten 
the occurrences of the 3Jst of May, 1802 ; 
but, I never can believe, that it is recon- 
cileablc eitlier to that dignity or that manli- 
ness of character, which I always look for in 
Mr. Yorke, to have so spoken in Parliament 
as to have furnished the sentiments, and al- 
most the very words, wherewith a Treasury 
Hireling has dressed out the most shameful 
calumnies. — It should be observed, that tlie 
object, which this writer has in view, in mis- 
representing the conduct of Mr. Elliot and 
tliis part of the conduct of Mr. Windhacn, is, 
to inculcate a belief, that the objections 
which they made to the militia system arose 
from their desire to embarrass the ministers, 
and to retard, if not obstruct altogether, the 
warlike preparations of those wise and vi- 
gorous gentlemen; and, it mustbe confess- 
ed, that the language made use of by Mr. 
Yorke, and by others in the same debate, 
evidently led to such a conclusion ; but, that 
this conclusion was false, that it was a most 
gross error, or most malignant misinterpre- 
tation, no doubt can, I think, be entertaiued. 
Their objections arose from their anxious 
desire to prevent the source of the recruiting 
service from being dried up ; and, who will 
now deny, that it would be happy for the 
country, if that desire had been gratified .' 
"Who, that looks at the bloated accounts of 
volun.eor corps, army of reserve, find militia, 
and compares them with the meagre skele- 
ton returns of the regular army, the only 
army on which we can safely rely for de- 
fence, and on which we can possibly rely for 
otfence ; who, that makes this comparison, 
and that considers what may be tlie fatal 
consequences of a protracted and inglorious 
war, can help sorely lamenting, that the opi- 
nions of Messrs. Elliot and Windham did not 
prevail, that their advice was not followed, 
and that they bad not the power to prevent, as 
well as the sagacity to foresee, and the inte- 
grity to foretell, the effects of the system to 
which they objected ? 

Here I close my observations on that part 
of the Cursory Remarks, which contains 
misrepresentations and calumnies that the 
Accurate Observer found it too troublesome 
or too diflicult to answer. In observing 
upon the remarks, which relate to Mr. Elliot, 
I have been obliged to include those, which, 
on the particular subject of the militia force, 
relate also to Mr. Windham. — I should now 
proceed in my analytical and comparative 
view of the tv.o pamphlets, as far as they 
relate to the parliamentary conduct of Mr, 

R Y 7, 1S04. X}"^ 

Canning, I^rd Grenville, and Mr. Wind- 
ham ; but, for want of room, I fi«d myself 
compelled to defer it to my next. 
(To be continued.) 


Foreign. — According to late accounts 
from India, the Peisbwa has been enthroned at 
Poonah, with great pomp, amidst the con- 
gratulations of an hundred tlu.usand people. 
— Scindea has not broken up his camp, but it 
is supposed will besiege Indoor, the capital of 
Holkar, who, in consequence of the deser- 
tion of great numbers of his tro'ps, and the 
want of provisions, is in great distress. — Ma- 
dajee Boonslah, the chief of the eastern Mah- 
rattas, has formed an additional alliance with 
i\\i Company, of a very advantageous nature. 
— Muiha Pvao has yet eluded the vigilance ct 
the Hill chiefs in the Guzzuiat ; and al- 
though Futty Sing Guicuar has used all his 
influence with the Rnjahs who are interested 
in the cause, he has yet been unsuccessful. 
— 1 he trade between Persia and the Com- 
pany, has been opened in its full extent, ac- 
cording to the treaty concluded with the Per- 
sian ambassador ; and the imports during 
the three first months have exceeded all ex- 
pectation. — Letters from China have been 
received at Bombay, which represent that 
country to be generally tranquil, although 
Ong Fong, a daring chief, is at the head ot 
a rebellion in the n^rth, with nearly 50,000 
followers. — The ports of the Ligurian Re- 
public have not yet been blockaded by the 
ships of his Britannic Majesty ; but the mer- 
chants are so apprehensive cf that event, that 
the commerce of the country has been suf- 
fered to dwindle into a state of comparative 
insignificance. — The Emperor of Germany 
has authorized the estnb'iishment of a General 
Consistory for the Protestant Churches in 
Gallicii. He h?.s, aLo, appointed M. Mer- 
card. Secretary of the Royal and Imperial 
Legation to the Circle of Franconia. — The 
Elector of Metz, Arch-Chancellor, has named 
Baron Franckenstien Minister Plenipotentia- 
ry to the Electoral Court of Bavaria. — The 
Grecian Prince Argitople, who has been, for 
six. years, the Charge d'Aliaires of the Su- 
blime Porte, in Holland, has returned to 
Constantinople. — Gen. Lasnes, the French 
ambassador at Lisbon has been recalled; and 
it is said has been appointed to an importdnt 
command in the army intended for the inva- 
sion of England. — Accounts from the West- 
Indies, received by the way of Philadelphia, 
state that the French troops have been al- 
most expelled frcm the island of St. Domin- 
go. Port de-Paix h?,v been lakeu posscssitiQ. 


of by the negroes; who also made piisoners 
ot (lie garrison, consisiing of five hundred 
iDfii. Roi h;iinbeau continues at the Cape, 
but is drsiroiiii of getting to ihe place gene- 
rally calltd St. Doiuiiigo ; this, houcvt-r, the 
negroes will nut buficr, as four dKmsand uf 
them ottu|)y the intcrmrdiate country. All 
the places whicii have been :akeo by the ships 
of the Kritish blockading squadron, liave 
been givfu up to the negroes, who treat ihe 
uiliabilauts, ;:s well as ihe French piisoncra 
villi great humanity. Port-au-Piiicc is in 
a slatf of equal distitss. Great numbers of 
the inhabit.ints have fled to St. Jago dc Cuba; 
ai»d Dcisalinrs has summoned the town to 
surrender. Gen. Lavalet, who commands 
there, has refused, and has declared his re- 
solution of holding out to the last extremi- 
ty : but the want of provisions will soon 
compel him to submit. — The American Con- 
gress is occupied in discussing subjects re- 
lating to the cession of Louisiana : the levy 
of the military force, which they auihoiized 
to be raiised lor taking possession of that co- 
lony, is carried on with great expedition. 

Domestic. — The King has been pleased 
to appoint C harles Cameron, Esq. to be Cap- 
tain General and Governor in Chief in and 
over his IVIajesty's Bahama Islands in Ame 
lica. — He has, also, been plciscd to appoint 
the Right Hon. Percy, Lord\'iscouni Strang- 
ford, lobe his Majesty's Secretary of Lcga- 
lion at the Court of Lisbon. — He has, also, 
been pleased to grant to t!ic Hon. Cropley 
Ashley, the olTice of Clerk ut the Deliveries 
of ihe Ordnance of the United Kingdom of 
Great Britain and Ireland, in the loom of 
Joseph Hunt, Esq. — Thefarmcrsm riitKerent 
parts of the country, feartul that their stores 
of corn, hay, straw, See. would be put into 
requisition, on the landing of an enem\',are 
anxious to dispose of those articles. Great 
quantities have, thcreiore, been sent to ihe 
lA)iidou markets, from Norfolk, Sutlolk, 
Kent, and Essex; and soil at -a lower rate 
than has been known for a long time. — Mr. 
Yo ktj has written a letter to the Lords Lieu- 
tenant of the counties on the coa^t, inform- 
ing tbcm. that, as Dutch vessels fromnoUand, 
under Prussian colouis, have been in the 
practice of rciorting to the east coa<it of 
England, for tlio double purpo'-.c of carrying 
on contraband trade, and convc)ing intel- 
ligence to the cntni), it has been judged 
pro^jcr to direct that they should in future 
be prcvcnied from doing so, between the 
Huml)er and the Downs, Yarmoulli Roads 
and the Downs excepted : and ihat as the 
mra.sure-t taken lor this purpose may, in 
some in-tances, be eluded by their putting 
]ver-;cr.s vLn'-v^'inely on siiorc, the peace- 



otficcrg arc to be particularly watchful in 
discovering such persons, and bringing them 
before the magistntes for examination ; ia 
which case ilic result is to be transmitted, as 
soon as possible, to him. — On the 3 J inst. 
till- volunteers of Pimlico, styled the Git en's 
Royal Volunicers, received their colours 
from her I\iajesty. The ceremony of pre- 
sentation, which was conducted wiih great 
pomp, and at which manv disiinguishtd per- 
sons were ptcsent, took place ai Ranelagh. 
An excellent military band was provided ; 
and Braham, Incledo;:, and several other 
vocal performers, dressed in the nnifornis of 
the dill'crcnt volunteer corps to which they 
belonged, and the organist and choristers 
from both cathedrals attended. At one 
o'clock the Countess of Harrington, who was 
the representative of her Majesty on ihe oc- 
casion, was announced, and ushered into her 
box with all the pomp due to majesty : two 
principal ofHrers ol the corps, and two ladies 
of tlie Queen's household waited upon her. 
The band then played " God save the King," 
and the two battalions presented arms. Seve- 
ral prayers were read by the chaplain of 
the corps, after which a sermon was preached 
by one of her Majesty's chaplains. Alter he 
sermon, the coronation anthem was sung 
and pliiycd by all ihe vocal and instrumental 
perforiDers present. Two ensigns, a captain, 
and si.N Serjeants from each battalion then 
stepped forward to receive the colours ; Lord 
Mobart, as commandant, gave the word to 
the w hole corps to present arms. The Coun- 
tess of Harrington then presented the co- 
lours, and Lord Ilobart received them kneel- 
ing, as if the Queen were personally present. 
Her Ladyship delivered a speech of a few 
words, in a low tone; to which Lord Hobart 
returned an answer, in thenameof the corps, 
expressive of the gratitude which ihey must 
feel for the peculiar honour which had been 
done them, and of their resolution to lose 
the colours, only with their lives. " God 
save the King" was then p!a\ed and sung in 
full chorus. The corps again saluted, and 
the Countess and her attendants withdrew. — 
The last mail from the Leeward Islands 
brings intelligence of the death of Gen. 
GreentieKl, commander of the British iroopa 
in that quaner ; and of Major Gen. Cic- 
phane. Governor of Grenada. It is said, 
l)()wever, that no cfHcial accounts to that 
cficct hava been rccdved. — The .^ame mail 
also brings information of the .'ailirg of aa 
expedition against the Balavian colony of 
St. Eustalia, the defenceless stale of which 
left no doubt of its becoming an easy conquest 
to hi^ Majesty's arms. 
MiLiT,\KY.— The whole of ihe Frcncb 



pnd Batavian militarj' force in Holland and 
Zealand, including the enlire coast from the 
West Scheldt to the Texel, it is said, does 
not exceed forty thousand men, garrisons in- 
cluded. One of the principal bodies of the 
disposable force is assembled in the neigh- 
bourhood of the Helder, andconr.ists of about 
seventeen thousand men, cliiefl}'' French, 
The army may, "liouever, be, at any time, 
augmented by any part of the troops in Ha- 
nover. There is another small army of about 
eight thousand men collected in tlie i&land 
of Walcheienj apparently intended more for 
defensive than ottensive operations. In con- 
formity to some late arrangements, the Ea- 
taivian troops h^ive been ordered to approach 
nearer to the coast, lor the purpose of being 
more contiguous lo the pons \vhere the em- 
barkations a'e to be made. Several corps will 
enter Holland^and lie in Delft, Leyden, Haar- 
lem and Amsterdarn, thus forming a line to 
embark as soon as orders may be received. — 
The legislative body of the Italian Republic, 
3.t the request of government, has agreed to 
niieasures for contributing to the expedition 
against England, by a direct aid of naval and 
land forces. The legislature has therefore 
j)rovided means to defray the expense of 
tliese auxiliaries, and the law on that subject 
has been proclaimed. It orders the imme- 
diate railing of 5,500,000 of Milanese livres, 
by a land-lax, payable at a very short period ; 
which sum is to be placed at the disposal of 
the executive power, for the construction of 
two frigates and twelve gun-boats, as well as 
for tHe equipment of troops. — The greater 
part of the Italian troops, intended for France, 
are already on their march; the sixth, se- 
venth, and eighth columns have set out from 
Milan, en tlieir march, by the way of the 
Simplon and the Valais, to enter the French 
territory by Geneva. The French troops in 
Italy still keep their old positions ; the only 
thing new which has taken place is the re- 
duction of the garrison of Leghorn to fifteen 
hundred men, in consequence of a request 
made to the First Consul by the Queen of 
Etruria. The corps which have quitted Leg- 
horn have marched for the Neapolitan coasts 
of the Adriatic, to which place some others 
have repaired from Upper Italy. — In Great- 
Britain, ministers ha\e given directions that 
the militar}'- preparations throughout the 
country, and particularly on the coasts, shall 
be expedited with all possible dispatch. Ad- 
ditional works are erecting in places which 
have been thought too much exposed ; and 
all the troops in different parts have been 
ordered to be in a state of constant readiness. 
—Orders have, also, been issued from the 
War Office, to the different courts of iieute- 

7. 16G4. [22 

nancy throughout, the kingdom, most pe- 
remptorily requiring, that all the regiments 
of militia shall be completed to iht'uful! 
estahlisbvient immediately, on pain of having 
the fines levied for all sliori of the eompie-. 
ment. — Ihe regiment of Light Dragoonsj^* 
commanded by his Royal Highness the Prince', 
of Wales, which has been for some time 
quartered at Brighton, has been ordered 
Irom that station to Guildford. The reasons 
for which this change was made, are said to 
be a regard ibr the personal safety of the 
Heir Apparent. 

Naval. — The council of marine of the' 
Batavian republic has issued orders to llie'" 
respective commanders in the roads of tlie" 
republic, for summoning all superior as welT 
as inferior naval officers, and others absent'" 
on leave, to repair without loss of time: to 
their respective ships, and to grant no fur- 
loughs in future; and also, that all the na- 
tional ships and vessels of war be imme- 
diately put and kept in readiness to be cm- 
ployed in actual service at the shortest no- 
tice. — In consequence of remonstrances from 
the municipalities of Vlaardingen and Maas- 
lois, the Batavian government has, for the 
present, abandoned the design of requiring 
a number of fishing hookers, on board of 
which it was intended to transport troops, 
&c. for the expedition against Great-Britain. 
— On the i5th of Sepiember last. Captain 
Graves, of his Majesty's ship Blenheim, dis- 
covered a small schooner privateer endea- 
vouriiig lo get into Port-Royal : he accord- 
ingly dispatched his boats to cut her olF, and 
after a long chase, they boarded and carried 
her. She proved to be tlie French privateer 
Fortuiiee.of two guns and twenty-nme nien. 
-—On the 2eiih of October, Captain Young - 
husband, of the Osprey, cruizing off Tiini- 
dad, discovered the French privateer La Re- 
source ; not being able to come up with her 
himself, Capt. Y. sent his boats to attack 
her, and notwithstanding (he privateer kept 
up a heavy fire from the guns and musketiy, 
theysucceedcd in capturing her. She mount- 
ed four guns, and carried forty-three men, 
two of whom were killed and twelve wound- 
ed during the action. — Capt. Younghusband 
having put Lieut. Collier and sixteen wen 
on board ihe prize, she captured, on the next 
day, the French privateer schooner La Mimi, 
of one gun and twenty-one men. — On the 
26th of December, «. om. Hood, in the Cen- 
taur, cruizing between Tobago and Grenada, 
captured, after a chase of seven hours, the 
French privateer schooner Vigilante, of two 
guns and forty men, besides a great qu:jntity ' 
of musquetry. — Admiral Cornwallis, for 
whose safety during I'je the -late siorm'^, the 


public felt so miuh nnxiely, arrived in Tor- 
bay on the 30th of Dccemb«fr, accompanied 
by the Snu Josrph and Dreadnought. The 
gallant Admiral^ it is stated, was blown off 
Brest, on Friday the 24th, and again attempt- 
ed to regain his station. but the gale of Tues- 
day the 27th, obliged him to return. The 
ships which came in, had suffered consider- 
ably in their yards, rigging, &:c. besides being 
much strained ; but the damage was soon 
repaired, and Admiral Cornwallis, after being 
joined by four ships of the line and a fitiy- 
guii ship, from C.nvsand Bay, which were 
ready to reinforce him, again sailed for Brcstj 
and it is believed, that he maybe now on 
his old station, Admiral Cornwallis, who 
has now been so long at sea, did not quit his 
ship for an instant. — Several cruizers have 
sailed from the Downs for the coast of 
France; and, it is probable, that, by tliis time, 
the British squadrons in every quarter have 
resumed their blockading stations. 


War of Finance. — From the following 
passage, which has been extracted from a 
ministerial paper, there is some reason to 
suppose, that the Doctor has conceived the 
idea of triumphing over the finances of 
Buonaparte. That of all his follies this 
would be the greatest there can be no doubt ; 
but, first let us hear him, and then put him 
right if we can : " The nature of our 
" financial measures," says he, " must 
" prove to France, to Europe, and to the 
" world, that British resources are as ex- 
'' haustless as the British spirit is inex- 
" tinguishable. We may now retort on 
•' the fell tyrant his char;;e of approaching 
" bankruptcy, and appeal to Europe to de- 
" cide on which side the charge is best 

" founded. Twelve millions of the sup- 

" plies raised within the year, in adt'ition 
" to an aggregate of taxes already in opera- 
" tion, unexampled in the history of any 
" nation, furnish too convincing a proof of 
" what the finances of Britain are capable 
" of yielding, to be overturned by the art- 
"' ful represtntatives of French .scribblers." 

• Raised ! no, no, not raised, enacted, 

imposed by law, if you please ; but not 
rjised vet. The first quarter produced little 
more than half a million ; the second may, 
probably, produce three half millions, and 
not much more than that, though the pro- 
duce to the 5th of this month was estimated 
at four millions and a half. Not a penny of 
the income (ax has yet been raised ; and 
this source was to produce 4,500,000 I. out 
cf the 12,000,0001. But, let us hear 


him out : " Whilst taxes are imposrd 

" by the legislature, and chearfully acqui- 
" esced in by the prople, to aii amount that 
" would appear incredible to even an Kng- 
" lishman ten years since ; the burthen is 
" so ivisely and so equally diffsued, that it 
" is comparaiivcly little felt, and universally 
" submit teil to 'ujithoul iniirmur. Every ad- 
" ditional impost has been regulated in such 
" a manner as to affect each individual in 
" proportion to his means, and the great- 
" est tenderness has been shewn to tlie 
" poorer classes, by excepting them, in all 
" cases where tiie operation of the tax 
" might prove injurious or oppressive. The 
'■ boasted finances of France, on the con- 
'' trary, arc in a state of rapid, decay. The 
" public revenues have, in many instances, 
*' been anticipated, and their produce, for 
" some yea.'s to come, raised in advance, and 
" applied to the support of the present war. 
" Neutral nations have been plundered, 
"■ and allied states compelled to make ad- 
" vances byway of loan, to prop the vaunt- 
" ed rescources of the republic; yet, such 
" has been the extravagance of the French 
"■ government's plans, or the want of pru- 
" dence and economy in the proscecuiion 
"■ of them, that it has been compelled to 
" resort to tlie most unjust, oppressive, and 
" shameless system of extortion, in the 
" shape of taxes, that ever disgraced the 
" administration of any civilized govern- 

'• ment." That the impositions of the 

Frencli government are unjust and oppres- 
sive is very likely; but, that any tiling, in 
the shape of a tax, can, by the French or 
any other government, be more detestable 
than the Doctor's income lax I utterly deny. 
It is not the atnount oi '\i \ that is not too 
great ; and, besides, it is as well to pay 
under that name as under any other name ; 
it is the abominable principle of it that I 
dislike, that I abhor, and that, let who will 
differ from me in opinion, I shall always 
abhor. The French revenues are antici- 
pated ; their produce, for some years to 
come, has been *' raised vi advance, and 
" applied to the support of the present war !" 
What, iu the name of common sense, dees 
the Doctor mean ? Does he speak of a 
borrowing system ? Has the French govern- 
ment been making loans ? Has it begun to 
saddle <he nation with a debt } If so, Buo- 
naparte has my most hearty thanks ; for, he 
will, in that case, give our grand-children a 
chance of seeing Fiance such, in this respect, 
as F^ugland now is. But, I am afraid tliis 
notion is not correct ; I am afraid, that the 
Consul has made no loans ; and, then, it 
follows, of course, that what the Doctor 


J A N U A 

calls an anticipation of the revenue, is, hav- 
ing naade the people pay before-hand, which 
may, a* far as I know, be to deceive those 
people ; but I am certain it is very far hom 
proving that they are impoveri-^hed, and still 
less is it a mark of the " rapid decay" of 
the resources of the government. The 
Doctor thinks he has atchieved great things 
in isiposing a considerable portion of the 
taxes that are wanted within the year ; were 
he to raise, during the year, nearly as much 
money as the necessiiies of the state de- 
manded for that space of time, he would be 
regarded as the greatest of men; what, then, 

' are we to think of Buonaparte, who raises 
in the year all that he wants during that 
year ! Bat he raises them " in advance." 
Could the Doctor raise taxes in advance 
what a happy man would he be ! He, poor 
man, is obliged to wait till they are due ; 
and, he thinks himself well o:f, if he can 
get them then The truth is, thi* nriniste- 
rial paragraph has neither sense nor reason 
in it J but, its object evidently is, to revive 
that most foolish and dangerous notion, that 
France is to be beaten by the ruin of her 
finances ; and, to defeat this object, to shev/ 
how fallacious is the notion, and to convince 
the people that France is to be beaten only 
by warlike exertions, ought to be ihe en- 
deavour of every one, who writes or speaks 
upon public affiirs. — Of all the nations upon 
earth the English are the greatest dupes ; 
and, of all the English, the greatest dupes are 
those, who dabble in politics and the funds, 
and who are never to be cured. Their 
cullibility is of a nature not to be subdued 
by the effects eitlier of tiiYie or suffering. 
Their foby is as obstinate as that of the bird, 
which, after havings for ten years together, 
made ten thousand attempts every day, to 
get through the wire of his cage, begins 
the eleventh year with unabted perseverance. 
How many times did Mr, Pitt tell them, 
that the last war was " a war of finance ?" 
How many scores of pamphlets, how many 
thousands of paragraphs were written to 
prove, that, if we would but hold out a 
little longer, the resources of the bankrupt 
enemy must totally fail her ? In order to 
convince us, that the assignals and mandats 
must inevitably produce the utter ruin of 
France, and bring her regicide rulers to our 
feet, how many reams of paper did Sir 
Francis D'lvernois render still more worth- 
less than even tlrose assignats and mandats .' 
Sir Francis has lately, it we can trust to his 
advertisements, reproached Buonaparte with 
a breach of five promises. How many 
promises, alas ! has Sir Francis broken ! 

^; ^i)d, j'et^ were he to recommence his pro- 

R Y 7, 1804, [26 

phecies, it is a thousand to one but he 
would find believers in abundance. Such 
is the credulity, such the infatuation, of 
this enervated money-loving race. — — Of alt 
the errors that we can adopt, this is the 
worst J this is infinitely the most dangerous. 
Our wealth will never save us. It will not 
give us a victory over so much as a foraging 
party : it will not procure us a respite for 
half an hour ; and, really, if we do hope 
to triumph in consequence of the draia 
which time may call for from the treasures 
of Buonaparte, we neither shall, nor ought, 
to escape that punishment, which such folly 
and baseness have never yei failed, first or 
last, to bring upon its possessors. 

Parties.] — Upon this subject the public 
anxiety is uncommonly great. All men of 
sense have long been convinced, that a 
change, not in the Ministry, but cf the Mi- 
nistry, is necessary to give the country even 
a chance of extricating itself from the great 
and nuinerous dangers, with which it is 
now surrounded. But, till lately, there no 
' where appeared any hope. All the great 
men of the kingdom } all those to whom 
either the people, or foreign courts, could 
possibly look with any degree of confidence, 
seemed to be so completely divided, as to 
check every wish that arose in one's mind as 
to their coalescing in the form of a ministry, 
or a party. It is an old saying, that, when 
things are at worst, they must mend ; and, :s 
our state was nearly, if not quite, as bad as it 
could be, hope, at last, seemed to grow out 
of despair., A change for the worse is im- 
possible ; and, I am inclined to think, that 
we shall see a change for the better. Not 
that I set so little value upon my reputation 
foipolitical sagacity, as to hazard an opinion, 
that the Doctor will, before he has brought 
the Monarchy to the very gates of death, be 
driven from his ill-gotten and wi,'rse exer- 
cised power; but, it does appear to me, 
that he and his colleagaes will not be much 
longer suffered to sleep upon a bed of roses, 
while they keep the people of a mighty em- 
pire upon the rack. — Precisely what shape 
parties will take, how men will group toge- 
ther, and how, at last, the tw9 opposite 
sides will stand, it is very difficult to say. 
With the minor politicians, amongst whom 
I include myself, the great subject of spe- 
culation is, what course Mr. Pitt will pur- 
sue. Supposing Mr, Fox, Mr. Windham, 
Lord Grenville, and their respective friends, 
to co-operate against the Minister ; there 
will, in that case, be three modes of pro- 
ceeding, out of which Mr. Pitt must make 
his election : 1. To join the opposition ; 2. 
To join ihe Minister ; 3. To secede from Par- 



liament ; for, as to the little game of mo- 
tions of adjuiirnmenl .iml of previous qiirs- 
tion, I think, and, for lii» name ami {;imc'> 
sake, I tie siDcrrcly hopf, tJ»at ho never will 
try tliat again, seeing that I never liavf, 
froiM ilit^ d.ite of Mr. Pntlen's motion to the 
pif-cnt hour, met with any man, ot any 
politics or iiin' p;irty, who did not condemn 
tl>o pari, winch Mr. Fiit, by the advice of 
J..ord Melville*, ihr.n conde-^ceniled to act.— 
Ki. li of the three courses, above described, 
must present coiniderabje diriicultjfs to .Mr. 
I'iit; yet, I hope, there cui be little doubt 
as to whidi he will prefer; tor, as in the 
case of Achilles, by his choice will his cha- 
racter be known. — In the mean-time, the 
camp in Downing Street and W hiiehall is 
all upon the alert ; the fears of a foreign, 
Jiave given place to the fe.irs of a domestic 
invasion ; and, it is confidently stated, that 
tlie more nervous of the .set have already 
begun to reconnoitre the ground for a re- 
treat. Mr. Sheridan, in iiis more fortunate 
days, once compared Lord Caslk-rcagh to a 
boy wJio had bei-n let down the. chmuiey, 
fur the purpose of opening the door and let- 
ting in tlie ging ; and, without a wish to 
.speak irreverently, when I l«)ok at the mi- 
nisters, in their present state, thr;y really force 
upon mv rccolleciion picturtts that 1 h.ive 
seen in the windows, describing tlie an,xiety 
and agitation of a nest of sharpers, when 
they hear the constables knocking at the 
door. God send their alarm may not be in 
viin! Their press, though it begins to 
fitfg, is yet most bitter and boi-iterous. The 
cry of " coalition" has, indeed, been fdirly 
coughed down ; but, that ot " prerogative" 
and " coTistiiulion" still braves the scorn of 
common sense ; and, as they may, po'.sibly, 
be heard till the mci ting of Parliament, it 
may not be altogether unnecessary lo be- 
stow a few remarks on the way, in winch 
they have been, and yet are, emploved. — 
It has frequently been observed, that the 
modesty of the Addingions and their col- 
leagues very tar surpasses the assurance of 
the common run of mdokind, of which, if 
there wanted any proof, the doctrines thry 
are now preiching up, as lo the duty of sup- 
porting Ministers, would most amply aflbrd 
it.——" The constitution,'' say they, '• gives 
" the King the prerogative of choosing his 
" Ministers; he h;is chosen the present 
" Ministers, and t'ley ought to be suppoft- 
" ed, bicausc ihev are ibe King's choice !" 
To argue a against this would be to give 
:» sanction to ssuranoe ; but, as to the latter 
position, I shall deny the /net. I say the 
present Ministers arc ax', the King'.s choice. 
They were chosco by Mr. Titt, who, to 


the credit of Lord Hawkesbury be it 
spoken, had ronsidcrahle ('.ifficulty in per- 
suading that nobleman to make part of the 
cabinet. Not so with the I^octor, who 
jnniped at it, as, befr)rc Mr, Pitt discovered 
his rare qualities, he would have done at a 
half-guinea foe. Knt, to the mortification 
of " Oie family," it ought to be known, that 
the place of primr mitiister wnsjiVi/ oiVcred 
by Mr. I'ilt to Mr. Dudiey Kider, now L"rd 
Harrtiwby, ^\ho had tlie modesty to refuse 
it. Then, qnd not till then, was Mr. Henry 
Addington thought of, even by Mr, Pitt. 
And yet, these people now atlcct to regard 
them.selves as having been selected by the 
throne, not only as ministers, but as the 
on/y men that his Majesty could, or can, 
think of trusting with ministerial power! — 
low ards the close ot the I reasury pamphlet, 
the Cursory Ilemarks, they have very elabo- 
rately laid down their docttine cf official im- 
mortality : " I protest," says the autlior, 
" that, in this fearful cri^is of our country, 
" I hope, that we have no oilier cause, no 
" other interest, but hers ! that we contend 
" not for patrons but for duties, not for par- 
" ties but for the state ; and we all rally 
" around oi/n .sovERKIC^f and fii<; minis- 
" ters, his lieutenants, and bis generals, 
" around afl who have his confidence and 
" cominis.'^ion. 1 am sure tliis is the faith 
" of the constitution, and that by this aloge 
" ■::■.; ran be saved." hy iliis " vvk" llic 
Addingions and the Hawkesburies mean 
tlwmsel'ves ; for, as to the peo(»le, they are 
to be .saved, if saved at all, by causing, as 
far as their right and power go, the piesent 
ministers lo be hurled from their places. 
Yes, and where is the man, who docs not 
rally round his sovereign } but, where is the 
man who would not benshamed to be thought 
to rally round the ministers ? Observe how 
they have nestled themselves into the folds 
of the royal robe I how anxious they are to 
identify themselves with the king, and thus, 
at once, to preserve ihfir power and to get 
rid of all responsibility. " Our sovereign 
" and bin minisieis, bis lieutenants, and Lis 
" generrils ; ' just as if the word lus h::d a 
talismaiiic virtue in it; just as if it could, or 
ought, to shelter ministers from impeach- 
nunt any more than it shelters generals from 

courts-martial ! Having thus laid down a 

creed for us, llioy proceed to state, that, be- 
sides the circumstance of their being the 
king'ii minis ers gives them a right to unani- 
mous support, there are no other persons to 
make ministers of. '• What," say they, 
" would be the situation of the country (at 
" this crisis of foreign danger, internal difn- 
" culty, and Irish rebellion) under a minis- 



" try, [the late ministry] whom it would 
" be in the power of the most insignificant 
" member in the House to displace at any 
*' moment, by simply bringing forward the 
" Irish Catholic quesiion ?" Why this should 
be ; lunu this should be done, they do not 
tell us J but, thus they effectually set aside 
Mr. Pitt, Lord Granville, and Mr. Wind- 
ham. They then proceed to the old opposi- 
tion, and observe, that^ they "are not aware 
" of more than one case, in which Mr. Fox 
" and his minority" [putting his in Italic 
characters] "• could be considered as a possi- 
" ble adn)inistration, and that is, the success 
*' of the invasion, or some oiher great dis- 
♦' aster which would lay us. at the feet of 
" Fiance. He might, perhaps^ be the mce- 
" Jiresidcnt of the Britannic Republic, but 
" there is little prospect of his ever being 
*' the mini'-ter of an English King." Hence 
Ihey conclude, that " his Majesty's minis- 
" ters have a right to all our support, co- 
" operation, and assistance; that we should 
** not dare at this terrible hour, to in- 
" crease their difhculties, diniini.-h their cre- 
'* dit, or shake the confidence of the people ; 
" that we ought not io bring forwar?^ se- 
" rious causes of complaint, it they existed, 
*' at a time vvhen unanimity alone can pre- 
*' serve the erapire; that we should consi- 
" derlhem abstractedly as the kind's minis- 
*' ters; that they have been faithful, able, 
" vigorous, and fortunate, and that we 
*' ought to trust they will continue so; but, 
*' that, at all events, vmder them loe must tight 
" for all that is dear and sacred to humani- 
" ty; by their side we must conquer or lie 
" i.i<m)n; that there is no oilier party for us to 
" take, and there is no duty more imperious 

" ynd binding." Modest gentlemen ! 

" No other party for us to take!" Such 

assurance was certainly never before exhi 
bited in the world. It is absolutely without 
a parallel. We have never before seen, or 
heard of, any thing like it. — Upon ihe prin- 
ciples of their creed, that I have cited 
above, they appear to have drawn up the 
prayer, which, on account ot the present 
war, has been introduced into the liturgy. 
*' And \ei wo internal divisions obstruct his" 
[tlie king's designs I " designs for the pub- 
" lie good, nor bring down Thy judgments 
*' upon us." What is meant by " internal 
" divisions?" and divisions, too, calculated 
to obstruct the king's (that is to say his minis- 
ters') designs? Insurrection and rebellion can- 
Jiot be here alluded to : divisions would have 
been a term by no means applicable to acts 
of that sort. The phrase must, and it does, 
as it was evidently intended, mean, or, at 
least, include, y<!o////W divisions; and, I am 
by no means singular in the opinion, that, as 

U A R Y 7, 1804. [30 

far as the views of the ministers went, one 
object of this part of the prayer was, to ex- 
cite a general dread of the consequences of 
^/V/;/otj of every sort (not ibrgetting divi- 
sions in parliament,) and thereby to throw 
an odium on, to check, and finally to de- 
stroy, all n/iJiositio?t. — —I trust, howe\-er, that 
divisions as to political opinions, and that a 
strenuous ©pposition to ministers, will, in 
many cases, be found, not only strictly con- 
formable to, but enjoined by, the sacred ob- 
ligations of allegiance ; and, if this opposi- 
tion was ever called for, if these obligations 
ought ever to have weight with us, the mo- 
ment certainly is, when a weak and selfish 
mini:itry threaten to involve the throne and 
the people in one common ruin. During 
the time that these men have been iu 
power, they have made a peace which sur- 
rendered all our conqiie-its into the hands of 
our enemy, without obtaining for us any 
equivalent; they have thrown the United 
States of America into the arms of Frarice; 
thev have rendered that country tributary 
to P'rance, and have induced it to enter into 
treaties hostile to the trade of England ; 
they have enabled France to new model, 
accDrding to her interest, the Germanic 
Body ; they have suffered her to seize on 
His Majesty's German dominions ; they 
have, by their negligence or other miscon- 
duct, given rise to a rebellion in Ireland ; 
and they have reduced this island to the 
great misery aiid the greater disgrace of a 
state of siege, which requires a force that can- 
not be, for a moment, laid aside, and that 
cannot, for any length of time, beconstantly • 
maintainedjwithout taxes, which, ifimposed, 
cannot be raised. Theyhave, at the end often 
months of nominal peace, plunged us into 
a war, the ostensible and official grounds 
of which all foreign nations regard as insuffi- 
cient. Thry have left us without a single 
ally, or friend ; and, in exchange for that re- 
spect, which always heretofore accompanied 
the name of Britain, theyhave brought upon 
our country the contempt and the scorn of 
the world. The evils of their administration 
are felt in every limb, every artery, every 
vein of the country. A general want of con- 
fidence, in all matters connected, in the most 
distant way, with public measures, prevails 
in every part of the empire. Those institu- 
tions, which are, in some sort, the basis of 
our public credit, are shaken ; their stability 
begins to be generally suspected, and their 
securities to depreciate. Foreigners seek a 
safer place of deposit ; they are removing 
their wealth out of our country ; we our- 
selves are burying that which cannot be de- 
preciated by political causes ; and thus, Bri- 
tain, the mighty, the favoured land of Bri- 




lain, which, during the last war, was regard- 
ed as the last place of refuge fcjr innocence 
and wealth, is now suspected even by her 
own children. 1'lic-.e anda'.l the other evils 
ibat surround us, arc to be ascribed to a 
•"jL'nni of confidence in the men, who exercise 
those powers, by which national good, or 
rKJlional evil, is produced. No man, not 
one even of their partisans and creatures, 
place-; any reliance on them for wisdom, or for 
any of iho qualities that are necessary in the 
conducting of the affairs of a state ; even this 
des(ri{)iiL)n of person's, as fast as they become 
f^ratirie.i with the wages of thtir sub^er- 
\ienc-, hesitate not to pray for a change, 
that th.,y may be protected in tlie enjo\ment 
of those wages. Under such circumitances, 
then, is it not our first duty to supplicate 
his Majesty to remove these servants from 
his councils ? Is it not, at any rate, the first 
duty of I'atliament so to act, as to convince 
their Sovereign, that they particijiate in the 
feelings of his people in tliis respect, and 
that thry are not dead to his reil and perma- 
nent interests ?. " It is lh»t prerogative of his 
*' Majesty to choose and to dismiss his minis 
■•* ters." True. God forbid ihc truth should 
'ever bedi!*|)Uied ! But, it is theprivil('ge, it is 
iheiiuty, the boundenduty, of Parliament, to 
signify 10 his Majesly the conviction which 
they may entertain of the incapacity, or 
otiicr disqualification, of those ministers ; 
nay, it is sometimes iheir duty to impeach, 
to imprison, to try, and to puni.ih, the 
Kinc,'s niinisters j and, if acts like these 
may become a duly, shall they not dare to 
express thi'ir disapprobitt'Kiti of ministers ? 
shad this be regarded as trenching upon the 
King's prerogative ? and shall a member of 
Parliament, as in the ca=;e of Lord Temple, 
because he wishes the aftairs of government 
committed to ablei hands, be charged with 
assuming " the right to name the King's 
" ministers," * and ot a design to invade 
the " utidoubted prerogatives of the crown ?" 

" The fact is, that -his Ma)<-sSty has no 

partiality at all for thc-,e ministers, as may 
well be believed, when we consider his well- 
Itnown dl>ciimination of chiracler. They 
were fhrusted upon him, ui\der circum- 
stances liiat would admit of no delay ; and, 
" such has been the state of parlies ever since, 
that he has not l;jeen able to supply their 
place. They have existed, as a ministry, 
upon tlie nuuual jcnlousii^s of the great men 
of the country j and, the moment those 

• Sec their Cursory Remarks, p. 7t. 

jealousies are removed, their existence, as a 
ministry, will cease. 

Invasion. — As was suggested in the pre- 
ceding number of the Kegister, the report of 
invasion (which, be it remembered, was to 
have taken ^\»ct yesterday luetk) has proved 
to be a mere " Tale of a Tub." By way of 
coniment, on ivbat I then stated, the minis- 
terial prints have observed, that they are 
persuaded I wotdd gladly see an invasion of 
my native country, for the sake of plunging 
the jninhiers into difficulties. It is very strange 
that this language shoiUd be held by those, 
who are every day telling us, that invasion 
is just about to be attempted, and who w ish, 
or who say they wish, that it may no longer 
be delayed, seeing that they arc certain the 
result will be glorious to Britain ! For my 
part, I do not think an invasion of England 
will, for some time to come, take place; 
and, I most sincerely wish that it never may j 
because, though we were to defeat the ene- 
my, the being reduced to fight tor England 
upon English ground would, m my opinion, 
be an indelible disgrace. I do not assert, 
that the ministers entertained no apprehen- 
sions of an invasion being attempted last 
week, or this week ; for, indeed, they 
are so weak, their intelligence is so very 
bad, that, like childi^en intliedark, they 
are full of apprchen ions; but, I will net 
resign ihe o[)inion, which I la^t week ex- 
pressed, that they might set up the cry of 
'' wolf! wolf!" for the purpose of driving; 
nicnibers of jiarliament into the country, and 
for keeping in Uie country, such as are al- 
ready there. And, whatever other people 
may choose to believe, I beg the readers Qi 
the Register to be upon their guard against 
iinjiositioiis of this sort. During the pre- 
sent winter, a hundred tricks will be played 
off to amuse or to scare the public; to en- 
gage their allcnlion, to turn it from politi- 
cal lopi;;s, especially such as are connected 
wiih the conduct of ministers. These arts 
will not succeed for many months; but, my 
desire is, that they should not succeed for a 

day. 1 wish to see people, of all ranks 

and degrees, ready and resolutely resolved 
to defen.l llieir country, to repei and to 
chastise the foreign foej but I wish not to 
see Iheni the dupes of the weak or wicked 
men, whose niisronduct has exposed them 
to the inroads of thai foe. 

^S* The Vlli NuOlbrr of Ctbt>e:t't Parliamer.tary 
Dci.iiis is just publi<.hcil. It contains a correct 
aiui lull report of ilit (speeches of Mr. fox, Lord 
Cajlkrcagh, Sec. on the Army Estimates. 

I'nnted by Cox ami Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covenr 
Garden, vbwc fwjaicr Numbers tniy be h^idj sold abo by j. Budd, Cro«ii and Mine, rail-Mali, 


Vol. V. No. 2.] London, Saturdaij, \^th Januarij, 1804. 

[Price IOd 

*' It is impossible for any reflecting man not t;) entertain verr serious apprehensions as to the effects, 
*' wliicli m ly result from the deliberation'; of tliese armed bodies. F..icli has i:s staiidinj; commiruc, 
" and, upon extraordinary occasions, the wlioie corps is asscmMctl for the purpose of debating. Let 
" any rnan calcu ate, ii he can, the danger which miy arise from there lieinL; in tlie country four- 
*' teen or fifrcen hundred armed I'arliaments. From the dis-cussion of <>ne subject, ihcy will proceed to 
" the discussion of anothtr; till, in the end, the Parliament at U'estralnsitr wil not da'C to act 
" without :he consent of the Voiuntcct Phi lianicnts scattered all over the country. A fearful .state 
" of things is approacliiii,2, liniess tt>e Government instanily re.'olvcs to .lisb.uul every corps, ^v|lich 
" is under the rule of a Committee, and the niembcis ot which tliall ever, on any occasion, asstrn- 
" b!e for the puroose of debating, on any subject whatever."-- — Political Fves^istei, September lo, 
iSoj. Vol IV. p. 3S3. 




That tlif're is a tit-cessity for some revision 
of tlu Voluntrer System is now denied by 
no one, wlio has turned his atteinon to the 
SLibjfct, and who is not hostile, or total iy in- 
different, to the welfare ■ of Ins cotuiiry. 
The nature and degree of the changes to be 
made must depend upon the impressions, 
wk'ch experience shall have produced on the 
minds of the Farliainent and of his Majesty's 
ministers; but, in the meantime, it is by 
no means improper, and may not be alto- 
gether useless, for me to suggest such mea- 
sures as appear to me to be necessary to 
prevent the volunteer corps, who have been 
embodied and armed for the defence of their 
country, from further impeding, certainly 
against their will, the militaiy service of that 
couitry, and from be'ng eventuallv the in- 
nocent duse of subverting the throne ottlieir 
Sovereign, and with it, their own liberties 
and those of their children. 

Numerous are the causes, which will al- 
ways so operate as to render the volunteers 
tintit to perform the duties of soldiers ; but, 
it is not on the defects but on the da?igers of 
the system, that I now propose to offer a 
few observations to the public. Of these 
dangers, which are by no means few in 
number, those which seem to me to be of 
the greatest magnitude are such as hive 
arisen, and will arise, from tlve exemptions to 
which volunteers are entitled, and from the 
holding of commiUees and elections in the 

In consequence of an interpretation of the 
law\ assuredly contrary to the meaning of 
Parlidment, which interpretation has, how- 
ever, by a subsequent act, been fol'y sane 
tioned and confirmed, the volunteer corps 
arv become an asylum from the hardships of 
the militia ballots as well as those ot the 
army of reserve : so that, every member of 
a volunteer corps, by way of r.-ward fnr 
ijerforming about a hundred days exercise, 

for each of which days, be it remembered, 
he receives a soldier's pny, will obtain an 
exemption, for tive years, from tlie ballots 
of the militia and the; army of rr-serve. The 
impoverishment which these exemptions 
pioduce in the 01 her three descriptions of 
force scarcely needs poiuiing out: it has 
been, and is, but too visible in the returns of 
all the regiments and battalions in the ser- 
vice, whether regulars, reserve, or militia.* 
But this is a point on whicti it is not my 
present purpose to dwell. What I p?irticu- 
larly wish to call the public attention to, in 
this part of the subject, is, the discontent 
an.d consequent disatfcxlion, which, at no 
very distant period, may sri^e, from the 
hardship, wliich begins already to be severely 
felt, of furnishing tlie ballots for the militia 
and the army of reserve out of the few per- 
sons, comparatively speaking, who are no( 
now, bv one cause or anoihtr, exempted 
from the operation of those bailois. The 
volunteer exemptions have so redu(eJ the 
number of persons liable to bt* ballotted, that 
the burtl'ien is become very heavy on those 
who remain liable, and, it c.innot bat be 
p;iinful to reflect, that, such is the nature of 
the volunteer system, that it has thrown this 
burthen upon those persons, who are the 
least able to bear it. The moment it was 
discovered, that the volunteer corps had, ia 
their constitution, the virtue of exempting 

* The Surrey militia, first and stcond batralion 
togerhrr, ought to consijt of 2,ci3, but it 
d i"S even at this time, con^iist of no mi re than 
1 ,030, leaving a deficiency of 993, or almost one- 
\\a\ ! and this at the end of nine months! Of the 
army of re5tr\e, 1 ngUnd and Scotland were fo 40,000 men, AW'i we know, by tlie returns 
laid b fore Pnrljamtnt, ilut only i8,ooo of them 
hrfve been rai-^cd. And, as to t*he regular army, 
its recruitin:^ service, except as far as it has been 
kept moving by fhe armv of reserve, is absolutely 
ar A ftand, the whole, horse and tsot, not having 
recruited nine thousand effective men in nine 
months of war and ot preparation for war 1 


tlitir mcnibfrs from ibe chancr nf bfing 
obliged to pcrforro, or to pay '<jr, a doty 
fifty tinirs as great as that of serving as a 
volunteer, evt.y one wished to bfcome a 
voluiicac'r. Ji vas n.itural. Xo blame 
wintrvpr 3it3'.he^ to tiie persons thus pur- 
suing thflr intere'i! and their easr. The 
fault lay in the system, and not in the mo- 
tive-, if ihc person-, who were ;ic!ed upon by 
if, many of whom, it is also, right lo ob- 
serve, were led into the corps by motives of 
jiiibuc spiiiton'y. Upon Uie back of this 
can;e another evil. Kvery man* who was 
about to u,. ike one of a military a.ssocialion, 
natuniUy li^<:l sotne wi'-h a* to the sort ot 
pf:rs<Jiis who were to be his aNSociaics. 
Hencft a Sfleciiou took place j and, as the 
first foufidi-rs of caps were necessarily 
pfr>oni of pro|-rrty, the scUction was, as 
niiglit be fxpectcJ,such as to cxchide almost 
all who wtre neither the reiations, ilie 
friends, the servants, or the dt-pendants in 
sonit; way or other, ol the fonn.'.crs of ilie 
corps; au exclusion vvhich was likely to ex- 
tend lo, and wliich has oxtt-nded to, nearly 
all ilu" m;trtied journeymen, labourers, and 
cotiag'-rs in the kingdom, a description of 
persons, which, above all others, it is the 
duty of ih'' government to protect and to 
tlicrish Hfre, again, we have lo blame 
the systc;n, not ilie men. What is so na- 
tural as for a man to wi-h to have in the 
same corps with him, those whose company 
he beil likes out of the corps ? Whr-n he 
a favour to confer, an exemption to brStow, 
wIku is so n.'itural as for him to bestow it 
on lliuse lo whom he is aitaclicd by idiect'on 
or by interest ? On a son, for whom he 
would,, have to hire a substitute, 
pr on a servant, whom, otherwise, he must 
h-ee, or to uhom he nuist make a great ad- 
vance of vrng<'S ? Hut, however natural this 
partiali'y might be, and however excusable 
in the persons exercising it, no one will, I 
im.igine, vtnturc to say, t!, as to Its ope- 
ra.i.iU rti ninny of tiie persons excluded frotn 
llic v.or})>. it was not, and is not, bnrihen- 
soiiie in ilio extreme. Wiiy a self-created 
commitcc. or cvrn a commander of a coips, 
sliould pos-iC'S the power of admitting to ex- 
en p ions, or<if exclu'bng from exempticn', 
anil, cooj. ip.i niiy, of diinini^hing, or adding 
t , the bunlirns of wliomsoever ihey please, 
I can Sre luiilitr re-,i-on not; necessity ; I can 
Sec, in the arbi'rjry exercise of such a pow- 
er, nothing consonant tn ilic s; ; it or the 
letter of the volunteer Inw, or of any oihtr 
law of tins country. If, indeed, the volun 
X' merrly obiaincd a goo'i for khcmsidvps, 
V. i hout c.ui-in£T harm to .I'diers, ih«re might 
) 'i less ground for complaini ; but, as the 



case now stands, they not dnly exempt 
them<'cl\e- from the'on oi the ballots 
of t!.<». niilitia and of llie army of reserve, 
but iliey throw their sh^re of those bur- 
thens upon the poor and frirndless part of 
the p»*ople, in addition to what tliodc people 
alrr;<dy have tobenr! This never was ori- 
guially intended by cither the Parliament (jr 
the miniilers. It arose entirely out of the 
interpreiaii n of the law officers of the 
rrnwn ; and, though it has now been sam*- 
tioiied hy an act, let us hope, that, in the 
revision of the system, means will be pro- 
vided, if not to do away this source of ca'a- 
niity and di.iconicnt, at least, lo put a slop 
to ii-. further exfeniion. 

Tiie rule of cxcinj^tion give rise to another, 
not less dangerous in the consequences 
which it is likely te produce. Th3 law- 
officers of the crown, wlio seem, on this 
occnsion, to have been considered as law- 
givers, liaving exempted the volunteers from 
the operalioii of the ballots, found out a 
counterpoise for it in another interpretation, 
to wit, that no volunteer could, after being 
duly enrolled, quit his corps, without the 
consent of his commanding officer. On ihcy founded cither thi* or the before- 
mentioned interpretation, we are, as yet, 
quite uninformed ; but, without being very 
minute in our inquiries as lo this point, wc 
may venture to assert, that, if the rule which 
they have laid down v.'iih respect to men not 
quilting their corps, be aitempteJ to be ad- 
hered to, not only th" corps but the courts 
of juitice and the v,'h< le counlry will, before 
nuny nion;hs love pa>scd over our heads, 
be thrown into confusion. The case of Mr. 
Dowlry of the Surrey Volunteer Cavalry lias 
been dftermiued, by the magistrates at 
Union Hall, against the defendant, who 
quittrd the corps, without the consent of his 
comniaiiding t tficer, and whose fines on ac- 
count of absence amountcl to 5 1. 2 s. He 
refused to pay these tines ; a was 
made upon his goods, which he refused to 
redeem, anii which vere, in consequence, 
sold by publif- auction ; and, it is stated in 
(he public prints, that the mf rits of the de- 
cision and seizure will be brought btfore. 
th- Court of K'n;;".s Bench, in the shape of 
an action for an ilitgil it-siriint. Similjv 
disputes exist, and similar actions are brew- 
ing in every part of the country. At the 
quarter sessions, held in and for the town of 
Colche-ter, on liie V^lli instant, a compl.iint 
was, it seems, preferred by a Secretary of a 
Vohmtcer Corps, against a Air. I.loyd, a 
member of the said corps, on grounds simi- 
lar to those of tl-.e complaint against Mr. 
Dowlry, and the dccij.c;i appears lo have 

37] J A N U A 

been siaillar also, Mr. Lloyd expressing his 
resolution to bring the matter into the Coat t 
of King's Bench, The pub ic prints slate, 
that, as to the corps at Colchester, " very 
** serious disputes had, for some time, prc- 
" vjiled amongst the members, 
" ^iuitb some acts of ^uiolence. Much time 
" elapsed in the discussion of this business j 
" great iv:irmlh appeared occasionally on 
" both sides ; and the court was, at one 
" time, most indecently and shamefully in- 
" terrupted by a violent clapping and shoul- 
" in^, at some observations made by the I 
*• counsel for the defendant." * For mo- 
liesty's sake, for decency's sake, let us no j 
longfjr use the name of Wuw/f^^r / Volun- ! 
teers, who are kept in their corps by the ! 
terrors of the laiv ! How will this fact sound ! 
in the ears of foreigners, whetlier friends or ' 
enemies? Will it cieate us alliances, and i 
will it damp the hopes of our foe ? Will it j 
induce the world to believe, that we can 
make good the manly declaration which the I 
Comminder in Chief made to the London j 
"Volunteero at the Review, tint " they would ! 
" enable their country to hurl back the 
" threats of the insolent enemy ?" Volun- 
teers held in the service of their country by 
the terrors of the law.' yet, I blame not the 
mefi, but the system, which forces them for- 
ward in so ridiculous a light : it is not Ban^ 
nister that we laugh at, but Scrub. 

As if, however, there were not already 
quarrelling and litigation enough, Mr. Pitt 
calls for hardt-r exercise, tighter rules, and a 
more summuy mode of levying fines I 
What mode he will devise more summary 
than that of a legal distress of goods and 
chattels I know not, unless he should pre- 
vail upon Parliament to authorise the com- 
manding ofHcers of corps to levy in virtue 
of their own order instead of a warrant, and 
by the aid of a detachment of soldiers in- 
stead of the constable, or sheriff; that is to 
say, unless a foraging or marauding sy-item 
should, in this respect, be made to supercede 
the law of the land ; but, let me remind 
Mr. Pitt, that even foragers and marauders, 
tliough armed as well as heart could wiih, 
■would not be able to levy upon a man who 
should happen to have no goods or chattels 
to levy upon. Indesd, tiiis circumstance 
must DOW, where it exists, always be a bar to 
punishment, and as it does very frequenily 
exist, such a mode of punishment is unequal 
and unjust in its operation, and ought to be 
entirely abolished. How, then, will you 
keep the men in their corps ? By Uieir own 

* I quote, here, tlte ministerial paper, the Morn- 

lEg i'c-y,, oi [be iith ijjstaat. 

R Y 14, 1804. [98 

good will, or not at all. Let them no longer 
be entitled to exemptions, and no longer be 
obliged to remain in their corps; let the 
terrors of the law induce them neither to 
enter nor to remain ; then they will be wor- 
thy of the name of Vo'unteers, and tliere 
Will always be two hundred thousand of 
them, at least, embodied, and fitter for ser- 
vice than they are now. If they cannot 
If-ave their corps, or absent thsm-rlves from 
its duties, w t'lout the permission of their 
c mi.manding officer, they are cnUiied to all 
intents and purp )ses, ex:ept a* lar as relate.* 
to punishment, which is inflicted upon their 
purse instead of upon their back.* They 
are enlisted, and, if they have any property, 
it may all b; taken from ihem by di^tre^s, 
morsel by morsel, till they are in a situa- 
tion to laugh at the'r ofiicers and the magis- 
trates too ! Did the world ever before v/it- 
ness a system like this } 

Tht whole oi Xht persons, who are now 
in the volunteer corps, cannot remain there, 
without producing very great distress, not 
to say ruin, to a considerable portion of 
them. One half of the membe s of volun- 
teer corps are smdl tradesmen, and o'her 
persons affected by such service, in the sa liC 
manner as small tradesmen are. To such 
men ab:ience from their busiiit-ss is sure 
to bring them into decay, and, with them, 
the first step of decay is not far from the 
last step of rain. Their little ticklish affairs 
are kept up by unremitted exertion, and by 
such exertion a'one. The least relaxation 
brings them down and reduces them to 
atoms. At first they did not feel the incon- 
venience and injury of this alienation from 
their business : they saw in the service no- 
thing nearly i-o builhen-ome as the militia 
or army of reserve ; the th ng was new and 
fashionable ; the national rcsfcuiment against 
the enemy was in its youth and vigour j 
and, they entered the volunteer ranks under 
the combined influence of interest, novelty, 
and enihusiasm. When the two latter are 
completely worn aw ly, and wh-n the first 
is found to have been more than counter- 
balanced by losses an I exociises arl->ing from 
the service, can any mm believe, that the 
parties will patiently remiin iti th-ir cnps .' 
Will not distress upon distress of goods and 

* If the newspapers are to be believed they 
hav'i, hoivcver, lieen very near to tiie backs of 
their >ir;<'« /'^ vs.' Tliese little I'ellows aie, peihaps, 
really inlisred in the regular service, and, of 
course, are subject to marnal la*v. Rut are the 
volunteer officers duly authorisd to sii on courts 
mar.ial, luitmHt being tlumnlv^^ nn isr )Hi--tiul laxu? 
Never was there such a tna:,s lA iiicougruidcs uui 




clutt:li tike p. ic'f . till the pcrsonn tluis vrx 
cd ami luimiliiicil will bccotnc very mi- 
mcroii'j ? Atul will not these pcMons coiii- 
nmiiicatc their liiscontents In oth'^rs? And 
will not thr coiiscciucncc 9ntin be discoDlfiit 
almost ^eiicr;'.!, e pr^ially if, at the linir; to 
wli'ch I am looking for'vnr.l. the whoh^ 
vt ighl of the war taxe*, with an arn^tr of 
the incoaie-tax, shoulJ come to i!»e aid of 
the cnib\rra«sm( nts nri>ini; from thf volun- 
teer vcrvicT ? I would SLriou>.ly n.'ik Mr. Pitt, 
M'lK'tlicr ho inia£;in'S. thnt, under circuni- 
•tances thi-se, which I here ani'cipat-. 
persons will be cniiifjc//,-({ to rem.iin, and 
give tiioi^- aitendjiico in volunteer eori)S r 
Jf. at ihe end of three nionths, wc fnid njfii 
generally tired nf the service; if we. Iv-'d 
them, at tlie end of three deliohtfol auinnv 
nal monihs, sotTrrinp; their {^oo U and chnt- 
X.h to be di.<,trainfd j if we find tlieir>, in 
every (^nailer of ll)e couiitrv, di-putin;^ and 

" — — Qijarrelino; fr>r A ftrav?, or fc.ithc, 
*' And wi>ri'iLriii^ iiiw ilicy c.imc liJj;cliU'r ;'' 

if Vv'c fitid them lh"s a!r«?a<!y, what arft we 
to expect at llie end of lwc!ve or e'ghte^n 
months?* People in ea^v circnn»i>iHnc'S 
may spare, for ye.irs together, a portion of 
their liine for militiry exrrci^e ; but saiall'sn'en never can, without briiiu'ig nnii 
Ti|v.)n liieir fiuiidts ; and, this sort or ruin, 
v.hcn it comes to bo prctly regularly, ihooeh 
llnnlv, spread over a con-iiry, is. in the 
v.oik of revolrilion, the nio«'t powerful of 
all causes. rvlen in emb.irrassed ci Cum- 
stances, f eq«eiiiJy seek for, and are .d•,v;(y^ 
f:ljd to m<«'twiih, a chiinge in the govern 
Mtelit ) towhicli, ill such case, they never 
fail to impute ihrir n-Lsforinnts. To a 
debtor, who haa no prospect qf reUef, 

♦ How (icnci;ii the non-alfcn'tancc in ilic Sur- 
TCy Volunteer Cavalry whs, «t> rmm a-, tin? a^il nf 
^epttmSer, wii! ^ppt;ll■ fr;)ni tlic ci<r/t/,i: Itlicr nf 
Catt CoLLiNonoN, dated on day : — *• Sic," 
•iv; h';, •' .so litt't a'tcntion living hecn oli-erv- 
•• cd by many in 'iviilii;ils of t'lr troop to niv Ict- 

" Icr of tIjC l'i:i\ lif AU)». .(Htl -S reg,ir,l pniil r-> the 
" licre.i p'/.li^t li-nfr/t vu ff^rf,{ (,fi ti.t muMrr t:ll, it is 

" a duty. I o«ve not only to those pinJlctncn who 
'• hive .^ivtri nic th'.ir Ciii)<t:nit attrniljiwc on 
" the d.tys ippoirT'ccI for tlrill and exeici'c ; hut 
" a'»(» to !\is ff,ij-?ty. who entrusted nic witii .t 
"' C'>mnii»si:)n to f^isciplinc the cmp;, to sl.iic in 
" pl-^iii terms, ihat wiilioi.: consent altendantc 
• my cndc.ayou-s will p'ovt fruitless ; .ind tlicrr- 
' toic f-w; gtnticm.Tn who does not attend one 
'■ <)l' the innrninr drills, and also TluiisdHy in 
" evciy weel', 'or one month to cotic. will rc- 
" cei'c h:* <li.-nkiiS4!." I'his vas a ei<:ui,ir .id- 
ilrc.-ed to c"ciy ruerobcr of tlic cnpi; .iml, it 
r.iiyci.'lyb- ijaa^ined, thai the Ctpi/in found 
himself with 1 very small tioop, bcfoic he Issued 
^m:\\ .1 j'aper. 

noih'iig shoit of a dr;*truction of the la^v 
presents an elleotual remedy ; and, there- 
fore, it i« st.y unwise to snt!^"er, it you 
can prevent if, the existence of any 
cause, which fr-nds to the crefl'irsf of such 
dtblors; csjjeci dly in a c.i-ntrj' where to 
be in debt i", according to the measure of 
the \a\\\ to be almost % rrimttial. So ftr. 
however, is Mr. Pitt fro.ii dreading }.uy 
elTect of thin sort, that he wi<he-. the 
volunteers, antl the f^m-A\ iradesuicn, of 
four'^e, amongst the rc'-t, to be kept oat at 
diiU three times as much a? they "re no-.v ! 
Qui of ilirer liundred and sixrj'-live day- hi; 
wishes the:ie pe pie to be employed sixty miliinry eserci-e ! | hive been accts- 
fom.etl to reg »rd Mr. Pitt as a wise nan ; 
but wh-.n I think of this prfpo-jii'io ; whsn 
1 connider th.n it applies to -lOO.OOO men in 
arms and not ur.der martial Irtv/ ; when I 
view it in d' tail ; when I pirsue it through 
thf^ tni'erirs, iho pains and pennlties, of its 
exci'Utio/i, and the .dnsost cert^n h«rrof> nf 
it-* consi qnencc-s. 1 Ciinrift but a'k tnysc'f, 
is th\^ \\v- vi-duni that will iivc ify 
country .' 
! Grf-at. Inwevcr, as are the dnnsfcrs here 
I pointed out, tlioy shrink into n( thingness at 
j the appearnnce o( those, winch are to bo 
i apprt bended from th»- iiui'inous, dfiMcra- 
I nzuig. tind r(b'Hion> tendencv of the riMt- 
vtUliCi and other delih^^iative bodies, npprr-. 
taining to vohnitecr corps, and consifiin^ of 
its nientbrrs, or of other p'r^ot-.s, having an- 
thority e.r inHufncc in thnsf corp*.- 'J he«e 
fomniittecs cer aiiily originated in no rvil 
de-iign : ih^'y'y gT'-v,- otit of the ?;ys- 
tern, wlilcli, instead of lirst providing com- 
manding officers, and authorizing them lo 
rollert their rorp"!, provided ho //»•</</ rt/ <;// ; 
but callc'.l iipou tlte people lo assemble, and 
to foint and orgniiize //'(V;/v/rrji into com - 
p;'.nirs and balialion<i, 1 hev dsd *o, and 
\v!:o can wonder at the wild woik thry 
niadf ? Who can wonder, that, in ibe whole 
fifieen hiuidr<d vi>)u'.)trer corps, there are 
scarerlv any two. which are govt rned by the 
satne rules and ri-gulations ? Who can won- 
der at fhr cstahisiiment of committees and 
suh-c.otiint'l'i?v'«, and v ho can wor.der that 
these commiitees, after having cho>en the 
olficors of the corp-, continue to possess and 
to exfrci-se all tite po»ver, tendering the offi- 
ces merely their agen'r, ? The gnvernmer;t 
c.Tlled upon the Unaby, the paliiotism, an-l 
l!ie zeal of the penj-h- : all these ilif'y found 
in abundance; but all th'Se, without know- 
ledge, without a wise and uniform system, 
were likely to produce, and they have pro- 
duced, more Iiarm than good. The people 
were told^ that^ by forming ili-jmsvlvta iiiio 



Volunteer corps, thiey would be able to de- 
fend and to avenge tht:ir country. Forth 
they instantly started ; and, finding); no lea- 
der», no hea i, nobody to direct ihc'ii, no 
luiids to defray any of the expenses ot tlieir 
associalion, they proceeded, as they had beta 
accustomed to proceed in matii'is ot" trade 
ilnd comme rce^ to select tiom ti;e lirst groups 
tJiat avseaible, certain pcjsons to devise and 
prepare such rules of conduct as were, in 
tlieir opinion, best calculated to promote the 
chjtcis in view. The rales, which werr-. the 
reivult of the deliber.uions of tlie per-ans 
thus selected, were, of course, .subsiiitted ti^ 
the consideration of all ihe parties that w^re 
to be atiected thereby , and ihey wcr ■, of 
course, approved of, or not, according to the 
Will of the majiirity. Hence arose, entirely 
lor want of commanding officers ready ap- 
pointei by governi-Dcntj the dangerous sys- 
tem of committees, which already threa.ens 
to extend its baneful influence over every 
species of pubiic authority. 

Thjt the persons, who, at lirst composed, 
and who, at present, compose, the coiunut- 
tees, are perlectly well atfected to this our 
Isappy form ot gcAcrimient, I tntettain no 
doubt at all ; but, I am by no means ce tain, 
tjiat such persons will, six months hence, 
compose the committees ; and, besides, who 
does not know, that men are changed by 
congregaf ng together, and particularly when 
there is amongst ihcm a content for the pos- 
session of power } The constitution of Lord 
Chetu'vnd's corps, lias not, perhaps, been 
gcnsraliy ad.,pted j for, m was before ob^ 
.seixed, scarcch,' ;my two corps arc governed 
by the same rules 5 but, that someihing vcvy 
much like it exists in ahuost every volunteer 
c )rps of infantry is too notorious to be dis- 
puted ; and, that a syslem of government 
liiioie rep.ublican and detnocratic never yet 
appeared in the world, will certainly not be 
denied, by any. one who has considered the 
nature and tendency of its provisions. A 
system, from the highest to the lowest of- 
fice, nay, from the colonel to the privates, 
Completely elective ; a system, where he who 
br.i!is the name of commander, is governed 
by those who ougliL to obey him; where 
tiiere are deliberations, discussions and vot- 
ijigs. in sub-divisions in grand division>j and 
finally, in the who!« society, or corps 3 a 
system, the connecting principles of whicli 
are, iiuh.ed, so much like those of the Cor- 
jT.sponding Societies, that one can scarcely 
believe them not to have originated v>ith 
some one, who had been in the liabit of pe- 
rusing tiie rules and regulations of that dan- 
gerous combination. A distinction has been 
{jiade between cummitiees transacting the 

1-4, J 804. [42 

mere pecuniary concerns of their corps, and 
coniiiiittees meddling in the duties and 
powers belonging naturally to the comraaiid- 
iug otiicer; an J, it was asserted by Mr. 
Hiley Addington, in reply to jMr, Wiiid- 
haui, that the committee of which he had 
spoken, was a " solitary imtancc." J have, 
since that time, mentioned several oiheir 
corps governed bv such committees; and, 
in the last sheet of the preceding volume, T 
gave a full account of the composition and 
powers of a committee, to which the Lord 
ClKincellor belongs. If we could obtain se-r 
curiiy, that the distinction between cora- 
mittces having none but pecuniary powers 
and committees of another sort would be 
practically preserved, there would certainly 
he less objection to the committees, ti,oiigh 
it would still be too great to be overcome; 
for, who :ver has the p.ij.' of a corps at \\h 
disposal will, especially in difficult atid dan- 
gerous times, soon have the corps itself at his 
command. But, there can be no such se- 
curity as is here spoken of ; there is no 
ground for believing, that the distinction is, 
or ever can be real and that every coin- 
niittecjwhalever be its ostensible object, how- 
ever iiKjdest its title or pretensions, does not, 
and will not, as long as it is permitted to 
exist, in any shape whatever, meddle, either 
directly or indirectly, in all the affairs of the 
corps, whether civil or miliUiry, It will be 
readily conceived, that I myself cannot very 
easily come at authentic documents, whereby 
\.o provs the correctness of statements of this 
sort ; yet, I have now before n-.e scveraT 
such docnmsnts, from which I shall select 
two: to wit; sets of lesolutions made and 
publishr-d by the committees of the Bristol, 
and of the 91 h regiment of London, volun- 
teers. The former is as follows: — " The 
" (.onnnltuc of the Boyal Bristol volunteer 
'* regiment of infantry, anxious to promote 
" the welfare and good character of the 
'■' corps, and impressed with the absolute 
" nece->sity of every individual being thc- 
" roughly acquaint!..d with the duties of the 
'• sevcra I stations in which the voice of his bro- 
" thc'rs in arms may have called him, liave, 
" with t!»; sanction of the field ofHcers, passed 
" Ihe subjoined regulations.— The comrnhice 
"■ trust that the regiment will see, that they 
" can li;ive no motive in proposing thae 
" rules, but a wish to render their fellow 
" soldiers valuable to their country, and to 
" enable them effectually to second the re- 
'*■ gular military in struggling for those 
" rigtits, which have ever been the pride of 
" Englishmen, and which we have pledged 
" oar honours to preserve sacred and in- 
" violate. -They are sorry to notice, that 



'• fcveinl g<r.ll(ir<n are deficient in the 
" knowledge ritlie exercise, which 
" c?n oly arise luni thf)T Inqutnt alsi iicc 
'• frcni parade. 'J liry be g leave, however, 
" to remind ih<ni, ili:it this i"» a veiy ferions 
" evil, as it not ml} occasion dr nys and 
" inco ivtn'tnce on oid-nary drills ni-d field 
" days, but wculd, in ilic huor of iiial, ren- 
" der ihtin norc dangerous lo their com- 
*' tadcs ih;in loiniidiiblc to ilu fnen:y. 'Ihe 
*' Icstrtnudy for this will be, in the lirst 
" in^t;lnre, pri\a'p in<;triiction at iheirM\e- 
" ral lursrs, rnd afiei wards colleoiively, 
" witli OS mary as the corps, as can 
" niently at'nid to form a parly for that 
" purpose. — I'list : \hc iovri:t/i:e tiiTing n- 
'• loii.vuvd.d to the field 'JJicirs of the rcgi- 
'• oent, the piopiitty of having the ccm- 
*' missiorcd ird rcn-ccnmiissioned r ff.iu.s 
•' tiller I ubli ly or priviitc'y drilled by il.c 
"adjutant ?i)d s( rjenntnnjor. Colcntl 
" Baillic and the field cf^icers, wlio were 
" present, re()iui.trd the chaiin-an lo signify 
" their .-!p]H<ibaiit n of tiic nbo\c rtci n:n cn- 
*' dation ; and, in c( nsequeice, it luns r<- 
" sckcd, that siuli di ills be in-mrdiciK ly in- 
" stinted ivice tvtryvctk, till, by a 1)10- 
" KAigh ViK wiedge ot their duty, tl.rir In- 
" aiieidaiue n\ny be di^pcns* d with; 
'* i);e foirrcr, under fire of fne >hilliri;s 
" f( r cad) not) a'teiMlr.nrc, and tie Jniur 

'* fc'econd'y, tli^t lie 

•' rule against langhing or talking in the 

" rarks be siritily attended to ; rnd the 

"' gentUnicn in the ranks are particularly 

" re<]urstcd to be aidirg and assisting their 

" cfhctrs by rcpcrting tlie transgressors, ihe 

" fines for which, the cfficcrs will recei\e 

" on the spot ; and the non-ccn missioi r d 

" ( fhct rs are lo be particularly -watthful 

" f( r il e si:ppressi(.n of such i;r.soldier-like 

" conduct, ilie bane of all di'-cipline. - ■ 

" Thirdly, that any soldier, w licse ramrod 

" remains in the barrel upon hinging liis 

" musket to the recover, preparatory 10 

'• tiring, wliile en duiy, or shall have ac- 

" tually fired it r f 1", shall be bubjrct to be 

" Tejriw undid hy the cdv.viittic, and pay 

" such fine to rhe rcgimeuiaJ find as tbiy 

" .shall | rc.|;er to ciiforcc, not exccfd- 

" irg the si m of five guineas. — And, as 

*' very .-erifus consequences have lately en- 

" fued, in other parts of the kingdom, frcm 

" two cBriridges having been discharged at 

" once. It is rrsoivcd, ii;iif anv g-nt'enian. 

" who sliall Irad hi.s musket v.ith miTe than 

" one cartridge, and not fall into the rerr, 

" tci draw the same, shall be subject to such 

" fine OS (hr injuniJfn- shall direct, thr sum 

" not exceeding three guineas,— IVurthly, 

" that from the extreme tliftcuTtv of ascer- 

' tainingthe fne<! of absentees frofn pafade, 

• it ii Ttivlved, that no verbal excuse lor 
' ron-allendance be sufficient ; and those 
' gtiiiUmen, who might be oblige d lo ab- 

• >enl ihc niselves w ill hignily such by letter, 
' which thcv vsill causr to bt* delivered (o 
' their ten inanding officer, before the con- 

• elusicn of the roll-calling of their lesjfc- 
' live ernipanies, which leilers, the cc m- 

' m^indii g ( fficers rf companies are lequest- 
' ed to filr, in order thai they nvy le j ro- 

• dreed every month, or ofrener if required^ 
" with thr account of the tines re-turned by 
" the Serjeants. — And, as several gerillenien 
" have experienced great incenvenience 
" fre m the non-attendance cf oiherc.who 
" have bern wari;ed f e r gui'rd, ihv uvi- 
" imttre, for ih.e better regulation of their 
'' attcndarice in future, tave resolird, iJiat 
" any member of ibis corps, wlio may rt- 
" eeive .such notice, and not con])ly ihere- 
" will), shall be regularly warned for each 
" succeeding guard, and be liable lo the ac- 
" customed tine for each default, until his 
" guard be completed ; the only excu«^e, in 
" this case, will be such sickness as wculd 
*' iucapaciiate him frcm doir g iiis duty, of 
" which a certificate from a rrtdical «;» n- 
•' tlcman shall be deli\ered to the ecu- 
" nianding e l?icer of his ccn'p?ny, < n fhe 
'■ n.e rning preceding ihe day lor which he 
" is warned, and no verbal excuse will be 
" admitted j but it is, however, clearly un- 
" derstood, ll)at eveiy gentleman has fi.e 
" power of exchanging guard, which will 
" exempt him frcm the above regulst'on.— 
" Fifthly J as in a .^oidier the crime of 
" druiikenncss, sleeping upon, or quitting 
" his j'o^t when c>n guard, are e\ils of the 
" greatest magnitude, the field officers, un- 
*• der ihcj ce nviction that ai-y individual, who 
*' may he guilty of any of these crincs, is 
" unworthy a post in the regiment, /"^tr re- 
" solved, that such person shall be bre «ght 
" before the ccmmiitce, Kiho ihall laie the 
" poKver to inquire into such curiduet, and if 
" it shall appear that there is a cause fi r 
" a court martial, that part of the Act of 
" the AZA of his present Majesty, shall 

" be nio<^t strictly carried into ellect 

" (Signed) Hfnry S>:iti?, Chairman;"' 
anci clateil, " Con-.miltc<r-rooni, r-th Dec. 
'• 1F03.''— — Here we -Jpe, thatthetem- 
ir.ilter is every thing, anJ tlic Con:inardirg 
Olhrcr nothing. 1 lie conin.itlcc do, in- 
deed, rercnimei.d lo ihe I'ield Olhcers; 
but, a". Coldsniith sa}?, the recomnienda- 
lions of superior $a\our strongly of com* 
pKinds J and, we observe, occe>rdinglv, that 
the con rpiilee '* lewke" liint iheir Ttamnien' 
Jatims siiall be acted upon. Tl ey r-esoUe, 

A 1 }!'.'• ('.*- 



J A N U A R Y U, 1804. 

that the men sliall be present j that they 
shall be drilled, and where thev shall be 
drilled, and how tliey shall be drilled, and 
hovv they shall be punished, if it appears /o 
t/iem, the committee, that puniihment ought 
to be inflicted. In short, the regiment is 
uader aw other control than thatot a club; 
a self-created, self-willed club; a club, 
composed, I dare say, of very good, very 
loyal, and very zealous men ; their resolu- 
tions evince the strongest zeal; but, a club 
unknown to (he la\T, uriiing, as was before 
slated, out of the nature of the volunteer 
system, but a club which may, esj^ecially 
when it comes to be otherwi'ie composed, 
become an engine of destruction. — • — Tiie 
other document, which I have alluded to, 
is in the following words. — '* At a meeting 
" of the military committee of the 9th regi- 
" ment of London Volunteers, held 
" at Fishmofiger's Hail, on the 5th of Ja- 
" nuary, i8of. Lieutenant Colonel Han- 
" key in the chair. Resolved: That 
" this comiiiittce are decidedly of opinion, 
*' that the attendance required of any mcm- 
*' ber of ti)e gth regiment, is not more than 
" can be alforded by every one, without 
" interferi.ig >.vith business, so as to pro- 
" duce the smallest inconvenience ; more 
" particularly v^licn the means of obtaining 
" exemption, f trany person under peculiar 
" pressure of circumstances, are taken into 
*' consideration. They feel it, therefore, 
"their duty, to confirm the regulations for- 
" merly adopted ; and to assure the Com- 
*' manding Oiiicer, that they \n''}X supficrt the. 
" colkctiotKjf t'lc fines; in vvbicl'i they are con- 
" fident he wiW be assisted by every I'^ell- 
*' dispised person of the regiment. — They 
** trust, that no mem.ber would be so for- 
" getfal of his duty, and so inattentive to 
*' the credit of the regiment, as to require 
" a public exposure; yet, as they are con- 
*' fident^ that the more the regulations are 
" considered, the more their moderation 
*' will be apparent; they do not hesitate 
*' to recommend, that every power should be 
♦' used to enforce the collection of such 
" fines as have been, or may be incurred. 
" — They beg to point out to the Com- 
** manding Clficer, that there are still se- 
" veral members,, who, hiving enrolled 
** themselves as volunteer^, have not yet afi- 
^'' peatid at any muster of the corps ; — that it 
" would now be ratlier a detriment to the 
" regiment than a benefit, that they should 
" join. They submit it to his considera- 
" lion, that some measures should be taken, 
** which shall eiiher compel them to qualify 
•* for tbeir dulv; or that thty should be 
*' dismissed ^roai the legiment, in such 


" manner as m:iy appedr rriost proper to 
" him. It may, however, be fairly stated, 
" that they are by no means exempt from 
" blame, for not having .fulfilled their en- 
" gagements, neither can they expect to 

" be so coniidered. That the Comrait- 

" tec are of opinion, that the money ta 
" arise from the collection of the fines, 
" should be applied in the formation of a 
" fund for aiding and. assisting such mem- 
" bers, or the families of such members of 
" the regiment, as n]ay from time to time, . 
" by unforeseen accident, or by illness, be 
" brought into a situation to have occasion 
*' for such assistance. That theadminis- 
" tration of this fund shall be in a secret 
" C;w.Vi///fcof the Field OtScers, and four pe:r< 
" sons from the different wards, all of wlioru 
" are enjoined secrecy, as to any ap[)'ica- 
" tiou which may be made tu them ; -oihat 
" every deserving man, or his family, may 
" receive assistance, without anv further 
" exposure than such as is absolutely ne- 
" ces.<;arv for the examination of tlie claim. 
" — That this secret Committee consist, in 
" addition to the Field Officers, of, Mr. 
" Stiinger, Monument yaid, Mr. Jone.s^ 
" Fisii Street Hill, Mr. W. C. Knowlys, 
" Mincing Lane, Mr. Joseph Re)nolds, 
" Idol Lane/' — —Thus, after sub-com- 
mittees, ordinary committees, grand com- 
mitteesj and open commiLtees, out comes a 
secret committee ! Was theie ever such con- 
fusion r Such a mixture of the ludicrous and 
the dreadful.' 

When men meet in committees, or other 
bodies, for the purpose of deliberation and 
debate, it is in vain to attempt to setiimiLs 
to their discussions : they will deliberate 
on any thing, and on every things in which 
they are, or imagine they are, interested. 
We have seen enough of what they can do 
in their corps ; and, we shall, I fear, ere 
long, see wi:h what faciliiy the committees, 
or other deliberative bodies, of different 
corps, can co.mmunicate and co-operate 
with each other. We have, indeed, al- 
ready seen a meeting convened, by public 
adveriisement, consisting of Dckgates fro.n 
several volunteer corps, inand, ;ound the 
metropolis. The object of this meeting 
was, to provide a fund in aid of the families 
of such volunteers as might be injured by 
accidents happening while at exercise; an 
object not only perfectly harmless but lau- 
dable in itself: but, if the vcjlunteer-com- 
mittee-men could thus afiiliate for one pur- 
pose, so they could tor another; iftoraisti 
a fund for one object, so to raise a fund for 
another object; and, if to raise a fund, so 
thev could to addie.Sb the kintr to remove his 




general*, or Ms inii'.i«ler«, or lo make peace, 
or, in iiurt, to do anj. oflit-r thing, which 
t'.iey Uiight \Mkh to h:!V»- done. Are v\e 
told, thai they could dd this, \vh<.'tlier there; 
were uiu volur.tcfr i-orp>, or ji-i? The an- 
swer is, that the \oluiitecr toips e"itablj-.h- 
nient has viiiually repealtd the stdj- 
ticu. na-elinp act; and, Irt it never be 
for^(<iteii, tliat bodies t-f men, whom the 
governmciU niij^hl laugh at, as long as iliey 
ronirtiiicd unarnied, bicumc lormidnblc the 
instant lh;U aini^ are put into thfir hand>. 
1 he liutli of lhi> observation will he que.'.- 
tionedbs no I no, w hohas |>ercc-ivedihe 
ror, in whicii l.i> Majesty 's niinrstcrs have, 
during the nrtscnt session i>t' parliament, 
sj/dkcn of Inc volunletr-corps. Mca>uies 
wcie j)ri)poscd for rendering the coips 
ir.o;c tfficieiit, and for preventing liie dan- 
gers to be ap[ rehonded from the coni- 
nitlccs and ()lhei parts of the system. 
\Vh.jt was their reply? Not lliat the 
liu-usures were unwise, not tlrat (hey were 
unjust, or inexpedient, but, that their 
ai!<)pli<Mi nii^ht " give olience to the 
*' gentlemen of the volunteer corps !" The 
Chanr< llor of thr. Exilirqncr, the King's 
Prin.e IMinisifr^ said Jic wished to " consult 
" {hf fecihii^a of those grntleincn/' and was 
" afraid c.^^ ttraining ihe .string i(;o tight !" 
I'he natural ronsi qut nee has loUowrd : the 
vuhnteers have grown bold ; I mtan the 
tJiuught'ess and iuiolt-nt amongst tlieni j and 
we havi; already sttn writers, under the 
WJiXwe ci voluiiders, taking liberties, vhich, 
under any olhtr iharacter ihty never would 
have thought cf takins.^, and if they had, 
cause for repentance would h.tve speedily 
fullfAV' d. One of lliem has publicly calltd 
upon his " brothers in arms," in no very 
unintelligible way, lo take vengeance on a 
.Member of Parliament for liaviiig disap- 
proved of thtir institution, and particularly 
for having objected to it on account of its 
d( inocratital and rt volutiuuary tendency. 
Wr h.ivc also .seen a \\ riier of the .same de- 
scrijJtion, asking, vhelher the volunteers 
" would Shjlr" such and such persons to 
be ministers I It wiil, perhaps, be said, 
that these insolent writers are not real vo- 
lunteers, a Uiime which has been assumed 
merely to answer a jmrpose. It may be so ; 
but wliat was the purpose lo be answered } 
Evidently lo give weight io the thing writ- 
ttn, and to iTitim'ulate the persons written 
ag.iinst ; and this i.., the very circumstance 
th;)l establi-hes my position, to wit, that the 
volinteers arc already become formidable to 
t!;e state, without their wishing so to be, 
.:nd even without lliiir being at .ill consci- 
ous of the fact, "\^'Jl3l, let luc ajk, would 

be said of writings like those which I have 
n.eutioned, if appearing under the signa- 
ture ot a ioldier iif ibv tegular army > If a 
writfrr under such a signature w^re lo re- 
commend to h'i comraiics lo take lungeance 
on Mr. hfTidait, for instance, for liaving 
spoken and wriiteu slightingly of the arniy, 
or were to notify that the army would not 
iujj'er i>uch or suih ptrtons lo be m.ii.isten:, 
wiil it be bclievrd, that any ne\\<-p:'per edi- 
tor would venture to pnrit hi!» production .' 
And, if it \vrie to be printed, uould not 
the printer and all the pait o- contetned be 
most severely pim.shcd ? "Why this differ- 
ence, thrn } Why docs nohody dare e\tn 
to talk of pnni<>hing the i-cililidus and san- 
guinary publicaiions that C'inc fonh under 
the signature of a volutiUir ? ^Vbat but 
the terror, which that naiiic has aheady in- 
spiicd, can have produced this glaring par- 
tiality ? \N hat is a regular soldier moie 
than a man aimed with a firelock and a bayo- 
net .' And is not a volunteer the same? 
\\'\\y should the latter, then, be indulged 
in the use of menacing liinguage more than 
the former ? Why are not sentiments deli- 
vered by the latter as criminal in themselves 
and as dangerous in tin ir tendency as the 
same ^entinjcnts delivered by the former ? 
The truth is, disguise it how we may, the 
shameful truth is, that this ditJcience of 
feeling towards the volunteers and tow.trds 
the icguhu's, arises, not from any jealousy 
that is entertained of the latter, but ficm 
the fear, which both the people and ihf go- 
vernnient, but particularly the government, 
begin lo entertain of the former; who, by 
the means of their .subscriptions, their hand- 
bill.s, their adverti.'-ements, their paragiaphs, 
thtir spcech.cs, and their letters, but, above 
all, by their Meetings and Committees, arc, 
without intending or perceiving it, fast 
growing into a new older in the state. Thiv 
aie, in fact, as I have before dcscribtd 
thcni, a T-cw jfsjjir ; a pover unknown to 
the laws of England, and much too strong 
to be governed by those laws. 

In order to ]iu.-h forebodings like these, 
we are sometimes reminded, that in, and 
at, and about these Commilte-es and Meet- 
ings, and at the head oi all the corps, are 
the nobility and gentry of the country. 
But, tlie Commit tees are constantly changing 
their members ; and whoever gives himself 
time to relicct on the motives, by w2i:ch 
the parties arc intluenccd, will readily allow, 
that, at every remove, the body, be it great 
or small, will receive a fresh infusion of the 
spirit of democraey. What power the no- 
bleman cr gentleman has in tJ:c capacity of 
ccmmandcr \\c have alrcadj seen ; and, w e 



may rest -assured, that, if he happens to get 
into a coininittee, disgust will soon mai.e 
him give wiiy to a rival who has less to lose 
and more to win. But, why need we la- 
bour by reasoning to establish ficls, if lUe 
demonstration lies brfore us? From every 
j)art of the country have we proof upon 
proof, that the authority of the officers, 
and (;f all those whom the government 
seems to regard as the leaders of the 
volunteers, is a perfect nullity, except where 
it happens not lo thwart the wishes of those 
over whom it was intended, and was, 
for some time, thouglit to be exercised. 
I shall content myself with a few of 
these proofs ; but, they shall be such as to 
produce perfect conviction. — A corps in 
the city of London has, within these few 
days, appealed from their officers to the 
inspector, who, like the ministers that he 
serves_, took a middle course, decided in fa- 
vour of neither, but fixed on a regulation 
contrary to the wishes of both. The offi.cers 
yielded to his decision, but a great portion 
of the men resigned. — At a town not far from 
London, the volunteer corps mutinied for 
their pay, which they insisted upon having 
b<'fore they proceeded with their exercise, 
and the pay was obliged to be produced upon 
the spot, to the dread of the town, and to the 
regular army a terrible example ! — The late 
occurrence in Mr. Colonel Tierney's South- 
wark corps shall be related in the whining 
accents of his own paper, the Morning Post, 
of the rith inst as thus : — " Avery unplea- 
"■ sant occurrence, we are sorry to state, has 
" lately taken place in the Southwark corps 
" of volunteers. One of the captainshaving, 
" 6n account of bis private concerns, been 
*' under the necessity of resigning his com- 
**■ mission, the company to which lie had be- 
" longed proceeded to ike election of a sucees- 
" sor, and sent to the colonel the name of 
" the gentleman of whom they had made 
" choice. Colonel Tierney immediately in- 
*' formed them that tlieir proceedings were 
" irregular, and that he had himself ap- 
'' pointed a captain to the vacant company. 
" This answer produced a serious remon- 
" strance on the part of the privates ; the 
" consequence of which was, that the co- 
*' lonel ordered the company to be disband- 
" ed ; and the membeis have accordingly 
" resigned tbeir arms into the hands of ihe 
" proper officer." So ! the colonel (or " the 
gallant colonel," as they would say in the 
House of Commons), the colonel h&s lost 
one of his companies ; and there is a gap in 
his regiment ! In one of his regiments I 
should say, for, strange as it may seem, he is 
actually, at one and ihe same time, colonel 

14, 1804, [50 

of lu'o regiments ! This double colonelcy is 
another of the outrage's which this sy^^tem has 
conimitted on conmion sense.. And why 
should not colonel Tierney's men elect their 
new captain ? Because such election was ir- 
regular, and because the colonel himself was 
the proper person to appoint, and the only 
person who was lawfully authorized to ap- 
point, a successor to the resigned captain. 
This is true ; but why was it not acted upon 
atlirst? Why were the men perm'tted to 
elect their officers before ? Why did " th» 
gallant colonel" himself accept of tlie com- 
mission, which was conferred on him, ia 
consequence of their having elected him ? 
" Sauce for the goose is sauce for the 
gander." If he had no objection to this 
mode of appointing officers before, why has 
he such objection lo it now ? Has he not al- 
ways taught his citizen-soldiers to regard 
their elective voice as a thing ot inestimable 
value .' And does he think, that, like hiaiself 
and Lord Portsmouth's punch, they are lo 
become dumb, merely because they have 
changed their situations ? — In Wales and its 
neighbourhood the system seems to have 
been remarkably productive of interesting 
events. Mr. Ashton Smith having been 
t-Z't'.few Lieutenant Colonel by the Caernarvaa 
volunteers, iustesd of Sir Robert Williams, 
as the Lord-Lieuxnant wished and expected, 
and other gcnt'emen, supposed also not to bc; 
agreeable lo him, having been chosen by the 
corps as officers, the Lord- Lieutenant at- 
tempted to red.-i-s their numbers, but a ge- 
neral cry of " o-!ie and cdl," — " as we were, 
or as we are," decided the point ! —The Ban- 
gor volunteers, in " zvi open committee of the 
li'bolc corps," came to a determination, that 
they would no longer serve under their of- 
ficeis, though of j!/'ffr ou'7i electing, who were^ 
in consequence, put aside, and others were 
chosen in their stead. At the same time, 
this corps, by a vote, attached itself tq the 
Caernarvon corps, though the towns are at 
nine or ten miles distance from each other ! 
— I will mention but two more instances, 
the first of wliich sliall be taken from 
amongst ihe corps of Mr. Pitt. At a drill of 
one of these corps, a very little while sin^e, 
two men left the ranks, without leave. The 
Lieut, who coramanrled, bid them fall in. 
They did so, but one of them began laugh- 
ing ; whtreupon tlie Lieut, bade him hokl 
his tongue, to v/hich he replied, t-hat he 
would "■ be damned if he would unless he 
pleased." The Lieutenaiit went up to 
him in order to take him out of the 
raijks 3 but the man, clubbing liis musket, 
sivore he would knock the officer doivn, if 
he touched him. A serjeant cf the guards^ 


who waB Rttcniliiig ll e drill, then took a fi!c 
of inen, seized the offender, and lodged 
hira in a jtorc-liousfi not far otf ; but, whf n 
the drill was over, the men went in a body 
to the Rtorr-hon'e, and swore they would 
instantly pi:!l it down, unless ihtir cotiivadc 
•was rclciised. had its dosired efllct ; 
and ihus 'iidt d lliis invtuicc of vnluntetr do- 
cility ! No wonder that Mr. I'iii, if it be 
really true iliat hir nicMiis to rival Knounparte 
inarms, should wi-li turn " niorc elhcitnt 
" cede" f.)r the gnvcrnnit-ni of bis h gions. 
Wheil)tr tin- me.isurcs which he prnposed, 
at the oprnine vi' parliament, \\ ould be :ide- 
quntc to ilic object, the public niny, proba- 
bly, be able to form some judgment, -when 
tljcy are told, tji.u tlic battalion, in wJiich 
this most impudent and mutinous conduct 
took place, has at its head afield Ojjiccrfrcirt 
the regular service! Who can behold all 
this without thiiiking of ihetli(<t, which 
it is calculated to produce on the minds of 
the army? And hcie we see the evil of 
dressing the volunteers in regimentals ; this 
gives them the appearance of soldiers; and, 
when they are perceived to be disobedient, 
to absent themselves, to abuse their officers, 
and to mutiny by \\h>»ic corps, what ground 
hue we to hope, that the arnty will not 
follow their example ? "i es, we have grnund, 
a^ul, I trust, giound that will ne\cr fail us ; 
the excellent character, the higl) >piut, tlie 
true so'dier-likc pride of the army, that 
pride which must ntcessarily make the sol- 
diers look with contempt on the scenes of 
disorder, disobfdience, and confusion, which 
they, but too often, witness amongst the 
volunteeis. What a lamentable state! 
Wlu\l a mclaniholy reflcciion ! That, to 
the iieal, tlie patriotism, the loyalty, to all 
tlie public virtues of the i)eople, such a di- 
rection should have been given, as to make 
even themselves hope, that the army will 

not be injured by their example ! But, 

the most alarn)ing symptom of all i.-^, that, in 
several instances, particularly in the one I 
am now about to mention, the etfects of the 
volnntter system has betn, an open and 
(iariKfr iit'fiUTtce of the laivs and tbi mngisiTocy. 
At Chester, on the morning cf the 2Sih 
of Dtccmber, a pre^s g^ng, sfationwd in 
that city, took up a seaman, who proved 
to belong to the Chcstir Voluntetr In/.m- 
try i and, in consequence ot the threats 
of some: lit the corps to rescue him, he was 
lodged in the Noithgaie jail. The volun- 
teers, soon after, paraded for exfrcise, and 
on iheir par^ide r'-peaicd ihcir threats of res- 
cue, lorwhiih they were repr;m:inded by 
the ccnimanding ofticcr ; but were, at the 
s;;mc litijc, assured, Lliat c\eiy piopcr effort 


•>hou1d be made in order to obtain the release 
of their comrade. In tlic cveiung of the 
same day, a body of the volunteers, about 
'100 in number, suddenly assembled, iu theii 
reginientals, and witl siJe arras, marched 
immediately to the Norihgate, and demand- 
ed the man, who liad been lodged tlierc by 
the press-gang. On receiving a rt^lusal, 
they were proceeding to attack the jail, when 
o//e of their officers, Major Wihnot, (a gen- 
tleman '!vhi) Itad snvcd long in the regnlarsj 
r;ime up, in his regimentals, and, after urg- 
ing then) in vain to desist, declared, that he 
would j)ut the first of them to death that at- 
tcniptcii to force the jail ; upon which lie 
was in^mcdiately seized by the volunteers, 
who pirniioned his arms, some of them call- 
ing out, at the same time, " down with 
" him !"' and others " break h\^ sword over 
" his head !" By the assistance of some- 
friends, he w?s rescued from them unhurt. 
Thty then turned their fury against the jail, 
the windov, s of which ihey first forced in, 
and then the door j upon which the jailor, in 
order to secure the rest of the prisciicrs, gave 
up the aian in question, who, by his rescuers 
\\ns chaired through all the principal siretts 
of the ciiy, amidst shouts ot exultation and 
triumph ! The naval retidcr\'ous house 
was I he next object of attack. At tlieir ep- 
proach the press-gang retired ; but, leaving 
their c(,ljurs, the volunteers tore ihem fron» 
their staff, and dragged than in the kennel, 
alier having destroyed the windows, doors, 
i';c. of the hou>c ! Licuirnant Colonel 
Ci.yler, the Inspecting Field Officer of tlie 
volunteers in the di^tiict, sent to and called 
upon, the mavor and magistrates to use their 
authority ; but, what weie thty to do against 
surh a number cf .irmed mtn.^ All ihty 
could do, was what they did, to wit, lo 
send a very civil rote to Lieutenant Burchell, 
earne'ifly reqi:estii;g him to take his gang 
out of Chester, as it was not in the power of 
the magistrates to afford them protrciiou 
against ihe volunteers, 'till troops should ar- 
rive in the city. The magistrates, at the 
same time, .sent off an express to His Royal 
Highness Prince William of Gloucester, 
who commands the district, stating that the 
saffty of the city could not be answered for, 
unless he sent a strong detachment of troops; 
inconsequence of which application, four 
companies of the Shropshire Supplementary 
Rlihiia were immediately manhed iu from 
Liverpool, and, at the end of some daySy 

peace ivas restored. And, is it already 

come to this? Is t'lis the sort of force which 
is to enable us " to hurl back the threats of 
" the enemy?" Are these the troops, whose 
gay and lofiy plumes, in ilyde Park, i9 

^3] J A N U A 

completely eclipsed the poor regular army 
and the militia ? Are these the heroes, who 
received the thanks, of the House of Com- 
mops ? Are thrse the Knights who^e ban- 
ners are wrought by the hands ©f Royal la- 
dies, and presented by Majesty jtstlf ? 

Nothing, that we hear of, has yet been 
done to the Chester volunteers; and, in- 
deed, so timid, so fearful, are the public, as 
well as the government, as to ail matters, 
wherein tiie volunteers are concerned, that 
no mention of this alarming transaction has 
even found its way into the London prints, 
which, had such an act of violence, such a 
daringoutrageon the laws of the Innd, been 
committed by a regular regiment, would 
have stunned the nation with iheir out-cries, 
With their demands of justice upon the 
heads of the offenders^. I shall not at- 
tempt here to point out all the conse- 
quences, which are likely to result from the 
example of successful opposition to the law, 
set by the Chester volunteers, but 1 cannot 
refrain from exi)re'',sing my fears, that, as 
the news of it shall reach the several sea- 
ports, particularly the collier towns, the vo- 
lunteer corps will become very convenient 
asylums for all those seamen, who happen 
to be in port, and who wish to liave an in- 
fallible protection against press-warrants; 
so that, the volunteer system, the intention 
of which was to increase the force of the 
country in a degree far beyond what it 
could have been made to amount to by any 
other means, this ill-contrived, worse-di- 
gested, and still worse-conducted system, 
will, after having star\'ed the militia, the 
army of reserve and the regulars, extend 
its impoverishing and enervatiiig influence 
to X.\\e.JIeet^ and that, too, at a moment, when 
every possible exertion is wanted to pro- 
vide for the demands of that most important 
branch of our defence. But, ihe great dan- 
ger, the danger, which, in my opinion, swal- 
lows up every other, is, the triumph, which 
I think, and which I tremble to think, 

♦ It is truly astonishing how carciully facts re- 
lative to volunteer quarrels are kept from the pub- 
lic. There has bten, for weeks past, a most vio- 
lent dispute going on in the St. Pancras regiment. 
Yet the v<;ry firfl we see of it in priuc, appears 
this very day, in the foUowtag; words : "We feel 
•' pleasure in being able to state, that ihc existing 
" difference between the Colotei dndC'jmtrJttce of the 
*' St. Pancras regimcut of Loyal Volunteers are 
*■ /ijiely to be amicably adjusted." — Mark this. 
Here is the Com ■ iUte at work again. Yet Mr. Hiiey 
Addington asserted, that the corps mentioned by 
Mr. Windliara, was a '• lolltaryyadnnceV — See Mr. 
Winilham's admirable Speech, at full length, on 
the subjedt of Volunteer Committees, in the 6tli 
Numberof Cobbctt "ii'iiliamcnt-ry Debate., which 
ujuft publislKU. 

R Y 14, 1804. [54 

the volunteer-corps, will. If not speedily 
reduced in numbers, and if the system be 
not radically revised, obtain over all the legal 
authority in the state. If I am told, that 
the King's rtiinisters are, by the Act of Par- 
liament, empowered to disband any voiun- 
teer-corps thus misbehaving, I ask, dare 
they, and will they, exercise this power ? 
If not, it is worse than no power at all, be- 
cause their forbearing to use it, under such 
circumstances, discovers the extent of th'^ir 
fears. Am I reminded, that men, by be- 
coming volunteers, obtain no exemption 
from the effects of the law? My answer 
is, show me v.'hat has been done to the vo- 
lunteers who broke open thejail at Chester j 
who demolishad a house, dragged the King's 
coloiirs in the kennel, and who rescued a 
man from the King's othcers and the King's 
prison; show nie what has been done to 
those volunteers; show me. that they have 
been dealt with as men not being volunteers 
would have been dealt with, m a similar 
case, or blame me not for regarding the 
Norihgale of Chester as another Bustik, . 
and blame me not, if my anxiety for tny 
King and country makes me fear, that, if 
the ministry yield to the volunteers in this 
instance, the historian, after describing the 
riot and rescue at Chester, will have to add, 
' here the revolution of England began.' 

" Short follies are best," was the title of 
an appeal to the French government and 
people, in an early stage of those mad pro- ' 
ceeduigs, which, contrary to the expecta-. 
tions and in opposition to the wishes uf eveti 
those who were concerned in them, finally 
deinolished the monarchy and deluged the 
country with blood. Here, too, " short 
'*■ follies are best." The volunteer system;' 
is not made for this country : it is fraught 
with mischief: it must be done aw;'.v, or 
radically changed : the preservation of our 
Sovereign's throne and of our own 'iberties 
depends upon measures being speedily adopt- 
ed for this purpose. There is yei time ; but, 
how long that lime will last, no man caa - 
tell. -^ 

Wm. Coebstt. 


[In inserting the following letter, which, 
it seems, has already been published in ano- 
ther print, I think it proper to observe, that 
I coincide with the author, in all the senu-.,j 
ments, which he has here expressed. I havar"- 
always disapproved of " the Society for the,', 
'* Suppression of Vice," which is, io fdct,an 



inquisiiion self crciird and loUi'ly unknown 
to ihc laws and Ui.igcs ol ihe rcalru. I f>ce 
the names of ntany rt spcctable pcrbous 
amongst the inemLcr!* and 6U|iprrtcrs of tliis 
tlub; but, 1 aiu fully prrsiiiidrd llmt the 
fnindation of it ii piiniar,ic:il, and I am 
fiuc, ilial, in iu ioii&ei|Ufnces, it i)> fi aught 
with mischief. Ncvciilitlcss, I am hinccrcly 
disposed to bear, and to coiDiiiuniraic to n)y 
readers, all lluit can be urged in behalf of 
this novel institution ; mid, tlicitfcrc, I in- 
vite a drfciicc of it, whith, il net nmch 
more than twice as Icn^; as the Icilir here 
inserted, iind coming to mc from a member 
of the society, shall appear as soon as possi- 
ble af'.er it is received W. K.' ] 

Sir, — In re.-iding the paprri I freqnrnily 
observe anung the proceedings of ilie Pe.- 
licr Oriicfs, ;•( court- tf pro'C( utiops insti- 
fiited by per ons stylinL^ theirs. Ivcs a Soticiy 
Jor llir Su, prrs^ion r\' Vick. A Snrieiy for 
the' Supprcsbi'>n of \';cc has a cnpiivaling 
-ouud, and 1 Ivn-e no doubt llint the nu-ni- 
Ic-rs of il ((»f whom I do rot know one ir.di- 
vidi:al) are dcc< nt, virtuons characters, \\\\o, 
wiih Ihc honest matrcn in Prior's tale, 

Tliick the nation ne'er will thiive 
Till all ilic whc res :uc biiint alive. 

Kendily admitting, therefore, that the 
ilKjubtrs of the Society for the. Supprejsion 
ol Vice are neither whoitujor-.^rrs, adulter- 
ers, nor even such as the publican whom 
llic-y lately brought to lior.- bticct, 1 beg 
loave to say, that I cnttriaiu great doubts of 
Uie utility of such a soc'cty. I am very 
much afr;<.d ilsal it tiiJKrlias begun, rr wiij 
end, in that sort of spiiiiual pride whieh so 
ofien has compelled men chaiitably to pei- 
bccutc their neighbours for not being so 
pious and jo gcdly as tlumschfi. It is 
wonderful, Sir, how the love of power dis 
gnises ilitif, 'lhu!*e v ho by hook or crook 
c;in contrive to make olheis do what they 
c»therwise, would not d<i, or forbear to do 
\>hut ihty oilu-rwis»; would do, immediately 
foci ilitmsclves elevated into an important 
t^uraeler. 'Ihc beadie of a parish is a most 
arbitrary sovereign an oiij^ bengals rnj ether 
paltry dt lin<|ucnts witiiin jur:.',dicti<.n. 
AVhcn 1 tiisi heard of the ^ocie y for the 
Suppit^ssion of \ice', I thought that it liad 
been a new sprt of magistr.icy elected in the 
Kate, a sort of conimis.iun for txcuring the 
office of grand beadle all over lM)t:,land 
"XLa ;uu(iCta <iud :>^cub Ui lliia iiocielv i^^ 

pcr»e themselves every where, scour all the 
b(rctt;>, iiupcci the ale-houses, detect n\\ 
dancers (liops among the low, routs among 
the high), carry on eieinal iiosidiiy with ali 
kinds it umiiseiucnt m which ihc interior 
rai ks of sceitiy are vo iniolent as to indulge. 
I'ar be it itom n.c to jusiily vice, either in 
high or low, but 1 am ini lined to think that 
the law it.self y;oes out ol it^ province if it 
attempts to legi.ialc the piivatc hvcs of the 
subject, and to punish men lor what is 
commonly caLcd vice, i am sure, at least, 
(hat it ;iu im;uisilion of law were to be iii- 
bltutcd to n-ake every aiaii chaste, hober, 
and gi dly, 1 kii' w not in what hornble ty- 
ranny it vveuld ei.d. If ihis S< cie»y lor ihcs 
Supprrb>ion ot Vict go on, they will gve the 
Lws that I'o exist iu il)esc | oinis au exlen- 
sii.n, and a loice which it never was intend- 
ed iiKV'>l>'^l^ have, ^nd wlichmust g:ve 
lise to inloreiablc vexation. A daru 
not take a pint of pcrter en a Senday, but 
straight the publican is carried to bow 
Succt, by i-on.c miscicaM in the pay of this» 
society. I -:.y nolliing if the private lite of 
individuals bi ing at ihc uitrcy of such con- 
scivators of public ir.( mis. Not kng ago, 
in conscijueiue (if the otlicious and peiliiu.- 
cious mcdditig of this snciely, thw.- chaiacier 
(ihc vice it n.ay le said) of a geutleinan, 
wns nearly e^l.o^ed to the whole town, in 
a /ooli>h invesiigi-.lion aboiit the stealing of 
a child. 1 protest that, had 1 been in ihu 
gentleman's siluiition, I siiould have cud- 
gelled my tcjrmer.tor, could I have singled 
liim out, in a n.cst txeiui'lary manner, lor 

Ins impcrtuit nee. Bui there is another 

view in vvliich this society inay do much 
mi.schicf, while 1 am haii.-<ticd tl-at they ne- 
ver i-cti do .'.ny good. 'Ihey, in tact, keep 
a fctminary lor r« aiing up a set of the most 
abaiid tc u: d els that can inlest society, 
namely, informer.-, by trade. It is lUipo-inL- 
ble that ary but t];c most idle, dissolule, and 
shamelts , e;n «-i gage in the occupation of 
conmc n injormets, and of discovering the 
game which the tocicty are determined to 
hunt down, 'ihese vagabonos, protected 
by the auijiority of this puiitanical institu- 
tion, have it in their [jowcr to give trouble 
to ma:iy persons lo'uhiiu ihty have ill-will, 
and who si mc times would rather pay a good 
sum if men y, il an havi: their v ccs exposed. 
Ic' dis, these inlornu fs w ill either n . ke < r 
find bu-incs8 tor then selves and for their 
enp'f.y rs 1 1 ey will swcar .■ ny ih ng 
ag.uuhl any brc'.y. ^^ hy,it is thi ir \ocailcn, 
and who cm bl.m.c them. But those wJio 
(Stabli-h and support such a trade m the 
state ha\e not a iiiile to answer lor. ^\'hile 
such villain.s are thus regm.entcd .nnd paid,. 

5;l J A N U A 

Valid? whose hononrmny b? sacred ? whose 
domtslii' pence may be secure ? This i<» do- 
irtg a great denl of evil, anil pray where is 

the g<H)d tliat is to fo'ln-v? Ail wise 

le^^islntors have abstained from atiempting 
forcibly to prosecnte manner;, when th' y do 
nof she.v themselves in overt acts destruc- 
tive 'o the. peace and order of the comnin- 
iiiiy Iherc; ore manv things bad in them- 
tse:i\e-., and crta)inal in foro cofiscientiev, ot 
which a human ir'bunal can tnke no cog- 
nizance. Ihese things are of the resort not 
of civil laws but of religion, and to call 
in the ci\il arm to corrt ct them, would 
multiply tht business of police so much, and 
call for tlie interfrrence of government so 
often, that socieiy would be intolerable, and 
all distinction between vices and crimr-s 

would be lost 1 have little doubt that 

4his socitty originates in tlie principles of 
Hndibra'^ and llaiplio. Wiiether it be a bear 
and hddle, or a-^y vulgar meny-making, 
soaie people see in it ten thousand imaginary 
dingers to religion and virtue, and would 
use the old ponderous argument of force to 
suppress it. I do not say th it tiiis society 
is one of ihe engines of the puritanical, me- i 
<houistical party, now so much on the in- 
crease, to get power among us, though I ntn 
not w,t!'.out <n-p:cion. They, in the opinion I 
of miny grave iiieii, h ive mnde considerable ; 
advances to an vrpsrinm in imp/rio, and if they 
go on prospering as they have done, it will I 
be a good thing to enjoy their protection 
against their own agent, the Society for the | 
Suppression of Vice, Or indeed for any per- 
son whatever. This indirect way ot' govern- 
ing is well calcnlued to gain converts and 
S'lbjects; and it ma) lead to public usurpa- 
tion, or at least to a confederatio:r incon- 
sistent with all good government. The ex- 
frrci'-e of such a functi iii, cloaked over with 
die pretence uf zeal for religion and godli- 
ness, is highly gratifying to the mind. 

Sure 'tis an oithodox opuiinn, 
That gv.Tce is foundetl in (inniinion, 
Great pxiy C'>nsists in pride, 
To rule I)e satictilict! ! 

I am perfectly satisfird, therefore, that an 
Institution like of the Society for the 
Prosecution of Vice is a standing conspiracy 
ngainst the quiet and tranquillity of societv; 
that it may be a very dangerous engine in 
the hands of the Puritans, to subdue and 
pervert the lower orders, and ought to be 
discouraged by all wise and liberal men. 
Magistrates Iuve it in th^ir power to do 
nnich, by setting themselves against all in- 
formations produced by the perjured agents 
of the society. In doing so they wifl do 
iheir duty to the state. 1 am yours_, ike. 

R Y 14, 1804. 



StR^ The state of (he cnmmcrce of 

the country is a subject, to which (lie pub- 
lic and the parliament ought to be directed, 
parliciilarlv a--, the Minister has, by his ac- 
tioiT:, shewn so lilthi regard for the preser- 
vation of that " capital, credit and confi- 
" dence," which, at the date of the peace 
of Amiens, lie thought proper to represent 

as the triple pillar of our safety, He 

has, Sir, refused the loan of Excheqner 
Bills, requ(*stcd by the merchants of Li- 
N-erpooi. He has turned a deaf ear to all 
their reoresentations, as well as to those 
Ihut have been ina:!e to hiin by the Mer- 
chants of London, Bristtd, Glasgow, and 
Newcastle, though the ]->ersons who joined 
in these representations were numerous, 
and of the mo-t wealthy and respectable 
clas:, and who, for the most part, not 
being themselves in want of a si ta nee, 
could only be influenced by a conviction of 
the necessity and urgency ot the case, and 
by the desire cf assisting the comtnercial 
interest at large at this most critical period. 

fi, thf year 1793, e\'ents had occurred 

which threatened to produce elK^cts as dis- 
astrous as are now anticipated ; when on 
a representation being made to Mr. Pitt, 
he, with that manliness which (:-haracterizci 
all his proceedings, brought forward the 
measure of a Loan to liic Merchants 
(though it was opposed by some persons of 
eminence in the city), regardless of tlio 
censure of the envious and the divmasion 
of the ignorant. The result was, as war 
generally the refult when that great Minis- 
ter acted from himself, that he had the sa- 
tisfaction of linding, he had conferred a most 
essential service on the kingdom at large, 
by supporting the credit of the merchant?, 
and promoting our manufactures, and this 
too with a gain to the Treasury ; for al- 
though he saved many worthy families from 
ruin,^ and although the Exchequer was not 
in the actual advance ol" a single shiliing, " 
yet there was a prolit derived by govern- 
ment, from the i>r,ue of Exchequer bills, of 

several thousand pounds. 'Whether Mr. 

Addington refuses to adopt a similar plan, 
in a case of similar, not to say greater 
emergency, that he may as much as possi- 
ble deviate from the steps of his great pre- 
decessor — wiieLhcr he is apprehensive of 
provoking a discussion of the causes which 
have conduced to the present and increas- 
ing embairassmcnt of the merchant- — or, 
whether, by way of experiment, be prof- 
fers to meet the storm rather than prevent 
it— whether he is deterred by the insinu- 


atiuiK of the ill-informed or iil-inlcntinncd 
adviser*— or by what othrr in<)tive he is 
influenced — ccrHin ii i«, that he has pe- 
remplorilv rejected every st>|ii:itult(jn, aiul 
turned a d<nil car to the strong, repe.itcd, 
and untied rfiiionslraiucs that have been 
Hiadc. It therclore now only rcroains to 
wait the event, which 1 venture to predict 
vill l)M a*; speedy a^ it will be caLriiiiou-; 
to iWia nation, and will atiord to lite <'nemy 
tar greater caiKo of exultation lh;in{iJ the 
(tpint of the t.junfr) bo n^>t depref-sc-d by the 
jipaihy or ineUi« imcy of hi< Muj^^ty's Mi- 
nisters) they will ever derive from the suc- 
ccn^ oI their arms. I ••ay «o in a conimcrcu^ 
therefore in a J:iij7iuinl \i«Mv, of this 
i!K)st svrious and imj>tndinj:; blo*v to our 
real i.lercgls a'; a niilitLirv and a trading 
nation. As a sincere friend to mv country, 
I warn the Minister of the calamiloui re- 
sult. If our comnirrce fail, our inanulac- 
tares mu-t of course fail, and it require* 
iio powers of divination lo atiirin, (hut the 
laihire t»f our revenue must be the fatal 
consei(uence. The Minister, therefore, is lo 
juj);;e, whether, at such an awlul crisis, he 
ought t«) allow per-ional pic[ue or pompous 
pride lo supercede measures evidently cal- 
culated lor the particular benefit, if not 

the salvation, of the state. 1 atn, Sir, 

pour's, Sec. ♦ R. N. 


5Jin, Having observed that the Lords 

of thi' Admiialty, have thought proper to 
aiivisc Ills Majesty to jiut several otlicers of 
the n)\al Marines on the retired lisr, which 
will'.out doubt their age aud length of ser- 
vice tiilly entitled them to, I >o far inlirelv 
approve of what they have done, as 
younger oilicers will be br()a>;ht forward, 
who will be more capable of discharging 
the duties of their profession, witii salis- 
fa. fion to their own minds, and advantage 

to their country. But, I sincerely hope, 

their lordship^ do not intenil to slop here. 
There is no corps under the crown, whose 
jcrviccs have been more conspicuous, and 
whose utility is more generally acknow- 
ledi^e.l by t'ic whole country, and truth 
call? on me to declare, that in my opinion, 

ho one has been more neglected. The 

Iieces.;iiy of putting the heads of the corps 
at j're>^cnt on the retirement, sulficicntly 
sh ws llie want of proper encourag<-mi-nt 
being held out lo the othcer<. Many of the 
t a,. tains who only obtained tliat mnk in 
llilicty-scvcn, have served tweniv-four 
years, and were no le>.i than seventeen 

• W.itji *( idrm prcient* nie from giving <r*v 
•f/' / ». OD this $ut»jcc'.— Jlit u. 



ve^rs subalterns.- It is eavy (o foresee, that, 
before they can |>ossibly be fielil-ofliccrs, it 
will be time for them to retire from the 

service. If the number of tield-ollicers 

were increased, in proportion to that of 
otht-r corps, there might be some chance of 
young men looking forward, to obtain the 
r.(nk of a titld-oiiker, while they pos^es-ed 
slreogilj of bo«iy, and a sufticient energy 
ot mind, to enable thrm to discharge their 

duty. As the disadvantages the marine 

corps lat)Ours undvr are oot genrralljr 
known, I siiall beg leave lo printout a lew 
of thenn ; in the hrst place, the present es. 
tal^'ishment is aboui iwenly-two thousand. 
The number of fu-ld otiicers a?ta< hH to 
this are three coloneU commandant, three 
colonels en second, twelve lieutenant-co- 
lonels, and twelve majors. In all thirty. 
— - — The ro^al artillery, a co'ps that is 
the nearest the establishment o( the ma- 
rine*, I believe is about nine thousand 
strong. They are divided info nine batta- 
lions, and have live field-oihcers to each. 
In all foriy-five. Such a disproportion is 
at once a-ioni^hing ; and the effect pro- 
duced by it is, that in the one corps, the 
officers are pretty generally disgusted, and 
lament they erfereil into it; the 
others feel themselves happy in having 
succeeded in promotion, bcvond their most 

sanguine expectations. Such is one of 

the consequences, arising from a want of 
a proper estabiishmeiit of field-officers in 
the marine. It is Irtie a saving to govern- 
ment arises from it ; but if the spirit of a 
corps is to be broke, and all emulation 
crushed, from the paltry consideration of a 
few hundred pounds, it is high time to re- 
duce it altogether. I am astonished, that it 
hitiierto has supported the character it has 
so well deserved, under sucii numerous 
disadvantnges ; a few more of which, Mr. 
Cobbctt, I shall take tiie liberty to point 

out in a future ieller. 1 am, &c. 

Jjfi. b", 1804. R.T. 


Foreign. New disturbancrs hnve 

broken out in Syri.t. Wh'-n the celebrated 
Dgczzar Pa<.ha was appointed I'acha of Da- 
mascus, Abdadah, who displac^-d to 
make room for hini, put himsrlfat the head 
of 1.5,001 men, and bid waste ilie whole 
counuy with tire and sword, in order lo re- 
venge himself for the loss of his station as 

Governor of Damiscns. Tiie to-wn of 

Alexandria, in Ec;ypt, is reduced to thft 
greatest straits by the Beys, by whom it is 
besieged. According to ^v.xic accounts AU 
Facli3, the Turkish ConJtc.iDder, has co-i' 

61] JANUA 

fined him'self to the defence of the citadel, 
and has given up the town to the Mame- 
lukes. The Captain Pacha, who sailed 

some time ago, with a fleet of seventeen 
ships, for the protection of the JMurea, hii-! 
received orders from the Grand Seignior to 
return to Constantinople, and is now, with 
three &hip^ of the line, in ths Dardant^lies. 
The remainder of his fleet remains otf the 
Morea, under the ruvklsh Vicc-Admiral. — 
A Consul from the United States of America 
has been recognized at Petersburgh. who is 

the first public agent sent to that court. 

The Hamburgh Correspondenten asserts tint 
it is now decided that the High Chancellor, 
Count Von WorenzortF, has, on account of 
his bad health and great age, resigned his 
en3[)loyments, and will speedily retire to 
his estates. His place, however, is not yet 
supplied, and in the mean time Czirtorinski 
is charged with the duties of that depart- 
ment. -An article dated on the banks of 

the Mayne states that the Emperor of Uussia 
had applied to the French Government rela- 
tive to the occupation of Hanover, and the 
indemnitication of the King of Sardinia, bat 
in both instances had received a negative. 
Buonaparte said, tliat he could neither eva- 
cuate Hanover nor give effect to the indem- 
nity of the King of Sardinia, even were the 
principle admitted, till th; present war with 

England was terminated. Accounts from 

Petersburg!! state, that the levy of recruits 
from tlie Russian army amounts to' 60, 000, 
and 14,000 for the navy. Orders are also 
said to have been received, to form maga- 
zines on the Polish frontier.'^, for the Russian 
troops in that quarter. The Russian fleet in 
the Black Sea, composed of 12 ships of the 
line, of 64 guns each, and nine frigates, is 
to be completely ready to set sail at the 
shortest notice, at the beginning of next 

spring. Letters from Wetzlar state, that, 

under the tnediation of France, th-^ sum of 
indetnnity to be allowed by the Batavian 
ilepublic to the Houss of Orange for the 
domains of that family has been fixed at two 

millions of Dutch ducats. The Prince 

of Castel Franco, the Spanish Ambassador, 
and the Clievalier Miranda, the Portu- 
guese Ambassador, have notified the neu- 
trality of their respective nations in the pre- 
sent war. It appears by letters from Vi- 
enna, that the dispute between the Courts of 
Vienna and Munich, on the subjrct of Oi'c'r- 
haiis, is likely to be adjusted. The Bavari- 
ans have withdrawn trom that place, and 
the Austrian troops that were advancing to 
the frontiers of Bavaria hive received ordf^rs 
to halt. It is said, however, that the diffe- 
rence respecting the rights of the Equestrian 
Order of the Empire, wiioie ca^^se had b^eu 

R Y 14, 1804. [S2 

espoused by the Emperor, against the pre- 
tensions of the Elector of Bavaria, is still 
the subject of negotiation ; and that the 
Elector has appealed to the Courts of Berlin 
and St. Pctf'rsburgh.— — Recent intelligrnce 
from the Escurial informs us, that much 
anxiety prevails in Spain respecting the neu- 
trality of that kingdom. The terms of the 
late convention with France have not iran-.- 
pired, but it is feared that England may not 
recognize ihe agreement. In the m;an time, 
the naval preparations in the Spanish ports 
continue with great vigour. Admiral Gra- 
vina is now at the Court of thcEscurial ; and, 
with few exceptions, all naval olficers are 

ordered to their ports. Notwithstandiu'^ 

the niimerous accounts which have been for 
a long time received of the wretched state of 
St. Domingo, and of the utter inability of 
the French to retain their establishments 
there, even for a short time, it is asserted in 
the Philadr.lphia papers, that the French 
Charge d'Affaires in the United States hm 
lately had placed in his hands, upwards of 
four hundred thousand dollars for the use of 
the remnant of the French forces in St. Do- 
mingo : and that mean> were to be adopted 
to procure a regular supply of money for de- 
fraying the expenses of the colony, and 
every claim on the Governor, or his agents, 
was to be met by sums previously placed ia 
the hands of individuals specially ;ippointed 
by the French Government, — These papv".rs, 
alspj conrirm the news of the intention of 
the S[)anish Government in Louisiana, to 
surrender the province to no other than a 
French Agent duly authorized for that pur- 
pose. In consequence of this, all commerce 
at New Orleans is suspended ; and the Ame- 
rican Government is taking the necessary 
measures for possessing themselves of the 
ceded territory, by force, if the Spaniards 
should persist in their refusal to surren- 
der it. 

Domestic— — The London Gazette of 
Saturday lait contains an Order in Council, 
prohibiting, for six months, from the llih 
inst. ihe cxp<jrtalion of naval and military 
stores. The G izette of the 10th inst. an- 
nounces that the King has been pleased to 
constitute and appo'nt the R'glii Plonourable 
John Earl of St. Vincent, Admiral of tlie 
White Squadron of His M<jesty's Fleet, 
Lieutenant General of the Boy^d Marine 
Forces, and Kniglit of the Mo-t Honourable 
Order of the Bath ; Sir Philip S'ephcns and 
Sir Thomas Troubridge, Baronets; James 
Adams, John Markham, and John Lemon, 
E^qrs. and Sir H irry Burrard Nf-ale, Bart, 
to be Hh Majesty's Commissioners f t exe- 
caing the otike of High Admiral if the 
United Kinsdom of Great Britain and Ire- 


land, and ihc Dominions. LlanJs and Tcr- 
ritorie* llicrcuiito bel>jngin^. 

Military. For a long time no ac- 
counts of ihr military prrparaion* of Trance 
have bcrn received, upon wbiC'i nc.y rcli.wicc 
could be placed. The Lue I'rencb p.ipcrs 
are toliiUv silent on the subject, b U in the 
I.ryden GjZ'-'.tc there arc a''coums so fir 
down as the loili of Dcccmher, which de- 
scribe the aino )nt of ih:: French military 
t'orce as very formidable. The army of" the 
camp of St. Omer atone is cstim.Urd at 
70,000 men. An handr-d thousind msn 
•nrs st:it'*d to be statioiivd along ihs coast 
from Bonhigne In Ostcnd. Every moment 
new d'•l.u•h■.H^'nts of tro;»'^s are setting out 
tVou iho interior, a? well a* from the fron- 
tiers of the Rhine, to ihe coasts of ihe Clian- 
jicl. Seven ihou-.niJ men wiio Inve bt-en 
recilled fr in\ ih-; Army of Hanover ar<i to 
rcip.iir thitlr r also. Tiie army nlso which 
h.H rem.iinol hiih.?rto in SwisscrlanJ has 
JMst received orders f)r the sam-* destination. 
At the same tinr^ ihcr vast nmnber of troops 
collected along the coasts, in barrack-:, at a 
RrMson which multiplies their wants, has con- 
siderably eubarrass.'d tlioirc )m nandmg of- 
ficers to supply tli'^m with n^'ce^sarits, and 
his necessarily subji-ced the neighbouring 
departmr-nts to ro:]uisition' by way of loin, 
liat tho First Con-.ul was no sooner inf )'^m-d 
of this, than h'^ sent orders to the Minister 
at War to draw up immr-dately ex.nct state- 
ments of the sums ra <ed i 1 this wiy, and to 
iriveord;ri f-»r their piymsnt. Th-^ Mmister 
of Fiviancc h'-i announced th's resolution of 
tie Chief Mi^'si.ate to th^ IVefecis of th- 
Pioviiicc> c^nocr led, in aniwer t-) the repre- 
.scatations mide by th-^m in the nune of 
itieir constituent. Tlie minister concludes 
his letter by rcquesiin^.^ the prefects to mike 
known thii mca-u-e in (he communes that 
had sudorcd from the rrq'V>.ition, and to 
assure then that ilr>.-:e requisitions which the 
••xigencv of the service hid ri:ndc;cd indis- 
pensihly necessary, would not be repeated. 

There are no ac<:-)unts of any recent 

movements among th^ French tmops ^tation- 
e.l on thcconts of Italy: th-y a njunted, 
according to liie last Citimates, to nearly 
thirty-six tliousand men, composed almost 
''xclusivclv ol French soldiers. Tiie greatest 
part of tho ItiUan conscripts inve been, 
djrino- the wir, appointed to some oth-r 

service. The prepar.itious which were 

formerly stat-d to have b^cn carrying on, 
Oil the coasts of the Alriatic, do not .appear 
to have been interrupted. 


Naval. Xo int'ormalion hs5 been re- 
reive I relative the n.ival pre^)arations on the 
French cotst ; but intelligence icipteiing 
those in H'Vdand, which, indeed, arc .said 
to be the principal, by an American vessel 
which has just arrivc-J at Cowcs, and »vhich 
left the Tcxel on Sunday the 1st instant, 
whin betwccu fifty and sistiy transports had 
gone down to li»c Heldcr, which were fined 
up for the reception of horse and foot, but 
neith«r a in ui nor horse was embarked, ai^d 
tliere were no provisions on board. Al! idea 
of any expedition sailing from f till 
af cr the winter, is given up, and a consi- 
dcrab'e part of t!ic Ficadi troops have 
marched from ihc coast. T.ii» intciligeacc 
is confirmed by a grnlemm who left A.n- 

sterd.mi on llie 3d inst. It is confi- 

deutlv reported that ministers are now mcJi- 
tating a gr.uid a ta.k upon dr; French arma- 
mnits in Boulogne, which il is supposed 
cannot be eifccie 1 wi'ho.ii the loss of 'itVen 
hundred or two ih >U'-;ind seamen, Dis- 
patches hnvrt bsen received Iro n Capiain 
Owen, of Mis Majesty's thip Immortalitc, 
cruiz'ng off Boulogn-, in which he states, 
tluit, having on ih-: u'glit of ih'.' .id inst. re- 
inforced the cicw of ihe Archer gun brig, 
with some men from his own ship, aiid 
pushed her in closf* shore, she leh in wiiU 
aid <aptued the Frcm h luggr-r gui v ss<d, 
No. 'i:>2, mounting a I eighteen an la twelve- 
pounder, comtna:ivled by an En ij;'i dj Vais- 
seau, with five sea;iicn, a lieulenaiit, and 
twenty-six grenadiers of the thirty sixtli re- 
giment of tlic line, some of wliom, wi;h two 
faCJuicn, escaped in her boat during the run- 
ning tii;ht, which shit contiuued for a quar- 
ter of an hour willi her sttru gun and mus- 
ketry. Tlie Archei had part of her rigging 
cut, but no one matiMial'.y hurt on either 
side. TliR Archer and Griirtn cutter atier* 
wards captured a dogger, a schuyt, and two 
Blankcubur^li fiili ng botts-, wl)ich tlir pri- 
soners report to be part of a convoy, wh;ch, 
with a pramc of Sl5t^en guns, and five or 
six gun-vessels, escaped un Icr the land in 
thit dark J and some of which were laJen 
with provisions and stores. The schuyt has 
gin, and the tishmg boats timbers and knees 
for boats; each vessel had three or four sol- 
diers on board. 

The Vlth N'umhcr of ConntTr'i Parliament- 
AKY l"»r.iiAres is just piihlislied. It CDiit.iin? ihc 
dch*tc in the House oi Loids on the Iiish M.»roal 
I, aw ;;ii|; and, alj.), ihc «.pecchcs at lull length 
of .Mr. WiiiJham, Colonel Craulurd, kc. on the 
Report on tlic Army Lsiimatcs. 

r.'ir.'ccl by Cox and Baylis, No. 7.S, Grcit Qaccn Street, and pub!i««he<1 by R. Bai^shaw, Bow Street, Covcnl 
GardsB, where foimct NaniJcrs iniy be hid j sold alw I'y J, 13uld, Crowa^id Mitre, I'dll-MaU. 


Vol. V. No. 3.] London, Salurdajj, 2\st Januari/, 1804-. 

[Price lOD 

" The Right Hon. Gentleraan" (Mr. Windham) " seems {letermincd t-o have the last word on the 
" suhjcct of the Volunteer Corps. A s'^lit'trj i>,if,.fic!: was statetl by the Right Hon. Gent, on a for- 
" mer night, of a corps being governed by a Coir.mitree! I have seen nuiuy Corp.s of Volunteers, 
" and have heard of more, but I know of no such rej)u);itions. Nothing .sliould evci induce me to 

" hohl any commission in such a corps, or to iiavc any tiling to do with i: 1 will tell the 

" Right Hon. Gent, that evtry corner of the Kinj;(toin echoes back its reprobation of his bcntiments 
*' relative to the Volunteer System. ....... If the Uighi Hon. Gent, so g'ij:\/y ignonint, 36 not to know 

*' what filorious exploits have been perlormed by tlie patriotic and voluntary energy of men like 
*' our Volunteers ?'' A//. HiUy ^iJUmgton's Spctc/i en the Volunteer Exemption Bill, Dec. 14, l8'-3. 



Of two pamphlets, lately published, the one 
aitU'ed, " Cursory Remarls upon the State cf 
Parties, during tht: administration of Mr. 
Jlddington, hy a Near Obseuvf.kj" and 
the other eniiiled, " A Plain Anszvcr to the 
misrepresentations and calumnies contained in 
the Cursory Remarks of a Near Observer, ly 


(Continued from p. iS.) 

Mr. Canning, Lord Grenville, and Mr. 
Windham are, as I have before observed, 
noticed by the Accurate Observer ; bnt, how 
he has defended them, what sort of "^ aji- 
"■ swcr" he baa made to the " misreprescn- 
" tations and calumnies" uttered against 
them by the Near Observer, we are now 
about to see. 

The attack upon Mr. Canning is made in 
such a way as to render it almost impossible 
to exhibit it here in the shape of extracts : 
yet, I shall, as far as is consistent witli a due 
regard to the readers patience, keej) to the 
Near Observer's own words. He wishes 
to propagate a belief, that, though Mr. Pitt 
approved of, or, at least, defended in par- 
liament, all the principal measures of the 
ministers, particularly the peace, his sincerity 
lias rendered very questionable by the conduct 
of his personal friends, and the members 
most attached and devoted to him by the 
habits of private life, who, in this respect, 
took the libeity of disclaiming him for their 
leader, and who indulged in every species 
^f rancour, malice, and hostility, against the 
person who, at his own i;ccommendation, 
had been cho-en ashis successor. After 
having drawn, from the conduct of Mr. 
l*itt's personal friends, of whom Mr. Can- 
ring is placed at the head, a conclusion, 
Hhat " the puWic'cov.ld nut be brought im- 

" plicitly to believe, either that the accep- 
" tance of the new niihisters itself, or, at 
" any rate, tlie credit and popularity, which 
" they held acquired by the lute happy 
" events, had been alto^etlier agreeable to 
" Mr. Pitt;" after this lie proceeds in a 
strain of interrogation, as follows; " If 1 
" were as certain of not giving ofl'ence, as 
" I am fiee from intending it, aii^ of being 
" as lillie suspected of a tlattery, as I am 
" incapable of meaning one" [This is the 
true Addington cant] " I ^*ould venture 
'• to ask (jf Mr. Canriing himself, for whos« 
" agrecnhle talents andyim'^/f worth I have 
" as much respect as any man, whether it 
" wero possible for these inferences and 
" conclusions to have escaped hir own good 
" sense and sagacity } Whether he did not 
" feel that he was throwing a supicioti 
" over the candour and sincerity of Mr, 
" Pitt .'' and in case that any possible mea- 
" sures of the present ministers, at any fu- 
" ture time, might compel the conscience 
" of Mr. Pitt to withdraw his promised 
" support from them, and to take an active 
" part in opposition to them, whether he 
" did not perceive that he was undermi- 
" ning and destroying beforehand the con- 
" viction and credit of the country, in the 
*' compulsion of his right honourable 
" friend's conscience? Whether he did not 
*' perceive that he was exposing that late, 
" contingent, constrained, and possible 
*' opposition to the suspicion of system pre-' 
♦* concert and policy .''——1 would ask of 
" Mr. Canning whether it were not too 
" great a submission of his rare talents and 
" acquirements, to appear a mere partizan 
*' and stickler for the House of Grenvillc ? 

" . 1 would ask of Mr. Canning, (lor 

" whom I repeat that I entertain a consi- 
" derable degreeof respect andgood- will), 
" whether in the deference and distinctior4 
" with which he has always affected to 
*' treat his noble friend Lord Hawkesbur)', 




*' he was pleasing the old niinistr)' r and 
*.' whether hi.i liersonalities towards Mr. 
*' Addiiigton did not lead him in the;e ci- 
*' vilitici to mortify Lord Grenvillc' But 
*' if his regard for Loid Hawkc:>biir) couid 
f conquer ihp fear of oReiidiii^ Lord Gren 
*' ville, why might not liis regard for Mr. 
*' -Pitt Ijave ovcrLome his ar.tipathj to Mr. 
f' Addiiigton? I would a.-k whether he 
*• coi'.Id feci no repu^n;^uce at bccuniing 
*', the instrument, (I will not say the ma- 
^» chnie) t./Dther j)ersons? If the delicacy 
** of i)i< feelings were quile satisfied as to 
^* the justice, the honour, or tlie decency 
*' of hcin^ the organ of their hatred, their 
** fury, their pride, di.sappyintinciit, and 
*' rancour, against persons with whom lie 
f* had long lived in habits of politiral and 
*' private intimacy, for whom he had pro- 
" iessed iViend^hip and cslcx'm ; against 
*' Mr. Addingtou, the bosom friend of his 
*♦ patron, ancl against Lord Chatiiam, his 

*» lirothcr? i would ask of Mr. Can- 

*' ning \^ hother he felt no scruple or com- 
^' punction for himself, whether he had no 
♦' rf-sptft or mercy for the feelings of M:-. 
" i'ili, when he consented to become t!ie 
" chici of the satyri^ls and scoffers of a ca- 
*' bind, of which Lord Chatham was the 
" president .' and 1 would ask him whether 
*' he haJ Le^n ju tcr to himself, and to his 
" own poliitrul character, than we have 
♦' seen nim o the sensibilily of his friend 
*' and paticn, wh^n he condescended to 
" L</c .me a hero of squ'bs ;ind epigrams, a 
*< leader of do;;grel and lampoon, a power 
*' in t!ie war of abuse and invective, an 
*' inslrumeiit of Mr. Windham, and an 

'' auxdiary of Cobbett?" Jn another 

place Mr. Canning is accused of suddenly 
shifting about in favour of peace, at the 
^i:l.e when the King's message of the Sth 
6f N'aich last was delivered to the Parlia- 
hient, arid, the proof of this is cited in the 
following words, taken from his speech of 
the fcth of ^December preceding: '* The 
*' message has" 'excited throughout the 
** country the greatest arxUty aiid alarm?^ 
Taking tliese words, as in the case of Doc- 
tor Laurence and Mr. Grenvillc, even in 
their detached state, how can they be in- 
terprf-ied into an expression of a desire to 
preserve prace ? Ar.d, if such were their 
true hie;.n n^', liow do ihev discover any 
Sudden slilfting about in Mr. Canning, who, 
w-halever he might have thouglit, certainly 
never sjiukc against ihe peace witii France. 
Bui, his words ab(jve cpiotcd willbeir no 
Aich construction as that, w hich has been 
Rtfempted to be put Uj)on them. Tliey 
indkeyvtr; oi" a sent<;nce JU % speech which 

j^<s;U'^^'--^" -■ 

contained not a single word about the ex- 
pediency of pcjce or v\ar, but the sole ob- 
ject of which appeared to be to impress 
upon the minds of the House the necessity 
of obtaining infmmnt'im as to the cause of so 
important and so unexpected a measure as 
that whicli had just been anncuinoed to 
them. " Never," said Mr. Canning, " I 
" venture to assert, was so important a 
** nu asure pro|)oscd on such grounds as 
" those which aie mafle t!ie foundation for 
" the jjre'icnt addre-s : alarm and anxiety 
" are excited, and the groonrls of this 
" anxietv and alarm are (arefuHv involved 
" in obscurity *•" Was it (air, was it can- 
did in the candid and pious /^ddington;, to 
select out of this senter.ce llu' words, 
" anxiety and alarm,''' and to make them 
apply (o Mr. Canning's fei:lin;is with rc- 
s[)ect to t!ie prospect of war? Was it con- 
sistent, i do not say with entimeiiLs of ho- 
nour, but with principles of common 
honesty, to garble a sentence in sjch a 
manner and for suth a purpose.' 

To have exposed a misrepresentation so 
gross and so base as this, would not, onq 
■would Ihiiik, have been too much to expect 
from one, who professed to be so very Ac- 
curate an Observer, and who undertook to 
give an aKszcer to al! the mi^i epresenlations 
and calumnies in the ministerial pamphlet. 
But, we shall, in pursuing our examination 
a little further, find that, in what he has 
said of Mr. Canning a'^ well a in w hat he 
has said of others the .Accurate Observer 
goes no furihcr than the intercuts of Mr. 
Pitt require him to go. The charge which 
the Near Observer brings against Mr. Can- 
ning may be reduced to three points: first, 
that of acting as the under-handed agent, 
or tool of Mr. Pitt; second, that of being 
a mere partizan and stickler for the liouse 
of GrCnville; third, that of bejng the 
" in'itrnment of Mr. Windham and the 
" auxiliary of Cobbett." Lot u- hear what 
the Accurate Observer, the defender and 
eulogist of Mr. Pitt, and the professed 
friend of Mr. Canning; let u^ hear how lie 
answers the^e misrepresentations and ca- 
lumnies. '*• Mr. Canning, " says he, " is 

*♦ complimented most deservedly for rare 
" talents and private worth, bat he is ac- 
*' cused, not w ith a ve->' good grace, by 
" the author of the ' Cur.sory Remarks,' 
*' and vMthout any proof, widi libelling 
" those wh')in he opposes. He is also re- 
" presented as having become the ' in- 
" ' strument of other persons.' Mr. Can- 

• Sec Debates, March clljoi. 
lll.p. 136J. 

ItegUtcr, Vcj. 


*' ning appears to have felt very strongly 
*' the incapacity of tho present ministers, 
*' and particularly of Mr. Addington; !o 
" have considered them as acting upon no 
** system whatever, and, as well as Lord 
" Grenville, to have founded his opposi- 
" tion upon this ground; and to have ta- 
•* ken an active and a consistent j^art in 
" endeavouring to enforce this opinion. 
" No pretence whatever is stated for re- 
*' presenting him as acting under the con- 
^* trol of Lord Grenville, which would not 
" equally have applied to any other emi- 
*' nent statesman, in whose opinions he 
" had coincided, and who had taken the 
*' same line as himself. It is a novel doc- 
** trine which pervades the whole of the 
*' ♦ Cursory Remarks^' that if a person suj)- 
" ports the administratioHj he is supposed 
" to act from the purest and most disin- 
" terested motives ; but if he opposes their 
** measures, he is looked upon as the in- 
*' strument of others, or as acting under 
'* the influence of the meanc-st and tlie 

*' basest passions. The insinuation that 

*' Mr. Canning's conduct gives the oppo- 
" sition which Mr. Pitt may have made, or 
'*• may hereafter make, to any measure of 
" Mr. Addington, * the suspicion of sys- 
" ' tem, preconcert, and policy,' is unvvor- 
" thy of a serious answer. What would 
*' our author have said ot preconcert and 
" system, if instead of taking dift'erent 
*' lines (and not without a good deal of dis- 
** satisfaetion towards each other on that 
" account) Mr. Pitt and Mr. Canning had 
*' adopted i/ie same systematic course of 
*' opposition ?— — This is not the first time 
*' that such insinuations have been thrown 
" out, and the friends of jVIr, Addington 
*' (or at least those who professed to be so) 
" never ceased attempting to excite in his 
" mind doubts of the sincerity of Mr. Pitt; 
*' Mr. Canning is asked whether he did 
*' not feel that (by his conduct) he was 
*' throwing ' suspicions over that since- 
" ' rity ?' a point upon which he is said to 
*' have 'exculpated Mr. Pitt with great 
*' ' eloquence, but imperfect success.' Mr. 
" Canning attempted no exculpation what- 
" ever from such a charge. He treated if 
" as reflecting disgrace upon those alone 
** who could harbour such a sent'uieiU, ar^d 
'• rejected the base imputation with scorn 
" and contempt. It was not enough for 
** these pretended friends of Mr. Adding- 
" ton, f/iaf Mr. Pitt dhapjiroved highly cf Mr. 
" Canning's ^arliavientary conduct. It apj^jear- 
" ed as if nothing short of crealiiig an ir- 
** reconcilable enmity between these men 
** could convince them of Mr. Pitt's sin- 

JANUARY 21, 1804. [70 

" cerity." And this is " an an;ivtr to 

" misrepresentations and calumnies !'' An 
answer which, except that it denies that 
Mr. Canning's conduct amounts to a proof 
of Mr. Pitt's insinceri/y, is no answer at all ; 
and, it is very evident, that it was solely for 
the purpose of making this denial, that 
Mr. Canning was even named by the Ac- 
curate Observer. This generous defender 
does, indeed, slightly remark, that no pre- 
tence is stated for representing Mr. Csn- 
ning as a mere •A'-tisan and stickler for the 
iiouse of Grenv.'.ie; but, as to the third 
point, as to the charge of being " a leader 
" ofdoggrel and lampoon, a power in the 
" war of abuse and invective, an instru- 
" mentofMr. Windham, and an auxiliary 
" of Cobbett;" as to this the Accurate 
Observer leaves the public to conclude that 
no answer can be given. In the passage 
last quoted, the Near Observer alludes to 
the poetical /Vw.v <r/'i?.r/ir/7, which appeared in 
Vol. III. of the Political Register, and many 
of which were, from their excellence, attri- 
buted to Mr. CaiDiing. Of that which 
comes to me without a name I cannot, of 
course, know the author, except by acci- 
dent; and, therelbre, I cannot say, that of the articles in question were written 
by Mr. Canning; but, I can with perfect 
truth declare, that, while I kno^M tli^t seve- 
ral, and those of the most admired, were iiot 
written by him, I do not kwiu., nor have I 
ever heard, except by way of mere guess, 
that any one of them, or that any article 
whatever, whether verse or prose, that has, 
at any time, appeared in the Register, -Mas 
written by him. Mr. Long could not, in- 
deed, be certain of what is here stated; 
but, when he sat down to answer all the 
misrepresentations and falsehoods of the 
Near Observer, he might, surely, have 
taken the trouble to obtain from Mr. Can- 
ning him^e!f correct information as to the 
styiteof this fiict, a precaution which he has, 
in no instance, neglected, with respect to 
the charges preferred against Mr. Pitt. Be- 
sides, as Mr. Canning was accused of being 
a brother instrument ivith me., Mr. Long, 
tliough he could not positivel) assert that I 
was not an instrument of Air. Windham, 
might have asserted that /•<? knevj that I was 
not to be made an instrument of the late ml' 
nistry^ and might have left his readers to 
CO ;clude therefrom, tlut, it was rot very- 
likely for me to become an instrument of 3 
single member of thai ministry, especially 
after he was out of place ; or, he might 
Sdfely have averred, that, if this really was 
the case, my disposition was precisely con- 
trary to that of all the writers, with whom 



/' IkiiI ever been acqunlntrd. Bur, to 

rLturii, JO Mr. Caiininv;** public and p;irlia 
nuMit.iry lOiuiucr; in what piiit ot it do wc 
pt rtcive tlint sl.ivi«h devotion to t)ilier«, 
u'liicb the Addii>mons have so calurriiious- 
ly altiibufcd to him r Was his tlcvotlou lo 
L' rd Gri'iwille and Mr. W.ii.lham dis- 
cnvcicdin hu uM)uliiig both tu »pcak :«ik1 
to vote on any ot ihc <juiiii<>n9 connected 
with ihc pmcf ^ Wat l;is dcvutiod n- Mr. 
I'itf discovered in his spt^kini; and votiii.^ 
in tavour <>> Mr. I'altcn's nuit'.ii .■" lli<i con 
duel on thciC occasions r.ecd>. mcrtly to be 
rrleircd t^, in ordrr to anKWcr the misrcprc- 
srnr.itions of the Trcasuiy pamphlet ; bur, 
tins was, it sepnis, too laborious;! ta<k for 
the Accurate Ob&ervfr.-~-- 1 he tiuth is, 
and it is a tiinb «ith which bi-tli Mr. Ad- 
dingtoii and Mr. J^^ng were well ncquaint- 
ed, thut Mr. Canning disappr vcd ot the 
peace open tl.c s.iine priiicij'lts a; Lord 
Gi(nvilleand Mr. Windlun), but thnt, pre- 
vious to the- List gOicral election, beheld 
his scat by such a t<.n(.ire, that he could nor, 
without a breach of laith, act aj^ain t the mi- 
nis ry in parliamentj cspicially v. inic they 
W' re supported by Mr. Alter the 
ciccfii-n, \vhcn he found himself released 
Ircm tlr !-c oblij/ttticns which hid kept him 
silent, be, of course, acted for himtcit ; and, 
3Ccor.;ingly, uhile we sec him tailhful to 
his tricnosliip for Mr. l*itt, wo r.lso see hlni 
too indepcnocnt to lollow his triei'.d, wlicre 
he thicks him in the wronj;, as in ihc in- 
stance «)f Mr. Patten's morion. Was it 

too much for the Accurate Observer tostate 
these tacts ? Or, did he lliink that the st.otc- 
incnt was by no ncahs- «eccss-;ary co the vin- 
dication of Mr. ritt } 'i'his gciulcman, how- 
ever, who has, by certain time-serving c'i- 
tios (oi wh.ur I shall speak. hereafter), beca 
highly extolled for liis t-/j.v./:.;.r; ih's " accu- 
" rale'" and candid Observer docs allow, 
that Mr. Cannnig j)o4sessf8 " agyiTcable ta- 
*' Icnis and /.?•;■:'<//<■ worth," but, ju estinia.- 
tin^^ his ft.'tyw/ :alents and /iiiblu worth, the 
r.nacrhttS n » other st-.ndard than that vvhieli 
it luinished him in the fact, which this can- 
did person wa3 the first to coiTnuunicaie to 
tb^ world; to wit; " that Mr. i'itt ///^'AV 
«' dhaplin'-jcti <,: Mr.'s p-rliamcn- 
*» tary coi di!ct," a fact, the publishing ot 
\vhi« h, inij^ht serve to drar Mr. I'itt troin 
the ch-.uge of insincerity, but, wJiich, in the 
opinion < i Mr. Pitt's culoi^isf, at lc.:?(, could 
111. I b'j intended to render a:'v service 
lo ihc thaiacter of IVlr. C.inniny;, v. Iio has, 
on lS'» occasi Ml, go id leiiti'n to exclaim, in 
the ivotilg of hib own clcgtinc poem : 

** (Gl»"e mi the avoWd, lt>e cicct; the m.-fhly foe : 
** Bold 1 cajj mtct, — \ ct liaji; n:.iy turn, his Llow : 


•' But of all plaguo, good licav'n, tlij- wrath can 

" scurf, 
" Sivc, »avr, oli ! save mc from the tMidiJfrltadlV. 

(To be cmilntud.) 


SiH,— On reading the debates on the 
" luluiiitrr Kunipiiin .'iii,' in a newspaper 
of the 15lh ot Dfcrntber last, a passage 
in the Chancellor of the Exchequer's sptecli 
ino-sl forcibly a!rn« k me, indeed, so foicibly, 
that I could staicely believe my own eyes. 
It was, Sir, as foilou's : speaking of ihe vo- 
lunteers he observes, " Ttnj are as goo/i, 
" and in many instances, hettir men than com-' 
" pote the militia^ and noy, in mntiy itt>- 
" stances, froie full as serviccflbUt whilst 
" lite prficnt if a force tmxampti'd in point of 
" nuntbers." Gr^icious God ! and is this the 
language" of his ^lajesty's first minister ? 
Are his Majesty's servants so cr mpletely in- 
itcied with this foluntn'r as to be i;i- 
ciirable .' th; y should hold out this 
species of loice to the world to be as good, 
and as serviceable, and in n)any instances, 
belter than ihe militia ! ! ! The miHtia which 
Jias been styled one of the corner stones of 
the constiiuiitn : which has tvir bien re- 
garded ns a noble iusiitiiiion, and a tjiorough 
constitutional lorce : which bad its origin 
at liie eaiiitst dawn of our greatness as a 
nation : which bns in every instance most 
fully answered the intention of its creation ; 
nay, from zoal has of en exceeded ilje bounds 
prescribed .- and which was clasjed by that 
enlightened statesman, Mr. Pox (wbe n de- 
bating on the general defence act) with ihc 
regular!, \vh{ never he, fcpoke of tlie am:yl 
in coiitra-disiinction to Llie z-clitnietrs. — — 
It has cf Lite, Sir, been much the fashion 
amongst his Majesty's servants, and their 
pnnis.ins, to endeavour to raise a popular 
ciy against Mr. Windham, in order, if pos- 
sible, to shake the Ibriridable onposition of 
that p.iriy to the measures of his Majesty'^ 
govcrnmtiit. To this end they often have to the most fl.igrant mi-sreprcsenta- 
tinus : amongst the foremost is ihcir con- 
simctioh ot Mr. AVindi'.am's observations on 
the militia ; (who in reality said no more 
than every militia officer readily admits) 
but, Sir, for argument sake, allow for one 
inomct that ihcir representations are cor- 
rect : to w hat docs it amount when com- 
pared with the uotd* of the Ch.inctlior of 
the h.Achcqucr. Mi. Windham is accused 
of vilifying ihc miiiiia, lyoiawii.g invidi^ 
ous comparisons between them and the 
troojs of the line, the best soldiers in the 
world. Whereas Mr, AJdington ha? plic- 

^3] J A N U A 

ed them in fome instances on a par, in 
many instances below the volunteers, who 
are feailier-bed soldiers, of the creation of a 
flay, in great measure conipohcd of irrnti 
nous and turbulent shop-keepers, not under 
martial iavv, subject to little or no control, 
managed by armed committees, who, in 
many Instances dictate laws, cashier and 
appoint officers at discretion. But, Sir, 
when languai:^^ to this effect was held in 
the House; JVIr. IJ. Addington observed, 
.that Mrv Wlndhym drew his conclusions 
from a solitary instance, " ab vno disce 
omnes" (observed Mr. H. A.) *' h hardly a 
fair Hjjay of judging.'* Instea.i, Sir, of Mr. 
Windham hiiving- only a ^'' ioHlary instance" 
to back his opinion, he might have ad- 
duced numberless equally to the point. I 
could myself prove it to be correct in many 
that have come within the sphere of my 
own knowledge. In no one more stroiig, 
than in the conduct of the * * * voIu:i- 
tter cavalry. Soon after they were formed, 
H. R. H. the Duke of Cumberland was ap- 
pointed to the command of the Severn dis- 
trict : and some time after he came to 
* * *, he inspected the corps above-men- 
tioned. Tney fonned in a circle round 
him, and with a becoming zeal volunteered 
for any description of service he should 
deem most advisable. At this period they 
consisted of two troops mounted, and one 
dismounted, the mounted had captains ap- 
pointed, the dismounted had not. The se- 
nior captain commanded. Soon after this 
a dispute arose v/iih regard to the appoint- 
ment of a major; this created a division in 
the corps, boih amongst ofKcers and nien : 
the majority were displeased with the con- 
duct of their senior captain ; and foigetting 
the sacred pledge they had just made the 
Duke, forgetting the solemn engagement 
they had entered into by taking up arms in 
defence of their country at so momenror.s a 
period, they, together with the :d cap- 
tain and most of the officers, absolutely re- 
signed and disbanded themselves. Soon af- 
terwards a number of meetings were pub- 
licly advertised by the cor/:miUee; at one of 
these meetings the captain withdrew his 
name, in consequence of what had happen- 
ed ; and this august committee, as though 
they had a commission superior to the Lord 
Lieutenant, re-appointed the officers, and 
re-embodied the men who had disbanded 

themselves ! ! 1 ! The infantry corps of 

that place is large and respectable, and for 
the cheerfulness with which they perform- 
ed certain duties, deserved comtiiendation : 
but I was an ear witness to an observation 
roade by a ge:i{!;ma/i of tlie corps in v, pub- 

R Y 21, 180-1; [/-t 

lie coftee-roo:n, v/hich to a niillfary man 
appears replete with mutiny; he was speak- 
ing of some trifiing change in the dress, 
which some of the corj'S wished to adopt 
vvh.en on duty, but which, it appeared the 
lieut. -colonel, (a trulv valu.'.bie oflicei) ob- 
jected to. " A'o matier, (obse.'vcd this gen- 
tleman) tve shall soon have a committee of our 
own stamp, and then zvs shall have things 

comfortahle ! ! r Three companies of a 

regiment in Somersetshire, v\hcn the pikes 
were tendered them, would not touch them, 
and persisted in refusing, when ordered by 

the colonel in person. 1 fear, Sir, I 

trespass too much upon your patience, I 
could enumerate numberless similar in- 
stances, but these, with ochers which have 
been publicly cited, sufHciently evince, that 
these gentlemen soldi-en^ who compose the 
" lath and 'plaster''* army will, as they are 
now organized, both tk-mk and act., nor o;dy 
contrary to the opinion, but in direct oppo- 

sifiori to the orders of their officers. But, 

Sir, to return to my text, and to be as brief 
as possible, Mr. Addington's observation 
was tueak in the extreme ; if he thinks the 
miliiia are as much more useful, as they are 
expensive, in proportion to the volunteers, 
nothing could be more absurd. Or if he 
thinks, in point of utility, they can ever be 
inferior to, or even upon a par with a volun- 
teer force, why give them, upon \\\<?'n pre- 
sent systeiT), such sanction and supports, and 
why augment their numbers to such an e.\'- 
tenr. But, Sir, on such a subject the ab- 
surdity is too {glaring to need pointing out. 
View it in v\hat light you will, it was itti' 
politic. In the course of l^st war, ministers 
found the sea/ of rnUiiia officers of great use, 
with rey;ard to Ireland and other services ; 
and how far it was prudent to trifie with 
that zeal, is a point I must leave to Mr. 

Addington's consideration. 1 am, Sir, 

wiiii great rcbpect, your obedient rer- 
vanr, J. O. 

Exeter, Jan. XI, 1S04. 


StR, — However beautiful the building*!, 
howr.vfr charming the prospects tliat tioated 
before ths eyes of tiis founriers and the 
framers of the income tax, they are but cas- 
tles in the air ; schemes which look well 
enough on p^per, but never can be put in 
practice. Measures founded (1 ahow) on 
sound financial principles, but which under 
no government, and in no country, can be 
carried into etiect, until the doi^iinion of 
truth is universal and self-interest ar.nihilat- 
ed. Ui;der tiisse irapressions 1 tave been 


'i fo look for some method by wliicli a 
Ijrgf supply msy be raided, without iiivolv- 
.'iig ih« difficuliirs which aitend th;? present 
':ici<m<? tax ;* nnd in ihc present arra of our 
fifi.iiirial career, the field Is not very ex- 
I'-U'.ive, I cnii discover no cotupetent sub- 
j-ct of taxation, but thit of landed and fund- 
ed properly. I would wipe out all the 
odious part of the income t.ix, and would 
K-;ne only a fix on lande 1 and funded pro- 
perty, wliich, ansessed and collected on the 
plan I should propose, would produce a^sum 
I'pproathing even to the wliole recei|)t of 
the fncomc tnx. and which wonid become a 
sure and Listing source of annual supply. 

A new and equal land tav is a bch'rme 

f-npposed to have been long in contempla- 
tion, an 1 kept as a kind of corps ds rc-:eive 
for worse tiniff';. But surely iIktc can be no 
solid argument against raising the supplies 
in the most ea^y and efficacious mmner. I 
can see no reas>.n for hnsbaiiding this part 
o{ our re«;ources at the expense of another, 
and at the expense too of our comfort and 

happiness. A fax on the funds lias also 

been m contemplation, but Iia^ hitherto been 
prevented by arguments, which, to mc, inve 
always appeared absurd. It is jaid, the 
faith of governniTnt is pledged against it. 
The foirh of gfivernmcnl is equally'' pledged 
that no law wtiat,oever shall be made to af- 
fect the properly of any man. It mar as 
well be said, that the p.irson is agorieve'd by 
the resi.lcnce b:!! or the curates bill, because 
It has lessened the value of his benelice. 
When F buy an estate or buy stock, I equally 
know that the legislature may impose a tax 
nn ir. and a tax on the one, therefore, is no 

greater hardship than on the oiher The 

nccp tnx Ihcn that J would propose, is an 
annual tax of one shilling in .i,e pound on 
the present yearly value of all land,, houses, 
tvihrs, offices, and other hereditaments in 
the king lorn, and on the yearly dividend of 
all stock m ilie public funds, whctiicr the 
propeity of residents or foreigners. 'J|>e ai,. 
nual vnlue of lands to be ascertained by an 
actual survey and valuation of the whole 
kingdom, which, however arduous a task it 
may at fust ..em, may. J am convinced, be 
accomplished at no very great expense in 
the course ct a few months; and I am 
er]ualiy convinced, that there is no other 
means whatever of geliin- at thelair and 
r.iual value of lands. tKc lax would be 
imposed in the first instance on Uie occupier 
permitting him to deduct Js. in the pound 

outot his rent The land t.ix would be 

ccUecfed by the same oflicers, and under the 
«.un- regulations as the nre>ont land tax • 
and the fund tax wouid be collected at the 


Bank, \^ iihout any ri*k or expense whatso- 
ever. The produce of the fund tax may 

be in a mo:nent ascertained by reference to 
the amotmt of the interest of the national 
debt. The produce of the land tax is not so 
ea<ily ascert.iincd, but I am convinced it 
would, at least, be equal to the present land 
tax at -Is. in the pbnnd. So that npon this 
sMpposiiion the whole produce of the n>-\\' 

tax would be about two millions. J am 

aware of one nbi-ction which must immedi- 
ately occur, that the tax is partial. My an- 
swer to this is, that the profit of labour, for 
obvious reasons, ought not fo be taxed at 
all ; that the savings of such labour will, 
most pvobablv. immediately become the sub- 
ject of tax ; thit though the value of priv.Tte 
securities may be enhanced at the expense ot 
the public ones, yet this evil, if it is one, 
cannot in its nature be extensive ; and that 
if the tax tends to drive the monicd man in- 
to speci lations of trade, it will in that re- 
spect t«nd to the ultimate benefit of the 

country. The ideas I have suggested 

have no claim to novelty, but my object is 
merely fo call the attention of the public to 
a scheme of t.ixation which must sooner or 
later be adopted, to point out a measure 
which we must be driven to at last, and to 
suggest that there is no reason for harassing 
ourselves with the income tax, whilst any 
other subject of taxation remains unoccu- 
pied. R. B. 


S;«, — An attack of some a<;perily his 
lattly appeared in your Ue^ister against the 
Society for tlif; Suppression of Vice. To 
^■Jiy the least of this society, it is composed 
of gcnileincn, not only of the first rank, but, 
what i6 more to the purpose, of the most so- 
lid piety and talents in the kingdom. I 
shall make no apology for this defence, as, 
with your u^ual candour, you have invited 
it. — —Of the general propriety of such as- 
sociations, for such purposes, I should think 
there could be but one opinion. I shall not 
run into the common place assertion, that 
the world increases in corruption as in age, 
.-nd that our morali-y is ?.t a lower point 
thau that of our fithrrs ; but it cannot be 
deiiitd, that though the general stock of 
vice, as .irising in all ages from the same 
source, is, perhaps, in all ages nearly the 
same, ytt that some aeras have been more 
favourable than others to the growth of some 
paiiicular vice, an* thus, with regard to 
this, the corruption is greater at one time 
than another. Thus the daik ages v.ere 
those of bigotry, and thai cruelty of pcrs»- 


moda*'e(I, if at no nearer place, at Westmin- 
ster Abbey ; where the solemnity of the 
temple and the trophied honour* of sepul- 
chral testimony over the remaios of heroes 
■ivi)o died for their country, would have 
added a digfaified, patriotic feeling, to which 
jhe Irivolicies of Raiiclagh cannot be com- 
pared wiihout a kind of sacrilege.— I will 
not say the pulpit is degraded and the dci^k 
prophaned, which were removed to the ro- 
tunda ; but, when we look back a few years 
to tbe circular letter of a pielate to his 
clergy on the subject of theatrical slugers at 
charity sermnns, we cannot but wonder at 
the names of Incledon and Braham among 
the choristers } and censiJering the whole 
of this motley scenery of " the sacred and 
profane," how are we to reconcile the 
nice punctilious strainings of that prelate at 
every little gnat when he so quietly swal- 
lowed this camel ? It appears, Sir, how- 
ever improper and indecorous it maybe, 
that this ceremony should be permitted at 
Ranelagh at all, a reverend gentleman was 
not sufficiently gratified with what was per- 
mitted there ; for we are given to under- 
stand, that he wished to introduce a prayer 
of his own composition, in order actually to 
consecrate the colours. This prayer has 
been hurried into the newspapers v/ith such 
anxiety, and printed with such correctness 
as to betray, with sometliing like certainty, 
its being sent there by the writer himself; 
and it was accompanied by a sort of com- 
plaint that her Majesty would not permit it 
to be used. If such was the case, so far from 
any blame attaching to her Majesty, she de- 
serves the highest claim for her discriminat- 
ing judgment. ^Of the comporition of 

the prayer, to use a vulgar phrase, " the 
leiist said is the soonest mended." New 
prayers even on the most urgent occasions 
should be cautiously used — boih, as our 
common form embraces almost every possi- 
ble occasion, and because, (iomtvvhat to 
console this yo"-'"!? gentleman for my re- 
mark) from all the specimens of occasional 
new prayers which have appeared for some 
years, there is much reason to conclude 
with a late bishop, that the true spirit of 
plum-porridge and praycr-makitig fell toge- 
ther. Indeed, for so young a clergyman to 
obtrude his MS. prayers on any pretence is so 
absurd, that I should as soon have expect- 
ed her Majesty to turn author herself, and 
indulge the public with instructions fv)r the 

cradle, and tales for the nursery. But I 

do not mean so much to quariel with the 
prayer itself, as the reverend gentleman's 
apparent iutention of cumecraUng the co- 

JANUARY 21, 1804. [M 

lours by it. I have not the honour of his 

acquaintance, but in pure kindness have all 
along presumed hiru to be a very youth, 
perhaps in Deacon's orders only, who has not 
had an opporiuniiy of consulting his dic- 
tionary on ihe term, or inquiring into the 
history of it, and invcllgnting to v/honi the 
powers of consecralmi belong. To conse^ 
crale is to " make holy," " to devote any 
" thing entirely to God','' It may be a^ked, 
if the colours are 7wt consecrated, why do 
prayers precede the ceremony of presenta- 
tion ? There was a good old custom, still 
preserved in many places, and it were devoutly 
to be wished that it were preserved in many 
more, to hear prayers previous to every sort 
of public business; it is continued before 
the daily deliberations of both Houses of 
Parliament, &c. ; and on certain days before 
the City companies, vi'heu they distribute 
their charities rnd dine with their liveries ; 
but it never can be contended that they 
consecrate a turnpike hill at the one, or tbe 
turtle and venison of the other. As well 
might it be contended, that the First Consul, 
consecrated the invi7icibie standard which 
your poor unrewarded friend, Lutz, proved to 

be vincible, But even if colours are to 

be consecrated, is the ceremony to be per- 
formed by a Deacon, for such I hope, for 
his reputauon-sake, this gentleman is ? la 
the whole history of the church we trace 
the powers of consecration to be alone in 
the Apostles and their successors, that is. 
Bishops ; and we read, even in papnl times, 
o{ no conscciiitcd banners but such as were 
blessed by the Pope himself, or by legatine 
authority ; which word legatine, if this 
young gentleman should not understand it, 
may be explained by Lady Harrington's ap- 
pearance at Ranelagh as prosy.-- This 

gentleman may teli me, that every priest \xis 
the power of con'^ecrating the elements of 
the sa^jraraent. I readily grant this, and 
have to observe upon it, that this power 
is particularly and specilicaily given to him as 
a priest, at ordination, and is derived from his 
legatine authority 3 and the power so spe- 
cilicaily given at that time infers thU he 

possesses it in no other. 1 hsve troubled 

you, Sir, .with this long letter to rescue 
her Majesty from the imputation of capti- 
ously depriving the colours, she muniticently 
bestowed, of a portion of holiness, and to 
explain my opinion of consecration ; fearful 
that many zealous, Vk^ell meaning p':'rsons, 
through th°. sanction which this reverend 
gentleman's quer.t'on»ness would have be- 
stowed upon it, shou'd be led into a gross 
superitition, respecung consecrated colour''. 


derogntor)- to the prinvipli.-* of i1m» e«iabii»h- 

c.l church t.f tnglaiiJ. lam. Sir, your 

hu >iblc servjiii, CtEaicus. 

lOih J;iniiary, 1801. 


OJJlcia! Deihirntion of tk' Ejnperor sftit tt 
the Deputy iij U;e £,jiuitriun Ordtr of Fran- 

'Jh'.* under-ioncd, Vice Cfuncellnr of 
the Empire, has laid brforc his Imperial Ma- 
jrsiy the mot luiuiblr aJdrcss, in whi<h ihc 
tbirtern mcmbc ri of the E(|Ui:suijn Order of 
i-r.mconia, sunimoritd lo Baii.brrg ihe l()ih 
of N'ovfii)[)cr by I he H.iv.iro P.ilaliiic Govern- 
ment, l-.ave given an acaunt of the remark- 
able cvtnls of that day. Mis iMajesty h.u 

seen, wiih plea>urc-, by ihit address, ihnt tlic 
said nicnibcrs of ilie Kijiie^triau Order, rc- 
ganiing as ihey ougiu ihc; nUcniions mani- 
ttbtrd oi iht; dale of tiic- 3d of last m jnih, 
and g .idtd by that scnliment of attachment 
to ihfir snpreme Chie: which they have in- 
)>oriled ih'ir ancestors, have remained 
laitliti.I to ih'j Emperor and Empire ; and 
that, conducting thf mscivcs as brave and 
loyai Girmnns, neither tlie mpnacfs, nor the 
attacks actually made, iiavc bet ji able to turn 
tli-m from the obhgaiious which they have 
contracted byoatJ), nor from iliecon.>.iitnlion 
v.hich has subjisted un'd tJiu present mo- 
ment, aiil has been solemnly sanctioned by 
tlu! last decree of the empire. Hi.s Ma- 
jesty, in his quahty as Supreme Chief and 
Dctcndcr of tiie rights of tJie Gerinanic 
J.cague, has opposed an energetic interfe- 
rence, addressed to his Electoral Highness 
the Elector of Bavaria, fortnnliy demandir.g 
that the status (juo, relative to llic Equestrian 
Order, ihould be rc-establidied in all ir.s re- 
lations, such as it existed before his Highness 
took possession of the countries as.iigned to 
Lim as indemnities, and such as it has beeti 
solemuly guaranteed by the la.-t decree of the 
General Diet: ijial it .should not be troubled 
again in tuturewith arbitiary sicpi and me.i- 
«-ires, atid that f.)r the particular d:lfcrenccs 
that might exist, his Iligiiness would never 
lose sight of wh.u is prescribrd by the de- 
cree of tlic Empire of 1,".5;h. That Lis Im- 
perial Majesty expected from the character 
of the Elector, from hi< wi-dom and his love 
of justice, that after Irtving wrighr-d witJi 
coolness this request of hia Imperial M.ijesty, 
founJcd entirely upon iIk; laws and tlie con- 
stitution, h« would tecl noduhrulty to satis- 
fy them completely, so much tl;e more, ai 
h\i Majesty the Emperor U firndy revolved, 
in hi< quality as Supreme Chit-f, at.d con- 
formj'jlv with his duty, to n;aioiaiu tlir 


tranquillity of the Enipire. to protect, by «1- 
tcii'jr mciisurc^, the immeliatc Equciilrian 
Order agaioM all violence and oppression. 
'Vhr. undefsignr-d, Vice Chancrllwr of the 
Empire, hii th*» honour to conwDonic.Tie ihi"» 
supreme deciMun to ihr t.ivoy of the Eque»- 
trian Order, \\\ o.-der i.'iu lie mav t-onimnni- 
cate it to his companions, and thai thev mav 
find in it new encouragen)ent to comiimo 
invariably in the gh^noiis tiinine'Js which 
they havedisplayed, and in their attachment 
to the Supreme Chifrl" and to the Cansti- 
tution. (Signed) 

y'Kni.a^ DfC. 3. 


Lf.ttf.r frovi Serretary Yorkc, to the Lords 
Lituicr.anl of Couutits. autluriiirtg the ap- 
prtbiiiudn of such persons as may be dan' 
dcitiimly landed oh the Comt, from Neutral 
fessi/s. Datid If^htteba.'/, Dec. 2+. 

My Lord, — It having afipcared tiiat 
Dutch vcssfh lioni Hollaiui, under Prussian 
colours, iiavebcH-n in the practice of resort- 
ing to li.e East Coast of England, for the 
double purpose of carrving on contraband 
trade, and conve\ing intelligence to the 
enemy, it has been judged proper to direct 
th;it they sliou'd in future be prevented from 
so doing between the liumber and the 
Downs, Yarinouih Roads and the Downs 
excepted. As, however, the measures 
taken for this purpose, may, in some in-* ^ 
stances, be eluded, by their putting persons'«o 
clandcslinelvon shore, where the coast will li 
permit of it, I am lo desire that your Lord- c* 
siiip will particularly point the attention of 
the Magistrates residing in tho neighbour- 
hood of tlie coast of Essex to this circuin- 
.slancc, in ordtr that they may direct the 
I'eace Ofncers, to be particularly watchful 
in discovering any persons of this descrip' 
tion, and in biinging them before the Ma- rates to be examined ; in which case I 
should wish that the result may be tran"^- 

niillfd to me as .six:c.lily us possible. 1 

have the honour to be, &c. c, yorki-. 

Coptf of a Circular Letter from Afr. Secretory 
Yorke lo the Lieulevdnts of the several 
Coiin.'rci in Great Britain, tinted li^hitehall, 
\A(h Jan. 1804. 
My I>oku,— — His MsjestyV confiden- 
tial servants have thought ii to be their do- 
ty, on further consiilering the improvements 
of which the volunteer system is capable, to 
extend to it evrry useful aid and assistance 
which it can rrc ive, consistent wiUi a due 
aiiciuioii to tli<^t principle ol ecunoiny on 


J A N U A 

ciiiion xvh'th invhrir^bly attends upon religi- 
ous zeal. The present age has run into the 
contrary exireme ; this is the age ot infule- 
lity, and the new philosophy. Unite the 
emblemntic representations of the four fir<t 
monarchies in the sublime and prophetic 
image of D.inic], (he clay, the iron, and the 
brass ; compose the aUei^oric nv)nEter effect 
of clay, of a lieart of iron, and a front of 
brass, and you have no bad image of a (jfih 
monarchy, that of intidciity, and the new 
philosophy. The baseness of its origin can 
only be equalled by its elfrontery, and its 
insensibility to every human atfection, "and 
charity is such as will scarci?ly permit ns to 
rank it among th"se moral essences, to which 
tlie understanding of man, in its utmost de- 
pravity, can be supposed to give birth. We 
owe it to the benevolence of Providence, 
that the sacred fabric of our church and mo- 
rurcliy lias not as ytt sunk beneath its arm : 
but it has sapped what it was not able to 
overthrow, and liie structures yet tremble 
with the shock it has given to their founda- 
tions. Yes, Sir, I repeat it with real re- 
gret, that our national faith in the truths of 
chrisiianiry, is at present neither so general, 
nor so firoi against attack*, as in tlie happier 
xlays even of our fathers. With these pre- 
mises permit me to ask this question : are die 
assaults of this demoniac vigour to be opposed 
by ordinary and insufiicient resources ? 
V/hen every thing is in association agiinst 
religion and mor.dity, is nothing to associate 
for its support ? When by the removal of 
one of the bars of moral restraint, the belief 
of future retribution, the passions have ob- 
tained greater license, is the broken bar to 
be renewed, or are we to teraain spectators 
of its ravage till it terminates in general 
Turn. It 13 in the necessity of things that 
Zeal can only be opposed by zeal, and that 
■what is bigotry in a bad cause, is enthu- 
siasm in a good one. In a word, it is to 
such associations ihat half the venerable in- 
Stituti" IIS in the world, owe, not only their 
original birth, but their permanence to the 
present time. By the league of Smalkald 
our present national rf:ligion was established. 
On the other bund, by that of the League, 
(he Catholic church was preserved in a 
country in which it is now disgraced. To 
produce an instance in the memory of every 
one, the association at the comtnencement 
of the late war has been acknowledged by 

all to have saved the constitution. So 

much as to the general effect and utility of 
associations. But to proceed to the parti- 
cular argume/it* of the assailants of the So- 
ciety for the ^uppre.'ision nf Vice. The so- 
ciety, has fou.^d it uecesiary t<i employ some 

H 7" 2i, iso-j, [ys 

under agents to discover the pmrtic^rs which 
it professes to supervise and correct This^ 
say the assailatits, is introducing ibc system 
of Espionage ; :md wh-it iuju-tice, they ex- 
claim, may ijot result from such a practice ? 
These evils may be reduced to tw) ; lirst, 
that the rewards of the society tempt the in-, 
form^^rs, upon any defect of matter, to fi's-e 
information : secondly, that the fury rtiay 
thu'i be led to punish innocence. — —With 
regard to the firrt argutnent, that these un-» 
der agents should he laid aside, because ihey 
nray be occasionally corrupt, it may briflly 
be answered, that it is one nf tiiese s<iphis» 
tries which objects to the introduction of a 
thing of general utility, because it is .''ubject 
to some particular inconvenience. Every 
instrument must be considered either ag use- 
ful or pernicious, according to the utility or 
inconvenience of its natural application, and 
not of its occasional dtviation, If 'hy. .sys- 
tem of the society, in thus encouraj^ing in- 
formers, be that of tempting them to per- 
jury ; if this be the direct and immedi.ite ef- 
fect of their rewards, the .system is doubt- 
less bad ; but if the evil of false inform jtion 
be only iucidfiital, and the effect cf employ- 
ing these agents, hov/ever conieniptib'.e in 
themselves, be generally not only good but 
necessary.; if the rat is only to be hunted to 
his hole by the ferret, and iniquity can only 
be tracked to its burrows, by beings like it- 
.self, there is an end of all objectioti against 
the use of informers. In a word, this prin- 
ciple of moral lav/ is no less" certaiii ihaii 
clear; that every thing is to be couiiderrd 
as good or evil, according to its general, and 
not to its particular nature, accordmg to it.s 
direct and immediate, and not to its casual 
or incidental effects. Willi regard to the 
second argument, the posMbil'ty of the con- 
viction of innocence, the aswi'atit here con- 
founds the notions of judge and accuser ; the 
informer is but the accuser, the jury lias to 
decide upon the weight of his evidence. 
The chwacter of the informer' is here doubt- 
less considered, with every usual, iinleed, 
suitable allowance against him, and bal.Tuced 
against the general reputation of the ac- 
cused. From the usual caution of the cciurt, 
in a 1 such cases, none but the strongest 
guilt caii be effectual to convict. 

Thfre is a third objection, that this sys- 
tem of informers is lo do evil that good may 
come of it ; this is the same error vhich we 
have above answered, that of mistaking the 
exception for the rule, the particular for- the 
general. It is, doubtless, die duty of c:ver\'" 
one to promote public justice, and. thougti 
an int'ormer,' by a prejudice rather belonr- 
ii>g to icntiment than to morals, be -ni od .us 

79] COBBETI'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER. [BO;e, it is rrrt^in ihat, in thr. d.stharpe of '; The discrrticuaty power of llie magisiralcs 
public acaisation, h« commas no brcavli ol [ i^ thus enabled, and even indirectly coni- 

inoral duly. If the tocicty rtward him (it 
this office, thry only reward hirt) foi th* 
pcrlorniancc at a duty, to which jnrji.dice 
alunr. hai aitjched an unjost igitominy. Ihe 
informer, in receiving his rewaid, doubtlcs*. 
lo5ts thr merit of this discharge, but he is 
still guiltlciii of any crirre ; he i$ thu^t not 
Id be as bring bribrd to ill, but 
as bring r<-v. i^rded for doing pood : the act b 
hoticsi, and the socit-ty, a> a human iiisiitu- 
fion, is bound to look no further. Xor is 
ihtTc more in the firal argnment against the 
•ociety. The ass;«ilar.ts ^.ly. if Uii> uniisuil 
Zeal of pers( cution be perniitlcd in nne 
thing, it mny at length be cxtendrd ii^defi- 
nitely to fmatic prosecutions on old and 
dormant st.ilutes such ns ngaiii'-t Roman Ca- 
tholics, &c. &c. ice. 1 1 such laws exist, 
liowrver oppressive, ihty are still the laws 
of the land ; now if wc supposf! thern (n 
presumption, by the wny, impossililc) from 
tlie operation of such societies to be called 
into eftVct, a very didcrrnt event must Je- 
suit from what this argument snpposcs. 
Kit her their execution will lie permitted, or 
tlie legislative power intcifere. If the for- 
mer condition of the dilemma lake place, it 
^vill be a proof that the laws arc n')t so ab- 
horrent from natural reaion, and the im- 
proved manners of the times ; no evil, there- 
lore, can iiere result from the zeal of such 
societies. On the contrary, it linding thcrn 
thus abhorrent, the legislature <^hould int«;r- 
po5e (as (loubtl'*s9 it wouM"^ in their repeal, 
the zeal of the society w:ll then have an- 
.swered no other purpose that of 
awakening the lepi-.intive power to rcscinJ 
the obnoxious statutes from the code. In a 
r.crd, this oh'-'^ction only proceeds on a point 
«>f probable r'conveniencs ; 1 ri,ink, there- 
fore, it is sntficiet'.tly answere.l by this proof 

of a more probal^lr rood. Ibis argument 

cxtrnds to their fnial objection, that, such 
societies, in their famtic, may prose- 
cute tlie excesses of amusements (which 
Parliiment has been pleaded to cor.r^ive at), 

.such as bnll-bsitin;;, &c. &c. &c. This i 

consider as answered in ■wliat I i.ave said 
above; for such prosecutions to have any 
effect they must be grounded upon law. 
Now, in all cases, where the definition of a 
st.itute, from the general nature of its sub- 
ject, is vague and romprchensive, such as 
the acts upon tumults and rioting, ^Src. &c, 
a great discretionary p.iwer is f^■isely given 
to the magistrates : in the exercise of which 
they are siMI undc the restraints of respon- 
sibility, mnre partirularly ot chancier. . Op- 
preuioa bccpmis thus almcst im[<ossib!i' 

pi'licd to discuunienunec and resist any such 
over zealous projccuiion«. The majority uf 
a county niusl be pre»iumrd to be puritaoi- 
cuU betcire such indicuneuts, in the bpiril of 
Puritanism, euuld obtain cren an hcariug. 
1 am, Sir, your humble servant, 

H^NBY (iltIM8T0», 

y/ Mi-mher vf tbe Contmiliee. 
No. 5, Young Street, Kensingtvn, 
January l6, i804. 


Sir, — Ever >incc the invasionary fear$of 
this kin^doin have hccn so va!oi\ usly ex- 
cited, the public prints are swelled with the 
elegant speeches, bold replies, pious orgies, 
and sumptuous dinners ut the presentation, 
or what is sometimes improperly called, ihe 
conucraiiij?i of colours. — " Oh ! such march- 
ings and countcrmarchii gs, from Brentford 
to Ealing, from Ealing to Acton, from Ac- 
Ion to Uxbrid^c, the dust flying, sun 
Sv.orching, men suc:itiug." — Sucn accounts 
of these martial farces were too ridiculous 
for animadvertion ; and even while the 
term consecratiau appeared to be a mere po- 
pular miitakc, without being hkely to be- 
come attended with any miiciiicvoiis cfTecr, 
silence has been the best connncnt on it. 
■ ■ But ito'.v, oir, if the ncwsp.ipcrs are to 
be credilcd, nnd they, in the present case, 
bear too inaiy mark* of authenticity for 
.di:ub% the pioeccdings at one of these f6tcs 
demand tl.c n;os! serious consideraiioi., whe- 
ther we consider it as involving ihc honour 
of her M ijcsiy, or degrading the pure sim- 
plicity of the cstablijiuii Church of Eng- 
land.— —Ue read in tl-.rcc triuniplumt co- 
lumn^ of a ministeriai prii.t, that the colours 
uoikcd hy royal hands!, vvcrc presented by 
h(.r rvbjtsiy's proxy, and in her name, to 
the several companies uf I'imlico Volunteers 
in the rotunda at KancUgh ; piaycrs 
weic read by the Rcvcr- nd WceJon Butler, 
jun. — tijat a sermon was preached on tb.e 
occasion, and to give the greater theatrical 
eflcct to this .sceric, Mjssis. Braham, Inclc- 
don, &c. assisted the choristers ol both ca- 
thedrals with their voices.— —Tlicre can 
be no doubt that ministers of the Church 
of England may and ought to read prayers 
and to prc^Lii on peculiar occasions in un- 
consecratcd places ; whether such an occa- 
sion and such a jilace arc justifiable in the 
.present instance, is anciiier question — the 
oidy jusiiliabic picas are propriety or ncccs- 
sit}', and it icilly appears, that a larger 
number of pciaunj uii^hi have been ;iccon^- 

m) J A N U A 

V'hich the whole system is founded, and 
have resolved to allow ot adjutants and Ser- 
jeant maiors on permanent pay to corps of 
the different descriptions of torce, consisting 
of thefollov/ing numi>ers, without any other 
condilioris or restrictions than such as n)ay 
be applicable to ths whole volunteer esta- 
blishment. Cavalry. — To every corps, 

consisting of not less than 300 effective rank 
and file of cavalry, an adjntant on perma- 
nent pay will be allowed. — [Pay when not 
called out into actual service^ Gs. per day, 

2s. ditto for a horse.] To every corps of 

cavalry under 300 rank and file, but con- 
sisting of not less than three troops of 40 
effeetive rank and file each, a serjeant ma- 
jor will be allowed on perniamnt pay. — 
l^Pay when not called out iiito actual service, 
3s. Hd. per day, including gd, lor a horse ] 
— - Infantry. — To every corps of infantry, 
(including artillery) consisting of not less 
than 500 effective rank and file, one adju- 
tant, and one serjeant major^ on permanent 
pay, will be allowed — [Pay when not called 
out into actual service, ()s. per day; ditto of 
Serjeant major, ditto Is.Od. per day, and 

2s. O'd. per week extra.] To every corps 

of infantry, consisting of not less than 300 
effective rank and file, one adjutant, but no 
sogeant major, will be allowed on perma- 
nent pay. — [Pay 6s. per day as above.] • 

To a corps of infantry, under 300 effective 
rank and file, but consisting of not less than 
three companies of 6o privates each, one ser- 
jeant major will be allowed on permanent 
pay. — [Pay as above. Is. 0"d. per day, and 

2s. 6d. perwetk extra.] "When the corps 

to which the adjutants and serjeant majors 
are appointed s-hall be called out on actual 
service by competent audiority, these staff 
officers will receive the pay of their respec- 
tive ranks, as in the line. The adjutants 

are to be recommended by the Lords Lieu- 
tenants, for his Majesty's approbation, in the 
usual manner; but no recommendation of 
an adjutant can be attended to, unless the 
person recommended has .served at least four 
years as a commi?;sioned officer, or as a ser- 
jeant major in the regulars, embodied mili- 
tia, fencibles, or East India Company's ser- 
vice ; and the recommendation must likewise 
distinctly express the actual period of the ser- 
vice of the person recommended, and specify 
theparticular corps in which that service was 
performed. Serjeant majors may be ap- 
pointed by the commandant of the corps, 
from among persons who have served at 
least three years as non commi'-.sioned offi- 
cers, in his Majesty's regular, emboriied mi- 
litia, or fencible forces ; and the period of 
such service^ and the. particular corps in 

Px V 21, J804. [8<5 

which it was performed, are to be di'stlnctly 
specitied in the first pay list which shall be 
transmitted to the War Office after the ap- 
pointment takes place." All adjutants 

and serjtant-majors who are placed on per- 
manent pay, are to consider thnnselves as, 
at all times, at the disposal and under tlie 
roiTimanding officer of tlie corps for the 
time being, and are expected to give their 
attendance whenever required, for thedril), 
good order, and management of the corps. 

It is not intended by tliis arrangement, 

to make any alteration as to the appoint- 
ment of adjutants or serjeant majors without 
pay. They will still be allowed to corps of 
sutiicient strength, as directed by the militia 
laws, and as before pointed out by the War- 
Office regulations of the 28th of Septem- 
ber, 1S03. 
His Majesty's Lieutenant of the — — 


Volunteer Systsm. Some time agr>, 

the dangers to be a[)prt.hcndcd from the hos- 
tility of the enemy occupied men's minds ; 
but jiovv, the danger ot the Volunteer-s\s- 
tem, that system which was to save us (rum 
the enemy, has absorbed every other. The 
pert " right honourable rehitioa" is said to 
have told Mr. Windhnm, that he appeared 
" determined to have the Inst zi-Ltd -dboMt the 
" volunteers." Would to God it had been 
the last word! but the " right honourable 
" relation" will find, it is to be feared, that 
the aftair of the volunteers will not end in 
the use of ivorM. Upwards of eighteen 
months ago, I expressed my appreiicnsiun?, 
that the " Clerk would ouc-iivc the Pells ;" 
and, though I am not very apt to despair, I 
must confess, that those apprehensions have 
been considerably increased by the rise and 
progress of the volunteer system ; a system 
by which. the corporal and mental energies, 
by which the patriotism, loyalty, liberality, 
and even courat^e, by which all the resources 
and all the public virtues of the countiy, 
are turned against itself, and madr to work 

together for its destruction. Since the 

publication of the preceding sheet, in which 
I endeavoured to call the atrention of the 
public to this fearfully important subject, 
there have appeared some ( ffijial docu- 
ments, on which it will be necessary to 
make a few observations. But, previously, 
I think it ri;ht to correct an erior in my 
statement relative to the scandalous pro- 
ceedings at Chester. It appears, that Ma- 
jor Wilmot was not insulied by the volui - 
teers cf that place, at the time of their break 
ing open the jail. Tnis gentleman, .'litre- 



fore, seeing the statement in the Register of 
last week, has written to Mr. Secretary 
Yorke a letter upon the subject, of which 

letter the foUowing is an exact copy. 

*' Chester, Jan. i6th, 1804. — Sir, a paper 
*' entitled Cobbett's Weekly Political Regis- 
*' ter, fur Saturday, r^th J in. 1804, was 
*' distrlhuted in this city this morning. In 
** it I was astonished to find some circuni- 
*' stances, regarding myself and the corps 1 
" have ihe honour to belciig to^ most grossly mis- 
*' represented, and, in respect to myself 
*' containins^ as great a falsehood as ever 
*' was published. He says : '' on receiving 
*' " a refusal, they were proceedinr^ to at- 
*' " tack the jail, when one of the officers, 
*'• " Mftjor Wilmot (a gentleman who had 
" *' served long in the regulars), came up, ' 
" " in his regimentals, and, after urging 
them in vain to desist, declared he 
would put the first of rhcm to death, 
that attempreJ to force the jailj up.'m 
*' " which ne was iniinediately seized by 
*' " the Volunteers, who pinioned his arms, 
*' " some of them calling our, at the same 
*' " time, do-wrt ivitk him, and others, Ireak 
*' " the sicord ever his head. By the assis- 
*' " tance of some friends he was rescued 

-And, in ano- 

*' " from them unhurt.'' 

*' ther part he says; "and, at the end of 

*' " soir.edays, peace was restored." 

*'■ The above sratcinenr, I declare to you, 
*' upon my honour and word, is false, in 
*' eveiy sentence, word, aird line, except 
** that part in the circumflex, which says 
*' " (a gentleman, who had served long in 

*' " the regulars.") To the above ] am 

'* ready to mske oath, and transmit to you 
*' if you think proper. — I am, &c. &c. &c. 
" Joseph Wilmot, lL,t Major Royal Cht&- 
*' ter Volunteers. — PostScript. I take the 
*' liberty to inform you, that, conformably 
*' with your A'wtciwn'i., a regimental court cf 
" inquiry has been assembled some days. 
*' The proceedings, it is thugJityWiW be for- 
*' warded to the Lord Lieutenant of the 
*' County to-morrow. And I have the 
" pleasure to add, that the town has been 
**■ perfectly quiet ever since the evening of tJte 
*' 25/// of December, 1803. Upon this let- 
ter it is not necessary for me to say much 
more, than that I am very. glad to be able to 
lay It before those who have read my state- 
ment of the disgraceful affair in question; 
because, it is perfectly consonant with my 
interest as well as my inclination, to pro- 
mulgate the truths As, however, Major Wil- 
mot's letter talljs of '•'• falsehood^'' coDcained in 
my statement, I must just observe, that, a mis- 
statement as to o?je circumstance amongst so 
7nr,n^i and that oa? of inferior imfortcmce^ when 

compared to several of the others, cannof, 
when speaking of a statement drawn from 
sources such as mine were, be fairly called a 
'■' falsehood -f and. Major Wilmot may rest 
assured, that the public, instead of partici- 
pating in his " astonishment," at the incor- 
rectness of my statement, will be astonished 
at its correctness ; and, he may also rest as- 
sursd, that the izw remaining advocates of 
the volunteer system will be greatly morti- 
fied to find, in his contradiction of one com- 
paratively insignificant fact, a confirmation 
of a statement, in which the corps, that he 
has " (he honour to belong to," is charged 
xvith having broke open one of the king's 
prisons, rescued a prisoner, chaired him 
through (he streets of a city, tore down the 
king's flag, and dragged it in the kennel.— 
The Major states, that the Register was 
" distributed" in the city of Chester; and I 
only wish to observe, on this expression, 
thar, the Register was .distributed through 
the Foit-Qffice only, wna to persons who re- 
ceive it from the news-men in London; or^ 
at least, that I neither sent any copies to 
Chester, nor knor/ of any havir.g been sent. 

He says, that every "■ sentence, word, 

" and line," of what he has quoted from the 
Register is false; but, how does he make out 
that it was false to say : " And, at the end 
*' of some days, pe^ice was restored ?" He 
certainly does not mean, that peace was ko/ 
restored at the end of some days ; but, on 
the other hand, it is hard:y credible, that he 
can wish the Secrc^taiy of State to believe, 
that pence was restored on " the evening of 
" the i^tTi of Decemhsr^' when he must have 
been aware, that the Secretary of State had 
been informed, that, on the 2gth of Decem- 
ber, the magistrates wrote to Prince William 
of Gloucester, declaring, that without the 
aid of troops, they could not answer for the 
safety ofihe city.'' If this was the state of 
the city on the .rgth, and if the city was 
crowded with people from the country to 
look at the ravages of the volunteers, and if 
the militia sent in to protect 'the city re- 
mained there for a fortnight, will it be be- 
lieved, that my corresp,indent was guilty of 
a falsehood, in statii.g that, " at the end of 
'* some d<tyf, peace was restored ?" — Upon 
the whole, therefore, I am afraid, that the 
volunteer system, and particularly the corps 
that Major Wilmot has " the honour to be- 
" long to," will derive but little benefit 
from his letter. If, on the one hand, he has 
wiped off the disgrace v»hich the corps in- 
curred from having been thought to assault 
thplr Major, on the other, it loses the ho- 
nour which it enjoyed in a reported instance 
of the good audgalbtnt conduct of that ofii 


JANUARY 11, 1804. 


cer. Amidsf the -Scandal and infam')- of rlie 
scene this conduct afforded us some little 
Consolation: we saw, in the Chester volun- 
teers, me man, whose respect for the laws 
and the magistracy led him to endeavour, at 
least, to prevent the atrocious outrage; but 
n(Ku, alas ! we find, that the only part of the 
statement which was incorrect was that 
which afforded us this transitory glimpse cf 

hope! \sto other and new instances of 

disagi cement, indiscipline, and approaching 
eonfufion, the mass o!" material- is sci great, 
so numerous are the cases of every descrip- 
tion, that I know not where to begin. I 
could have filled two such sheets as this witii 
the letters, which, since the tnh instant, I 
have received upon the subject. The pro- 
ceedings in the Loyal (they are all /ojyiI or 
royal, at Chester thfv are ro)'a/, it seems) 
Volunteers of Scuthwark emtrace some in- 
stances of ministerial interference, and, 
therefore, they shall have the precedence. 
The quarrels in this corps were men- 
tioned in the former sheet ; hut the 
statement v/as imperfect, and unaccompa- 
nied with t]:ie official docuaients, which I shall 
now insert at full length, because, as express- 
ing the determinaii'n of ministers on a point 
of very great importance, they must be gene- 
rally interesting. Early in the present 

month the dispute arose between Mr. Colo- 
nel Tierney and the men of the 3d company 
of his Southwark regiment, who transmit- 
ted to him the following note and accompa- 
ii)ing resolutions: 

The third comp;iny, vvitlx the utmost reppcct, 
take ihe liberty of convtying their sen;iment!> on 
the intended appointniciu of their oniiers to Co- 
lonel Tierney. They earnestly icquest that i-.e 
will not consider their contlur.t as any failure in 
t'hat esteem theyha%'c; always cnteriuinffl for him, 
but what thty conceive to be due to their own 
irtdspendciice. Thty flatter themselves that Coio- 
riel Tierney's liberal and exalted mint), will induce 
him not to thirk unfavourably of them on the 
present occasion. They beg liim to accept thtir 
most sincere wishes for his health anil happiucs,-. 
• Jan. 6, i8c4. 

At a general meeting of the third company of 
I-oyal Southwark Voiunteerp, on the 6th of Jan. 

18-4 It nvas unaniincusly reiohcd, First— 1 liat 

it having been declared, at the lormirion of tliis 
corps, that the ollicers commanding the sa.-^ie 
should be chosen by the vo'ce of the majority of 
th<i indivi(li;.iis cfimppsing it, which system was 
actually fol'owed at the appoiinment of all ths 
officers, in the first inr-tance — and tiiis also being 
the practice of al! othei vclunieer corps, as well 
as the understood nvetitiing oi tlie act of Parlia- 
ment on this subject, we, the memhe.s of this 
company, do declare, that we consider this r'flu 
to tsmain ix.iih k! tit ih:<i t!vi(\ -dtd th.*L it will be so 
as long as wc jct together as a volunteer bodv.-^ — r- 
Seconciiy^-That we have karnt wiiii conside able 
surprise, that, on the application of Scijeant Rose, 
sent by the voice cf the ccmp^nJ, for th-e vacant 

situation of second lieutenant, be was refused, on 
the grtnind of n mtingcr to the ccnpo-ij having aliea- 
dy received the appointment — and that even with- 

(Hit'tbe least notice thereof being given to us. 

Thiidly — That the company cannot bui consider 
themselves, in this instance, trcbted with nnnie- 
rited contempt ; and .are tlieiCfore determined not 
to act but unfier officers wlio iiavc been rtgularly 
proposed to them, and received tlieir approba'ion, 
Fourtldy — That these resolv.tions, afcr hav- 
ing received tiur signatures, sh;;ll be prcseiited to 
our colonel commandant^ by one or more mem- 
bers ot the company, in the hope that he will be 
plc.istd to take them into his innnediate considei- 
atiin, and return us that favourable answer to 
our fcelir^gs which we fl.ittcr ourselves, from his 
known attention to the v.eltare of the rtgiment, 
and the rights ol individuals composing it, he will 
not hesitate to do. With proper deference, we 
subscribe nurselves, S c &c. £ce. (bigued by se- 
veral members of the ct)n)pany.) 

Upon receiving ihis biHet-doux, it appears, 
that Mv Colonel Tierney repaired to l\1r. 
Secretary Yoike, who, of course, required 
a statemeut in writing, which, after a con- 
ciliatory effort had been made by his direc- 
tion, was sent him under date of the lOih 
inalant, in the following words : 

S1.1 — I send you herewith an exact copy of tlic 
resolutions of the 3d company of the l.oyal South- 
watk Volunteers, the substunce of whicli I ychtei- 
day communicated to you ; they are sigr:ed by 
one Serjeant, and by all bilt four of the privates ; 
the ensign (both the captain and lieutenant hav- 
ing some days back obraincd pcrm'mion to resign) ap- 
pears not to have known of the proceeding. 

According to your directions 1 this morning at- 
tended the parade, and, in the presence of the 
wlio'e regiment, after statiup; the nature of the 
ofiVnce, ordered the men who h.-id sign':d the re- 
solutions, to deliver up their arms and accoutre- 
ments, which they accordingly did. I informed 
them that I sliould lay before you the circumstan- 
ces of their conduct, and wait to know hi', Majes- 
ty';- pleasure upon it. With respect to the no- 
mination of officers having been given to the 
meiv.bers of t!',c association when the corps was 
fiisc einbodied, the tact undoubtedly is as stated 
in the rcscdutions; but I never understood that 
occasional vacancies were to he filled up by the 
choice, End at t'^e pleasure of the company in 
which they might happen to occur; and 1 have 
uniformly and publicly declared, that after the 
rcj^iment v/as once fcrn-.ed, I could allow of no 
further elections. In the only c.fSt; of a vacan- 
cy, which, excepting tb.'it now in dispute, has ta- 
ken place since our original e.= tablishrnent, I re- 
con'.nundct) the new ofiicer to the lord lieutcn.<nt, 
without, in any way, consulting the privates oi 
the company to which he was to belting, his 
appointment wa: received as a matter of course. 

1 cannot allow myself to conclude v.itbont 

stating to you, that, however culpable, in a mili- 
tary point of vicv.', the conduct 01 the individuals 
in qucstinn may have been, I have every reason 
toiclyon their attachment to ,hi§ Majesty, and 
their readiness to meet any danger in the defence 

of their country. 1 must beg that you will, as 

soon as possible, give me your instructions as to 
what further steps 1 am to lalcr in this very un- 
pleasant business. 1 have Uic honour to b£ji,&c. 

&c,S;c.— — GSoitcE TiEKNi;yi 



Next comes the letter of Mr. Secretary 
Yorke to the Deputy Lord Lieutenant of the 
county of Surrey, which I shall insert, with- 
out stopping, at present, to inquire, how 
Mr. Yorke came to communicate at all, on 
tliis subject, directiy with the Commanding 
Officer of a Corps. Lord Teignmouth, in 
consequence of the illness of Lord Onblow, 
isj it seems, acting Lord Lieutenant of the 
couniy, and to hioi,- of course, Mr. Yorke's 
letter was addressed, under the date of the 
J2ih of January, ISQ4. 

Mv LoRiy, — I have the honor of transmtttjnjj to 
your lordsliip the copy of a letter 1 have received- 
fiom Lieutenant-Coionc-1 Tieiaey, commanding 
£li« Loyal Southwaik Volunteers, with its cnclo- 
SEre, being a copy of the resolutions ot tlie 3d 
company of that corps, re&pectiog the eieiStloti of 
its officers 5 ajid 1 am to acqu:^iut your lordship, 
that having laid these papers before the King, his 
Majesty has commanded mc to express his ficrfici 
efprohauon of Lieuteaant-'ColonelT ieruey'^ conduct 
00 this OccasioH, and his coucetn that the com- 
pany in question should entertain so ermuous an 
ipi&ian of the terras on \vhtch the loyal tender of 
their services v/as accepted, it never having hsen hh 
Miijuty'i inteirtion tk-at ths iuccenivc vacancies luhteh 
tritght happen amingit the officeri of the carps should be 
JiUeii up in the manner luliich has been supposed. The 
corps being once established, bis Majesty un- 
doubtedly expedts that yourlordship, as represent- 
ing his Lieutenant in the county of Surrey, will 
recijfimendprgper perso-.s to fit up the vacancies ai they 
vsay arise among the oncers, in the full confidence that 
the commanding officer of the corps wjU from 
time to time be consulted as to the merits and 
qualifications of such persons as may have pre- 
tensions to succeed. — It it, my duty further to state, 
that his Majesty has observed, with the most se- 
rious regret, the great hrc.ich of discipline committed 
by the 3d company of Loyjl Southwark Volunteers, 
in assembling together wiihout the order or per- 
mission of their otHcers, and, when so assembled, 
in discussing and determining upon questions in- 
timately connected with the military subordination 
of the corps to which they belong — \nd I am to 
announce to your lordship, that it is his Majesty's 
pleasure that your lorJsliip should immediately 
make known to Liemenant-Colonel Ticrney, that 
his M.^je5ly entertains a just expectation that the 
good sense, loyalty, aijd public spirit of the indi- 
viduals composing the company in question, will 
indure them to acknowledge tlie impropriety of 
the line of condudl into which they have been be- 
tTi\ycd.-^\. have the honor to be, &c. &c. 

C. Yorke. 

The following is the letter of f.ord Teign- 
mouth to Mr. Coloiie! Tierucy, covering the 
letter of Mr. Yoike, and dated )4th Janu- 
arjr, 1S04. 

Snij — Enclosed I have the honor to transmit to 
you an cxtradb of a letter which I have this day 
received from Mr. Yorke, on the subject of your 
communication to him of Tuesday last. — If, con- 
trary to the cxpeiSl.itions expressed in Mr. Yorke's 
ktter, the individuals of the company in question 
should unfortunately persist in the improper line 
&f ca«du6t into whjrhr ti>ey have been inconside- 
fateiy beiraycd, i /in iu'that caie iustrudted to 


inform you, that it is his Majesty's pleasure that 
the services of those individuals, who shall adhere 
to resDlutions so adverse to a proper subordination, 
shall he discontinued. — In this case, I have to re- 
quest tiiat you will hold the arms and accoutre- 
ments, which may have been issued to them out 
of the public stores, at my disposal. — 5 have the 
honor to be. Sir, S<.c. Sec. Teignmouth. 

The " regimental orders," as they are 
called, of Citizen Colonel Tierney close this 
list of dncutnents. They are dated on ihof 
i5th instant, and are thus expressed. 

Lieut. -Colonel Tierney cannot make the above 
communication to the regiment [the communica- 
tion consisted of all the letters above inserted} 
without expressing Ijis high sense of the steadiness 
and st'iH attention to militury dhciplhie preserved by 
the Loyaj Southwark Volunteers at the parade of 
Tuesday the loth in&t.— In the command of the 
Loyal Southwark Volunteers, it has been, as it al- 
v/ay swill be, the uniform endeavours of Lieut. -Col. 
Tierney to consult the convenience, and to meet thi 
'luisfiei of the officers and privates. To this he has 
every inducement, in common with others who 
command volunteer corps, atid, in addition, the 
strong incitement of a grateful yecolhcti^n Qf the many 
a?i<, of ferional Undness he has so tepeatedJy-received 
from most of the individuals who compose the re- 
giment. — To liim, therefore, any rigorous exercise 
of authority must be doubly painful ; but no con- 
sideration either of gratitude or interest, can be 
regarded in the performance of that military duty 
which he, who holds a commission from the King, 
is bound, without fear or afTctftion, to the best of 
his judgment, faithfully to discharge.— Lieut. -Col. 
Xierney is persuaded, that the confidence his 
Majesty has been graciously pleased to express in 
the loyalty, the good sense, and the public spirit 
of the individuals of the 3d company, will insure 
the continuance of those exertions which, with so 
much credit to themselves, they have hitherto 
displayed, and stimulate them to promote and 
maintain that spirit of subordinati:in, which, at 
a moment like the present, constiiutes the surest 
and most honorable test of zeal in the common 

And this coa.King whining stuff, is called 
" Vbgwacni^X orders !'' This Citizen Colo- 
nel may know how to win the hearts of an 
unarmed rabble ; but how to gain and pre- 
serve the respect of men in arms, men who 
see and who bear about them, the sure and 
certain sign of their power, he knows no 
more than a baby at the breast. One cannot 
but smile, to hear the poor faultering Colouel 
expressing " \\\^ high sense oi i\\Q iteadiness 
" and strict attention to ■mUltary dlsuplhie"' 
preserved by the corps on the 10th instant^ 
the very day that the refractory company 
tlirau doHvn their arms ! As to his *' high. 
" sense," that is an unintelligible phrase j 
nor is it very certain what this sort ot Colo- 
nel may regard as " strict military disci- , 
" pline ;" but we all know, that men 
throwing down their arms and leaving their 
tanks cannot, by any possible contor.ion of 
language, be deuominaLed */ itiadiuesi,"—* 



Ne\'er were men in arms yet won by coax- 
ingj and the Citizen Co'onel may rest as 
sured, that all his '• uniform endeavours to 
^' Ttieei the wishes of his ufficers ar.d pri- 
" vates," and that all " his grateful recol- 
*' lection of the many acts ot personal kind- 
" 7iess," will render his men the more re- 
fractory, and will, if often repeated, very 
soon leave him at perfeet leisure to exercise 
his corps at Somerbet-Housf. Over this 
corps, indeed, he has someliiing like sub- 
stantial auihorily ; it consists of voluyiteers of 
a peculiar description. This is by far the 
safest string of the Colonel's bow, and v.'ill, 
most assuredly, never f lil him, as long as he 
i^ Treasurer of the Navy. — Some persons 
say, that, supposing this determination of 
government to be perfectly proper, it has 
been begun in the person of one, who was 
very lately silenced f. om bawling for popu- 
lar privileges and independence, and, there- 
fore, began in the most ungracious and irri- 
tating example that could be made; and, 
indeed, who would not have chosen almost 
any other comminder, and any other men, 
whereby to begin the reformation? But, 
the die is now ca->t : the King's determina- 
tion has been declared, and, if it bi receded 
from, if the government yield, or if any 

comprom'iSii take place, then 

......... but, why should I sound the 

alavm any more ? It is now two years since 
I began to do so. Evil after evil has come 
upon the country, just in the time and the 
manner foretold by me. All my humble 
endeavours to prevent tliese evils have been 
rewarded with injury to my property, and 
with calumnies and curses upon myse.f. I'he 
ministerial hirelings and ba'ie dependems 
seem to regard me as a very selfiih person. 
They seem to think, that I 
to save the kingdom for some purpose of my 
own ; and they really speak and act as if 
their first, a,nd, indeed, their only object, 
was to thwart me in mysinister, pursuit ! How 
they came to take up this notion, 1 cannot 
imagine; for, thoogh, after having earned 
a handsome fortune In a foreign land, 1 sa- 
crificed it for the sake of my King ar.d 
country, and though I rendered tliat coun-: 
try greater services ihrin ever was rendered it 
by any private individual, I defy any one to 
say, that I ever, either directly or indirectly, 
asked for, or received, any reward, favour, or 
ihanks, from any branch of ihe government. 
Ko» a penny of the public money ever came 
Into my pocket; I never, like the hired 
slaves who revile me, lived upon the l.ibour 
of the people, and I never shall so live; yel 
these slaves use all their cunning and impu- 
dence to inculcate a belief, that I am the 

:2], ]S04, f94 

enemy^ of ihe people. I have hitherto treated 
these calumnies with silent contempt ; but 
the tmies ore i>ov/ approaching, when, if 
uncontradicted, they may lead 1o dan- 
gerous consequences. Begtjn, pudon 

for ihis digression, I shall now return lo^ the 
subject of ihe volunteer system, and si«ts 
some new instances, of its blessed etfects. 
A corps not far from Chester has, on ac-i 
count of the dksputes, and the mutinous state 
that grew out of them, been disiiiissed tiW 
February, to give them time to cof;/.' The 
following account has been transmitted ma 
from one of ihc principle sea-ports : — '* The 
" men -who call themselves volunteers of 
'' this and the neighbouring town, have for 
"■ these last two months done garrison dutjr 
" upon Sundiiys only. Chri.stmas and New 
" Year's days falling upon Sundays, ihe 
" volunteers p< titi.ined the general ofii' 
" cer to be excused duty on those twofesti- 
" vals, that they might dine confortablj 
*' with their families. This reo.ueit was • 
" complied with, and having gained the 
" wish of their hearts on those days, they 
" have nfiw written a round robbin to tha 
" General to desire they might be put oS 

" guard altogether, Tliis, however, is a 

" request that 1 suppose will not be cotn- 
*' plied v/iih. On Thursday and Sunday 
" last, which are general muster days, and 
" days ot exercise, not aiie-tenlh part of them 
" made their appearance. A Serjeant threw 
" his halbert away upon the Grand -Parade, 
" in view of upwards of a thousand people^ 
" d.Tmned his officer, and swore he would 
" serve no more. This I was witness to my- 
'* self. The same day two captains resigned: 
" these two gentlemen quitted the service, 
'' because they wanted to wear white bells 
" instcadof black ones, which the inspecting 
" field officer would not allow. These and 
" ten thousand other things appear to my 
" view every day, and convince me that 
" not one corps in the whole service can, 
" upon their pre->ent system, be depended 
" upon for one hour." Wliat a wholesome 
example is here afforded to tlie regular troop"?, 
in the same garrison ! God defend ns ; for 

our state is most fearful! At Oxford, 

'• the lenjal volunteers," commanded by Sic 
Digby Mackworth, have been, not selling 
out, but buying out of the corps, at the ex- 
pense of niiiC pounds per man They stated, 
and, I d.^ re say, very truly, that they could 
not continue their attendance in the corps, 
"^ without JTidtcrial injury to their concerns." 
This is a confirmation of what I have fre- 
quently stated, that it is impossible for trades- 
men to continue in the corps, without ruin- 
ing (heir business. And yet Mr. Fitt wishes 



action, in the Court of King's Bench. Yet 
the newspapers are filled with accounts of 
finings and mulctings even now going on, 
in eveiy part of the kingdom. Every w-;ijr 
that we look, we see only confusion growing 
upon conlujion out of this ill-judged expe- 

to triple the number of exercising days ! 
Wh^t a dangerous thing it is for an eloquent 
statesman to mount upon a bobby-horse ! — 
I'he dissentions in the Southwark volunteers 
increase as I write. The newspapers of this 
morning (Friday)^ say, that " in conse- 
*' quence of Mr. Tiemey's inbistiug to fill 
" up vacancies of ofticers, the Capt. of the 
" light infantry company resigned, and his 

" company laid down the-ir arras." -In the 

Queen's Royal Piralico volunteers, wh.o are 
commanded by Lord Hobart, and whose co- 
lours were lately presented to them, with so 
much pomp, at Ranelagh, a man has been 
fined for absenting himself from drills. He 
pleaded, that all the days of absence, for 
which he was fined, were Sundays, and his 
religious principles would not allow him to 
attend on that day. For this defence there 
is even a sanction, I believe, in the act of 
Parliament. The man was lined, however, 
and declared his intention of withdrawing his 
name in consequence. Kcreisa new source 
of dissatisfaction ; and, if a very few more 
such instances occur, there will, undoubtedly, 
be a loud cry raised amongst the dissenters, 
which a meeting cf their pastors in theAVest 

has already prepared us to expect. In the 

midst of all this fining and mulcting and 
levying by distress ai)d purtbasing freedom 
from volunteer service, out comes Mr, Co- 
lonel and Counsellor Krskine's opinion, pub- 
lished in the newspapers, apparently by his 
own authority, flatly contradiciing the joint 
opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor General, 
and stating, that members of volunteer corp<5 
have a right to resign whensoever ikey ph'ase ! 
" Call you this backing your friends?" This is 
the same Colonel and Counsellor, who, be- 
cause Mr. Wjndham foretold the conse- 
t^uences which have already arisen from the 
Volunteer System, asserted that if that gen- 
tleman's words had beer, uttered out of the 
Parliament House, " they would have 
*' amounted to a razVri(?«f^so'-./" This is the 
gentleman who has now published five co- 
lumns of confused verbose law opinion, 
bolstered up at the head aqd foot v/ith a ful- 
some disgusting eulogy on the people and on 
his own political principles and conduct. 
This is the gentleman, who expressed his 
indignation at what Mr. Fox said relative 
to the Volunteer System: this is one of the 
gentlemen, to whom the ministers look for 
support ! If this Colonel and Counsel- 
lor's opinion be correct, all the fines, &:c. 
that have been impc-red, have been imposed 
contrary to law; the seizures have been il- 
legal, and afe, of course, good ground of 

riment made by our " j/3/t'" and "-^ /irudeiit' 
politicians, in the pursuit of low popularity, 
under the guidance of Mr. Pitt and Mr. 
Sheridan; for, it was the former of these 
gentlemen i\\&x first pro/iosed the system cfvjhn- 
Iccrs, in lieu of the general levy, and it will 
not be soon forgotten that the latter project- 
ed the ever famous vote of thanks. But, 

it is no matter, who was the lather or the 
fosterer of the system : the system exists, 
and the dangers of it are generally lelt 
throughout the cour.try. It i\)?.y yet be done 
away; there \s yet time to save the nation 
fiom its menacing and hideous efi'tcis; but 
that time will be passed the moment a co/njjro' 
;«zje takes place, and really the proceedings 
with rcsptct to the Southwark corps secrn 
to indicate that a compromise will be the 
result. Sincerely, however, I hope that it 
will not; and, though many of the ba^ie 
newspapers aie, I perceive, already begin- 
ning to turn against the government upon 
this trying occasion, 1 do hope, that, berSf 
at least, they will make a stand, as they 
must be convinced, that the very first step 
that they recede, will, by every reflecting, be regarded as the signal for the de- 
struction ot the miOnarchy. If they show a 
becoming resolution, they will be supported 
by the people as well as by the Parliament j 
bur, if they yield, even in the most trifling 
degree, upon this all-important point, all the 
timid all the selfish all the "safe" politi- 
cians will instantly desert them. One con- ' 
cession will lead to the demand of another 
concession, till, as in other similar cases, 
resistance will be pttempted when it will be 
too late. Now, therefore, is the appointed 
time, and I venture to add, I hope not pro- 
fanely, nozu IS the day of political salvation \ 
Let the way be open for whomscever 
pleascs to resign, but let those who remain, 
let all those who have arms in their hands, 
submit, implicitly submit, to the orders of 
the King. Enough and more than enough 
will be ready to serve upon almost <3»ytermf> 
that his Majesty shall think proper to pre- 
scribe J and those who are not, can never 
be of any use in the defence of the 

The importance of this subject must apo- 
logize for the omission of the other topics 
intended to be treated of. 

fnatcd by Cox and Baylis, Nj. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Cgtc»J 
. Cardeaj whefet'ornaei Numbers may be had j sold ^ko by J, Budd, Cionvti and Miue, Pall-Miiit, 


Vol. V. No. 4.] London, Salurday, 2?.lh Januarij, JS04. 

[ Price lOD 

" From I he language of Ministers; lam to conclude, that the Voluhiccr System, whether right or 
" \viuu^>, is DOW tixtd, and incapable of bciiij; altcrc<l. i3ui, 1 insist, that it is not t'lxcd, and that 
" it n)iist on the contrary, and infalli.-iMy will, st no ('iitant pttiocJ, come ajiain under revision. It 
" \i witli a view to tliat pcriiul, (hat these observations are maHe. Tlie dekcis of this sy^tc-m will 
" never .suflcr it to go on long as it is. I wi^h,, thcrtf. re. that before the time, to which I now look 
" forward, (,'entlemcn would Ik- prepared with their opinion? on the several patts of the me-js»re; 
•' would con>idcr how far the objections are valid; how {a\- the parts objected to may he corifcred 
" or got rid of; and, failing of that, whttlicr the whole system will ni>t require to be new cast, and, 

" in a great decree, possibly, to be done away." i\h. n i>Ukui/:\ Sfcich on the '/Junuer Exunftiof. 

BUI.' CMctt'i ParliutMntury Vebiites, Dicciiibtr 14, 1 803, 


Of tivn pamphlets, laleh/ published, the one 
entitled, " Cursory Remarks upon the State of 
Parties, during the ad?nJTiistratiofi of Mr. 
^ddington, hy a NE-iiR Observek;" and 
the other entitled, " A Plain Ansiuer to the 
ndsreprcseniaiinns and calumnies ccntuincd in 
the Cursory Remarks of a Near Observer, hy 
A MOKE AccuRATt Observer." 
(Continued from p. 72.) 

The parliamcnlary conduct of Lokd 
Grenville is now to be examined. The 
Near Observer, which, Uie reader will bear 
in mind, is Ihe name assumed b) the parti- 
san of the present Treasury, begins his at- 
tack upon his lordship's conduct by endea- 
vouring to persuade ihe world, that his op- 
position to tlie peace was unjustifiable, be- 
cause he himself had proposed similar terms of 
peace, during the negotiations at Li !e. But, 
the prefatory ren^.arks must first be noticed. 
*' The retreat," says lie, *' of the late minis- 
" ters, was regarded, both by the government 
'' of France and the neutral )>owers of the 
" continent, as a virtual coiii'esslon of the 
" inability of the country to persist in the 
** war, so that, they had the misfortune to 
*' retire, and the new .servants of the crown 
" t« succeed under the imputation, that 
*' the former possessed no ability of making 
*' peace, and the latter no means of con- 
" tinning the war. It was even believed 
" that l]ie late minister had been long di- 
" vided upon this point, an opinion which 
*' subsequent events appear to have justi- 
" fed." It is not necessary to contradict 
this gross and shameful falsehood, but it 
would not be right to transcribe it without 
bestowing on it a mark of repro-bation. 
** Lfiider these fatal impressions" (conii- 
ri!*s tiie hireling oi \\\<i luell-vuaningj canJiJ 


mini'iiy.) "under lhe>e fatal impressions of 
'" the public mind, boih at home atid abroati, 
" was Lord fJankesbury obliged to sub- 
" mit to tlie first overtures of a treaty, 
" which appeared f.o all men im- 
" possible to be obtained upon any terms 
" sJ:*ivt of I uin arid disgrace." I am forcibly 
stopped again here, to ask every true and 
hoiittst man, uh(j remembers the state and 
feeling of the country in the month of April, 
is'oi, just after llie battle of Copenhagen, 
whether the slave of the r:ell-7^ieanhi? minis- 
try has not here promulgated another most 
gross and shameful falsehood.? Whether, 
on the i4ih of April, i8or, the \^y^ day on 
which Ltmdon was illuminated in honour of 
the deeds of our fleet in the Sound; whe- 
ther, on that day, the day on which Lord 
Havvkesbury * gave in his first projet, it 
did really " appear to all men almost im- 
possible for England to obtain peace upon 
any terms short of min and disgrace?" The 
Near Observer proceeds: " it is fresh in 
" the recollection of the public, that, upon 
*' the peace, a difference of sentiment im- 
" mediately appeared amongst the late mi- 
" nisters, so serious and important as not 
" only to confirm the opinion of there 
" having long existed a schism in their ca- 
" binet upon that question, but to make it 
" appear/ir ever imjiossihle for them to act 
" again hi any political union "whatsoever " 
This has constantly been the course of the 
Addingtons. Dividr and govern, is 
their maxim; a maxim upon which they 
have steadily acted, and the folly, the sel- 
fishness, the ambition, and the blind animo- 
sity of others have most efficiently favoured 

* The first overture for a parley was made by 
Lord Hawktshury, on the 21st of March ; but, tlie 
first tr.tntign of terms was made on the 14th of 
April the day nfter the news of the victory of Co- 
penhagen was received. For proof of these 

facts, as well as for a specimen of diplomatic 
prostraiion, see the authentic papers, Rej^ister, 
Vol. III. pp. 1179, ^I'^Of 1181, and ii8j. 


" 1797. It was that revolution which 
" broke of ihe negotiation. Instead of the 
" powers of Europe ' being ready to re- 
"^ ' new the war at our side' they appear- 
" ed to have deserted us. The Treaty of 
Leohen * hnd been signed, and that of 

their views. Was there ever before heard 
of such an impudent sort of reasoning : be- 
cause the members of the late cabinet dif- 
fered widely ill opinion, as to the peace 
made by their successors, we are to con- 
clude, not only (hat there had lo7ig been a 
schism in that cabinet, but that it is impos- 
sible for them ever again tp act together for 
any political end whatsoever; and, in a 
«ubsequent part of the pamphlet, we are 
iold, that it would be '■ scandalous" and 
♦' profligate" in them so to unite, save and 
except it were for the righteous purpose of 
supporting the Addingtons and Hawkes- 
buries: in that case, the ejid would sanctify 
the means ! 

We mnv come to the passage relative to 
the negotiations at Lisle. " Xhe unfortu- 
" nate negotiations at Lisle," says the 
Near Observer, " confined and circum- 
'^ scribed every projet or overture the 
*' new ministers could hazard. Could Mr. 
*' Addlngton propose terms less favourable 
" to Buonaparte, than Lord Grenville had 
*' offered to Barras and Reubellf Would 
" France, now that one half of the Conti- 
" nent lay prostrate at her foot, by the 
^' Treaty of Luneville; mistress cf Egypt i 
" a]id stirrmg up a confederation of Kings from 
*' the bosom of the North, accept conditions 
*f less glorious or profitable, than vve had 
^' offered her at the moment of one of her 
*' revolutions, while the powers of Euro])e 
" were unbroken, and ready to renew (he 
*' w^ar at cur side? The projet of Lisle, 
*' therefore, was a circle, out of which the 
*' successors of Lord Grenville could not 
*' tread." 

The answer, which the Accurate Ob- 
server ha made as to this point, is as fol- 
lows: " I cannot agree, that France was 
*' mistress of Egypt, during our negotia- 
*' tion at Amiens ; nor, if I did, could^ I 
" consider it as a reason why we should 
*' have accepted less advantageous terms. 
*' Neither can the ' confederation of kings 
•' ' from the bosom of the north* be justly 
" stated as placing us under a disadvan- 
*' tage in that negotiation, for that confe- 
*' deraiion may be considered as having 
*' been dissolved by the glorious victory at 
*' Copenhagen, obtained a very few days 
*' after the first overtures for peace were 
<' made. As little can I agree that we 
*' were entitled to more favourable terms 
♦' than those which we were willing to 
*' have accepted Irom Fmnce at Lisle, be- 
<« cause (it is said) we trealed ' at the rao- 
,Cr"v' nierl'ofj'osiie of her revolutions.' The 
™-v ^^'^^tiK'ixi*? wer^ o.Ift?ref|^;m<ifj (o the revo- 
^'^/-1cMw.i7^^iW^:tb.»6fJii«^ September, 



Formio was about to be con- 
•• eluded. The stufipage of the Bank had 
" created consternation and embarrass- 
" ment, and the mutiny m the feet ha.A spread 
" around us general despondency. The 
" circumstances and situation of the eoun- 
" (ry were totally different at the periods 
" of our negotiations at Lisle and . at 
" Amiens, and that difference was certain- 
" ly not in favour of the former period. I 
" cannot see therefore, why the ' basis. of 
" ' the Treaty of Amiens/ is to be con- 
" sidered as necessarily ' (raced at Lisle,* 
" or why ' the projet of Lord Grenville 
•' * was a circle out of which his successors 
" 'could not tread.' These as-^ertions are 
" made chiefly to prove the inconsistency 
" of Lord Grenville in offering (he projet 
" and in disapproving the Treaty. From 
" this charge he exculpated himself very- - 
" ably and successfully on the discussion 
" of that treaty." 

So far the Accurate Observer is perfect- 
ly right; but his refutation is by no means 
so clear as his facts would have enabled him 
to make it. Lord Havi'kesbury's negotia- 
tion with France began, as I have already 
stated, on the 14th of April: then, and not 
till then, was (he first proposition made. 
The news of the battle of the 21st of March, 
when Gen. Abercrorabie was killed, when 
the *' Invincible Standard" was taken by 
LuTZ, and when the fate of Egypt was, in 
a great measure, decided ; this news had. 
not, indeed, been received when the first 
projet was delivered in by Lord Hawkes- 
bury ; but, it was soon afterwards re- 
ceived, and the complete reduction of the 
French force was expected to take place, it 
did actually take place, and the news of 
that reduction was received in France, at 
least, beibre (he preliminaries were signed. 
And, to prove, that, even at (he (ime whea 
i\\e;frst proposition was made, the expedi- 
tion to Egypt was not regarded as being 
" totally incompetent (o its object;" to prove 
that its success was not contrary to " all 
" human comfiutaticn and probability ','* to 
prove (hat the final conquest of that coun- 
try from the French was not " the conse- 
" quence of a series of unhoped for victo- 
" ries," the Accurate Observer might havs 

» The Treaty of Leoben was signed 18th April, 
that of Campo Formio J7ch Oct, 1797. 


JANUARY 23. 1804. 


quoted the words of Lord Hawke>burj's 
own projet, which, as I have said beiiire, 
was delivered into Mr. Otto on the 14th of 
April, some weeks before ue\.v?. was received 
of the victor)' of the 21st of March. " If," 
says the projet, " authentic information 
" should be received, previous to the sign- 
" ing of (he preliminaries, of ihe^'aa/^/ww 
*' of E?yfit by the French troops, or of a 
" convention concluded to that effect^ his Ma- 
" jesty will not hold himself bound to sub- 
" scribe to the above conditions in all their 
** extent*." If this was the languaj^e ot 
fliinisters previous to the news ol the vic- 
tory of Alexandria; if this was their lan- 
guage at the beginning of the negotiation, 
is it consistent with candour for them now to 
a'^serl, that, to the end of that negotiation, 
France was considered as the " mistress of 
"Egypt?" . 

•With regard to France having " stirred 
*' up a confederation of king's from the bo- 
" som of the North," the Accurate Ob- 
server truly states, that the confederation, 
if it was one, might be considered as dis- 
solved by the battle of Copenhagen, the in- 
telligence of which was received ^^/^/y Lord 
Hawkesbury made his first proposition to 
Mr. Gito; but, if it was not dissolved on 
the 14th of April, it surely was completely 
dissolved by the death of the Emperor Paul, 
and by the Convention, the much boastcd- 
convention with Russia, whicii was con- 
cluded on the 5th of June, 1801, four 
months iefcre the preliminaries of peace 
were signed, and se\>eral weeks before hord 
Hawkesbury receded from his first proposi- 
tion. What pretence, therefore, is there 
lor classing the " coiiiederation of kii>gs" 
amongst the dangers, which the ministers 
had to encounter in a continuaticm of the 
war } What pretence is there for citing the 
.state of Egypt and the dispute with the 
Northern powers as circumstances that 
rendered our situation in 1801 worse than 
our situation in 1797, when the battles of 
Aboukir and of Camperdown were, as yet, 
not won ; when, of course, the enemy's 
maritime power was, as yet, considerable, 
and when there was actually a mutiny in 
our fleet.' What resemblance is there be- 
tween the circumstances of the twoepochsl; 
and what pretence is there, then, for say- 
ing, that " the projet of Lisle was a circle 
" out of which Lord Hawkesbury could 
" not tread i" 

Lord Grenviile fully proved the falsehood of 
sfSsertions of this sort, in his speech of the 3d 
©f November, 1801. But, indeed, none but 

* See Register, Vol. 111. p. Hii, 

the basest of advocates, pleading to tl.te 
basest of tribunals, would have attempted 
such a mode of defence. How was Lord 
Hawkesbury bound by tlie project of Lord 
Grenviile ? It was a hundred times acknow- 
ledged by the late ministry, that the rupture 
of the negotiations at Lisle was a fortunate 
circumstance: and, yet a project delivered 
in during that negotiation was to be a circle 
out of which their successors could not- 
tread! Besides, how happens if, that, the 
oiber pl.ins of the late- ministry did not be- 
come circles out of which their successors 
could not tread.'' How came those succes- 
sors to have boasted, c\en in the very pam- 
phlet before us, of acting upon principles 
and in a mode thametrically opposed to the 
principles and modes of their predecessors ? 
How, for instance, came Lord Hawkesbury 
to solicit an interview with a Commissary of 
Prisoners, so contrary to the practice of Lord 
Grenviile J and how came he, at once, to 
assiime a supplicating tone better suited to 
a petty dependent republic than to the 
King of Great-Britain } How came his par- 
tisans to boast of this shameful act of degra- 
dation } And hovi^ carne the stock-jobbers to 
applaud him to the skies ? The project at 
Lisle, though made under circumstances 
such as we have seen, and though iiever jus- 
tified by any body, but upon the ground o£ 
hard necessity ; that project retained the 
Caj)e as well as Ceylon ; it secured- Portu- 
gal from loss either in commerce, in money, 
or in territory; it provided a real and com- 
plete indemnity for the Prince of Orange j 
it made no sacrifice of any ally of Great- 
Britain ; whereas the peace of the Adding- 
tons and Hawkesburies has sacrifice'd them- 
all, and has left us not a friend upon the 
face of the earth. But, after all, and to 
conclude this part of the examination with 
a fact, \\hich seems to have been entirely 
overlooked by every body, the project of 
Lisle was never taken into consideration in 
the negotiations of either the preliminary or 
definitive treaty. The First Consul of 
France, with a frankness which really does 
honour to himself, and v.'hich has cc:r^ainly 
done much good to his cause, has published 
the whole of the papers relative to both 
these negotiations ; and, from orie end to the 
other of these papers, the project of Lisle, 
the project which was " a circle out of 
which Lord Hawkesbury could not tread," is 
never dwelt upon, it is never referred to, 
nay, it is never so much as once mcni'mncd, 
or even alluded to, by either of the parties !* 

* All the.-ie papers are correctly Iiibcrtcd in the 
Register, Vol. III. from p. 1.179 '" I208, anJ t'lom 
i8j7 to 191O. 




And, yet the slave of the candid Addingtons 
bai been histructed to tell us, that ii was a 
circle out of which ihey could not tread ! 
Thanks to Buonaparte, we are now made 
acquainted with what was so sedulously 
hidden from us : we now know, that the 
project of Lisle, which was, in both Houses 
of Parliament, desci'ibed as the iusurmount- 
able obstacle to a peace, such -as. ilie New 
Opposition contended for, w^^ never so 
much as brought into view^ -during the whole 
course of the negoiiaU(;n. - 

The next p.uint, on which the Addingtons 
have misrepresented Lord Grenville, is, the 
langucg',' made use- of by.- bis lordship in 
speaking ot the conduct of -the n)inistry- 
" Nolwsthstanding,'' say they, " that, so 
" early as the treaty concluded with the 
^' Court of St. Petersbnrgh, 5lh June, J80I , 
^* the great talents of Lord Grenville had 
'' been employed upon a speech and a pam- 
" phletj in which be endeavoured to op- 
" pose, discredit, atxd censure with every 
" species of acrimony and t:onte)npt, those 
" ministers, to whom he had sn Inieiy en- 
" gaged his 'constant, active, and zealous 
" support,' the public were- aft osished at 
'' his censure of the preliailnftries of peace." 
Before I remark on what is advanced Ir^^re 
and in other parts of the pamphlet as to the 
linguage of Lord Grenville, I must ccntra- 
idict the falsehood, which I have just tran- 
scribed, and which has been pa.ssed over iij 
silence by the il/ort' y/6>-,vri2^<? Observer. Jt 
is said, that " so t^ar/yas the Convention 
with Russia, the 5tb of June, 1801, Lord 
Grenvilk's taiezits had been employed upon 
a speech and a pamphlet, &c." Nov/, brfore 
the Convention with Russia was ratified, 
Pdrliaraent had adjourned ; that Convention 
ii'jver was laid before Parliament till the 
next November ; and the speech made by 
Lord Grenville on the subject, lyhich speech 
he afterwards published in a pnaiphlet, was 
cot delivered till the \'6tb of Noimmber, ten 
.days after the discussion of the preliminaries 
'^i peace ! The object of tiris falsehood evi- 
dently is, to bring the commencenjent of 
his lordship's oppositioii as near as possible 
to the time, when it is pretended he gave 
an unconditional promise of " constant, ac- 
tive, and zealous support ;" and, it is an ob- 
ject by no means unworthy of the irell- 
Vicaniiig .Kdd'wgion^ and Llawkesburies.* 

* This act of foul aggression, on the part 
pf the Addingtons and Hawkesburies, au- 
thorizes, and even calls for, th,e relation of 
an anecdote, which, though 1 have oiten 
had sufHcient provocat?onj 1. havc=; hitherto 
forborue to coi.ann^nicaie to the public. 

As to the " acrimony and contevipt" with 
which his lordship is said to have ireaterd 
the ministers in his speech on the Russian 
Convention, the speech itself, published 

Very soon after the Convention of St. Peters- 
burgh was concluded, a ])amph!et was pre- 
pared in defence of it. This pamphlet was 
entitled, " A Vindication of the Conven- 
" tion, lately concluded between Great- 
" Britain and Russia, in six letters, address- 

" ed to ." It was published bfore 

the meeting of Parliament, and was obvi- 
ously inteaded to prepossess the public mind 
cigainst every objection that should be urged 
to the compact which it was intended to 
vindicate. So far-, perhaps, there was little 
to find fault with. But, who will bclie^'e, 
that ihis pamphlet, which was, to all intents 
and purposes a ministerial publication, and 
which was paid for out of ibe public wonev, 
coutained a deliberate, high-wrought eulo- 
giura on Lord Hawkesbury, who was held 
fonh as his country's best- hope, and as pos- 
sessing all the talents, all the coolness, all 
the Wisdom, all the statesman-like virtues of 
his " tiobie Sire ;" who will believe, that 
this pamphlet was written under the dicta- 
tiun of t.hat " nob/e Sij'e" hitnsef? When I 
say dictation, I do not mean, that the pam- 
phlet w"as written at the suggestio?i of Lord 
Liverpool J I do not mi-an to say,, that he 
furnished the hints ; but I mean to say, that 
with his own lips, lie dictated the- state- 
nieiits, the opinions, the arguments, *and the 
vciy words of it; and, I have further to 
nay, that his lordship and Lord Hawkes- 
bury himself read, and, in some instances, 
corrected, the proof sheets ! The proof 
sheers ot a pamphlet, which contained % 
falsome eulo»ium upon thernselv«?j and 
which they- and their under officers asiis'cd 
to circulate, and' that, too, at the publie ' 

expense I Bur, this is not ail. -The 

iveU-nu-aning jenkinsons chose to attribute 
the pamphiLt to a Mr, Ireland, Vicar of 
Croydoi), in Surrey. Under iiis auf5pic«& 
it went to the press, and, out-iDt the pro* 
cceds (v/hich czwm principally from the Trea- 
sury) he received a sum of money. Whe- 
ther it was for tbis or some <>cher greap 
public service; whether for this or some 
other act of disinterested patriotism and 
loyalty ; whether it was for his politics or 
his piety, \ know nor, but Mr. Ireland soon 
after became a Doctor of Divinity and si 

Prebend of iVestminster. This part of the 

anecdote relative to Dr. Ireland I should 
have suppressed ; but, since the Doctor has 
thought proper to introduce, wiih grea^ 
cincioujSaess, into ihs library of the reading 


frotn his own notes, maybe conmiied j and, 
if in that edition of it, or in any report of it 
whidi has been made in the newspapers, or 
elsewliere, one single phuise can be toui>B 
to w.arrant the charge litre btooght against 
it, I will allow the Near Observer to have 
been the iiHtrnment or fair and honourable 
men. That speech will be read with plt-a- 
£ure and will cowvey instroctu'ii ; it wili 
serve as a guide to future stntesnien ; it will 
be consulted as one of the works on \he 
public law of Europe ; long, very long, afier 
the prr.soiis, all the, who niade the 
disgraceful instrunieni which called it forth, 
shall have sunk into the oblivion of con- 
tempt, or shall be remembered only in the 

Society of .his Parish, a work, the sole ob- 
ject and tendency of which ig to mhvepre- 
sent, calumniule, and viUfy Lord Grenville, 
Mr. Windham, and every other person who 
has stood conspicu lUbly furv/ard in oj)posi- 
tion to the measures, by which the pre-ent 
ministers have steeped the country in dis- 
grace ; since the Rev. Doctor has made this 
use of the influence which he possesses over 
his parishioners, it is fitting that those pa- 
rishioners, as well as the whule kingdom, 
should be muJe acquair.tcd with such cir- 
cumstances as may serve to elucidate the 
motives v.'hich have given rise to the zeal 
that he displays against the opponents of 
ministers. It must not be objected to my 
complaint against Doctor Ireland, that he 
has not the power to /"/v-rra/ the publication 
in queition from being circulated by the 
.reading Society of his parish ; because 
he himself purchased the pamphlet for 
the Society. The publication, which I first 
met with in the house of one of his pa- 
rishioners, is entitled " Elements of Opposi' 
Mon ;" it was published by the same book- 
seller who published the Cursory Remarks; 
it consists of garbled passages from my 
writings and from the speeches of the New 
Opposition members, together with com* 
ments calculated to pervert the meaning of 
the text, and to misrepresent the conduct, 
to disfigure the modves, and to defame the 
character of the. persons spoken of, whose 
'private as well as public actions are most 
falsely and ba5cly'inisrepresented. Such is 
the work, wliich Doctor Ireland has circu- 
lated, and is yet circulating, amongst his 
parishioners. How far he does, in this in- 
stance, act in conformity with the dictates 
•f that superior piety, by wl\lch the adhe- 
rents of the 'well-mtanitig ministry profess 
to be governed, I shail Mtjt attempt to de- 
termine ; but, 1 hope, he will be able to find 
«omc leaf, some litUe uiui^si Qi Uaok paper^ 

JANUARY 28. 1804. V flo« 

execrations of Englishman. T heard that 

speech 5 and. Well do I rccolbct the rc^V 
candour, the gentleness, the niercy, the 
compassion, with which his lonlsbip treated 
his opp;menrs ; hut, not one word did 1 
heir, not a look or gesture did I see, ex- 
pressive of *' acrimony or contenipt:"-^Ia 
another part of his pamphlet, the Near Ob- 
server renews the charge relative to Lord 
Grenvillc's language. " It would not,'* 
sr.ys h«, " be domg even the little justice -I 
" anTi able, to the subject I am tieatinsf oF, 
** if I were to omit, that the style and lan~ 
" gua-ge of opposition was ?nuch degmcrated 
*' in the new hands ro which it had trans- 
" ferred itself. The iate minority, though- 
*' it had been treated as a low contemptible 
" -faction of levellers and jacobins, never 
" dealt in abuse and incivility so largely aa 
" tlje great aristocracy which had nov/ suc- 
" ceeded to their place. Absurd, incapable^ 
" and grosser epithets were liberally ap- 
" plied to his Majesty's councils and mi- 
" nisters, and by no member of either 
" House more frequently than by Lord 
" Grenville." Again, in another parr, he 
speaks of " the aggresiive Vind unreknting 
" opposition, the asperity, malevolence, and 
" rancour, of Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville, 
" since the failure of THEIIl negotiation 
" in April last." As far as relates to Lord 
Grenville, was there ever any thing so dc- 

in the dull and vile pamphlet alluded to, 
whereon to write these few words, for the 
inforiDfltion of the people of Croydon : 
" IMr. Cobbett, who is so frequently men- 
" tioned in the enclosed pages, has writteti 
" many pamphlets in defence of his King 
" and of his countrymen, in vi»dicatioa of 
" the character, the conduct, the laws and 
" the rights of England; of these pamph- 
" lets he has circulated more than half a 
*' tnillion, in a foreign land ; and, never did 
" he ask for, or did he accept of, a svm 
" of money i no, nor of one penny, frotn any 
" miriistry or any government. Mr. Cob- 
" bett is a Surrey man j and, he wishes 
" those amongst whom he was born, and in 
" the participation ot the hardest ot whose 
" labours his youth was spent, to know, 
" that he never has pocketed of their earn- 
" ings one single farthing, in the whole 
" course of h'.s life." To this Doctor Ire- 
land m...y add, (hat I hive known the whole 
history ol bis pamphlet tor vwre than two' 
yearSj and tb.-it the facts came to my know- 
ledge under no promise of secrecy, either 
expressed or implied. Let him add thi'^, 
and then leave his parishioners to make 'a 
coinpaa;>ou betweea nay vUaractcr and his. 



testab!y base as this latter insinuation ? Gf 
this r shall speak more fully, after I have 
examined the charges of using "ross lan- 
guage, and of pursuing- the coufbe of jinre- 
Unting opposition. 

Bur, previously, let us hear, as to the 
first of these charges, the defence of Lord 
Grenville which the Accurate Observer hus 
had the goodness to make. " The use of 
*' expressions," says he, " more harsh and 
*' severe than the occasion justifies, on 
" which they are applied, is always ohjec- 
••• tionabJe. It always manifests ill-humour, 
*' and akvays had taste. But, it is an evil 
*' which carries its own remedy along with 
** it J for, it tends more to defeat than to 
*' forward the purpose it is meant to pro- 
<' mote." The reader will readily acknow 
ledge, that all this is very true, but he will 
harJly believe that this is the " answer " 
which a More Accurate Observer has given 
to this part of the misrepresentations and 
■calumnies ofthe Near Observer. The charge 
is not denied; and, the Answerer merely 
adds to what 1 have last quoted, that the 
Near Observer u^e?</ouIer language than Lord 
Grenville, and Mr Sheridan still fouler than 
either of them, though that gentleman stands 
high in the opinion of, and has even the ho- 
nour to be praised by, the great and noble 
■;;'-Mr. Hertry Addington. Bat, as a defence 
•of Lord Grenville, this amounts to nothing; 
•and, therefore, the readers of the Accurate 
Observer "are, as to this point, at least, left 
to believe, that his lordship's conduct can- 
not be defended, a belief which they will the 
more readily adopt as the language of Mr. 
Sheridan seems to have been introduced for 
the sole purpose of furnishing a palliative 
comparison. And, was this acting the part 
of one, who undertook to answer misrepre- 
sentations and calumnies ? Could not the 
Accurate Observer have denied, as I now 
positively deny, that Lord Grenville has 
ever, during the whole course of his present 
opposition, made use, in parliament, of lan- 
guage unbecoming his rank and character ' 
Could not the Accurate Observer have 
challenged his opponent to produce proof 
of a single instance of the contrary ? Could 
not the Accurate Observer, because Lord 
(rrenville's ceiisures were bestowed on a 
measure which Mr. Pitt approved of 5 for 
this reason was ir, that Mr. Long could not 
find lu his heart to allow, that «' dhjirJ" 
'jand " incalmhy \izxz net epithets " more 
'^ *' harsh and severe than the occasion ius- 
f«' tlfiedr" . •'"- 

'"' The charge ^of pursuing "a systematic 
*' and- unrelenting opposition" has'been fre- 
j^ucntiy snade against Lord GrejiviJle and 

his friends; bur, in support of this charge 
nothing like proof has ever been produced, 
though the More Accurate Observer appears 
to have flinched from the task of tnakihgfa 
defence. The Near Observer has, how- 
ever, some associates in the preferring of 
this accusation againse Lord Grenville, 
tiamely, the two reverend and sapient gen- 
tlemen, who are the editor's of that epitome 
of all that's stupid and all that's slavish, 
commonly called " The British Critic,'" in 
which work for the month of December last, 
they have published what they term a reviti» 
of the Plain Answer of a More Accurate 
Observer, which " review" consists of 
a ^lage and a half of unconnected superfi- 
cial observation, written, apparently, with 
no other view than that of obtaining or pre- 
serving the patronage of Mr. Addington, 
without abandoning the chance of again 
profiting from the patronage of Mr. Pitt. In 
this pursuit Lord Grenville is, of course, 
given up. Speaking of the statement, which 
the Accurate Observer has given of theterms, 
on which Lord Grenville promised minis- 
ters his support, these "reviewers" say: 
" Although even these terms must be un- 
" dersrood with some qualification, we can- 
" not help thinking, that so early, so vclte- 
" ment, and so systematic an Opposition 
" (cominencing, if wc mistake nor, even 
*• before the peace of Amiens) was hardly 
" compatible with this" [Lord Grenville's] 
" declaration" [made in the House of 
Lords on the 20th of March, 1801], " nor 
" could have been justified by any measures 
" of government, but such as should have 
'' been manifestly corrupt in their motive, or 
•' alarmingly dangerous in their tendency." 
It is a newly discovered doctrine, that op- 
position to ministers, that even strong and 
persevering opposition, is not to be made, 
unless their measures are *' maitfestlycorrvi^t. 
" in their motive, or alarmingly dnns,&roViS in 
" their tendency." But, leaving this point, 
as matter of opinion, to the judgment of th« 
reader, let me ask these Reverend Critics, 
whether they think, that any two pupils 
from the school of the much-abused Jesuits 
could have framed a sentence better calcu- 
lated to deceive the reader, without & posi- 
tive -falsehood on the part of the writer, than 
the sentence which I have here quoted frtim 
their wcuk t* " So early, so vehement, and se 
*' systemati-e an opposition." Hcr^o early, 
hotv veheinent, and //<J?v systematic, they do 
not say. If they "iw/Jfts^f not," however, 
" this vehement and systematic opposition be- 
gan icfire the peace of Amiens. And, will 
they contend, that it W-asftossible for them to 
inake a mistake as to this fact? Will a^iy 

109] J A N U A 

man in England believe, that they did not 
well know, that Lord Gjenville never op- 
posed the ministers during the session of 
parliament which ended on Ihe id of July, 
1801 ? Is it not within the recollection of 
every one, that his lordship and all his for- 
mer collengfues supported the nrw ministers 
to the end of that session ? la it not eciually 
notorious, that the next session began will) 
the discussions on the peace with. France ? 
•Is it not evident, then, that the opposition 
of Lord Grtn villi; fwA/ !iOt " commence ^f- 
" fuie the j)eace ?" And, again I ask, will 
any man believe, tliat the Editor's of the 
British Critic were ijnoiant of this fact ? 
Bur, they will say, perhaps, that the preli- 
minary treaty was not the peace o{ Amims, 
and, it is the peace of Amiens, of which 
they speak, as having taken place subsequent 
to the commencement of Lord Grenville's 
opposition! Nay, reader, start not! I assure 
you they are very capable of attempting to 
take shelter under a subterfuge like this ; 
and though, in such an attempt, they would 
be puzzled to account for the phrase, " if 
" we 7nisiake not ;" yet are they not men to 
be dijconcerted. For the persons who 
have written and published a " review" of 
the pamphlets of the Near and Accurate 
Observer to affect ignorance as to the fact 
ivhether Lor J Grtnville ojijwsed the lirehmhiary 
treaty, or not, would, 1 am aware, require 
no moderate stock of brass ; but, I am also 
aware, that it is no moderare stock of that 
commodity which these gentlemen possess. 
In short, their lemaik, which I hare above 
quoted, clearly means, and it was clearly in- 
tended to mean, and to convey to the mind 
of the reader, that Lord Grenville's opposi- 
tion to the ministers was not only vehement 
and systematic from the beginning, but that it 
began even btfore the ministers made peace 
with France; than which a more barefaced 
falsehood never was uttered, much less pub- 
lished under the sanction of two Reverend 
-.Pivincs*. The truth is, that neither Lord 

■ * These Divines are Messis. Nares and 
Beloe, whose titles and cffices I shall not 
attempt to describe, seeing that they possess 
benefice upon benefice till they really swal- 
low up »s much as would well maintain ten 
country clergytnen and their families. Nei- 
ther as critics should I think of chajacteri- 
zing them, were it not, that, as their work 
. is -yet read, probably, by seven or eight hun-' 
dred persons, amongst whom there m.^y be 
some of the readers of the Register, it be- 
comes, perh-aps, tnyduty, to furnish a stand- 
ard whereby men may be able to estitnate 
the value ut ihqge opinions, whi;b ar^ par- 

R Y 28, 1804; 


Grenville, nor any one of thr New Opposi- 
tion, has ever made a system:.tic opptisition 
to the ministers. Have the persons com- 
posing this party ever, since the pre^.cnt mi- 
nisters came into power, opposed a tax"? 
Have they ever, except in an instance tbo 
glaring to be passed over, availed themselves 
of any of the numerous opportunities for op- 
posing and exposing the minister upon sub- 
jects of finance? Have they ever uttered a 
word against the granting of the enormous 
supplies which he has called for? Did they 
oppose him upon theimportant quesiions of 
armament, or of war? Have they opposed 

tict-ilarly on political topics, proiiiulgated in 
the pages of the British Clitic ; and, this I 
shall do by the relation of a fact, which I 
am positively certain these fathers in litera- 
ture as well as religion will not deny. This 
is it : — Just after the appearance of the first 
edition of Mr. Walter Boyd's pampMet on 
bank-notes, the Critics in question regarded 
it, or, at least, they declared that it was, 
unansxverable, and that it was " zn vain to en~ 
" deavour to argue against it*'' (I use their 
very words, 1 believe.) Bur, in a few days 
afterwards, they received a summons from 
the Treasury, whence they were supplied 
with such arguments, that, when their next 
reviewing painphlet appeared, not only was 
Mr. Eovd's pamphlet ifound «o/ to be " un- 
" answerable;" not only was it arwrereJ^ 
but the author v/as treated rather roughly 
for having written it! Li speaking of ci'gv.- 
vients supplied by the Treasury, I wish to be 
literally understood. Their " review," as 
it was, of course called, of Mr. Boyd's pam- 
phlet was actjially furnishec/ tlicm from the 
Treasury; and, though the opinions it cour- 
tained were diametrically the reverse of those 
which the Reverend Critics had expressed, 
after having read the work, they very do- 
cilely insetted it in their rt'view pamphlet, 
and published' it to the world as their ozv:i ! — 
Many gentlemen are, as well by i\\t extraor' 
dinary church preferment of these critics ?s 
by their confident and pompous manner of 
writing; many gentlemen, particularly in 
the country, possessing ten times the know- 
ledge and talents of Messrs. Nares and Be- 
loe, are, by these means imposed upon ; but, 
u is to be presumed, that the fact here re- 
lated, in pointing out the sort ol" merit in 
which these reverend persons surpass the 
rest of their brethren, will embolden their 
readers to judge for themselves, and no 
longer rely, without examination, on stater 
nients iU>.h as that which 1 have above 
quoted respecting the conduce of Lord 



any augmentation of force, by land or by- 
sea ? Have they not, in short, on all occa- 
sions, gone before the ministry in demand- 
ing' resource!? and authority to be deposited 
in his Majesty's hands» or, in other words, 
in the hands of the ministry; that ministry 
whose slaves are now instructed to revile 
them for making a " sysiematic and unre 
" lenting opposition?" How proflig^ate, 
then, must be the writer, who has p.ot 
scrupled to assert, that Lord Gvenville 
** has vrAjO'nnly aad undhtingu'uhhtgly con- 
" demned and opposed &v:ry measure of Mr, 
*' Addington's administration ?" And where 
shall we fii-d words to characterize those, 
who have employed this wiiter and circu- 
lated his work ? 
.,% There remains only one falsehood, to 
.which it is necessary to advert, namely, that 
the opposition of Lord Grenville arose, in a 
great measure, from his disajijiointment at mt 
being admitted info the cabinet in Jlpril last. 
The Near Observer, in one part of his pam- 
phlet, attributes the opinion which Lord 
Grenville gave in his speech of the 23d of 
November, 1802, that Mr. Pitt was the only 
man capable of saving the country; this 
opinion the Treasury slave attributes to a 
previous agreement made betn^een Lord 

/Grenville and Mr. Pitt, according to which 
agreement the former was to be " repaid" 
by a seat ia the cabinet, as soon as the lat- 
ter could get into it himself. Li pursuing 
this calumny, the slave observes, th^t '■'• si?:ce 
*■' the failure ot ik'ir negotiation in April, 
*' Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville have cxcr- 
*' cised every species of aggressive and unre- 
" lentin.; opposition against those ministers, 
" who had been the objects of t/wir primary 
" recommendaticn •j''^ and, in another part of the 
pamphletjahopcisexprcsscdjthat Lord Gren- 
ville will "relc.ise Mr. Pitt from an urprofitahk 
*' coniraci" which militates against the re 
turn of the latter to power! Never was 
there a statement, never were there insinua- 
tions, so replete wi;h falsehood and malice ! 
Tor, first. Lord Grenville (nnd this state- 
ment applies also to Lord Spencer and Mr, 
"Windham) never had any thing to do in 
the " recommending'' of Mr. Addington or 
Lis colleagues; who, on the contrary, liad, 
as 1 have before slated, actually accepted ot 
his office, andsignitled his acceptance in 
more than one quarter, before Lord Gren- 

, ville was informed, tliat such an appoint- 
ment was in the contemplation of any per- 
son living. Secondly, as to the " contract" 
made between Lord Grenville and Mr. Pitt 
and " their negotiation" in April last. Lord 
Grenville never was consulted, by Mr. Pitt 
or any other person, on the subject of that 

negotiation; nor did his Lordship ever, 
cither directly or indirectly, signify either 
kls tuish, or his consent, to make part of the 
proposed cabinet ; and, in short, he had 
nothing at all to do with the negotiation. If 
tliese are facts (and that they are 1 am sure 
neither Mr. Addington nor Mr. Long will 
deny,) the public will be at a loss to deter- 
mine, which is the greatest calumniator, the 
writer who has represented Lord Grenville 
as a party in the ncgot'iatitn of j^pril last, or he 
who ba'5 left his readers to conclude that this 
accusation is uuansiverable. 

( To be continued. ) 


Sir, — That an attack upon a " Society 
" established for the Suppression of Vice," 
and consisting of thirteen hundred persons of 
" the first rank, and most solid piety and 
" talents in the kingdom," should have been 
suffered to pass unnoticed was hardly to be 
supposed ; and thoiigh some expected to 
see a champion of gigantic strength step 
forth and take up the gauntlet of defiance, 
I confess that I am not disappointed in see- 
ing a combatant of more enthusiasm than 
strength, and of more zeal than skill, enter 
the Hits as your adversary. Against the 
character of Mr. Henry Griinston, and, in- 
deed, of alrnost all his fellows, 1 have not 
one single word to urge: it is true, that I 
know very little of the gentletnen who com- 
pose the society, but even the partial know- 
ledge which I possess, would justify an eu- 
logium more fiatteving than that pronounced 
by their defender. To the honesty of their 
intentions, and to the purity of their views. 
I bear ample and willing testimony; but I 
regret that their piety should have given their 
talents such a direction as, by rendering the 
laws oppressive, v i'l make them odious, and 
by assuiTiing the oihce of tyrants, will make 
themselves detested. Their reverence for 
religion, and their attachment to the mo- 
narchy, I applaud, but I lament to see them 
pursuing plans injurious to the interests of 
both, and adopting means which, so far from 
aiding in the suppression of vice, will only 
make its influence more extensive. I de- 
plore with ihem the prevalence of immoral 
and vicious practices, both among the high 
and among the low, and will even admit the 
degeneracy of the times, by acknowledging 
" our morality to be at a lower point than 
*' that of our fathers;" but I fear that while 
there are so many philanthropic institutions 
for making the lower class of people base by 
m.aintaing them in idleness; so many chari- 
table seminaries for teaching those to read 
profane and licentious books^ who were for* 


'J A N U A R 

merly taught to work; so many hospitals, 
asylums, and Mafgdalens for encouraging for- 
nicalion, by svipporiing bastards, and main- 
taining worn-out prostitutes, as the King 
maintains his worn-out soldiers and sailors ; 
I fear that whilst these exist, and a thousand 
other inflitutions equally pernicious to the 
cause of religion and the welfare of the slate, 
that the exertions of a society like this will 
have but little etiect in meliorating tlie mo- 
rals or the manners of the country. I regret 
as sincerely as any member of (he committee, 
the " increase of infidelity," but 1 do not 
believe that the efforts of a society, which 
punisiies trivial olfences with more than 
puritanical intolerance, will contribute much 
to the propagation of the mild doctrine? of 
Christianity. I feel as grateful as any En- 
glishman, to " Divine Frovidence, for that 
" benevolent protection which it has afford- 
*' cd to the sacred fabric of our church and 
*' monarchy;" and if that venerable fabric 
is still to besupported, I trust that Providence 
will continue to prosper the endeavours of 
those to whose care it has been committed; 
but if this protection be withdrawn, I should 
place but little reliance upon that of the 
Society for the Suppression of Vice, — Ad- 
mitting the state of society to be as bad as 
any orator in the King-street committee room 
has ever represented it, I see no possible ad- 
vantage from " such an association and for 
" such purposes" as this. What ? says Mr. 
Grimston, '* when every thing is in associa- 
** tion against religion and morality, is no- 
^■♦* thing to associate for its support 1' And 
is there then nothing in all this mighty king- 
dom, associated for the support of religion 
and morality, but the Society for the Sup- 
pression of Vice ? Where is the King, " the 
*' Lord's anointed," " the Vicegerent of 
*' God ?" Where is his parliament, where 
are his magistrates, and where are the bislioos 
and the clergy of the church of England ? 
Where are all these ? Are these nothing ? 
Are they so powerless that tlie support which 
they might give to religion and morality 
would be ineffectual ; or are they so aban- 
doned to all sense of duty as to be inattentive 
to the progress of immoralitv and irreligion : 
or are they also associated in then- favour ? Is 
it thus that this society is to be defended ? 
Does its justification consist in representing 
all those whom we have ever considered 
great, reverend and sacred, as weak, pro- 
iiigate or abandoned ? li the civil and ec- 
clesiastical authorities which have been so 
Jong established, and which have so long 
preserved the slate, be adequate to the 
niaiutenance of good morals, there can be 
uo necessity for this society^ but if vice be 

Y 2S, 1804, [114 

so poAerfal as lo brfak down the barriers 
which they are able to oppose, then, indeed, 
is the condition' of the coit n try hopeless j 
for it can scarcely be supposed that this so- 
ciety, however high the rank, and however 
solid the piety and talents of its members, 
will be able to efiect tiiat, for which the 
united exertions of t!i?. King, the parliament, 
the magistrates, the bishops and tiie clergy 
are insufficient. — For a long series of the 
mo'it glorious years, England flourished 
without the aid of any such societies, or 
indeed of any other societies tlian those which 
were authorized, sanctioned, or acknowledged 
by the laws ; and if the people are more dis- 
solute and vicious now than formerly, the 
change is no great proof of the advantage of 
modern ini)o\ations on the customs of an- 
tiquity. Mr. Grimston would make us 
believe that " to such associaiions as this, 
" hdfthe venerable institutions of the world 
*' owe not only their original birth, but their 
" permanence to the present time," and in 
support of this opinion, from v/hich I totally 
dissent, he adduces, as instances, the league 
of Smalkald for the maintenance of the 
Protestant religion, concluded in the year 
1531, between the Protestant piinces of 
Europe; and the association at the Crown 
and Anchor, formed at the commencement 
of the late war, for preserving liberty and 
property. Nothing can be more dissimilar 
than these two instnnces ; and nothing can 
be more unfair than this attempt to confound 
the nature of a solemn, legal, formal and 
official compact between several sovereign 
states, for the accomplish mcnt of a great na- 
tional object, and that of an unauthorized 
combination of private individuals, in a man- 
ner unknown to the law, and conirary to the 
spirit of tlie constitution of the state to which 
they were subject. I will not impute thi* 
unfairness on the part of your adversary ta 
any wish he entertains of t:iking an undue 
advantage in the contest, but to his ignorance 
of the weapon with which he combats. He 
thinks this both argument and proof. An 
association is, with him, an association, whe- 
ther it be among kings or among subjects j 
and, here, the objects of both being, in bis 
opinion, good, he sees no difference be- 
tween the league of Smalkald and that 
of the Crown and Anchor. That the 
success of a league between the princes 
of Europe can be no argument in favor 
of the success of an association among the 
subjects of tlie King of Great Britain, must, 
I think, be evident ; but as Mr. Grimston 
has thought proper to infer the utility ot the 
Society for the Suppression of Vice from the 
utility of the loyal association, I beg leave 



to state my utter disbelief in the atility of 
cither. For the gentlemen who formed the 
association I entertain great respect, and for 
some of them a warm friendship ; and al- 
though I always commended the spirit with 
which they associated, I never doubted the 
impolicy of their uinon. That " they saved 
the constitution," I deriy. That the consli- 
tutson of England, that is the religion, the 
laws, and ths establishtd usages of the realm, 
was never in danger, I will not assert, but I 
beUeve it to be too dear l:o the lo}'«l hearts 
of the nobility, the clergy, and the geniiy, 
ever to be overthrown by a discontented and 
factious rnob ; and I confess that rny vene- 
ration v/ouid give place to contempt, if I 
thought it such a thing as to owe its exist- 
ence to the distribotion of a few thousand 
farthing placards among the populace. If 
the pioud constitution of this kingdom ever 
perishes, it will owe iis fall not to the ma- 
chinations of " republicans and levellers," 
but to the folly of the great, who lend tlie 
influence of their names and fortunes to tlie 
maintenance and support of those institu- 
tions, which, while they appear to administer 
nourishnient, pour in the poisonous draughts 
of death.— — -Of all self-created societies, 
clubs, institutions, &c. &c. &c. of every 
kind and, sort, be they formed for what par- 
poses they may, I must express my decided 
CJsappfobation. They are, at alL times, 
dangerous ; and though the early prospects 
of ujany have been favourable, the ultimate 
consequences of all have ever been pernici- 
ous. In ioolung round among the hetero- 
geneous :t! ass to which the fecundity of this 
age of reformation an! improvement has 
given birth, I sec none which are not preg- 
nant with mischief-i. Whetlier they are esta- 
blishrd for the physical or tlie moral, the 
political, or the religion-^ Improvement of 
man, thry contain within tiiemoelves the 
germs of evil, and their course tends, cer- 
tainiy,, dually more to the misery th;m to the 
happiness of g(-.neral society. Every such 
insutution is a sort of petty republic, subor- 
dinate to.tlje state, ii. is true, but having its 
own distinct interests and vitws, and go- 
verned by its own laws, and acting siiendy, 
but often pawerfuUy, upon the rest of so- 
ciety, and, upon -ihc s-tate. as a corporate 
body,. Its inforisxal- character makes it, in 
a measure, invisible: an-d untaagibie, and 
though, the blovz-vv^kich, it ssrikes isi ofien 
felt, the arm by yvhieh i.c is directed is never 
seen. .The,, power which it .posscbacs s 
ei,ther £tolfn from the aujiorijy, of tbe rtare, 
by whom ail cpower tor the accomplishment' 
of any purpose- of public benefit ought to be 
possessed, cr taken . .tVoiu . th<»t, .which the. 


members, in their individual capacities owe 
to the state. Every member possesses a 
double weight in society; for besides that 
which the constitution gives him as a sub- 
ject of the realm, he has also that which he 
derives from the incorporated power of his 
confraternity. In proportion, too, as the 
object of his society, which is generally 
something within the scope of his mind, is 
dear to him, he becomes inierested in its 
success, and indifferent to his country ; and 
whenever the interests of the two clash, it 
cannot be expected that he should sacrifice 
that of the one, in which, though not a kingj 
he is at least a legislator, to that of the other 
in which he is no more than one of the ig- 
noble million. Besides weakening the love 
of country, which is thus rendered only 
a secondary object, these societies virtually 
affect, and perhaps, in some measure, change 
the constitution of the kingdom ; for Parlia- 
ment is thus legislating to a thousand petty 
states, and the laws which they enact are 
not to be executed among the liege subjects 
of the King, but among the members of 
whig clubs, and loyal associations, corres- 
ponding societies, and societies for the sup- 
pression of vice. Without extending my 

observations, at this time, on the pernicious 
effects of these societies in general, which, if 
occasion should offer, may be the subject of 
a future paper, I will advert more particu- 
larly to the Society for the Suppression of 
Vice. The principle upon Avhich this so- 
ciety is founded is a detestation of vice. 
This holy hatred extends to immorality, irre- 
ligion, and wickedness in all their forms, but 
especially to those which they assume among 
the low and the ignorant j and as it would 
liot have been wise ih those who compose 
the asacciation to assume the stations of 
legislators, and make laws for the moral go- 
vernment of that part of the community, 
they have contented themselves with acting 
as expounders and executors of such laws, 
as will, in nny degree, effectuate their pur- 
poses ; and that no offender may escape pu- 
nishment, have spread themselves through- 
out the kingdom, and have taken upon them 
the offices of spies and beadles, lest the 
g.<o]er should be idle, or the hangman un- 
employed. It is true that this society enacts 
no new laws, in which new crimes are de- 
fined, and new punishments devised, but 
by Hpplying.tliose which exist to cases for 
which tiiey Avere never intended, and exe- 
cuting even the very letter of them, with -a 
rigour which was never contemplated, they 
have given them such an undue extension, 
that th(?y operate upon the community, to 
all intents and purposes, as new statutes of 

ilf] '^' JANUA 

their owii making: and as they only give 
thi-? painful extension to such as suit their 
own views, and arm with this extraordinary 
•everity such as pronioie their own objects, 
while all o'hers are suflcred to operate in 
the ordinary course, they perform (he func- 
tions of a Irgislative body: thus a virtual 
distinction exists between such laws as have 
been merely passed by the Parliament, and 
those which have been sanctioned by the 
"Society for the Suppression of Vice ; and 
thus the mild and jnst code of British juris- 
prudence, when adopted and sanctioned by 
that Society, is at once transformed into tlie 
merciless and intolerant code of puritanical 
bigotry. — The laws of England were esta- 
blished for the punishment of such offences 
as tended to the injury of the peace and hap- 
piness of society; but not for those trivial ir- 
regulariiies of manners, to which all societies 
must, from the nature of man, be subject. 
To soften and correct these is, as has been 
before observed, the province of religion and 
its ministers ; bat to call in the cini power 
to suppress them, would be to make punish- 
ments so frequent, and multiply tlie business 
of police so much, as to destroy all distinc- 
tions between vices and crimes, and frustrate 
the grand object of government. When 
these irregularities grow to a pernicious ex- 
cess, they become criminal, and, therefore, 
proper objects for legal interference. But 
when the legislature passed laws for the sup- 
pression of riotous and disorderly houses, 
for punishing cruelty to animals, and for 
preventing the profanation of the Sabbath, it 
never supposed, that there would ever exist 
a Society, which would send a spy at the 
skirt of every fiddler, to every house, where 
those who preferred the sprightliness of a 
dance to the groans of a conventicle, had 
met to make merry with their sweet-hearts ; 
which would dispatch an emissary to every 
field, where those who had a greater relish 
for manly sport than for ale-house politics, 
had collected to witness a bull-bait ; and 
who would station an informer at the elbow 
of every tapster, to count the number of pots 
"he drew on Sundays, from forty-five minutes 
after ten to forty-five nnnutes before onej 
and that upon the evidence of these hireling 
agents, those unfortunate culprits were sub- 
jected to persecutions, fines, and imprison- 
ments. If the legislature had foreseen all 
th«, their statutes would most assuredly 
have not been what we find them; and if 
such societies are permitted to exist much 
longer, the most forbearing and the most 
patient will cry out for laws less severe and 
less oppressive. Before the establishment of 
any such insrirutions, the laws though lenl- 
eot and equitable, were tbund to be fully 

R Y 28, 1804. [118 

adequate to the suppression of all offences 
injuTioas to the peace and happiness of so* 
ciety," and the magistrates were found suf- 
ficiently zealous and powerful to enforce 
their execution in a mild but salutary man- 
ner, without the aid of spies and intormers. 
It was supposed, and indeed it is the very- 
principle, ujwn which all penal laws, bat 
particularly those relative to the morals and 
manners of the cOuntij-, are made, that 
whenever the conduct of a man was de- 
structive to the peace and order of the coni- 
munity, there would be soine overt net cog- 
nizable by the law. It was the intention 
of the law to punish evil doers, but it was 
supposed that if a man were bad, his neigh- 
bours would not be Ignorant ot his crime?, 
and that knowing them they might always 
expose them to the eye of jusrice. For the 
offences which a man comrpitted secretly, 
he was left to account with his conscience 
nnd bis God ; but now the more private 
the evil, the greater the necessity for dis- 
covering: it, and the more deeply burrow- 
ed the Iniquity, to use the |hrase of Mr. 
Grlmston, the stronger the inducements 
for dragging- it forth ; and if it were possi- 
ble for any vice to exis', which had never 
yet made its appearance, -the more cairer 
would be the zeal of these enemies of"\u 
vice to brin^ it to public view. I am not 
attemptino to skreen the wicked man from 
punishment, but if his wickedness does not 
show itself in overt acts, cognizable by the 
spirit of the law, let spiritual admoi^tions 
be offered by his pastor, for " men are 
not to be prosecuted into piety ;" and I am 
fully convinced that sending spies into the 
little circle where his wickedness h appa- 
rent^ to drag before the tribunal of public 
justice the father of a family, will have 
very little effect in reforming the son whom 
his example may have corrupted, and that 
lo see punishment inflicted will tend mor« 
to make him think the law oppr^^siv^ than 
the parent criminal.- — —If justice was so 
well administered formerly, without the 
aid of any self created, unofficial bodv, 
where, I ask, is the necessity of such an 
one now r Has vice bccom.e so mighty 
that the laws which, then answered so welf„ 
would be inefficient in the present state of 
society, if left to their ordinary operatioj^s.? 
If so, a parliament still sits at Westmini- 
ster, able and willing to enact others. 
Have the magistrates become ^o inattentive 
to their duties as to pay no regard to that 
constant violation of the laws, whis-i^ Mr. 
Grimston thinks so universal;' If so, let: 
them be displaced, that others of rnore 
zeai and energy may fill their ofH.cesv Q;: 



have the people become so refractory and 
so rebellious, that, notwitliManding all the 
efforts of the magistracy, they are unable 
to controul tiiem ? If\so, the King wiii 
endow them with greater pov?ers. If there 
be a real necessity for any extraordinary 
measures, let them be taken by the lawful 
■authorities, whom the people will reve- 
rence and obey, and not by the Society for 
the Suppression of Vice, or. by any other 
illegal association, qf unknown and unau- 
thorised individuals,- whose interference 
they would despise, .and whose sway they 

would disdain. With the most zealous 

good-will towards the Church and the Mo- 
na.-chv, this society is robbing each of its 
power, and sapping the stability of both j 
and with the most sinceirevavishes for the 
happiness, of the cominurtijy, it is invposing 
Bpon it a most grievous tyranny. I have 
already shewn how it has usurped, from 
parliament, part of the legislative, and 
from the magistracy, part of the executive, 
functions, of these two members of the 
State; butits usurpations of the functions 
of the Church have been no less open and 

direct. The piety, the loyalty, and the 

zeal of the British clergy are well known ; 
and their great and unremitted exertions in 
the cau^e of the holy religion which they 
teach, one might have supposed, would 
have exempted them from ihe general cen- 
sure of this pious institution. But no : the 
same neglect of duty vv'hich called for 
their attention to the affairs of the State, re- 
qi'iires their interference in those of religion, 
and as they had not spared the civil autho- 
rities, they'wouldnot spare the ecclesiasti- 
cal. A remarkable instance of this inter- 
ference occurred a few months ago, and I 
was pleased with the just and spirited ob- 
servations which were made upon it by a 
writer in your Regis,ter.* A circular let- 
ter was sent to the clergy of the different 
parishes, stating that the Rev. Mr. Rush, 
minister of Chelsea, together wiih his two 
church-wardens, Messrs. Stidder and Felt- 
ham, had addressed to their parishioners, 
•' An Admonition respecting the Profana- 
** tion of the Lord's Day, which admonition 
*' the Society hopes will serve as an example 
*♦ to the ministers and church-wardens of 
*' every pari.'.h in the kingdom j" thereby 
impudenily insinuating that the clergj do 
Kotknowordo not pfrforni thier duty — Re- 
ally, v>'hen I see such unblushing insolence, 

* See page 528 of Vol. IV, for a letter signed 
ty " a beneficed Clergyman," in which the sub- 
ject is so well treated, tJaat vety little mors can be 

I am almost tempted to suspect the. purity 
of the intentionsof thi-i society. What mem- 
ber of the established church is there wf^o. 
does not feel indignant at the slanderous in- 
sinuation j who does not feel indignapt at 
the insult offered both to the bishops a^d the 
clergy, by a club of laymen, who assi|,me 
the functions of the sacerdotal office, a^.di 
write pastoral letters to the clergy ; and who 
does not feel indignant at the audacity of their 
attempt to associate the clergy with their prp-. 
fiigate band of spies and informers, in thp 
promotion of their views and projects ? Is 
there nothing sacred enough to be protected 
from their calumnies ? Js there nothing 
which can escape their meddling hands i 
Does their " grand design, to promote a gencr 
" ral reformaiion," embrace the church as 
well as ihe state and the community at large } 
—Whether I couhider the purposes for which 
this society has been formed, or the means 
by which these purposes are to be etfected, 
1 equally dread the con.scqnences of its inters 
meddling propensities, " It has^been found 
" necessary," says Mr. Grimston, " to em- 
" ploy under agents to discover the practices 
" which it professes to supervise and cor- 
" rect." T'hefe "under agents" are nei- 
ther more nor less than common informers, 
men, who are necessarily taken from among 
the most unprincipled and abandoned oi pro- 
fligates, and whose duty it is to penetrate 
ev ery where, and search every place for the 
detection of vice and immorality, and to 
drag the oifenders to punishrnent j for which 
offices they are liberally paid by the society. 
To the proper execution of the laws, I think 
that! have already proved persons of that sort 
to be totally unnecessary; and I think the em- 
ployraentof themmust so evidently lend to the 
debasement of the morals of the people, by tlip 
example of a Christian Society thus upholding 
and encouraging men, who are notoriously in- 
famous, that it is scarcely necessary to bring 
any arguments to establish tlje immorality 
and iniquity of employing them. And here 
I cannot help rejoicing that the funds of the 
society are inadequate to their maintenance, 
for were it not so, the zeal of its mem- 
bers would station one of these vile reptiles 
in every house in the kingdom, and thus es- 
tablish an inquisition mors terrible than any 
with which the world has been cursed. — 
In addition to the pain, the vexation and the 
expense, which one of these informers may at 
any time throw upon any person towards 
whom, eitlier himself or his patrons enter- 
tain any animosity, is the great injustice 
which a person accused by him is likely to 
experience in the courts of law. When 
it is known that sever^ of tlie aiagistiates 


J A N U A R 

and police officers of the metropolis are 
members of this confraternity, and, conse- 
quently, xroniraitted to each other, for ihc 
promotion of its interests, what justice can 
a person accused by its agents expect from 
a judge, by whom the nu-rits of his cause 
have bren previously tried and deridt-d, at 
another tribunal, held perhap>i in the tom- 
mittee room in King-slrtct ? And when it 
is recollf cted that on every jury in London 
there may be some member of this society, 
can a fair and unbiassed verdict be given by 
him, at whose instigation, psrhaps, the cii- 
rr'tnal at the bar was prost-coted, and by 
whose comm:inds the evidence upon which 
he rs accused has been given ? Are not ihe 
accusers and the judges virtually the same ; 
and can just decisions be expected from a 
tribunal thus constituted ? — The^e ai'e ques- 
tions involving matters of importance; and 
it would be well for those magistrates who 
are members of this association to inquire 
how far the duties of their two characters are 
compatible : — Upon this branch of the sub- 
ject I should have wished to say mucii; and, 
indeed, upon the subject^ grncrully, niutii 
femains to be. snid, but I have already en- 
grossed so much of your sheet, that I must 
defer alt further remarks, until some future 
opportunity. — ■ — I am^ Sir, &c. Hcc. 

^Festminster, Jan. 25, 1S04. 


America. — The latest advic<^s from the 
United States seem to assure v\h, ih:;l the 
Americans will not gain possession of New 
Ofleans withoutybr-ire j but, there is but lit- 
tle prob.^bility of (he Spaniards being able to 
resist them. The Floridas are, too, to be 
obtained by the Americans, either by pur- 
chase, or by co7iqucst ; and then all the obser- 
viations which were rnnde respecting the 
danger, which would ari^e to England from 
France having the command of the gulph 
stream, will apply to the possession ot the 
Floridas by the /Americans, on m hose back 
Lord Hawkesbury thought he was placing 
the French^ and by which means he said the 
United Staler would be attached more closely 
to Great Britain ! " Fine young man !' as 
the stock-jobbers cailfid him 1 This fine 
young man is, it is much to be feared, des- 
tilled to see the last of the British mo- 

At;stri.\ and Bavaria. — Ft is stated, 
froin a source of great respectability, that 
Mr. Otto, FVench minister at Munich, has 
olnci^jliy declared (o the Elector, that the 
first Consul is-v'ery^mvich displeased at the 

Y 28, J 804. [123 

conduct of the Elector towards the Empe.ror, 
in the late dispute between them ; he 
expic:s his iT.pcrial IMajes'y will lake mea- 
sures to inflict on him a suitable punish- 
ment, and that, in the mean ;ime, he, the 
First Consul, will manh a few rcgime.uts mio 
the neignbourhood of theelec'or.'te - This 
ihreat, it is added, has caused nauh mure 
uneasiness at Vienna than ;)t Munich. What 
objeci the Consul has in view is not known; 
and, indeed, it is more ihan probable, that 
he has seized on this oppoM unity merely to 
remind the st:iles of Germany fh;it they are 
his vassals ; a little stir thai he has made 
amongst them, just to examine tlieir chain* 
and keep them from ru.sting ,- 

Russia. — More stories are afloat relative 
to the interference of this power for the re-f 
storaiion of prace. Such rep rts are absurd. 
It is not the interest of Russia to interfere, 
until we arc reduced so low as to be readjr 
to yield Malta, upon the terms wh^ch France 
required us to yield it, previous to the war. 
When that time comes, and it may not be 
far distant, Russia will afford us Jier good 
o/ji-ies ; and, ii we should not destroy oursei'ves 
before, we may, perhaps, obtain peace, after 
having added anoilier hundred millions to 
the national debs v-'ithout obtaining the least 
eartliiy good, and with ha\ing undsniabiy 
proved, that we are unable to conieni 
against France. 

St'AiN. — It is said, that we arc about to 
declare war against this na;iun, but it is al'-o 
said, that we are, on the contr.iry, endea- 
vouring to obtainits medidtwnfor pcaci'.. la 
short, the public can know nothing of this 
mHter ; but, from the rise in the funds, one 
tnight naturally expect, that some project 
for peace was on foot. The objection to it will 
not be tbund with (he ministers, who know 
not how to get on an inch further in war, 
and who, if they think it likely to prevent a 
formidable oppoiition in parliament, wiil 
most assuredly make peace, if they can. As 
to iami, they know well, ■ that they need not 
embarrass themselves ; for, as they have al- 
ready expericn':edj there arc none that eveu 
Buonaparte can dictate, v^'hich the base stock- 
job'iers and those who sj)eak for them will 
not approve of. The mediation of Spain 1 ! ! 
But, whv nnt f The 1.-st negotiation was be- 
gun by His Majesty's principal Secretary of 
State soliciting an interview with a Commis- 
sary of Prison"rs. Why not the mediation 
of Spain ^ "Vvhat are we better than Spain ? 
We do not, indeed, yet pay tribute directly; 
but, we do it indirectly, and tliat loo, ia 
/(Zr^cr i7nni than Spain has ever paid. We 
are, and long have been, sinkmg under the 
yuke without perceiving it ; and, indeed; 



their ignorance of our situation is the only 
circumstance that can apologize for the con- 
tempt, wiih which we treat those whom we 
call •' (he debased and abject powers of the 
continent;" contempt which isj by those 
powers, most amply repaid us, notwiihstand^ 
ing wc have to boast of not having yet been 
conquerect by France. 

Dollars. ———I mean, at this time, 
merely to remind my readers, that the.intrin- 
sic sterling; Vcilue of the Spanish .dollar is 
4s. 6d. Alter the stoppage of the bank,- in 
1797, the dollar rose to 4s. gd. and now it 
has risen to 5s. Some of the feapient advo- 
cates of the funding system insist, that this 
rise In the value of the dolhir argues an /;/- 
crease in the stability of the bank! Good 
souls ! it were a cruehy to undeceive thtm, 
or one might ask, whether, if dollars are of 
just the same weight and metal as formerly, 
and if a ten pound note, which used tr. buy 
44 dollars, will now buy only 40 dollars ; 
oLe might ask wbetber, if this be so, ii is 
not a sign l\i'Al the bank notes have dejireciated ■ 
but, as was before observed, it would be an 
act of cruelty to undeceive the good souls, 
whose happiness, like that of the iamb or 
the caif, consists in their total ignorance of 
the fate that awaits thetn. ** Pleased to the 
*' last, they crop the flow'ry food,". ... I 
will not add the remaining part of the sen- 
tence, lest the haunters of the 'Change 
should think that I have knowledge of some 
conspiracy against their corporeal existence, 
which most surc.y is not the case. 

Volunteer SysTfeM. — With the words, 
whicli form the motto to the present num- 
ber, Mr- V\ indham concluded his exhorta- 
iions to the parliament on this interesting 
subjet:t. How the ministers, after all the 
abuse, which they and their underlinjjs have 
heaped up^n him ; after all their gibes and 
taunts and reproaches and misrepresenta- 
tions and calunmies and insults; how, after 
all these, the ministers will be able to look 
him in the face, it is hard to conceive. Yet 
thty will look him in the face, and boldly 
too J for, as Mr. Secretary Yorke so truly 
and so modestly observed, in the debate of 
the yrh ol Dece nber last, thou2;h there may 
be ''■ m^•.^y txcellent opliosition'i^ttz\\ti^ there 
" vviil be, to set ott" against them, many 
" good ministerial mtes.'*^ N<iy, it is not al- 
togc;her impossible but they may, upon the 
sticn^'h of these their votes, become thff 
as.-.;-.ilants, and, instead of allowing thatiheir 
voluntrer system was an unwise measure, 
uisist, that, like the peace (if Amiens, it was 
admir ibi- -n iLseh, rill i, spoiled by the 
iiic'ssaat attacks of Mr, Windham, who, in 
both instances, first predicted evil conse- 

quences and then^/^jWac(?</ them, and whose 
foresight has, therefore, no more merit than 
that of the incendiary, who foretold the 
burning of the house which he afterwards 
set on fire. In preferring a charge like this. 
It will, indeed, remain for them to apologize 
for their not ha /ing perceived the irttemion 
of Mr. Win. ha n, or, perceiving, not having 
prevented its success ; but, this difficulty, toa, 
they will get over by their standing justifica- 
tion, to v>-lt, a dead majority of votes. — •This 
majority will nor, however, prevent the evils 
of the system from daily and hourly aug- 
menting. The disputes in the several corps 
of volunteers increase in violence as well as 
number. Instances of mutiny occur con- 
tinually. A regiment not far from the me- 
tropolis, which consists of eight divisions^ 
each division having a committee, has lately 
formed a general committee, which commit- 
tee has drawn up and promulgated some 
very harsh resolutions respecting their offi- 
cers. At Yarmouth the newspapers tell ys, 
that the corps is throwii all into confusion 
by the measures of the commanding officer 
having been opposed by the committee. In a 
county, in the North, a whole corps are 
stated to have laid down their arms, 
they were not permitted to take the right of 
the line on^ brigading day, one of Mr. Pitt's, 
favourite brigading days! Mr. Pitt never 
had heard ot Volunteer committees, till'Mr. 
Windham mentioned them. Colonel Long, 
who is " a More Accurate Observer," can 
tell him a good deal about them; and can 
furnish him with some as pretty instances of 
the discipline of his shop keeper army as he 
can possibly wish to be put in possession 
of. In the midst of all this, and while the 
magistrates and parish officers are, in many 
places, disputing about the allowances to be 
made to the wives and children of volun- 
teers, who consent to go from home, the 
public prints are treating us with a speech 
of Robert Sparrow, Esq. chaiixian of the 
quarter sessions of the county of Stafford, 
who is said to have threatened with an in- 
dictment for a misdemeanor all those farmers 
and gentlemen, who " throw any obstacle 
"■ in the way of the defence of the country," 
by refusing to permit their servants to go a 
volunteering, or by refusing to keep or to hire 
volunteers ! This is, surely, an invention 
for the purpose of hoaxing Mr. Colonel 
Erskine, who so learnedly accused Mr. 
Windham of uttering against the volunteer 
system, woids, which, if used out of the 
House of Commons would amount to a inis- 
demeanor; and in Robert Sparrow, Esq. 
every one must recognize Falstaff's Robert' 
Shallo'jj, Esq. who had formerly lived iu Lin-. 


J A N U A 

coin's Inn, and who, as the reader will re- 
member was famous for talking about the 
new leviet^ and was by no means backward 
in talkii.g about himself . But, really, if there 
be, in StafFordshire, a leading magistmte of 
the name of Robert Sparrow, to make use 
of his name in this way was certainly going 
beyond the licence of the press; for, there 
can be no doubt, that a man who should 
seriously utter the threat above mentioned, 
would be much fitter for Bedlam than for 
the Bench.— —Citizen Colonel Tierney's 
third company have published another set 
of re.>olution8; in which they give a positive 
contradiction to the no less positive assertirn 
made by that gallant and right honourable 
man, that he had " told his corps that they 
*' were not, in future to elect their officers." 
They, at the same time, express no inten- 
tion of giving up this their " clecdvc fran- 
" chise ; " but, they are, for the good of the 
country, ready to Jiar Jon the harsh trcatmem 
they have- received. There has since been 
a quarrel between Mr. Tierney's associate 
Lieut. Colonel and one of the captains; 
and, we are informed, that the men oi the 
company, to which the captain belongs, 
have had a meeting upon the subject, have 
taken their captain's conduct into consider- 
ation, and have determined, by an *' uttan't- 
*' mous vote^" that the captain had behaved 
well, through the whole of the transaction ! 
■— Mr. Dowley, whose goods were dis- 
trained and sold for the payment of fines, 
has niarched inro Westminster Hall, there, 
under the command of that able field 
officer Colonel Erskine, to fight against 
the magistrates of Souihwitrk, headed by 
the Attorney General. What a glorious 
prospect for the law! Who vvoulxl have 
thought, that the parliament, by one 
short act, could have created, instantly, 
370,000 litigants, in Great-Britain alone ! 
What immense sums will thus be brought 
into the Stamp-Office ! What a great and 
unexpected addition will thus be made to 
those " magnificent receipts," on which 
Lord Auckland dwelt with such rapture ! 
And how would Mr. Windham be baffled, 
if the minister were, at last, openly to 
avow, and to boast of, the success of the 
volunteer institution, not as a military sys- 
tem, but as " a solid system cf f nance !" • 

At Chester, a regimtutal court of inqiihy \\^% 
been held, on the royal volunreer.s ot that 
city ; and, the ministers have advertised^ in 
the London Gazette, a reward of xool. for 
discover'mg the jersons who broke ooen the 
jail and effected the rescue, at Chester, on 
the 28th of December last ! So, so! This 

R Y 28, 1804U [126 

is the turn it is to take, at last ! An adver- 
tisement to discover who it was that broke 
open the jail and rescued the impressed vo- 
lunteer and carried him through the streets 
of the city ! This is the way the matter is ro 
be stifled, is it ? The Addingtons and 
Hawkesburies will smile. Let them : it 
were cruel to disturb mirth which is likely 
to be of so short a duration.— ^ It must not 
be supposed, that, from my having menuon- 
ed the above circumstances, 1 am inclined 
to take part against the volunteers, for 
vvhotn, I repeat, that I have, pcrsciialltj, 
very great respect. AVherr, indeed, is the 
prohnbiliry, that I should dislike or con*- 
temn 370,000 of my own countrymen, 
amongst whom are almost ail the persons, 
to whom I am most attached, as well by 
friendship as by interest ? What reason- 
can there be, then, for my personally di5- 
liking this numerous body of men, from 
no one of whom, as far as I know, did I 
ever receive an injury or an insult! No; 
my objection is not to the volunteers them- 
selves, but to the system^ by which their 
n cans, their time, their talents, their zeal, 
and their courage, are prevented from being 
of any use to their country or themselves. 
As to the dispute between the government 
and the volunteers, I am decidedly with 
the latter. 1 never could find the /ow, 
on which the opinion of the Attorney- -- 
General was founded ; and, I am not a 
little pleased to find, that, after all the 
abuse, which has been bestowed on me by 
the slaves of the ministry, those slaves have 
now adopted my opinion. As to tlic right 
of electing officers, there can be little doubt, 
that there arc some cases, in which the ofirs 
of service \nc\\^ded a positive stipulation for 
the exercise of tliis right. This was a fact, 
of which I was not before aware. But, now 
that I am in possession of it, I hesitate not to 
say. that, to attempt to enforce a regulation 
contrary to such stipulation, would be a 
shameful breach of national failh. The At- 
torney General, in the debate of the 12th of 
December, in replying to what Mr. Wind- 
hana had said about the; making of officers, 
obaexved, that "■ generally speaking, men of 
" rank and character were the object of 
" CHOICE with the volunteer corps;" words 
which he could hardly have made use of, if 
he hiid not regarded all the volunteers as 
havipn; a right to choose their own officer. And 
with re pect to committees, upon looking into 
the acts. I find that volunteer commitiees and 
meetiiigs and votings are i\\\\y sanctioned by 
law, though Mr. Pitt and the ministers aftcct- 
ed to be utterly astonished ai the existence o 




any snch things ; and the " righl bonourahle" 
Mr. Hiley Addington went so far as to de- 
claie, thai he would hcorn to belong to a corps 
that had a committee ! 

St. Domingo. — The French troops in St, 
Domingo, consisting, it is stated, ot 5,000 
men, have surrendered to the British squa- 
dron, and have been conveyed to Jamaica, 
togetlier with their general, Rochambeau, 
Four French frigates, 2 corvettes^ and 18 
inerchantment \veie captured, at the same 
time, in the harbour of Cape Francois, at 

Nviiich place the troops surrendered Now 

comes the dreadful " black empire T Will 
Mr. Addington and Lord Castlereagh homt 
of this event ? Yes ; they will. The assu- 
rance of your .modest welL-meaning tneji is 
never to be disconcerted. 


FoEEiGN. — ft has been reported, upon 
the authority of some letters froni Vienna, 
of a recent date, that a disturbance had bro- 
.ken cut in Constantinople, caused by the 
co-operation of a body of rebels from Rome- 
lia, with a party of the cisaffecied in the 
capital : the janissaries, however, remained 
faitliful to their allegiance, and, after consi- 
derable slaughter, succeeded in driving 'lit? 
insurgents from the city ; but, it is said, that 
they are still hovering in the neighbourhood, 
—The Grand Seignior, embarrassed by the 
disturbances at horaej and convinced of the 
difficulty, if not the impossibility of reducing 
Egypt to submission, has, it appears, dis- 
patched orders for the surrender of Ale.xan- 
dria, and for the evacuation of that country j 
and has made o\-ertures io the Beys, for the 
restoration of the ancient state of things. — 
The dispute betv/sen the Emperor of Ger- 
many and the Eiector of Bavaria has not yet 
been comprised, although many members 
of the Equestrian order of Franconia, have 
submitted, and taken the oath to the Elector: 
and during this suspense, the Austrian army, 
under Prince Lichtenstein ren:iains upon the 
frontiers of Bavaria.— The preponderance of 
the Catholic interest, in the College of 
PrJMces, is not settled ; but, it sectns, that the 
Elector of Bavaria has agreed to support it, 
on condition that he, as well as the Emperor, 

shall receive an accession of intiuence. 

On the 31st of Deceiiiber, Buonaparte left 
Paris, on a visit to the coast ; and, after hav- 
ing inspected the preparations at Boulogne, 
and the adjacent places, with great minute- 
ness, he returned to the capital on the 6th of 

January; on which day, the session of the 
Legislative Body was opened by a speech 
froin the Minister of the Interior, in which 
he boasts of the great improvements carrying 
on in the country, notwithstanding the im- 
mense preparations for war, and of tlie pro- 
sperity, the happiness, and the tranquillity 

of the republic. Batavia is represented to 

be in a deplorRble condition, in con-iequence 
of the great pecuniary exactions u:ade upon 
the monitd part of tlie community, for the 
support of the armies which are stationed 
throughout the cottntry, and in consequence 
of the daily requisitions made among the 
lower classes, for njen and boats to be em- 
ployed in the expedition against England, 

News had been lately received from St, 

Domingo, by the way ot America, stating; 
that Cape Francois had been evacuated by 
the French, and that the event Lad been ce- 
lebrated, with great rejoicings, among the 
negroes 3 th;it at the diiferent ports of which 
they had taken possession, commerce had 
begun to revive, and that at Fort Jereniie, 
pfiriicuUtrly, trade was carried on with great 
spirit. — Peace has, certainly been r<fstgr"d, 
between the United S;ates and the Emperoc 
of Morocco, Without any stipulation for jthe 
payment of any tribute whatever. During 
the negotiation, the American squadron was 
moored oft Tangiers, where the Emperor 
was with a very large body of troops, and 
the commodore tlireatened to destroy tha 
town, unless the terms he oti'ered were ac- 

Domestic. — Late Dublin papers stated 
that Dwyer the noted chief, had undergone 
several long examinations previous to his 
being sent out of the country; that the rebel 
general, Clarke, who was wounded in at- 
tempting to make his escape, had died ; and 
that Mernagh, another famous leader, had 
surrendered himself prisoner, The peo- 
ple of the Shetland Islands are suffering un- 
der a severe famine, in consequence of the 
failure of their crops of last year, and the 
scanty produce of their fisheries; indeed, so 
great and so universal is said to be the 
.scarcity which prevails, that unless some as- 
sistance be obtained, one-half of the inha- 
bitants will be in danger of perishing for 

ft:|» The articles which have been traiis- 
mitrcd for the Register, and which it is in- 
tended to insert, will certainly be found ii> 
the next sheet. 

I*nnted by Cdx and Baylis, No. 75, Gr^eat Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Coveist 
Garden, wberc fertncr Numbers may be bad j sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Micre, Pall-Mall, 


Vol. V. No. 5.] London, Saturday^ 4:th February, 1804. 

[Price lOD 

•' Eumenks. is reckoned among the notable examples of fortune's mutability; but more notable 

" was his government of himself, in all her changes. Ailveisity iicvfr lessened Lis coiuage, nor 

prufpcricy his circumspection. But all his virtue, industry, and wit were cast away, in icadinj 

an army, ^0:1 Ik-u full fowet to ketf> it in due obedience, \ hcrefore it was not ill answere I, by Gaspiird 

•♦ de Culllgiiic, Admiral of France, ia our days, to one that foretold his death, which en-usd soon 

" after in the massacre of Paris ; ', rather than /» lead again ,m arms- of Voluntaries, /;.' luould die 

*' ♦ a thtmand times.'" Sir Walter Raleigh's History, Vol. II. p. 211. 

J29] — — — 


Sir,— After the numftrons and decisive 
facts which you have laid before the public, 
in refutation of that most modest assert ion 
of Mr. Hiley Addington, vi^-. " that ilie 
*' corps alluded to by Mr. Windham as be- 
" ing under the control of a committee, was 
" a solitjry histance of the kind ;" it may 
appear ahiiost superfluous to adduce any 
further evidence in confirmation of a fact, 
which unfortunately is but too well attested. 
But as the Right Hon. Gentleman (to what- 
ever cause it may be owing, whether it arises 
from his mistaking an obstinate adherence to 
error, for manly tirnmess and resolution ; or 
perhaj s, from a certain dulness ot intellect) 
appears to require an accumulation of proof \ 
I will beg leave to introduce to his notice, 
another example of a corps, which is govern- 
ed by a committee. Be it known, there- 
fore, to " the ilightHon. fifhtion," and all 
others whom it may concern, that the Ox- 
ford Loyal Volunteers, commanded by Sir 
Digby Mackworth, are Ukcivise subject to 
the superinteiidirig care of a Committee. It 
will readily be supposed that it is impossible 
for me to procure a copy of tlieir resolu- 
tions ; I will, however, state a few facts re- 
lative to the powers, and mode of election 
of the Committee, which I think will prove 
interesting to your readers. First, then, the 
Committee consists of two delegates from 
each company, who are elected by the pri- 
vates. 2. The viajority of the Committee 
consisfs of privates. 3. The Committee is re- 
elected every six weeks. This Committee has 
the superintendence and management of the 
affairs of the corps : and how far its autho- 
rity extends, may be easily conjectured from 
the following circumstance. The colonel^ 
sometime since, anxious to render his men 
as perfect as possible in discipline, wished 
the corps to devote twe or three mornings 
in a week to this purpose. To this mea- 
sure the privates were very averse, and ac- 
cordingly directed the Committee to remon- 
strate with Sir Digby Mackworth against it ; 
and the consequence of course was, that the 
plan was rclincjujshrd* Another most siin- 


gular, and I should hope, unprecedented 
power vested in this Committee is, the right 
ot healing and deciding on the complaints 
alleged by the privates againsr their olticers. 
When ic is recollected that the majority of 
this Committee con>ists of j)rivatcs, the con- 
sequences attending such a regulation, may 

be easily ai^preciated. It is stated, frotn 

the higiiest authority, that it never was in- 
tended that the Volunteers should possess 
the ricrht of lilling up any vacancies that 
might occur among the ofhccr«, after the 
corps had been o;ice established. If thii, 
Sir, be tlic intention of Government, our 
Ox lord V(jlanieers have bien in the con- 
stant habit of violating it. With them, all 
vacancies v.'hich occur among the officers, 
are invailably filled up by persons elected by 
the privates. This election is manageo. in a 
Wiiy aomewhat singular. When a vacancy 
happens m any of the companies, one siiould 
naturally suppose that the power of filling 
it up, would (in case of an election) exclu- 
sively belong to the individuals of whom 
the company was composed. This, how- 
ever, is not the case. On the contrary, 
every individual in the regiment has a vote on this 
occasiM. In short, it would be difficult to 
find a corps, the constitution of which is 
more purely democratic. Accordingly it has 
been exultingly said, by some of the lower 
sort of privates, that in their corps every man 
has a voice. Their boasting, however, is 
pretty nearly at an end. For I cannot for 
a moment suppose, that their Colonel will 
so far forget the duty he owes to his Sove- 
reign and his Country, as to permit, for the 
future, what has been publicly declared, to 

be contrary to his Majesty's intention. 

1 am, Sir, with the sincerest esteem, yours, 
8ic. Philo Patri.*:. 

Oxford^ Jan. 26, 1804. 

Bristol, Jan. ^\, 1804. 
Sir, When a man pushes himself for- 
ward to instruct and inform the public, and 
still more when he becomes an accuser; 
the least that is expected of him is to give a 
full and fair representation of wha», he rc» 



the French prison, ""All this I a<iiT>it ihcy 

L s. It is because ycjur corrcspo ident 
J. O. lias failed in both these re(]uisites in 
h's account of a fracas tlut ha[)pc)ied some 
tane since, in the corps of Light Ho: se Vo- 
lunteers of this city, that I claim a small 
p Ttion of your publication, to give a plain 
b-it brief statement of that dispiue, which 
did not originate wih those to whom the 
. blame is attributed j neither in its progress 
did any thing transpire which could jusrity 
a charge against them of having violated 
the regulation under which they associated. 

• After the corps was formed, and the 

offi:ers appointed, it was thought necessary 
to have a Major Commandant; this the se- 
nior caprain strenuously opposed, unless he 
could be appointed, on the ground that it 
was u' militaij to put any body over his 
head. Here the dispute began and a great 
deal of ill-blor<d arose between the friends 
pf the captain and the advocates for the 
rights of the corps. And here it will not be 
amiss to tell you that a comn.Ulee^ consisting 
of one commis Jotted ■ 'flicer rviA Jour privates from 
each tr )0|',.har the complete ccmmavd^ both civil 
and military. Thi? committee, of which the 
senior captain was chairman, framed a sort 
of constitution, or form of g(jvernmenr, not 
taken from the pigeon holes of the Abby 
Scyes, but copied from the regulations of 
the London and Westmins'er L. H. V. By 
this the right of cboo^ins; officers is vested in 
the bv>dy at larL',e, and any private may be 
elected to fill a vacant situation. In virtue 
of this claiiD, a gentleman of great respecta- 
bility, but whose modesty had hitherto kept 
him in the ranks, was nominated at a gene- 
ral meeting called by the chturiran of the 
commi tee, at the requisiiiou of several mem- 
bers, as a fit person to be appointed M.ijor 
Commandant, The nomination was car 
jried unHnimoufly. A few days after this, 
the Major sei;t a note to. the commiitee, 
stating that difficulties having been raised 
to his appointment he felt himself bound to 
res'gn. Upon this twu-thirds of the men 
resigned, until the senior captain, who was 
regarded as the cyu-se of the majors' resig- 
nation, thought proper himself to resign. 
Here the dispute ended The seceders re- 
joined, another major and another captain 
were appointed (by the men and not bv the 
committee) and the corps has never failed 
to periorm any duty required of it, from 
the time H. R. H. ihe Duke of Cumberr 
lanJ, qrdered a detachment to escort French 
prisoners from Wcll^ ; in which service the 
men were absent two days, and on horse- 
back twelve hours without dismounting; 
^his thcy^did cl^ert|L>Uy ,-S|e,\(eral times, and 
Bg^y ivio m&a\act as vidsu^s^sv^ry day at 

promised his Royal Hig'^ness to do, but it*- 
was more than ihe terms of service required ; 
and I only notice it to shew that no 
" pledge was forfeited," to prove that these 
men acted up to the letter and spirit of their 
engagement. It would be as reas.mable to 
expect the members of the House of Com- 
mons to abandon the liberty of speech, or 
any other privilege they derive from the con- 
stitution, as to call upon the tnembers of 
volunteer corps to give up the rights they 
enjov under their internal regulations, 
which have been sanctioned by an act of the 
legislature. Whatever is wrong is a neces- 
sary co;isequence of the defects of the vo- 
lunteer system. It has already produced 
many inconveniencies, and the dangers 
which it threatens are more than enough to 
terrify the stoutrst heart. In every word 
and sentiment you have published on that 
subject, I most perfectly coincide. 
I am, Sir, 


Of the Lath and Plaster Artny. 

Lanarkshire^ Jan. 6, 1804. 
Sir, — I read your paper with a great 
deal of pleasure, as I deem you sii;cere!y at- 
tached to truth, and to the true interests cf 
your King and Country.^ A similar att chni' nt 
leads me to state to you a late recurrence 

at L , which is no bad illustradon of 

your opinion of the Voiuiueer Syrtein. ■ 

On Friday, the i6th of December, 1803, as 
two o! three town's-peoplc, ons ot rhem a 
member of the Common Council of the Bo- 
rough, were met together in a public-house, 

two ot the L Volunteers intruded 

into their company, which occasioned some 
ahcrcation, ending in blows from the vo- 
lunteeis, to the elTusion of blood and the 
loss of a fOQih to the Borough Councillor. 
The constables came to carry the delin- 
quents before a inngistrate ; but were much 
obstructed bv the volun(eers, now assisted 
by others of the corps; and afterwards, 
while one of them was carrying to prison 
by order of a magistrate, the constables 
were actually defurced in their duty, beat, and 
abused, and the prisoner set at liberty : — 
nay, it is said, one of the volunteer officers 
joined in the deforcement, insisting that a 
volunteer could only be tried by a court 
martial, ?nd was not subject to the civil 
power } and some of them even threatened 
the magistrate^ ivith the vengeance cf their Major 
Commandant. A scrjeant, too, ran to a room 
where sonje of the volunteers were drilling, 
remonstrating why they remained there, 
while one of their number was carrying tq 


prison ! Now, Sir, I tremble i>H :he re- 

suh of such doctine iiul practice! — if the 
civil po ver is alimvcd to be tramplcvi uvan 
by the vokm '■'"'. is with impunity, a;;d with- 
out iiivesti^.i'i 11, rhc conscqi.cnce must he 
serious inceed. 1 am, Sir, yours, &;c. 


FEBRUARY 4, 1804. " [134 

ti":i is not disputed j yet as f/ieir atinual cx' 

E //, Surrey, Jan. 30, T804. 

Sir, — Permit ine to ask for a corner in 
your paper, in order to c(/nvcy to the pub- 
lic some account of the Volunteer-corps of 
this ph'.ce. It con.isted of 139 men, to 
whom, about months agOj the ojith of 
allegiance was tendered ; but, it wris 'gene- 
rally, if not ix:ho'l)-, refused- A set of regu- 
lations was afterv/ards tub.nittcd to the 
corps, xvho, thercupoa threw up, with the 
exception of 31; men. They pmaJed the 
place in great triumph, with blue cocic:ides, 
and tkrevj their regimtnials^ with grea; con- 
tempi, into the house of a man, vvl)o had 
origin.iily subsL-iibed col. towards cljtinng 
and disci ^'.ininj them ! Are these the men, 
Air. Cobbett ; is tills the description of 
troips, 10 meet and to defeat the veterans 
of Fr.inre ? Is it thu'- that we are to be 
saved, Sir? I was, myself, some time ago 
mucii in favour of the volunteer s\stem; 
and, I mus: confei-s, that even your argu- 
ments were not s .flicient to correct me 
without 'he aid of experience. That expe- 
rience I h;i\-c now haj ; and, with you, 
Sir, and, I believe, with ninety-nine hun- 
dredths o*-" the nation, I say, " short follies 
are best j" away with this foolery, and give 

us a real army in its stead. 1 am, yours, 

&c. &c. C. S. 

Extract from Procee/ of a Parish Mcetiny in 
the Parish of M ary -la- bonne ^ dated Jan. 7, 
1804, and signed ^y John Jcnes, Clerk. 
Resolved uNANI^!OUSLY, thit the fol- 
lowing address to the nobility, gentry, and 
ether inhabitants of this parish, be printed 
and distributed, relative to the Royal 
York Maky-la-bonne Volumteers. — 
The Voiiinieer Association in this p^irish 
having been brought to its present slate ot 
discipline, at an expense of not less th:>;i 
t\venty thousand Jiounds to the individuals who 
compose that corps, exclusive of their <?«- 
nual iubscrijition towards its support, and the 
incidental exjienses they must ncces 'only be 
put unto, besides the time given from their seve- 
ral occupations in personally attending their 
duty. — And that the aid of Volunteer Corps 
is requisite at this perilous time to our safe- 
ty and preservation from a menacing fero- 
cious enemy, who threatens our entire de- 
struction and existence as a people and n:i- 

pensc ca-n^t be supported without the aid 
and subscription of those wnr/sr" situation 
precbulos personal sstvice, and upon whom 
tne'-r continuance inust depend^ you will be 
waited upon by a Com .-.ittcc: of vestrymen 
and parishioners, attended hy an ijjicer o{ the 
Royal Yoik M-ry-Ia-bonne Volunteers, who 
have undertaken to solicit your snbscrlp- 
tion for fl'.it purpose, so i:7ig only as it niav 
be found necessary and expedient to continue the 
services of those who have so nobly volun- 
teered to support the freedom of our coun- 
try, protect our property, and defend cur 
lives at the peril liud hazard of their own. 

Extract from an Address to the Members of the 
North E.ast Division of the ylrtilkry Canpany^ 
fron the Cajita'in of the said Division, dated 
ylngel Ccurt, Januaty 2S, 1804. 
GhNTLEMEN, — "VVednesday next is the 
day appointed for the inspection of the re- 
giment. It is painful t' me to observe 

that the musters of the North E^isr Division 

have of laic done no credit to its members. 1 

appeal to your feelings, as men, to your 
h')nour. as soldiers, whether the members 
of the North Ea;t Division have not of Inte 
been too relax in the performance of their 
dury; jrovernment has seen and noticed this 
rclaxati'.n. and the feelings of yobr 
have suffered much upon the occasion. Let 
me entreat you then, as friends, to tnusfer 
strong on Wednp.sJay nexr.-~— The Ho- 
nourable Ar illcry Cnmpaiy have //// nrjj 
stood high in the estimauMi of govern- 
ment : their punctual attendance on all 
pressing occasior.s has merited and obtained 
universal approbaiio:,. Rouse then, my 
brav comr^ides, ret; ieve your gO'>d name, 
and be emulous to rank foremost in the list 
of volunteers. The occasion was never 
more pressing ; your exertioiis were never 
more required. I confidently A^f that this 
address will meet with the sanction of the 

ivhole division. Believe me, VTcntlcmen, , 

most sincerely your dev:ted servant, 

Thqmas Dawes, Captain. 

Copy of a Letter from a Corporal of a Volun~ 
tecr Corps, in the City of IVestminstet , to his 
Colonel, dated January 25, 1804. 
SiK, — I'me desired by the several pri- 
vates in my company, to acquaint you, that 
it ij their deteruiination to withdraw them- 
selves, unless you immedi;itely order **"«•* 
[a captain] to resign — He may bless his 
stars, I did not bayonet him — but — dam 
him I've done with him — You'S to com- 
mand -»***» 
^ The reader may depend on the authen- 




iicity of this document. I have the names 
of all the parties; bur, itis useless to men- 
tion them. It is the facts and nut the per- 
sons that I wish to hold up to the notice of 
my readers.— — Editor. 


Sir,— »-I sincerely congratulate you, or 
more correctly speaking, the pu,^Jic, on the 
increased circulation that you ai.nounced at 
the beginning of the year of your patriotic 
publicatioiij and am glad you hrive so very 
easy a moile of silencing ministerial cavillers 
respecting the truth, qf your statement ; by 
reterring them to the Stamp Office. I have 
taken in the Register for the last twelve 
months, and am sure it is not .your fault, if 
the people of England are not, by this time, 
not only fully acquainted with their real si- 
tuation, but also with the only practical 
means that can afford n rational hrvpc of sur- 
mounting the complication oJ ills which 
menace our destruction. I trust you will 
continue boldly and independently to urge 
the important truths you have already 
brought forward, so as, if possible, to 
awaken the nation from its besotted apathy 
respecting the present imbecile administra- 
tion : who have so large.y coiuributed to 
our present dangers, and u'hose continuance 
in power renders our deliverance next to 
utter impossibility. 

You have lately pointed out, in a most 
forcible manner, the indispensable necessity 
of an union of parties; such as will enable 
his Majesty to avail hiraself, for the safety, 
honour, and dignity of the CvTuntry, of all 
the energy that can be derived frvim a com- 
bination of the most consummate wisdom 
and powerful influence. Besides, your own 
conclusive reasoning on the subject, you 
have laudably shown your devotion to the' 
interests of your country, by giving addi- 
tional publicity to two very luminous tssays 
on the subject cf coaluiau, which lately ap- 
peared in a daily paper.. It is natural 
ei 'Ugh, indisputably, for our present mi 
nisters to feel exqiiisitely sensitive, when a 
coalition of great and enlightened men is 
spoken of; for certainiy there can be no 
such tir/iv as an Addingtoii in the composi- 
tion. When you mention the names of 
my Lord Grenville, Messrs. Windhiim, PU( 
and Fox, you only re-echo the sennment ex- 
pressed throughout the kingdom by all in 
t^liigeut and disinterested persons ; the. only 
question being how' the union ot so much 
talent and influence can happily for the 
country, be broughc intv> action. I hope 
it will not beimpuisd to me, that I presuir.e 

to take measure of the ability contained ia 
the country; or that I consider these gen- 
tlemen to be exclusively possessed of distin- 
guished talent ; or even take upon me to 
decide, that, their abilities are unequalled. 
It is sufhcient for my purpose, to refer to 
them, as known, able, leading men, who, 
collectively, would be able to call forth into 
the service of their country, at this season 
of unexampled difficulty, all the physical 
strength and mental energy it contains. 

And now, Sir, will you permit me to 
state, as the result of most serious rcfltction, 
that greatly as I admire the splendid ge- 
nius of Mr. Pitt, his coalition with the gen- 
tlemen I have natned, but on conditions, 
which, I fear, would be rather mortifying 
to him, and which I much wish he may so 
far master himself as to <iccede to, v.'ould, 
instead of proving an acquisition, only add 
to our embarrassment. From Mr. Pitt, I 
should demand as a preliminary, the. com- 
plete renunciation of the system he has pur- 
sued for some years, relative to finance ; 
and, especially, with rf^gard to the Bank of 
England: for, until the unnatural and dis- 
graceful restriction be removed from the 
latter, we cannot even begin the work of 
political salvation. I implore the weight 
and eloquence of this gentleman, with the 
public; not to add to the hideous fabric of 
our paper credit ; not to attempt any longer, 
the delusive and dtletenous quackery of 
sustaining the overgrown size of the na- 
tional debt, by addition A taxes ; bur, to 
employ all his credit, all his skill, all his 
persuasion, in honestly co-operating with 
the great leaders I have named, in the best, 
which in. truth will be the sprediest plan, by 
which its reduction can be effected, in such 
proportion as to bring the payment of the 
intere.sts within the compass of a natural, 
legitimate system of taxation. But how i.< 
this great desideratum to be performed ? By 
no other possible method, I dare venture so- 
lemnly to aver, than positive and adequate 
taxation of the interest, which is the same 
thing as reducing the principal of the debt 
itself. But this is, at once, to acknowledge 
national bankruptcy. To be sure it is ; and 
I wish the commission to be sued out, that 
the creditors may have all that they are en- 
titled to; namely, an annuity from the pub- 
lic, of all that a rich commercial people can 
pay in such taxes, as are compatible with 
due encouragement to industry, freed m, 
and morality. If it be contended, that the 
national creditor has claims to sanction un- 
limiicd taxation, or in other words, unlimit- 
ed oppression and ; 1 can only 
, consign such claims to the indistinguishable. 

J37] F E B R U 

ruin, that must soon equally overwhelm 
borh creditor and debtor. 

In expressing the foregoing sentiments 
about our finances, in whith, I flatter my- 
self, Sir, you yourself concur; I disclaim, 
'entirely, any insinuation that the\' arc con- 
sonant vvitli those entertained by tl:c distin- 
gaished characters, 1 have previousiy named, 
iior do 1 know the contrary. To them 
it belongs, wiien, and in what manner, ihcy 
deem mu;,t lit, to promulg'^te their own. 

I am ^Nilling to do all the jusiice to Mr. 
Pitt iliat he can claim, for his comprehensive 
knowledge and arrangetnenr of finance. 1 he 
whole country must bo strikinglv convinced 
of the bungling inferiority of liis successur; 
aided, as he has been, by Mr. fierney; 
who, it is presumed, has been indefatigable at 
the de;-k, as his master hasdispensed with his 
loqihicity for some time past in St. Stephen's 
Chapel. The property tax, as it is called, 
will be a monument ot the stupidity of ih^ 
present Chancellor of tlie Exchequer, and of 
his deputy ; as vycll us of their disregard of 
public feeling. This disgraceful farrago is 
as abominable as it is unintelligible; and, I 
believe, 1 may add, impracticable, in its pie- 
scnt crude slate. Before I conclude, ic is 
ray intention to point out some of the effects 
of the tried part of the Doctor's budget ; but 
I shall take leave of his insignificance tor the 
present, while I entreat a little more of 
your attention respecting Mr. I'itt. When 
that gentleman came first into power, his 
system of finance was decided, manly, and 
honest, iic deservedly obtained credit with 
the country, by the extensive, as well as 
rapid improvement of the revenue, which he 
effected ; and which, be it remembered, was 
essentially owing to his substituting low 
duties, in the room of those which expe- 
rience had demonstrated, either to have the 
effect of sumptuary 1 »ws, or, what was 
much worse, to produce counteraction, 
from the encouragement afforded to illicit 
practices. In an evil hour, Mr. Pitt aban- 
tloncd his own system, and began the work 
of destroying the fruit derived from several 
years of persevcing labour and sound wis- 
dom. Hinc jirima mali labes. I shall shew 
you the baneful consequences, for they are 
now severely felt of this dereliction, as they 
arise out of the clumsy imitation of our late 
premier, by his successor. 

In y(.ur analysis some time ago, of the 
vaunted, but deceptious surplus of revenue 
proclaimed by the minister, you liave most 
pointedly detected the fallacy of reckoning 
upon new taxes, as additional revenue, 
when there is a consequent decrease of those 
already existing. Wbatmatieii it to the 

A R Y 4, 1804; [133 

revenue, whether I pny a certain sum for 
drinking wine, or the same amount as a 
proportion of my income, if I ain unable to 
pny altogether any mo^e -than the sum 5a 
question.'' The letronctive effect must al- 
ways arrive, when yyu have exhausted all 
the natural objects of taxation, and I must 
frankly declare-, that with all my admiration 
of Mr. Pitt, an 1 deference to his political, 
as well as llnancia! sagaciTy, even superad- 
(ii;ig existing circumstances of acknowledg- 
ed difBcuhy that he has had to contend 
wi h ; he never was justified in breaking 
down the barrier. I have no objec- 
tion to coi'.cc(!c to him purity of intention ; 
but, as he has not csrnblished any claim to 
infallibility, let him n nv exhibit his preten- 
sions to sincerity and candour. The man, 
who, in the prosecution (if he clums such 
concession, I readily grant it) of the best 
cause, has by hii fascinating eloquence, and 
persuasio',, led us to the brink of that pre- 
cipice, from which, to use his Oivn emphati- 
cal words, we can behold nothing but the 
" gulph of bankruptcy" readv to devour 
us ; can only merit the reputation of a true 
patriot, h-y exerting his utmost power, and 
making every personal sacrifice, to recon- 
duct us to safe ground. Mr. Piit has 
cliangcd his opinions on one measure, to 
which he had as firmly pledged hims-lf, as 
he can have done to any other. I mean, 
Jiarlinmentary refornt \ but such questions, as 
v.'cll as the distinctions of V* hig and Tory, 
I would, for the present, cor sign to obli- 
vion, as obsolete terms. I call upon Fox, 
Pitt, VV'inJham, and Grenville, in the nair.e 
of impericms necessity, to lay aside specula- 
tive points, and party ditrerences, and assist 
by their united wisdom and patriotism, in 
preventing the subversion of the monarchy, 
and the dov\ nfall of the Biitish constitution. 
I say in the name of impf>rious necessity, in 
the name of all that is dear to us, in the 
nanie of our common countiy, ^'^ pro qiul quh 
" bniis dub'ittt mortem opjietire, si ei sit HrcfutU" 
" 7Jis?'* I call upon them to unite their ef- 
forts, to save u.<t by timely precautions, from' 
the anarchy and desolation, that exactly si- 
milar causes with those we now labour 
under, have furnished so frightful an exam* 
jile of in France. FrO:n the same fare, no- 
thing but an extinction of part of the na- 
tional debt, and the consequent repeal of 
the taxes that either clog our industry, or 
impair the energy of a \vct people, can save 
us in the impending crtsis. Believe me. 
Sir, it will soon be found, that without the 
radical amelioration I have just suggested, 
our volunteers vvill j^rove equally unuilling 
and un.ible to sii]'p>rt themselves; ^nd 




what consequences mav thence be ej;pecto<l, 
I shall not Impure to yr^ur rcaflers so inuch 
dulness of inteilecr as not to foresee ; or so 
littic feeliiisf, as not to shudder at. I am 
very ui.e t<i licknow'edge, for mvsclf, that I 
do not feel the apprehe-'sion (if any thing 
like immediate danger from the arms of the 
enemy. 1: is only when I look, back on the 
gigantic monster; 'hat hangs on our rear, 
that I ftcl dismay. My courage all fails, 
my soul sinks witbir) me at the frightful load 
of debt, and grinding inqulsiroritil taxes, by 
v/hich our sapient statesmen are destroying 
us, while, poor creatures, they vainly 
imagine thry can frighten Buonaparte ! If 
the latter is as frantic as some choose to call 
him ; if he is, what I do not myself beli- ve 
a word of, as weak and superficial as minis- 
ters themselves, perhaps, his impatience may 
hurry him on in the threiitened invasior, 
instead of making sure work of it, by leav- 
ing our overthrow to the operation of their 
own destructive measures. 

When our paper is virtually at a dis- 
count, as you have demons; rativeiy proved, 
by the price at which the dollars are now 
current; and which, indeed, has long been 
incontestibly shewn by the progressive ad- 
vance in the price of gold and silver, as well 
as by the unfavourable course of exchange 
with the Ccnunent, thriugh ihe amount of 
our exports, far exceeded that of our im- 
ports ; surely it will not be contended, that 
It is not high time to throw aside disguise. 
And institute an impartial enquiry into the 
real state of the nation. 

1 have so far confined mvself, in a great 
degree, to a sort of exposlulatory address to 
Mr. Pat, Although that genileman has 
lately acted in a manner, both in the opinion 
of his friends and opponents, so little worthy 
of himself; I own, without coinciding en- 
tirely with him in politics, that there has al- 
ways appeared to me something dignified, 
elevated, and commanding in his character. 
With respect to the other gentlemen, I have 
named, as leading characters, it does not oc- 
cur to me, that they are materially called 
upon either to give any pledge fur the future, 
or offer any apology for the past. To Mr, 
Fox, with great deference, I would, however 
unwillingly, beg leave to ofl'er a few re- 
marks. It certainly would be the greatest 
injustice to my own sentiment, as well, I 
presume, as to the general estimation, in 
which he is held in this country, and 
throughout Eui-ope, to deny him the rare 
qualification of an enlightened, indeed, con- 
summate statesman. 1 will frankly, how- 
ever own, that, attached, like himself to 
.|icace, from motives of philanthrophy j his 

bias in itn favour, has lately appeared strong- 
er than was con>,lsient with thi^ 
ment of his own object ; which I have no 
hesitation in saying- I think the system of 
Lord Grenville and Mr. Windham, at pre- 
sent more securely leads to. 1 shall not 
take any retrospective view, to prove whe- 
ther he, or the}^, on former occasions, urged 
the wisest course, Mr. Fox has lately, very 
forcibly remi'ided me of the sentiment of 
Cicero " Pacevi hiiquissiinani hello just'issimo 
" a?itrfcrt>." From him, I would most ear- 
nestly deprecate any thing resennblmg the 
repetition of the hollow peace of Amiens. 
War, 1 say war with France, and I confess 
the alternative is honible, as long as this 
country can exist as independent, or until the 
intolerable aggrandizement of the former, be 
reduced within bounds compatible with the 
safety and quiet of Great Britain ; or, I may 
say, of the rest of Europe : with whose 
tranquillity, our own must, in a greater or 
lesser degree, be indissolubly connected. Be- 
yond this point I hope neither British cou- 
rage, or British capital will be pushed. France 
I would deprive of nothing, but what is re- 
pugnant to her own true interest and happi- 
ness, as well as to the general welfare of 
mankind. Mwy the long rivalship of the 
two nations cease, and the generous contest 
commence between them of improving the 
condition of humanity, by the diffusion of 
science, and extension of agriculture and 

I must now revert to the subject, which 
I intimated in another part of my letter; I 
mean Mr. Addington's maiden budget. I 
recollect that it was greatly extolled by 
some venal scribblers, for its possessing, at 
once, undouhred efficiency, and the greatest 
shnluiciiy. The latter term, in one accepta- 
tion, will certainly apply to this, as well as- 
all other measures of any importance, 
brought forward by this gentleman. Such 
experiments in finance, I persuade myself, 
will bear me out in my general train of rea- 
soning. I mean to infer from them, that 
however much you rack invention, how- 
ever much you vary the nominal amount of 
imposts, or whatever diversity of objects 
you select, there must still remain a liinit 
to the extension of revenue. Jf, therefore, 
according to all reasnaable criterion, we 
have reached the tie jjiis ultra^ what does 
sound policy dictate .-= Why, certainly the 
extinction of part of the debt, instead of the 
creation of vexatious, galling taxes, which 
oppressive as they are, must cease to im- 
prove the whole stock of revenue. 1 am 
not unapprised of the danger that might be 
apprehended from the measure I venture t« 


F E B R tr 

recommend. History beats ample testi 
nioMV to fhe ievf>lutions and convulsion'? 
occasioiieul by financial dilapivlations ; and 
the example of Fiance is now before our 
eyes. The attempt under the direction of 
our present set of feeble creatures, I should 
consider the signal of irretrievable contu- 
.sioTj and calanuty ; >^hie, under the au- 
spices of such an administr.ition as I have 
named some of the leaders of, men, ui.iting 
aft p^trlies, and pussessinsf unliniited confi- 
dence with the public; the measure would 
be as practicable, as it certainly is imhsliema- 
ble : and the only question is, whethei, by 
putting the reins of" government, before it 
be too late, into able hands, vve may be fully 
jircpared, by timely precaution, or wait till 
the gathering smrm suddenly burst over 
us, and scatter ruin and devas;H(.ion in cveiy 

/Vs a prominent feature of Mr. Addin^- 
ton's budget, 8tood the additional duty on 
tea. From indisputable authority, at the 
East-India House, I learn, that in the last 
March s le, there was sold of this article 
7,400,0001^8. vveloht ; and that such has 
been already the effect of the high duly, as 
to have reduced the quantiiy declared for 
sale in M rrch ensuing, t;) 4,700,000 lbs. 
oidy ; which, it appears, is very considera- 
bly less than has been sold at any owe sale, 
for many years past. In addii ujn to the 
loss sustaitied, by so diminished a sale, I 
understand, that a depreciation has taken 
place of such a nature as to ihrctuen veiy 
serious and important coiise([ijences to the 
East- India Company ; to whom this article, 
if I am rightly lut.rmed, has, for so>ne lisne 
past, been an essemiril, as well as vzxy im 
proving resource. In point of levenue, the 
iiiierence is t(>o palpable. The t;.x is levied 
upon tea ad valurem^ and theie seems every 
reason :o a|!prch..rid, tha;, combining de- 
preciation with reduced cjuantity, there will 
veiy soon be a less sum prouuctd at ihe 
present monstrous duty ol gq per cent, than 
the pieceding duiy of only 50 per cc..t. af- 
f.rded. This tu?., it aip^ars, was very ol> 
stuiatcly persisted m, ac^auist the most co- 
gent reasons and forcible reprcsent.uion"s 
urged by the ctiairman and court of direc- 
tors of ihe East India Compai'y, on their 
own behalf; and by a very luinicrous bndy 
of traders, in bchalr of themselves and the 
coiTjmuniiy; under a conviction, from for- 
mer experience, that the excessive duty 
would prove equally injurious to ihemstlves 
and to the revenue. 

The next striking object in the ways and 
tncaiiS was the additional duty on spirituous 
lic|uor5. On advening to the commence- 

A R Y 4. 1604.^ L^^2 

ment of Mr. Pitt's adminlstratioti, it will be 
found, that he reduced the duty on runi 
from about 7s. 6d. per gallon to 4s. ; atid 
on French bran-'y and Dutch gtmeva, from 
about 9=. 6d. to 5s. per gallon ; and that, 
however extraordma-y it may appear, the 
event not only justihed the sanguine txpec*.. 
tations he held out to the public, of aug-» 
menting the revenue, by the lew du ies, 
but as it should ap[)ear, from what I have 
been informed, in a few years, icndcred it^J 
almost bevond all comparison, more pro--' 
ductive. L'nf'utunately, Mr. Pitt was in- 
duced, during the war, 10 gradually raise 
the duty on these anicles to their former 
limit ; and thus restore the expl idcd S3's- 
tem of his predec.'ssor, in the American 
war. But now steps forward the modern 
hero of finance, Doctor Addington ! brave«i 
iy asseitl;ig his entire superiority over com- 
mon sense and experience ; he offers y m a 
large additional supply on pajier^ by at once ' 
raising the duty on br.mdy and gtn va to 
about 14s.; and on rum to about iis. per 
gallon. Kroin sone highly respectable j-ter- 
sons in the West-India trade, I am positive- 
ly assured, that such has been ih ■ ciMise- 
qaencc of this exorbitant duty, Ir may 
be presumed on a very moderate calculation, 
that the article of rum, to the loss ui the 
planter, is sunk full half in price; occa- 
sioned, partly, by the want of i..ternal con- 
sumptiviH in this country, and, panlv, by 
the large proportion of British spirit, mixed 
with it. in order to counteract the high 
duty. The spirituous liquois cf France ard 
Holland, they inform me, still experience a 
much orieater diminuti.m of consumption, 
froni the high duty; and her,ce greater de- 
ialcation of revenue I will not p'jrsue, as 
I might do, the investigation of the Doctor's 
fiims/ budget any further. I have said 
enough to render the c^ nclusion level to the 
cp.iciiy f)f all men of common utKierstand- 
ini : it is to such, and not to his M-ijcsty's 
mi; isters, that 1 addiess myself. 

I shall conclude with a very :cw observa- 
tiuns on a subject, thi-.t the aeilish ere;/, 
who have usutped the places of their bet- 
ters, ridiculously enough, endeavc ur to a question ot suv.'i extieme delica.y, 
someihi. g, indeed, so won. criully mysteri- 
ous, as to re.ider the mere memion of it, a 
kind of p-utan;uion ; a new sort o* polu-cal 
crime: I mean, the undoubted, and I w'xVi 
add, most beneticral prer^cative ot his ma- 
jesty ; the power of app^intina his own 
ministers, who questions the authori'y 1 y 
whiJi ?>ir. Addin>j,ton i-. btco" e the n. r^i^- 
ter } but what r>ractua! tenefii they tncan 
to derive fvotn such an argamer^r, as their 



enjoying iindcservi-.d favour from their sove- 
icign, is incomprehensible, unless it he con- 
teiideJ, because their incapacity, ignorance, 
and unfitness for the high stations they hold, 
is unpreceJented ; an unprecedented exten- 
sion of the royal prerogative should take 
place, in order to protect them from the con- 
sequences of responsibility to the public. 1 
have only veiy shortly to reply to s'jch 
profound rejsoneis on our constitution, 
that it is the bounden duty of the subjects 
of our most gracious monarch, in a consti- 
tutional and proper manner to convey the 
lull expression of the public opinion, re- 
specting those servants, whom he chooses 
to eiitrust with the mainiertancc of the ho- 
nour and glory of the crown, and the inse- 
perable welfare and happiness of his peo- 
ple. After this short exposition, I will 
leave to others all the metaphysical disqui- 
sition they choose to display on this point, 
while, with implicit confidence, in common, 
I trust, with every loyul man, I may rely 
on such practical use of prerogative as 
becfmcs the father of his people, and the 
most vi tuous and religious King in Eu- 
f. "When I reflect on the state of our fi- 
nances ; the situation of Ireland^ from which 
the present ministers have pledged them- 
selves to wnth-hold the only remedy, by which 
It canberendereda sound part of the ettipirej 
when I turn my eyes to the Continent, and 
cannot find a single power that dare risk a 
Common cause with such a set of drivellers ; 
when I again turn thern towards home, ami 
behold the skeleton of a regular army, and 
tlie incurably defective system of our volun- 
teer force ; and, lastly, when I contemplate 
the formidable strength, skill, perseverence, 
and implacabilit)' of our inveterate enemy ; 
I certainly wonder that there can be two 
opinions respecting the absolute necessity of 
a change of ministers. The Englishman, 
who denies such ntcessit)', may think and 
spcnk of me as he thinks proper; but, he 
must, if he pleases, excuse me, if, in return, 
he is only offered the choice of being con- 
sidered either a fool or traitor to his king 
and country by, Sir, yours, &c. 

January 31,1 804 . Ve ra x. 


Circular Letter from tie Secretary of State to 
the several Lord Lieutenants of Counties. — 
Bated Wkitekall, Jan. 16. 

My Lord, Referring your lordship 

to the directions contained in my Circular 

Lcttcrtoyou, of the 31st of Oct. last, for the 

^removal, in cases of emergency, or render- 

ing useless, if needs be, such horses, draught 
cattle, and carriages, as shall not be wanted 
for the purposes tliercin mentioned ; I am to 
desire, that your lordship uill consider in 
every respect, as included in those direc- 
tion?, all such vessels, hoars, oi" craft, as 
sh.ill not be wanted for the like purposes, or 
shall not be armed and equipped \ox the an- 
noyance of the enemy. As I am inform- 
ed by H. R. H. the Cominander in Chief, 
that «nly one light cart per company ean, 
on such emergency, be allowed to volun- 
teer corps, for carrying their camp kettles 
and necessaries on their march, I beg leave 
to recommend it toyour lordship^ to give di- 
rections that one such cart be allotted bc- 
fore-hand to each coinpany of volunteers 

with the County of ; and that oiis 

fuch cart be always kept marked and num- 
bered, as the carriage intended for the use of 
that particular company for this service. — 
In consequence also of a late suggestion 
from H. R. H. the Commander in Chief, I 
have strongly to recommend to your lord- 
ship, in communication with tne general 
commanding the district in which the 
County of — — is included, to give di- 
rections for allotting and marking a suffi- 
cient number of waggons for moving the 
volunteer force where it is not placed in the 
vicinity of the coast ; and it would be found 
extremely useful, if boards, such as are used 
for seats m market-carts, could be provided 
and kept in readiness, at the place or places 
of general assembly, ready to be slung upon 
the waggons, to which place of assembly 
these Waggons should be held bound to re- 
pair upon the signal of alaim being given. — 
I have the honour to be, my lord, &c. 

C. YoRKE. 


FoitEiGN.— According to late accounts 
froni; the East-Indies, it appears, that, in 
consequence of a League iormed between 
Holkar, Scindea, Boonslah, and some other 
Mahr^tta Princes, for the purpose of com- 
pelling the Nizam to break off all connexion 
with the English, Holkar had entered the 
Nizam's territory in the district of Aurunga- 
bad, taken the city, and imposed a contri- 
bution on the inhabitants : thence he in- 
tended to advance toNnndeyr and Hydera- 
bad ; and the Nizam had, accordingly, ap- 
plied for fhe recall of the troops under Gen. 

Wellesley. It appears that the Grand 

Signior has now finally agreed to the ar- 
rangement recently made with the Beys of 
: Egypt, which, it is said contains some stipu- 
l^tioiis EQQre favourable to his interests in 


that country, than the one formerly in force. 
• Mr. Drummond, the English Ambassa- 
dor has certainly left Constaiiiinople, on his 
return : previous to his departure, however, 
he hid a private audience with the Grand 
Signior and Grand Vizier, in presence of the 
Reis EfTendi, Minister for Foreign Aftairs. 
■ For some time past consideiiible appre- 
hensions have prevailed am'ing the Spa- 
niards, of an immediate rupture with Great- 
Britain ; and ihe English residing in Spain 
consider the war as inevitable. A letter has 
been written by direction of Mr. Frere, the 
British Minister at the Court of Madrid, 
** recomtnending all his Majesty's subjects 
*.* in that kingdom, to take such precau- 
:f5 tions as they may deem advisable in the 
• *' event of a rupture between the two coun- 
" tries." Gen. Lasnes, the French Mi- 
nister at Lisbon, lately had a disagreement 
with the Portuguese Secret;iry of State, and 
some fears were enttriained lest Portugal 
would be driven from her pacific posture : 
these fears, however, have subsided, and 
such explanations have been given as to sa- 
tisfy Gen. Lasnes. On the J5tli of Ja- 
nuary, Buonaparte presented to the Legisla- 
tive Body of France, the annual " Erposc of 
the situation of the Republic." It is couch- 
ed in terms of dignitied moderation, and ex- 
J)ibits an ample picture of the prosperity and 
happiness of the country. The Legislative 
Body is now engaged in the discussion of 

the new Civil Code. No official accounts 

of ihe surrender of the French troops in St. 
Domiago (o the arms of his Britannic Ma- 
jesty have yet been communicated to the 
public by the British Government; but let- 
ters have been received from persons on 
board the squadron to which they surren- 
dered, stating that Gen, Rochambeau, re- 
duced to the last extremity, and unable to 
make any further opposition, made over- 
tures lo the British commander. The sur- 
render was unconditional, and besides about 
five thousand prisoners, a large quantity of 
specie, and four frigates, two corvettes, and 
eighteen merchant vessels, were given up 
lo the English. 

Domestic. For several days past, 

Jiis Majesty has been indisposed by a rlifev- 
matism in his right foot, occasioned, it is 
said, by his having overheated himself in 
liunting : the violence of this complaint va- 
ried from day to day, for some time he 
was too ill to admit any visitants ; but he 
is now so far recovered as to ride out on 
■horseback.— From all parts of the country, 
there are accounts of discontents and dis- 
agreements among the volanteer corps, but 
tiie instances are too numerous to be 4e- 

FEBRUARY 4, 1804. (145 

tailed in this paper.-^At Chester, u Court 

of Incpiiry has been instituted by the Lord 
Lieutenant of the county, on the snbject 
of the disturbances, which were stated ia 
a. preceding sheet, to have taken place in 
that city; and a reward of out? hundred, 
pounds has been oifercd by ihc^ Ki'i^» and 
another of one hundred and hfty pounds 
bv the magiurales of tlie city, for the 
discovery of the persons concerned in the 
late attack upon the gaol of tlint place.-— 
The Gazette of the 14th instant> an- 
nounces the appointment of the right hon. 
William Windham to be Lieutenant Colo- 
nel Commcndant of the fourth battalion of 
Norfolk-volunteer inf.^ntry. — The King has 
been plelsed to appoint Lieutenant^ General 
William Myers to be Commander of his 
Maiesty's forces serving in Ihe Windward and 
Lecw;nJ Charibbee Island stni.'on. — He has, 
also, been pleased to present the Rev. John 
M'Ewen to the church and parish of Balder- 
nock, in the county of Stirling, vacant by 
the promotion of Dr. James Cowper to the 
Professorship of Astronomy in the univer- 
sity of Glasgow, — He has, also, been pleased 
to grant to Samuel Lysons, of the Inner 
Temple, Esq. the ofiice'of Keeper of the 
Rolls and Records of the Court of Chancery, 
in the Tower of London, in the room of 
Thomas Astle, Esq. deceased, — He has, also, 
been pleased to grant the dignity of a Ba- 
ronet of the United Kingdom of Great- 
Britain and Ireland to Charles Price, of 
Spring Grove, Richmond, in the county of 
Surrey, Esq. and to the heirs male of his 

body lawfully begotten. At a court 

at the Queen's palace, the loih of Ja- 
nuary, 1804, present the King's Most 
Excelient Majesty in coiinciK The right 
hon. Sir Evan Nepean, Bart, was, by his 
Majesty's command, sworn uf his Maj'esty's 
most honourable Privy Council, and took 
his place at the board accordin^Iy.-V-*- 
Lord Cornwallis has been appointed to^the 
mililary command of the districts of Suffolk 
and Essex. 

MiLiTAKY. — Great uncertainly prevails 
among all the accounts which havelieea 
recei\ed, relative to the military opera- 
tions on the Continent. It is -satd that 
General Bcrthier, with anoiher large body 
of French troop?, had been ordered lo ]ea\ e 
Hanover, atid reinforce the armies ci^llect- 
ing in Holland ; and that cccasional de- 
tachments will besentori'in like manner, 
until the whole force in the Electorate will 
be reduced to a few regiments, who will 
occupy the country, under General Mor- 
tier, until the conclusion of the Wf.r. It 
is al o ?R!d that a new rcqoidtiojr vf one 




thousand horses, for the service of France, i unabie to elude the blockade of Lord Nel- 

hasjust been made, and an additional } son. A small flotilla of armed ships and 

tax of three per cent, on all public salaries, 
and landed e>;tates, and two percent, on all 
other descriptions of property lias been im- 
posed, for the purpose of deir«ying the ex- 
penses of the French iroops.— Respecting 
the troops in Holland jmd those at and 
near Flushing, nothing nevf has been com- 
municated to the public, bat the accounts of 
their great numbers, and el" their complete 
state of preparation, which have been so 
often repeated and so often contradicted, 
are again repeated. 'The army assem- 
bled in the neighbourhood ot Boulogne is 
said to be immense, and its numbers vary 
in the different relations, from sixty to an 
hundred and thirty thousand men, all of 
whom are reported to be ready for imme- 
diate embarkation. General Augereau 

who collected an army at Bayonne, intend- 

ed as it was supposed for overawing Por 
tugal, has it seems arrived at Brest, where 
between thirty and forty thousand men, 
are waiting only for the completion of the 
naval part of the expedition, to be em- 
barked for the invasion. 'Ihe body of 

Italian troops which is to take part in the 
enterprise against England, and which was 
stated in a former sheet, to have pas ed 
throu"-h Geneva on their route to the coasts 
of the Channel J have reached St. Omers, 
where they were inspected and reviewed 
by the Chief Consul. French troops from 
Mantua and its environs have been sent 
to replace them, in dilTerent parts of Italy. 

Naval. The accounts of the naval 

preparations in the ports of the French and 
Batavian republics, are so contradictory 
that very little reliance can be placed upon 
the statements which they give. There is 
no reason to believe, however, that the 
preparations in either have sufi'ered any 
abatemement; but, on the contrary it is 
asserted, that since the arrival of Admiral 
Verheul at Flushing, the building and e- 
quipment of boats, both there, and in the 
iiei'^hboaring parts of the republic, have 

been carried on with increased vigour. 

Since the late visit of the First Consul to 
B(mlo<'-ne, equal zeal has been exerted among 
those concerned in fitting out the flotillas, 
there and at the subordinate dej)6ts of naval 
preparation ; and it is said, that upwards 
of seven hundred boats are almost ready to 

come out. The Brest fieet is also said 

to be prepared for sailing, and waits only 
for a favourable opportunity to put to sea, 

The armaments in the port of Toulon 

are carried on with great activity, but the 
fi«et which is ptriecUy ready to sail, is 

a flotilla, are said to have left Marseilles,''-- 
v/ith twelve hundred troops on hoard ;'^ 
the destir.ation of which is yet utiknovvn. 
— 'These accounts of extraordinary prepa- 
rations in ".o many of the enemy's ports might 
perhaps be doubted, were they not daily 
reported by the ministerial newspapers, 
and. were it not known that the ministers 
are, themselves, in daily expectation that an 
attempt will be made, to invade the coun- 
try, Commodore Hood, in a letter to 

thfi Admiralty states that on the 2gth of 
November, a French battery, at Cape de Sa- 
leres in the island of Martinique, was at- 
tacked by great part of the marines of ihe 
Centaur, under Capt. Corosicr, and fifty sea- 
men under Lieut. Maurice and Ayscough, 
which he had landed for the purpose, and 
that trom the rapid movements of the assail- 
ants, the enemy was thrown into confusion, 
and the battery consisting of six twenty-four 
pounders fell into their hands, and was com- 
pletely destroyed. By tln^ explosion of a 
magazine one of Com. Hood's men was 
killed, and a few were wounded. On the 
same dfly they destroyed anotlier battery of 
three forty two pounders near the same 

place. -r_apt. Graves, in a letter toCcm, 

Hood, states, that on the iGth of November, 
the boats of (he Blenheim and the Drake, 
with sixty men, under Capt. Ferris, cut out 
the French privateer, Harmonie, from Ma- 
rin in the Bay of St. Anne, Martinique : 
the privateer mounted eight guns, and was 
manned with sixty-six men, grtat part ot' 
whom were killed or wounded in the en-"*" 
gagement. Of Capt. G.'s men only one was 
killed and a few were wounded. — At the 
same time a detachment of sixty marines, 
under Lieut. Beatie, surprised and took Fort 
Dunkirk,' the guns of which ihey spiked, and 
destroyed all the ammunition and stores, — 
Between the 23d of July and the 20th of 
November, the squadron under Com. Hood, 
captured nine French privateers, and eight 
French and six Dutch merchant vessels, and 
retook six English, and detained or retook 
tive American, two Spanish, and three Swe- 
dish vessels. — Sir J. T. Duckworihi in a let- 
ter dated Port- Royal, Jamaica, on the ICjth 
of November states the destruction of two 
French privateers, one by Lieut. Foley of 
the Gipsy, and the other by Capt. Roberts of 
the Snake. 

^ ; ■^: ' 


America.- The " safe polrtlciars" of 

the American adminiitrailoii have, at lasi^ 


F E E R U 

notwithstanding all the humnnity and phil- 
Janthropy of their chief, Mr. Jefferson, 
brought that country to the very verge of a 
war with her Spanish neignboiirs. Circular 
Letters were written on the 3 1st of October 
last, by the Secretary at War to the go- 
vernors of Tenessec, K-^ntucky, Ohio, and 
the Mississippi lerritoiy, stating thai " theie 
" being reason to suspect that the officers 
" ot the Spanish government may d^^clineor 
** refuse to give possession of the country of 
" Louisiana, ced^d to tlie United Stales by 
*' the French llepubiic, and which congress 
" have by law authorised the Pre-idcnt to 
*' lake possession of, and the President 
" having judged it expedient to pursue such 
" measures as will ensure the possession, he 
" has therefore been directed by the Presi- 
" dent of the United States to request their 
" excellencies to assemble, with the least 
" possible delay, their respective quotas of 
" troops," (amounting, in the whole, to 
about seven thousand men) " and to have 
"■ tliem in readiness to marci) on an cxpedi- 
*' tion of four months, by the 20ih of De- 
" cember at farthest." Thus, alter having 
purchased the colony of Fiance, and actuaU 
ly created stock for tlie amount of the pur- 
chase money, the United States are com- 
pelled to obtain possession by force of aims. 
The opposition of Spain commenced as soon 
as the cession was formally announced to tb« 
world, and the Spanish minister at the city of 
Washington, in conformity to the directions 
of his court, presented an early remonstrance 
to the American administraiion, against it. 
The ground of this remonstrance is said to 
be the invalidity of the title of the French 
Republic, to the ceded territory, in conse- 
quence of the non-performance, on her part, 
of the stipulations of the treaty of St, Idel- 
fonso. The only right which France pre- 
tetids to have to Louisiana, is acknowledged 
by the 1st. art. * of the treaty of cession to 
America, to be derived from the 3d. art. of 
the treaty of St. Idelfon>o, in which anicle, 
'* his Catholic Majesty to cede 
*' that colony to the French P».epublic, six 
" months after, the tull and entire execuiion 
" of the conditions and stipulations herein 
" relative to his Royal Highness the Duke 
" of Parma." These conditions and stipu- 
lations having never been fully and entirely 
executed, the Spanish government, denies 
the right of the F'-ench Republic, and con- 
sequently the validity of the cession fo the 
United S ates ; and her agents at New Or- 
leans have therefore expr( ssed their deter- 
niination to retain possession of "the country. 

* See tilt ucat} ai p. S^x. ot Vvl. IV. 

A R Y 4, 1804. [150 

Thus " the favourable and peaceable turn 
'« of affairs on the J\Ji->sissippi *," of which 
Mr. Jefierson boasted in his uicssngc at the 
opening of congress, has Ird to " the bloody 
" arena f," where the anxious co.nbatants 

are preparing for battle.- throughout all 

the a'.casurcs of the American administra- 
tion, relative to Louisiana, from the first 
coramunication rande to congress respecting 
the seclusion from New Orleans, to the orders 
issued for Icvsing troops to take possession 
of it, its conduct has been marked with low 
cunning and inconsistencv. When, in vio- 
lation of the treaty concluded between Ame- 
rica and Spain in 179^'> the right of deposit 
at New Orleatis was taken away from the 
Americans, without the assignment of any 
other place; when, in consequence of this 
outrage, the trade of the Western States was 
ruined and the crops had rotted in the store- 
houses of the farmers, and the whole nation 
had become indignant, then it was that Mr. 
Jeflerson modestly informed the congress 
that these " vregularities" arose entirely 
from " certain unauthorised individuals," 
and that he did not doubt of their being im- 
mediately disavowed by the Spanish govern- 
ment, when representations had been made 
of tl'.em. It was allcdged, in opposition to 
this, that the Intendant had stated in his pro- 
clamation, that he acted by order of the 
King; and numerous instances were ad- 
duced of the hostile disposition of the Couit 
of Madrid, to countenance the belief that 
llie declaration of the Intendant was true. 
Mr. Jefferson would pursue none but pacific 
measures 3 wdien justice and policy called for 
war, the interests of " humanity"' called for 
negotiation. — No-tu, nothing is so proper or 
so wise as war. Spain asserts France 
had no right to (he country which she pre- 
tends to have sold to America, but declares 
it to be hers, and avows her intention not to 
yield it. This avowal is niade by tlie same 
persons, and in the same manner as the for- 
mer order for suspending the right of depo- 
sit at New Orleans. But we hear nothing 
vj-ji> of " unauthorised agents," and of the 
redress which will be imniediately grimted 
by the government ;f Spain. Mr. Jctrerson 
does not tell congress of the hopes he en- 
tertains of the difference being aii)icabiy ad- 
justed by nego.iaiion, but directs the Secre- 
taiy at War to call out the army, and pre- 
pares to enforce the lights of his country, by 
the bayonet. Wliere is now his " philan- 
" thropy?" If the conduct of the g(;ve.'-ii- 

* tlcc Mr. TcfFcr;.oti'i Mf.s.i'jc to C. caress at p, 
890 ot Vol. IV. 
i Ibid. p. 891. 


irient of New Orleans might, at one time, 
be supposed unauthorised, why may it not 
at another r If frirnd'.y repie-ientation v/as 
so powerful in the former case, why should 
it be thought ineftectual in this? The secret 
cause of this ai>p; inconsistency, is 
France. To each and to all the " erilig'iten- 
•' ed govern men tV * of that country, Mr. 
Jefferson has been invariably attdched, and 
this attachment to the sister republic yp- 
pears not lo have been mere constant than 
his animosity to Great Britain. His whole 
life has been devoted to aiding in ihe aggran- 
dizement of the one and in the humiliation 
of the other, and he has ahvays been sup- 
ported by that party in America, which 
amidst all their love of change, have never 
swervtd from iheirdevo! ion to France and 
their hatred of Great Britain. Ccntrary ro 
all'the true fiiends of America, his party are 
known to think ihat the roin of llngkndand 
the prosperity of France are nsce^sary to the 
general happiness of all countries and among 
others, of their own. It was this unnalufal 
attachment, which induced them to submit 
tamely, and without coniplHining, to the 
greatest and most wanton injuries and in- 
sults from a race, whom the American 
people might, without dithculty, have driven 
into the sea. It was because Spain was the 
ally of France that this party prostrated be- 
fore her- the interest and honour of their 
country ; and it is to ad in the projects of 
France that they are new about to com- 
mence an unjusljliable attack upon the ter- 
ritory of Spam It was this attachment to 
France, which induced them to make a pur- 
chase of a country which they knew she had 
no right to sell, in order that they might add 
vh rtren millions of dollars to her treasury, 
and give her commercial preferences in the 
ports of America, which thry knew to be 
incompatible with her rival's interests, and 
would be, at the same time, aii endless cause 
ior dissatisfactions and bickerings between 
America and Great-Br.tain. In mshing 
Ttiis purchase, it can, hardly be supposed that 
Mr. Jciferson's attachment to " the enlight- 
ened governmeiii of France' could have so 
blinded him as to make him neglect to in- 
quire whether the country he w^as about to 
purchase, really belonged to those who of- 
fered it for sale. If he sanctioned the treaty 
without knowing whether Spain would sur- 
render the country, he is really no wiser than 
sn Addington or a I-Jawkcsbury. That, 
Iiowever, is a thing not to be supposed j he 
knew the precise nature of the right which 

* See Mr. ;efftrsou's Mcrsatie to Consrcts at p. 
887 of Vol. IV. 


France had to Louisiana ; and he appears to 
have made the bargain, not so much for the 
sake of obtaining Louisiana, as of rendering 
France the substantial benefits which she 
will obtain by the stipulations of the treaty. 
Louisiana, if it be the intention of the Ame- 
rican administration to persist in requiring 
it,' must be acquired in iheiiame mnntiery 
and by the same means as if no treaty had 
ever been been made, partly by the threats 
of France and America, and partly by sonre; 
advantages which Arnerica will promise her, 
in the bargnin which she is now making for 
the Fioridas : meanwhile France will have 
gained thirteen millions of dollars, and the 
exclusive privilege of sending her produce 
and mannfictures to the ceded country, 
without paying any higher duties, than are 
paid by the Americans themselves 3 and 
these thirteen millions of dollars will ha\*e 
been advanced by British loan-mongers, and 
will htlve formed a new bond of British sub- 
jection to the will of America, because the 
owners of this stock will always be for yield- 
ing, in all cases whatsoever, to the demands 
of Mr. Jeffti>on and his party, to which de- 
mands imagination is scarcely able to se£ 
bounds. The trut: interests of America and 
of F^ngland are, as far as the two countries 
are connected, not only perfectly compatible 
with each other; but, it is impossible that 
those of one nation should materially suffer 
without injuring those of the other. This 
was the maxim upon which General Wash- 
ington always proceeded : it is the maxim, 
on which the real friends ot the United 
States now proceed, and on which they 
always must proceed, in opposition to those 
who, led by a band of British, Irish and 
Genevean renegadoes, are, in all cases, 
ready to sacritice the honour and Interest 
of their country to the views of France. 

French Expos^ The annual Ex- 
pose of the First Consul to the Legislative 
Body, is too long to be inserted in the pre- 
sent sheet; but, it will certainly have a 
place in the next. It must, of course, be 
considered as a very important document ; 
for, though its statements are to be receiv- 
ed with gre.^t allowance.-, yet they cannot 
but enable us to form some judgment of the 
real situation of our rival and enemy. A 
ministerial print has, indeed, observed, 
.since the appearance of the Expose, that 
its financial representations will, upon be- 
ingcMTipared with a statement published in 
that print a few days before, •' be found to 
" be totally fa] se \' but, the worst of it is, 
we are furnished with no proof, that the 
said counter-sltttement i.s ;rw ; and, though 
there can be little doabt of Buonaparlu's 

153] F E B R U A 

J?aving, in every particular, turned, as the 
saying is, "the best side towards London," 
there is, on the otlier hand, no reason to pre- 
sume, that any of his statements are more 
exaggerated or deceptive than those otMr. 
Addington ; and, that the [)ecuniaty re- 
sources of the latter must be first exhausted, 
it were infatuation, indeed, not to believe. 
Buonaparte has, through the poUtical base- 
ness and the feebleness of this country, or 
its minisiers, the command of all the trea- 
sures of Spain and Portugal, and of the pro 
duce of the industry of flullar.d, while lie 
is absolutely selling the electorate of Ha- 
nover piece-meal ; and, if he retains pos- 
session of it much .longer, nine-tenths of 
the real as well as personal property will 
have changed masters ; for, he has learned 
,of the English financiers how to take away 
house and land without acts of ijttainderor 

confiscation. There is one poin^ in the 

Expose, which merits particular attention. 
It is that where the Consul ])osilively de- 
nies the fact, relative to armanunts on the 
coast, as stated in his Majesty's message of 
the. 8th of March, 1803.* As far as that 
allegation went, the ground ol' ho-tile pre-, 
paration on our part, was, mo t assuredly 
false ; and this falsehood, from having beeii, 
Jby the minister^, put into a communication 
from the King to tl>e Parliament, has given 
the enemy a handle to throw upon us the 
whole weight of aggression, and of waging 
war upon false pretences. His Ivlajesty is made 
to say, that, " as very considerable military 
" preparations are.carrying on in the ports 
*^ of France and Holland, he has judged it 
*^ expedient to adopt additional measures 
" of precaution lor the security of his do- 
" minions.'' The statement, vi'ith regard 
to these armaments is now posliively de- 
nied by the First Cv)nsul ; and, indeed, the 
denial was made long ago, and much more 
circum>tantiaiiv, in a writing which evi- 
dent v came from authority, and which was 
circulated in company with the Moniteur, 
in every part of Europe and of the world. 
Our ministers vvere then repeatedly caUed 
upon to justify themselves and the country; 
but, of ali the thousands and inousands, 
which the\ h.ive bestowed on the press, not 
a shillmg could be spared- for a purpose so 
great as this. The truth is, they had ut- 
tered a fal:eno.)d, and it v.a> impos<;ible to 
snake it appear true; the country has 
thereby lost its characier for sincerity and 
fair nealiiig ; suspicions have been excited 
agaiiot us, in the breasts of evesy sove 
reign and of eve.y people in Eu/ope; and 

* Sec the QKfsagej Register., Vuf. HI. p. 4"3. 

R Y 4^ 1504. [164 

we are, as we ought Lo be, v^hjlst these 
ministers remain unpunidied, left without 
a single iriend in the world, either poten- 
tate or private individual, CNcept such as 
are ba;e eiiough to be purchased with our 
money. We now feel, and we shall yet 
teel much more severelv, what it is to ha\ e 
forfeited our honour. We shall feel, that, 
without national honour, " capital, credit, 
"• and confidence" arc of likllc avail, and 
can, at best, only servo to eke out, for a 
short space, a miserable ar.d disgraceful 

St. Domingo, If the news from 

this island be correct : if the reported eva- 
cuation of tlie i-iand, bv the French gene* 
ral and his troops, be true, as it appa- 
rently is, the caseanticipeled by Mr.Wnid- 
ham now actually exists^ " Great doubt," 
said he in a note to his speecii of 4th No- 
vember, iSor, " great doubt seems to be 
" entertained, at this moment, whether 
'* France will, or will not, finally obtain 
*' possession of St. Domingo ; and, great 
". e,\uila(ion appears to be felt, in conse- 
'• cpienec, by those who, a few months 
*■' ago, upon the ground ihat the eonque«t 
'' ot St. Domingo by France was necessary 
*•■ for the securiiy of our own ishmds, had 
" consented to so extraordinary a measure 
" as sending out an immense armament, 
" I'rom the enemy's ports, in the interval 
" hcuvcen the preliminary and definitive 
[' treaties. The probability is, that F/auce 
" will succeed, so far, at least, as to keep 
'' possession of part of the island ; but, 
" should sbi not, then all the terms affected 
" to be Jeltat the establishment of 'a Black 
" Empire ' will return with len-fo'd force; 
" ior the blacks will ren aii; masters, and 
" masters af u r having tried thtir powers in a 
"■ regular contest with Europ' an troops, not 
" to mention the hostility v>hich they may 
" well be suspected to conceive against us, 
" who, after various treaties and negotia- 
*•' tions, liually lent our assistance to the 
" sending out of a force intendc^d for the 
" purpose of bringing them b.ick to sla- 
<< very*'." Here is the prescn! stttr of af- 
fiiirs, with respect to St. Domingo, exactly 
de-xribed, Th< dreaded Black l^mpire is 
revived^ and, undoubtedly, widi a oetermi- 
natlon, on ih;- pat of it*, rulers, nevrr ^gnin 
to trust to English faith ; that fai.h which 
was formerly so sacredly preserved, bni which 
thf- Addingtons and Hawk sburies hav;-. re- 
duced to ■<■■ t^vei with tliat of th Jow^si and 
most.perfiuious nations. Th* pubiii. caonot 
have forgotten, th..t the co-.^jU A and ^ /e 

* See Register, Vol. U. p. rij?- 



possession of St. Domingo by the French 
was, by all the ministers, htld our as being 
3bsoiat«ly necessary to the preservation ot our 
own islands from ihe dominion of the negroes. 
In the debate of March 4th, 1802, I>ord 
Gastlereag^h sai i, that " it must be appa- 
" rent, if we looked to the state of the 
*' French colonies, that it must be equally 
" the, policy of this country and of Fratice, 
** that those colonies should be subjected to 
" iheir former govenimeiit '^ ." In ihe debate 
of the i4th of May, 1802, he said : " If I 
" were called upon to say, what would have 
" the greatest effect in rrstoring ofir ivfluence 
" on the coniir.i-nt of E'tirope, I would si'y, 
*' that it would be giving back to France her 
" coIo7iiaI possessions.. Let. her commerce be 
*' revived, let her colonies be cultivated, and 
*' our interest ivlU proportmiably increase ■f.'" 
Next comes the s.-sgacious Doclor with his 
speech of the 3d of May, 1802 : " Looking 
"■ at the state of our West-India islands, I 
** am coiijiderit, that whether they are view- 
" ed in a national way, or upon the narrower 
" field of individual interest, it will be ma- 
" nifest, that the usurpation of the Black 
** Government, is the most formidable of alt 
"■ apprehensioTis for the safety of those posses- 
" sio7is 4." Colonel Maitland brings up the 
rear ; Colonel Maitland famed at St. Do- 
mingo, not less for his diplomatic than 
for his military deeds. " Though," says 
he, " we have, by the war, got rid of the 
" revolutionary spirit in Europe, we have 
*' not, ther^by, attained that end to the cb- 
*' lonies. We have, however, got a better 
" chance of producing that effect by the 
" peace; than we could have bad by any 
** other means that we could have employed. 
" An honourable member has alluded to tho 
" case of a free republic, or, as he should 
*' call it. With more justice, a free anarchy 
" of blacks, being established in St. Do- 
" mingo. This would be the greatest evil 
*' that could happen. If the French did get 
" the better of the existing state of affairs in 
" their West-India islands, then, it might 
" be said, another kind of danger would 
" arise. True, but that danger would be 
*' of a legitimate kind, and one against 
" ivhich lue could apply precaiitimis §." So 
that, according to the opinions here express- 
ed by the wise-acre ministers and their par- 
tisans, they have lately been lending their 
hand; they have been employing a very 
considerable squadron, at the expense, per- 
haps, of the lives of a thousand or fifteen 
hundred seamen, for the purpose of brino-inw 

* Register, Vol. II. p. 1194. 

t Ihid, p. 133,. I Ibid, p. iziz. 

§ Ibid, p. 1338. 


about what they themselves had declared to 
be " the greatest of evils;" the " most for- 
midable of uU apprehtusioiis for t.he safety of our 
possessions;" a danger '■ as^ainsi zvhich we can 
sripply 710 precautio7is !" Yet, would the man 
deserve to be chalked down for an egregious 
dupe, who should be surprized at hearing 
thi?m boast of their success at St Domingo. — 
The French are still in posssessicn of the 
Spanish part of the island ; and, from that 
they will not easily be dislodged. Indeed 
no attempt will be made against them by 
the negroes in the Frencv; part ; and, it 
shall be hard but they will contrive, by 
some means or other to stimuble the blacks 
in the French part to assitst in any project 
which they may form hosli'e to our colonies, 
No-zu their object is devastarion ; purely 
deva-^.tation. They have notiiirig of their 
own, in the West-Indies, which, viewed 
in conjwnction with their European policy, 
is worth preserving. What need they care, 
if ail the islands were in the hands of ihe 
blacks .? Nay, have they not every reason to 
wish it, seeing that it would produce such 
dreadful mischief to us ? They have a 
stronghold at Martir.ico, from whence t% 
send tlieir commissaries, as occasions may 
oiler ; and, it is not very probable, that 
either that inland or Guadaloupe will fall 
into our hands, while neutral ship; are suf- 
icrcd to trade to them ; for, we have not 
troops to attack those places. St. Pierre 
and Point a Petre are, boih well fortified, 
and are not commanded by men, who leave 
their posts occasionally, in order to loiter 
and talk treason in the United States of 
America. They serve an usurper ; yet^ 
were they shewn a picture representing 
Fame puttiog a crown on even his head, 
they have, I dare say, too high a sense of 
fidelity, to express delight at the idea of 
her being in the act o^ taking off the crown 
instead of putting it on. No, no ; the com- 
mandants of St. PieriC and Point a Petre will 
not leave their armies to perish ingloriously 
behind their ramparts, while they them- 
selves are making a tour amongst the detest-^ 
able democrats of Pennsylvania ami New' 
York, paying their court by the most in-_ 
famous slanders on their country and their 
master, and afterwards returning home to 
cringe at the feet, spaniel-like to lick the 
hand, to solicit, (o beg, to implore, and, 
finally, to obtain favours from that master, 
and to fatten upon the miseries of that ca-. ' 
himniated country. No ; Buonaparte is ' 
more faithfully served, and for this reason,-— ^^ 
that lie takes care to di-.tinguish his friends^ 
from his e'nemies. 

Volunteer System.— In the former 


part of this sheet, will be found several do- 
cuments, lelative to this subject, oii the 
aiuhenticity of all wliich re!i;iiice m.i_y be 
placed, though the nanic^, have, at the 
request ot lu) correspun.iv'ni-, bet-n, in 
some cases, omitted. — Upon th^ pfrusd 
of these documents, what soldier is not 
ready to exclaiin with the Adunrai de Col- 
lignie, in my mutio, '■ rather than leaJ an 
*' army oi iioJunlet'.rs inl • the held, 1 would 
*• die a tkousund deaths? •' indeed, the 
system is in diroct h'l.tilify to rea-on, to 
jiature, and to excellence. In all ages and 
in a'Icounlrie ha.- it been lound absolutely 
necessary ro govern mintarv nien by mili- 
tary ia-A.' The son is bjund to the faJier 
ty the ties of aiTectlon ; the servant to the 
master, by tho;e of depende/.ce ior lood and 
raiment ; the sui'jcc t to the Sovereign, by 
those of the law : but, in this vokinleer 
.system there are no ties at ail ; f'-erc is no- 
thing to insure obedience, vvhilt there is 
every temptation ta disobedience. Thtt 
xnan, the volunteer, as he is called, enter., 
on the pe fornuuice of new, painful, anJ 
irksome duties; a greater dcL^ree of patience 
and submission is required from him than 
he ever before has practiced ; to this ta-k. 
he come-; leaving beliind him all those mo- 
tives of affection and oi interest, by which 
alone he has herelofoie been stimulated to 
perform and endure ; and, in thi-; 'Lite it 
is, that he is expected to act his part well, 
not only without ihartial law, but without 
any law at all ; for, as far as relates to his 
duties, in the cajiac ity of a volunteer, there 
i.s 710 laiv by which he is bound. Whatever, 
therefore, the inini'^ters may do bv way of 
amending, improving, or new-modehing 
the sv^tem, the radical evil wi'l reinai:-!, 
. unless every man, for the time, at least, 
that he is called out in a military capacity, 
for however short a space, and for uhal- 
ever purpose ; unless every man, so called 
out, is, for the time, put under martial laiv^ 
every change, every attempt at improve- 
mentj will be, if not totally useless, at 
least, very far from producing the desired 

effect, The system, indeed, as it now 

standi, cannot be suffered to exist. It 
does not, in fact, any longer exist. The 
volunteers are only waiting for the deci- 
sion of Parliament, or of the Court of 
King's Bench, to know what they shall do 
with themselves. They are wearied to 
death -with the useless mockery, on which 
they have been induced to expend so 
much of their money and their time. The 
whole nation are tired of these shews, this 
playing at soldiers, and every one asks, 

FEBRUARY 4, y^-A. [158 

how this mummery is to contribute towards 
putting an end to the war? The people 
ask lor an army, a re^! and numerous army: 
th'-y want reposi; ; ihey beg to be relieved 
fi-(>ni the never-ceasing vexalion of enrol- 
ling and ballolting and drafting and sum- 
moning and appealing ; they say to tlie 
government, "• make some of us soldiers 
" at once, or lake our money and find us 
*' an army."— It has been from" the paltry 
consideration of economy, or rather, of 
th.' popula' ity which arises from a shew of 
econ. my, that the volunteer system has 
sprung. But, few persons are so blind 
as not now to perceive, that an at my 
of volunteers while it is, comparatively, 
useless, is nenrly as expensive as a regular 
array, under whose guardianship the peo- 
ple might sleep in tranquillity. Some mi- 
serable attempt will, however, in all pro- 
bihility, be m;ide to prop up the e.\isttnce 
of the system for a little longer; aiunher and unintelligible bill will, most pro- 
l)alj'y, be past; a bill to "consolidate the 
" Volunteer i\cis," ih it is to say, to bring 
into on^ solid mass all the contradictory, all 
the hamptiing and puzzling, and harra^sing 
provisions, that are now .scattered through 
four or live acts. But, all such attempts 
will be in vain : down the system must 
come : the evils which would grow out of a 
patching of it ujv would be much more dan- 
gerous and more diificalt to cure Uian any 
that have yet app^-ared : it is radically vi- 
cious, containing within itself the means and 
the motives of naiiunjl desiruction, and, 
therefore, the sooner it is done ^\'^'^y the bet- 
ter. Any measure, intended to preserve ir, 
by way of improvement, will only make it 
more strong, and, of course, more dangerous. 
It is a system of military democracy. The 
democratic:'! ingredient in it i.s so powerful, 
that it mu-^t, in a shori time, subdue all the 
others, and bring the whole sy«tem to the at- 
tack of the monarchy, which, I re; eai it 
ai^ain and again, " cannot not long co-fxist 
" with this sydem." — And here, the public 
will recollect, how often, how outrageously, 
how scandcilously, I have, by the slaves oi the 
ministry, been abustd for having advanced 
this opinion. Indeed, all the newspapers, 
and not only th'- nciwspaper.'s, bu' the maga- 
zines and other periodical works, not except- 
ing those of the to tmn and sapient reviewers, 
however widely they might differ trom each 
otheras toother points, all agreed in repr.b. - 
ting my sentiments upon the volunteer sys- 
tem, which some of them regarded as being j 
little short of treasonable. But, now behold, 
these sentiments are adopted, almost to the full 



extent, by a vast majority of the country, in- 
cluding the ministers themselves. 1 claim no 
merit in having foreseen the consequences of 
the system, for theywere obvious : eveiy man 
in his senses must have foreseen them ; but, 
every man, who had an opportunity, had not 
the inclination to oppose the favoarile folly 
of the time..^ To advert any more to par- 
ticular instances of the quarrels in volun- 
teer corps seem useless, at a time, when 
those quarrels are ringing in our ears from 
every quarter of the country, nay from every 
town and parish, which is so unfortunate as 
to contain a corps of " defenders." But, 
as a statement of the expenses of the 
3VIary-le-bonne Volunteers is inserted in a 
former part of this sheet, it is almost impos- 
sible to refrain from mentioning here a cir- 
cumstance that will serve to show the de- 
gree of good, which, in a military point of 
view, is like!)' to result from those expenses. 
It was stated in the public prints of yester- 
day, " that Lieut. Colonel Boyce attended 
" at the Police Ofricc in Marlborough 
*' Street, in the room of Colonel Lord Vis- 
*' countDuncannon, theComraandantOi txiG, 
" Royal York Mary-Ie-bonne VolimteGrs, 
*' in order to lay a complaint .(Tg-^zV;.''/ several 
" memheis of that corps, for absence from duty 
*' and non-payment of their fines. After 
" that gentleman had stated generally the 
"■ inconvenience occasioned by the irre- 
*' gular attendance of the members of Vo- 
*' lunteer Corps, and what he conceived to 
" be the spirit of the resolutions which 
*< their corps in particular had agreed to, — 
" the case first examined was a certificate 
*' from a surgeon, declaring the party's 
" inability to atte?id,wz?, produced and sworn 
" to; of course he was discharged from 

" any penaltv. One of them stated his 

" wish to resign, as the duty of the corps 
*' inie)fered ncith his other business. He was 
" willing to pay the sum for which he was 
" called upon, as a subscription along with 
" others, but did not like paying a tine. — 
*' The Magistrate, after some remarks on 
" the engagements of the Volunteers and 
" the ohjeet for which they had come 
*' forward, recommended the parties to 
*' tnaie it up. in a friendly ivay.--^ — The 
" suggestion of the Magistrate was agreed 
■*' to, and other members of the corps also 
«*' consented to jnake up the matter with their 
*4 colonel, Lord Viscouni^ Duncannon." 

\ So, here is another principle starting 

up. The magistrates decline to decide ! 
They have decided heretofore., in such cases. 


and at this very Police-Office, too. Why 
do they not decide now? There has been 
no new law passed, relative to the subject, 
subsequent to their former decisions. Why 
not continue to decide, then ? What a 
scene is here ! Lieutenant Colonels and 
their soldiers appearing before Police Ma- 
gistrates to ask an audience, amidst crowds 
of thief-takers, informers, bawds., and bul- 
lies; to prefer their complaints and recri- 
nnnations; and to listen to advice such as 
that which is given to man and wife, whose 
domestic harmony has been disturbed by 
the influence of gin ! " The magistrate 
"' reccvunended the parties to tiiahe it up.''* 
Just the very words that are made use of in 
describing the cause of an accommodation 
between a brutal blackguard and a wench 
to whom he has given a black-eye. Good 
heavens! What a degradation ofmiUtary 
titles and ot the profession of a soldier ! Is 
it thus ; is it thus that we are to be made 
•' 7t military Jieople I^' 

Want of room prevents me from insert- 
ing some remark-! up(;n the stnte cf Jiartiesy 
and upon the Aahvi^e on i\\Q Middlesex peti- 
tion, which latter I cannot delay to observe, 
however, ought not, in my opinion, to have 
been admitted. One of the great evils of 
the present day is, that tlie letter of the law 
is, on all occasions, giving way to what is 
called ^^ equitable construction," than which a 
more dangerous symptom, a symptom more 
directly threatening the destruction of real 
liberty and of lawful government, cannot 
possibly be conceived. 

The readers of the Register will hear, 
with great pleasure, that his Majesty has 
been graciously pleased to grant, under his 
Royal Sign Manuel, a pension of ^£'20 a year 
for life to the gallant Antoine LuT2;,ofthe 
Queen's German regiment of foot, who took 
the Invmcible Standard, in the battle of Alex-. 
andiia, on the 2ist of March, 1801. 

r^ Correspondents may be assured, that 
their communications will all be noticed, if 
not inserted at length, in the next sheet. 

No. I to 8 inclusive, of Cobbett's Par- 
liamentary Debates, containing a taith- 
liil report of the whole of the proctedings of 
Parliament, from the opening of the session 
to the Christmas recess, may be had of the 
publishers of the Register. No. g, contain- 
ing the Debate on (he Middlesex Election 
Petition, &c. &c. will be published in a few 

Tnated by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Gr^eut Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Coves* 
Garden, where fanner Naraibers may lie had ; sold also by J. Budd; Crown and Mitre, Pall- Mall, 


Vol. V. No. 6.] Ijondon, S'alurdaij, Wtli Fcbniarij, JSO-J. [ i rice IOd 

*' I have lately Liecn accused of some iiiC(in?istencv in my iiariianientrtry coiuluct, and have Lieen 

" clMrped witii givinjr n^y suppriit to his Alajciiy's Miniftci r. ; but, if thy hud no luartn'^r m^poncn 

" than lam, thfy luoulu wit hare -rnucli re.nin lo tru^t lo their friends. I dcspisc i lie Ministers so fiiacli, 

" that, if 1 iiad no other iiionvc in conjin.q; forward to tkclare my stntitnent on tlic subjct or Frenrh 

" iuvasion, I plioukl have G;4!led upon i!ie people to ,irni, lest the French, if they conquercil the 

" country, sliould take •■ccfnije on it, hy /«vjc//ig- /? contim.e the t*aent Miniiten in foiuti, as an Hiecuti ve 

•' Directory of Engl-and." Mr. Sheridan's Speech at tJit VVhig-Cliih. 


The excellent speech of Mr. Whit- 
jji^L AD, dtlivered i;i the House of Comn:ionSj 
on the Sih instant, upon the naotion of Mr. 
SECRtTARY YoKKE foi" leave to bring in a 
bill to consolidate the Volunteer Laws, is so 
well calculated to produce great and exten- 
sive good effect, that it has been thought 
proper to insert the following accurate report 
of it, in the Register, wiihout loss of time. 
I\Ir. Whltbread is himself the commander 
of a Volunteer Corps; he appears to have 
been a careful observer of the nature and 
effects of the system, and the result of his 
observations, conveyed wi!h- great force and 
perspicuityj cannot fail to be generaily inte- 
resting and useful, while" it may also serve 
as an answer to tlio-,e viprous calutnnies, 
which the ministerial writers are daily pour- 
ing forth against all those, -who take the li- 
berty to dissent from their employers. 

Sir; if it'had not been for the allusion 
made by my hon. friend (Mr. Sheridan) I 
should not, perhaps, have said any thing at 
present upon the subject now before ilje 
House, but I think it necessary to say a few 
words on the subject of the uifterein corps 
chusing their own otiicers, as stated by the 
noble lord and the right hon. gent., par- 
ticularly on that which has besn slated by 
the right hon. gent , who has informed tlie 
House of the advice he should give to his 
Majesty, in the event of any military corps 
persisting in the clioice of its own officers. 
And, Sir, lam the more desirous of advert- 
ing to the sentiments of the right hon. gent. 
as they came from himself, than to the ex- 
planation of the noble lord. The right hon. 
gent has said, that if any corps should persist 
in the right of recommending to his Rlajesty 
its othcers to comaaand them, that he should 

[1^2 his Majesty to dismiss that corps; 
that he should a4vise his Majesty, in thehrst 
instance, not to listen to such recommisnda- 
tion ; and, in the secoiid, to dismiss .such 
corps it they should persist in such recom- 
mendi^tion This, Sir, I apprehenoj is mu'c& 
too general. The terms of the corps w^hicli 
1 have the honour to command were, that 
they should .serve under otTicers specifically 
named bv (henaselves ; not only so, but also 
such as liiey rnay recommend hereafter to 
his Majcitty, through the medium of the 
lord lieutenant of the county. Their serr 
vices were accepted after they sent in these 
terras, nor were the terms in the least de- 
gree qualified when the .service of this corps 
was accepted. If thty had been told that 
ihey should. not have this choice or recom- 
mendation, not only of their present com- 
mandt^r but also of their other officirrs, or 
that they should not be allowed to continue 
to have that reconnmendaiion, I really ap- 
prehend. Sir, that np such corps \yould have 
been formed at all. Now I should like to 
ask the right hon. gent., whether he w'ould 
think himself consistent if he attempted to 
take away from that corps the right of re- 
commilhdation at all } As to the distinction 
between election and recommendation, I hardly perceive it ': they are in substance 
the same ; for neither means any more, than 
to submit to the lord lieutenant the propriety 
of his transmitting to the Secretary of State, 
the names of the persons whom they wished 
to be conmianded by j but, of course, the 
crown, acting on the advice of its ministers, 
would have the right of judging whether 
such persons were rit to be conjcnanders or 
pot. Upon this subject tliere can be no. 
doubt. Now, m the corps to whii-h 1 have 
the honour to belong, the terms o? tiieir ser- 
vices are such, that if any vacancy w.'re ta 
happen for iui oiiicer, I should apply to the 
corps to say who they would wish u. till it : 
undoubtedly 1 should f.iel myself bound to 
do so. Why, then, what is this but an 
election .■' And where is the ei^ of a': this ? 
The lord lieutenant has a right to say, I will 
not forward this recommendation to the Se-* 



crciyry of State, for 1 do not thinl: the per- 
so'i recommended is fit for the ofBce^ or if 
the. lord liC') enant should forward it, the 
Secretary of State may say that it shall not 
take place, and advise his Majesty to thai 
effect] then it will come back again to chuse 
anotlisi, and they must go on with their re- 
coriuoendations until they have hit upon 
vbody to whom neither the lord lieute- 
- ' nor the Secretary of St.ite has any ob- 
jection j so that no one can ever have a 
commission in any volunieer corps, without 
the approbation of the crown ; and this is in 
itself, as it a^'pears to me, desirable, for the 
men ought lo know the character of the per- 
son under v.honi they are to serve. Bat the 
right hoK. gent, adverted to volunteer corps 
under establi.shments, like tho»e oi the last 
war, or if not iho^e of the last war, of esra- 
blishmenis d ffcrent from those under which 
the present volun'eer corps were formed. They 
have hiiherto, all enjoyed ihe puwq.r ii not of 
electing, of recommending theiroffic^js: now 
I wi:-,h to know, whether this p-iwfr \\ s 
given to the volunteer corps by law, or by 
connivance of the crown ? If by law, it must 
belong to them generally ; if by connivance, 
I should like to ask ihe right hon. gent, 
whether he has found any mischief in the 
practice ? If he has not, why should he now 
attempt to exclude the volunteers from that 
which they have hitherto enjoyed without 
any inconvenience to the public, and take 
from them that, for which they have much 
value, and without \\'hich, as I apprehend, 
not only would the "C^yiunteers bfcCDme less 
nutnerous, but als6 les^' efficient, according 
to their number, than they now are. Where, 
I should like to ask, is the difference be- 
tween the first choice and the second .^ In 
the first instance, the lot fulls upon those ge- 
nerally who are the most known, who are 
the most remarkable for talents, or for 
some qualities ..or other that distinguish 
them, either for "high station, or something 
iliat gives them a p%%ference to others, and 
for which there are^ generally, very good 
reasons for recommending them to his Ma- 
jesty ; and, is it rea.sonable to suppose, that 
the same motives which actuate the corps 
in the first instance, will not also intluence 
them in the second, and that they will not 
continue to fill up vacancies, as they m:)y 
happen in their corps, with the same pro- 
priety as they made the first choice ? I do 
contend, that if the right hon. gent, acts up 
to the spirit of v/hat he has said to-night, he 
will find himself in an error, which will be 
fatal to the whole volunteering system of this 
country. This, Sir, is my firm opinion, and 
I think it my duty to say so at once, and to 

entreat ministers to be cautioils in what they 
do upon this occasion i For my own part, 
had I offered ray services as a private in any 
volunteer corps, I own I should be very tin-i 
willing to serve under any olticer appointed 
by the Crown to command me without my 
own consent. — The right hon. gent. haS 
goiie through the whole history of the volun- 
teer service, in which I shall not follow the 
right hon. gf-nt., bat merely make a few ob- 
servations on some points in the speech of 
the right hon gent, to the House previoiis 
to his motion. — ne says, that ministers, find- 
ing they had n ^1 friends on the continent, it 
became ns lo ick at home, and make the 
moit of our internal strength, since we were 
at war. This sy^nm of volunteer service 
was rrsorteJ to, because we 'ound ourselves 
at war without a friend on [he continent to 
assist us. — [ sliould have thought it would 
have b' come ministers to lofjk about theni 
an. I to Sire, -.^ hither we sh >uid have any 
friend on the continent to assist us, before 
wr entered into v/arj this would have been 
the course purstied by a wi'-e p.-ylitician J but 
our sagacious muiisters thought proper to 
adopt a contrary systenj, tliey got first into 
the war, aild alterwards inquired how it 
could be supportfd; they then adopted the 
sys'em of a volunteer service. Now, I am 
ready to confess, tliat the system of volunteer 
service is not the be-t, ei her for economy, or 
for the purpose of making military efforts, 
such as might have been made under a dif- 
ferent system of poiicy, and at the same time 
bringing for(h all the energy of the people 
of England. But while I say lliis, I trust 
that ntiiher the right hoUi g'-nt., or any 
other, will endeavour lo bring upon me the 
odium of a desire " to raise a clamour" 
against the volunteer, .system. IN othing would 
be more unjust than such an imputation j 
for there is not, I believe, a man in the coun- 
try, v/ho has exerted himself more than I 
have done, in support of the volunieer sys- 
tem, '*when I fjund it was to be resorted to, 
as the only means of our general defence : 
but I am still of opinion, that it is not the 
best system that could have been resorted 
to, for the general defence of the country in 
time of need. And here. Sir, I cannot help 
accusing ministers of wavering from day to 
day, in their system .' proving thereby, that 
they had got iuio a path in which they had 
met with great ditiiculties and perplexities, 
and out of which, I am afraid they are not 
yet extricated. They first aitempteJ to pro- 
duce a General Defence Act, out of which 
arose the volunteer system all over the coun- 
try. At that time ihey found, that 450,000 
mtn had inrolled their names for the service 

J 65] 

F E B R U A 

of tlieir country. Here I must beg to bo 
understood, as not, in the slightest degree, 
wishing to depreciate ihoie men, on the 
contrary, no one has a higher opinion of the 
goodness of their motives and principles, in 
thus rushing forward in defence of their 
country ; but yet 1 cannot help thinking, 
that it is of essential importance to lookback 
upon this matter, to examine into the ques- 
tion of what we had really to trust to, in this 
mass of 450,000 men ; to see what was this 
great body, who are now the grand mass of 
the army of England. I urn persuaded, that 
a grrat portion of this mass is such as could 
not be depended upon for etfective strength. 
They were too indiscriminately accepted by 
government ; persons of all ages and of all 
descriptions, without regard to infirmity or 
any untitness, among whom were many who 
were not able to march, were received as 
volunteers. There certainly was a great 
enthusiasm, and all descriptions rushed for- 
ward as volunteers J this, undoubtedly, did 
honour to the zeal ot the country, but it 
must not be disguised at the sanie^time, tliat, 
aiuong those who came forward, there were 
many who were quite incompettnt to the 
carrying of arms : in some instances not 
above one-half of a whole district were ac- 
tually tit for etfective service. Then came 
the order of government to reduce their num- 
ber to that of six limes the amount of the 
militia. This sudden measure had a serious 
and alarming effect ; it dauaped the ardour 
of the country so much, that it became a 
matter of considerable dithculty to bring 
men back again, and to persuade them to 
inrol their names when they found that iheir 
friends, with whom they had associated, 
were not to be allowed to go with them into 
the field. Now, alter all this, and time 
being given us by the enemy, for he did not 
appear on our coast, although we all expect- 
ed him, an explanation came forth from the 
ministers, the spirit of th« people revived, 
and appeared again in its wonted lustre. 
Now, what was the intention of mini-iiers at 
that time .' Did they or did they not then 
intend to exetript the volunteers from the 
army of reserve ? No, th-v did nqt ; and so 
I iiiformed the-volunteers then raising, and 
which I have now the honour to command ; 
and, to their immortal honour, every man 
entered as a volunteer, although he thonght 
he would have been liaole to the service of the 
army of le-erve. I told them all, that there 
was not cnc of them who would have, any 
txe.nptioi s b/ enteiing as a voluntt tr, yet 
eve'} oneGrt;\em entered, notvviilisiandingr 
'ha apprehension. But what was tlie elFtrct 
oi thii? ihey were afterwards exem^ le^i both 

R Y 11, 1804. I'lCt^ 

from The militia and the army of reserve. And 
what was the further cftect ? Why, that neither 
the militia nor army of reserve coidd ever be 
properly tilled up ; it was utterly i(npossible, 
tliat they should, for all the best men are serv- 
ing already in the volunteers, as well as some 
of the most unht ; and 1 know it to be a fact, 
that tiiere are not men who could be dravs'U 
to serve in the militia to the number intended 
to be raised of that body ; the same may also 
be said with regard to the army of reserve. 
How then is the recruiting of the army to go 
on .' I have no difficulty in saying, that, in. 
the present state of things, it is in^possible. 
Those who would have consli uied the army 
of reserve and militia, are now hliiiig up the 
ranks of the volunteers. Such being the 
effect of the volunteer system 3 and so, the 
best course now to be taken i.s, that to make 
the volunteer system as beneiicial, and at the 
same tiine as palatable to the public as pos- 
sible, and to bring them to as a good a state 
of discipline as is applicable to a torce of that. 
nature. Ministers then had recourse to the 
opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor Gene- 
ral, in order to get over another dilBculty 
which they felt themselves under, and the.-e 
learned gentlemen gave it as their opinion, 
that t!ie volunteers were exempted from the 
army of reserve ; afier which came the ques 
tion whether a volunteer could rcMgn or 
not .' Sir, it always was my opinion, that 
a volunteer could resign whenever he pleased, 
and return his arras, if he had any (it was a 
long time before they could get any) but 
Yvhile a man remained in the, corps thera 
were mesns of rendering him liable to pay 
fines for his non-attendance, and which fines 
were levied upon his goods if he had any, 
liut here agaai the law stopt short, for 
if he had no goods, there was no way 
of imposing any other penalty on the vc» 
lunteer, so that a man might wilk cut 
of the service when he pleased. But the 
right hon. gent, has, to my great surprise 
and joy declaitd, that if the Court of King's 
Bench had liot decided the law to be ihat a 
volunteer could resign as it has done, he 
should h.ave proposed to m:-ike the law so : 
novvS I must confess ihat this struck me ex- 
tremely, for it is to be remetrdxred, that the 
right hon. geiU. sent to all the [ieuienanis of 
the counties, who, in riieir tr.rn again sent 
to all the magistrates, as the exposition of the 
law, the opinion of" the two law officers of 
the crown, the Attorney and Solicitor Ge- 
neral, and upon the sirengih of this, ma- 
gistrates had ■ acted a!! over the coi.ntry, 
which opinion was, lliat a viiunieer ccyuld 
not resign, LU-.d which (•jiinion toincd out i.ol 
to be law. Yv'i;liaul iiitc:,<.lii) •■ the least do 


respect for the two learned gentlemen who 
gave their opinion, this erronous opinion, 
lor so I A.n now bound to call it, since a 
coart of law has pronounced it to be so, and 
without intending any thing disrespcciful of 
that opinion, I must be allowed to say, that 
it was an opinion which led the magistrates 
into error, for they ac'ed upon that opinion 
as if it was a sound exposition of the law of 
ihe land. — Sony should j have bern, to have 
found that this opinion was consonant to 
the law of the land ; but I was very much 
surprized, though greatly rejoiced, at v^hat 
I heard from the riglu hoi. gent to n'ght 
■upon that subject, and I think that the pub- 
lic at large have a right to complain of the 
right hon. gent, for finding ihis opinion 
given by these learned gentlemen, wh'ch 
now appears not to be law to be, namely, 
that a volunteer could not resign. The 
right hon. gent, caused it to be most indus- 
triously circulated and published all over the 
country, by which the public have for a 
while been milled, and this step was the 
more remarkable, since it was an opinion 
promulgating that as law which the right 
hon. gent, has this night told us, he did not 
wish to continue to be the law, for he has 
expressly declared, that if the law had been 
found to be so, he should have proposed to 
alter it, and to make it what it now is. Hav- 
ing said thus much, I must add, that I feel 
extremely anxious that justice should be 
done to the volunteers in evexy particular. 
With regard to that part of the volunteer 
system which is called the economical part 
of it, they are greatly mistaken who conceive 
it to be so to the public. Who are the pub- 
lic ? The individuals of w^hom it is com- 
posed. Now it is a gross mistake to suppose, 
that a system by which no money is taken 
out of the public purse in form, does hot 
really cause a great expense to the public. 
The exptnse to the public is the same in 
whatever way it is defrayed, if it comes out 
of the pockets of the individuals, of whom 
tJie public is con:)po3edj for what ditTerence 
can there be between paying 50l. into a 
subscription chest to support a vokanteer 
corps, (vi/hich subscription, t)y the v/ay, may 
ere long become compulsory), and paying a 
tax to thai amount into the exchequer } 
And, in this respect, 1 assert that this syhtem 
is extremely expensive to the public, for, at 
a very moilerate computation, it is upwards 
of 4l. per mm. — Another objection to the 
system is, that, from their form and condi- 
tion, the volunteer corps are continually sub- 
ject to, and in daily danger of, being dis- 
solved : not tl>at the individuals of whom 
tiie volunteer corps are composed want spirit. 


for if dissolved in one street, I am confident 
they would enter again in ihe nextj but 
they arc subject every hour to the danger of. 
dissolution. Suppose ihey were to say, that 
they did not like their commander, and that 
tkey wanted to chuse another, and they were 
not to be allowed that privilege, and that 
they should not have the satisfaction even of 
recommending another officer, as the right 
hon. gent, has told them thfy shall not, and 
they were to sav they were no longer volun- 
teers ? What, Sir, is the remedy ? A very 
short one, certainly ; they must be dismissed. 
But, if they amounted to 1003 men — this 
would be a prodigious loss.atleastjfor a while, 
and this is a matter which I wish to bs 
attended to by his Majesty's ministers. — 
— There is another evil connected with 
volunteer corps, from whence I am appre- 
hensive they may be dissolved^ and that is a 
want of funds to carry on the sysiem. This 
is a point which government must look 
into with great attention, and if they neglect 
it, I venture to predict, that it v/ill be im- 
possible to carxy on this system long. There 
is no corps of which I have any knowledge, 
tliat is not in some df^gree or other in debt.' 
Many corps have endeavoured to excel others 
in their dre-s and ornaments, which I cer- 
tainly do ndt blame. It U natural enough^ 
when men feel the ardour of a military spirit, 
but it is attended with an expense that can-^ 
not be supported unless '.he funds of almost 
every corps in the kingdorn are increased — 
Men must be cloathed from head to foot, 
and after a great coat and the other articles 
of dress are provided, it \yill not, on the 
most moderate computation, as I have said, 
already, amount to less than 4l. per man, 
which will be a tremendous sum, of money 
in the whole. Now, Sir, what is the re- 
medy } — A second subscription : but that is 
a plan which 1 should strongly deprecate, for 
the mischief of it Vv^ould be to coy.ect fron^ 
the liberal, and perhaps the poor, that to 
\yhich the illiberal and rich ought also to' 
contribute in a fair proportion. No such 
thing could take place if the wants of the 
volunteers were to be supplied from the na- 
tional treasuty. For these reasons; I con- 
sider the plan now acted upon for providing 
the volunteers wilh necessaries, a very mis- 
taken plan of economy. — There is anoiher 
point to be attended to : at present, it is the 
rule to allow no pay to any officer who in- 
structs the men, however well he may do it, 
or may have had the unqiialitied prai'^e of the 
inspecting officer, unless such person shall 
have been in the army ; this is a defect 
which ought to be remedied, for men can- 
not be expected to give their time and 1?.' 

\^9] F E B R b A 

bour for nothi'ig but mere praise; men in 
hiid iling ciicumstnnces cannot atPord it. ' It 
is also worth while for ministers to remem- 
ber, that the pay of these ofHcers is only fur 
'lO d;^ys. and now they are if) be out 21 
days ; tlie additionrd 4 days onght to be paid 
for, or we shall find many persons remiss in 
their dury. I have taken the liberty of 
pointing o^it UiP*e tilings. I fear it will be 
found, that ministers have been getting from 
one error to another, and that they have now 
placed ihe country in a situation in which 
It has no choice, but must trust its main de- 
fence to the volunteer force ; it, therefore, 
behoves them to render that system ?.s little 
objectionable as possible. In my judgment, 
the augmentation of the militia has been 
fcarried on a little fob rhuch ; and I arri 
confirmed in this opinion by the conduct of 
ministers-, by the enormous expense which 
has been occasioned in drawing men from 
the militia afterwards by bounty into the re- 
gular service, and also by the expense of 
raising the Army of Reserve, and at last be- 
ing obliged to have recourse to the volunteer 
system, which is much more expensive than 
either. It is loi" the right hon. gentlemen, 
into whose hands his Majes!:y has thought 
proper to entrust the government of this nd- 
tion at the present inlportant moment, to con- 
sider the best means for providing for its ge- 
tieral defence and safety : it is for members 
bf Parliament to speak their sentiments upon 
such means, and to shew the House the inri- 
perfection of such means, in order to bring 
them to the best state they are capable of. 
This is a liberty which I have taken to^ny- 
self: it is not for me tq point out what is 
Detter, it is my duty, as a member of Parlia- 
rnent, to shew to the House, what appears to 
me to be erroneous in the coiiriuct of mini- 
sters, and which they ought now to rectify. 
I shall only add, that I trust the right hon. 
gent, will consider of allowing volunteers 
the practice of recommending iheir ofHcers 
to the crown ; v.ill consid-r also of the ex 
Jjense of providing cloathing for the volun- 
teers, and the pay to which I have alluded, 
and of the difBculty of procuring tile at- 
tendance of officers who do not receive pay 
for the additional four dfiys, now about to 
be proposed, without some allowance. Here, 
Sir, In- the present, I shall leave tile sub 
ject, reconi men ding the whole of it to the 
most serious conslderalioli cf his jMfljesty's 


Sir, Permit rne to request, llmt you 

will admit into your paper a remark or two 

R Y 11, 1S04; (70 

upon the correspondence between the Lord 
Chancellor of Ireland and the Earl of Fin 
gall, relative to the Catholics of that un- 
hajipy and distracted country. — —Sure, 
there itiii;t be some mistake in the publi- 
cation ; for, l:o\v could so very accurate and 
kay}ie:i a j)ersnn ns (he Lord Chancellor, pos- 
sibly write: " Irish Catholics have liberty of 
" conscience ?'^ When he must very welt 
knovv, that there are, at present, two stri- 
king cases in Ireland, which clearly prove, 
iHal the fact is otherwise. At this time the 
wills of the Earl of Beaulieu and of Lord 
DuiiBoyne are in litigation, on account of 
their being itiapi ts, and presuming to make 
those wills. This learned loid. must like- 
wise very well know, that the children of 
converts to the protcst?.nt religion Jare not 
publicly profess tlie catholic religion, with- 
out incurring the severest penalties, by 
Queen Anne's La^v, and other laws still in 

force. His law knowledge will likewise 

inform him, that, for soldiers or sailors to 
attend at mass makes them liable to great 
puni-shments, although they are, sometimes, 
allovyi-cd to attend mass without undergoing 

those punishments. From tJiese and 

other restrictions, his lordsiiip must certain- 
ly mistake, if he says, that " the great por- 
" tion of the Irish people are indifferent to 
'* Catholic Cir.ancipation." They Jo, Slr^ 
feel lor tlieir religion hcm^ firosiriijeu ; and, 
indeed, to suppose them not to fee!, on this 
account, is tj conclude, that they are most 
low and insen>ible brutes, especially when 
it is considered, that they have belore thenl 
the example o[' ■^-otlanJ, which country, by 
its union viilh England, did not only inake 
a full reservation of liberty of conscience, 
but took care to hive the religion of the 
great body of tiia people (the presbyterian) 
made that of the state. ——AlS to the com- 
parison of the Catholics with the Quakers 
(an inconsidorable sect sprung up but yes- 
terday), I think that the making of it is no 
great compliment to the memory of ourEd- 
v/ards and Henries, or of those Bisliops^ 
who obtained Magna Charta iVom Kin^ 

John. 1 should be happy to see protes- 

tants and catholics unite as brethren, and 
>;i3rely this is a time that imperiously calls 
for such an union. 1 am, Sir, Sec. ike, 



Sir,— When we look round up^n the 
apl^Lireiit power which England now displays, 
and upon the vast resources on which ihs 
calculates, it behoves us to reflect how fjlr 
they are likely to be so directed and applied. 


as to becotne the means of her immediate 
salvation. When we see, on one side, a 
navy, which no form or combination of hu- 
man force can resist ; under which llie bo- 
som of ocean hardly dares to heave; and 
\Vhose dominion has no limits but those of 
nature— when, on the other hand, we see a 
military body, more numerous, and (physi- 
cally) more powerfrj, than that of all our 
enemies uiuted ; still do our wives and 
daughters tremble ! Who excited their fears ? 
Who " talked of killing?" Had ihey no 
confidence in their natural protectors ? or 
did they bat echo rhe cry of cowardice, and 
qovy from their fathers and husbands, the 
pallid character of dismay ? Yes! the Bri- 
tish lion crouched — the men of England 
tnught their women and children to trem- 
ble! I turn with shame, or incredulity, to 
trhs illustrious annals of Elizabeth, who, with 
one-tenth of the force now in the hands of 
our enterprising ministers, routed the tyrant 
of boih hemispheres, and contributed to 
wrest from his iron sway, the fairest pro- 
vinces of Europe. I blush for the Jofty 
magnanimity of WiHiam, v/ho, by stemming 
the torrent of Bourbon ambition, secured the 
fortunes of his house, and the liberties of 
Holland, only that we, after the lapse of a 
century, m'ght become the disgraceful in- 
siiuments, and the mortitied witnesses, of 
ruin and extinction to both. The triumphs, 
the glories, of Anne ; the discomfiture and 
iiunuliation of Lewis — still may rouse the 
emulous pride of my countrymen ; but let 
^hem reflect that Godclphin was then in the 
Cabinet, and Marlborough in the field. When 
a few thousand British, with the aid of such 
auxiliaries as HeL'Se and Flanover afforded, 
saw four successive armies, the flower of 
France, sink and moulder in their presence, 
it yields to ms, I own, but a doubtful satis- 
faction, for it was, then, a commandhig m'md 
which ordered the array of war — it was the 
majestic name of Chaihnm, which gave the 
auspices of victory, I am a military man, 
Mr. Cobbett, and it is not quite sufncient to 
f-aiisfy my fears for the safety of Great-Eri- 
'pin, that I am told her wealth is inexausli- 
ble, nor even that she can exhibit half a 
million of red coats o« parade. When mi- 
n -iiers talk of the wealth of England, they 
talk precisely of that thing which most en- 
dangers the public safety, unless they can 
•hew us an instance of any nation in the 
world, finding protection in opulence alone. 
• What has Portugal derived from the mines 
of dian)ond, and from the overflovving pro- 
■'.uce of Brazil ? Why, she has deduced max- 
j ns. of tame and conceding policy 5 a blind 
,4cv<ition to the purtuiLs oi avarice; habits 


emasculate and unwarlike ; the natural re* 

suit of which has been, public decency oat- 
raged within the very precincts of her court 
— her national honour exposed to repeated 
and most contemptuous insults — a late and 
pitiful re-iistance ; dismembered provinces; 
racking contributions; and a disgraceful 
peace ! Spain, too, may vaunt of her dollars, 
her ducats, and her ingots ; her cumbrous 
magnificence, and her unwieldy empire !— 
But is ber pozuer commensurate with that 
wealth on which she foolishly built her hopes 
of greatness ? No, she has been contemplat- 
ed only as the banking-house of France ; 
and the successor of the proudest monarchs 
in Europe, ruling over the deseendents of 
the most warlike of mankind, now sinks un~ 
der the upstart and relentless tyrant, in 
mean, and ignominious, and disgusting, ser- 
vitude. What makes L^s envied and hated 
by all the traders of Europe ? Our unbound- 
ed commerce! In what consists the inex- 
piable guilt -of England, when she is spoken 
of by Frenchmen of all ages, and sentiments, 
and partiies ? Why, just her countless riches ! 
By what magic has Buonaparte so worked 
upon those restless and licentious hordes, who 
acknowledge in him the master murderer, 
as to make tlieni hail the approaching deluge 
of their own blood, upon the shores of Kent 
and vSussex ? Where is the key to their en- 
thusiasm ? (for enthusiasts in the project, 
believe me, we shall find them) Is it terri- 
tory ? Is it fame? Is it the glory of con- 
quering the bravest people on earth? No! 
It is the solid comfort of plundering the 
v>"ea'thiest : it is the golden dream of the 
Bank of England, wiili its heaps of selfi-^h 
and unfcrtilizing treasure; it is the stores of 
manufactured industry, which they conceive 
it a less doubtful enterprise to rob, than to 
rival ; it is the warehouses of Bristol, of 
Liverpool, and of London, labouring with 
the tribute of the whole productive world. 
A nation, poor and weak, may find protec- 
tion in its poverty. Not such is England's 
safeguard ; she, who is rich enough to be 
envied, must he strong enough to be feared. 
Credit and capital are positively good, only 
so long as Hiey can create the means of 
their ov/n preservation ; and, in times like 
the present, they admit of no other guarantee, 
than what the sword of the state can far-. 

nish. Under the impression cf this truth, 

it is with unfeigned pleasure that I perceive 
the powerful efforts of your pen, and the 
attention of your Correspondents, so indus- 
triously directed to the military system of 
Great-Britain, Undoubtedly, a3 our wealth 
increases, and as we have more to lose, we 
must augment the means of defending our 


possessions, even setting aside the fact that 
other states have begun to assert principles 
of hofitilitj^', and to adopt me. ho;^s (if apply- 
ing them, unexampled in their efficacy, and 
their dvinger. With this country so circum- 
stanced, ever)' ma;; must admit that military 
subjects acquire a transcenddnt interest, and 
that the army assumes a character of new 
<ir.d unparalleled importance. He who re- 
joices a.t thegradu.l augmentations which 
have been made to this member of our na- 
tional defence, would hope that as it ex- 
tended in bulk, it might also improve in 
form and construction ; but it would be- 
come, on the contrary, a subject of serious 
regret, if we were to fir.d that almost every 
e^ort to increase its magnitude, had been 
attended with a needless complication of 
pri^iciple, and with a new perplexity of 
jTiovement. To abler heads, and to those 
U'ho possess nearer opportunities of exami 
nation, I leave the present gtate of parties ; 
with the hopes or fears which we may jusily 
ttitei'tain from those characters, to whom our 
gracious Sovereiori] lus confided the fate of 
his crown and of his people, at a crisis so 
awful as that which now assails us. But I 
will endeavour, should any hours of relaxa- 
tion occur to me, to arrao^e, for your peru- 
sal, some brief remarks upon the constltutmi 
fif ibe British army; alwiiys recoUccliiig, 
that the subject «eems naturally to resolve 
jtself into the following class.cs : — rst. what 
are those principles in ihe formation of our 
arrr.y, which it would be wise to discard, 
and what to bring forvvard in their stead. 
idly. What practical improvements it might 
■be expedient to introduce, v.ithout any 
change of original principles. Aware, in 
some degree, though perhaps far from being 
sufficiently so, of the extent and variety of 
those topics which might be brought into 
#uch a discusfion, it is but in a very super- 
ficial and imperfect manner that I can en- 
tertain any hof^ of treating diem. No 
time nor opportunities, moreover, can be- 
friend niiC, except the short interruptions of 
active and almost incessant duty. Under 
such dixadvantages, you may, perhaps, , 
make every allowance for my zeal, and still 
have ample reason left to doubt the discre- 
tion of^ ' CliNTURIO. 
Dublin^ Jan. 14., 1S04. 


Circular Letter fruj^ ib^ Secretury of State to 
the l^trd. Lieutenant of Sussex. — Dated 
fl'Hntshd'J, Jan. 23, l&ji, 
M? LoRj?, — As in the event of any of liie 

5'oiyo.teers ic the couuiy under your Grace's 

FEBRUARY II, 1804, [174 

charge bt ing either placed on permanent pay 

and duty, or ordered out 011 ag'.ual service, 
they are to be subject 10 military discipline, 
and to all ihe provisions contained in any 
Act of Parliament for the punislitnent of 
Mutiny and Desertion, by any Ai tides of 
War made in pursuance thereof, in all cases 
whatever : it appears to he expedient that 
your Grace should lose no time in directing 
the conmiandanls of the different corps, in 
the case of their being so called out, to cause 
the Articles of War to be read to their corp?, 
as soon after their fir-t assembling as may be 
practicable, and to repeat the same fhom 
time to time as opportunity may ,be given, iu 
the manner practised in the militia and re- 
gulars forces. 1 iiave the honour to be, 

niy Lord, &:c. &rc. C. Yokke. 

Pursuant to the above order, 1 do htreby 
direct that all commanding officers of yeo- 
manry and volunteer corps, within the coun- 
ty of Sussex, do pay obedience thereto. 

Richmond, &zc. 

Goodiuood, Jap.. 27, 1 r04. 


Foreign. — Intelligence has very lately 
been received from India, relative to tlie war 
now carrying on between the British East- 
India Company and some of the Native 
Chiefs. Gan. Wellesley, who directs the 
military operations against the MahnittHs, 
had ju^t taken Alomtdnagher, one of Scin- 
dea's principal fortresses, after an attack 
which was continued for three days, and in 
which both parties suft'ered cotisiderablc loss. 
He then proceeded in pursuit of Scindca, 
had passed the Godavery, and was in full 
march for Burhampoor, whiiher the Maii- 
ratta troops had fic-d. Ihe Bengal army im- 
der Gen. Lake was in motion to assist (he 
Bombay army, and had already passed the 
Junina : and hopes were entertained that the 
co-operation of these t>vo forces would put 
a speedy termination to th? contest. In the 
Gurrerat the Company's t/oops have, also, 
been successful, and Baroath, a place of 
some importance, has been taken by assault 
by the troops under the commaiid of Lieut. 
Col. Y/oodington. In Ceylon, however, 
the. British arms have met with a sad revcise, 
in the war waged qg.nitist the King of Candy, 
and the garrison of Candy, amounting to 
nearly four hundred, besides a regiment 
of Malays, h^s been mas'sacred by the Can- 
dians ^Jn Egypt, it is said, that tran- 
quillity is restored, and thit commerce has 
already begun to revive. Several ships have 
ariived at Constaniinople Irom Alexanc'ria, 
where several Ragasan yeiiels Lave bet.:^ 




sent to take in cargoes, and where some con- 
siderable mercantile establisliments have just 
been formed by Turkish and Greek mer- 
chants, — In Bulgaria the Pasha Mana Ibra- 
him, who had, for a long time, been making 
constani inroads intoWallachia, and who had 
Committed many outrages in that province, 
has been assassinated, with several ot his at- 
tendants, in the palace of ihe Pasha Koschl- 
schakjwhn had invited him toon interview. 
— In ilomelia, ihe rebels have lately gained an 
important victory over the troops of the Giand 

Seignior. Military preparations are in 

great forwardness in Livonia, Estlionia, and 
Courland, and the troops in those provinces 

■ have received orders from Petersburgh to hold 
themselves in readiness to march at twenty- 
four hours notice; and it is also said, that 
Cotitvacts for transporting the baggage, &c. 

of the arnsy have been concluded. The 

Batavian Directory has resolved upon a new 
extraordinary contribution of forty millions 
of florins, on the property and income of the 
inhabitants of the Republic^ to be levied as a 
gratuity, and to be appropriated to the ex- 
penditure of the present year. — On the l6th 
of January, the council of war at the Hague 
publiciy p;issed sentence on Admiral Story, 
and Captains Von de Capillen and Von 

■ Eroara, who gave up the Dutch fleet to the 
English in 1799: They are declared to be 
disgraced, perjured, and infamous, degraded 
frorn their rank, and banished from the Re- 
public under pain of death. The epide- 
mic which has prevailed so long at Malaga, 
and which has carried off between seven and 
eight thousand persons, has now entirely 
subsided, and those who had fled from the 
city are returfiing to their habitations. — ■ — 
The Governor General of Jamaica latelylaid 
before the assembly of that island a letter 
from Lord Hobart, requesting that a grant 

.might be procured frorn the Assembly for 
the maintenance of an addititional force of 
three thousand men, for the security and 
protection of the province. This request 
was negatived ; and the principal reason for 
the refusal was, that the island, from the 
great loss of trade which it has suffered, was 
Unable to defray the expense of their sup- 
port. American papers have ju«t been re- 
ceived, staling that on the 30tli of Decem- 
ber, Louisiana was publicly and solemnly 
delivered to France by the Spanifch commis- 
sioners ; that the Spanish troops were pre- 
paring to quit the colony ; that the French 
commissioner had issued a proclamation to 
the inhabitants, announcing the surrender 
to the United States; and that the American 
commis ioners, together with a considerable 
body gf trcopsj were preparing to leave Fort 

Adams, on the Mississippi, to take posses- 
sion of the country. Some official papers 

have just been published, relative to the sur- 
render of the French troops at Cape Frangois^ 
from which it appears that for some time 
previous to that event. Gen. Rochan)beau 
and his army had been in a deplorable con- 
dition : all the places which they had pos- 
sessed were in, the hands of the negroes, and 
all prospect of sitccess from any further op- 
position was hopeless. While they were 
t!m3 situated, Dessnlines, the chief of the 
negro arnjy, sent a summons to the French 
to evacuate the Cape in ten days ; he was 
then in possession of Fort Picolet, and was 
preparing to exterminate them, when, on 
the last day, the Lnglish came into the road, 
and the capitulation was signed. Ihis con- 
vention, which was concluded on board £-a 
Surveillante, at Cape Frangois, on ihe 30th 
of November last, between Captain Bligh 
of the Theseus, in behalf of Ojm. Loring 
of the Btiierophon, who commanded the 
British squadron on that station ; and Gen. 
Boye and Capt. Barre in behalf of Gen. Ro- 
chambeau, stipulates thatalhhe French mer- 
chantmen and ships of war at the Cape shall 
be given up to the English ; that the garri- 
son shall surrender as prisoners of war, and 
be senr to Europe on parole; that the sick 
shall be sent to France : that individual pro- 
perty shall be respected; and that the neu- 
tral vessels on board which the inhabitants 
of St. Domingo may be embarked, shall be 
sufi'ered to proceed to the places of their des- 
tination. — A negotiation vvas entered into 
between the French general and the negro 
chief for preventing all excesses at the mo- 
ment o( evacuation, and the hitter prepared 
a proclamation to the inhabitants, assuring 
them of protection and security, both for 
their persons and property: this proclama- 
tion was published by Gen. Rochambeau, 
with a notice from the council of notables, in- 
forming the inhabitants of the pacific dispo- 
sition of the new government — A proclama- 
tion has since been published by Dessalines, 
Christopbe, and Clervaux, " in the name of 
" the black people, and men of colour in 
" St. DomingOj" avowing the independence 
of the island, and declaring their determina- 
tion never to relinquish the rights of free- 
dom : they invite those landholders who are 
wandering abroad, who will do them justice 
and treat them as brothers, to return among 
them, those who still retain their ancient 
prejudices they threaten, and to those wlio 
speak of slavery they declare they will be inex- 
orably cruel ; they lament the excesses which 
have been committed in moments of exaspe- 
ration ; but hope that now, " when victory 


FEBRUARY H, 1804. 


" has restored peace, every thing in St. Do- j 
** ruingo will assume a new face, and its go- ! 
" verninent be (hat of justice."— Commerce 
has ah^eady been commenced between the 
■ishind under the protection of (he new go- 
•vcrnmenf, and it is said that a negotiation 
is going on with the government of Jamaica, 
for-«,>galating the intercourse which is here- 
after to subsist between the two islinds. 

Domestic. — The King h^s been pleased 
to grant to the Rev. Robert Hohnf:<!, Doctor 
of Divinity, the Deanry of the Cathedral 
Church of Wincliester, void by the death of 

Doctor Newton Ogle. -Me has also been 

pleased to grant to the Reverend WiirKim 
Howlev, Clerk, Master cf Arts, the plice and 
dignity of a Canon of the Cathedral Church 
■of Christ, in the University of Oxford, the 
same being void by the resignation of Doctor 

Robert Holmes. He has also been pleased 

to grant to the Hon. and Rev. Henry Lewis 
Hobart, Clerk, Master of Arts, tlie place 
and dignity of a Canon or Prebendary of the 
Meti'opolitical Church of Canterbury, void 

by the death of Doctor Bennet Storer. 

He has been pleased to appoint Mr. Robert 
Jameson, to the office of Regius Professor of 
Natural History, and Keeper of the Museum, 
'or Repository of Natural Curiosities in the 
University of Edinburgh, vacant by the 

Death of Doctor John Walker. The Hon. 

Mr. Legge has been appointed to the Com- 
missionership of the Navy Board, vacant by 

the promotion of Mr. Tucker. At a Court 

held on the 1st of February, the following 
Sheriffs were appointed by his Majesty for 
the ye;ir 160-1. 

Betlfordsliire, George Edward?, of Henlovv, Fsq. 
— Keiksliirc, Richard Matbew.-, of Wargrave, Esq. 
— Buckin_5;!iamshire, Edvvard Nugent, of Lillie-;, 
F,fq.— CHmbri<ige and Huntingd(.)ii!.hire, Benjamin 
Kecnc, of Wistow Lodge, Esq. — Cheshire, Sir John 
Fleming Leicester, of Ntther I'abley, Bart. — Cum- 
berland, John De Wheipd, lie, of Penrith, Esq — ■ 
Derbyshire, Sir Henry Every, of Egjinton, Bart — 
Devonshire, postponed. — Di)rsetshire, Robert Wil- 
liams, of Bridy Head, J>itile Eridy, Esq— Essex, 
William Palmer, of Xazinj!, Esq. — Gloucester- 
shire, Nathaniel ClifToid, of Framptun-up.'n-Se- 
rern, Esq. — Herefordshire, Ri;h:nd .Stukcly F.'em- 
ming, of Dinmore Hill, Esq — Ilenforclshire, 
F.dxvard Garrtnv, of Totteridge, Esq. — Kent, Sir 
Walter Stirling, of Shoreham, Bart. — Leicester- 
shire, postponed. — Linrolnshirc, Robert Vincr, of 
Godby, Esq. — Monmouthshire, postponed, — Nor- 
•lo'k, Henry Stylcman, of Snettisham, E;q. — Nor- 
thamptonstiire, Charles Tibhitts, of Burton .Sea- 
pfavc, Esq. — Noithumberland, Sir Thomas Henry 
Lyddell, of li^fiington, B^rt. — Noctingliamdiire, 
*] homas Webb Edge, of Strelley, Esq. — Oxl'ord- 
sh're, fohn Langston, of Sarsdca House, E:q. — 
Riidandshire, Cotton Thompson, of Kctron, Esq. 
i— Shropshire, postponed. — Someisct.shire, John 
Rogers, of Yariington, Esq. — '^taflird^hire, Rich- 
ard Je>son, of West Bromwich; Esq. — County of 

Southampton, Sir Charles Mill, of Mottesfont, Bart. 
— Suffolk, postponed. — Surrey, William Borra- 
daile, of Streatham, Esq. — Sus.scx, John Dennet, 
of VVoodm.uicoat, Esq. — Warwickshire, Roger 
Vaiighton, of Sutton Coldfield, Esq. — Wiltshire, 
Wadham Lofk, of Rinvd I'ord, Esq. — Worcester- 
shire, Edward Knighr, of Woolverley, Esq.— 
Yorkshire, Jimcs Fox, of -Bramhani Park, Esq^ 

SO'JVa WAljES.— Carmarthen, John Sim-' 

moiis, of Llangenaii, Esq. — Pembroke, Sir Hugh 
Owen, of Oriclcon, Bart. — Cardigan, fohu Boiid, 
of Kesnev Coed, Esq. — Glamorgan, Riciiard Tu- 
hcivitle Picton, of Ewcnnv, Esq. — Brecon, Fenrj' 
Williams, of Fcnpout, Esq. — I<adnor> Thomas 
Frankland Lewi.s, of Harpton Court, Esq.— 
NORTH WAf.ES.— Merioneth, Sir Edward Price 
Lloyd, of Park, Bart. — Carnarvon, Owen Molt- 
neux Wy:ir!,of Fenmachno, Esq. — Anglesey, Tho- Parry Jones, of Cum Coch, Esq. — -Montgo-' 
mery, Charles IHanburv I'lacey, of Greginnog, Esq. 
— Denbigh, Robert William Wynne, of Garthe- 
wix, Esq. — Flint, Richard Garnou', the younger, 

of Leetwood, Esq. And at a Council held on 

the 2d, by H. R. H. the Prince o Wales, Sir 
Lionel Copiev, of Bake, Bart, was appointed She- 
riff for the County of Cam-wall. 

Military. The foreign journal.? 

slate ibat the Baiavian and French troops 
as'-.embled on the coasts of Holland are in 3 
state of preparation io be imniediately em- 
barked on the expedition against England. 
Gen. Dumonceau, who conunands tiie Ba- 
iavian troops has just left the Hague, where 
he had been for some days, with tlic final 
instructions for his conduct. Notwith- 
standing the great numbers which have 
beencollerti.'ig on the Dulcb coast for some 
time past, fresh troops are daily arriving 
there, intended, it is supposed, to supply 
the places of those who may be embarked. 
In the island of Wajcheren, particularly, 
the re-in!orccment has been considerable, 
because it has been long apprehended that 
the English would make some hostile at- 
tempt in that (piarter. The Batavian go- 
vernment has lately published a decree, re- 
lative to those ollicers andsoMiers who may 
be made pri^oners of war in the expedition. 
It ordains that ihcy shall forfeit to govern- 
ment whatever pay may be due to them ; 
that the time during which they are prison- 
ers shall not i^c taken into the account of 
their period of service ; that if ihey do not 
return when released they shall be consi- 
dered as deserters; and that they shall all 
be immediately replaced by French re- 
cruits ; that olhcers shall be debarred from 
advancement during that period, and be re- 
placed by those who may not have suffered 
themselves lo be taken; and, finally, that 
those who do not, then, conduct themselves 
agreeably tothe wishes ofgovernment, shall 
be broke, and the non-commissioned otfi- 
cers compelled to serve as privates; th3 
wivei of all who desert are to be deprive 1 



1 1 SB 

of the allowance usually granted. The 

French troops who have been marched 
irom Hanover to th.e Diitc h coast have suf- 
fered greatly from the fro' t, during'; (he cold 
weather which prevailed at the tin^e, and 
considerable nurabers ha^ e b^en left on the 
way. Theconduclot the French troops m 
Holland, generally, has beeji very oppres 
sive, but the inhabitants have not dared to 
complain. Gen. Victor, who commands 
them, ha^, however, arrested and punished 
several of those who had been guilty of 
outrages, and has declared his resolution of 
proceeding with the utmost severity against 
any one^ whatever might be his rank, who 
shall infringe the laws of the country, or 

cause any disturbance whatever. Ten 

thousand men are assembling in the neigh- 
bourhood of ToLdon, and Gen. Regnier, 
■who was at Bologna, has set out for that 
port to assume the command of them. 

Naval. Part of the flotilla at Flush- 
ing, under the command of Admiral Ver- 
heul, lately put to sea, for the purpose of 
jnancBuvring and exercising the men. A 
detachm,ent of the flotilla at Boulogne un- 
der tke command of Admijal Bruis, also, 
came out for the same purpose, a short 
time ago, and returned uninjured. These 
circumstances are supposed to have givei> 
sise to the rumours which pr,evaile<l, during 
:the few last days, of the sailing of the ex- 
pedition against England. On the i8th 

of August last, Capt. Ross in his Majesty's 
ship Desiree, on the Jamaica station, dis- 
patched the boats of his ship, armed,, under 
■the command of Lieut. Canni^ig, to cut out 
the vessels laying at anchor in Monte 
Christe roads, which service he effected, 
jiiotwithstanding a very heavy fire from the 
batteries, and brought off five schooners 
and a sloop. On the 4th of September, he 
jnade another attempt at the same place, 
and succeeded in bringing off six schooner.s. 

• Admiral Duckworth has transmitted to 

the Admiralty, a list of the vessels cap- 
tured, detained, and destroyed, l^y the ships 
and vessels at and near Jamaica, during tlie 
months of October and No>^€tnber last, 
amounting in all to thirty-six French, seven 
American, and one Spanish. — On the loth 
of Jan. Capt. Woolridge of the Scourge 
sloop, cut out of the Vlie Roads an English 
«hip of 400 tons, laden with timber, which 
had been captured by a Dutch privateer, 

on her passage from Memel to Hull. 

On the £^th of January, Capt. Selby in the 
..Cerberus, cruising off Cape la Hogiie, fell 
in with a convoy of four armed French ves- 
.sels, qrie of which hecaptured, and ajjo-ther 
.4Jrov« ;Up.on the cocks 5 the oliiers e^c^p/id, 

owing to the vicinity of the rocks, Gapt. 
S.'s prize is the French gun vessel, Le 
CI)ameau, of three hundred tons burthen, 
carrying four yix-pounders and ten swivels, 
and having on board tifcyreight men, twen- 
ty-one of V. horn vyere soldiers, fully ac- 

couued. On (he 30lh of January, Capt. 

Benncjt in the Tribune, fell in with a small 
floiilla fron^ St.. Maloes, bound to Cher- 
bourg, consisting of three brigs and some 
smallt-r boats, l^ut as the wind blew very 
hard, he could only capture two^ which 
were No. 43 and 47, of one hundred tons 
each, and carrying two twenty four and on^ 
eighteen-pounder, e^ich, and having 01% 
board fitiy-o!ie s-eqimen, and forty soldiers 
of the 324 dem;-brigade. Capt. S. had 
previously destroyed a large boat from La 

Hogue. On the same day, Capt. Mun- 

dy, in llie Hvclra, fe}l ii) with the rest of the 
convoy, and captured the brig, No. 51, of 
one hundred tons, carrying three twenty-- 
four pounders, and having on board fifty 
men and offcers, a lieutep.ant and twenty- 
six of which belong to the 32d demi-bri- 
gade; and, also, tlie lugger, No. 411, armed 
\'yilh one eighteen-pounde;-, and having on 
board thirty-six men and officers, a lieute- 
nant and twenty-six of which are of the 
same brigade. 


Statf, of France. it in always of 

great utility to know the real internal si- 
tuation of our enemy-; because, according 
to that situation we must make our prepa- 
rations for attack or defence. The Ex/iose 
of the First Consul (see next sl^eet, p, 20-) 
may be, and undoubtedly is, a very ilatter- 
ing picture, as far as relatej to circumr 
stances favourable to his republic ; but, we 
must, on the other hand, remember, that, 
in the greater part of the Expose, he speaks 
of such signs of improvemcntj as visible, 
and as cannot have i^een merely invented 
for the occasion ; because such a tissue of 
falsehoods must have had an effect precisely 
the contrary to that which was evidentljr 
his interest and his intention to produce. — » 
What he says respecting the state of hij 
finances^ indeed, is of a ditferent natur^ 
Here the field for deception is boundless^ 
and, it is impossible to say, wlsether his 
statemen,t or that of Sir Fra,nci£ P'|^vern,Qis^ 
and the other ministerial writers, is most 
true.; or, n^ore correctly sp,eaking, whicl^ 
.pf them is least false. But, we, unhap- 
jiijy, ;well asKured, that he futj^/ally rifiiifif 
within -zhe year all t^e money ueycess^ry t^ 
': .defray the espenae^ pf ^he \<:Ui ^p4 M?j3^ 

181] F E B H- U A 

though we are told of the poverty of France, 
we know she has no national debt worth 
speaking of, and, which is the same thing, 
she has no paper money ; none of that sort 
of property which gives to its owners an in- 
terest at variance with that of the coanLrjr, 
and which, in case of foreign invasion or 
internal commotion, vanishes into air, leav- 
ing its present possessors to perish. It is, 
however, with no small satisfaction, that 
every well-wisher of England must hear 
the Consul talk of his sinii/io- fund. " The 
" sinking fund," says he, " fulfils, with 
*' constancy and fidelity, its destination. 
*' Already in possession of a portion of the 
" public debt^ it every day accumulates a 
" treasure,, which secures to the state a 
^'' s/ieedv liquidation.^* 7^his is delightful! A 
*' sinkiag fund," a " public debt," a 
*' speedy liquidation 1 " These are the things, 
precisely the things which we must wish 
our mortal enemy to boast of; but, it is to be 
feared, that he is joking upon this subject, or 
we might hops, that our great grand cliil- 
dren would see France what Ent^laiid now 
is- The destruGtion of the French com- 
merce, which has been regarded as a master 
stroke, on our parr, has, p::rhaps, done more 
real injury to this country than to thac; for, 
it is well knovvMi, that the losses, sustained 
in consequence tliereof, have, at last, chiefly 
fallen upon the insurers, the merchants, and 
the bankers of England. This is another of 
the poliiical effjcrs of our vaunted " capi- 
'^ tal, credit, and confidence." ———The 
French are now a mllitiry people ; a people 
completelv military, following scarcely any 
other civil profession than that of cultiva- 
ting the earth. In such a nation nothing is 
fluctuating ; nothing that can suddenly and 
materially effect the value of property ; no- 
thing that can induce the government to 
abandon its projects ; and, particularly, to 
m-ike a peace that shall leave us in safety. 
With such a people for our enemy, and 
having the Doc<or and his brethren tor our 
guardians, where are we to look for hope } 
For the death of Buonaparte, and some con- 
sequent overthrow of the g:)vernmenc and 
■povver of France? Faolisli .lod base hope ! 
Every person that returns from France, on 
whom reliance can be placed, represents the 
people as being generally well pleassd with 
their ruler. There are no visible discon- 
tents; the ambition of the people is, highly 
gratified by the achievments of their go- 
rernmenr; and, indeed, when they look at 
their proui attitude with respect ta all 
other natioiis, aad esneeiall\' with respect to 
•their now ha;n bled rlral; when they con ■ 
-|>are the taicii.s- and laeas^rus 9f the^eople 

R Y 11, 1904. fi81 

who rule them, with the talents and mea- 
sures of the miserable souls, to whom the 
affairs of this country are committed, wh9 
can wonder, that they are reluctant to ha- 
zard the consequences of a change ? It is 
not that they hate monarchy, but that they 
love national honour ; not that they love 
an usurper, but that they hate that national 
humiliation and disgrace, which they see 
but too frequently the lot of the subjects of 
kings. This is a consideration of much 
more weight than we are generally aware 
of; and, it behoves us well to reflect on the 
sort of example, which toe ow selves are giving 
to the peojile of France ; it behoves us to ask 
ourselves, whether our situfition is such as 
to be an object of envy with our nelghboursj 
whether our slavish submission to a n^inis- 
try, whom v/e all despise, is a circumstance 
likely to induce the French to seek for any 
change that shall subject them even to ths 
chance of being governed by Addingtons, 
Braggs, Jenkinsoas, Marsdens, Hobhouscs, 
and Tierneys ? * 

WsLsH Coast.— —If the accounts givcij 
by the ministerial writers, relative to the 
formidable state of our defensive means, be 
true, it is certainly not unreasonable to ex- 
pect, that x.\\T. coast of Wales should be to^- 
lerably well protected; yet, it is very po- 
sitively asserted, that the Cambrian princi- 
pality is not, in this respect, m^re fortunata 
than Norfolk, Yorkshire, or Scotland. If 
an invasion should be attempted, and all our 
warlike measures are founded upon the pre- 
sumption that it will, no part appears tj be 
more likely for the enemy to fix on, than the 
coast bordering on the Bristol Channel. 
The practicability of sending a division of 
ships very far up tl)at Channel cannot be 
denied; and, if any consi lerable object is t» 
be answered by it, why should it not be at- 
tempted ? The chance of plundering such 
a city as Bristol, and the liberation of such 
a boJy of French prisoners as are lodged in 
that rieighbourhood, is by no means unwor- 
thy of an expedition. Ought we not, there- 
fore to be surprised, that, for the protection 
of the coast of the Bristol Channel, there ig 
only one frigate with half her compliment of 
men, 2,000 men, mliitia and army of re- 
serve, to which may be added a regiment of 
volunteer infantry, three troops of cavalry. 

PUBLIC, by M. !e Caevalicr de Tinsesn, is well wor- 
tiiy of the atteiKJon of tli-ise gentlemen, who wish 
to ohLain a (orrcct knowledge of tlie resource? of 
France, and of the state and distriSution of tho"!C 
re-JO'jrces.— rh^s •xovV. tiiav be recjardefi as un- 
qiieptifnably accurate, and certainty ic is of ^reiijt 
) utili:y ic.ali :lj« inquiries Jo -^hicji it reliiies. 


^nd about 4 or 500 sea fencibles. The city 


of Bristol, which contains, perhaps, 10,000 
imen fit to bear arms, and which was the 
foremost in offering its services, has been so 
conlumeiiously treated bj>' the ministers, that 
a very small portion of its inh.ibitants are 
enrolled. As to regular troops, they arc, 
in that part of the kingdom, as scarce as the 
eagle or any other r;ire and solitary bird. 
The coast of Wales is left to its fate. If the 
inhabitants do not defend themselves^ they 
must, if attacked;, be subdued. It is to be 
confidently presumed, that the Welsh would 
bravely fight for their country ; but, that is 
no reason why it should be s i sharnefully ne- 
glected.—— —Let it not be said, that this is 
giving information to the etlemy : such 
charges are become r.tingless ; nobody is 
row so weak ss to be misled hf them : 
thanks to the Scotch magistrates, this mode 
of stifling the voice of complaint is explo- 
ded. If Buonaparfd does not already know 
the state of the Welsh coast, the ministers 
have quite time enough to send a force to 
protect it, as also a naval force sufficicit to 
protect the Bristol Channel. The ministers 
have appointed a General, indeed, to com- 
mand in the district, of which Bri<;tol forms 
Ji part ; but, the General, alas ! instead of 
telling the people to rely on him and his ar- 
my for security, called upon them to adopt 
measures for securing themselves ! There 
wzsno/Lyie, he told them, for applying to go- 
vernment ; but, he did not inforin them 
why the government neglected to provide 
the means of security before. To say the 
truth, however, the general was not answer- 
able for this neglect; he could not help the 
naked state of the harbour and Channel of 
Eristol ; his endeavours to cause them to be 
put in a state of defence were perfectly lau- 
dable, and no blame attaches to him tor any 
thing, except for having accepted of a com- 
nand from a ministry, whom, it is absolute- 
ly impossible that he should not despise. 
The parishes of Bristol rejected the general's 
proposals. They admitted the justice of his 
representation respecting their defenceless 
state; but they refused to provide the re- 
medy themselves, stating it to be the duty 
of the government to provide for the pro- 
tection of every part of the Empire. " Is 
*' not," said they, " the flower of the Bri- 
" tish armv employed for the protection of 
*' the metropolis? An:^l, does not Bristol 
" contribute its share towards the support 
*' of tjiat army." They were told, that 10 
or 20,000 1. would have been no object with 
such an opulent city as Bristol. True, but, 
as the parishes observed, the advance of that 
sum w, aid hdVe been to sarxtioa a very un- 

just and very unconstitutional principle; 
and, there was a time, when parliament 
would have asked, whence a general de- 
rived his raithority to propose to a city to 
raise money for warlike purposes. Bur, no- 
tions of this sort nnvv appear to have taken 
their leave of men's minds. So far from' 
having any tear of being charged with 
causing money to be rrjised without consent 
of parliament, the ministers arc never so 
full of confidence as when tliey are asserting 
that money, arid for war-like purposes too, 
will be so raised. Ii^dced, for the purpose 
of obtaining the popularity to be derived 
from a nominal cieconomy, the ministers have 
adopted every scheme, that they can devise,' 
for the purpose of supporting the expenses' 
of defence by stihai/ition. Such a course of 
proceeding must inevitably lead to destruc- 
tive consequences ; but, it will keep the mi- 
nisters in power a few months longer, and 
that is all that they have in view. There 
is, however, this consolation ; that, what- 
ever evils, v.;hatcver rniseries, whatever de- 
gree of slavery and infamy the people of this 
country may be compelled to bear, in coo- 
sequence of the duration of the Doctor's 
power, must be infinitely short of their de- 

The Fleet. — —Great praise has been 
bestowed, and, perhaps, very justly bestow- 
ed, on the perseverance of the Admiral, 
who, amidst all the' gales that we lately 
have liad, has, with so little intermission; 
maintained his station off the harbour of 
Bresrj bur, it is the opinion of those, most 
likely to be accurately informed upon the 
subject ; and, it is said to be that of Admi- 
ral Cornwallis hituself, that the system, of 
blocking Brest, as it is now conducted, will 
shortly destroy a considerable portion of our 
navy. The ships aire hurried out, half fit- 
ted and stored ; in a state, in which British 
men of war would not formerly have been 
sent to sea. It is stated, upon authority, in 
which perfect reliance may be placed, that 
se-^eral of the ships, after the late gales, had 
scarcely a whole sail on board ; and, the 
consequence inify be, the loss of one or more 
or all of themjin the event of their being over- 
taken with a gale, upon a lee shore. We 
have, or shall soon have, 14 sail of the line 
at sea with Adnfiral Cornwallis ; but several 
of them are in need of repair, and will want 
to be taken inro dock at no very distant 
day; and, there areno.ships in forwardness 
to replace them, while a very great de- 
ficiency of stores prevails, at Plymouth in 
particular. These facts are not stated upon 

slight grounds Instead of blockading 

Brest, sonae very able officers think, that wc 

i85j F E B R U A R 

shouUl keep a squadron of line of battle | 
ships constantly in Cawsand and Torbay, 
a;)d another in Ireland, rejdy to sail at a 
monent's noiice, will) a ciiaia of frigates 
contiiuially rec nnaitring to give immediate 
Juformation of any ■movements in Brest j 
for, the object should be rather to have a 
squadron aiways ready to pui sue a French 
fleet, thaM to tear our own to pieces during 
the wintv°r mquihs, and, when driven off 
t)?.elr station, giving the enemy an opportu- 
nity of pu. siting his plans without being 
able to interrupt hiin. By keeping a squa- 
dron in reserve, 've should never suffjr him 
to gain above a feiv hours start of us; and, 
indeed, should he inak<; for Ireland, he 
would have no starting time at all. It will 
be said, perhaps, that our reconnoitring fri- 
gates would be driven pJ in a g:i!e as our 
^hips of the line now are ; and, consequent- 
ly, could not give information of any move- 
ments that the enemy m.j^hr make imme- 
diately after such a g'ale. Tru?, but, our 
naval coimnHnder would, of course, at such 
times, pu:ih out, without \vaiting for ad- 
vices, and return again after a short cruize. 
— —The system of blockade is a defensive 
3y>tem ; purely defensive; and, like all 
ochers of the kind, it costs most to hini who 
pursues it. We knovv not exactly what 
force B^onaparie may have at Brest : we 
often hear, that he has no naval force at all : 
1/is naval meap.s are a standing iest. Bar, if 
lie has nav^l force enough to k^cp all our 
naval force amply e.nployed ; to compel us 
t;o strain every nerve ; to lit out all \ye can 
obtain men and stores for; to a/itici/iate our 
naval resources J ta work up our stock of 
materials without being abb to replen'.sh it; 
if he can com.pel us to do aU this, what con- 
tolatipn is it for us to know, he is des- 
sitate of nival .force ? Really, when we con- 
jidcr the number of ships, of guns, of men, 
.he immense quantity of storey that we have 
afloat, and reflect, that all these are merely 
to -ivafc/i an enemy, who, \ye are told is per- 
{ectly contemptible upon the ocean; and, 
when we further reflect^ that all these ships 
and sixty thousand sailors are employed to 
prevent an army (at most a hundred thou- 
sand) of " Frencn slaves" from coming to 
attack " sev.'n-lmnJred thoii^Gnd ii'zt-ho\\\ Bri- 
" t-ins;" when one thinks of this, one is 
really almost tempted to wish oneself, not a 
French slave, to b3 sure; but almost any 
thing other than what one is. We have 
heretofore blockaded Brest, and the circum- 
stance was not thought liumdiating. True ; 
but we were never before en;; aged in a war, 
in which aZ/v/as defensive ; for, as to t'lc co- 
loniei that we have taken, the capture of 
i;hem is totally unworthy of being regarded 

Y W, 1804. {l^Q 

as offensive operations; all that the captor* 
had to do was merely to exchange the cusr 
tom-housc and other civil officers, merely tQ 
cause the produce to be shipped to England 
iiisteadof f ranee and Holland. 

Volunteer System. — — Instead of 
taking measures, in order to attack the ene- 
my and to put an end to the war, the minis- 
ters are engaged in turning and patching; 
their means of defence; or, rather, the 
means by which they hope t» be able to de- 
fend their places. The regular army is a 
perfect skeleton. Exclusive of the men 
obtained from the army of reserve, the re- 
cruiting of the regulars scarcely ni,akes up 
fpr deaths, discharges, and desertions ; and, 
if regiments on colonial service are taken., 
into the account, it falls short even of that.. 
Of the men obtained from the army of re- 
serve five-sixths are mere men of srraw: 
absolutely the refuse (if the land, actually^ 
collecteJ, not a few of them, from before the, 
?rLagistrat€s of the metropolis. And thus it 
is that we are to become a " military peo- 

" plel" The militia cannot be filled. 

The source from which it was supplied is 
also dry. And here we stand, a population 
of fifteen millions of souls incapable of 
sending forth a single brigade to any part of 
the v.'orld! Of volunteers we have, indeed, 
an abundance; but whit service they arc to 
b2 of has never yet been clearly pointed 
out; and, that they will be, for any length of 
time, kept together in corps, is more than 
any thinking man will venture to assert.— 
It was hoped, by sone persons, that the mi- 
nisters wereabjutto propose a comp-letc re- 
vision oi the volunteer system; bur, ala< ! 
just what was anticip.ited in the preceding 
sheet, a mere patching of it up, is all they 
now appear to have in view I The truth is, 
that the system caiMiot be improved : it has 
in it the seeds of destruction ; destruction t'l 
itself, or to the monarchy. Such was my 
opinion at the firs:, .such it still is, and such 
it shall still be declared, notwithsr?.nding 
the insinuations that it may bring forth of 
my being an enemy to my country, an ap- 
pellation which is indiscriminately bestowed 
on all those who dare to doubt either the 
disinterestedness or the talents of ministers. 
'.''a clamnir. against the Volunteersl" Who 
ever raised such a clamour .-' So, all the per- 
sons, who have foreseen and foretold the 
present existing evils of the system 2L'Ct to be 
accused of hatred and hostility to tha 
400,000 men, who have arms in their 
h-u>ds! Wherein have I shown iny=;elf the 
enemy of these men any more than Mr. 
Yorke .? \V'hy should I be their enemy? 
They have done me no harm ; but, on the 
contrary, appear very willing to do me and 




all of us good. I want to get no fees from 
thsm, nor to put any efficers over them. I 
have no purpose to answer by their dissolu- 
tion; nor can their continuing embodied 
ever do me much harm. I have no lands 
in Richmond Park; I am no Clerk of the 
Pells ; very little mischief can happen to me 
from any of the consequences that I appre- 

"hend from the system. The childish 

v.'hine about " designing persons, who arc 
" endeavouring to set the volunteers against 
*' the government, and the government 
•' against the volunteers," is really pitiful. 
It is a shame for ?>2en to give way to such 
miserable plaintive accusations. We shall, 
by and by, I Eupjiose, hear of designing per- 
sons charged with setting the people against 
the ministers. With those who are ac- 
quainted with the modesty of the Addlngtons 
nothing in this way will appear incredible. 

But, is Mr. Whitbread, too, a " design- 

" ing person?" Is he also an enemy of the 
volunteers; of the 400,000 men in arms' 
He, who is himself a colonel of volunteers, 
v/ill scarcel)7 be thought their enemy. Yet, 
Ss the reader will observe, there is scarcely 
one objection, which I have, at any time, 
urged to the system, which Mr. Whitbread 
has not, by experience, found to be well 
founded. He has found the exemp:ions to 
impoverish the army and the militia; he is 
of opinion that there is no economy in the 
system; he declares that the funds of the 
corps cannot last long, and that the public 
treasure must support them, or recourse 
must be had to " comjiulsory subscriptions ;^* 
he disapproves of the fines ; he reprobates 
the idea of compelling Td^n to remain in the 
corps; and, upon the whole, though origi- 
nally a cordial friend of the system, he now 
wishes it never had existed. Will the mo- 
dest ministers, therefore, say, that this gen- 
tleman is an enem.y ot the country, an enemy 
of the volunteers, and a designing person ? 
They will scarcely venture so far ; not pub- 
licly at least; but their hirsHngswil! con- 
tinue to repeal these charges against all 
those, who agree with him in opinion, and 
whom they can revile with impunity. I do 
not know any thing that is a more severe 
trial to loyalty and patriotis.n than the re- 
flection, that v/hat one pays to the state; 
what one earns hardly, and chearfully con- 
tributes for the support of the honour and 
weliare of the country, goes, in part, to the 
feeding and pampering of the scurrillous 
slaves by whom on« is openly belied and 

abused. Great complaint was made, in 

the debate of the other evening, that those 
who found fault with the plans of the mi- 
xmif.yidtdmtjiro/ioseoihtys. They have pro- 
posed others. Mr. Windham began his op- 

position to the present sy-tem by proposing 
another system. It was not adopted. Why 
should he propose any more ? Indeed, it is 
by no means incumbent on members of par- 
liament, not belonging to the ministry, to 
propose measures In lieu of measures that 
they may think proper to oppose. Tj thoss 
who are to execute a plan belongs the task 
of devising and proposing it ; and, the bu- 
sineES of thoscj who have noihlng to do with 
the execution, is to aji/irove, or to disa.'iprovey 
of the proposition; because, it is always un- 
derstood, that they v/hoare most capable of 
devising measures are the fittest persons to 
carry them Into effect ; or, in ether word?, 
when the nation relies more upon the 
wisdom of the Oppo-ition than up'-n that of 
the Ministry, the Mini'^try ought, to be 
changed, and the Opposition put in 'heir 
places. Unless, therefore, we supO'-^e a 
state of things, in which the weakesi arsd 
most ignorant part of the Parlinmeiir are, 
by some over-ruling necessity, obliged to be 
kept in power, ic is not only not tlie duly 
of the Opposition to propose measures, but, 
it really appears to be their duty to abstain 
from it. This state of things, however, the 
ministers would make us believe now really 
exists. They do not openly say, in th« 
Parliament Houses, thai the King has resolved 
never to change them for any other ministers ; but, 
their hirelings make no scruple to assert it 
in conversation, and many of them in print. 
IF this were the case, as it certainly is not, 
there might be some doubts as to how far 
an Opposition ought to aid, with -their ad- 
vice, a ministry so constituted and so esta- 
blished in power; but, while we presume, 
that no such over-ruling resolution has 
been adopted ; while we presume, and it 
were disloyalty to presume otherwise, that 
our gracious Siivereign has, in his ministers, 
no choice or predilection but that which 
arises from his desire to preserve, untarniRh- 
ed, the honour of his crown, and to secure 
the liberty and happiness of his people; 
while this is our presumption, we must ever 
regard it as the duty of a parliamentary 
Opposition to abstain frotii the proposing of 
measures, to be acted upon by the ministry. 
Besides, if the Opposition were to pro- 
pose a new system for the Volunteers, what 
would be the consccjucnce ? It would be 
garbled by the ministry, who, by appearing 
reluctantly to yield to whatever part of ic 
should bear hard upon the people, vvould 
gain popularity from the very thing which 
they would pervert into the cause ot odium 
on their opponents. No; let them propose. 
Let then schemes be approved of or disap- 
proved of; but let them still be theirs. No 
a.;ncndu7sncs, except for the purpose of 


^ E B tl IT A R 

throwing; oUt the whole measure; no mid- 
dle cause; no efi'usions of candour; no 
Cant ; na cryiii?. There they arc ; they 
have their <ys*erti in their own hands ; it is 
the subject of their exultation j it is the 
pride of their lives ; let them alone with it, 
then; let U3 see what they will co with it ; 
for, as to the argument ihat their ignorance 
or perverseness cnchr not to prevent us 
from endcHVouring t > save the country, it 
falls to the ground ;.he moment you reflect, 
that our danger arises solely from their 
being in power, and that your recommenda- 
tion of measures will only tend to prolong 
the durarion ot that power. In case, in- 
deed, of any imminent peril, the providing 
against which would not admit ot a delay 
sufficient to give hi? Majesty time to change 
hisscivants; in such a case, it would, un- 
douhiedly, be proper for any mtmb-'r ot 
Parliament, however he might depiecate 
the continuation of the ministers, to propose 
such measures for them to act on, as he 
should think likely to prevent the dreuded 
mischief; but, at present, there is time suf- 
ficient for the changing of miiusiers; tht 
peril is great, but not so r.ear at hand as to 
render ;i short delay deslrucilve; and, 'heie- 
fore, there can be oo g^-od reason given for 
the Opposition members to enroll them- 
selves under the niin.seib as volu- teer states- 
men. Ail that they have to do, all that they 
ought to do, is to show the evil effects of the 
pasl, to point out to fhe Parliameiit how the 
natioa has alreudv been harrasscd, injure^', 
and exposed to theenemv, b\ the ignorance 
and imbecillityof the ministers; towarn them 
of the iuischi«-fs, which are likely to anse 
from the miserable coiiii romise now pro 
posed; and, of course, to vote against suci 
proposition. If ih. re be any man, who, 
utiablc longer to exist out 'of (he air of a 
court, pilling lo death after the exercise of 
power, yeariilng after ihat flatteiing and 
fawning which patronage only can secure, 
wishes to creep in among'^t minist-trs whom 
he hates and whom every one else despises ; 
if there be, amongst the oppositionists, such 
a man, it is for him, and him alon^, to 
slide into their rank^ by piopusing to them 
plans or iniprovenieius, by inixicig up his 
measures wnh their-:, and, by such nieans, 
impeicepiibly creating a plausible pretext 
lor defending both measures and miuisiers 
against their opponents. 

Parti Rs. — If it were pat to the whole 
nation, man by man, wlieiher the piesent 
ministers ought not to b;' tnrnfid oat, there 
would be for the ajflrmnlivcgg') out of every 
thousand -, and if you were then to put to 
this vast majority, the question, whether ikty 
would betieech the kujg to tarn them out. 

Y li, 1804. 'l^O 

there would be for the negative an almost 
unanimous vote. Those, therefore, who 
think that an universal expression of con- 
tempt for the ministers and of disgust and 
loathing at their ignorance and vanity are in- 
dications of an approaching change, do not 
safficiently attend to ihe distinction betweea 
the expressions which men m;ike use of in 
their private and ihosr^ which they make use ' 
of in their public capacitie-; ; between their 
wishes and their actions ; between their duty 
and their frars. Hut, why, some oiie will 
ask, " in God's name, ivhi/ should the peo-' 
" pie of England be a'raid of Doctor Ad- 
" dington ?" They are noi afraid of Doctor 
Addington, but of poverty and misery ; and, 
if you ask me, how their situation in life de- 
jj^nds on him, I nceci nnly beg of you tore- 
collect, he is eithi^r directly or indirect- 
ly aciu.i ly ihe paymaster of nearly one. half 
of the peoi'i", as must be evident lo any one 
who will give himself time to consider the 
amount of the revenue and of the loans, the 
mode !if the collection of the former, and 
th- manner in which the whoe finds its 
way, through ihc hnn.ts of the g-yvernraent, 
into those of tiie communify. Let a-.y ten 
readers of thr. Register ont a list of thf'ir 
acqnaintance, then inquire strictly into the 
connexions, views, and intertsts of each, 
and, if they do not find, that a very great 
majority of them are in a state of ministerial 
dependence, more or less complete, I will 
give up all pretrn-ions lo political calcula- 
tion. When, therefore, we express to one 
another our a^-tonishment at the duration of 
a ministry, who ha^e nr-iiher weight of fa- 
mily, of public character, or of talents, one 
of which, at least, has always heretofore 
been, in this countiy, reg;-rdrd as absolutely 
n-cessary to the support of a minisiiy, wa 
forget the vast and fearful addition, whu:ij, 
since the commencement of Mr. Pitr\s.sway, 
has been made to that power which is a uach* 
cd \i) thp ' fHce of the minister; we forget, 
(hat the tixes have been tripled, .that the 
t-ix-gathrn rs and others receiving their 
b.ead inmiediaiely from the hand of ihe go- 
vernment have been more than tripled, and' 
that, by th- help of companies, of boards, 
&c, \\ic chiin of dependence is now so 'com- 
plete as to render the uhole nation a sort of 
vassal village, of which the mmisttr is the 
lord, Mr. Pitt retired, or he might have 
been minister to the- end of h's life ; that is 
to say, if his death had not been preceded 
by the death of tile funiing and taxing «)-s« 
tern Mr. Pkt, upon his retiremt^nt, ap- 
pears to have thought, that the unbounded 
influence he had cnj.)ycd belonged to his per* 
son and talents, and not lo his othce ; a mis- 
take, which, if he Lad I'O! perceived it b;?- 



[J 02 

fore, must have been radically removed by 
the treatment of his proposal relative to the 
tax upon the funds, which proposal, when 
the Doctor said NO, was rejected by a dead 
majority, and which same proposal, w'aen, 
only iwenty-fonr hours afterwards, the Doc- 
tor Slid AYE, was unanmously adopted! 
Whi^n Mr. Piit went out of olFice, he had 
not the least suspicion, but that he should 
be able to enter it again whenever he pleas- 
ed. The Doctor thought so too ; and, for 
some time, he appears to liave regarded him- 
self as no more than. a boK-kee ler ; but, as 
the curtain roie, as the drama unfolded it- 
self, he found, that he had acquired a real 
atid permanent seat. The adulation which 
heat first received seemed to throw him into 
a state of amaxemenr like that of Nell Joe- 
son, when she wakes in the morning, and 
linds half a dozen servants curtsying and 
bowing at her bed-side: he could scarce- 
ly believe his eyes and his ears : but he 
was not long in discovering that he had got 
possession of the drug, the political love- 
powder, that supplies the place of wit and 
wisdom. — —"Taxation is no tyranny^" said 
Doctor Johnson, and he was \'ef:y right. No- 
thing can be more evidently just, than that 
every man should contribute, according to 
his means, towards the support of the go- 
vernment, without which there can be no 
property, no liberty, no safety for life or for 
any thing. But, though tj^xation, in the ab- 
stract, be not tyranny, it may be carried to 
such a length as to produce slavery. It may 
be so far pushed as to make all the people of 
a country dependent upon the government, 
even for the necessaries of life 5 and yet all 
the forms of law, all the names, forms, and 
appearances of property and of liberty,, civil 
and political, may still reniain. In such a 
State of things, no one would, I presume, 
pretend that the people were free. This is, 
indeed, to suppose an extreme case; but, a 
nation raay be very far from this extremity, 
and may, nevertheless, have lost, by the 
influence of taxation, a considerable por- 
tion of its liberty. This is the sana- 
tion^ in which I look upon Great Brits^in 
as being placed at this rnonaent ; and, there- 
fore, those who think with ms, will not be 
very sanguine as to the success of any oppo- 
sition to the minister, unless the minister 
himself should become terrified at the conse- 
quences of his own work 5 unless, in a war 
between his interest and his vanity, the for- 
mer should triumph over the latter ; unless 
a regard for his property and his personal 

safety should induce hitn, in time, to yield 
the protecting powers of government into 
abler hands; unless some motive such as 
these should operate with him, I have, fcr 
my [)art, not the least notion, -that there is 
any human povv-er capable of driving him 
from his place, as long as he can continue to 
make loans and increase the taxes. If, there- 
fore, the Doctor should be spared, as the 
Methodists call it; and if no sudden storm, 
foreign or domestic, should nrise to sweep 
away his ministry; and. if he should 
not be seized with any sickly womanish 
fears, we must, in order to know how long 
he will continue to be minister, ascer- 
tain how long the funding system will last. 
This system v.'ill certainly last a shorter time, 
on account of the Doctor's being minister; 
so that his administration cuts boih wav>f. 
" It is a monster that poisons the meat it 
feeds upon." Bat, the danger is, and it is 
a danger that every good man must tremble 
at, that the system, the ministry, and the 
monarchy may all fall togeiher. 

THE SUPPLEMENT to Vol. IV. of the 
Register will be published in a few days. 
The Jirst, second, and third Volumes have 
been rrprinted; and complete sets of the work, 
neatly and uniformly half-bound, with Rus- 
sia backs, may be had by application to Mr. 
Bagshaw, B:>w - Street, Covent - Garden, 
Mr. BuDD, No. 100, Pall-Mali, or to any 
of the Booksellers or Newsmen of London 
or Westminster. 

CoBBiiTx's Pakliamentary Debates,' 
in eight numbers, including all the Debates 
of the present Session, previous to the 
Christmas fecejs, together with an abstract 
of all the accounts laid before Parliament;, 
and the titles of the acts passed, during that 
time, ni,ay be had by application made as 
above. These. Debates, the Editor ventures 
to assert, are by for ilie most correct, full, 
and impartial, that vyere ever published ia 
this country, a character wlutdi has, indeed., 
been universally given them. Upon the re,- 
sult of a comparison between this work and 
others, professing the same object the Edi- 
tor, from the first, expressed his readiness 
to rely for success; and, he is confident, 
that, the more frequently such comparison 
is made, the more evident will appear the 
superiority which he l^as been so, anxious t,a 
give to his publication. 

fftnted by Cox and Baylis, No. 7.7, Great Qae;n Street, and nublished by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Coven,? 
Garden, where foraisr Num'iers roay be had } sold also by J. Budd, Cro.vii and Mi'cre, PdU-Ma,ll, 


FEBRUARY 11, J 864. 


The True Briton and Sun Newspapers. 

The Press is of so much importance, its influence is so powerful, in ahiiost every drparf- 
ment of public afl'airs, that, however low, iusignificiint, and uoi-tli'ess aic the persons, in 
whose hands any portion of it mny happen to be, it is itself never an object to be disregard- 
ed ; especially when its efforts are made in the fonn of a veiinpapdr. Under this persaa- 
sion it is, that I have thought it my du!y to present to the Public, a picture of the political 
turpitude of ihe Trite Briton and the Sun, a trtoming and evening paper, \\hicli belong to 
the same person, the contents of which are the same, and which v/ere originnlly established 
by, and still appear to be under ihn influence of, the late Secretaries of the T!e:^sury. The 
picture is too glaring to need explanation ;■ it will speak but too plainly for its."if ; one cir- 
cumstance only, therefore, I beg have to point out to the reader, to wit, that the tone and 
sentiments of these papers, with respect to Mr. Addington and the present ministry, did not 
bei^in to he boslile, till after die rupture of tkc ncgctialhn bct'jjccn Mr. Judington and 
Mr. Pitt ! 

Conjidcncc m tki Gouernment. 
We know that we have a government, 
able, observant, vigil.uit, and firm; and, 
wholly inditfeient to the charge of adulation 
and subset virncy, we readily leave to the 
public to determine, whether oar co!iJldc7ici; 
U3-S or does not sympathize with the feel- 
ings and opiniuns of our tounirymen iit 
large. Ftb. T6, 1S03. 

Energy of Minister';. 
To those who have hazarded the idle and 
unfounded accusation of want of £-,7^rfv snd 
vigour against our ministers, we answer by 
a single question, '^.Vhat solitary instance 
C3n be adduced, since his Majesty cal'fd 
ihem to their present situations, that can fur- 
jiish even a colour for it? Jan. 1, JSOJ. 

Mr. ylddirigions Spirit. 
We have, in the experience of tv/o critical 
years, an abundant pledge, that nothing un- 
just, unreasonable, or insulting to the honour 
of France, is likely to be required by our pre- 
sent rulers on the one hand, and that no- 
thing will be adnfitted, insulting to our own 
honour, or derogatory to our essential in- 
terests, on lh,e other. — March Q, 1803. 

The Country in a proud Position. 
We have no doubt that his Majesty's mi- 
nisters will persevere in that line of conduct 
which they have hitherto adopted, and which, 
v/hile it amply provides for the safety of the 
country, shews a determined dispositioJi to 
avenge, with promptitude and effect, any in- 
fringement of its rights, or any attack upon 

its honour.^ This is the position which cha- progress to ruin is a rapid descent, when one 
ricterizes ?f»i^ cci^raoe, untainted by temerity the ball is delivered j and much do we fer 

Jfaut of coiifi kncs in the Goveriime'it, 
It create*^, every day that pusses over our 
hciids, the most melancholy rs-ilections in the 
mind of every thiidcing man, to --ee the na- 
iion stil! governed by thos- in whom il has 
uo CQuf.d^iiCc. — L'cV. S, ]b03. 

Lwapa^itv of Ministers. 
Is it not time that the rc|)resentatives ef 
the nation should threw themselves b(=iween 
the iru\2pLic:ty of ministers and the country, 
and reserve the latter from the critical and 
p:-riloiis state in which we fear it will be 
found to be.— D^c. 3, 1603, 

Mr. Aadingtoris Bjseness. 
After having hinnbled the British nation in 
the eyes of Europe, ministers still pretend to 
be able to maintain the dignity of the nation 
in such a momentous contest!— X^.j. 21, 

The Country on the Brink of Ruin. 
Setting aside the losses and the sacrifices 
we have been made to undergo, we have 
sunk in the estimation of the nations around 
us. Our faith was till lately unimpeachable. 
England might sometimes tail, but she never 
dishonoured herself. How is the scene re- 
versed 1 but the work is Mr. Addingtons. The 


on the one hand, or pusillanimity on the 
other ; and we may confidently assert, that 
with increasing resources and unbroken spi- 
lit, this country is in a situation which af- 
fords matter for exultation to every well-wish- 
tx to its interests. — Nov. 2Q, 1802. 

Flourishing St:ite of the Rei'enue. 
Our con^msicc h.i9 never been so flou- 

that it was delivered with one hand, when 
he accepted the Seals from his Sovereign 
with the other.— A'i'i/, 10, 1803. 

Deficiency of the. Revenue. 
The Injury sustained by our commerce; the 

Supplmer>! H No, 0. F^/. K~P/ke lOd, 


cobbilTT'S weekly political register. [ids 

nulling — our revenue never been so pro- 
ductive, even in ihe best limes of the gi'eat 
ininijier, •wl'\o laid the foundation of iheir 
prosperity^ and to whose breast, ve are per- 
suaded, iheir.iaiproveaient and increase will 
aiford no less solid satisfaction than to bis 

und( r whose auspices we h;ive the 
to experience them. — Nov. 2Q, 

A Change of Ministry mmecessary. 

To say that the present ministry want the 
power which is the result of repuiaiion, is to 
slander the people of this country, and ac- 
cuse ihem of the gro^^sest injustice and in- 
gratitude. The present ministry have fol- 
lowed the steps of the great statesman who 
carried on the war. The present ministry 
putnn end to that war, and effected aptrace, 
in which the national digniiy and the nation- 
al interest were secured. — The people of this 
coun ry, who enjoy the blessings of peace, 
and are likely to enjoy ihera every day more 
and more, rannot but feel grateful to the [ui- 
nistry to whom they are indebted for tho..e 
blessings.— Oci;. 2, 1&02. 

No Chanj^e of Ministry necessary. 
The discussions which have taken place 
since the meeting of Parliament, have tend- 
ed very much to strengthen the just covjl- 
dence reposed in his Majesty's ministers, to 
jmprove the opinion which was entertained 
of our general situation, and to dispel the 
gloom which hung upon the minds of many. 
The suspicion of too ready a disposuion to 
concede on the part of government, enter- 
tained by some persons, has been done away. 
■—Dic^ 24, 1S02. 
Mr. Pitt the only Man to save the Nation. 
As the ivy that embraces the oak, is 
ehcltc red by its proud height and spreading 
branches from the ravages of the storm, so 
we cling to the genius of V'lM., a'a the sure t 
saviour of our country. It is he clone that, in 
our opinion, can successfully cope with the 
duplicity, die cunning, and the rooted en- 
mity of Prance towards the British Empire. 
Let but the genius of Pitt preside, and we 
shall ihink ourselves secure. — May 4, lb03. 
Upon the voice of that great man (Mr. 
Pitt) do we conceive the fate of the British 
JImpire to be at the present moment in a 
gxtzt (l&gKC% suspended >~ Nov . IQ, 1803. 

i, I8}\'('+ 


1' '^^ 

\^ ^ 

difiJcnsy if our revenue in spite of the gra- 
tuitous and unnecessary misrepresentations 
to the House last December 5 with all these 
evils and damning proofs of misconduct, 
what could induce Mr. Addington to throw 
down this gage of defiance (the " Cursory 
" Remaik-.") and to tempt the exposure of 
the real and dreadful dilemma to which the 
country is reduced by his family councils and 
unsteady policy ? — Nov. 10, lbO.3. 

A Change of Ministry can alone save the 
Every thing shews the want of co-opera- 
tion and of union in the great departmnitcf 
the state'. We feel it our duty to say that a 
change f ministry can alone restore the pro- 
per confidence of the nation, and redeem our 
political character with the powers of Eu- 
rope, a change which we know we are tuMy 
jutified in afhraiing to be ardently desired by 
jiinety nine out oj a Iiuridred of the whole 
pcrpuiation oi' the British empire. — Oct. 13, 

Amj Chavye of Ministry must he for the hitler . 
Changes, atid those very material ones, ii:^ 
the administration, are talked of. They 
cannoi come too soon for the good of the 
country, and we have the melancholy con'- 
solation at the present awful crisis, that any 
change must be for the better, if that change is 
not confined solely to the paltry object of 
keeping the present inefficient and imbecile 
ministers in iheir places. — Nov. If), 1803. ' 

Mr. Pitt not the only Man to save ihe Nation. 
That consistent statesman, Lord Greri- 
ville, is pleased to tell us, that Mr. Pitt is 
th? only -person^ at the present crisis, capable 
of saving the country, 1 ! ! — The measures of 
a government may be very wise and highly 
s.Tlutary to the country whose affairs are in- 
trusted to its management, though unaccom- 
panied with the display ot extraordinary ora- 
torical talents. Like the powers of me- 
chanism,' the affairs of state may generally be 
considered as going on the most correctly 
and satisfactorily, when there is the least ap- 
pearance of effort, 

" — stillest streams 

*' Oft water fairest ineadows, and the bird 
" That flutters ieast is longest on the wing." 

Qf this quotation v/e willingly leave to the 
judgment of our readers, and to the course 
of tiine, the justice and propriety of tlie ap- 
plication. — Feb. 4 J 1S03... 

y riiUlY 

J97] F E E R U A 

Mr. Jddingtnn the Friend of Mr. Pitt. 

We consider Mr. Piit and Mr. Addington 
entirely and compleiely 11 ni led. — That some of 
the friends of ejchlnve attempted repeatedly 
to disunite them, and that both the Old and 
New Opposition h:ive never ceased to make 
that attempt, we icnow full wtll ; but the 
honour, the public spirit, and the good sense 
of both have defeated every such attempt. — 
July 31, 1S02. 

Oil all sides, endeavours are made to se- 
parate Mr. Addingion and Mr. Pitt. Some 
of the friends of both, we bdicve, tobecon- 
siantly making the attempt. The Old and 
the New Opposition concur only in endea- 
vouring to etfect this purpose, and they are 
busily at work to attain their object. It is 
for themselves alone to frustrate such at- 
tempts. — We cannot anticipate any material 
difference of opinion between these two 
men. — If such an event should happen, we 
shall be the first to consider it as a great mis- 
fortune to the country i but if it does hap- 
pen, when we consider the characters of the 
men, lue are sure, it iL'ill arise out of the 
fair considcralion of public measures, not 
out of the intrigue's of interested men. — Feb. 
2, 1603. 

il/r. Aiidingt:n n great Fhianc'ier. 

This great financial mea-iure, on which we 
believe but one opinion prevails, has esta- 
btished his reputation in that difficult branch 
of public business. — Jan. 4, 1802. 

We cannot but congratulate the country 
upon xhef ourisbing and prosperous state of its 
resources, which has been proved, beyond all 
doubt, by the unanswerable documents 
brought forward by the Chancellor of the 
Jixchequer. — Dec. 29, 1802. 

Mr. AdJington's statement: of finance, we 
recommend to the perusal of those v^ ho have 
so often told us tliat our revenue was kept up 
by the war, that our resources were nearly 
exhausted, and that the peace was a matter of 
necessity. — These assertions have been often 
repeated— often contradicted — but Mr, Ad- 
dihgtens Speech is the complete answer to 
tbem. — Jan. 4, 1802. 

Mr. AdiUngton an exce'Init Man, 
The Jacobinical Chronicle, in one of the 
overflowings of its rancorous gall, generated 
by continued disappointment and increasing 
envy, has the audacity to couple the name of 
the excellent /Jiidington with that of the no- 
torious swindler Miss Robertson. We ad- 
vert to this merely to shew tvbat tie nvriters 
in that print are capable of!!I — Aug. 12, 

]\[r. Adhrorton e-steeriied abroad , 
puv minister is highly respected abroad. His 

R Y 11, 1804; [icd 

Mr. Addington the fnemy of Mr. Pitt. 

Against the principles (of Mr. Pitt and 
the great Earl of Chatham) and in professed 
opposition to their exahed system, you (Mr. 
Addington) have apostatized from them, 
and added personal insult to the mnvortky <fe» 
reliction. You have stung the heart that fos- 
tered you, and sent foi th your hirelings to 
blast the character under whose benign in- 
fluence you were too long sheltered. You 
are courting allies from the Bench which has 
displayed unvaried animo.-ity for eighteen 
years towards the principles and person of 
your first friend, and have bribed to your 
confidence and united to your cause, thf 
man ivbo directed a pistol towards the head of 
your early patron. — Nov. 12, 1803. 

It is the fashion among the friends of mi- 
nisters to decry ihe publication, ()he " Cursory 
Remarks,") and to circulate it. They cant 
not deny the falsehoods it contains, but have 
no objection to profit by the effect their mis- 
representations may produce. So much for' 
the ynorality of our present precious ministers! 
Oct. 19, 1003. 

Mr. AdiUngton ns Financier at all. 

Ministers have produced a measure of fa- 
nance, which having gone ihiough both 
Houses of Parliament has passed into a law, 
which not a commissioner knows how to 
carry into effect, nor an individual in the 
community how to decypher or render in- 
telligible! — Nov. 3, 1803. 

Mr. Tierney was taken into the ministry 
at the particular moment, to prevent his 
threatened exposition of ihe fallacy oi Mr. 
Addington's financial statements of the lOth 
of December; which, whatever he may be 
persuaded to the contrary, has not, nor ever 
can be forgotten, at least to the East of 
Temple Bar.— AW. ir^ 1803, 

Mr. Addington a Du/ic or a Deceiver. 
We know not whether Mr. Addington be 
most of a dupe or a deceiver, or whether he be 
sometimes one and sometimes the other. — hov, 
3, 1803. 

Mr. .Addington despised abroad. 
The best iufbiuied me a who have lately 



talents are of the \^ry first rate description. 
None better than him knows the value of 
the blessings of peace j but if forced into a 
war, ?.n event 720^ at ciU probable, lie will 
possess the fullest confidence of the nation. 
-^Nov, 20, 1802. 

Mr. Addingioii a Safe PoIUicia?i. 
Ministers took their post at a moment of 
imminent peril, and couiplicated difficulty ; 
and by the gradual operation of steadiness, 
temper, fortitude, and sound wisdom, they 
achieved the most glorious object of a true 
statesman's ambition, under the ciicum- 
stances in which thecountry was placed, — 
that of restoring peace on such a ba-iis as was 
the best calculated to ensure its conlinuanee. 
-^May 18, 1802. 

Mr. Addlngtons Wisdom,' 
Mr. Addiiigton's great object is to repr^.ir, 
not to speculate. The prudence, and en- 
lightened ti'isdom, which be has hitherto dis- 
played, delineates a mind competent (o 
form, and a spirit adequate to execute great 
plans for the benefit of his country. 

We have now the solemn pledge of pri- 
vate and public faith, that the national reve- 
nue will be applied with economy to na- 
tional purposes, in the gradual liquidation of 
the public incumbrances^ and the encou- 
ragement of manufactures, the security of 
the colonies, and in the extension of trade 
and navigation. Disaffection vani>.hes at the 
contemplation of these great benefits. The 
people will be eased of their burthens, com- 
merce must flourish, and produce such af- 
fluence, as will raise our country to the 
highest point of wealth, and spread its bene- 
fits throughout every class of the commu- 
nity,— ^pn7 5, 1802. 

Mr. jid.iingions Firmness, 
FrotTQ the finn principles and unvaried 
conduct of Mr. Addington, in the most tre- 
mulous moments, the public must denve 
essential lessons of prudence. They will 
learn, that true magnanimity is the rhiUi of 
justice only, and that it is more conspicuous 
in the exercii^e of the milder virtues, than 
amidst the din of arms, and ^ nation's tears ! ! 
<=-^April 5, 1302. 

Mr. JdiU-igiojis Sound Policy. 
From Mr. Addingtou's conduct, the pub- 
lic will learn, that if it be honourable to 
treat with scorn a cruel and abject mode of 
policy, it is more glorious to venerate prin- 
ciples which have lilted an^ sublimed the 


arrived from the different Continental courts 
as-sure us, that, for the first time, since the 
burst of revolutionary pohlics, the general 
sentiment is decidedly against this country. 
The character of tlie British is lowered. Mr. 
Addingion's administration has lost the con-, 
linental possessions of his Majesty. — i\W. 
30, 1803. 

Mr. ylddington an Unsafe Politieian. 
Ministers will find that ihey have exposed 
the country fo great siifferings, only" beci^use 
they had the va?nty io suppose them=.ebes 
capable of performing the duties of offices, 
which they were totally unequal to exeouie^ 
— Die, S, 1803. 

Mr. Addirigton's Ignorance. 
It is firtunate that the merchants engaged 
in the Portugal trade have long entertained 
an apprehension of the event which has now- 
taken place. They have shf.\A n themselves 
wiser politicians than our ministers. They 
had too little confidence, from experience, in 
the wisdom of our ministers to follow their 
advice ; but notwithstanding their prudence, 
much British property is at this moment in 
Portugal. Thus does the property of indi- 
vidual,--, and our most important com- 
mercial interests become sacrificed to the ig-^ 
r.orance and incapacity of our ministry !— . 
Oct. 16, 1803. 

Mr. Addi n glon' s Weahiess. 
Onr present mJnisters are acting under a 
most trem.endous responsibility; but they 
seem determined to keej) their places till tlie 
sun of Britain shall be nearly set. We look 
forward with a ffint ray of hope to the 
meeting of Parliament ; but, between that 
period and ihe present, what dreadful oc- 
currences may not intervene 1 Heaven avert 
from the country the evils which the vjeak- 
ness of our ministers exposes us to ! — -. 
Oct. 15, 1803. 

Mr. Addingioid s TFeak Policy. 
The Kveak policy and wavering coaduot of 
our ministers Have furnished to the enemy 
the means of prosecuting the war against ua 
with vigout for years tQ come.— Oc^. 21, 

201] F E B R U A 

dignity of the nation, and exalted the cha- 
racter of the man, whose moderation and 
justice have ensured its credit, stability, and 
iiORoar. — Aprils, 1802. 

Mr. /^ddington a P'^irtuoiis Minister. 
Without reverting to that long catalogae 
of giorions achievements which during the 
last nine years, juatly entitle us to this en- 
vied precedence,, we need only remark, that 
under such an administration as tlie present, 
we h-ive every po'.sib'e guarantee that those 
blessings will be preserved inviolate to the 
latest posterity. Ir'th"se expectations should 
be disappointed, the fault will lie, eltiier on 
the restless machinations of the worst part ot 
the people, or in the elevation of men (o os- 
tensible situations, who neither possess the 
heads nor hearts of the present virluous mi'- 
blisters, and who, consequently, ran never 
possess an equal share of the public confi- 
dence and estimation. — Jan. 2, lb02. 

Mr. Addirigiori Jit- for bis high Station. 
A complete and perfect knowledge of the 
subject under consideration, marks the lan- 
guige and conduct of Mr. Addmgton on 
every individual occasion. In looking for- 
ward, then, what have we not to hope ? 
Should a definitive treaty ci'own the labours 
of the c:ibinet, the applause of a gratfful 
people will be his reward. — Jan. 4, J 802. 

Mr. Addingtcii the Genius of Innocence. 

Thanks to our present government, we 
now contemplate the dawnings of h.ippiness, 
?nd humanity, rising from amidst the ruins 
of a World. 

In short, secured by the avyful sanctions 
of a free constitution, which is respected by 
a iiirtuous mini^iter, we remain, after a nine 
year's war, independent, wealthy, ute, and 
powerful. If we may be permitted to use 
a metaphor, Astrsea, who had gone up to 
heaven for so long a time, has now come 
down upon earth again, and the reign oi In- 
nocence and Concord is revived among man- 
kind \— April 5> 1802. 

Air. Aiulingtofis Economy. 
l\Ir. Addington's administratiui! is, in all 
respects, 7nost economical. He is watcliful 
over the public expenditure even in all its 
details.— /««(.' 21, 1802. 

Mr. Addin<^ton 7io Johhcr. 
■ In filling up vacancies, Mr. Addington 
disregards great interests, and only consults 
the perinauent intercitii of the country. He 

R Y il, 1S04. 


Mr. Aldington a Political Apostate. 

Mr. Addington now finds tliat it is riot 
only in finance that he is vulnerable, and he- 
is therefore casting about for aid against 
the meeting of Parliament, He has partly 
thrown himself into tlie arms of the Old 
Opposition, and now .finds it necessary to 
complete his political apostacy by an union 
with their leader. We shall not'fdl to ex- 
pose ti)e hideous policy to an indignant pub. 
\\c.—Nov. 11, ISO?. 

From the conduct of our minister it seems 
not unlikely that he would coalesce with any 
body, in order to shew that he could do 
without the only man (Mr. Pitt) who could 
efectually extricate him l>cm his difhculties. 
— Oct. 2g, 1803. 

Ilfr. Addi.-'gfon unfit for his high Slatb-h. 
Mr. Addington must con.sider himself 
ftjlfy Qualified for the high station he fills, or 
certainly he could not reconcile it to his cor* 
science to remain there at such a moment as 
the pre-^ent, .-md expose to hazard the bfst 
interests of the udiloa.— Jan. 2\> 1S04. 

^ Mr. yiddlngton a desperate Gamester. 

Every day brings us iieirer to our fate. 
Every Jiour brings ianh. some fresh instance 
of deticiency in ih.ose who are set up and 
app.-)inted to encounter it. Is it that the 
minister has thrown the die, and is deter- 
mined to abide the hazard of it, without re- 
fleciing" that seventeen millions of people are 
involved in the effects of his rash temerity ? 
—Nov. 3, 1303, 

Our constitution will be sacrificed to a 
narrow and seltisli policy, unknown as un- 
resorted to by men born to govern, and our 
existence bartered away tor a few short 
mo!)ths of feverish power, which the mi- 
ni^tcr and his colleagues have enjoyed at the 
expense of the people. — Nov. 10, 1803, 

Mr. Addington's Prodigality. 
Doctor Addington has improved upon the 
system of Doctor Perkins in the use of 
Tractors. The chief ingredient in the com- 
position of Doctor Addington's Tractors is 
gold, and they have been found -Vciy potent 
in their operation. — Nov, 15, ISOJ. 

Air. Addinf^ton <r voforims Jobber. 
To the evils which arc experienced from 
a weak administration, is now to be added 
tliat of alujust all (he inftjrior oiiic:s beiu^ 




''huns all jols himself, and discountenances 
hem in otliers. — June 21, 1S02. 

Mr. Add'niglons Venetrat'ion. 
In all appointments^ civil, naval, or mili- 
iary, Mr. Addington is very select and c'lr- 
'gumspectf and takes' care that the other de- 
partments are equally ^o.—Jime 21, 1S02, 

Mr. ^Jdington an Oily Siatrsinan and a Goddess of Peace. 

To the Right Hon. Hfnry Addington. 


As o'Vtlie roaring waves can tame, 

And smooth the stormy deep, 
So the soft magic of thy name, 

L,ay3 factioa's lagc asleep. 


Great was the sage, his country thought, 

Who prov'd the former true ; 
Thy country, tot), severely taught, 

Will pay this debt to you. 

Dec. 6, iSoi. 


Acrostic on Mr. Adddngton. 

All the fair hopes we now in prosptct view, 
Dear to Biiiannia, she derives fiom you. 
Destruction veils, once more, her hideous face ; 
In sweetest smiles, and soft attractive grace, 
Now Peace her olives spreads o'er all t!ie land. 
Gives Europe too new blessings from tliy hand. 
Thy name, to virtue as lo Britain dear, 
bu her transcendant tablet Fame shall rear. 
Nor time nor envy cloud what all revere. 

Jan. 7, lEoa. 

Mr. Addington a Wiie Man. 
And shall not liis nierits, then Britons revere. 

Who went to the hclai, nt Jiis SoTcreigns comm<ind! 
A pilot who prov'd lie louid steadily iterr, 
. And the vessel secure fiom the storm and the 

Who, Tvhen gloom and dejection hung over the 
As the orb that preserv'd us Its radiance with- 
drew ; 
Brought the ship into port, througli the perils of 
fate ; 
Unsullied her flag, and in s afery her crew. 

Exulting, impetuous, on glory we gaze, 

And, caugiit by war's triumphs, scarce think 
of its woes, 
But the pause of reflection its horrors displays, 

And the heart of humanity pants for repose. 
6o, Addington, proudly as Britons we burn, 

On viewing the laurels by conquest assign'd 
But with nobler delight to thy olive we turn, 

As the symbol of happiness shar'd by mankind. 

O ! take then — for honour with spirit maintain'd, 
For counsels, by judgment and prudence mS- 
tur'd *, 
I tale, for the peace which thy wisdom has 
The thanks ©f aa empke whose rights are ucur^d, 

Junt 10; l8»2. 

inadequately filled. — Mr, Add'ngton's 
tiality to (hose connected with him, parti- 
cularly if it is a family connexion, kn(nL-s m 
bounds. — Jan. 14, 180J. 

Mr. Addlngtofi's Blindness. 
It seems to be the plan of Mr. Adding- 
ton, the moment he has discovered that a 
person is fit for the department to which he 
has appointed him, to remove him to ano- 
ther. This sliews, what is lamentably the 
case, that there is a great dearth of talents 
among the connexions of Mr, Addington.— ^ 
Jati. 14, 1S04. 

Mr. Addington a Common I'Vh-jre. 

When Hal sat in 5t. Stephen's chair, 
With gentle tone and modest air, 

Old " Order" he ma-ntaiu'd. 
Sometimes, pes chance, he made a speech. 
Yet ventur'd nor beyond his reach. 

And much applause he gain'd. 

But when in Britain's evil hour, 

Pitt, her great hope, resign'd his power, 

Hal step'd into the gap ; 
Humble, at first, he took a guide, 
But soon the ladder cast aside, 

A self-sufFicient chap. 

Though grown so confident and stout, 
At length he finds his weakness out. 

And in his scat he quakes. 
Yet rather than reform his plan, 
By counsels of " the state's bcs; man," 

He each apostate takes. 

So have I seen a bashful maid, 
E'en of her very thoughts afraid, 

With blushes cover'd o'er; 
But once seduc'd by time and place. 
Bereft of ev'ry decent grace, 

Siic proves u common luhoic, Oct. i Z, iScj. 

Mr. Addington a FoJ, 


Say, what meJ-gnant, tuicked fate 
Coul« put it in vour fooli.h pate. 

That you could rule the /•ation ? 
As well Sir Grig might think he's fit. 
In Speaker's chair with grace to sit. 

And iill your former station ! 

Pligh sounding words without the wig. 
And pompous ait, and looking big, ' 

Are now quite out of season ; 
We look in vain for scrap.-; of sense. 
And nothing lind but vain pretence. 

And words that mock our reason. 


Talc then agiin the wig and gown. 
Again resume the smile and frown. 

In robes again look big — 
For FOLLY in the man we ste. 
But the gown hides it, all agree, 

And " wisdom's in the wig." 

Dec, 31, iSoj. 



Expose, of the State of the French Republic, 
laid before the Legislative Body, on the 25th 
Ni-vose, 12th Year, {\tith January, ISO^i) 
Tlie Republic has bt'en forced to change 
its attitude, but it has not chaiigfd it-> situ- 
ation; it continues to preserve in the cousci- 
ousncss of its strength the pledge of its pros- 
pf^rity. Every thing was calm in the interior 
of Frnnce, when, at tiie comnifucnini^nt of 
the last year, we still entertained the hope of 
a durable peace. Every thing li;ts remained 
calmer since a jealous p> wtr has rekindled 
the torches of war ; biitm this last epoch the 
union of interests and sentiments has shewn 
itself more full and entire; the pub'ic mind 
has developed itself with more energy. In 
the new departments, which theFiist Con- 
sul has traversed, he has h^ard. as well as in 
the old, the accents of a truly F.ench indig- 
naiion ; he recognized in the.r hatred against 
a government hostile to our prosperity, even 
more than in the bursts of public joy and 
personal affection, ilieir attachment to the 
country, and their devotion to his destiny. 
In all the departments the ministei's of wor- 
siiip liave exerted tlie influence ofrehgion to 
consecrate this spontaneous movement of tl)c 
minds of irchviduals. Depots of arin.>. which 
fugitive rebels had co nmitied to the eartJi, 
in order to take tht-m up aq^iin at a future 
opportunity, which a culpable fures'ght sug- 
gested to them, have b^en di^clo^rd at the 
lirst signa-1 of the danger, and delivered to 
the magisiraies for iIk-; purpose jof arming 
our defenders. The Britisli 
will attempt lo throw, and perhaps has al- 
ready thrown, on onr coasts some of these 
monsters wliom it nomishcrd in its bosom 
during the peace, in order to tear in pieces 
the land which give them birth ; but they 
will no longer find in it those iinpious banJs 
which were tlie instruments of tiieir former 
crimes; terror has dissolved them, or justice 
Ins purged onr territory of them ; they will 
find neither that creduiiiy which they abus- 
ed, nor that animo-ity, the poignards of 
which they whetted. Experience has en- 
lightened every mind ; the mo leration of the 
laws, and the admiui^^tration of tli-ni ha-, re- 
conciled every heait. Surruun ied every 
where by the public force, overtaken every 
where by he tribunals, tiicse dreadful m-n 
will in future neither be able to make »e- 
bels, nor to re-organize with imuunily thr-ir 
horde of brigands and assassins. It is but 
now that a miserable attetiint l)as been made 
in La Vendee ; the coascriuLion was niade 
the pretext for it.; bat citizens, priest';, sf)l- 
diers, all classes exerted themselves f r the 
common defence ; those who in other times 
were the movers of disturbanctis, came to 

B R U A R Y 11, 1S04. [!2oS 

offrr their aid to the public anthorily, and to 
give their persons and their families, as 
pledges of their fidelity and devotion. Fi- 
nally, what characterizes, above all things, 
the security of the citizens, the retuin of so- 
cial affections, beneficence displays itself 
every day more and more. On every side 
donations are offered to the unfortunate, and 
foundations are made for useful eslabli'-h- 
ments. The war has not interrupted the 
intetiiions of the peace; and the government 
has pursued with constancy every thing that 
tends to establish the constitution in the 
manners and disposition of the citizens, eve- 
ry thing !i)ce!y to attach all interests and 
al! hopes to ils duration. TJius, the .'enale 
has been placed in th;it elevaiion to which ils 
institution called it. an endowment such as 
the constitution had fixed, encircles it with 
an imposing grandeur. The legislative body 
will no longer appear, except surrounded 
vvith the majesty, which its functions de- 
mand; it will no longer be looked for in 
vain, except in its sitting. An annual pre- 
sident will be the centre of its inotion and 
the organ of its thoughts and its wishes, ia 
its relations with the government. This 
body will have at length that dignity which 
could not exist with forms changeable and 
undetermined. 1 he electoral colleges have 
conducted ihemselves every wherewith that 
calrnness and wisdom wh-ch secures happy 
elections. Tlie legion of honour exists la 
the higher parts of its organization, and in a 
part of the elements which are to compose 
it. These eiemenis still etjual, await from 
a final choice, their functions, and their 
places. How many honourable traits have 
been di'^played by the ambition of being ad- 
mitted into it. What trejasures will the re- 
public have in this institution lo encourage 
and recompense service and virtues. In the 
council of state, another institution propose? 
lor the choice of the government men for all 
the superior branciies of administration : au- 
ditors are formed (here in the laboratories of 
regulations and lav^s ; they perpetuate tliem- 
selves there with the maxims and ptinc:p!es 
of public order. Always surrounded wiih 
witnesses and judges, ufieo under the eyes of 
the government, often on important missions, 
they will arrive at the public iunciions with 
the maturity of expe.iience, and with the 
security which is given by a character^ a 
conduct, and a skill jifoved by repeated trials. 
Lyceums and secondary schools are erect- 
ing on every side, and are not yet erec'.ed 
with sufhcic nt rapidity to satisfy the impaf - 
ence of the ci .zens. Common regulation*, 
a common uiscipline, the sarae system cf 
instruction, are forming in the generations 
v/hich will suppoitthe glory of France by 



their talents, and its institutions by thtir 
principles and theif virliies. A single pry- 
tansuvi, the prytaneum of St. Cyr, i-eceives 
tlic children of those citizens who died for 
their country. Education already breathes 
forth there a military enthusiasm. At Fon- 
tainbleau, the special military school num- 
bers many hundreds of soldiers who are ren- 
dered pliant to discipline, and inured Xo fa- 
tigue, and who acquire with the habits of 
t;,e profession the knowledge of the art. The 
school of Compiegne pre-.ents the aspect of 
a vast manufactory, where five hundred 
young persons pass trom their studies to the 
workshops, and from the workshops to their 
studies. After a fevr months they execute 
wiih the precision of skill, works which 
could not have been obtained from triem af 
ter years of a common apprenticeship ; and 
in a short tirric commerce iUid industry will 
enjoy the beneht of their labour, and of the 
cares of the government. The engineers and 
the artillery have now but one school, and 
one common institution. Medicine is every 
where submitted to the new regime, whiclr 
the law prescribed to it. Ey a salutaiy re- 
form, means have been found to simplify the 
expense and to add to the instruction. The 
exercise of pharmacy has been put under the 
c.ire of skill and probity. A regulation has 
placed between master and worktnan, judges 
who terminate tht-ir differences with the ra- 
pidity which their interests and their wants 
require; and at the same tirae with the 
impartiality which justice demands. The 
civil code is approaching lo conipletion ; and 
in the course of this session the last projects 
of laws which are to complete it altogether 
will be in a state to be submitted lo the de- 
liberations of the legislative body. The ju- 
dicial code, called lor by every wi h, is at 
this moment undergoing the discussions 
which are to conduct it to its matm-ity. The 
criminal code is in a state of advantcsnent ; 
and that part of it which circumstances ap- 
pear to call for most imperiously, a;;i in a 
condition to receive the seal of the law in 
the next session. New cbefs d^cswvre are 
come to embellish our museums ; and, whilst 
the rest of Europe envies our treasures, our 
young artists continue still to go into the bo- 
som of Italy to kindle the lire of their geni- 
us, with the viev/ of its great monua)ents, 
and to respire the enthusiasm which produced 
them. In the department of iNlartngo, un- 
der the walls of that Alexandria, which will 
be one of the strongest bulwarks of France, 
^he lirst camp of our veterans is formed 
There they will keep up the recollection of 
their exploits, and the pride of their victo- 
ries. They will inspire their new fellow- 
eiiizeus Willi love and respect for that coui> 

try which they have extended, and which 
has rewarded them. They will leave in 
their children heirs of their courage, and 
new defenders of that country whose bene- 
fits they will enjoy. In the ancient territory 
of the republic, in Belgium, old fortifica- 
tions, which were no longer any thing but 
useless monuments of the misfortunes of our 
fortfathersj or of tJie progressive growth of 
France, will be demolished. The lands 
which had been sacriliced to their defence, 
will be restored to culture and conuiierce ; 
and with the funds arising from these demo- 
litions, and these lands, new fortresses \\'ill 
be constructed on our new frontiers. The 
tax for the support of the public roads has 
received a new increase, under a better sys- 
tem of adjudication, Fai'mers, from year 
to year, were without emulation; farmers 
of too sinall portions were without fortune, 
and without security. Triainial adjudica- 
tions, and adjudications of a number of bar- 
riers together, have invited a greater number 
of bidders, richer and mors enterprising. 
The tolls on the highway have produced 15 
millions in the year eleven : ten iijillions 
more have been appropriated within the 
same year to the repairs -avA completion of 
the roads. The old roads have been kept 
up and repaired : some of the roads have 
been connected with others by new roads. 
From this year forth carriages can pass the 
Siraplon and Mount Cenis. 'i hree broken 
arches have been rebuilt in the bl-idge at 
Tours. NvW bridges are erecting at Cabeil, 
Boanne, Nemours, and on the fivers Isere, 
iloubion, Durance, and Rhine. A com- 
Kinnicaiion is to be opened between Avignon 
and Villeneuve, by a bridge undertaken by 
a [)rivate company. Three bridges were be- 
gun at Paris v/ith funds contributed by some 
of the citizens ; two have been in part com- 
pleted with ti;e public money ; and the tolls 
to be collected thereon afford a security for 
the payment of the interest and principal of 
tile sum advanced in a certain number of 
yeai's. The third, the most interesting of 
all (that of the botanic garden), is in pro- 
gress, ?nd will soon be completed. It will 
relieve the interior of Paris from a fatiguing 
circi.:;ous communication, and will lead 
to a splendid space or square, a long time 
ordered for sale, which is fb be ornamented 
with plantations, and the waters of the river 
Ourcq, and on which the street St. Antoine, 
and that of its suburb, are to terminate in a 
direct line. The bridge alone will consti- 
tute a source of expense, which the tolls pro- 
posed to be collected on it will rapidly cover. 
The square and all its appurtenances will cost 
the state only tlie ground and the ruins oil 
which it i; to be formed. The ^vork8 of the ca- 

•log] ■ FEB R U A 

iiai of St. Qiiitilin are carrying on in four dif- 
ferent points lU the same time. A subterrane- 
ous cut, a thousand meters in extent, has 
aheady been completed, two locks are li- 
nished, eight moreaie in a state ot forward- 
ness, some others are rising from their 
fonndations, and this vast undertaking will 
in some years arlbrd a complete navigation. 
The canals of Aries, Aigues-Mortes, the 
Soane, and the Ycnne, the canal that is to 
connect the Rhous with the Rhiiie, and that 
which is to extend the navigation by the 
Blavet to the centre of ancient Briiany, are 
all begun, and will all be complt-ted within 
a period proportioned to the labours they re- 
quire. Tiie canal wiiicli is to connect the 
Scheldt, the Meuse, and the Rhine, is yet 
only in the contemplation of the govern- 
ment : compensation has been made for the 
scite : funds are already provided for the ex- 
ecution of an undertaking, which will open 
Germany to us, and restore to our commerce 
and industry such parts of our own territories 
as were by their situation consigned to the 
industry and commerce of foreigners. The 
junction of the Ranee with the Vilaine, will 
connect «he channel with the ocean, will 
convey prosperity and civilization to districts, 
in which agriculture and the arts languish, 
in whicb their rustic manners are still un- 
acquainted with our refinements. From 
this year, considerable sunis are appropriat- 
ed to this operation. Tlie draining of the 
marshes of Rochfort, often undertaken, and 
as often abandoned, goes on without inter- 
ruption, A million will be applied this 
year to promote the salubrity of this port, 
which used to destroy our sailors and its own 
inhabitants. Culture and population will 
extend themselves over tracts devoted for 
ages to diseases and desolation. A project 
of draining, in the centre of the Cotentin, no 
less important, the plan of which is formed, 
and the expense of which, calculated on a 
great scale, will unavoidably be repaid by the 
result of the undertaking, will transform into 
rich pasture lands other marshes of a vast 
extent, which are at present enly an ever- 
Jasting source of contagion. The funds re- 
quisite for this operation are comprehended 
in the budget fjr the year twelve. At the 
same time a bridge over the Vire will unite 
the departments of La Manche and Calva- 
dos, will put a stop to a passage always dan- 
gerous, and often fatal, and will shorten the 
route from Paris to Cherbourg by some 
myriameters. A canal is planned in ano- 
ther quarter of the department of La Manche 
(the Channel), which will convey the sea 
sand and fertility to a barren district, 
and will yield to public buildings and to 
the matiue limber^ that now decays \siihout 

R Y 11, 1S04. [.210 

being used a few myriameters from the 
coast. On all the canals, ori every part of 
the coast of Belgium, the banks which had 
been undermined by time, or impaired by 
the sea, are in a state of repair, of being ex-, 
tended and strengthened. The bank and 
bason of Ostend are secured from waste : a 
bridge will open a communicatjon of impor- 
tance to^e city; and agriculture will draw 
riches from a valuable tract recovered from 
the sea. An-werp has seen a military post, 
an arsenal, and ships of war upon the stocks, 
produced at occc by a decree. Two mil- 
lions, secured on the saleof national domains 
situated in the departments of the Scheldt 
and Di:ux-Nethes, are appropriated to the 
restoraiion and augmentation of its ancient 
port. On the credit of this security, com- 
merce makes advances, the works are begun, 
and will be completed next year. At Bou- 
logne, 3K Havre, in every point of this coast, 
which our enemies have heretoforp called an 
iron coast, great wotk:^ arc in progress or 
completed. The IMoU.- of Chx.rbourg, a long 
lime given up, long the object of solicitude 
and doubt, rises at length from the bosom of 
the waters, and is already a source of destruc- 
tion to our enemies and a protection to our 
ov/n mariners. Under shelter of this Mole, 
at the extremity of an immense road, an ha- 
ven is now digging, where, in a few years, 
the Republic will have its arsenals and its 
fleets. At Rochelle, at Cette, at Marseilles, 
and at Nice, the ravages of carelessness and 
of time are repaired with well secured funds. 
It is in our maritime cities in particular, 
where the stagnation of commerce has mul- 
tiplied misfc'rtuues and want;:, that the wis- 
dom of government has employed itself ia 
creating resources by useful and necessary 
works. The navigation in the interior was 
in a state of decay, from a forgetful ness of 
principles and regulations; it is henceforth 
subjected to a tutelary and conservative re- 
gime. A duty is appropriated to its support, 
to the works it requires ; to the improve- 
ments which the public interest demands : 
submitted to the superintendance of the Pre- 
fects, it has also in the Chamber of Com- 
nieicc useful guardians, witnesses, and esti- 
mators of the proper application of tire funds 
it produces; in short, enlightened men to 
appreciate the plans formed for its preserva- 
tion or extension. The right of fishing in 
navigr.ble rivers ha^ again become, what it 
ought always to be, a public properly. It is 
committed to tiie C3re of the administratioa 
of the forests ; and the ti^iennial adjudications 
give it, in the farmers, still more active guar- 
dians, because they are more interested. Tlie 
last has been a year of pro^pe^ity for all our 
- finances: the collcctioa has happily disap- 



pointed the calculation that had b?en nio<'e 
betore-hnnd of their produce. The direct 
contributions have been collected with more 
-ease. The optrations which were to esla- 
blish the respective proportions of the tax on 
property of the different departments, pro- 
ceed with rapidity. The subdivision will 
become invariable. We shall never again 
wimess that opposition of different interests 
which corrnpted public justice, and that jea- 
lous rivaKhip which ihreatened ihe indusiry 
and prosperity of all the departments. The 
Prefects, the General Council, have request- 
ed that the same operation should extend to 
all the communes of their departments, for 
the purpose of ascertaining amongst them the 
grounds of a proportional subdivision. An 
arrete of govefnmeiit has authorised this ge- 
neral operation, become more simple, more 
economical by the success of the partial ope- 
ration. Thus, in a few years all the Com- 
tnunes of the Republic, will have each in a 
parlicular table, the plan of its territor}', the 
divisions are the proportions of the properties 
that compose it ; and the General Councils, 
and the Councils of the arrondisements will 
find in the junctions of all those plans, the 
elements of a division ju'^t in its principles 
and constant in its proportions. The sink- 
ing fund fuliils with constancy ?nd fidelity 
its deslin:iti")n. Already in pt)^ses'^ion of a 
portion of the public debt, it every day accu- 
raolates a treasure, which secures to the state 
a speedy liquidation : a rigid responsibiliiy 
and inviolab'e fidelity have rendered the ad- 
ministrators worthy of the confidence of go- 
vernment, and insures to them the interest 
of the citizens, llvs milling down of the 
-coin is carried on without bustle or s'lock j 
it was a scourge while the principles were 
misunderstood; it is become the most sim- 
ple operation, since public faith and the rules 
'f>f good sense have adjusted its conditions. 
At the Treasury, the public credit has main- 
tained itself in the midst of the shocks of 
war, and the rumours of interested indivi- 
duals. The public Treasury supplied the 
expenses of the Colonies, either by direct re- 
mittances, or by operations on the Continent 
of America. The administrators were ena- 
bled, if the remittances proved insufficient, 
to ebtain a supply by drafts on the public 
Treasury ; but conformably to prescribed 
forms, and to a limited extent. A mass oi 
drafts (amounting to two millions) had been 
suddenly created at St. Domingo, without 
the consent 'of govrrnment, and out of all 

■propoition to present or future wants, 

Men without character have hawked thera 
atthe Havannah, at Jamaica, in the United 
States; thvy have been every wfeere ex- 
posed in the market to shameful reduction. 


dtdivcred up to men who had not deposited 
cither money or merchmdize, and who 
were not to furnish value till the payment 
should have been made at the public trea- 
sury. Hence a scandalou.^ reduction in 
America, hence a jobbing r.ti!l more scan- 
dalous in Europe. Here the government 
imposes on itself, a rigorous duty, to put a 
stop to the course of this imprudent mea- 
sure, to save the nation the losses with which 
it was menaced, and above all to redeem 
its credit by a just .sevefity. An agent of 
the public treasury was dispatched to St. 
Domingo, charaed to check the books, and 
the chest of the Pav-Master General ; tm 
a.'-certain hov/ m.inv drafts had been created, 
on what authority, and in what form; hovv 
many had been negotiated, and on what 
conditions: whether they Irad been nego- 
tiated for real value, or without ctfectivei 
value; or whether to discharge real debts, 

or to fulfil feigned contracts.- Eleveit 

millions in drafts which were not yet in cir- 
culation were cancelled; some information 
has been obtained as to the others. The 
drafts \\ hose full value had been received, 
were paid off with interest from the day 
they becaine due to the day of payment. 
Those that were issued without efiective 
value/ have been pro\'ed false, in as much 
as the bills bear the words for money ad- 
vanced, though the proces-verbal of pay- 
ment proves that none had been advanced : 
these have been subniitted to a severe exa- 
minatifin. Thus the government will satis- 
fy the justice which it oives Lo the lawful 
creditors, and which it owes to the nation, 
v%hose rights it is bound to defend. — Peace 
was in the wishes and in the intentions of 
tlie government. It had wished for it 
amidst the yet uncertain chances of war; 
it had v^ished tor it in the midst of victo- 
ries. It was to the prosperity of the repub- 
lic that it henceforth attached all its glory. 
At home it awakened itidustry, it encou- 
raged the arts, it undertook either useful 
wwrks, or monuments of national grandeur. 
Our vessels were scattered over every sea, 
and reposed on the faith of treaties. They" 
were employed only in restoring our colo- 
nies to France and to happiness; there was 
no armament in our ports, nothing mena-- 
cing on oiir frontiers. And this was the 
moment which the government 
chose to alarm its nation, to cover the Chan- 
nel with ships, to insult our commerce by 
injurious inspections, and our coasts and 
ports, as well as those of our allies, by the 
presence of its menacing torces. — If on lh& 
1 7th Vent6se of the nth year (March 8, 
1S03), there existed an extraordinary ar* 
mamcnt in th& ports of France and Hoi* 

1131 ,- F E B R U A n 

land; if a sing'e preparation was nvade in 
them to which the most ren)o(e suspicion 
could give a sinister interpretation, then we 
are the agresso^s ; tlic message of the King 
of England, and his hostile attitude have 
been lendered i.ccessary, by a legi!ini;.te 
jirecaiition ; and the English people h^d a 
rigi'.t to believe that we threatened (heir 
i idependence. their religion, their consti- 
tution : but if the assertions of the message 
were faUe, il they were co;itradicted by the 
opinion ot" Europe, as well as by the con- 
science o( the British government, then that 
government have deceived their nation; 
they have deceived it by preci;)ilating it, 
without reflection, into a war, the terrible 
ettects of wliieh now begin to be tclt in 
England, aiid the results of which may he 
decisive of its future destiiiy. The aggres- 
sor, however, ought alone to answer for the 
calamities which al"Hict humanity, Malta, 
the cause of this war, was in the power of 
the English; it remained with France to 
arm to effect its independence; France 
waited in silence for the justice of England; 
and it was England who began the war, 
even without a declaration.— By the disper- 
sion of our ghips, and the security of our 
commerce, our losses might have been im- 
Hicnse: we foresaw these circumstances, 
and we would have supported thorn with- 
out discouragement or w.eakness, but hap- 
pily they have been less than we appre- 
hended : our sliijjs of war have returned to 
European porl>, one only excepted, which 
had long been employed merely as a trans- 
port, has fallen inlolhehands of tlie enemy. 
Of two hundred millions, which the Eng!i^h 
cruis^ers might liave ravished from our 
commerce, ir.ore than two-thirds have been 
preserved. Our privateers have a-enged 
the.^e losses by important captures, and 
they will complete their revenge by others 
more important, Tobago an-d St. Lucia 
were defenceless, and wore obliged to .sur- 
render to the first force which appeared ; 
but our great colonies are yet preserved, 
and the attacks made against them by the 
enemy have proved fruitless, Hanover is in 
our power; 25,000 of the best troops of the 
enemy have laid down their arms and become 
prisoners of war. Our cavalry has been 
remounted at the expense of that of the 
enemy ; and a possession which was dear to 
the King of England, is in our hands, a 
pledge of that justice which he will be com- 
pelled to render to us.— On the .seas, British 
despotism daily adds to its usurpation ; in 
the last war it struck terror into the neutr.d 
jDauQps, by arrogating to itself an inimical 
and revolting pretension of declaring whole 
toasts in a stale of siege: in the present 

Y 11, 1S04, {IVi 

war, it has augmented Its monstrous code by 
the pretended right of blockading rivers and 
canais. — H tljc King of England has sworci 
to continue the war till he shall have redu- 
ced Fri^nce to sign such dishr-noura'jle trea- 
ties as ill fortune and weakness foiinerly 
signed, then the war will be long, France 
consented in tht. treaty of Amiens to modc- 
rnte conditions ; she will never acknowledge 
anv less favourable— nay more, she will ne- 
ver acknov.ledge in the British government 
tlie right of fulfilling its engagements only^ 
as may suit the progressive catcolaiions ot 
its ambition, nor the right of requiring fur- 
ther guarantees after the guarantee of faith 
plighted. But if the treaty of Amiens has 
not been executed, how can we expect, iu 
regard to a new one, a faith xnore holy, or 
oaths more sacred } Louisian.i is henceforth 
united to the American Stntes ; we shall 
preserve friends there whose remembranca 
of a common origin will always attach them 
to our interest, while favourable commercial 
relations will unite their prosperity with ours. 
The United States are indebted to France 
for their independence ; they will hencefortli 
owe to us their strength and grandeur. Spain 
remains neutral, Helvetia is re-estabiidied 
in her constitution, which has suffered no 
change, but what has been rendered neces- 
sary by lapse of time, and change of opinion'^. 
The retreat of our troops from that <-ounhy 
is a proof of its internal security, and of the 
end of i;s dissentions. The ancient treaties 
have been renewed, and France has regained 
her oldest and most faithful ally. Feace 
reigns in Italy ; a division of the army of the- 
Italian Republic is at this time cresting 
France to encamp with our own on the sea 
coast. These bittaiions wid there meet with 
innumerable vestigr-s of that pfitience, bra- 
very, and heroism which distingui-.hcd \\vc\r- 
ancrbtors. The Ottoman Empire, fatigued 
by undermining intrigues, Mill gain by ihe 
interests of Fr;:nce the support wliich ancient 
■ alliitncee, a recent treaty, and its geographi- 
cal position give it a right to dem^-Jid. The 
tranquillity givfn to the Continent by llie 
treaty of Lrmeville, is secured by the last 
acts of the Diet of Ratisbon, The eDiigUt- 
entd interest of the great powers, the fide- 
lity of die French Government, in cultivat- 
ing with them relations of good will and 
friendship; the justice, the energy of the 
nation, and the forces of the Rppublic will 
guarantee it, (Signed) Buonaparte. 

By order of the First Consul, H. B. Marat. 
Legislatiiie Bcdy. 
Presirhncy of Foninnes, Jav.\'J. 
AffcT the adoption of the proces verb:d, 
the Counsellors of Slate, B^rgouen, Daucby, 
and Sainte Suzanne, were introduced as ora-s. 


tors of the Government charged to present 
fo the Legislative B'.dy the Expose of the 
state of the Republu-, 

Citizen Dauchy rend this Expose as above ; 
when it was concluded, the President replied 
to the orators of the Government in the fol- 
lowing terms : 

" Citizens Counsellors of State, the Le- 
gislative Body hos never loi-krd to any thing 
but ihe interests of the country, and ihose 
of the Government which at this day can no 
longer be diiTerent. It has constantly sought, 
in the constitution, its duties rather than its 
privileges; it occupied irstlf about the na- 
tion, and not about itself: and it thought 
itself sufEcif at ly great as often as it was use- 
ful. Ic prom ses never to change. Grati- 
tude can add nothing to its zeal ; and of all 
the advantages it can derive from a new or- 
ganization, it is the first in its eyes, to dis- 
play, with more splendour and authority, 
those principles by which it was always go- 
verned. The picture which you have 

drawn of our internal siti:^tion, is encourag- 
ing as it is faiihfil. The Government does 
Tiot deceive the Fjcnch people. Its deputies 
who hear you, assembled here from al! the 
departments, acknowledge individually the 
benefits of which you have presented to us 
the sum. They huve seen v/hat you have 
depicted, and all die voices of Fr;ince raise 
themselves in some measure in this assem- 
bly to bear testimony to the truth of your 
discoveries. Citizens Counsellors of Si ate, 
the Legislative Body, in conformity wiih 'he 
terms of the 30ih article of the 5th head of 
the organic .'^enatus Consultum of the 18lh 
of December last, is about to form itself into 
a general committee to examine the import- 
ance of the message which you have sub- 
mitted to it, Mvi to come to resolutions wor- 
thy of iiself, and of the Government v/hich 
sends you." 

It was moved, that the Expose which had 
been communicated to the Legislative Body, 
should be ordered to be printed. The print- 
ing was ordered. 

•Csruspondence l>etwfe?i the Lord Chmicellor of 
Inland and the Earl of FiTi^all. 

Dublin, \5thJug. 1803. 
"My Lord,— — According to your lord- 
•ship's request I have signed, with great 
pleasure, a warrant for your lordship's ap- 
pouitment to be justice of the peace for the 
county of Meath. At this moment, my 
lord, it is peculiarly imporisnt tha.t every 
person entrusted specially with the preser 
vation of the public peace, slionld know 
and conscientiously pursue the strict line of 
his duty. Your lordship's distinguished 
loyalty at all times, and on all occasions, 


leaves me no room to doubt that you will 
exert yourself to the best of your judgment 
lor this important purpose, and the same 
distinguished loyalty that probably marked 
your lordship, as one to whom nothing could 
be safely uttered, tending to demonstrate 
any disposition towards the rebellious out-^ 
rages which have of late produced such 
dreadful effects, and excited so much alarm. 
But, I fear there have been too many in 
vvhose presence and hearing dcruonstrations 
have been made and uttered, which ought 
to have alarmed the minds of loyal men, 
and induced them to communicate the 
ground of that alarm to those in authority 
under the government, and especially to the 
justices of the pfeace in their several dis- 
tricts, but who have thought fit to retain the 
impression made on their minds within their 
own breasts, and to leave the chance of dis- 
covery to other means. The ])crsons to 
whom I allude, have principally been per- 
sons professing to h;!ld the same relisjioiis 
faith with your lordship — and over whcm I 
most sincerely hope your lordship's high 
character may give that influence which 
justly belongs to it. It would be highly im- 
portant, therefore, that your lordship, in the 
discharge of your duty as a magistrate, 
should take every opportunity of clearly 
stating, and most sfongly inculcating and 
enforcing tlie great duty of aliegiar.ce, and 
that, that duty is not confined to forbear- 
ance from open rebellion, or even from acts 
tending towards rebellion, that true alle- 
giance is an active duty, requiring every 
man not only to suppress rebeiiion when it 
shall shew itself in violence, bat to disclose 
to that government under which he lives, 
whether he be a natural born subject of 
that govern uient or sojourner only under 
its protection, every thing which can raise 
ground for suspicion of disloyalty in others ; 
and it is particularly important that your 
lordship should, as a magistrate, state and 
enforce, that persons knowing of a treason- 
able purpose who do not disclose it, are 
guilty in the eye of the law of that crime 
which has been denominated misprision of 
treason, and if they yield any kind of assent 
to the intended treason, they become trai- 
tors themselves. Your lordship's enlarged 
and liberal mind, distinguishing clearly be- 
tween spiritual and temporal concerns, 
must feel that there can be no duty of reli- 
gion contrary to the duty of allegiance, and 
indeed no u)an, however ignorant or preju- 
diced, can read the holy scriptures without 
finding that the duty of allegiance to a Pa- 
gan government, was strongly and repeat- 
edly enforced by Christ and his apostles, 
and especially by the latler, who found ihe 



Christians of their time too much disposed 
to consider their faith in Christ, as 'absolving 
them from their allegiance to the country 
in which they Jived. I am truly sorry to 
say, that I fear in this country all who pro- 
less to be ministers of the gosj)el of Christ, 
do not teach Christ's doctrine of allegiar.ce 
to their flocks, and I particularly lament to 
/ind in the minds of men who assume the 
highest rank amongst the ministers of the 
Roman persuasion, the frequent use of lan- 
guage tending to raise in the minds of the 
ignorant, an opinion that none are to be 
considered as members of the Catholic 
Church of Christ, that none are therefore 
to be esteemed as brethren in Christ, but 
those who prot'ess adherence to the See of 
Rome. Until the minds of men are brougiil 
to a different temper — until the priests of 
the Roman persuasion shall cease to incul- 
cate to ihose under their instruction, doc- 
trines so re{)Ugnant to their temporal alle- 
giance—until they shall cease to inculcate 
that all who diiTer from tiiem in religious 
opinions, are to be considered as guilty of 
defection Irom the See of Rome, tint is as 
guilty of rebellion (including his Majesty'.-, 
sacred person in tliat description), it can- 
not be expected that vulgar men should 
think themselves bound by any tie of alle- 
giance to a king thus represented to th.em, 
as himself guilty of a breach of vvhat ii 
termed a higher duty of allegiance. Tiiat 
Idjerty of conscience which those of the 
Roman persuasion desire for themselves, 
they ought to allow to others, and they do 
not allow that liberty of conscience, but on 
the contrary sanction the worst of persecu- 
tions wherever they treat any man sincere- 
ly believing in Christ the Redeemer of 
Mankind, as not a member of the Catholic 
or Universal Church founded by Christ and 
his apostlf's, because that man does not be- 
lieve all that they believe of the See u\ 
Rome and of the doctrines taught bv il. 1 
can consider no man (whatever his profession 
of loyalty may be) as tuily the loyal Kibject 
of a king whom he thus holds up to his peo- 
ple as t!ie object of disatTcction, nay of ha- 
tred, because that king holds a different 
opinion in matters of religion from tho^e 
■who adhere to the See of Rome, and be- 
cause he refuses any obedience in matters 
temporal to that See. It will be your duty, 
my lord, as a jasiice oflhe peace, with the 
jnost anxious attention, to respect no man 
whose conduct shall tend to disturb itj to 
.exhort all men by patience and forbearance, 
as well as by exertion, to use their utmost en- 
deavour to preserve it, and however anxiously 
ihcy mgy wish for a change in the establi.Nh- 
jiicnt provided for h^ the law oi" the land ior 

11, lSO-1. [218 

the maintenance of religion, however consci- 
entiously they may think that the ends of 
religion would be bet'er answered by put- 
ting those of the Romish jjersuasiun in place 
of those of the Catholic faiih, they cannot, 
consistently witli the duty of their allegiance, 
pursue that purpose by abetting, or even 
by declining to re.qst and suppress the re- 
bellious conspiracy formed for that purpose. 
■ — — i have no doubt that the ficm and dis- 
tinguished loyalty v\liich has iv.arked your 
lordship's character in every other situalisjn 
of lite, will guide your steps in the discharge 

of your duties as a magiUrate. iVIay 

God, to whom all our errors and imperfec- 
tions are known, protect and guard you, 
and lead you to that end which will most 
accord with the beneficent purposes for 
which the orfice of magistracy were intend- 
ed, and for which alone, 1 am persuaded, 
you prevail on yourself to undertake so ar- 
duous a cliargc under circumstances of so 

much dii-ljcuhy. i have the honour to be, 

with the most sincere respect and esteem. 
My lord, your lordship's faidiiul hum- 
ble servant, {Si.i^?ied) Rkdesdale, 
Jug. 1^, 180,5. 
My Loun, — I have the honour to rei:elve 
your Lordship's letter, and am much oblig- 
ed to you for appoimlng me a magistrate of 
the county of JNIeath, at a time when the 
task is so arduous. 1 must beg leave to as- 
sure you, that nothing but my most anxious 
desire to be useful by every nienns in my 
power, would have induced me to solicit the 
commission of the peace. Permit me to re- 
turn your Lordship my best thanks for the 
very able and excellent instructions contain- 
ed in your letter— it shall be my unceasing 
endeavour to prove myseif not unworthy the 
post of trust cor)fi(led to me, for which I 
should feel myscif very ill qualified if I did 
not understand the duties of active loyalty 
to be such as laid down by your Lord- 
ship. I hnve always been taught that, that 
man was a traitor^ and violated his allegi- 
ance v.ho concealed ?.ny plot against the 
state — to this opinion all tliose v.ho profess 
ti;e same religious faith that I do are bound 
'oy tli(=' most !;o:enin pledge. I am sorry any 
have deviated from it, thty cannot be, I am 
pt-rsnadcd, those remarkable for their reli-» 
lious and good conduct. — — It gives me 
much concern, and 1 should be very sorry 
it Avere generally conceived, that }our Lord- 
ship, the person to whom the Catholics of 
another pnrt of the United Kingdom never 
cease expressing their obligations _; with your 
superior talents, enlightei-:td and liberal 
mind, holding the high situation you do in 
this country, with so much credit to your- 
self and advantage co the public, ."ihould have 




any opinion in iany degree unfavourable of 
ihe Irish Catholics. AJy Lord, die Catholic 
religion is the. same every where j I very re- 
Juctantly enter upon the subject. Religious 
disputes I have always considered the great- 
est misforlur.ts any country could experi- 
ence, I must, however, beg leave to state 
to your Lordship what 1 havt always found 
to be I he conduct and faith of the Catholic. 
I need not speak of his attachmejit to and 
respect for an oaih ; were he less delicate, 
why should he labour under any exclusion 
now, or have saffercd many years of penal 
restriction. 1 must say I never heard a Ca- 
tholic wish tor the oveithrow of the Protes- 
tant establishment, and setting up in its place 
one of his own religion — this was not, as is 
Vv'ell ascertained, the object of the promoter 
of the rebeUion in I'/QS; nor do I believe 
it was of the ruffians and murderers who 
disgraced this country on a late occasion. — 
The t atholic is ready at this moment to sa- 
crifice his life, his property, every thing dear 
U) him in support of the present constitu- 
tion, in defence of that beloved Sovereign to 
whom your Lordahip docs not seem to think 
we look up with that veneration and grati- 
tude which I assure you we do. The 

Catholic wishes no .other family on the 
ihroup, no other constitution, but certainly 
wishes lo be admitted, whenever it shall be 
deemed expedient, to a full share in the be- 
nefits and blessings of that happy constiUi- 
tion under which we live— a participation 
which, I trust, we have and shall contmue 
to prove ourselves not undeserving of. Ca- 
tholic loyalty and allegiance, I need not tell 
your Lordship, would oblige every one of 
that persuasion to resist or repel even tire 
head of ihe see of Rome, were it possible to 
pTippose that the usurper, who now disturbs 
the peace of the world, would send him here 
with his invading army. My Lord, the 
doctrine of allegiance is perfectly under- 
stood, and unceasingly preached by the Ca- 
tholic clergy. I have just seen an add'-ess 
in the newspapers, from Dr, Coppinger to 
his flock at Cloyne, in which Catholic prin- 
ciples and allegiance are much more fully 
explained and inculcated than I could at- 
tempt doing. The late exhortation of the 
Bev. Dr. Troy, in Dublin, your Lordship 
has probably seen, and his character for dis- 
tinguished loyalty is known to every one. 
Inl/QO, when Hoche's fleet were in Ban- 
try Bay, the Rev. Dr. Moylan published an 
addre'^s to his people in Cork, for whieh, 
had the French landed, he would undoubt- 
edly have lost his head. Surely, my Lord, 
solemn pledges and distinguished acts of 
\ny<d!y are the best proofs that can be given. 
I have, my Lord, taken the liberty of 

stating to your Lordship what I consider 
Catholic principles and Catholic conduct. 
Standing in the situation I do, I feel it my 
duty to vindicate the Catholics from any 
unfavourable opinion entertained. That your 
Lordship should know and properly appre- 
ciate their sentiments and conduct is my 
only aim, and would be, I am sure, highly 

gratifying to them, 1 beg pardon for 

trespassing so long on your Lordship ; but 
when there is a quesiion of the conduct and 
opinions of so large a portion of his Majes- 
ty's subjects, at a time that every man is 
wan ling to defend the empire, you will, I 
trust, excuse me ; and I think I could not 
give your Lordship a better proof that I 
shall endeavour to merit the good opinion 
you are so kind as to entertain of me, which 

1 hope 1 shall never forfeit. &c. &c. &c. 

(Signed) Fingall. 

Duhlhi, Aug. 2l, 1803. 
My Lord, — Many parts of 'your Lordship's let- 
ter have given me much pain. I have no doubt 
that your Lordbhip has every feeling of Cluistian 
charity towards those who c!i(Ter from you in re- 
ligious opiiiion ; but I ha%'e daily expeiience, that 
tht same thaiity does not prevail among^t a great 
many who profess to be of tb.e same religious per- 
suasion -)5 your Lordship. I am fully persu-.uied 
that the r\ant of true Christian charity, cue to- 
waids the other, has been the real cause of all the 
untnrtuiiate events which have of late disgraced 
this country ; and I think i: the duty of every 
man, however he may diiTer in points of faith 
from others, to endeavour to impress the gre^t 
doctrine of Chrr='ti,iu clianry on tlie minds ot all, 
as the only means of restoring peace to this dis- 
tr,^cled country. Your iyordbhip seems to ima- 
gine thai those inljalntaiits of Ireland, who adheie 
la matters of faith lo the doctiines of the See of 
Rome, are disposed to discontent; because, as 
your Lordship is plenxrd to expicssycui:e/f, they t:re 
net aciniuted to a full thare of the benefits and 
blessings of the happy cijU'-titutioa under wh-icJi 
they live If your Lordship means they are dis- 
contented, because they are not admitted to be 
menibers of cither house of Fai liament ; or to hold 
certain great offices ; or because they are excluded 
fioin the tiuone\ I must confess, I cannot believe 
that the lower orders of the people in Ireland, 
amongst the ferment pi incipally prevails, 
have any anxiety on the subject, except as it may 
be raised in their minds by others; and your 
Lordship must allow that no disturbances, of tlie 
same description, are excited amongst /A? Qic'^fi, 
who certainly are liable to more disabilities, f^r 
conscience sake, than those of which your Lord- 
ship complains. 1 r.m afraid, or rather, I am 
peifUE.Ied, that the difTerence arises from the ilif- 
feren^ temper given to their minds by their reli,i 
giaus instiu^ctors : that the Quaker is taught to 
live in charity with all men, whilst those who 
follow the See of Rome are unfoitunately taught a 
very confined charity, being told they are exclu- 
sively members of the church of Christ : and 
those whose minds have not been enlarged by 
educatitm or habit, feel it difficult to conceive 
how tliose whom they are taught to consider as 
not members of the cl'urch, can be deemed Chris- 
tians ; and accGrdiagly, your Loidship will find, 
upon icquiry, that the appellation ef heathen i* 


FEBRUARY 11, 1804. 


applied by tl»03P, to every Protestant. It those 
■wlu) aie considered as holding a higher rank in the 
pricstlinod used their influence to correct this im- 
pression on the minds of the lower ordeis, we 
might hope, that by degrees they might be tau«l)t 
to considei ail who believe in Chiist as their Re- 
deemer, th(>uj;h not adiieiing to the See o( Home, 
as their brethrtn in Christ; iuit unfortunately 
tiiat is not the case. Dr. Tioy in ins pastoral in- 
struction on the duties of Chrisiian citizens, pub- 
lishtd in 1793, holds up hij^h, theexcluivc doc- 
trine : which those who think humility a Chris- 
tian viitue, 111 all respects most hcv^cming j-o weak 
and fallible a creature as man, cannot but consi- 
^Icr as tavouring of presimipiion. Dr. Htissey, in 
his pastoral letter, puMish.ed in 1797. exi.le.^ses 
liimscii in a .stronger langunge ; and, indeed, it is 
tlifiicult for a loyal sul^jict to read that publica- 
tion, wiihcut leeling, th,it, especially at the time 
of its appearance, it could not tcpd to produce 
loyalty, or even submi-sion to the government of 
the couiUry, in the minds ui those to whom it 
■was addressed. W'liiUt such impressions, so ex- 
pited, are rankling in the minds o! men, vciy liitie 
regaid can be paid to a^Mresses of the nature to 
which your Lordship releis me. They itre given 
to the winds, as long as the priests of the See of 
Home sh.ill think fit to hold up to their flocks, 
ih:tt all who do not yield obedience to tliat See, 
are guilty of rebellion against it; arc not to be 
considered as members of the churcli of ChiiFt; 
Hnd therefore are not (in the eyes of the vuljjar at 
least) to lie considered as Christians. I am fully 
persuaded, that those who listen to their doc- 
trines, will never liear Christian charity towaids 
those who aie so represented; and will never be 
loyal and dutiful subjects of a king, thus held out 
to thera as himself a rebel. — In fine, my Lord, 
those who clamour for liberty of conscience, 
(which in truth they have), mii;t be taught to al- 
low iibertv of conscience to others ; and those wl^o 
desire complete participation, must treat those 
with whiyiri thev desire to participate as brothers. 
Until, therelore, the priests of the Romish persua- 
sion shall think it their duty to preach, honestly 
and ccnscientiouslv, the great docuine of universal 
charity in Christ; until they shall, in all their in- 
structions to those under their care, reprtseiit, 
honestly and conscientiously, all who sincerely 
believe in Christ, the Redeemer of mankind, to 
be brethren in Christ, however mistaken they 
pay suppose any of them to be ii» certain points 
of taith ; until they ^hall teach their flocks that 
desiring liberty to think for themselves, they 
ought also to permit others to think for them- 
selves, and not to murder them, because they dif- 
fer in religious opinions ; peace never can be es- 
tablished in the land; and t,'ic ioyal iiddresscs of 
Pr. I'roy and Dr. Coppiager will, as i have before 
said, be given to the winds. They can have no 
eilect ; thsy may indeed reach the eyes or the carf, 
but never will enter the hearts, of those to whom 
they ate adHrcssed. There are parts of yonr let- 
ter to which I will not advert, because I cannot 
without pain, or \viil:(,'iu giving pain. -^— I have 
the honour to be, Eic. &c. Redesdale. 

^lugm: 27, 1803. 
My Lord, — I feel indeed much concern that 
any part of the Utter I had the honour of ad- 
dressing to your Lordsliip, should have given yoa 
paia. You need not, I liope, my Lord, any as- 
surance that nuiliing c; uld he more foreign to 
rny intenti ins. Tins 1 took tlie liberty of re- 
questing Mr. VVitkham, wliom I had the honour 
of seeing this raoruing, to da me tiie favour of 

mentioning to your Lordship on tlip earliest occa- 
sion. I merely hta'.cd to your Lordship what my 
own feelings were, and what 1 have always found 
to be the opinion of the Catholics. I do not ap- 
prehend, tnat in expressing any fuiihcr v/ish of 
the Catholic body, which it is iMiptjoiilde should 
not be entertained, I hinted at any discontents; 
on the contrary, I did assure, and do now assurp 
your Lordship, we arc now ready to make every 
sacrifice, encounter every danger, for the defence 
of the King and Constitution, and for the preser- 
vation (jf the peace. 1 hose who arc most aJlect- 
ed by any remaining restrictions, it is well known 
have never excited clamour or tuaiult ; but have 
always been foremost in oppo.MUg them. I can- 
not attempt to vindicate all those who liavc at 
diilerent times addressed the Catholics ; but the 
late cxliotiiitior.s, i must beg leave to say, aie in- 
tended and calculated to inspire sentiments of 
loyalty, obedience, and Chrisiian chdrit/ : and 
they will, 1 trust, have that cfli^ct. Such have 
been the instructions ( have constantly heard 
given by the Catholic clergy to their flocks. — >.o- 
thiug to excite ill-wili or dislike to any person 
on account tif his religicfiis belief, but the most 
perfect brotherly love ^iud affection to all. Your 
Lordship will, I hope, allow tne to repcit my re- 
gret tli<.t any thing 1 have written 5t)0uid iiavc 
given you pain, or ir.e reason to teel it, which I 
sh'juld in a very high degree indeed, if I was 
conscious of Iiaviug inlcntioually advanced any 
thing that wouid appear improper or unreasona- 
ble to your Loidship. 1 have the honour to 

be, 5cC. Ft N GALL. 

LiMn, zZth .-Jug. 1803. 

My Lord, The high respect nnd esteem I 

bear for your lordship, whose loy-iltyand huma- 
nity have been at all times conspicu:ius, aiid tii'; 
manner in which your lordship, in the letter with 
which I was honoured yestcid.ny, has expressed 
your regret, that any part of your former letter 
should have given me p:iin, compels me agtin tr> 
trouble your lordship with a few words. Ti.e pai» 
I felt arose from an apprthtnsioa tliat / could n-jt 
hope for such a change in the sentiments of those of the 
peoph of Ireland, luh't adhcte to the See cf Rome, ioiva'Js 
those ivho refuse oiiedisnce to it, as might lead to their 
living together ut pzuce. In some pans of Europe, 
misforiune appears to have piociuced so much of 
humility, that the persons, who have occupied the 
choice of that See, have been inclined to bend to- 
wards countries in wiiich some of its most impor- 
tant pretensions have been rejected; and in this 
state of humiliation, it might have been hoped 
that a sense of the weakness and impei fections of 
man might have been so far felt, as to lead the ad- 
herents to that See, in Ireland, no longer to leach 
their followers a doctrine so reiiuiMiaiu (as it a])- 
pcars to me) to the repose of mankind, as that to 
which I had alluded in my letter. I conclude from 
your lordship's letter to me, that there is no per- 
son amongst ihe adherents of the See of Rome, in 
Ireland, whose mind, however cultivated, how- 
ever liberal in other respects, can be thought to 
consider any persons as chii^tians, who lefuse 
obedience to that See. 1 conclude hUo, that the 
priests of that persuasion stil' teach their Hocks, 
that all who refuse obedience, are guilty of a 
wicked rebellion against divine amlmiity, which 
must produce their eternal damnation in the next 
world, and render them ohject> of horror and dis- 
like in this. As long as this doctrine (\^ i.ich, with 
all humility I say it, app'-iirs to me to be tcptig- 
naut to every idea of christian charity taught l-y 
the trrinture?) shall be preached to their ct>n2rc- 




gacJons; and until those conjregp.tinns shall be 
taught that Protestants of eiJcry description, al- 
though in their opinion in enoi en certain points, 
aie to be considered as members of the Church of 
Christ, and their brethren in the faith of Chiist, it 
seems to me, that iherc can he no hope that exhortat ons 
t^ Icyalt'; anddiedience to a ■ptotcitant grvermnent ivill 
have any effect . Men of fciucation and property 
may feel loyalty and obedience to snch a govern- 
ment to be proper, or at least expedient ; bat 
preaching to men of the lower orders, and espe- 
cially to those without property, loyalty and obe- 
dience, under such circumstances, cann-,t he sincere, 
without supposing their minds of ». refinement of 
which the ate utterly incipable ; and seems there- 
fore to me to be either mockery or f'jUy. Perhaps 1 
am too presumptuous in forming this opinion, but 
it seems to me onfirmed by recent events, and I 
cannot otherwise account for the fact so generally 
asserted by the priests of the Romish persuasion, 
that during the late rebellion, their exhortations 
to loyalty and obedience hadnoefTect. 1 find it also 
confirfTiCd by the circumstances, that those priests 
were, I presume, utterly ignorant that those under 
their instructions had ever conceived in their 
minds the horrid purposes ti'/j'V/^ iley manifested on 
the z'i,d of July, ar)d which pcrsorts carni fro~) all parts of 
Irelind -luith dpign to i^c-t-- — -I have the honour lo 
be, &c. RgnEsjjALE. 

iiept.df^ itoi. 

My Lgro, 1 must l^eg your lordship v/;ll be 

kind enough to excuse my not having sooner ac- 
knowledged the receipt of the last letter you did 
me the honour to address me, which has been oc- 
casioned by my absence from town for some days 
past. Honoured as I mnst feel by your lordship's 
correspondence, and the expressions of per-sonal 
regard towards me Contained in your letters, I am 
the more anxious to impress your lordship with 
that favourable opinion of the perfcns in this 
country who profess the same religious faith 1 do 
myseU, wlitch it has been my endeavour to piove 
to your lordship they are deserving of. Nothing 
but my v/ish to procure fortlicm an object so de- 
sirable, and rny high respect for ycur lordship, 
would hive induced jue to touch at all on a di.^- 
cussion of religious subjects : and not having- 
been, ( fear, fortunate enough yet to satisfy your 
lord^-hip's mind, as to the objections you m-'.ke tw 
our religion, I should be glad, with your lordship's 
permishion, to state thern to some of our superior 
clergy, who v/ould, I am pretty certain, enable me 
to convince your lord.^hip, tliat our relfg'ous doc- 
trine preaches charity and brotherly love to all 
mankind, v.ithnut distinction of religior. •, true 
and sincere allegiance to our good king; inviola- 
ble attachment to the constitution and our coun- 
try; from an honest and conscientious conviction 
that such is the duty of a good subjecr, and a gi)od 
catholic, tie the reiigi.n of the Monarch it 
may. For my own part, my lord, I cannot attri- 
bute the unfortunate situation of riiis country to 
any thing connected with matters of religious 
faith; jacobinism and French principles and po- 
litics, the want of m.orality, and the depraved 
state of the human mind, 2;e, I conceive, the 
sources of our misforturcs ; religion miay have 
been m.ade a tool by wicked and designing people: 
this has oiren happened in every country, and is 
easily effected when religious diiTerenccs exist. 
The distracted and m.elancholy state we arc in, 

every body must lament; liow it, is tr be mended 
is a matter for the statesman : and surely it would 
be difHcuIt to find an object more worthy of your 

lordship's high t-tlenti and abilities. 1 have the 

honour to be, Ixc. Fingall. 

Sept. 6, 1803, 

My Lorb, 1 find myself as little qu.Hlified as 

your lordship represents yourself to be, to discuss 
with the persons to whom you refer me the pointi 
ynu mention. 1 can only s-iy, th-^t the impression 
made on the minds of those of the lower ordei s, 
certainly does iii.t correspond with the doctrines 
which your lordship reptcsentf. to be the doctiines 
of the religion you profess. 1 h;ive no doubt that 
your lordship heartily and conscientiou'-ly em- 
braces and acts upon those dijctriiies ; the who!^ 
tenor of your life shews that yr u have done 10% 
but tire whole tenor of the conduct of the lower 
orders of the people of the Romish persuasion 
shews, that such doctrines are not effectually 
taught to them; and if I am to judge from the 
writings^ as well as the conduct of some of the 
higher orders of the laity, as well as of the clergy, 
I cannot believe that they are thoroaghly impress- 
ed with the feelings which /appear to guide your 
lordship's liberal and benefli-cnt mind. — On tiie 
contrary, in many instances it appears to me, that 
the conduct of .some high amongst the priesthood, 
is calculated to exci'.cm the minds of those under 
their care, hatred to tlicir protest:<nt iellow-sub- 
jects, arid disloyalty to their government. I am 
assured,, from very high and very resp' ctable i\u-. 
thoiity, th?.t (at least in one district) the priests 
who w-.rre instrumental in saving the livesof the 
loyaiif is in the late rebellion, are universally dis- 
coputtnanced bv their superiors ; and that a piiest 
proved to havj been guilty of sanctioning the 
murderers in I79S, transported to Botsny Bay, and 
since pardoned by the mercy of government, has 
been brought back in triumph by the .same supc- 
iioi, to v.'hat in defiance of the ijw he calls his 
ptnish, and there placed as a martyr, in a manner 
the most insuUir.g to the feelings of the protcs- 
ianfs; to the justice of the country; and to that 
govei nmenr, to whose /!?;;/A/ he owes his redemp- 
tion from the punishment due to his crimes. It 

is strongly reported, that the successor to Dr. 
Kussey (whose disatTection was so manifest, that 
perhaps government consulted its disposition to 
lenity much more than its duty, when it permitted 
him to return to Ireland) is to be a man also no- 
torioi;sly disaffected, if the appointment is to be 
made in the usual manner at the rccommcndaiion 
of the higher order of your clergy, i ca«/,o/ thirk- 
thcit much of loyalty is to hi expected fior.i those loho r!-, 
commerdcdsuqh a 7nar,. If the authority of the See of 
Rome supersedes the ordinary recommendation, it 
miust be recollected that that authority is now ia 
theh.rndsof France; indeed it cannot be torgot- 
ten that your whole prieflhood acknowledge obe- 
dience to one who is the vassal of France, who 
CX1Q3 as a temporal pr nee at lealt only by the 
permission of France, tiie avowed of the go- 
vernment under which we live; under such cii- 
cumflanccs, it cannot be believed, that any honest 
and raiscientious means have been or ii;:!l be taken 
by the prielfs of the Romish'persua-ion to make 
the lower orders of the people, composing their 
concregations, loyal subjects of the ProtefUnt go- 
vernment of this country, 1 have t lie honour 

tobe, &:c.&c. Redesdale. 

Printed by Co.k and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, CoveSkt 
■Garden, v-kcre forrner Nuubcrs may- be had ; sold also by J. Badd, and Mitre, Pall-Mall* 


Vol. V. No. 7.] London, Sutunlaijy l^tli February, 1804. 

[Price IOd 

" I may be blamed at .such an awful crisis for speakinK so pl-iinly ; but pl^in dealing is now tJic or^ly 
" meclioJ to recover public credit. — H^per is only a good iliiiig while wc have means <,f convcrtinjj 
" it into cash. VVe snail not long he able, after tjie iiunnlation of p.iner to which this system j^ivcs 
" birth, to stop Ministers from making Kank Noicc a legal tender, aad then adieu to the a^jpcarance 

*' of specie at the Bank, and s.)0i\ aficrwards to the real value of the Bank Mote It may 

*' be baid, that, in tlie present state of the country, ii i"; wrong to lay before (he Public so dmk a 
'*' statement. 1 say, Sir, nothinjj is wrong that is tiut; no evil is so z^ic^'t in concealment. I mu^t rppoie 

" this system cf delusion t/iut /;.it sc long h-cn practise J utiu/i the countij.'^ Mr. SheiicUns Speech, Muic't i, 

I79;. See Political Troteus, p. 3^5 and ii.i. 



Extracted from Ob<iervatlons on the present 
State of Ireland, by Lord Sbtffiild; pub- 
Ih bed January, 17S5. 

Page 3(3o. It is now necessary to go back 
to the year 17/3^ to take notice ot a phe- 
nomenon which began to appear about that 
time. The hke never has been observed in 
any country, at least where there was an 
establi.shed government. To describe it 
stricily, it may be called an army ui^auiho- 
rised by the law.s, and uncontrouled by tlie 
government of ihe country ; but it was ge- 
nerally known by the name of " Volunteers 
of Ireland." 7 heir constitution bore some 
semblance of a connexion with the ext:cu- 
tive power; and arms, belonging to ihe 
state, and stored under the care of the lieu- 
tenants of counties, were delivered to thetn 
upon the alarm of foreign invasion. So far, 
tlierefore, they seemed to be coont<-nanced 
by government; but in a short lime they 
caused no little jealousy and uneasiness. Tbe 
arms issued from the public stores were in- 
sufficient to supply the rapid increase of the 
Volunteeri. The rest, together wiih ihe 
necessary acromremeuis, and a considerable 
number of field pieces, were procured by 
themselves. It answered tlie purpose of op- 
position in both countries to speak highly of 
them, and the supporters of government in 
both countries mentioned them v/.lh civility, 
&c, &c. &c. 

Page 30'2 Under these circumstances the 
Volunteers, preserving, for a time, a degree 
of reserve and decency, kept at a certain 
distance, but were never entirely out of 
sight. They had been serviceable in sup- 
porting the civil magi^rate ; fewer castles, 
houses, or lands, wt-re kept by forcible pos- 
session ; and sheriffs were enabled to do their 
duty, &c. &c. &:c. 

But t.e many-headed monster soon began 
t® think it would be proper to retorm the 
state, and to purge the Parliament of Ire- 
land. Ths several corps sent delegates. 

^ [226 

who sometimes appeared to be the dele-- 
gates of counties. They formed a Parlia- 
mt;Pt of their own ; they resolved what they 
pleased, and, of course, that the other Parl.a- 
ment was a bad one. So far every thii g 
went on as might be expected, &c. &c. &c. 

Page r^/O. Tiie good ordtr which at first 
prevailed in these corps, is not less extraor- 
dinary than their rlye and progress ; hut it 
is to be i?nptfted to the good disposition of the 
generality of the members, Jiot to the nature 
of tbeir constilulion. It seems vuracu'ous that 
no misebie/ b(is yet hafpeiicd. The mildness 
of government, and the good temper of the 
arnjy, have done their part. None more 
likely, however, to be mi^.ied, than men col- 
Ifoteu as tbey have been, corueiving a bi^h 
opinion of tbeir consequence and strength, 
Tliey are liable to be perve-ted, and turned 
to the worst purposes; and in almost every 
instance of the kind it ha^j proved t, JFell 
meannig men, lijbo may at one time be at ibeir 
head, may, at other times, fnd themselves 
without authority, and at length be ob/igfd to 
give ^oay to those whose business is to iifanie 
and pervert. Tlie young and active, and 
those who are not in the habit cf thinking, 
will be -led from one deviation to another, 
till at last they are advanced top far to go 
back; and some, othf.'rvvise respectable ipcn, 
who have something to lose and little to 
gain, will repent of their attempts, to assist 
themselves at elections by volunteering, pr 
through the medium of an altected good 
will towards reform. Ail that is hinted at 
may not happen; yet most assuredly some 
of the politicians of Ireland are playing with 
most dangerous two-edged weapons. Such 
measures do not become them : such are 
the ladders on which the otherwise in^igni- 
ficant and vicious members of society, or 
men of despente situations, mount, and 
with contempt look down on the miserable 
toils, through whose folly they were Ena- 
bled to ascend, &c. &c, &c. 
Pape374. Hoivsver unpleasant, these are 




'matters h'lghh proper, as well as necessary, to 
lie staled ; and he lulio endeavours to unfold 
the fatal consequences of vieasures, the ouisule 
of zuhich maji af'pear jair, is the real friend 
to a country. 


Sir,— — So many instances of the mis- 
conduct of the volunteeiSj have been re- 
corded of iate in your Rtglster, that I did 
not think it necessary, to add to the dis- 
graceful list, by giving you an account of 
the proceedings of the Evvell corps. I 
vainly hoped it would have passed off, 
without attracting the public notice; but, 
there having appeared in your Register of 
the 4rh inst. a letter sig.icd C. S., I must 
take thel'.berry, injustice to my neighbours, 
to point out to you some inaccuracy in that 
statement. However highly, reprehensible 
the cor.ducr of the men has on some occa- 
sion been, yet, it is not just that a larger 
poition of ubloquy should be thrown on 
them than they really deserve. In doing 
this, I must not be cor;sidered as defending 
the system ; it is a system, which I depre- 
cate as strongly as you can do; it is a S'S- 
tem, which 1 am persuaded, if not speedily 
_and radically amended, will be productive 
of evils to this country, more tremendous 
than I dare to think of. The tenour of the 
letter I allude to, undoubtedly tends to 
convey to those up.acquamted with the 
corps, an idea, that it is an extremely dis- 
affected one ; nothing less can be life r red 
from it. It is to obviate that impression 
alone, that mustapologize far my intruding 
on you. The letter asserts, that the oath 
pf allegiance was ge7ieralh\ if net icJwliy, re- 
fuse:', vvhen it was tendered ;o them. This 
I positively and most une(]uivocal]y deny. 
The oath was taken' by every individual in 
the corps. Ij was the re[ietition of that oath, 
coniainiwg the additional words " heirs and 
*' successors" which was . objected to. 
Having t: ktn one oath, they considered a 
Sicond unnecessary, and thought it a re- 
flection on their ht^nour, that their loyalty to 
the King's heirs should be doubted; and, 
most abiurdly supposed, that it was a de- 
ception ; aJid, that it was intended to trick 
them into a something, they knew not what. 
All arguments to coi vince them to the con- 
trary were then useless. Ax the same time 
they refused to sign the regulations, which 
were then offered them, under the same 
idea. These regulati ns were merely in-: 
•|ended tO' promote the discipline of the 

ensued, which vyas quieted by postponing 
the consideration »f the matter to a future 
day. On the day appointed to pay them 
the twenty shilling'; allowed them by go- 
vernment for drili di.y?, the regulations were 
again offered .,tor signing. Thirry-eight 
put their hands, the rest persisted in refu- 
sing it, and eighteen^ mark, only eighteen, threw 
up their clothes, with inuch insolence ; 
n-ot into the house of the person alluded to, 
but at the Bull Head Inn, where the com- 
mittee was then sitting. Some of the sece- 
ders, I cannot say how rRany, for I myself 
saw only two, stuck a bit of blue ribband in 
their hats, but I was not a witness of any 
parading, or other marks of triitmph. — All 
this was certainly extreiricly iinproper, and 
highly reprehensibip, but it must not be 
placed to the account of disaffection ; it ori- 
ginated in another cause, and which is no- 
torious to every inhabiti^nt of Evvell. An 
unfortunate prejudice prevailed against the 
gentleii^an who was proposed for their cap- 
tain. He had been a captain in the service 
oi the East India Company, and it was sup- 
posed by the men, that the rigour necessary 
to regulate a ship's company, would in- 
fluence his conduct in the comtnand of the 
corps. He was, however, appointed, not- 
widikt.indsi'g strong symptoms of aversion 
were manifcbted at the nomination, a cir- 
cuinstance which has been productive of 
much ill-humour among the men, and much 
insolence to himself, and vihich nothing but 
the utmost foFhea ranee, and a strong sense 
of the duty he owed his country at this tre- 
mendous cri;>is, could .ever have induced 
him tT submit to. This prejudice has never 
abated; for, you Sir, who are so good a 
iudge of human nature, must be sensible, 
how estrtmely difficult, n^y, I may say, 
how impossible it is to eradicate a prejudice 
from an uninformed mind. This prejudice, 
whether well or ill-founded, appears to have 
been the cause of the irregularities the corps 
have been guilty of. I must here complaiji 
of 0. S.'s want of candour in his letter. He 
has stated, that on the regulations being- 
proposed to thein, '■'■ ihey tJmvj uji .''^ What 
dres this mean but ihe ivhde cmjis? Can 
the most ingenious sophistry apply any 
other meaning to the expression ? I agaiir 
rep ar^ thst eighteen only of 120 " threw 
" up.'* Either C. S. is ignorant of the 
real circumstances of the case or he is not. 
If the latfcer, what is the inference ? I leave 
my readers to judge. Since the date of 
C. S.'s letter, many of the men have re- 
pented of their conduct, and have signed 
the regulations, and there are strong rea- 
sons tor supposing that the greatest pait 


F E B R U A 

tvill follow their example, and I trust that 
if the necessity should iinfoitLmately arise^ 
they will riot be^foumi any vvays interior to 
their fe-Iiow countrymen in loyalty and cou- 
ra""c. I hope, Sn-, that tliis plain siatetnent 
ot- facts, will remove the imputation ol clls- 
aftccti'.jn, which C. S. ajjparenUy, has en- 
deavoured to throw on them ; on no other 
ground do Lendeavour todcfend them ; anJ, 
as lo the eighteen seceders, who have so 
b.iselv ccsert^rd th-ir cr-untiy in the hour o: 
danger, I hold them up to the dctesti'tion ot 
their country, and leave ti;e;n to the con- 
tempt and to the inJii>:iuition v\hich their in- 
famous conduct so riclhy deserves. I am. 

Sir, vours, &c. Oeservlr. 

E^veII,RL -jth 1804. 


Sir, — Of all the absurdities and errors 
•which have characterised the conduct of the 
prfc'^ent administration, the neglect they have 
manifested in not correcting a fault of iheir 
predecessors in oftice, is not the least re- 
maikable. i mean, Sir, the appointment , of 
inefficient persons to fill the post of mini-i- 
ters at foreign courts, as well as adapting 
some mode whereby the shamejess false- 
hoods propagated all over the Continent in 
disparagement of this country bhoald be 

eilectually met and refuted, Regarding 

the lirst, may it not fairly be ask'^d, has any 
circumstance occurred in tiie politics of Eu- 
rope v/ithin these late years, to render the 
employment of talent and genius less neces- 
sary now on our part in the diplomatic de- 
partment, than in the days of Lord Chatham 
and Lord Chesterfield ? Yet it is in every 
one's memory, how much importance the 
latter of th.ese statesmen annexes to the edu- 
cation, manners, and stud'ts of tho-;e who 
are destined to fill the station of ministers at 
foreign courts ; his sentiments are fully de- 
tailed in his letters to his son, and are well 
worthy the perusal of the present Secretary 
of State for the Foreign Department. But 
in lieu of any attention v/haiever heing paid 
to this selection, it should appear, that the 
above gentleman considerid the othce as 
merely a sinecure for tlje provisioning some 
favoiirite clerk. At a moment when ;nirigue 
and cabal is the order of the day in tsary 
foreign cabinet, when every art and false- 
hood is devised which wickedness can ima- 
gine, to sap and shake the foundation of 
Great- Britain, by destroying ad confidence 
in her integrity ancj faith, we send over 
young gentlemen, who, at capping verse?, 
would, perhnps, bi- equal to any of their op- 
ponentr--, to eradicate the mischief already 

R Y 18,^ 1804. !230 

effected against us, and by tlie discernment, 
political acquirements and elegance of man- 
ners which ihey pofsess, to elfe.ctually coun- 
teract all the marhiavelian workings of -a 
Se^ur, a Sieyci, or any veteran of Oailic di- 
plomacy. To a court of all others the 

most our interest to gain a control over, w« 
continue in otHce a most worthy admiral, 
but one who not the smallest preten- 
sions to the character of a courtier ; to ano- 
ther court, where intrigue and delicate con- 
duct are pnrticuiarly requisite, we send a 
gentleman, who will, -no doubt, give the 
world a very good account on his n turn of 
Greek antiquities, but who is about as much 
a match for Gen. Bruue in the Divan, as 
that gentleman is to him in a translation of 
Persius. But it is unnecessary to particu- 
larize further, and I will say a few words on 
the other subject 1 complain of, namely, the 
total disreg.ird to the opinions of the whole 
Continent with respect to this country in 
general, but niore particularly her plunging 
Europe again into a disastrous v/arfare. 
Sir; Lord Iia\v«kesbury has been told, to my 
knowledge, and from excellent authority, 
that from one end of Germany to the other, 
the press teenis with atrocious calumnits 
against England, which from never being 
contradicted, gain implicit belief in propor- 
tion as we are belied; the conduct and 
views of the French are exalted up to the 
skies, all the evils flowing from the war are 
imputed to us, while the perfidious measures 
of France are represented as merely neces- 
sary precautions on her part, to check the 
overgrown power we have assumed in con- 
tinental affjirs; this is a fact notoi-ious, and 
thus, by the means of the foreign pre->,s, '.' eare 
at this moment objects of universal hatred, 
and I fear, contempt. Has any measure been 
taken to administer a counter poison } Nime ! 
Is it not app:^rent that a few thousand 
pounds, judiciously expended, would create 
us some partisans, at least, and that gross 
mis-statements, should be publicly refut- 
ed, and the public mind insensibly led to 
think less meanly of this country, and less 
favourably of our insidious foe } Yet, so 
paltry, so wretchedly economical is JNIr. 
Addington's system, that the same causes 
that inducf d him and his colleagues to order 
all the gun-cases and barrack furniture 10 
be 'old after the treaty of*;, still ope- 
rate to prevent a recourse to the measure I 
propose, though these ninny-hammer-v might, 
I should have thought, have known the effi- 
cacy of it from the benefic they derive 
from newspaper and bookseilers' good-will, 
owing, as they do, entirely the preservation 
of their present stations 10 it. A. W. 




Sir, — I cannot but admire the inc^enions- 
tiess of your correspondent R B. in the last 
Register, in destroying a buil:ling, to rai-e 
upon its foundation a sapertitruclure, which, 
douhiless to his speculating mind, appears as 
solid as the founders of the Properly Tax 
hope that tneasute will be, — He condemns a 
plan founded, as he allows, upon sound li- 
nnnci d priiiciples, because the complete ex- 
ecution of it may meet re^iistance from 
*' the dominion of self-inlerest ;" and he 
proposes a substitute, by taxing landed and 
funded proi'crt}^ which recomaiends itself 
highly to him, from its affecting only that 
species of proper:y which catinot escape 
taxation. Jf equ dity of burthens renders 
them less obnoxious, it is very desirable to 
attempt it ; and if the selfishness of indivi- 
duals makes the result imperfect, the suc- 
cess, in a considerable degree, ought, never- 
theless, t" e courage the pursuing so excellent 
■a principle. By charging the prebcnt tax as 
odiouii and attended wish diffieuliies, he 
Sshews no knovvledge of iis ju'ovisions, and 
were it so, his substitute would be subject 
to both objections in all their force : — if the 
disclosure of property creates the odium, he 
is not aw:ire that his own scheme omits that 
branch of it, which is now the most secure 
from disclosure, by its favoralde provisions 
for collecting the duty on profits of trade 
and industry ; and whatever difficulties may 
aiise, proceeds principally from the valuing 
that properly v.hich he otiors iti lieu, as ihe- 
easiest source of supply. His own mode of 
estimating hitids, &c. by survey, is borrowed 
from the present measur.^, though these are 
adopted only as a last lesource, in case a 
much ea>ier and more economical method 
should fail. His objection to taxingthe pro- 
fits of labor, evinces .not onlv a partiality, as 
he himself admits, but would be checkin=r 


industry in one channel to throw a prepon- 
derance into another, and seetns that he 
jn)a.gines a las upon lands is wholly uncon- 
nected with labor, and the proiit of it. — p-The 
measure now in force en)bri)ces the whole 
of R. B.'s suggestions, but extended to the 
view of equalising the public burthens, by 
involvmg in them every individual^ whose 
property, however derived, enjoys the pro- 
tection and ble.^sings they are the support of; 
'and there is no doubt, but that in point of 
efticacy, which it cannot be denied govern 
rnent from iale experiments ins the power 
of prejudging, eveiy expectation will be 
answered — Your's, &c. P. Q. 

2ifik Jan. IbQi. 



•Sir, — In my last I pointed out the defect 
of the present establishment of the marine 
corps, in their not having a sufficient num- 
ber of field othcers. I have now to observe, 
that there is not proper encouragement 
given to the non-commissioned officers. -— 
The Serjeants in the regimeiits of the line, 
after serving a certain number of years, are 
not only entitled to the benefit of the Chelsea 
Hospital, but I believe there is about four 
hundred of them, who have v/hatis called the 
King's Letter, which amounts to a shilling 
a day for life. On the other hand, the '^er^ 
jeants of marines, when they are admitted 
into Greenwith Hospital, are on the, same 
footing as the privates, there not being any 
other e^tablishn:ient for them. In order to 
obtain some httfe indulgences that are al- 
lowed to that class of ofScers in the navy, 
commonly calkd petiy officers, tliey are un- 
der the mortifying necessity, of permitting 
themselves to be rated on the hospital books, 
as boatswain's mates. What a degradation 
to an old soldier, who has bled in the cause 
of his country to reflect on, that he cannot 
be' permitted to enjoy those camtorts that 
his worn out constitution requires, and that 
his services DUght to have commanded, be- 
cause he has fought the battles of his coun- 
try in a red coat, in the room of a blue one ^ 
1 hope the pre.ient Admiralty Board will do 
away such illiberal distinctions, and endea- 
vour to procure the King's Letter for a cer- 
tain nuiober of them, in proportion to the 
strength of the corps. — There are many ser- 
je;inis now serving, who have been in the 
corps thirty years, and Could not get ad- 
mitted into Greenwich Hospital, on account 
of tliere not being any vacancies ; the con- 
sequence of which was, that at the last re-' 
duction, the commanding officers of the: 
difierent divisions, very much to their cre- 
dit, could not think ot throwing on the 
world, on a small pension of nine pounds a, 
year, a de-erving class of men, who had 
served their country faithfully and honorably 
for such a length of time.' Ifjd they be- 
longed to the army, and there had been 
vacancies of the Kmg's Letter List, they 
would have been entiiied to eighteen pounds 
a year. Tlie.^e are striking and unjust dis- 
tinctions, and loudly call for reformation.—: 
The; money the marine corps has paid to. 
Greenwich from the year 1755, until the pre- 
sent time, must be very considerable ; and 
it is astonishing, no alteration has been made 
in the regulations of that hospital, in flivor 
of a corpsp which has. contributed so much^ 

F E B R U A 

to the incrCTe of theirfnnds. It snast either 
have arose from professional prejudices, or 
the most ciilpcible nCj^lect. PVotii ^vhnt«•v^r 
eause it has arisen, the peculiar hanl^liip, 
and injustice the- corps lir^s suffered, is the 
same, and must be equally di^gustinf^ to 
both the nfficftrs and njen. — I shall for the 
pre-;ent, Mr, CobbeJt, take my leive of ihis 
subject, in hopes thnt the Admiralty Buird 
will enquire into whrit I have stated in ih^se 
letters ; and I should be h.nppy to hear, that 
the new code of marine insiriictions for (Ife 
g'ui.iancs of officers nn board, wrre publi.siied. 
They are most anxiously looked for by the 
whole corps. For ff^ar of injuring the pub- 
lic service, I shall forbear making any ob- 
servations at the present critical moment, on 
the situation of the marines, when do^ng 
duty on board, but v/ill probably resume thiU 
subject at a future opportunity. — Youf', c\:c. 
1 1 ib FAk 1804. T. S. ■ 




-in looking over your weekly 
pubHcations, in the la-;t year, I have been 
a good deal struck with tv^'o letters dated 
ihe nth Feb. and loth April from Ply- 
mouth, signed "An Engiisliman," inseit- 
ed in your Register ot igt!» fJarch and 

30th. c»r April. It is with truly patriotic 

concern, I find, that these two letters have 
not produced their merited effect. I do 
jiot mean to say,, that the contents of an 
unonyuioas [>iiblication should be so much 
taken for granted, as to impress an idea 
that the facts it relates are lovmued in po- 
sitive truthi, mere!) because they have not 
been controverted; but, 1 aver that the 
circumstances detailed in thc<e letters were 
of such a nature, a^ (taking into considera- 
tion also their notoriet}) should have in- 
duced tlie minister to make a pro])er in- 
quiry into the Iruili of the relation: and, if 
he had so done, he would not only have as- 
certained that the F.ngUshman's represen- 
tation was founded in truth, but v\ould 
have di'.covered also much oLher matter, 
infinitely stronger than what is contained 
in the two letters, which ought to have 
opened his eyes to the danger ot flie coun- 
try, from the mismanagemeiit of tlie naval 

department. -As it is but too evident, 

that the minister not made that en- 
quiry; or, if he has so done, that he lias not 
properly laid the result of it beiore his r.ia- 
jesty, 1 have myself taken soise pains to 
ascertain certain fict: res-[>ect!iig the naval 
department, which I shall beg leave to lay 
before you, in the hope that they may hiid 
tl)cir vvaj.' to the Rojai Eve, and meet, in 

E. y 16, 1804. [234 

the enlightened and discriminating mind of 
his iMajo-tv, that consideration which he 
may consider them to merit. — The picture 
which the iL^nglishman, in February and 
April last, drew of the then state of our 
Navy^ of our Dock-yarJs, and of the pro* 
ccediiigs of the Board of Admiralty, strong 
a^ it did at that time appear, is but a very 
faint colouring of the existing circumsta!''ccs 
in those respects of the present day. — The 
svmptoms of p'ilsy, which then pervaded 
the Dock-yards, are. now turned to tha 
palsy itself. The same spirit in the Admi- 
raltv, whieli has led to that effect, still con- 
tiiiue-! ; but its operation proceeds \vith a 
reJ'nibled fury. Tiie contractors ibr th«i 
supply of the various .--tores for the navy, 
haVc, many of them, either withdrawn 
themselves entirelv, ' r have required i-uch 
extravagant prices ibr the articles of theiv 
respective supply? in order to ii'^tlemnify 
themselves against the elfects of the more 
than rigid mode of reception exercised by 
the panic struck Dock- yard officers, as t > 
render it impossible ior the Nav\ Board to 
contract wiih them : ami, thi> has induced 
a necessity, on the part of that Board, for 
departing from t!ie old and wholesome 
mode of sapp'y, by fair and open conipeti- 
tioji, under winch our navy has, heretofore^ 
flourished; and of adopting either the per- 
niciuas mode of procuring tlie supplies by 
private commission, or that more than per- 
nicious sy tern of manufacturing the arti* 
cles in our own FJock^yards : tiie tbrmer 
liable to job and imposition, the latter sub- 
ject to faud almost impossible to detect, 
and to enhancing the cost of the articles so 
obfained cent, per cent, That the ope- 
rations in tlie Dock-yards go on so languid- 
ly will not appear surprisir.g, when it is 
known, that they are .upwards ot a thou- 
sand .short of their coniplement of ship- 
wrights and caulkers, besides other artifi- 
cer^ and labourers, in great numbers ; but 
v/hat op: rates even still more powerful'y 
to produ?e tliis langour, i.; what ha= been 
failhtuUy described by your oUl correspon- 
dent, viz. tiiat fear on the part of the yard 
oliiccis of exercising the smallest iliscretion, 
(hat distrust they have of eacij olher as 
wr!l as of those under them, and that ,sys» 
tem.atic determination, in which they per* 
severe, arising from an ap])rehension of 
losing their places, of execuiing no order* 
but what are defined in the clearest man- 
ner, and then not in such a way as shall b<s 
most c iuducive to the benelit of the ser- 
vi( e, b It as shall secure ihern (rem punish- 
II ent. Hence arises ab ve all things that 
bhort supply of that ver^- essential a-rticltt 



timber, 50 much complained of; from the 
deficiency of which, the most dreadful con- 
sequences are to be apprehended. I will, 
Sir, mention only one instance, which has 
lately occurred in re-^pett ol' the reception 
of timber, and which may aflbrd the means 
of judging how this business isconducied, 
and how the timber merchants are deait 
■with. It is the practice oftl-.e service, that 
v/hen a contractor has a lot oF tiTuber to 
send into the Dock-yards, a confidential 
subordinate officer is sent from thence to 
survey it, and ijrark such as i^ fit for his 
Majesty's service. The contractfsr fearing 
to incur the expense of the carriage of tim- 
ber which might be rejecterl in tlie Dock- 
yard, did, upon this occasion, most earnest- 
ly entreat this officer to mark only such as 
he was certain would be received. The 
officer assured him he woidd do so for his 
own sake. The timber he thus marked was 
conveyed to the Dock -yard. One-third 
of it only was received ly the yard officers, 
and the other two-thirds rcjecred, which the 
contractor will have to rake away at a very 
great expense ; besides sustaining consider- 
able loss from its having undergone, in the 
Dock-yards, the .operation of boring and 
squaring, as it is called^ which greatly re- 
duces the value of it at market. — Now, Sir, 
1 could detail to you a great many instances 
of the treatment of the contractors, equally 
vexatious with the foregoing ens?, all tcnd- 
i'lg to prevent the necessary supply not 
Only of this very essential article, but of 
many other articles of stores equally impor- 
tant. From these circumstances, and from 
the deficiency in the complement of artifi- 
cers, which has existed ever since Lord St. 
Vinccnr, in his visitation, carried h\!^ //urging 
r.;^??/? through the Dock-yards, you will be 
able to judge whether it be possible to up- 
hold our navy. But, added to this, there is 
the operation of several collateral causes 
which equably tend to the downfall of oar 
navy, equally, arising frorn rigour and the 
most mistaken policy, and false economy on 

the part of the Admiralty. You have 

heard much of the ill-judged r.ipidity with 
which our glorious fleet v.'as tlisinantled, 
and of the i eduction which took place in 
the artificers of the dock-yards ; whereby 
the repairs of our ships have been most 
ruinously retarded. The cons-^iquence of 
this has been^ that v/e have sent matiy ships 
to sea which wanted consicerable repair;, and'd by lor that purpose; a iv.ep.sure 
unheard of in the annuls ot the Admiralty, 
and which might have been avoided, had 
not the repuiation for economy, rather than 
ihe real good ot his country, been the object 


of the noble lord^s pursuit. J-udge, Sir, in 
what state th>"se ships will return to port, 
after the v»'inttiN cr mzc off Brest ! and whe- 
ther under the circumstances I h?ve srated, 
i' can be expected without a radical change 
of system, that they can ever again be 
brought into conditio!''^ or at leisr, so as to 
be of any use in t!;e prescn' contest ; for in 
sirv' months they must be almost sh.iken to 
pieces, as a ban-el would be that w -.s set 
rolling with a deficiency of . hoops . upon it. 
And, besides thvit, we a^e prevented froiT> 
proctcding properly in the repiirs of our 
ships in the Doctc-yari^s, no nv ssurcs have 
been taken for supplying the pieces of our 
condemned and daily perishing ships, by 
the means of the merchant ship-builders: 
not a sini^lc line of battle ship having been 
ordered to be built by them since the pre- 
sent Admiralty came into power, excepting 
one only vvithiuthis month, wuifh wdi not be 
completed ther.c three years. Tnus whde our 
own navy is declining fast to ruin, the fleets 
of France, Holland, and Spain^, are foHering 
in port, and are ail increasing rapidly. A 
judgment may from this consideration be 
ea-iiy foimed, uhat the c6mparative ttate of 
thiS cctifUiy v;i!l be v/ith that ot our ene- 
f^.iies at the exruration o[ two years irom this 
time, and wh.;t the con-;eq-ucnces are likely 
to be, it a ch.mge of system d';cs not irnme- 
diateli' take place; as Buonaparte is as well 
informed of the state of our nra-y and of our 
arscnuN, and of the effect of the death-chill- 
ing hand which directs their operations, as 
any man at the Admiralty and other Naval 
Boards, and itifinitely better than nine- 
tenths of the Houses of Lords and Com- 
mons, or of the inhabitants of the cities of 

London and Westminster at large. • 

Were it not that 1 am fearful of malcing this 
lettci- too long for inser:i.>n in your valua- 
ble Register, i should lay before you, and I 
hope the public, through yourm'-ans, many 
facts illustrative otthe ill-fated policy, and 
ruinous proceeding of the presetit Board of 
Admiralty, as well in tlie militaty as the ci- 
vil department of the navv. Tne opitnons 
of the greatest naval coinmandeis osi the 
present system of national defence in wear- 
ing cur our fieet, and tiring out the spirits 
of our seamen in an useless blockade of 
Brest : The parsimonious sys;em which is 
pursued v/iih regard to cur naval hospitals, 
and to the sttrgical cstiblishment of the 
fleet: insoinuch, that the hospitals whicH 
ought, each ol them, to have eight or ten 
assistant surs;eons, have now only two, the 
consequence of which would be in case of 
an HCtion at sea, that if five or six hundred 
men were to be brought into them, many 


F E B R U A 

of the brave fellows nnr>t perish trom the 
want of their wounds bcinq dressed : and, 
insomuch with regard to the fleet, th;»t tiiiiny 
line of battle ships,, instead ot having four 
or five, have only two surgeons; trip,ates 
which ought to have three at, have 
only one, and several sloops h,;ivc be; n sent 
to sea wirhfiut any suro;ron at all. These 
would be topics I should enlarL;c upon. Z. 

TO TUE EDtrou. 

Extract of the Marquis of TtveedaJes Letter to 
Lnd'Mihcn, dated iFhltc.hdU 2ist Se/u. 
174.^, from Mr. Hcftifs History of ih Re- 
bellion in the year \';\z,^ p. JpO- 

" That 2,oco men, and these ihe scum 
" of two or three Highland gontiemen, the 
*' Camerons, and a few tribes of the Mac- 
" donakis, should be able in s;-) short a lime 
*' to make themselves masters of the town 
•' of Edinburgh, is an event which, had it 
" not happci^.ed, I should nevr.r have be- 
*' lieved possible." 

Sir, 1 enclose a passag;^ from Mr. 

Home's Hisicy of the Rebellion in the year 
174:;, that deserves the attention of the pre- 
sent day. li is an extract of a letter trom 
the Marquis of Tweedale to Lord jNIilton 
in Scotland, wh n the administration re- 
ceived the in-elligcnce of the Pretender 
having taken possession oF the capital of 
thflt part of (be island, wirh a Ixw ragged- 
half-arnied Highlanders, cfliccted^ in the 
inrst savage pait of the mountains; it 
came from a ministry whose attachment to 
the consatution, and zeal for the service of 
their couniry has never been d"'S])Uted, and 
who were deh'cient in nothing, I ut vigour 
.and ability. It was, pr jbablv, unconscious- 
ly that so sin)ple and ingenuous, yet so full 
a conie.ssion of the ascendant of activity and 
entcrpriza o"er negligence and nicapacity 
was penned ; surpris-.d from the actors 
themselves, it strikes more forcibly ilr.'.n la- 
boured vfdumes composed by gazlnpj spec- 
tators. Similar causes even in political af- 
fairs often produce similar effects ; v.-e stand 
on the verge of a much more momentous 
crisis; not the petty insurrecion of a few 
ui.dlscipiincd nicuinraineers, ■ bin a deluge 
that threatens to sweep us from the number 
cf independent nations, should it reach our 
shores and burst the feeble b:rrric:s ihaf are 
exposed to it, it will be little coiiSoi.uion to 
contemplate the asronishnsent of our minis- 
ters atthe^'escruciion thej- have !-.ccasioncd. 

Experiet.ce speaks a forcible language. 

There is a part of the san^e book jUat de 
mands ihc a.tcntive peru.-;;! of ihc orescr-t 

R Y 18, 1804. [238 

administration'-; It is the narrative of the 
proceedings of the Edinburgh volu^itccrs at 
that time. They are, 1 presume, the only- 
body of th >t kind that can have been called 
out to action for more than a century past; 
they were precisely the volunteets of th« 
present establishment, they expressed the 
same zeal for service, the same desire to 
choose their iown officers, the same clamour 
for arms, the same ardour to be led against 
the enemy, and the s-^me want of subordina- 
tion : the parallel happily catinot yet be 
carried farther, but when they were to have 
proceeded to action, they held consultations, 
they differed in opinion, they divided, they 
fell into confusion, they laid down theif 
arms, and the enemy entered the city with- 
out oppoiition. 1 intended to have added 
some observations, but on consideration, I 
have postponed them ; the proper tine is 
not yci arrived, the defects of the volunteer 
system have not been yet sufficiently felt, to 
compel the nation to abandon the principles 
on which it has been raised, and resort to a 
national force founded on authority and 
subordination. I shall, therefore, conclude 
with two remarks not unsuitable to the pre- 
sent moment. Among, the great errors in 
respect to that cstahlishinerit, it is not one of 
the least, to suppose that it is under tha 
command cr influence of the landed interest; 
that there are some noblemen and gentle- 
men officers of volunteer corps every b;)dy 
knows, but so small a proportion that they 
are lose in the multitude, and have no ef- 
fect on the general spirit of the mass ; a vase 
^majority of them are composed of trade sinen 
and inhabitants of towit.s, or in other words, 
exactly the Frencii national guards, who, 
perhflps, without knowing, or even intend- 
ing it, overthrew th.e monarchy, sapped th- 
foundations of all government, and paved 
{he way for all the anarchy and massacres 
of the French revolution. -r- --It isnowabogc 
twenty years since Ireland had neaily led 
the vvay'to the French revolution f'oni the 
sime institution; for a considerable iii)e 
the govermnent hung" by a thread, it was 
net without time aiid precaution chat the 
volunteers were at last c'issolvcd, and the 
eft'ects are not cftaced to this day. 

io//i ffi^. 1^04. .Camii-Ltjs. 


ForeIgv. -Intelligence has lately been 
received from Constantinople, stating that 
fresh distuibances has broke out in Egypt, 

* See l-iumt"s Hisiovy, p. 66 to p. oS. 



th:U the Arnauts and the Arabs have united 
and made them-elves masters of Alexandria, 
and that all the foreign consuls and vice-con- 
suls, together with many of the principal 
inhabitants had fled and taken refoge on 
board ihe ships in the port. — It has been re- 
ported, that the Empr-ror of Russia, in order 
to continue the measures of preparation 
wh'ch he recently Jidopicd, has directed an 

■ Jidditional levy of eighty thousand men : this 
report, however, is not auihfnticated, and 
some other accounts irom the Continent 
make no mention of the circumstance.— 
Lucien Buonaparte has arrived at Florence, 
■where it has be<-n for some time asserted, 

■ that he has gone for the purpose of making 
some overtures of particular importance to 
the Queen Regent of E-ruria. — Decres, the 
French Minister of Marine, has just returned 

• to Paris from a tour along the cojstto Flush- 

■ jng : immediately on his arrivrd he had a 
Jong interview with the First Consul, who, 
it is said, is about to leave the capital for 
two or three weeks, on a journey which is 
not yet known. — It is said m the American 

■paper/i, that Mr. Mt^rry, the minister lately 
sent from Great Britain to the United States, 

'has involved himself in a dispute v/ith that 
government, in consequence of Mrs. Merry's 
JH'-isting to take [jrecedence of the ladies of 
the American secretaries of state, war, na- 
vy, and the treasury. 

Domestic. -The London Gazette of Sa- 
turday the llth inst. contains an order in 
Council, annulling the late order which sub- 
jected vessels from Nev\'-York, Philadelphia, 
and Alexandria, to quarantine ; the infec- 
tious fevers whicii prevailed ihsre some time 
ago, having entirely subsided. — The King 

'has been pleased to grant unto Major Gen. 
David Baird, his royal licence and permis- 
sion to receive and v/ear the badge of the 
Ottoman Order of the Crescent, conferred 
on him by the Grand Signior.— ^It is said, 
that a serious misunderstanding exists be- 
tween Lord Hardwicke and Lord Cathcart, 
and that it is of such a nature, that either 
the lord lieutenant or the commander in 
chief must leave Ireland ; the cause of Ihe 
disagreement has not been made public. — 
In the beginning of last week a man of gen- 
teel appearance was arrested at Bath, by two 
officers of the London police, and brought 
immediately to town, upon a charge of being 
engaged in treasonable practices. — For some 
days past, the King has been much indis- 
posed, and is now extremely ill. The Prince 
of Wales has also been unwell at Brighton, 
but is nov/ returni'd to Carlton Llouse, and 
is nearly recovered. 

IvliLiTARY. — •Accounts are said to have 


been received from India, of anotherdes- 
perate action being foiight between the Bri- 
li'.h and Mahratta frcfs in the neighbour- 
hood of burat, which place was, with great 
difficulty, prevented from falling into the 
hands of the enemy. — The French troops in 
tlie kingdom of Nai'les remain inactive, and 
the pre [>a rations v/];irh were sfiid to have 
been making on the boders of the Adriatic, 
for an expedition to the Morea, have been 
suspended. — At Leghorn the French flag has 
been taken down irom the forts by order of 
Gen. Mnrat, and that of the King substitut- 
ed in its place ; in the interior of the king- 
dom, however, the P'rench still retain the 
command. — In consequence of a proclama- 
tion lately issued by the Eatavian Minister 
of War to the army to be employed against 
England,* the officers of the garrison of 
Amsterdam had a meeting, at which an aid- 
dn camp of Gen. Dumonceau, the comman- 
der in chief, was present, when it was re- 
solved : first, that they would all send in 
their re-iignations unless this proclamation 
was withdrawn ; and secondly, in order to 
convince the world that their resignations did 
not proceed from the fear of any danger at- 
tending tlie expedition, thoy would, if they 
were thus obliged to resign, offer themselves 
as voluntet-rs in the French army where no 
such regulation existed. These resolutions 
wei-e forwarded to Gen Dumonceau, and 
being communicated by him to the govern- 
ment at the Hague, the proclamation was 
withdrawn. — A copy of a regulation for the 
maintainance of eighteen thousand French 
troops in the Bat avian Bepublic, has been 
sent to all the magistrates for their informa- 
tion, and all tlieir demands which are not 
authorised by this regulation will be re- 


British Creditors on the French 
Funds. -^ — -A paper, entitled " a short 
" srateincnt of facts relative to claims of 
" British Creditors on the French Funds,'^ 
has jttsE been printed and circulated, prepa- 
ratory, as it is thought, to some applica- 
tion to parliament for redress ; and, it is 
with a view of preventing the success of 
any such application, with a view of 
preventing the people of tins country^ pro- 
perly so called, from being burthened with 
taxes to make up for the losses of those, 
who chose to deposit their wealth, the 
fruits of English labour, in the Funds of 
France, that these remarks are made. 


* See p.. 178 of this vol. 


F E B II U A K Y 18, 1804. 


These Creditors state. First, that, pre- 
Tious to the French revolution, and, in- 
deed, till the late war broke our between 
England and Fiance, they became holderb of 
French srock, the pisscfsion ot property ot 
that sort having; been secured to them by 
rhe-<:ommcrci;il trcfaty Letvvccn England and 
France, concluded in the yejir iyh<), where- 
in it was stipulated, that, in case of war be- 
tween the two nr.tion':, that the subjects of 
each, residing in the dominions of the other, 
should be suffered to remain, durinjj the 
war, on certain cooditions, and, in case of 
their bein^ ordered to remove, that *' the 
*' term of tvvclve months should be ;rUowed 
*' Ihem fur ihat purpose, in order that they 
*' might lake away their effects and pro- 
*' perty, ivlether entrusted to in divi duals or to 

" the itate" SecontDLY, the Creditors 

state, that the French government, when 
the war broke out, instead of faithfully 
execuring this part of the treaty, threw all 
the British subjects in France into prison, 
and sequestrated all their property, where- 
upon the Biiii^h governmenl, as a measure 
of retaliation, and as a security for the Bri- 
tish Creditors in France, Fccjuestrated all the 

•French property in England. Thiri^ly, 

they state, that. Lord Hawkesbury (that 
" jo//W young man,'' that "safe politician,") 
did abandon their interest! at the peace of 
Amiens; that, in direct contradiction to the 
principle on which Lord Grenville had pro- 
ceeded at 3Jsb, where the property in ques- 
tion would, if a treaty had been concluded, 
have been amplv secured, Lord Havvkcsbury, 
notwithstanding a request made to him by 
the Creditors, during the negotiation ?.r 
Amiens, neglected to make a positive stipu- 
lation in their favour, in that treaty, the 
consequence of which was, that, while the 
French Creditors in the English Funds, 
imn.cdiately received, even without applying 
for it, the full amount of their interest as 
well as their principal, the English Credi- 
tors in the French Funds received such a 
portion only as " the arbilrary and unjust 
*' government of France was pleased to be- 
*' stow on them." They were, it seems, 
soon informed, that the treaty of Amiens 
had no relation to their case; that they 
must be content to lose the whole arrears of 
tiieir interest, two-thirds of their capital, 
and, for the remaining third, must receive 
an inscription in a five per cent, stock, taken 
as at par, though the price was then fifty 
per centum. Sj that, according to this pro- 
position, a Creditor for 6,oc;o !. besides the 
loss of ?.ll his interest, fourid his capital re- 
duced to i,ooo 1. Some persons, in despair, 
accepted of these terras; but " tjieir com- 

" pliance was useless to preserve even a 
" wreck of their property, for they could 
" never obtain a farthing,"- Fourth- 
ly, they state, thnt other Crcditorf, who 
did not despair of the honour and justice of 
the English ministry, applied to Mr. Merry, 
the English resident at Paris, for protection 
against this ix-ijustice. Mr, Merry pro- 
mised to apply for instructions to his go- 
vernment, and to make an application to 
that of France for the execution of the trea- 
ty ; but, if any application v/as made by 
him, the French government treated it with 
contempt. Findirg no hope from the ef- 
forts of Mr. Merry, the Creditors assem- 
bled, in London, in September, 1802, and 
appointed a commirtee fur the prosecution 
of their claims. This committee waited 
upon Lord Hawkesbury, stated tiieir claims 
to him, and presented a memorial, calling 
for the assiitrmce of their country against this 
injusiice and breach of treaty. The memo- 
rial was presented about the 20th of Sep- 
tember, but no answer was received till the 
inh of January, a space of nearly tour 
inon hs; though Lord Hawkesbury promised 
an answer as soon as the opinicn of his 
Majesty's ministers could be taken upon the 
subject. The result of all this was, that 
Lord Hav^kesbuiy (the *' solid young man") 
did not think favourably of the claim of the 
Credicor.s, but promi.sed to write to Lord 
Whitworth to obtain for them such justice 
as tlicy were entitled to. And here it should 
be observed, thar, from the papers ivl;ich 
have (tbank.s to Buonaparte) been publish- 
ed relative to the treaty of Amien^, it ap- 
pears very clearly, that the French plenipeten- 
iiary wnf unll'mg to consent to a siipuUiticn, 
which 2V Old d have rendered the. claim of thi 
British Debtors vnguestionable; but that, 
frotn the moderation of the nublc negotia- 
tor, or from that " mixture of conciliarioii 
" and firmnes?," which has characterized all 
the conduct of the " solid young man" in 
Downing Street, no such stipulation was, at 

last, inserted in ths treaty. Fifthly, 

they stare, that, notwithstanding the opi- 
nion of Lord Hawkesbury, Lord Wiiit- 
worth, upon receiving a statement of the 
Creditor's case, presented a vigorous re- 
monstrance to the French government, and 
declared, that he would never cease, unle?s 
probibitcd by his government, to demand 
for them the same justice which tlie Frenth 
Cicditors had received in England, and 
which he conceived was due to them by 
treaty ; and, in his conference with the 
First Consul, ontheaistof February, 1803, 
as reported by himself to Lord Hawkes- 
bury, he sajs, " I alleged as a Cause of 


" mistrust and jealo'usy, the impossibility of 
" obtaining iustice, or Hiiy kind of reJrss-^, 
" for any of his Majesty's subjects. He 
" asked me in what respect. I rold him, 
" that since the sigiiincr of the treaty, not cne 
" British claimant had been satisfied, though 
*' every Frenchman of that description had 
" been so within one month after that pe 
" riod." This sturdy behaviour, on the 
part of Lord Whitworth, promised, sav the 
Creditors, to produce the happiest ettects ; 
for, *' 3 proposition was soon after made by 
" Lord Whitworth to M. 1 alleyraid, and 
*' accepted by him, on the part ot his govcrn- 
" mentj to appoint commissioners of both 
*' countries for the liquidation ot the 
" claims of British Creditors; and, this 
*' proposition was actually lying before 
" our ministry for their afprohatioii and ap- 

" proval, when the v/ar broke, out!"- 

Here it is absolutely impossible to refrain 
from observing the effect of ^vigorous mea- 
sures. This is the only instance, in which 
any thing like vigour was shown ; and the 
consequence was of the best kind. It is to 
be feared, too, that this fact, of which the 
public never heard before, wi!l not tend to 
establish the assertions of the ministers, ih:.u 
nothing, on their part, would have prevent- 
ed the return of war; for, in this case, we 
do find, that the remonstrance of Lord Whit- 
worth instantly produced a proposition so 
favourable to his views in behalf of the Bri- 
tish Creditors, that he forwarded it for the 
approbation of his government, having first 

approved of it himself. The Creditors 

conclude in a sort of an apostrophe, which 
merits to be quoted vtrbatim. " After all 
" this," say they, " what is the relative 
" state of ihe French and English funded 
" Creditors ? The former received, at the 
" peace, their whole principal and interest, 
'*■ without even the trouble of applying for 
" it ; and can, at this moment receive iheir 
" dividends, and sell their stock, as if they 
" were natives of this coinitry ; ihe latter, 
" after repeated applications, bcili lo the 
" French and English governments, have 
" obtained nothing : such of them as 
'•' went lo Paiis to prosecute, their claims, 
" and enforce the performance of the treaty 
" of Amiens (and, amongst the rest, their 
"■ acreditfid agent, a geniknian upwards of 
" 70 years of age), are detained pris*oncrs in 
" France. The object of this statement is 
'^ not to criminate any man, but to obtain 
'' final justice. At the br-ghining ot last 
" war, the property of Frenchmen in this 
" country was sequestrated, for the purpose 
" of securing, at the peace, the restoration 
" of Engliih property sequestrated in France. 


" Is not a debt of three millions, due to sub- 
" jects of England from the French funds 
" an object worthy of the attention of our 
" government ? Is it not their duty to se- 
" cure those subjects from foreign oppres- 
" sion ? Are they willing to subscribe to 
" that state of comparative inferiority on our 
'i part, which the French are ready enough 
" to incuieate ? Or, do they thi'nk the honour 
" of the country sufficiently-preserved by pro- 
" teciing our oivn shores from v!olati(jn, when 
" not an Englishman can set his foot upon 
" the Cmitint?Ht. without being subject lo 
" contumely, injury, and outrage ? bnrely 
'•' the English creditors of France have a' 
" right to expect froni their own country, a 
" fuller measure of justice and protection, 
" at the return of peace, unless some itn5.x^- 
" rious necessity demands the sacrilice of 
"^ their interests, for tiie good of their coun- 
" try ; and, when the interests of indivi- 
" duals have been sacrificed for the public 
" good, the generosity and justice of Great- 
" Britain have ever been forvv'ard to afford 

" the fullest indemnity." Yes, where 

the interests of individuals are sauifced for 
the public good, nobody will deny, that those 
individuals have a claim, not upon the gene-- 
rosity, but upon the justice of the country. 
But, in this case, it is denied, that any such 
sacrifice for such purpose has been made. 
What _g-oo^/ could the public, that is to say, 
the people of Great-Britain and Ireland, de- 
rive from the abandonment of the private 
rights of these Creditors? Evidently none. 
If there had been any public good so obt.iin- 
ed ; if an island had been ceded to us in 
consequence of such abandonment; if we 
had thf-rsby gained any other concession ; or, 
if it had appeared, that peace could not have 
been obtained, without this sacriSce, though 
the peace might be a bad one, and have 
proved a great national curse, still one 
must have regarded the public as being 
the debtor of those individuals, at whose ex- 
pense the sacrifice had been made. But, 
in the present instance, no advantage, or 
even pretended advantage, has ever ac- 
crued to the public from the circum- 
stance of there having been no clear sti- 
pulation made in favour of these Creditors; 
and, therefore, no claim erected thereon 
can possibly stand. If this ground be ex- 
changed for that of implied slipulation ; if it 
be asserted, as, indeed, though with not 
much consistency, the Creditors have assert- 
ed, that the full restoration of their proper- 
ty is stipulated for ; then it will be urged, 
perhaps, that, if the French refuse to fulfil 
the part of the treaty made in favour of these 
credito s, the Briiish public ought to make 

345] F E B R U A R 

them a compensation for thfir loss, or, to 
compel the French to fulfil the treaty. This 
is contrary both to the theory and practice of 
nations, in this respect ; and, indeed, it is 
consonant neither to reason nor jusnce. If 
the country, in its treaties with foreign 
states, obtains a stipulation favourable to 
any class of its subjects, all iliat js expected 
of it farther, is, to cause the stipnlation to 
be fulfilled, as far as it can so vause it to be 
done, consistent with its own interests, and of 
this extent it always must be the sole judge. 
If the other contracting party be too strong 
to bp cjmpelledto tuinl such stipulation, Or, 
if the compulsion would beaiLtnded v/ilhan 
rnjury, loss, or inconvenience greatfrr th^in 
the object is worth : in a v/ord, if all things 
considered, it be inexpedit-nr. to attempt to 
compel the refrnclory power to fullil such 
stipulation, the attempt oiight not to bti 
made ; but, because the government ci;anot, 
from whatc-ver cause, obtain justice to its 
aggrieved subjects it does by no rr-eans tol- 
low, that it is bound to provide them an in- 
demnity for the loss which tiiey may experi- 
ence from the want of that justice. " What !'" 
these Creditors will exclaiin, " will you snf 
*• fer us to be ruined by transactions, encou- 
*' raged and guaranteed by thegoveriuneut,." 
Every kpal transaction may be .said to be en- 
couraged and guiiranteed by the government. 
The man who loiiges his fortune in the 
hands of a banker makes the deposit under 
the encouragement and guarantee of tlie law, 
that is to say. of the government; but, if, 
the. banker m^kes away with the moncv and 
absconds, the ruined man never dreams of 
applying to the goturnment for an indemnifi- 
cation. The government pursues the swind- 
ler ; it catches him, if it can ; it brings him 
to justice, and, if possible, makes him dis- 
gorge; but, failing in all these respects, it 
never makes any compensation. That the 
person so lodging money with a banker is 
actuated by motives purely private and self- 
ish is certain, and that he enters into the 
transaction with his eves open is also certain; 
but, it would be ciitHcult to give a reason, 
why he should be regarded as being less pa- 
t)-ictic, or more fully aware of his lisk, than 
he who, under tlie faith of a treaty, deposits 
Jiis wealth in a foreign land; or, why one 
of li'.ese persons should have, upon the go- 
vernment, a claim for indemnihation supe- 
rior to the other. So much for question 

of " justice ;" and now let us see, what 
claim these Anglo Gallic Creditors have upon 
the " gcnrrosifi/" of their countrymen. They 
tell us, that it was in pursuance of the treaty 
of l/SG that they entrusrel their property to 
individuals and to the state in France ; and, 

Y 18, 1804. C24g 

they add, that they l-.ave, on this account, 
" incurred some degree of. obloquy from 
" persons, who, it must be supposed, were 
" ignorant of the provisions of that treaty, and 
" who must withdraw that censure, unle-s 
" they have the presumption to extend it to 
" {h<i legislature oi that time, and xho: great 
'•' statesman then at the head of his Majes- 
" ty's government^ who did all in their pow- 
" er to promote the intcrcotirse, now re- 
" probated bstween tiie two countries." 
Taii is a mode of arguing not at all uncom- 
mon amongst persons who look upon Uie 
rest of mankind as being, like themselves, 
ready to surrender their rea.son at the sound 
of a name. That ?w censure ought ever to be 
be-itowed on transactions merely because 
ihey are tolerated hy a treaty, is a proposition 
to which few just-lhinking men will h". 
found to subscribe; but, without dwelling 
upon this point, one may surely be permitted 
to ask, what very great " presi/mptio?i'' there 
could be in extending one's censure to the, 
p;iiliament of J/SO and to the " great states- 
*' man," " then at the head of, his Majesty's 
" government.^" As to the parliament, it 
uould, perhaps, be hard to say precisely 
what share it had in the treaty, but by Mr. 
Pitt the treaty was made, and, as far as 
it tended to induce EngU-hmen to depo- 
s t their treasure and their hearts ia 
Frnnce, so far, does Mr. Pitt meri_t, 
on account thereof, the severest cen« 
sure; and, as to the persons who v/ere so 
induced to make such deposits, to regartl 
them as objects of national generosity would 
be to abandon all the notions and principles 
by which nations are kept in a ."Jtate of in- 
dependence. How completely the patriot 
passion had been exlingui-shed, in the breasts 
of these creditors, may be perceived from 
their silence, dur'ng the negotiation at Ami- 
ens, and even after the conclusion of the; 
treaty. They v/ere dissatisfied with the 
provisions of the preliminary treaty ; they 
requested Lord Hawkesbury to afford them 
protection in the definiiive treaty; the defi- 
nitive treaty was more dissatisfactory than 
the preliminary; but, still they held tiieir- 
tongues ; not one of them complained to 
parlirniient ; not one of them spoke or voted 
agiinot the compact, in which their righis 
had b'-en abandoned; they begged and pray- 
ed of Mr. Merry, Mr. Talleyrand, Lord 
Hawkrsbury, and Lord Whitworth, but not 
one word did they say, either by way of pe- 
tition or otherwise, ei! her collectively or in- 
dividually, in disapprobation of the treaty, 
against which they now utter such biltec 
compbinis. No: they wanted peace, on' 
any-tcrms, that they might have a chaucc of 



recovering their treasure; anl, though th^y 
found no positive siipulation in thf-ir favour, 
"" they did not despair of the -honvur and 
" justice of their own cbinitry ;" ox, in oiher 
wordSj if tears, pniyers and broken hearts 
failed them at the foot of \he Consular 
throne, tlirv still relied on ih-ir influence or 
their address to procure, in the form i")f a 
partiamenfary grant, a compensation for iheir 
loss of" boih principal and interest. Nirw, 
therefore, they set up a mo^t melodious cry 
about preserving the " ancient character o^ 
their country ;" about " a foreign despo- 
ti'^m." Thf-y nsk, whether it is not the duty 
of our government " to secore its subjects 
against foreign oppression ?'' Whether the 
people of Eng'and are ready to subscribe to 
ihat state of " comparative in/'eriorifi/" on 
our part, which the French are so ready to 
inculcate ? And, they indignantly ask. *' do 
the ministers think the honour of the coun- 
try sufficiently preserved by -protecting our 
own shores from violaiion, when not an En- 
glishnan can set h.s foot upon the Coivd- 
nent, wihout being subiect to contnmely, 
injury, and outrage ?" This is all very fine ; 
but where were tho'ie high sentiments at the 
conclusion of the preliminary treaty ? Wii.rre 
were they during the negoti ition, and at the 
conclusion, of the definitive treaty? Then 
•was there not one of these creditors who 
(did not, if he said any thing at all, join in 
the clamour agiinst Lord Grenville for op- 
posing a tr."aty, which was s^dd to be built 
upon his projf t of Lisle, but which projet of 
Lisle they have noiif discovered to have con- 
tained an effectual proteciion for Iheir pro- 
perty. No ; let us hope thait three millions 
are hot to be added to the burdens of the 
nation for the sake of indemnifying persons, 
who, whatever' they may be in oiher '>>. 
spects, here present themselves to the public 
in the character of Jew-like speculktors, who 
have lost their money by depositing in the 
hands of the rival and the enemy of their 
country, that country ro whom, they have 
now the conscience to look for indemnifica- 

Irish Bank Paper, — LTpon this subject 
there was a verv interestmg conversation, 
in the House of Commons, on t];ie i^ih 
intstant, upon a motion for going ii.-to a 
committee on the Irish Bank Restriction 
Bill, betvveen Lord Archibald Hamilton, 
Lord Henry Petty, Mr. Foster, Mr. Corry, 
Mr. Thornton, Lord Castiereagh, and 
others. The two former noblemen made 
some very pertinent observations, and dis 
covered much information on every point 
upon which they touched. They agreed, 
■with and were supported bj Mr. foster, in 


staling, that the bank paper in L-eland was 
not only depreciated, but was at an actUiil 
and positive disco'ant of more than ten per- 
centum. Mr. FostCi stated, that there was 
m sihfr in Ireland, and that even the ^^j/ 
was not of the 6est ^:/rt/zV>'. — Against such 
facts vvh it could the uiinisters urge.? Yet,- 
did Lord Castlerereagh and Mr. Cx>rry 
say a good deal. Tne gentlemen, to 
whom they' had to reply, had attributed, 
and very truly, the depreciation of the 
paper to the iilcrease of that paper;- andy of 
course, they cast the blame chiefly upari 
the bunk of Ireland. My. Corry and Loid 
Castiereagh seemed to have hardly any 
other object in view than to defend the 
Lish Banic Directors, which, it may be 
o!) erved, is liie course which, on suc.h occa- 
sions, ministers always take. But in thi.q 
attempt at defence, neitiier of them stated 
any thing nositivelv ; but contented them- 
selves with suggesting rather what ?niglit 
he than what vo^-.r the cause of tJie depre- 
ciation. Very .^-ober and grave, however^ 
were tiie cautions wliic-h they tin^ew out, 
with respect to the manner, in which the 
subject should be treated. They ob,;erved, 
and vvith perfect truth, that the currency^ 
in L'cland, "was in a vary critical •uiay ; " 
the question, they said,' was of " a very ab- 
struse j-iature ; " and that " great misclfiefs 
might arise from avv^akening apprehensions 
upon <?.oddicate a i^oint." l"o do Mr. Corry 
justice, however, it must be observed, that 
he made an observation or two, which 
though JK)!, perhaps, perfectly original, are^ 
as coming foni a raimsier^ (God protect us!) 
not altogether unworthy of notice; to wit;-, 
that amongst the causes, of the increase of 
Insli bajik paper v/ere the " au^me?ifation of the 
" taxes, iuid the decrease ofspecic',^^ and, that, 
as to the duration of the restriction, he was 
" not azuare of ■a.ny circumstances that would 
" render restriction necessary in Ireland 
" after it should be taken cff in England.''^ 
The-.e ideas, as was before remarked, are 
not, in all likelihood, perfectly original, 
but they are, nevertheless, of some ira-' 
. portaijce, as giving us a peep into the 

pn)lui:diiy of the Irish financiers. Mr. 

Tliornton's remarks v/ere of a diffferenfe 
cast. He thought the evil arose irora too 
great a quantity of bank notes being in 
circulation ; and this arose from the state 
of indefiendence in- which private banks, int 
[reland, are with regard ts the bank of 
Dublin. The great object, therefore, 
whicli he wiihed to obtai.i, was, to limit 
the circulation of private banks. But, ano- 
ther, and a more effectual remedy, whic-h, 
he thought mig-ht be applied, woalii be t^ 

S49l F E B R U A 

wake Irish bank \>^\>er exchanvenbJg for t':nf 
cf the Bank of England^ a Lhoiight which, 
certainly, never would have entered the 
mind of any one but a Director of the B.vik 
of Englnritl. T!iis gentleman hoped that 
the miller would very soun be brought be- 
fore parliament, and he said, he l)ad no 
doubt but that, upon i?ivest!^/ition, an effectual 

remt^iy ^Od\d be found out! What tlie 

gentleman means bv an '•'• eff'Ctnnl remcily'" 
is uiiceriain ; bul, if he does, in good 
earnest, imagine, that the bank notes of 
Ireland can, by the virtue of acts of par- 
liament, be recovered from their degrad..\l 
state, in what hands, to what heads, is en- 
trusi'jd the preservation of our public cre- 
dit ! No ; it IS impossil>le. He never can 
entertain such a notion. He must perceive, 
thjf ihe pa!>er, both in this country and 
that, is rapidly sinking, but is, without 
doubt, of opinion, that the fact ought to be 
hidden, as long as possible from the world; 
an oj^iiiion which, by others, is regarded 
as erroneous in the extreme, and vi'iiich, 
as they think, is likely to lead a line of 
candi:cl, which, by terminating in "d-'su-Um 
sh(K-k,mayproduce the most fatalconsetpaen- 
ces. — By way of postscript to this topic, it 
seems necessary just to notice a rninislerial 
paragraph, which is circulating through 
the newspapers, and in which the good 
peojde of England are informed, thit, 
^' such is the rapid increase and the 
*' luo'idnrful ot'eration of the Sinking 
*' Fund, that a hundred millions of the 
*' national debt have aheady been redeeni- 
" ed, 'zc. Sec. &c &c. /" -That a news- 
editor should unte a pjragragh like this, 
or that such a paragraph should be sent to 
tlie press by some inferior clerk in oliice, 
one can ea ily coiiceive ; but, that a 
Secretary rf the Treasury should sit down 
and commit such words to paper, and, after- 
wa'rds, upon reading them over, shouL.i be 
able so far to overcome ti^at love of truth 
which every inan p.;,-.scs^e-, in a greater or 
]css degree ; that he should set deliberately 
to work, and persevere unto the obtaining 
of so complete a triumph over the belter 
part of his nature, as to be capable of 
ushering such a statement into the world, 
is utterly incredib'e. Ere long this " won- 
" derful operation" shall be expLiined 
somewhat at length : the curtain shall be 
Jitted, and the pegs and wires discovered 
to the view, even of those whose sight is 
the thickest. Jn the mean-time, let those, 
who are most nearly concerned in this 
^' wonderful operation," ask themselves, 
what good purpo,e they can hope to answer 
hy th«ir financiering tricks.? Do they think. 

R Y 18, 1804. ^250 they are, by such means, deceiving 
the enemy ? Do they think that a sudden 
disclosure of our real situation is more wise 
than a ^ra//««/ disclosure, and less likely to 
produce mischief? Is it tlieir opinion, that 
the time is unpropitiou.s ? Never will a 
time so favourable come again. To-mor- 
row will be better than next day ; and 

to day is belter than to-morrow. As an 

answer to tliose who have been hired to 
calumniate me ibr endeavouring to destroy 
what they, in their contused ja'-gon, call 
'• public credit," as an answer to these slaves, 
1 refer to iiie motto which I have cho eii 
for the j^reseiu sheet ; and, I beg the read- 
er to recoll-'ci, that Mr. Sheridan, in the 
debate oF the -i-th of August la-:t, reproach- 
ed Mr. Windham, imputed to him as a 
crime, the approving of ihe former conduce 
of a m.m vviio noiv expressed his dislike of 
the fundi, g system ! And, shall not I have 
the same liberty to express my opini utj as 
Mr. Sheridan had to express his ? Lately^ 
indeed, he hai expressed very fjw ; at 
least publicly ; but, I should be glad to 
know, on what he founds his pretenuon to 
an exclusive right of uttering his sentiments 
on any subject whatever ? 

Ms. MiiRRvr — Or rather, Mrs. Merry; 
for, the newspapers, b;)th A.nerican and 
Enghf.h, say that a misanderstanding has 
taken jdace, at the City of Washington, 
on account of this lady. I hope it wdi be 
found, that neither .she nor her husband is 
in fault ; but, leally, it i: somevvhat morti- 
fying, that we sh'juld run even the most 
slight risk of injury to our publi-: intere ts 
from a cause sO trifling as th^t whether 
MiS. Merry, of whom none of us ever be- 
fore heard, is, or is not, permitted to take 
the ^iftjy Mf Mrs. Maddison or Mrs. Gallatin. 
The last mentioned lady was, if- I recollect 
right, chosen by her S[K)Use, for the admi- 
rable accomplishment of leaping over (ive- 
b.irred fences, which siie used to pcrfom 
wdth the agility of a gr^iy-iiound ; but, she 
is the Secretary of vSiate's wife, and, in 
that capacity, I sho ild think it very won- 
derful if she yielded one 'jot of her right ; 
for T have n.o doubt but that, by this time, 
she is avery sharp, intelligent, elegant, and 
haughty woman. Ail our squabbles, all 
our mishaps, with regard to America, have 
arisen, arise, and will arise, from a sort of 
willful blindness which seems, as to that 
country, constantly to ])ervude this king- 
dom, its government, in all its branches, 
inclusive. It is in vain that we read the 
writings of Mr. Jelferson, Mr. Hamilton, 
Mr. Maddison, Mr. Jav, and a hundred 
other lawyers and politicians ; it is in vaiq 




(hat we see, year after year, proofs of their 
consummate skill and address in ne-zotia- 
tioii; it is ia vain that we oiirseives fall in 
fvery corahat against that skill and address; 
still \\'(i persevere in rej(:udin<; them, and, 
indeed, in (reating them, as a race of hall- 
civiiJzed barbarians. This is not the way 
to win a nation ; particularly that nation, 
which, of all other;, -iipon the earth, has 
tiie highest opinion of itscdf. It i^ to be 
feared, that Mrs. Merry carried over with 
her the wrong opinions of her country : 
the consequence would iiT-turally be con- 
tempt, on her part, and indignation and 
resentment, on the part of th-)se towards 

vhom that contempt was discovered 

The public will recollect, that I, who knew 
something of the Americans, augured n;j 
good from the appoinlment of Mr. Merry. 
1 thought him an improper person for sucli 
a mission. The Americans have always 
sent to us one of the Jirsi, the veiyjini, 
i?3en in their country ; and,"" tliCy expect, 
I know they expect, or, at least, they ex- 
press their claim to have a lirst-rate man 
sentihetnfrom this country. This pretension 
is v/ell- founded ; and, if we will ob-^tinateiy 
persevere in disregarding it, we must take 
the consequences. The French, now our 
supsiriors in every thing, neglect not to be 
well represented in America. They do not 
despise, nor a/tpear to despise, that country 
or its people. Ti'.eir minister there has the 
aiean.5 of living respectably, which ours ne- 
ver has. We want iha money at home; 
but, we may be we'd absnred, that one gui- 
nea expended in the maintenance of the 
rank, dignity, and splendour of a minister 
r.t a foreign court, is of more service to us, 
than ten ihonsand bestowed upon the venal 
slaves who till the columns of the Loiv.lon 
newspapers, or upon any other of those ob- 
jects the use of which is to prolong the du- 
ration of ministerial power. America is al- 
ready a greal inaruime power. Everyday 
adds and must add to that greatness. Events 
in the West-Indies are pushing her on to 
importance. Ia ten years her mercantile 
iDarine will surpass that of Great-Bii.ain. 
And v/e have a certain Mr. Merry at her 
court ! And we have a Secretary of State, 
who chuckles, in open p:irliament, at the 
thought (jf having placed the Frencb upon her 
hack ! When one sees and hears these things, 
one can hardly believe, that the affairs of 
the nation are not comajitted to the hands 
of tailjrs and shoemakers. " JNIr. Merry is 
a very good sort of man." Wuh ail my 
heart. I say nolhing to the contrary. As 
good as you please ; and, as i before said^ 
give him as much as he can ask in the 

shaoe of money, if he has earned it ; but, I 

say he is not a tit man to represent his Ma- 
jesty in the United Slates of America; I say, 
that the Araeilcans think themselves under- 
rated by us, in con^eq•aence ot h'S being sent 
there ; I say he is not the sort of person or 
charncier that ^/tt-'ylike; and I repeat, that 
cordial friendship never will subsist betweerj 
the two countries, till a scale and system, to- 
tally n"w, are, on our part, adopted in the 
office for foreign affairs. 

Coalition. That a coalition has been 
formed between anji of the great rnen of the 
country, for the purpose of elfecling a 
changf^ in the ministry, must, I think, be 
regarded as a most auspicious circuaistance. 
I have always though'^ and I have fre- 
quently said, that no such junction, no such 
change, would ever take place, till it was 
forced^ upon the nation by the irresistible 
torrent of events. That torrent has long beea 
gadiering ; its increasing swell is now visible 
to almost eveiy eye; and, the danger is, 
that it miy overwhelm .us, in the very mo- 
mt-nt, when, after a too long delay, we 
are, at last, preparing to resist it by the 
united ta'ents, wiidom, cn.l courage of tliose 
who, if called to our assistance at an earlier 
period, would have saved us wiihout a strug- . 
gie. But, apprehensions like this ought not 
to make us droop in despair. There is yei 
inna. Talent and courage alone are vvaiUed. 
We have all the means of safety, and of 
glory, in our hands. If it be true,- as the 
newspapers state, and as I most sincerely 
hope, that a resolution has been taken by 
Mr. Fox, Mr. AVindham and Lord Gren- 
ville, cordially to co-operate logedier for the 
great public purpose of composing, or piO' 
dii^i/ig, so/uchozu or other, an enlightened 
and powerful administration, there is not 
only a hope, but there is ground for a confi- 
dence, that our deliverance from this state 
of feebleness and disgrace is very near at 
hand. If this junction has been formed, it 
has certainly for its motive nothing selfish. 
The object will not be place, buc pou.'er ; 
power brought to the service of the nation, 
and exercised, either by the persons who 
compose this coalition, or by those who are 
able to resist them as an opposition; so that, 
wJiichever way the coalition operates, it must 
produce a change of no inconsiderable impor- 
tance; it must put the powers of the state into 
abler hands. On this subject of coalition, it is 
not improper to advert to a pamphlet, lately 
published by a Mr. Ward, who is said to 
be a lawyer, and who is certainly upon 
terms of intimacy with ]Mr. Pitt; not, per- 
haps, of direct iatercourse of sentimear, but, 
who, by the, means of friends iHivl relaiions^ 


r E B R U A R Y 1 

comes so near him as to be suppose;! to 
know somethina; o' his wi-h^s aiifl intentions 
relarive to politic^' and p.irry sul-jccts. Tliis 
gfiuLlemnn has vvrirtciv a very dull solicicor- 
like three shijiing pamphlet, with, as it 
would appeal", n© other immeJiate oh]<:ct tiun 
that of exLaiparir.r;; Mr. Pitc from the 
diare^es of inc;wisistency and insincerity, in- 
curred by his conduct with r^'Cfani to Mr. 
Patten's motion, an object in which the 
writer Ii;i5 totaiiy failed. But, in the course 
of his tiresome pages, he h;is observed, thnt 
the opposition a^pun^t Mr. Addni^ron has 
hitherto Jailed " the iL's-it «./" concert in 
*' tne o; posing generiils; the old jealousies of 
*' some, and the diffiring viezvs of ot.lers." 
Then, those who h;ive had the patience to 
follow liiin to the end, will li id him con- 
cluding; thus : '• could v/ishcs decide there 
*" should be an end of Jiarfy. All the op- 
" posing benrhes In the House of Co'timons 
'• prerent abilities that might yet save the nation. 
" Can any one refuse t.> say, that Mr. Fxx's 
" mind is of the vi^ry ftrst class ? It is dread- 
" ful to think, that theiahols of this ability 
*' is excluijed troin the Cabinet. But men's 
*" eyes must open at lail \.o ta^ir real situa- 

" tion." 1 shall nor stop here to ask 

Mr. Ward how he cm reconc.le his deplor- 
able picture of x.\\t. jiraent Cabinet with Mr. 
Pitt's eulogium upon the per.soi.s who com- 
pose it ; but shall proceed to remark, that 
these his expresiioas, which I have quoted, 
have given ris.; to another pamphlet, in the 
form of a letter to him " rccoinmendatory of 
a coalition." Ti>e author of this letter has 
much more talent as well as some liberal 
political notions and views than Ivlr. V/ard 
appears to have ; but, as to his opinion of 
the pracficability of a coalition, and after- 
wards a minist y, of which Air. Pitt should 
be the head, I am «ciy afraid it is errone- 
ous. Mr. Pitt, since the present session of 
Parliament, has, as far as I can perceive, 
discovered no disposition towards such an 
union. It would be presumption to pre- 
tend to k^ioiu what he will do ; bur, it is not 
presumption in me to say, that I t\ink he 
adheres to his former preiensi ons, of having 
all the government, or none of it ; that, con- 
scious of his ov\n great powers of persua- 
sion, and of the weight of liis inilucnce 
with the monied and coaimercial men of 
the country, he will stand upon his own 
foundation, and, gathering round him his 
obedient, though now scattered satellites, 
will again bid dctiance to the aristccrcicj, 
the church, and tillers of the land. That 
the next stage of his ministerial career 
will bs of slmrt duration I am confident j 
because, the foundation will slide from 

1 804. [254 

beneath him ; but, of this he is not, per 
haps, at all apprehensive ; and, there- 
fore, there is no reason to suppose, that 
he will share the real powers of government 
with any other persons, be thev whom they 
may. 1 give this opinion with rcrn-et. I 
have been anxious to discover grounds f )r 
hoping, that Mr. Pitt would heartily co- 
operate in the forming of a ministry thac 
.should embrace all the best talents of the 
country cdlectcd from o// parties; but, as 
my observation has led to a different result, 
it is my duty ti say so to my reader^:. 
While, however, 1 express my regret at 
what I think will be th; course of partv 
p ilitics pursued by Mr. Pitt, I cannot dis- 
guise, that I shjuldsee with regret infinite- 
ly greater, any union between him cXil the 
other great men of the day, unless his sys- 
tem of policy, foreign and domestic, were 
first completely and explicitly abandoned. 
That syat-m, which is neither more nor 
less than that :f gyvfrningby ilic selfish and base 
feelings, has sunk us to our present lament- 
able state, from which we never can be 
raised to our former greatness, without the 
ad.)ption of general piinciples, precisely the 
contrary of thise, up in which the a'Tairs of 
our country have been conducted for twen- 
ty years past. We must again be great, or 
we must be .nothing ; and, greatness is not 
to be re-acquired by implicitly yielding to 
the councils of merchi:.ts, manufacturers, 
and bankers. The generous spirit of the 
people must once more be appealed to : men 
mu.>t becalled upon to Hghr, not for their 
property, njt for '• the stake which they 
'' have in the public f/^rij'' but for the /^5- 
nour and glory of their country ; tor the pre- 
servation of the name and /i-z//* bequeathed 
them by their fathers, and which it is their 
duty to hand down untarnished to their 
children. If this motive be insudicient, all 
others will be unarailing : our enemy Is tri- 
umphant, and we are enslaved. 

Ths; King. When, in the preceding' 

sheet, I was stating a case, in which, from 
the impossibility of making an immediate 
change in the mlnist;y, it might be proper 
for the persons compos ng an Opposition to 
aid the miiiisters with their advice, I little 
imagined that such a case would so soon 
have existed, and still less did I apprehend, 
that it would arise from so melanchoh, so 
heart-rending a cause, as that which now 
presents itself in the dang:erous and dreadful 
malady, with which our beloved S )vereiga 
i-; afflicted. In this state of things, it is the 
du'y of every man to contribute, by all the 
mean; at his command, towards the support 
of thoie, ia whose hands the powers of the 


an(i of course to enfeeble his power; and 
thereby, to duriir.ish. If not to cut off,' the 
means of saving us^ from the danger with 
which we are menaced. 


state arc lodged ; because, out of those 
hands, feeble as they are, these powers can- 
not instantly tie taken- But, while every 

one will readily assent to the truth and pro- 
priety of this remark, it is to be hoped, that 
the ministers will not attempt, ior the sake 
of prolonging their power, to suspend the 
legislative and other operations , for, ia the 
depth of our alHiction, we must not forget, 
that we have a throne and a country to pre- 
serve. On this subject, I am aware of the 
danger of misrepresentation ; I am aware, 
that it is utterly impossible i'oc me to utter 
any sentiment, however just and hawever 
cautiously conveyed, without exposing my- 
self to the calumnious interpretations of the 
hirelings of the press ; but, neither this, nor 
any other consideration shall deter m; fro in 
doing what I regarded to be my duty. I 
was born under the benignant reign of His 
Majesty. I regard him as the protector of 
my infancy, and in my youth and manhood, 
from the age of sixteen to the present day, 
I have constantly, faithfully, zealously, and 
disinteresteMy.) served, honoured, and obeyed 
him ; and, though, if it should please 
Ood navv to deprive us of his inesti- 
mable l.fe, fifreen millions of people 
Will ba plunged into the deepest of sorrow, 
I will not believe, that one ol that number 
AviU mourn more sincerely than myself. 
But, if this event should take place, I 
cannot think that we are justified in har- 
bouring sentiments, or in holding the lan- 
guage of despondency^ while there is at hand 
the Hetr of his rights and his virtues, 
whose birth gives him an undisputed claim 
to our allegiance, whose amiable disoosi- 
tion insures oar affection, whose talents 
command our respect, and whose courage, 
while it inspires us with confidence, affords 
us a glorious example. Under such cir- 
cumstances, let us not droop djwn like men 
without hope j but let us, on the contrary, 
call in;o motion, all our best faculties, and, 
above all things, let us neglect nothing that 
is likely to contribute to the gafeiy of our 
country and the preservation of the honour 

and dignity oF the throne. Precisely 

what means ra?iy be necessary to be adopt- 
ed, in case of an unhappy prolongation of 
of His Majesty's malady, it is not for a 
private individual to suggest; but, I can- 
not refrain from expressing a hope, that, 
if His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales 
should be called on to exercise the Royal 
authority, no attempt will be made to 
cramp him in that exercise, to circumscribe, 


**■ General Stuart has signitied to the Offi- 
" cers of the Foreign Brigade, which serv- 
**■ ed in Egypt, his Majesty's permission to . 
" wear the niedais transmitied to them by 
" the Grand Seignior, for their distinguisii- 
" ed gallantry, at the bait'e of Alexandria, 

" on the 21st of March, ISOl. His 

" Majesty has also- been graciously pleased 
" to allow Antoine Lutz, late of the 
" Minorca Queen's German Regimtnt, at 
" present a Serjeant in the Kng's German 
" Regiment, a pension of ^£20 a year dur- 
" ing life, for his courage displaced in the 
" capture of the lavinubLe Standard from 
" the French, upon the 21st of March, 
*' ISOL The brevet was, on Wednesday 
'' last, sent off, by Messrs. Cox and Green- 
" wood, to the head quarters of the King's 

" German iiegiaient." -"ThiA paragraph 

I have copied frdm one of those London 
news-papers, by which, as the public will 
recollect, I \fA^ loaded v/ilh every species of 
calumny and abuse for having asserted the 
claim of Lutz. Truth generally prevails 
in the end; but, in the interim, evil im- 
pressions are, sometimes, produced, and 
great injury is done to those by whom the 
cause ot truth is espoused ; and, therefore, 
if the result of this much-agitated, and 
warinly-contssted question should not ope- 
rate as a caiLtion v.'ich those, who are in 
the habit of abasing me, I may hope that it 
will so operate with the public, and that 
those calumniators will not, on any future 
occasion, easily obtain belief. 

View of the Public ChaiiActer and 
Conduct of R. B. Sheridan, Esa., in 
Oae Volume Octavo, is ready for delivery, 
and may bo had of J. Bud J, Pall MaH j 
R. Bagshaw, Bow Street ; and of every 
Bookseller in the United Kingdom, 

No. X. of Cobsett's Parltamentary 
Debates, containing the Debate on the 
Volunteer Consolidation Bill ; Irish Bank 
Restriction Bill, &;c. &c., is also ready for 
delivery. Complete sets of the work, from 
its commencement, may be had of th« 

Pcinted by Cox aa I Biylis, No. 75, Great Q.a.zta. Street, and pablishe-t by R. Bagshaw, Bow Stresf, Coveat 
Garden, where fornisf Nambeis m ^y be had j sold also by J. Badd, and Mftre, Pdll-Mall, 


Vol, V. No. 8.] London, Salurdcuj, 25th February, 1804. [ Price iOo 

'* I will pledfje myself to this House, and to tliis country, to show, that all the w»stc and profligacy, 

tfiar attends p!a:ei and pensions, is so great as to be sufficient to iniiintain luith hread nl! the lulK:i<ing 
*' poor ',f thi'i country. I do not spcak liastily and at rsiulom ; I have information to proceed upon, 
*' for I liave been in a situation, in which I had an opportunity of examining into these matters." 
. Mk. Sheridan's Speech, March 13, 1797 See PonriCAL Proteos, p. 427. 



Sir, — Your brief strictures on tliR block- 
ade of Erestj contained in your Weekly 
Register of tiie 11th instant, are justly in- 
tjtled to the attention of your numerous 
readers. They must, therefore, regret with 
me, that you are precluded by the extent 
and variety of political objects which oc- 
cupy your time, and demand your attention, 
from entering more fully into this most im- 
portant subject. I shall, however, with 
your permission, solicit the attention of your 
readers to its farther discussion. Actuated 
by this consideration, and convinced of the 
Utility and public advantages resulting from 
this dedication of you»' time to the service of 
your country, I shall, with your permission, 
r,icall the attention of your readers to this 
mojt important subject, which you have 
not leisure minutely to investigate. — We are 
told by the advocates fortlie blockade of 
Brest, that it is absolutely necessary to con-- 
iine the enemy's fleet in that harbour, to 
prevent the mischief that must inevitably 
be occasioned by a descent on Ireland, or on 
the Western coast of Britain, even though 
victory to us would be the probable and ul- 
timate result It is also suggested by a 
writer who has lately undertaken the defence 
oi this measure, (and I believe the only one 
who has done so) that by sutfering the 
enemy's fleet to come out of Brest, th.^ir offi- 
cers and seamen might require, by practice, a 
promptitude and expertness of manoeuyering 
which would soon give them that superiority 
in naval tactics and maritime power, which 
are the principal objects of their ambition. 
It is also sagaciously remarked, that though 
on the event of the Brest fleet putting to sea, 
and coming to action with the British, there 
.could be little doubt but the latter would, as 
usual, prove victorious, such victories would 
. produce the same effe^cts as those of Charles 
the XII of Sweden, ever the Czar Peter; they 
wonld Instruct oar enemies to conquer us. 
^.Tliisevil, tha bloclcaiing sj'stem, would not 
vonly etTectually prevent, but it wauld, at 
^.^the sam'^ tira.;, by enuring our ofricers and 
-seamen' to a life of un<-emitting vigilance, 
peril, attd fa'ig^A?, render t^ ^ckoowledged 


superiority we have already obtained, still 
more pre-eminent. Tli'--;.-,e are, if I do not 
greatly mistake-, all tlie arguments that have, 
been advanced in fivor of the blockade of 
Brest; and I have endeavored, in stating 
them, to give ihem all the force they pos- 
sess, J'akanlqujntnm valere posdnl. Oa 
a subject of such importance, and at a crisis 
so avvful and alarming, the arguments .on 
each side of the question should be impar- 
tially stated, and attentively considered All 
ideas of prejudice and party should be ex- 
cluded from the discussion, and the prepon- 
derance of reason alone should determine 
that public opinion, to which, in times like 
these, when ihs safety, and even the na- 
tional independence of the British empire i$ 
at hazard, ministers and opposition ought to 
be equally attentive and amenable.— In thU 
spirit of free and impartial inquiry, so con- 
genial to thai which so eminently distin- 
guishes the Weekly Register from the ephe- 
meral publications of its contemporaries, 1 
shall proceed to the consideration of those 
arguinents which operate agamsr the block- 
ading system, so far as it relates to the Brest 
fleet.— With respect to Boulogne, Calais, 
Dunkirk, the Texcl, and. all the ports op- 
posite the eastern and southern coast o)f 
England, no one, I apprehend, can enter- 
tain a doubt, but the blockading sys.teoji 
should be rigorously and unremittingly main- 
tained. — The proxipoity of these h.irbours, 
1 and others, where numbers of armed ves- 
j sels and gun-boats are assembled for the 
I avowed purpose of effecting our des ruction, 
j and where thousands of ihe enf'my are ra- 
i presented as being, at all time';, ready a^id 
I eager to make the desperate attempt, is, of 
itself, a suiticient argument for keeping 
I them in a stats of continual blockade. — To 
I this consideration may be added the cora- 
p.iratively small number and rai^ of ships, 
the moderate expense, the triflmg hazard, 
the evident facility, a id the incalculab'e na- 
tional benefit of the blockading system, ■ iu9 
applied. — It also possesses this farther local 
advantage, that oar blockad.n.; squadrons 
on tiiese stations are neither exposed to the 
complicated dangers of an enemy's coait. 



nor to the destructive ravages of an open, 
tumultiiOLis ocean, .during gales of wind.- — 
To all these ptrriis and calamities, and to 
many more which I shail now proceed to 
cotjsiiler, the channel fleet, emplo)''ed in 
the blockade of Brest harbour, is continually 
exposed. — To enumerate the hazards, the 
casuiliies, the destruction of masts, sails, 
rigging, with every other valuable article of 
naval stores, and the enormous expenses 
with which repair of these losses, and the 
maintaining * tiuo blockading fleets of de- 
cidtuiy superior force to ih.ii vt the impotent 
enemy it contine-, arc necessirily attended, 
would be needless waste of time. — A re- 
ference to the daily newspapers, and a re- 
collection of the present tempestuous and 
dreadfully d. stractive winter, too evidently 
evince ttie^e melancholy facts. — But though 
our blojkadmg channsl fleets have suffered 
mutihnion, they hive escap;;d desiruction. 
Happily tor this nation, th.-y have as yet 
escaped quclt di-solution, to which the 
improvident absurdity of their destination 
hashi'h-rto, and doe^. still, continually ex- 
pose them. On this occasion, too much 
praise cannot be bestowed on tlie gallant 
comajcmders, officers, and seamen, employed 
on this ruinous and disheartening service 5 
nor can we sutiicienily express our gratitude 
to tlie Almighty, for preserving the glory and 
defence of our empire, the terror and envy 
of snrround'ng n.itions, the unconguercd 
British navy, from the continual dangers to 
which it is i.iipruvidently and pusillanimous- 
ly exposed, by the disgraceful system of 
blockmg up a contemptible and inferior 
force m an enemy's liarbour. Theie they 
may practice in safety, and at their leisure, 
every mtnceuvre and in:)})roveinent in naval 
tactics, which it is pretrnded our wise sys- 
tem of blockade is so wed calculated to pre- 
vent, — But of what avail is it to the British 
nation, tiiat ourtiiumphant navy has escaped 
the overvvhelming rum in which a gale of 
wind on an enemy's coast m'ght in a few 
hours involve it, if a destruction less swift, 
but possibly far triore sure, must be the re- 
sult qf ihis impolitic system, this constant 
source of gratulation and ridicule to our 
subtle, inveierate enemy ! — The wasting and 
rapid decline ot our navy, s,o justly lament- 

* " T1V0 jfec/s,"-— jfie off Brest, one in port 
TPddy to occupy its station, in case it should be 
iiisperscd or disabletl.-r-Ia the Morning Chronicle 
Ot this day, the fleet off Brest is stated to be 25 
sail of the line ! While thii superfiuity of force is 
thus hazaidoiisly employed in blockading an ar- 
piaaiciu which half of it would probably defeatj 
and certainly confine, the force ip the I^owns ap- 

=4lf tp be a\ych too -^reak. 

ed, and so accurately described by your 
well-informed correspondent Z, in your last 
week's Register, is (as he has remarked) 
accelerated, in a most alarming degree, by the 
blockade of Brest, wlrch, without affording 
the most trivial public benefit, is prolific in 
national evils — It is thus we are made by 
a crafty, insidious foe, the suicides of our 
late transcendent power, our unexampled 
opulence, our envied glory ! By the bug- 
bear of invasion, arrayed in the ost ntatious 
parade of preparation, th^y keep us m con- 
tinual alarm; call forth our most powerful 
energies ; exhaust our astonishing, but by 
no means boundless resources, making our 
str'^ngih itself the cause of our destruction, 
and finally reducing us to the humiliating 
state of the wretched maniac, who, goaded 
to unnatural efforts, fails an impotent, nerve- 
le^s victim to hi^ pusillanimous, crafty, as- 
sailants.— Having considered the arguments 
urged in favor of the blockade of Brest, the 
answers to them, and the various and incal- 
culable evils which a perseverance in this 
favorite measure of administration must in- 
evitably produce, it remains to shew, why a 
system, which has always been successfully 
adopted, and universally approved in the 
late and former wars, should now be deemed 
impolitic and censurable. In the prosecu- 
tion of this design, I shall endeavour to 
demonstrate thiit, circumstanced as we now 
are, and have been during the whole con- 
tinuance of the present blockade of Brest, 
(provided it be really true that our channel 
firet is siiperiur, or even nearly equal to that 
of the enemy) bis putting to sea, so far from 
being a tremendous event, would probably 
be the most favourable circumstance we 
could possibly wish fur — Bat having, I fear, 
already trespassed too much on your limits, 
if not on your patience, I rau't defer my 
farther communications on tliis subject to a 
future letter ; and remain. Sir, your con- 
stant reader and humble servant, 
Feb. 21sl, 1S04. Britannic us. 

Supplement to the Correspondence helween 
Lord Fingall and Lord Re.desdale, to wkicb 
is added the justificatory Narrative of Mr. 


A Letter from the Roman Catholic Bishop qf 
Cloyjie and Ross, to the Right Honourable 
Lord Rcdesdale, Lord High Chancellor of 
Ire land, 

Mlddleton, January 26, 1804. 

My Lori>,— If the heavy weight of in-i 

sinua'ioH whereby I am aspersed in your 

lordship's recent correspondence with th,^ 

Earl of Fingall, were not as un.foun,de4 ia 

2(51] F E B R U A 

fact ai it is extreme in rigour, I should not 
feel warranted to expostulate in this nia'iiicr 
with Vour lordship upi'n Uie ini-istict* you 
have done uc. Of your great p av r aiy 
lord, of your pre-cuineiii d gn'ty, I .tin 'ho- 
roughly sensible: ine-<e arr. ute very oir-uin 
stances vvhich in my mind aggravat.; th- iu- 
juiy 1 compia'u of; aid therefore far f;ora 
deierring, tt»-y e-'Co ir^g-- me rather to pre- 
S'lil myself wiih co.'tidenc- before vuu. 
'Jo redress wro .g- i- the |).cu!inr proviience 
of vour lord-iiiip "i exalted station. We a'l 
kni^w, inv lord, th-u i' th ^ sibject were ag 
g-i>-ved even by th-^ Kmg. who cnu do no 
wroii:;. y.iur lod-h p \- etnpovvcred to can 
eel hi*? erters p<tent, f founded upou untrue 
suggestions: I m » t th^o persuade my .elf 
thnt being Ht least as much inclined as y;'U 
are warrduted to do such act of ju-<tice, you 
will be equally ready to cancel yonr own 
sv.^e^c e oriicr u.-.on ive, when yo^ir lord 
ship «!hill have con-ide ed the extent of the 
injury, and shiU have detected the nii>iator 
malion that t^ronnds it la your letter to 
the Earl of Fngdl, yo iv lordship would 
convince ihit Roman Cutiioiio nobleman 
h'^v little faith is due to Roman Cat holier 
in their professions of loyalty, by represent 
ing to him thit I, a Romnn C'thol.c bishop, 
have been treating vvi;h pointed disrespect 
those of my clergy who in thsr year 1798. 
had fi.ived the lives of lo al men; and in 
honouring as a mar yr, with insult to the 
offended justice of (he luivs, a pre- sup 
posed to be deeply imphcaie '. in he rebel- 
lion, and permitted to rrturu from trans 
portation through 'he mere indulg^-nce of 
government. I'his st-ntetice, tny lord, will, 
by easy implicatioi, be thought to ips nuate 
that.besiJr bcinga traitrous, a perjure': hypo 
crite, I aiu also an ab ttor of mur.ler -a 
san^uinaiy monster under sheep's c oilrng 
of E(iiscopal Consecration, who, while 1 
preach the ioy '.Ity I have sworn, am sanc- 
tioning i)y my coninct the murder of loyal 
men ; and promiting as far as in me lies, a 
rebellious spirit a uong my clergy, by reserv- 
ing my rh;ef attentions for surh of them as 
were said to be gni'.ty of r-^b-^llion. A dread- 
ful insinu ttion, indeed; deriving multiplied 
effect frooi your lordship's iharacter ant sta- 
tion ! It would bear heavily upon me, my 
lord, had it been no moie than a sudden ex- 
plosion bursting from nn ordinary noblemm 
in the h-at <.f altercation : but how much 
more oppressive as a sentim:'nt committed 
to writing by the cool, unruffled, discri iii 
nating impartiality of a Lord Hgh Chan- 
cellor, in a letter to a Roman Catholic peer ; 
for the obvious purpose of wounding the 
Roman Catholic religion, through the d»- 

R Y 25, 1804. {262 

t gradation of a Roman Catholic bishop ; and 
if unrefuted by me, or ratlier if not ttxplain- 
ed by your lor iship as an uninteivioaal mis- 
statement, it must go down to potf-rty with 
iireoarable ii'ijury to my-ett; and by asso- 
ciation, periia.j". to the * o nmuniiy I belong 
lo. It become , th-r^t'ore im )eraiivi" upon 
me, my lo'd, to convince you that you have 
here most gri-vously mi-repre-ented me, 
through the unfo-.mded sugge^tlon3 of o'hers : 
after whi>h I cannot but hope that your 
lordship wil' be forward to acknowledge the 
error, an<L e.).iauy d ' posed to regiet it. 
1 now beg leave, h .wever ha.oiliaiing the 
assrve;at:on, to d'-ciare before that awful 
tribunal, wh.-re y.-ur lordship as w.ll as I, 
sh ill one day be a rai,.:ned tliat were it pos- 
sib'e an angrl from Ili^aven cou'd propo-.e 
to m .-, not the m 'Ce ot your lordship, not 
th ■ sceptre of rny Sovert^ign, but the uncon- 
troled dominion of thi^ globe, as a reward 
for assen'ing to the murder of the meanest 
wnt h tint ever mov d upon it, I should 
conoid, r ovse'f b.-und to say ^o thjt angel, 
with ot. Paul, '• t)e thou accursed ;" nor for 
so saying hould I raise mystlf in my owa 
e-tim ition above the lowest line on the scale 
of negative merit. Neither do I claim a 
h ghei place for declaring, as I now do ia 
the presence of Gol, that being a liege sub- 
ject of his Majesty Kmg George the Third, 
i hold myself b mn I by the dicates of my 
religion, indep u lently of the oaths I have 
takrn, to b.arh'iTi true allegiance, and to 
•ncjlcate the same ob'ig. tion upon all tho e 
who are subject to my jurisdiction. Nay, 
further, 1 dec'are myself more firmly bound 
to him by the dicta es of my rcl-g'on, than 
by every tie: being as little able in adverse 
circum-.tancfs to answer for my loyalty to 
tb Kmg, without thf^ aid of my religion, ai 
to answer for my fidelity to God, widiout 
the aid of his grace. Conformably to this 
impression, my lord, I have en*'orced, with 
particular energy, the duty of allegiance both 
in my public and private instruction, during 
the troab es of l/tjS, strictly enjoining my 
clf-rgy to with-hola the sacred rites from all 
persons implicated in the treason of that 
time, unil the oath and the treason it ce- 
mented should liave been first abjured : by 
which means, many hundreds, if not many 
thousands, were detached from that treason- 
able compact who to this very day might 

have adhered to it. In answer to the al- 

leganon of p -inted disrespect to those cier- who were represented to your lord- 
ship as having saved the lives of loyal men, 
I can boldly assert in the fuce of this dio- 
cese, thac the only priest I knew of, as 
coming precisely within that description, hy 



having given a timely noiice to a gi-nileman 
whose life was threatened, is the very man 
I soon iifier selected for my vic:ir-general ; 
and Vi'ith him, at this day, in that co.ifi.len- 
tial cipaciiv, I con'.inue on termi of sincere 
regard and afteciion Tiie other clergyman 
distjiiguished for loyai exertions at that try- 
ing period, will acknowledge, if called upon, 
that instead of treaung them di'-respectfnlly, 
I esteem them all and venerate them. That 
every piiest of" mine, however, is pertectiy 
satisfied, is what I am not presumptuous to affirm : it seldom falls to be the 
lot of any one in my place, not to have in- 
dividuals displeased with him ; but I can con- 
fidently say that I know of only one clergy- 
man in this entire diocese who considers 
himself aggrieved by my administration; 
and to that very clergyman I a^ confidently 
appeal whether what he complains of in my 
conduct towards hin), has risen from his ef- 
forts in behalf of loyal men. If more mi- 
nute inquiries, suggested by your lordship's 
pregnant charge, have since discovered to 
me a priest prostituting the sacred laver of 
Tegeneration, in compliance with the pusil- 
lanimous request of a loyal Protestant gen- 
tleman, who to court the rabble (when like 
others around him he should have opposed 
them) entreated this priest in their presence 
to baptize him; I shall never deem such 
condescension, whether elicited by good na- 
ture or by loyalty, entitled to extraordinary 
credit ; much less can I look upon it as a 
counterpoise against every subsequent failure 

or inaptitude. The llev. Peter O'Neii, 

to whom your lordship alludes in this same 
letter to Lord Fingall, has been urged by 
the obloquy which assailed him, to lay the 
particulars of his situation before the public 
m an humble remonstrance forwarded to 
your lordship, through the post-office, at 
rny own instance, the moment it issued from 
the press. It has, I trust, my lord, fully 
vindicated my conduct towards that much 
injured man, and removed the painful im- 
putation of insult to the offended justice of 
the laws. It has, in my apprehension, de- 
monstrated that his return was the concur- 
rent act of two successive chief governors ; 
the one suspending his traasporLation — the 
other ordering him home from it. Nor this, 
my lord, by way of pardon which was never 
solicited, but by an impartial decision upon 
the merits of his case. I will accordingly 
presume to hope, that your lordship, having 
duly considered the facts stated m his re- 
monstrance, is raflier inclined to think that 
the justice of the laws which had sunk un- 
der his condemnation, hath re-asserted its 
;^ower, cud triumphed in his acquiital. 

Your lordship, I will also hope, has seen by 
this remonstranet-, that Mr. O'Neil's rein- 
sratement in his former place, was not so 
much an act of mine, as the provision of a 
spiritual law, which in similar circum- 
stances would restore a clergyman of the 
established church.— —By thus shewing 
how Btrargely I was misrepresented to your 
lordship, 1 would not be understood to in- 
sinuate that the personage who had the ho- 
nour of addressing you, intended to misre- 
present me ; I am fully convinced, my lord, 
that you would adinit no man to your cor- 
respondence who could willingly deviate 
Irom the truth : but I ain alike convinced 
that this personage, respectable as he doubt- 
less is, must have been in the present in- 
stance rnost grossly imposed upon. 

Neither the elevated rank of noblemen, nor 
their sacred regard to veracity, can always 
secure them against imposition from a cer- 
tain class of men who artfully contrive to 
beset them — esquires of very late creation, 
who with matchless intrepidity of counte- 
nance, can assassinate characters or whisper 
them away, and swear their own falsehoods 
into currency. When the truly loyal are 
every where intent upon uniting all hearts 
and all hands in the common cause, and 
for the common good, these men are every 
where indefatigable in promoting animosity 
and distrust for their own private purposes. 
I shall say no more Oi thern than barely to 
remind your lordship, how much easier it 
is for such geniry to make their impression, 

than for an honest man to eiface it. -It 

remains for me to observe, before I close 
this letter, thac upon the firsr intimation I 
received from a person of rank in the me- 
tropolis, that i have been Traduced as above, 
I mstandy wrote a refutation of the charges ; 
and was then assured it should be laid be- 
fore your lordship. But an unwillingness 
to intrude, has since, it seems, prevailed 
against the promise made me; which cir- 
cumstance, together with the publication in 
the Star and other papers since, as they 
have compelled me to address your lordship 
in this direct manner, thev will, I hope, at 
the same time, be gracious-y admitted as 
my apology. I have the honour to be, with 
inviolable rej^pect, my Lord, your Lord^" 
ship's niost devoted humble servant, 

y/. CorPiNGER. 
Note. — On the second day after I had 
written and posted my letter to Lord Re- 
desdale, I obtained a mo;e accurate account 
ot the paragraph concerning mc, than the 
public prints or the prior c mmunicaiion 
atforded. The paragraph says, that I 
brought him (meaning Mv. O'Neii) bacls; 

265] F E B R U A 

to what in definncfe of the law', I call his 
parish. I Would glkcUy shelter myseU, in 
this case, under the act ot P,ir!i;.inient of ilie 
2ist and 22d of his present Majcsry ; enti- 
tled " an cict for the further relief of his 
Majesty's subjects professing the Popish re- 
ligion ;" which acr, as I conceive ir, ex- 
pressly reciuires that Popish ecclesiastics, to 
be exempted from former penalties, do in- 
sert upon a seprirate and distinct roll in the 
l\e<:jis ei's Oliice of each res()ective diocese, 
their Christian n tme and surname, their 
ag<?, the orders they have received, and the 
persons from uhom they received them ; as 
also their place ot abjde ; and their pnriJi, 
if thev have a parish ; a coj-.y of whicli roll 
was to be annually returned by the Re^ii^- 
ter, to the clerk of the Pi ivy Council, under 
the penalty of tool. But as the authority 
of Lord P.edcsdale, gives me now to fear 
that I have totally misconceived the mean- 
ing" of this act, I can only suppl:c?.te his 
indulgence for an error, which, if not quite 
pardonnble, will at least induce a milder 
qualification than dertaisce of the law. I 
am the more earnest in this p-titibn, as his 
lordship has precluded me from any futu'e 
recurrence to himj and from any further 
explanation, than what he has kindly con- 
<lescciided to give in the fellowiiig; answer 
to my letter : 

Efy Place, Dtihlin, Feb. i, 1804. 
Sir, — My letters to L-ord Fingall (as 
far as they are the subject of your com- 
plaint) were a confidential stuttment to a 
person of high rank and character and sup- 
|>osed influence amongst the Roman Catho- 
lics, of representations made to me, the 
truth of which I did not assert, but com- 
municated them to his lordship as I receiv- 
ed them, that he might muke proper in- 
quiries ; and if he found the representations 
to have ai.y foundation, I hoped he might 
be induced to use his influence, (which, I 
fin'.', I very much over-rated) to prevent 
what might produce considerable irritanon 
in the mir:ds of the Prote.-.rants of Ireland. 
These letters, thereforr, ought to have re- 
mained in the cUiset of Lord Fingall : a 
different use his been made of them for 
purposes sufficiently obvious; but I am not 
responsible for a publication which is an 
abuse of my confidence, and perhaps also 
of the confidence of Lord Fiugdll. I have, 
I think, a right to complain of any publica- 
tion of those letters J but 1 have a right 
most strongly to complain of the great in- 
justice of that partial publication, which 
has afforded ground for the grossest and 
most malicious misrepresentation. Th(;se 
who d'"termined to abuse my confidence and 
(as I am inj'ormed) that of Lsid Fmgill, 

R Y 25, 1804. \iM 

would have acted a more manly, and so far, 
a less blameable part, if they had given the 
whole cnrrespondenre as it has actually 
passed, in print, so as to be accessible {3 
every one. Any publicatio i I should haya 
considered as a gross injustice, and must rp- 
senl it as such. My letters conld not have 
been injurious to you, if they had remained 
with Lord Fingal. If any injury had .irisea 
to you from the publication, it would not 
have proceeded from me. But the letters, 
though published, could not have been in- 
jurious to you, had they stood alone, and 
without comment ; for I did nor mention 
your * na:ne, nor did I know your name 
could be, in any manner, connected with 
the informations which I had received, and 
com,munic2ted to Lord Fingall, until Mr.. 
O'Neil's pamphlet was sent to me, and, as 
you now"tell me, at your instance. If thai 
pamphlet makes an aiplication which I ne- 
ver made, the application springs from Mr. 
O'Ncil and yourself. You call that pan;.- 
phlt't " an humble remonstrance " I con- 
sider it as one of many e:araordinary pub- 
lications which have lately appeared ; some • 
imputed to high auiho.ity; others coutite- ' 
naiiced by high authoriiy ; the tendency of 
which is to insult the Protestants of Ireland, 
and their religion, and to irritate the differ- 
ent sects against each other. I have no 
I'isposition to attribute thes.; publications 
to the Roman Catholics in general. On 
the contrary, I believe there are many, very 
many, w-ho sincerely deplore thcif mis- 
chievous effect. But th.e pul)lications de- 
monstrate the temper of those who have 
composed and patronized them ; and with a 
per^on wlio professes to consider Mr, 
O'Neil's pamphlet as " an humble remon- 
strance," I think I caimot prudently hold 
any co: respondence, especiaUy after the 
treatment I have experienced with respeit 
to my letters to Lord Fingall. I shrjl 
therefore decline giving any tiirrher answer 
to your letter, which would unavoidably 
lead to a long ar.d unpleasant discussiou. 

1 have the honour to be. Sir, your 

most humble servant, Redesdale, 

The Rev, Dr. Copliinger. 


The humlJe remonstrance of the Rev. Peter 
O'A'eil, R C. Parish Priest of Bally macoda, 
{jinde n-jte * No. J , of the Correspondence). 

. My lords and gentlemen, The 

present mild administration of his Majesty's 
government in Ireland, having graciously 

* Mr. O'Meil, whose superior I am, is the only 
Roman Catholic clergyman iu Irciaad who ius 
returned t'rjm Dotanv Bay. 


some could ?ive no answer, vvhih- others as- 
8"-red that it was subsequent to that in 
quay, this paper was discoveied : agaia I 
call for it, lee it be produced; and if it 
ca'inot, let common ju>ticc rem.^nd it for 
ever to its source — malijiianf calnf-nnv. If 
was my peculiar misiortune tbat the ^-harJ;e<* 
then rrjade against me were no only with 
held from myself, but even my friends had 
no iMtimati;)n of them, except I'y coiimoji 
report, which then Wis busilv employed isi 
disjieminating the various atrocities supposed 
to have been committed by toe : bur n /fhing 
specifically authenticated had transpired : 
the very commifal was so vague as to have 
excited the astonishment of a professional 
friend of mine in Dublin, and to have even- 
tually led to niy discharge. I shall now 
proceed t,. the particulars of my case. Im- 
mediately upon my arrest, I was brought 
into Youghai, where, without any previous 
trialj I vvas ccuiiiaed in a loathsome recepta- 
cle of the Barrack^ called the Bla k Hole, 
rendered still more ofil'ensive by the stench 
of the common necessary adjoining it. In 
that dungeon I remained frcm Friday until 
Monday, when I was conducted to the Ball- 
ally to receive my punishment. No trial 
had yi.t intervened, nor ever after. — I was 
slripf-)ed and tied up; six soldiers stood 
forth for ihis operation; some of them right 
handed, some 1-ft-handed m.en, two at a 
time (as 1 judge from the quickness of the 
lashi s) aiid relieved at intervals, until 1 had 
received two-hundred and seventy«five lashes 
so vigorously and so deeply inflicted, that 
my back snd the points of my shoulders 
were quite bared of ihe flesh. — At that mo- 
ment, a letter was handed to the officer pre- 
siding, wiiiten, I understand, in my favour 
by the late Hon. Capt. O'Brien, of Rostel- 
lan. It happily interrupted my punish- 
ment But 1 had not hitherto shaken the 
triangle ; a display of feeling which it seems 
vvas eagerly expected from me. To accele- 
rate that spectacle, a wire-cat was intro- 
duced, armed with scraps of tin or lead. (I 
iu4ge from the effect, and from the defcrip- 
*io;i giveti me:) Whatever were its appen- 
dage^r, I cannot easily forget the power of it. 
In dei.ance of shame, my waistband was cut 
for the fihishing strokes of this lascerating 
instrument. The very first lash, as it re- 
newed all my pangs, and shot convulsive 
agony through my endre frame, made me 
shako the triangle indeed. A second inflic- 
tion of it, penetrated my loins, and tore them 
exciutiatingl}' : the third maintained the 
tremulous exhibition long enough- — the 

spectators were satisfied. 1 should spare 

gp\i, my lords and gentlemen, thedis^ust- 

FEBRUARY 25, 1804. [270 

Ing minuti.-i'fss of this last detail, but it will 

be found materially conneced with a most 
rre-i-ful chjirte which apiea'S upon the 
niinutes of a Court of Inq^my, held to in-n 
vcstigate m\ case the vear following in 
You>:hal, Uf'der Gen. Graham, by order of 
the Marquis Ci'rnvvaiiis. Before this Court 
I was not brought; nor any triei d of mine 
summoned ihi'hcr to Sjxak for me. It vvas 
even a su'^ject of sarcastic remark in the 
prison-ship, that while I stood there among 
the s;>i;i.>rs my tri«l, as tb.ey termed it, was 
goinij on in Youghal. With the procee •• 
ings of that Court I am to this day unac- 
quainted. It was ordered I know, in con- 
tequence ot a memorial upon my situation, 
handed to a distinsjuislicd nobleman, and by 
him presented at the Castle; I was not con- 
sulted vvi;h regard to its coi, tents. Unfor- 
tunately for .m?, it vvas penned with mere 
zeal than accuiacy; settmg forth, among 
other hardships, that after my punishment, 
I bad been left without medical assistance^ 
(on the report, I presume, of a sister-in-law, 
who visited me within the interval between 
the whipping and the apothecary's arrival ;) 
it fuither stated that I bad been whipt and 
throvvn into a dup.gccn ; instead of stating, 
as it ought to have done, that I had been 
thrown into a dungeon and whipt. This 
inversion was fatal to me. For the evidence 
of i\Ir. Green, apothecary, most plausibly 
contradicted these allegations of the memo- 
rial ;>nd that circumstance, \\4ien coupled 
with the subsequent horrid charges auda- 
ciously forged and foisted into the minutes 
of the inquiry, excited an almost invincible 
prejudice in th.;: mind of the merciful Lord 
Cornwallis against me. For when, after a 
considerable lapse of time, my professional 
friend in Dublin renewed his efforts to save 
me, at the risk of being deemed importunate 
and troublesome, he was still graciously ho- 
noured with an audience, wherein to pre- 
clude all future interference, as quite inef- 
fectual and hopeless, his Excellency direct- 
ed Colonel Littlehales to read these minutea- 
to my patron. They reported that I had 
freely avowed to Mr. Benjamin Green, apo- 
thecary, while he was dressing my wounds, 
at the time I was about to be sent on board 
the prison-ship, that I deserved all I had 
suffered and more; for I was privy to the 
murders, &:c. Sec. committed in my parish : . 
that I could account for my conduct in no 
other Way, than by attributing it to the in- 
stigation of the devil : and that I deserved 
to be shot. The cruel edge of this forged 
evidence was still fui ther whetted by sub- 
joining to it, that this Mr, Green was a Ro- 
man Catholic. My respeetuble iatercessorj 

,273] F E B R U A R 

room in a corner o-f tbe B:ill-ally, and stcrn- 
h- tell me, tint if I would nor now m^ke an 
avowal of jijuilt, I should be bi(Hic;l'''t out to 
receive a reperition of rry punishment ; aiid 
jifterw!i''ds to be sliot. And why be should 
repeal that mi'nace the shitic cvenins^ in the 
qaol, and still more forcibly the dwy follow- 
in?. The circumstances of his exertions on 
ih-at ocrasion, are too strikii^w to be omitted. 
After I had answered him in the corner oi 
the Bail-ally that I would stifTcr any denth 
rather than acknowledge a criive whereof I 
was not guilty, he told me I should be set at 
liberty if I would agree to a certain proposal 
which he then made; but justice and truth 
cominanded ine to reject it. When conduct- 
ed to s^aol, after a lapse of three hours, I was 
presented with a refscshment : it appeared 
to be wine and water, but must have had 
sotne other p.iwerful inj;redient ; for it 
specdi'y bronnht on a stupor. The same 
officer soon rou = e<i me from mv lethargy, 
with a renewed effort to extort rhi^ avowal 
from me: he drew his sword; he declared 
he wjuld never part with me until it were 
given in writing; he threatened that I 
should be forthwith led out again, flogged 
as before, shot, hanged, my head cut off to 
be expo>-ed upon the ga' 1-top, and my body 
thrown into the river: thar he would allow 
me but two minutes to determine. Then 
going to the door, he called for a scrip of 
paper, while the sentinel swore terribly at 
the same time, that he would blow^ my 
brains out if I persi^ted longer in my re- 
fusal. UnJer this impression I scribbled a 
note to my brother, which they instantly 
cried cut was what they wanted; the pre- 
cise expressions of ir, I do not at this mo- 
ment recollect; it purported a wish that my 
brother might no longer indulge uneasiness 
upon my account, for I deserved what I got. 
The officer withdrew ; my sistcr-in-lavv 
then got admittance : she told me, she had 
just heard the sentinel say, that during my 
entire punishment, nothing was against me : 
however, that the paper I had just written 
would assuredly hang me. I exclaimed that 
their dre.idful threats had compelled me to 
write it ; which exclamation being carried 
to the officer, he renirned the next dav : he 
called me to the gaol v/indow commanding a 
view of a gallnws, v»'hereon two tnen were 
hanging; their Lodies so bloody, that I 
imagined they wore red jackets. A third 
halter remained yet unoccupied, which he 
declared was intended for me, should I per- 
sist in disclaiming the aforesaid note. Look, 
said he, at these men, look r.r tint rope, your 
tieatment shall be worse than theirs, if you 
disown what you wiote yesterday ; addmg 

Y 25, 1804. ■27»; 

that it was still in my power to get free. I 
ia'iagincd from this, that he wanted irioney 
trom me; or a favourite mvire which i had 
occasionally lent him. My answer was, if 
you liber;ife me you shall always find me 
faithful; there is nothing in my power that 
I will not do. Do not then attempt, said he, 
to exculpate yourself, an 1 so retired. I 
now procured voU'i" paper, whereon I wrote 
a formal protest against what he extorted 
from ine as above; that, should I be exe- 
cuted, this protest might appear after my 
death.— I wrote a second, with the same 
design ; but I left them both after me in the 
gaol; app.rehensive, that should they be 
found in n\v possession, they might cause 
me to be treated with additional severity^ , 
Neither did I afterward, while in gaol, 
openly assert my innocence for that reason. 
Now, so litt'e credit seems to have been 
attached to this paper, in any subsequent 
proceeding, that it was never after, to my 
knowledge, produced against me. Indeed 
there is reason to imagine that what this 
gentleman is reported to have advanced in 
the above minutes, was never said by him ; 
because the same audacity which forged a 
declaration for Mr. Green, might be daring 
enough to forge a similar declaration for 
this gentleman. Thus by the providence 
of God, what was maliciously intended (o 
ruin me, has in the event etliccted my re- 
lease. Lord Cornwallis, whose discernment 
perceived, and whose generosity recoiled 
at this questionable proceeding, unhesita- 
tingly issued an order for my removal from 
the transport. The following letter an- 
nounces that order to my friend in Dublin : 
" Dublm-Castk,- -i^Ofh June, i'8oo. 
" Sir, 1 have had the honour to re- 
ceive, and to lay before my Lord Lieutenant, 
your letter of the 28tli instant, with its en- 
closure, and am directed to acquaint you, 
that his E.Kccllency's commands have been 
this day conveyed to Major General Myers, 
to take the Rev. Peter O'Neii from on board 
the Ann, Botany Bay Ship, in Cork Harbour, 
and to cause him to be imprisoned until fur- 
ther orders, but not to treat him with harsh- 
ness or severity. 1 have the honour to be-. 

Sir, your most obedient, humble servant, 


I had sailed before this order arrived. 

On this passage out a mutiny arose among 
the convicts, who, taking advantage of the 
moment when the captain was fumigating 
the ship, suddenly set upon, and tied. him. 
The sentinel, a Malais, cried out to roe in 
his own jargon, as I was walking the main 
deck, that there was war below ; ofiering m.e 
his drawn -sword, in order to fortify n;y in- 



4ei t'errnee. "What my conduct at that criti- 
cal moment w.i-,, will c^nm better from 
others. I ^hill only say tliat the most prompt 
and athletic exertion preceded my entrea- 
ties and it-ndertd them essential. How, as 
well as by who n the captam was extricHt^d, 
without even the intervention of an ofBcer, 
he himself can til. Another gentleman, 
Mr Pip'-:r, ot -the New S. Wales Corps, cao 
tell. Me. tl')br;rts, the surgeon, told it so 
circumstaniiaily to the Lieutenant Governor, 
Major FoveauK, that he afterwards treated 
me with paiticular kin Ine^s. This pow^-r- 
fu'ly cou'ribnted to reconcile me to my fate: 
I had almost made up my mind to remain 
there for ever : the thougLt> ot home ceased 
to be importunate. In the mean time the 
exertions of my friend were indefatigable : 
he contrived to bring my case under the eye 
of our present Chief Governor, Lord Hard- 
wicke, whose firmness, tempered by that 
clemency which distinguished his illustrious 
predecessor, was not to be warped by party- 
opposition. An injured subject, in the very 
Antipodes, was alike within the range of his 
power and attention. He listened with pa- 
tience; he examined with impariiahty; he 
decided with justice. An order from him 
hath set me free. At my return to Ireland 
I waited upon my ordinary, Doctor Coppin- 
ger; I represented to him the many hard- 
ships I had undergone; I referred him to 
the several proofs of my innocence, which 
had passed through his own hands, and which 
were now officially authenticated, by my 
warranted return to my native country, i 
reminded him that as I had a regular colla- 
tion of my parish, and could not forfeit it by 
the unfounded charges alleged against me, 
nor by any subsequent misfortunes, I could 
not in justice be deprived of it, nor opposed 
by him in resuming my functions in that pa- 
rish. He suggested in answer, that the 
strong prejudices which still seemed to pre- 
vail againsL me, rendered it in his mind im- 
prudent, not to say unsafe, for me to return 
thither. Yet, when I remarked to him that 
the sending me to any other quarter, beside 
the injustice of such a step, would in a great 
degree redect a censure upon ms ; that it 
would be an extreme of severity, while 1 
■Was acquitted in tlie eyes of the government, 
and Ijy the act of Lord Hardwicke, that he, 
my ordinary, and as I hoped my faend, 
should seem, in this way, to asperse me; he 
yielded to my reinmstrance; 1. again took 
charge of my parish, where, with the assist- 
ance of God, I shall persevere in the most 
itrenuous endeavours to maint.3in peace, in- 
dustry, loyalty, and good order among my 
parishioacrs. A circuiQstance occurred upon 


the present occasion, very trivial in itself, but 
which, as it gave rise to a most injurious re- 
presentation, 1 feel myself bound to notice. 
Six or seven of Doctor Copp'nger's clergy 
had been engaged to dine with him on the 
following day : be was pleased to ask me to 
join thmii wh ch, hav ng done I was since, 
in addition to my other crosses, extremely 
mortified toleirn, that this p!ain prit'ate re- 
past wis magnified into a most sumpi nous 
banquet, given in honour of Mr, O Neil's re- 
turn This gl-iring mis-st 'tement, which of 
itself would not have affected my ordinary, has 
bsen the cause of much uneasiness since: as 
seemingly connected with an intimation from 
a respectable character in Dublin, informing 
him that a personage in that metropolis of 
high rank and great power, misled by this 
false intelligence, had complained that Doc- 
tor Coppinger restored me to my parish, as a 
martyr in triumph, with insult ts the of- 
fended justice of the laws, &c. &c. 

I atn neither commissioned nor qualified 
to vindicate the character of Doctor Coppin- 
ger, in this or in any other particular : I can 
only express my sorrow at having been thus 
the unintentional cause of this painful impu- 
tation. His character, wherever it is known, 
will be its own support; little does it stand 
in need of adventitious aid, much less of 
that which my poor depreciated suffrage caa 
administer. He has, I learn, drawn up a 
narrative, which such misrepresentation, if 
long continued, will call upon him to pub- 
lish. — I have now, my lords and gentlemen, 
to apologize for the tedious length of this 
elucidation, which I humbly submit to you, 
in the hope that I am not now in your mind 
the sort of person you have been taught to 
consider me. I will also hope that the ur- 
gency of my case will effectually plead in 
excuse for my presumption in thus publicly 
addressing you ; a liberty I shall never again, 
upon any account, assume. I commit my- 
self widi confidence to your humane consi- 
deration; and have the honour to be with 
the most profound respect, •■• — My lords and 
gentlemen, your most devoted, and most 
taithful, humble servant, p. o'neil. 

October 23, 180J. 


Foreign. — The latest French and Ger- 
man newspapers confirm the account, tha' the 
Beys of Egypt, after stipulating for certain 
privileges, have, finally, agreed to the con- 
vention proposed by the Turkish govern- 
ment, by which the possession of tiint coun- 
try IS secured to the Porte. — Ali Pasha ha? 
succeeded in driving the Sulliotes, a Greek- 




recalled me from a painful an.l humiliating 
exile, to liberty in my native country, I 
av lil myself of the eari'e^t opputunity to 
solicit your attention, while T ( nd.Mvoir, by 
a plain', to remove from your minds 
thatovium which misrepresentation and ob- 
loquy have long exci'.eJ against me; and 
whi h, unremoved, must render my exis- 
tence here equally painful to you and to 
myseif. Were this o')lo<]uy an i misrepre- 
sentation confined in its elVects to my own 
individual person, however desirable the re- 
instateii;enr in your good oiinion must be, I 
should hardly presume to intrude up;:n you; 
but my character aifects, in some dog rcr, that 
of the body to which I have the honour to 
belong; it interests the reputation of m:;ny 
respectable persons who have humanely in- 
tertcrcd in my behalf; and what is still of 
far greater iinportacc, it may possibly in- 
terest the reputation of his M^jestv's go- 
vernment in Ireland, which wicli disciii i- 
nating impartiality hath looked down upon 
me, enveloped as I was in a mist of calumny; 
t»ath stretched forth a parental hand to re- 
lease me from imprisonment, to bieik my 
chains, andtofxpunge the hasty sentence 
which consigned me for a time to shame ar^d 
suffering. I shill be particularly careful 
while you condescend to indulge me wi;h a 
hearing, to confino myself to whit is abso- 
lutely necessary for my exculpition. To 
express or even to harbour lesentment, 
vvould ill become me at any time, but pa;- 
ticularly now. I fjrgive from my soul ever/ 
injury 1 have received, and every person 
concerned in inflicting it ; not only religion 
requires this at my hands, but cornmon sense 

and justice. When 1 was arrested and 

punished, it was doubtless in the supijosition 
that 1 was deeply engaged in the hoirors 
which disgraced m<*ny parts of this kingdtitn 
at that dibtresiing period. To have been 
pointed at, as an United Irishman; as con- 
cerned in the shedding of blood ; as an abet- 
tor of treason; as assenting to, and en- 
couraging murder; was naturally-a death- 
warrant in that momei.t of ii ritution. If it 
.were allowed me to complain, I should otdy 
find fault with the prcci|)iiancy of the pro- 
ceedings which- then afilicted me. Had I 
been favoured with a regular trial, or even 
a calm investigation, the error vvould have 
been discovered, and my misfortunes would 
have been obviated ; but though the mea- 
sures were precipitately adopted, they were 
so, under the full conviction of my flagitious 
guilt ; and however paitiful to nie, were 
certainly much lighter than such g"i!t 
*voLild have deserved. II mging were too 
xnjld for it: ar.d did .^y cuiiscicntc charge 

me at this moment with what T wa; accused 
of then, I should think myself favouie.1 by 
transportation: I sliould hide my head du- 
ring the rerrsaindcr of try gnominioiis days, 
fromihe s s;lu of the most air^-ci'-us feU^^vv- 
criminals : but n ) prot.f of thtsj ciiO'initicS 
ever has, or ever can be adduced. My lords 
atid gentlemen, I am now liberated: ii't 
through a paidon sol cited for, or gianted 
tiie ; but on the merits of my case. To vo- 
Kintccr in peijury is an rxcessof wickcdnesi 
80 vile as not to be attributed to the mcst 
abandoned without the strongest proof?. 
Under a full conviction that an apptal 'O 
the Gud of Truth in support of known false- 
hood, would be nothing less than a call 
upon him to expunge iny name for ever fiom 
the book of lite ; to wirh-h Id from ine a.l 
participation in the merits of my Redeemer ; 
to doom of its own nature, my soul to neve;* 
ending misery; I now most solemnly swca^'t 
in the presence of Almighty God, upon his 
Holy Gospels, first, that I was never aa 
United Irishman; that I never took that 
oath; that I never encouraged, advised, or 
permitted others to take it ; but on the con.- 
trary that I dissuaded others from taking it; 
some of whom have had the generosity to 
make affidavit of my exertions in this be- 
half; and there are many who have ta di'dly 
added that they would have taken if, had! 
nor prevented them. Sams of these affida- 
vits have long since been laid before govern- 
ment, together with the other documents of 
my exculpation. Secondly, I do declare 
upon my oath that. I i,ever signed the death- 
warrant of any man ; or an assent to the 
murder or to the death of any man ; :.nd thax 
I never was asked to sign such death war- 
rant or as;,ent. This declaration is further 
strikingly, corroborated by the ffillowing 
circumstance: no paper has ever beca 
produced agair;St me. It would have 
amounted Incontrovertibly to consp'racy or 
murder; it would alone have cond mncd 
me to the gibbet, and there can be r,o doubt- 
if you consider the temper of my treatment 
that such an important paper would no^ 
have been kept back through lenity. Thet^ 
arc sotne gentleiren of this country, wl ^ 
have declared to others that will attest it 
that they had this paper in their hand ; thai' 
they knew my signature: I now call upoa 
them most respectfully, most earnestly, and 
uithout intending the slightest offence; I 
challenge them, I defy them to produce it. 
When these gentlemen were asked by my 
friends, during my banishment, why this 
paper was not brought f(;rv,'ard previous to 
my puni=:hmenr, or before tiie couit of in- 
quiry, which was held upon me in Youghal, 


being quite unprepared to meet such an ac- 
cusation, hi.'ng' dd'-vn his heaJ and with- 
drew. But he iost no time in communiea- 
ting this reverse to my ordinary, Doctor 
Coppirsger, who was equally astonishtd at 
these assertions ; but who seized the oppor- 
tunity, until a refutation of all could be 
procured, to point, in the interim, to the de- 
signint"; and notorious falsehood of Mr. 
Green's catholicity. In a very few days 
Mr. Green himself Epontaneou-iy fuinisht-d 
my bishop with a peremptory denial of the 
above particulars, under his own hand : de- 
claring moreoter in a vv ritten uGknowlcdge- 
ment, that no conversation had passed be- 
tween hiin and the prisoner, but as between 
a medical innn and his patienr. This same 
gentleman also ingeniotlsly preseiited him- 
self iit the parish chapel of Bailymacoda, of- 
fering to make oath, that he' had not gn-en 
the evidence here attributed to him. The 
Deputy Judge Advocate General, Major 
Ellis, has been pleased to tranecribe these 
minutes, as far as ihey'regardcd Mr. Green, 
for the express purpose of contradicting this 
forgery. L shall now insert them, with his 
letter to the said Mr. Green. 

Youghal,2Sih July, 1800. 

SiK, " Your application to me for a 

copy of the evidence you gave at a Court cf 
Inquiry, by order of Major General Gra- 
ham, at which, by the said General's orders 
you were obliged to attend, I have not the 
smallest objection to give you, which. I have 
taken verbatim from the original, now in 
my possession, and in which i cannot be mis- 
taken, as you know I have acted as Deputy 
Judge Advocate General at the said Court, 
lam, Sir, your most obedient servant, 


*' Evidence given by Mr. Benjamin 
Green, apothecary, at a Ceurt of Inquiry, 
which sat at Youghal, on the 28th of Au- 
gust, 1799, to inquire and investigate the 
conduct of the Rev. Peter O'Neil, formerly 
parish priest of the parish of Ballymacoda. 

" Question by the Court. — As the prisoner 
has set forth in his memorial to his Excel- 
lency the Lord Lieutenant, that he was kept 
in a dungeon, and, after punishment, was 
neglected ; not having his back dressed ; the 
Court call upon you to declare what you 
know, as to that part of his memorial. 

*' Ansivcr by Mr. BenjajniH Green. — In less 
than two liours after O'lvleil, the Priest had 
been punished, I attended him, and dressed 
his back; and gave him such medicines as I 
deemed necessary. The prisoner was con- 
fined in an airy, comfortable, healthy room, 
in the upper part of the gaol, where I visit- 
ed him every day, and dressed his back,, and 

[27 .2.^ 

administered every assistance I judged ne- , 
ce-sary ; not only to preserve his health, 
but likewise to heal his back; and when 
the prisoner was removed from the gaol to 
the guard-room, in order to be put on board 
of a boar, I then dressed him, and gave him 
a lotion to use afterwards, in order to pre- 
serve his health. And am. sorry to be ob- 
liged to st-.'.te, that I never received any pay- 
ment for mv medicines or trouble. — This is 
the whole of the evidence given by Mr. Ben- 
jamin Green. EICHAU D EtLIS, 
Dep. Judge Advocate Geni" 
Another, respectable gentleman is repre- 
sented in these minutes to have said, that 
immediately after my punishment, ' I ac- 
knowledged to him that 1 was privy to the 
murder of two soldiers; that 1 knew of a 
gun kept in my parish for the purpose of 
murder, and refriarkable for the certainty of 
its aim ; he is there beside stated to have said, 
that I made this declaration, not under any 
apprehension of punishment, but I seeined 
rather to speak, as one clergyman would to 
another, in a moment of contrition : such at 
least is the substance of this gentlema;h's 
words, as far as my friend in Dublin, to 
whom the evidence was read, could recollect 
it. Now from the nature of the communi- 
cation, which it is here asserted 1 made, it 
will be naturally supposed, that the gentle- 
man had a private interview with me after 
my punishment : but he himself is thorough- 
ly persuaded that he had not, I never laid 
my eyes on him since I saw him at that 
time, in the public Ball-ally. During my 
flagellation he stood opposite me, close to 
the triangle, with a paper and a pencil in 
his hand, noting down whatever then oc- 
curred to him. He asked, did you know 
that the fire arms were taken froin my house? 
My answer was rather too short— Sir, I 
heard you say so ; but I felt at the moment, 
by heavier strokes, the consequence of my 
impoliteness. I really considered that gen- 
tleman, on account of his apparent insensi- 
bility at" the time, as the very reverse of a 
friend ; and wl'.ile I now positively deny my 
having made the acknowledgment above re- 
ported, I shall rake the liberty to ask ; first, 
whether it be consistent with likelihood, 
that, when such a severe punishment and so 
%vitnessed by him, w.^s over, I had selected 
that very gentleman in order to criminate 
myself to such a confident, without any 
possible advantage } I beg leave to ask, in 
the second place, if I had made this acknow- 
ledgment at the Ball-ally, why a certaiii 
subaltern, declaring that he had power to 
act as he pleased by me, should take me 
(naked and bleeding as I was) into a small 

37^1 F E B R IT A 

tribe situated Dear JanTn^, from their native 
mountains; and Chi:itt':i and Cogtia have 
been taken by caciLulsiionj an'l the inhabi- 
tants pcrmii ted to retire to Paiga. — It is said 
that intcSligerice has b^en dispatched to Con- 
stantiuople ot the arrival of an adjutant of 
General St. Cyr, in the Morea ; the avowed 
object of his visit is to purchase Tarki-h 
horses in the peninsula, for the use of the 
French army on the opposite side of the 
Adriaiic, but the attention with which he 
inspects every thing, ihc^ Pasha of Janina is 
suspicious of his intentions. It is report- 
ed that the First Consul of France has, un- 
expectedly, required from his Sicilian Ma- 
jesty, tiie surrender of three fortresses of im- 
portance on the coast, which are to be gar 
risoned by French troop'> during the war ; 
this request, however, the king, afier hold- 
ing a eouiu il of state, is said to have refu- 

ai-d. Throughout the whole L'atavian Ke- 

pubtic, the French are enforcing the decrees 
relative to British mnchandize, with unre- 
lenting severity. Wlierever property of that 
description is discovered, it is innuediatcly 
seized and confiscated. Some remonstran- 
ces have been made against these proceed- 
ings, and particularly one hy the govern- 
ment of Zealand to the French General, 
Monnet, but they have all been inetlectual. 
Buonaparte is at Paris, and the legislative 
body is engaged in the discussion of the civil 
code, TeD-'umhas been sung at Ma- 
laga, for the restoration of health to that 

Domestic. — According to some late ac- 
counts from Ireland, it appears that the spi- 
rit of rebellion in that country has not yet 
subsided. Eleven persons have been very 
recently arrested at Cork, accused of be- 
longing to a treasonable committee j and it 
has been rumoured that a rising was expected 
to take place in the county of Antrim. The 
city of Dublin, on the night of the 14th in- 
etant, was completely alarmed, and all the 
military were called out, but the circumstan- 
ces which gave rise to this extraordinary vi- 
gilance is not yet known.— —Astlelt, who 
was, some time ago, convicted of taking ex- 
chequer bills from the Bank of England, 
and whose case was left for the decision of 
the judges, received sentence of death at the 

Old Bailey on the 20th inst. During the 

two last weeks, nothing of particular im- 
portance has occurred in parliament, except 
ihe passing of the Irish Restriction 
Bill by the House of Commons, Lord Gren- 
TiUe's motion relative to the issues of bank 
papers, and Mr. Yorkc's motion relative to 
the volunteers, have been postpoiied, in 
«onse(iuence of the illnejs of bis Majesty.— 

R Y 25, 1804, 


The committee appointed to try the petition 
ot Sir Thomas Turton, against the South- 
wark election, have decided in favour of 
Mr. Tisrney. — The King * has been pleas- 
ed to grant unto Mnjor-General Sir Joha 
Francis Cradock, Knigt, Couipanion of the 
Most Honourable Miliary Order of die Bath, 
his royal licence and permission, that he 
may receive and wear the Badge of the 
Ottoman Order of the Crescent, conferred 

on hhn by the Grand Signior. He has, 

also, been pleased to appoint Major-General 
John Stuart to be Lieutenant Governor of 
his Majesty's island of Grenada. — — His 
Pvoyal Highness the Prince of Wales, has 
beta pleased to appoint Mr. Sheridan, Re- 
ceiver General of the Duchy of Cornwall* 
in the room of Lord Elliot, deceased.— — 
Sir James Boniier, who succeeded Mr. Clap- 
ham, as Collector of his Majesty's'Customs 
in the island of St. Lucie, is since appointed 
Ordnance Store-Keeper to the colony of 

Demerara. On the 14ih inst. the public 

was informed that the King had been so 
much indisposed, that Sir Francis Millman, 
Dr. Hebeiden, and Mr. Dundas had been 
called in to attend himj and a bulletin was 
communicated to the ditFcrent branches of 
the royal family, stating that " His Majesty 
" is much indisposed to-day." — A cabinet 
council was held in the evening, which con- 
tinued from eight until past three o'clock.— 
On the loth the bulletin was, that " His 
" Majesty is to-day much the same as 
"■ he was yesterday," signed by " F. Mill- 
" man ai.d W. Meberncn." These two 
gentlemen, together with Mr. Dundas sat 
up all night with the King. The Council 
met again at eight o'clock in the evening, 
and sat until past midnight. — On the i6th 
the Bulletin was, that " no material altera- 
" tion has taken place since yesterday. F. 
*', W. Heberden." A meeting of 
the Council was held duiing the day, and 
another at night. — On the 17th, the Biille-. 
tin was, th:it " his Majesty has had several 
" hours sleep, and seems to be refreshed by 
« it. F. Millinan, W. Hcberden." Sir 
Lucas Pepys and Dr. Reynolds were also 
called in to attend his Majesty. The Coun- 
cil sat again on that day. The reports ge- 
nerally circulated were, that the King was 
certainly better. — On the 18th, the Bulle- 
tin was, that " his Majesty is much th« 
" same as yesterday, and we do not appre- 
" hend him to be in diin:;er. L. Penys, 
" H. M. Reynohls, F. Millman, VV. He- 
" berden." The orders which had been 

* These appointments were made prcviouJ to 
his Majesty's iilneiS, 


given aftlic Q_£ieeirs House for the exclu- 
sion of all persons, except the Kiyal fa- 
mily, rlie medical ge"tle!iien iitrciutiiig the 
King-, thone of the househuKi, ;ind Mr. Ad- 
dint,n()n, were nrictly observed. During^ 
the d;iy, TV] r. AJdinoton h;id an audience 
with the Royal Family: — On the 19th, the 
J'ulietin was, that " his Miijcsty has had a 
" $ood n'wht, and is rather bettc'r fo-d.iy. 
" L. Pcpys, H. M. Reynolds, F. Millman, 
" W. Heberdeii." Besides the gentlemen 
who sii^med the Bulletin, Dr. Symmonds, of 
St. Lulic's, was called in. The general 
opinion during the day was, that his Ma- 
jesty was better. A Cabinet Council was 
held at noon. — On the ;oth, the Bulletin 
was, that " his Majesty continues ir.uch 
*' the sHmc as he was yectcrday. L. Pcj)y'^, 
" H. M. Reynolds, F. Mdlman, W. Hebrr- 
*' den." From the favourable symptorns 
which appeared during the day, considera- 
ble hopes were entertained of the King's re- 
covery. The Couiicil met again at noon. 
— On the 2rst, the Kullctinwas, that " his 
" Majesty continues much the same as he 
*' has been the>c two last days, L. Pcpvs, 
" H. M. Reynolds, F. Millman, W. He- 
" berrien." One of the physicians was in 
constant attendance on the Kinc^ during the 
\vhole day. — On the 22d, the Bulletin was, 
that ." his Majesty has had a good night, 
*' and is rather better this morning. L. 
" IVpys, H. M. Reynold?, F. Millman, W. 
*' Hchcrden." Besides the physicians al- 
ready mentioned, Dr. Tuiton has attended 
the Kiuv^. 'Fhe Council sat again at ele- 
ven that morning For the two last days 
the Equerry and Groom in waiting attend- 
ed at the Q^ieen's House. 

Naval. — The naval preparations in the 
enemy's ports are again represented to be 
in such a state of forwardness as to enable 
them almost immediately to. attempt an in- 
vasion. Notwithstanding liie unfavonrahle 
weather which has prevailed in Holland for 
some time past, all the small vessels which 
have been built at ditferent places, for the 
flotilla at Flushing, have passed along the 
canals to the pLice of rendezvous. About 
si.xty vessels of from four to six hundred 
tons burthen remain at Amsterdam,' intend- 
ed for the troops at the Helder : at New 
Diep a!sn, a large number of transports re- 
mains ; on board of which troops are to be 
immediately entbarked. At Flushing, which 
is the grand place of asscmbla<!;e for the boat.^, Sec. Sec. the flotiila is com 
picre, and it, is said, oniy waits for orders rq 
sail...-. — lAt Boulogne, too, notwithstanding 
the extent of the preparations there, it is 
reported that everything is reaoy for im- 
nicdiatc action, although it was abtcrtcd in 



the accounts received last vveelc, that all the 
armed vesseh, transports, &c. which were 
to be assembled there couki nrtt be collect- 
ed before the end of March. An em- 

baigo has been laid on all vessels in Botir- 
deaux, and all the merchantmen at that 
place, amounting to upwards ot filty, have 
been taken into the si rvice of the Repub- 
lic. It is also said, that there are about 
two bundled and fitty flat-bottomed boats 
there, and that much exertion is mavJe to 

get them ready for service. The two 

frigates and twelve gun- vessels which were 
directed to be built in the ports of FVance, 

by the Italian Republic, are completed. 

On the 17th instant, Capt Brown, in the 
Squirrel, captured the French No. 626, 
called L'Esperanel, of forty tons burthen, 
and fitted to Carry eight horses. She left 
Ostend f^e night before, and was bound to 


Irish Bank Paper, — The third read- 
ing of the bill for continuuig the rtstrkt'wn 
on the Bank of Dublin brought Ibrlh, on 
(he sist instant, some facts and observa- 
tions, which the public must consider as in- 
teresting. To the bill itself no objection 
was made ; but, on the principle of it, and 
as (o its general tendency, Lord Archibald 
Plamilton begged leave to stale, (hat his 
opinion was not at all changed ; and, Mt". 
Corry remarked, that he should say nothing 
upon these topics, seeing that they were 
" not regularly before the House," the vim- 
pie question being, whether the restriction 
on the Bank of Dublin should be con- 
tinued or not. This is a new and very fa- 
vourite way of shortening discussions, or 
rather of preventing them altogether ; for, 
if the principle and general tendency of 
restriction bills were not proper topics to 
be discussed upon this occasion, it is hard 
to say what were proper topics : indeed, if 
such doctrii^e prevails, there will soon be 
an end to all discussion whatever ; and the 
pious Doctor, amongst his other achieve- 
ments, will have reduced the conversation 
of the House of Commons to " yea ^ea, 

" and nay nay.'' Sir John Newport 

took occasion to make, on this occasion, 
some very pertinent lemarks. He very 
clearly and concisely exposed the absurdity 
of the opinions given by Mr, Thornton, in 
a former debate upon this subject ; * and, 
he reminded those gentlemen, who seemed 
to attribute the loss upon the exchange be- 
tvveen England and Ireland solely to the 
degradation of Irish bank paper, that there 

* Sec ihe preceding sheet, p. 247, ct stcj. 

r^lT F E B R U A 

were two other causes, which poweiTuHy 
coDlribufed towards that loss, namely, the 
money dravvti from Ireland to Enjijlapd by 
non-resident lanLllords and others, and the 
interest of ihe Irish hjans payable in Eng- 
land. The former of these he estimated 
at three mUIions annually ; the latter at 
one million and a half; and, these four 
millions and a half, he observed, must be 
setagainst any balance of trade which there 
might be annually, in tavour of Ireland.— 
These two co-o|)erating causes were very 
fairly stated. The transmission olso much 
money to non-residents must necessarily 
produce great effect on the course of e.\- 
cfiange ; and, as to the interest on the 
loans, the Irish gentlemen, who have sup- 
ported, and vvh > do support, Mr. Pitt's 
system, ought not to complain on account 
of any loss they thereby sustain. But, still, 
a considerable share of the loss must arise 
from the depreciation of Irish bank, paper. 
Here in England the paper has undergone 
a virtual depreciation ; but, in Ireland, the 
depreciation has actually and openly taken 
place, and people advertise for guineas at 
a premium of twelve and a half, and, in 
some instances, of fourteen per centum. 
Tlie Irish are an odd people ; they do not 
regard " guineas an useless and expensive 
*' incumbrance" ! What idiots they are I 

Irish bank notes are a legal tender, 

in the same way that English bank notes 
are: they are, in fact, the only money 
which a landlord can demand froin his te- 
nant ; and, as they have, from causes 
which are evident enough, sunk faster than 
English bank, notes, the landlord cannot 
expect to have an ecpia! amount of English 
bank notes in exchange for them, especi- 
ally while there is so much more money 
fo be sent from Ireland to England th.iu 
from England to Ireland The gentle- 
men who have complained of t'lis evil, this 
very material deduction from their incomes, 
seem t-j attribute too great a part of the 
blame to the Irish bank directors and their 
company, asserting that, while the paper is 
daily falling lower and lower, the bank direc- 
tors and their associates are sharing greater 
dividends than ever ; and, it is alleged even 
that the cipital of the bankers bear but 
a very slight proportion to the aiijount of 
the paper that they have alloat. But, do 
not these complainants mistake the instru- 
ment by w hich they are wounded for the 
hand by which that instrument is wielded } 
Or, do they think it more prudent to in- 
veigh against the lii)rmer than it is to in- 
veigh aginst the latter.? The bank, direct 
4ors ajjd Jjauk. ponipany of Ireland are no 
more than the ii^slr amcnts in tJie bands of the 

R Y 25, 1S04. [283 

ministers for the time being : they must add 
to or diminish the quaniity.of their paper, 
not according to the order,'* of the ministers, 
but accorduig to the demands, which, by 
loans or taxes, tliose ministers create ; and, 
it were well if the Irish members would re- 
collect, that, wlien tliey are voting for 
loans and taxes, they arc voting, absolutely 
voting, fjr a further issue, and consecpiently 
a further depri-ciation, of bank paper ; 
which depreciation, as we have bt-iorc 
seen, is, m part at lea>t, the cause .of the 
loss, which, while residents in England, 
they experiei^ee from the diilerence of ex- 
change. The evil they com[)lain of is not 
to be attributed to the bank directors so 
much as to the ministers; not to tliendnisters 
so much as to the national Jebt ; not to the 
national debt simply, so much as to the 
luiidmg system generally. Mr. For.^ter in- 
tnnateii his intention to move for an inquiry 
into the state of Ihe currency and the 
bankingaffairs of Ireland. Such an inquiry 
will be oi service, because it mu t bi".ing 
forth additional prools of the total usele.vs- 

ness of all partial remedies. -In tho 

course of the conversation in the Hou c of 
Commons, a fact of considerable import- 
ance came out. Lord Archibald Hamilton 
stated, with many apologies, the neces- 
sity of which was by no means evident, 
that, while the difference of the ex- 
change between the two countries was >o 
great as iS or 19 per centum, the Lords of 
the Treasury of Ireland received their sa- 
laries at par ; to winch Mr. Corry replied* 
that, not only the Lords of the Irish Trea- 
sury, but all the ofiicers of the Irish go- 
vernment, vvliose ollicial dutie> called them 
to Eiigh-nui, did ccitainly receive their sa- 
laries at Y''\v ! Thiii is neither more nor 
less than making an addition to those sala- 
ries wiihout consent ol Parliament ; an.d, 
if it be not regularly and fully inquired 
into, adieu to all tnat guardianship if the 
public purse, of which we have fieqnentJy 
heard so much talk. There are many mi- 
litary oihcers, upon the Irish establishment, 
whose (Inty cils them to England. Mem- 
bers of Parliament themselves are, by their 
duty, calle<l to England. Does the govern- 
ment make to all these gentlemen a com- 
pensation for what tliey lose by the dilfer- 
ence of exch.mge } iiut, as it is impossild^ 
to suppose th.nt this matter willn^t undergo 
a Parliamentary inquiry, no more need be 
said on it at present. 

British 1'im Ai^ccs. — The readers of 
the ilogister wiH recollect the several iastan- 
CcH, in wtiicll 1 li.ive foretold, tlnit there 
vvonld.apptar, »t the close of 1803, a vciy 
serious dcfidcalion in the rtvcuuc. The 


state of the snrplus of tlie Consolidated Fund 
has not yet been teid before Parliaaient, and, 
t'oerefore, upon that parlicular lopic I shall 
not, at present, enter ; but, an account of 
the produce of the taxes has bfpn laid 
before Parliament, and, it is \vi;h respect 
to the facts and symptoms which that 
paper exhibits, thit I beg leave to re- 
quest Ihe attention of all those who wish 
to see the country duly prepared for the 

crisis which is approaching. The paper, 

to which 1, refer, is entitled, " An ac- 
** count of the net produce of the perma- 
*■' nent taxes of Great Britain, in the years 
" ending 5th of January, 1803, and 5th 
*' of January, IS04 respectively, distin- 
«' guishing each year." Why these annual 
accounts are made up to the 5ih day of Ja- 
nuary, except for the express purpose of 
confusion, it would be hard to say ; bat so it 
is, and therefore, in speaking of the year 
ending 5th January, 1803, we will cai! 
it the year 1802, and in speaking of the 
year ending the 5th of January 1804, 

we will call it the year 1803. Having 

thus swept this Exchequer rubbish out 
of the way, I proceed to observe, that, 
according to this account, the taxes produced 
in the year 1802, amount to 27,531,358!. 
and those produced in 1803, amounted tq 
SO,7tO 747I, Besides this latter sum, there 
is the amount of tlie war-taxes, collected in 
1803 ; but, as these are entirely separate, I 
shall speak of tliem separately. — From a 
cursory view of the two sums above men- 
tioned it wouSd appear, that a very con- 
siderable increase had laken place in ihe 
taxes; or, to use the words wh:ch the mi 
nisters put into his Majesty's last spe^ ch, th it 
the revenue had been greatly " impiov.d," 
But, let it be observed, ' that, in the year 
1802, there was paid, in corn bouniic-s, the 
sum of 1.633,58/1. These corn bounties 
are paid at the custom-house, out of the 
proceeds of the taxes collected there, and, 
of course, the taxes paid into the exchequer 
are so much less on that account. Therefore, 
arthere have been no corn bounties pud in 
the year 1803, we must, in making a com- 
parison between the net produce of the two 
years, add this 1,633,58/1. to tlie sum paid 
into the exchequer in 1802 Then, we 
must remember, that, in the year i803, 
there were new taxes, which taxes were 
imposed in 1802, but did not come into the 
receipt of that year, to the amount of 
3,827,7831. And also other new taxes im- 
posed and colltcied in the year 1803 to the 
amount of l"9,4361.,both which sums must, 
in this comparative view, be deducted from 
the total net produce of the year 1803. 

Net protluce of permanent taxes in the 
year ] 80> . . 

Add corn bounties paid at the custom- 
.house in the year iSO-2 

Net produce of perrrinn: rit 

taxes in tlie yesr I8i3. .C0,7l 0,747 
Deduct for new taxes .'. . . 2,0ft 7,2 19 






Defalcation in the year 1S03 £• 1,421,419 

This is the Di^ctor's " improvement " of 
the revenue ! A falling off of 1,42 1,419!. in 
the year 1803, is here clearly proved <u have 
taken place. There was more money ac- 
tually collected in the year 1803 than in 
1802 J but, there was, in the former year, 
the sum of 2,907,219! added in new taxes, 
whereas the addition to ihe produce of the 
year was only 1,545,8021. — To this sum of 
dtfalcaiion we must add, too, half a million, 
at least, for the depreciaiion of money. . The 
principle upon which this is done was stated 
in Vol. iV. p. 857 and 858, to whirh I beg 
the reader to refer ; and, if he ag'-ee with 
me as to that principle, he will .also agree 
v/ith me, that, during the last year, rhe 
Doctor's " improvement" of the revenue ha.s 
been exhibited in a/alling off of two millions 
sterling — We will now look at this matter 
in another point of view. Hitherto we 
have compared year again«t year, and we 
should have contented ourselves with fiiiding 
that there wns no filling oiF: no decrease in 
the produce of pny of the taxes ; but, we 
must now comnnre the result of the year's 
experience with the Mattering promises of 
the Doctor, and with iJie " vi a^nif.cent re- 
ceipts" anticipated by Lord Auckland. 
Estimate of Lord Auckland, of the amount of the- 

net revenue for 1803, including lottery, and land 

tax, and malt tax 
Actiial produce of the year 

1803, according to the 

above account 30,710.747 

Deduct new faxes imposed 

since tlie date of Lord 

Auckland's estimate. . . . I3g,435 


Add land tix and lottery 1,750,217 

Defalcation in Lord Auckland's 
magnificL Hi receipts 

32,321, 52« 

I have observed, that thf* war-taxes were 
not included in the above. The public will 
recollect, and, by and by, they will feel, 
that, in June last, the Doctor imposed what 
he called war taxes, to the annual estimated 
amount of 12,500,0001 But, it must be 
allowe i, that he did net count upon so large 
a sum being raised from this source during the 
year 1803. Let us hear his own words ^ 

285] F E B R U A 

" The committee, however, must be aware, 
** thai, though P.irliament may determine to 
" rdisf, to Uirgr a part ot" iht; ><unp'ies for the 
" service of the ye ir, yet it must be obvious, 
" that a very < onsidt-rable part of this sum 
" canni>t be raist-d v/iihin the present year. 
" 1 will therctiic only calculate the siiin 
*' to br, prod'icfd by h se laKfS in this year, 
"at 4,5CX)(>oO:."* Now, what i* thii re- 
sult? Whit ^ays th- account, wh.cli has 
been I :id b' fre Pailiaroent, relative lo these 
war-taxes? Why, it s.iy, that, in the year 
ItsOJ, thf; Doctor has collccied fiOiH these 
txixes 1,874,0721. instead of 4.500 (XX). 
H r<* "<> a fact that admits of no sobierfuge, 
no e,v!?sion, no shuille. The- Doctor tol.l the 
Hiiusr of Cominons, •' th- guardians of ihe 
publ'c purse," that ' he cal'.ulaird upon 
4,500 00()1. trom this source j and, it has 
yielded hira much less ihau halt that suni. 
W • 4iui t)e -old, periMps, that the deficit 
is owing to the delay in coUectmg the in- 
come-tax ; bur, let it be recotlecied, that 
tlie wh">'e year's income-tax was reckoned at 
only 4,500 0001., and that, supposing it to 
have brfii p.jstpon'd trom some cause not 
at ail injurious 10 its future succes'!, ihe sum 
collected from the other war-taxes ought to 
have been about tbres tnillions, wherras it 
actually is only about one mihion anA four- 
Jiflks. In tact, who does not perceive, that 
these taxrs will fail, that thry will not yield 
much above one half nt the amount at which 
they have been estimated, or, yielding more, 
"will, in the same degree, impoverish the old 
taxes? Who docs not perceive that oihct 
taxes most be resorted to, or that w^^ must 
again have recourse to loans ? I'he Doctor 
boasted, really boasted, a little while ago, 
that he had laid new laxe-. upon the people 
to the amount of 17,0U0 OOOi. annually ! If 
he could collect them, it would not then be 
much to boast of} but, if he ever collects 
10 out of the 17 n>il,ioi:s, there will remain, 
in my mind, no doubt of his having dealings 
with Satan. He may go on imposing taxes, 
for I see nothing to stop him. He mjy tax 
our eyes and limbs, our fingers and toes, and 
all the hairs of o^ir head, one by one; but, 
unless he can collect, as well as impose, to 
what end are his impositions' — Want of 
time compels me to break off, or it was my 
intention to enquire, how long the Doctor's 
finances could possibly last. In my next the 
subject shall be resumed. 

LoKD RpDr SDALE and his correspondence 
shall be the subject of some futrre sheet. 
The reader will find some valuable matter 
relative to it in the former part of this sheet. 

♦ iice Register, Vol. HI, p. 909. 


H Y 25, 1804. [28(1 

All the correspondence should be read with 
attention. Ireland is now the interesting 
parr of the empire. In her fields, it is very 
probable^ that the fate of England will be 
decided. Lord llede.sdale complains of his 
letters being published. Why ? Did heSi 
imagine that this new book of hoaiilies wa-s 
to be ke:n hidden from the world ? What 
he regarded as likely to be so useful to pre- 
serve the lovalty of Lord Fingal was surely 
as likely to eff.-ci the baii'ie purpose amongst 
the catiiolic'i at large. Wh^t I his lo'dNhip's 
modesty would, then, have led him to hide 
his c. ndle und< r a bu'-hel J He did not wish. 
us !o know, that, to the o;her talen s which 
lendf-r him " a truly gr^at rharacier," bo 
added that of be ng a polemic divine ! But, 
it is to be hcp'-d, that this corrcspoudencc 
will, at no very distant day, become the 
subject of serious inquiry ; for, is it po'^si- 
ble, iliat, while ihrce-fourths of the peo;le 
of Ireland are led 10 believe, <hat the per- 
sons to whom his Maj'.^ty has committed 
the immediate p wer of rui ng them, look 
upon them in ihe light, in they are 
regarded and described by Lord Red<.sdaie; 
is it possible, that, while this is the case, 
there can be any real c. nteut and tranquil- 
lity in thai country? This 'S a question oa 
which the fat.-; of the Br tish empire i$ 
deeply involved. 

Akmy of Rkserve. — Th' ra:>ing men 
for this body is pretty near y at a stand, 
though there aie yet 15,000 winted to c om- 
pleie the number sptcihed in the act of pai- 
Lament. The source is dried up, as it was 
foretold, long enough ago. Mm are rot 
to be had, neither for this bo 'y nor for the 
militia, until ihcie are some released from 
the volunteer corps. A delightful hiiuation. 
we are reduced to ! The wh le business of 
recruiting is at a stand ; and, of course, the 
armj is daily upon the decrease! II';w long, 
good God! how long are we to remain in 
this situation ? Are we to stand thus, till the and puts the yoke round our 
necks ? The ministerial hirelings atfect, with 
awkward giiu, to the uLCounis whxij 
the French papers give of <ui fears, our in- 
decision, our stupor; but, those accounts are 
perfectly true. " England presents the p'c- 
" ture of a ship sailing through ncw se.3s, e>.« 
" posed to the rage of storms, and conducted 
*' by pilots Without skill, u ^steady in their 
" course, disagreeing as to ihe l-ne ihey 
^- ought to pursLie, and evidently of that class 
^' of pilots bji ivbom ships are hit." Never 
was there a truer picture drawn ; and, when 
the ministerial slaves express tlieir wish, that 
the people of France might view our " en- 
" vied b, pfuieis," ihey talk like guzzlers aud 



gortriandlzers, like "animals without senti- 
ment, creatures whose views extend no fur- 
ther than tlie covering of the back and the 
feeding of the belly. Such creatures, if they 
formed a vast majority of the nation, never 
long remained free, and never deserved so to 
remain for one single moment. 

Mr. Sheridan. This gentleman has, 

within these few days, been appointed, by 
his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, to 
a place worth two thousand pounds a year. 

-^ The long silence of Mr. Sheridan gave 

occasion to some one to coaipare him to a 
duck: "• he is underwater at present," it 
was said, " but you'll see hirn come up 
*' again, by and by. Exactly w/itT(? no one 
" knows; but w^ he"ll cbmfi when he finds 
*' a favourable opportunity.^' This predic- 
tion is now partly fulfilled ; but, the diver 
has undergone a change during his disappear- 
ance. He went down a patriot^ and is come 
Tip a plaumaji. We shall now hear no more 
battered jests about cheese-parings and can- 
dle-ends. Let Mr. Sheridan now look back 
to the speech from which my motto is taken, 
and say how much he intends to give out of 
his sinecure income towards ''finding bread 
*' for the labouring poor." The labouring 
poor want bread now, full as much as they 
did in 1797 ', nor has he any better right to 
keep his salary to himself than any other 
placeman has; and, he must, therefore, ex- 
cuse nae if I trouble him with one more let- 
ter, in order to inquire on what he founds 
his pretensions to two thousand pounds a 
•year of the public money. 

Invasion. — The reports of approaching 
invasion thicken again; and, seeing how we 
are now situated, it would not be very sur- 
prizing if it were attempted. It is said, (hat 
the French fleet is got out of Toulon. That 
fleet may easily raise the blockade of Ferrol, 
and, thus reinforced, may reach Ireland ; at 
the same time that another attempt is made 
upon England from Boulogne, and another 
upon Scotland from Holland. There is least 
fear for Ireland, seeing that Lord Redesdale 
is there. His lordship has only to discharge 
a tirade of letters upon the enemy; and, if 
they should still advance, they will be in 
such a state of sfupifaction, that they must 

fall an easy prey to the loyal volunteers. 

If these invasions should take place, we shall, 
in both countries, be in the full enjoyment 
of all the blessings to be derived from the 
protecting influence of " truly great charac- 
"■ ters." That " truly great character," Mr. 
Colonel John Hiley Addington, respecting 
whom Mr. Plowden reiale-. a pretty anecdote 

or two'^', will most proba'oly be at the hea ^ 
of his corps, coUcctfd from H:nmah More's 
Sunday Schools in the Mendip Hills. Where 
the '' truly great characte. ," his broiher, 

may be, it is very hard to guess. It will, 

however, become us, the people of these 
kingdoms, to be prepared foi fighting ; for, 
if tlie French inv.ide us, we Uia; rest assur- 
ed, that it will not be child's play. I greatly 
fear,, for my part, that, for several months 
past, public spirit ha^ b'^en making a reLro- 
gadc motion ; that it has been drooping again 
to the state in which it was in June last. JSo 
man has any confidence in the minisiers. 
Ail is apprehension with respect to their 
measures. Ail is uncertainty, doubt, siispi-; 
cion, and dretd. If we are thus found by 
the enemy, what must be our fate } 


The Public will recoHc-ct, that, in the 
month of August last, a moit atrocious libel 
. was published against me by Mr. Heriot> 
formerly a player at the Royalty 'i hea tre, 
and now the proprietor of the True Bruon 
and Sun newspapers, under the patronage 
and protection of Messrs. Rose and Long, it 
will be remembered, that in consequence of 
my going to this man for information re- 
specting the origin of the libel, he behaved 
in a most insolent manner, and iliat he af- 
terwards pretended I assaulted liim, and ac- 
tually had the impu'ience to cause a bill of 
indictment to be found against me and my 
friend at the Guartfir Sessions, whence he 
had the further assurance to remove the in- 
dictment into the Court of King's Btnch, 
wiiere the trial was expected to come on, 

before Lord Ellenborough, tliis week. 

So conscious was 1 of the goodness of my 
cause, and so perfect was my reliance 
on the discernment and justice of the 
Court and Jury, that, notwithstanding he 
liad engaged three Councellors, amongst 
whom were Messrs. Erskine and Garrow, I 
had resolved to make my own defence, and 
was in attendance accordingly, till the Judge 
called up the cause, when, to my utter asto- 
nishment, Mr. Garrow rose, and, by his 
client's direction, ivithdrew the record ! 1 ! 
There needs no comment on this at present. 
I have, however, wlien occasion serves, some 
facts to state and some documents to submit 
to the public, respecting this transaction, aiid 
others more or less connected witli it. 

* See Mr. Plowden's account of J. H. Adding- 
toii's snatching a letter out of his hand and putti,ug 
it in the tire ! ! ! Plowden's Postliminious Pre- 
face, just published. 

Pnuted by Cox and Bayiis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow. Street, "Co^'e 
Garden, where former Numbers may be had j scW also by J. Budd, Crown and Mine, Pill-Malt. 


Vol, V. No. y.] 

London, Salurdaijy Zd March, 1S04. 

[ Trice lOD 

This ^rdW measure [the Army of Rfserve] turns out, at list, to be nothing more than a mere addi- 
rioii to the miliria, with all the evils ot tliat • ystcin. perverted and inisHpiilitd as it his been for 

•'^ >.cv#ral years pasr._ New, in the whole of ihc United Kingdom, 138,000 men arc to be raised by 
hillot, with tiie privilege of exemjitlon from persounl service, on the condition of finding a sub- 
stitute. Does A•^y nt^ii dream,, after tliis, it is possible for Great-Britain to have an army.' 
The hope i^ n terly cl);ldish. An army not lecruiicd must waste awav. In spite of all the hopes, 
which ionie mav indulge nf tiansfeirinj men, by new Ivnintics, from the liallorted and r.ubsii- 
tute force to ttic rct;uln army, the army must unavoidably stand still foi- (he prcsem, and, one 

*' may venture to !«ay, that, under snrh a system, it is not iikdy to be again put in mdion." 

-IR. WiNDHAM'b Speech, June 20, 1S03. Register, Vol. ill. p. 9:';. 

2S9] . . ^ ■ , . ^ 


Sir,— I ft;lt great pleasure in your having 
advent d. in your l;ist week's Summary of 
I'olitics, to the important fact, v.-bich came 
nut in the course of the debate on the Irish 
Batik Rf^sl fiction Bill, on the 21st of Febru- 
ary. Mr. Curry, I remember, on that occa- 
sion, hn'ed.with considerable warmth, and, 
I dare say, with great sinceri'y, bow m-jch 
belter pleased hti should havj been if Lord 
Archibald's inquiry had brcn inndc to him 
in private, and not in the f;!ce of l-'ailiament. 
Perh.ips, hiid he retlected on the temper pf 
that Parliament, he would rather have pre- 
ferred the latter mode. This extraordinnry 
confession was passed by in total silence, not 
a syllable was uttered in reply, and the 
House of Commons have thus given their 
tacit sanction to a proceeding, as unjustifia- 
ble as ever was practised and avowed. Mr, 
Corry and his associates may now go on, at 
least, until a different spirit prevails, both 
in the government, and in the legislature, to 
pay themselves in anyway they please, and 
from whatever fund. Should the exchange 
rise, as from these gentleijen being secur- 
ed from its effects it probably will, to 50 
per cent, against the proprietors of estates 
in Ireland, their salaries will be undiminish- 
ed But though Parliament may consider 
this abuse as beneath its dignity or a'oove 
its competency to inquire into, or redress, 
it is lit that the public should understand 
the enormity of it. How dare the otRcers 
of the Irish Treasury, with Mr. Corry at 
their head, on thfir own authority, wiih 
no usage, no precedent in their favour, thus 
put their hands into the public purse ? Mr. 
Corry admits that these salaries are taken 
from a fund existing in England for the 
service of Ireland. Upon the whole of this 
fund the Irish government have a right to 
draw. They, and they only are entitled to 
the profit arising on the exchange between 
England and Ireland, for the service of the 
public ifl Ireland. In proportion as this 

. . , [2rO 

fund is lessened by the deduction of these 
salaries at par, this profit is dimiaislied, and 
the Iri^h government defrauded. They are 
charged upon, and should bf* p:iid in, Ire- 
1-ind, saddled as every other species of Irish 
income is, with the currmi rate of ex- 
change. Were this the ca-ie, was the com- 
iTi'unty protected, as it ought to be, from 
ihr^ discretionary proceedings of secretaries, 
commissicners, and clerks, there might be 
some ho[.e of a remedy being devised to 
check the present enormous, and, I am con- 
vinced, artilicial excess of the exchange 
against Ireland. INIr. Corry and the re^t of 
the grntlemen at par, would then .sympa- 
thize with the other proprietors of Ireland, 
many of whom, as well as they, are obliged 
to atknd in Parliaiutnt, and, on that ground, 
h.ive the saine tight, had they the same 
means, of receiving their incomes fiee from 
the burden if exchange, which Mr. Corry 
may be assured they are as unwilling to 
bear as be is But, till Parliament, or the 
country, shall stamp this gross misconduct, 
long clandtstinely practised, and now un- 
blushingiy avowed, with the reprobation it 
deserves, ihe Irish resid'ent in England may 
rest assured, that ihe exchange will long re- 
main a ihorn in their sides. Mere indif- 
ference to an evil which does not reach 
them would nndcr the Irish ministers back- 
ward in redressing it, but I suspect they 
have an interest in its continuance from their 
connexion with the Dublin bankers, who 
are accumulating immense fortunes by the 
unrestrained and arbitrary issue of paper. 
This practise, grounded upon the restriction 
on payment in specie, no reflecting man can 
doubt is the chief cause of the present high 
rate of exchange ai;ainst Ireland. The sums 
annually remitted thence to absentees, and 
the interest on ihe Irish loans payable in 
lingland, may aggravate the evil, but it is 
obvious, that in .spite of these, were guineas 
now, as they were in ITpO", the common 
mediura of circulation between both couo- 




tries, the rate of exchr.n'ge, on any given snrii 
against L'eland, couUi never mu h estc-td 
the price of the freight and insura ice upon 
that sum in guineas from Ireland hither. 
Wher.cver it did, guineas would br bent 
over in place of bills, until the level was re- 
stored.- -To return. Sir, to the sabject, 

■wht-nce I have brieily digressed. Mr. Cur- 
ry has no doubt told the truth j but, I sus- 
pect, not ths zubole truth. - I confe-is I feel 
a ciirio'iity to ask, and the i>ublic have a 
right to know, in v/liat mode the officers of 
the Irish Treasury are [aid when in [re- 
Ind. Some of ttiese gentlemen reside th.:re 
pretty constantly, none of them are detained 
here by parliamentary or official duty the 
whole year round. In what shape do the 
tormcr receive their wiiole salaries, and the 
latter such portions of it as grow due in that 
part 'of the year which they condescend lo 
pass in Irt-hmd ? I am informed, and as, 
after the avowal of Mr. Corry any thing is 
cred ble, can rradily believe, that, as in 
England, these Treasury officers pay them- 
selve-^ at par, so, in Ireland, ihey ,'.ay them- 
selves in guineas. Their protit in the latter 
case is still gr.Mter than in the former, since 
guineas in Ireland bear, as you observe, a 
premium of njore th.^n 12 per cent. It may 
be a^krd, how are these guineas obtained ? 
I thuik I ean guess. There existed in Ire- 
land, a little time back, a depot of sp(-cie, 
collected and preserved by the, government 
for the payment of the troops in case of in- 
vasion or rebellion. Has l;his fund remain- 
ed sacied and untouched .' If still in exist- 
ence, has it not been diminished.' Have not 
these Treasury gentlemen found means to 
dip into it " a whisker lirst, and then a 
c'aw?" If t!)ey deny this, they are bound 
to i.hew where //^rv hnd guineas, while the 
X St of the community must be contented 
with paper. The alternative' is still more 
S'Mndaious, since then the government must 
^ ually purchase guineas at 2^, 4^. a piece 
p emium, in order to pay these men, who, 
■ in I'll! humihty, style themselves the servants 
of the pub''r nnd tlie crown. They are, in- 
deed, a privileged race, all other men's in- 
comes bear the burden of taxes. The situa- 
tion of other me^i ia made to sympathize 
y/ith that ef the country. In this respect 
vve all have neighbour's fare. Not so these 
placemu). Their salaries, and emoluments 
are untouched, and amidst the general de- 
gay and consuhnption of every other species 
pfDioperty, '^ nourish in immortal youth." 
I >yeU ren:iember when. Mi;. Pitt's income 
tax vvas laid on, the salaries of the commis- 
gioiiiers of Ciastpms and Excise were imme- 

diately raised from lOOOl. to 12001. a year, 
in other words, the public was taxed io pay 
their taxe^-, and ihey enjoyed a gi eater in- 
come tliftu before. Now, when a most in- 
tolerable tax, in the shape of exchange, is 
imposed upon the proprietors of Ireland, 
" prriy bear it patiently my good friends," 
cries Mr. Corry, " the subject is delicate, is 
intricate, requires candour and teviper. Thus 
does this painpered steed with " nnwrang 
witheis" [reach to us poor " galled jddcs." 
All the tune he is helping himself to his 
salary at [)ar, secretly, while he coald, but 
now hy oi^en eontessiou in the face of Par- 
liament and the public. So, in Ireland, 
when the public is oppressed by the arbitrary 
issue and depreciation of private paper, and 
compelled to transact their business wiihout 
gold, silver, or coppei", the optimist Lords uf 
the Irish Treasury assure ih(^m, that ail is 
for the best, and that metallic money, as 
Robespierre termed it, is all a joke, in the 
moment that th-y are tiHing their poekets 
with the " useless and expensive encum- 
brance" of guineas. I should be glad to 
think with you, Mr. Cobbett, that this prac- 
tice will undergo a pai liamentary inquiry, 
h'itherto, the H.)use of Commons, in not 
condemning, have approved of it. If the 
public are not awakened to it, through the 
medium of the press, all will go much too 
smoothly with these Treasury Lords, who 
aic their own pavniasiers and own account- 
ants. Certain lara.that had the Irish Parlia- 
ment, which was vilified only that it mJght 
be the more easily destroyed, continued still 
the guardian of the Irish purse, the persons 
in question would not have dared lo pay 
theni';elves at par, whde the exchange is at 
ip per cent. I will not trespass on your 
time by pursuing this subject any farther, 
at present; but, unless it is taken up by 
abler pens than mine, will certainly resume 
it whenever you have a column to spare. 
Should the practice I complain of be neither 
punished nor reformed, the people of Ire- 
land will do be ter to throw themselves on. 
the mercy of Mr. Corry and his colleagues, 
and thankfully accept what part of the re- 
venue they may choose to spare, than to 
place any reliance on the wisdom or virtue, 
either of the imperial administration or the 
imperial Parliament ; but this, 1 confidently 
hope, will not be the case ; I hope and trust 

Parliament will interfere. 1 am. Sir, 

ycurs., HiBERNicus. 

P. S. One question I had forgotten to ask 
of Mr. Corry, which, pei^aps, as usual, he 
prefers answering in private. He enjoys a 
patent office \w Ireland, Sirveyor of Ilq- 

29?>^ MARC 

nours, I think, or some such naTne", doe-> lu- 
not pay himself the saLiry of this office also 
at par? 


Sir, — Tn the Inst nambfr of your Regis- 
ter you have given the pub ic a detail of tlie 
ineffectual meisurcs hitherto adopted by the 
British Creditors to recover iheir property 
invested in the Frt^nch funds, udcler the 
faitli* of treaties, and in a just confidence 
they wonld be ob'^ervel ; and yo.i iiave 
added some ren)arks allogetlier injurious to 
their conduct on that occa^iun. You do not 
indeed state, nor can you prove, that in this 
tran-.action ll^ey h:ive acted either in viola- 
tior. of the laws of their ovvii country, or in 
contradiction to the rights and usages of fo- 
reign nation-;. In tiie wide and extensive 
relations of commercial intercourse now sub- 
sisting throughout tlie civilized world, is it 
matter of surprise or reproach that many 
individuals of all countries shouUl be led to 
deposit a portion of their wealth in the 
hands of foreign merchants, or in foreign 
banks and foreign funds? So far from jt^ 
the deposit h ts ever been held sacred, and 
the character of the proprietor has never 
till now, been impeached. Do the English 
reprobate the conduct or patiiotic principles 
of those foreigners, Dutch, Swedes, Danes, 
Russians, or Fiench, who place their money, 
with whatever view they may have dwne it, 
in the British funds? On what principle, 
then, are the British Creditors in foreign 
funds thus held up to public scorn, as if ihey 
were " jew-like speculators," and enemies 
lo their country? The demands of health 
and convenience, the cultivation of science 
and the arts, the relations of trade and com- 
merce, and many other motives, both pub- 
lic and piivate, carry Englishmen and their 
families lo the Continent, and detain them 
there : connexions arise in consequence, and 
call for the lodgaient of money, either on 
public or private security, as suits the exi- 
gency or the convenience of the parties. 
And it is notorious that no small portion of 
the wealth derived from our possessions in 
the East has at various times (so diliicult is 
its passage to Europe) passed through the 
channel of France, and found its way into 
the funds of that nation iirst, and ultimately 
into those of this. As a private creditor in 
the French funds I have suffered materially 
from the injustice of the French, joined to 
the tame acquiescence of our own govern- 
ment in not vindicating the cause of the 
British claimants pending the treaty ot 
Amiens, when they ought to have retained 

H 3, 1804. '294 

the French as a pledge for the spcnrity of 
the British property. But it is adding insult 
to injury to aliix injurious epithets to the 
most innocent transactions, and calumniate 
the characters of those whose property might 
at this moment have swelled the British ca- 
pital, and added to the revenue, had it not 
been lost to the claiujrjnts and to the coun- 
try, by the pusillanimity of the British mi- 
nisters. Relying on your wonted impar- 
tiality to print this, or to reconsider the sub- 
ject. 1 remain yours, &:c. one of your • 

subscribers, and * 

A British Creditoe. 
Februaiy 25, 1S04. 


Sir, — I have often read v^-ith great plea- 
sure your Political Register, and if the fol- 
lowing can add weight to the subjects you 
have already so ably discussed, it is uiiicli 
at your service. — In your Register of the 
gth of la^t July, there was a remark, that 
Earl St.\^incent did not send a naval force 
in time to block up Toulon, and prevent 
the sailing of the French armnraent under 
Buonaparte ; who very deliberately took 
Malta, and from thence proceeded, wi(l>out 
molestation, to Egypt. To what shall we 
attribute this error ! ! Was it to the want 
of prevoyance in the British admiral ? A 
great commander certainly ought not to be 
(ielicient in a quality so essentially requisite 
in a general. The recapture of Malta, 
and llie conquest of Egvpt cost many 
millions sterling to this country. Let us 
suppose Malta had not been taken by 
Buonaparte, nor the French army been 
landed in Egypt. Is it probable that Buo- 
napar.e the determined enemy of this 
country, would now be First Consul of 
France ? If peace had been made with 
other rulers, would the present war have 
existed ? To whom are we indebted for accumulated evils? Are we to 
become for ever a military people ? All 
armed and with military ideas of subordi- 
nation to defend the shores of the united 
kingdom ? This is not ideal, because if 
reports are well founded (and wliich is not 
here meant to be asserted as true) the 
storehouses of the dock yards will be as 
empty, and the ships of war in diWorse state 
than they were when Sir Edvvard Havvke 
was first Lord of the Admiralty : and at 
that time. Admiral Sir George Rodney 
(afterv>ards Lord Rodney) demanded a 

* See remarks on thi» Ictur in the Summaij 
of rolitics, p. 258. 


audience of hi^ present Majesty, 1 men is, ^A-hich might in future be attempted, 
veretl to the King, the true state and for the re-estabiisbment of that Order ia 
ivy.- In consequence, his Majesty the state in which it was before the occupa- 

295"] ■ 
and deli 
of his navy 

dismissed Sir Edward Hawke^ and appoint 
ed the Earl of Sandwich first Lord of the 
Admiralty. Sirange to rehite ! ! 1 the 
liavv was in such a ruined condition^ that 
Xord Sandwich (though some years at (he 
Tiead of the Boc-ud) had but just completely 
re-established our marine before ihc last 
'Ametican war cbtnmenced. Tlius Sir 
•George Rodney's jf/'/TJf/?/ interference saved 
this knigdoin from perdition. Let us hope 
soflne great nian (before it is too late) will 
^'■•certain the slate of the navy, and reader 
a similar benefit to bis ICing and country. 
24F<;3. 1S04. J. 6. 


J)eclaration, given in to ike D'at ef Rat'isho?!, 
by the two ConiiLial Mhihlers of the Court 
of Vieiina, en the oOtb of January, ISO 4 
The numerous iufr.ngemcnts v/hich, 
since the occnpaiion of the countrifs as- 
signed as indemnilies, have been made by 
several States of the Empire, in (he rights 
and the immediacy of the Order 
and its members, have for a long time ex- 
cited the attention of Germany. — — His Lai- 
perial Majesty, as supreme Chiff of the Em- 
pire, and agietably lo the obligation nnder 
which he lies to mai.itain the decrees of the 
Diet, as well as order and tranquillity, has 
■ already endeavoured^ as is well knov/n, by 
pate"nal exhDitations, to put a st^^p to mea- 
sures contrary to the state of possession, and 
to the laws which have be:en pursued in re- 
gard to the Equestri;5n Order and its mem- 
bers, and to re-fstabhsh things on their legal 
fjoiing. These efforts ol his ImperialMa- 
iestyhave not produced th:^t efi;ect which he 
^sd a right to expect. The infringements, 
on the contrary, have become more genend 
and more oppressive, and the consequences 
in the interior of the empire htjs been events 
which must necessarily endanger the public 
trunquillity, and bring on absohite opprt-ssion 
of the Equesiridn Order ; the existence r,nd 
lights of which are, however^ equal to those 
of all the states of the empire, and hive been 
.secm-ed, as well as the constitution itself^ by 
the Peace of Westphalia, by the old and new 
decrees of the diet, and particularly by the 
last decree of the empire.-^ — At the request 
of the General Directory oi theEqnestiian 
Order in the Anlic Council of the Empire, 
as a constitution>il authority, there was- is- 
sued, on the 23d of Jc^nuary, by this supreme 
liibonal, a ccnser-valorium, tor the protection 
of the Eqaebtriau Ordei; against pi! encrouGh- 


t'on of the countries assigned a^ indemnities. 
The execution of ibis sentence is leferrtd to 
the Elecior, the Arrh-Chancellor; the Elec- 
tors of Saxony and B.Klfn, and to his Im|is- 
rial Ma)esty himsc-lf in his quality of Arch- 
duke of Austria; with the clause, e,Tch indi- 
vidually, and all roliectivcly. -His impe- 
rial Majesty, in his qu;iyiiy as a. state of the 
Empire, is aniniaied with a sincere desire of 
contributing, according to his strength, to 
ihe maintenance of ju-.tice in the Empire, as 
wtl! as of the public safetv and tranquil'.tty, 
and of the security oi the German constitu- 
tion, and he enjoins his ministers to m.rd^e a 
declaration on this subject to the Gcncial 

Der.iaraiion of his Prussian Majesty. 
Eis I\Iajesty, the King of Prussia, has ob- 
served with aiteniion and interest the eventr> 
which have jolscn place for some time past 
in seveial p-.u-ts of the Empire "and in the 
heart of Germany, in regard to the posses- 
sions of the mtrnbers of the Equestrian Or- 
der. It would have been of great advant-vge 
if in the recess of the Dtputiuioti of the 
Empire it been possible 10 establish a 
regulation, or fixed rule for ensuring the fu- 
ture relations of the Equestrian Orcter, in a 
ri'ianrtcr so as to reconcile a regard f;!r tile 
rights of all with (he new situation of things, 
the new wiuits, and ihe real good of the Em- 
pire.^ If the Ecclesiastical States secu- 
larised have passed into the hands of new 
possessors, not only with the rights really 
exercised, but also with th.eir pretensions; 
and if these govtrnir.enls formerly ecclesias- 
tic accordiFig to their nature and organisa- 
tion, and according to the interest, merely 
personal, of their Ecclesiastical Sovereigns, 
can have seen with indifference the etfbrts 
of ihe Equestrian Order to extend its terri- 
torial independence, and its immediacy, the 
new pos-essors as sovereign and herednary 
laics, may have brought with them new in- 
terests, and may have considered things un- 
der a different point of view. Thty must 
and ought to have found themselves dif- 
ferently obliged to claim rights, which might 
be considered as real and ancient integrant 
parts of ilieir' share of the indemnity — rights 
which could not be weakened but by neg- 
ligence and by encroachments made at a fcn*- 
mer period. Aroused by such an event, the 
other possessors of the anc'ent lay countries^ 
where similar relations, equally hurtful t(> 
their rights and to their administration 
existed, have begun to bring forwat'd their 
pretensions, Htace k has happened that; 

297] MARC 

almost at the same tirne several of t.'ie most 
disiiiic;!ii->heJ Siates of the Empiic, such as 
ihs Elector of B;uaria, ths Prince of i'"ulJa, 
thf Elector of flrs-^t-, ihc !,;inc!gravc of Hesse 
Darm><t.idf, the Diiktt of Sa\c 2tlz\nav.gcu, 
and other Princes, hue all ttnided to the 
same ohjcct. These Princes huve formed 
cljims to the villages and l;uids of ihe Kques- 
triai) Order lyin^ wi'.hiii lht;ir trrritory, or 
situated on their froorieis, both becMUse 
these poss("ssions formerly made an integrant 
fwrt Of (heir couatric!, and because they {ire 
still in relation with the latter by their geo- 
graphical position, by ihe fendal law, by the 
duties and rigJits of juri-idi^.lion, and oiher 
connKxions, which as anci. ut sources, must 
still be considered as indicalions of sove- 
reignty. Tiiey have conseijuently thou;j;ht 
thel^^elves authori cd to rej)lace under their 
sovereignty these ].i!aces and lands, and to 
cause (() be announced by patents the pos- 
session they liavo taken of them, and lo se- 
cure a part ot iheui by sending thither mili- 
tary detachments, Hillierto no uniform 
andcertaai principles have been estabiislied 
or followed; and not only have contesta- 
tions arisen amonj:^ tlie soverei^iis and per- 
sons of the Equestrian Order, who have 
been exposed to encroachments; but dif- 
lereuccs have broken out between one 
sovereign and another, in regard to the li- 
mitii of their respective territorial jurisdic- 
tions.— A juridical exauiinationand instruc- 
tion in regard to this object having been in - 
.siilhcient, .because the organization of ihe 
.circles is not )et comjileted; the question 
is to know, whellier or in what ma'nncr the 
tribiin ,js of the emp.ire ought to interfcic in 
ihisaiTair? Ihe while. Gerujanic Body par- 
ticipates in the regret excited by this stale 
of things, and by the anarchical crisis which 
ihreatens, in so great a niiniher of places, 
the property and subjects of tlie empire. If 
every one is convinced that this crisis caji- 
not be of long duration, but that measures 
ought speedily to be taken to j;uL an end to 
it, it is the ujore indispensably necessary to 
think, of the ineans of acconipli^hing this 
end: the affair has become too imj)ortant 
end too generul to be discussed by the tri- 
bunals of the empiie. 

( To he contir.ued. ) 

H 3, 1804. 


Speech cf tb<f Minister of ths: Infte- 
RioR to the hHGisLATive.BoDY (if ihe 
Fieiiik Rcpuh/ic, at the opctiing of their 
iUssion on the iith of Jd7iu.ary, 1&04. 

Cni7,tNs LtGisLATORs, Bjt a few 

months have elapsed since your sepr^ration, 
and you are su>T»nioned again to le^iime the I 
exercise of the au^ust fanc:i'-nv \vhi/,h ths | 

constitution his delegated royou. Thi'' 

sessions ot' rlia Lfgi?l<itive Body will be 
marked by new benefits to the people; the 
governmer.t which has matured in medita- 
tion that series of salutary and protecting 
laws, which establish and consecrate the free- 
dom of persons, the bases of transactions, the 
guarantee of properry, will submit them to 

your wisdom. You will not see without 

adtnu-arion, that the governinenr, in the 
midst of the immense prep iratiotis which the 
war has rendered necessary, has not adjourn- 
ed a single useful c\pei>sc, has not suspend- 
ed a single enterprise begun, has not v/ith- 
drawn a single idea of amelioration. It has 
bcrn able by its genius aad providence to 
connect all the benefits of j)eacewlth the im«- 

porlant cares of war. We do not see, ia 

any part of the Republic, those agitations 
vlii-h iinnmince apprehensions, cr presage 
reverses; wc uo whcte those stormy 
discussions which clnracterise distrust, or 
conceal sinistrous pvojesjts ; every thing is 
calm around us —every thing is h;ippy— -and 

every thingis tranquil ! Our courageous 

youth range tnemsclves with ardour under 
the standards of the country: the farmer, 
the merchant, the manufacturer, press round 
the governtnent to offer it their h.vrvc^r-, their 
gold, their produce: and the Fiench people* 
proud ot their governmet-t, coHiiJeat in their 
means, and happy in their institiulor.s, ex- 
press but one sentiment—love for the Au- 
gust Head of the State.^ ■ Free from fear, 

from agitation, from disquietude, the French 
people repose in him the care of their des- 


ANtiLo Gallic Creditors. — By refer- 
ring to page '203, the reader will find a let- 
ter to the Editor, upon, the subject of the 
claim, set up by certain persons calling 
themselves " British Creditors in the French 
funds." This letter appears to have been 
drav/n forth by the remarks, which were 
made in page 210, which, upon bring refer- 
red to, will be found to have originated from 
a fninted paper, called " A btatement of 
Facts," which statement had been sent round 
to members of Parliament, and other persons 
whose opinions were likely to have weight 
in parliamentary proceedings. The object 
of the paper, especially when thus circulat- 
ed, was too obvious to be mistaken ; and, as 
this object appeared to be such a; ought not 
to be accomplished, such arguments were 
used as were thought likely to c )i)trib'.ue 
towards preventing that accomplishment ; 
bufj let those who have read the rem.uks 
determine, whether the charge of " caium- 




niatuig' (he Anglo-Gallic creditors be M^ell i deavour to show, that v^e owe them none, 
j„j r> i_ .i_ .!_.,. ... They ask, somewhat exuUingly ; "Do 

or ill founded. 

■Previous to ihe short re- 

ply, which it is intended to make to the let 
ter in question, it may not be amiss to ob- 
serve, that, since the accession of the " well- 
meaning" Doctor and his associates, an en- 
tirely new set of ideas, with respect to the 
liberty of writing and of speaking, appears 
to have sprung up. Formerly, those who 
wrote and spoke upon publie matters, felt 
themselves under no other restraint than that 
which was imposed by truth and decency; 
but, now, to censure, or to criticise, how- 
ever truly and decently, is to " calumniate," 
if it bears hard upon the per.^oh or perons, 
whose conduct, or object, is censured, or 
criticised; so that, in few words, the doc- 
trine now in, that the greater fool or knave 
a man is, the greater is the calumny in stat- 
ing what tends to discover his Tolly or his 
knavery, — —The Anglo-Gallic creditors 
were not accused of knavery; they were ac- 
• cused of no ''crime;" their "characters" 
were not attacked; they are, indeed, de- 
scribed as "jew-like speculators," but, that 
they were speculators they -will not dci'iy, 
and 'whether the epithet _/V'iy-/z/('e W'as " in- 
jurious" and '■■ calumnious," or not, will be 
easily determined, wdien we recollect, that the 
debts, for which they now claim indemnifi- 
cation, arise, for the fir greater part, from the 
purchase of assignats and other stale paper at 
an average of more than two-thirds below par. 
Besides, what was ihe security of the paper 
so purchased? What was the security, 
written on the paper itself.? Was it the 
treaty of 1786? Or was it the "National 
" Domains'' of France .' Was tlie thing 
purchased a fair and legitimate object of 
trade.? Was it a thing honestly come by ; 
or was it a sort of stolen goods.? In short, 
did it not consist, principally, of the plun- 
dered property of the Church- and the 
Crovvn, and of that of those persons who 
remained faithful to them .? Well, then, let 
the speculators go and seek the security, 
upon which they advanced their money : 
let them seek the "National Domains;" 
but, let them not come to the English Par- 
liament, let them not hope to wring from 
the people of England a compensation for 
the losses they have, in such a trafiic, sus- 
tained. They say, they have been guilty 

of nothing '' contraiy to the laws of their 
country, or to the rights and usages of fo- 
reign nations." So much the better for 
them ; but, it is no better for us. We do 
not complain of them. That is to say, the 
complaint did not hegi7i with us. We only 
say, that they are wrong in applying to us 
lor money on this account; and we en- 

r i*wv.'_T/i:- V V 

" the Ei'iglishmen reprobate the conduct, 
" or p-itriotic principles, of those foreign-- 
" ers, Dutch, Swedes, Danes, Russians, or 
"^ French, who jilace their money in the 
" British funds?" The answer is: sorne 
Englishmen cert;in!y do reprobate their 
conduct, and hold them in th>,^ utmost con- 
tempt; but, whether this be the case or 
not, what has it to do with the making of 
compensation, out of the public purs?, to 
those who have lo^t their money by such 
speculations? The question to be asked is, 
did any government in Europe, or v\ill any 
government in Europe, compensate its 
subjects for the money tliey have lost, or 

may lose, in the English fund.s?— We 

are told, that "the demands of health and 
", the cultivation of science 
" and the arts, and the relations of trade 
" and cornmcM'ce, carry Englishmen and 
" their families abroad, in consequence of 
" which connexions arise, and call for the- 
" lodgment of money either on public or 
" private security, as suits the conveiiience 
" of the parties." That is to saj', that 
certain Englishmen, either for their own 
pleasure or their own profit, deposit theit- 
money abroad. How far it is laudable, 
and ought to be allowed, for people of any 
country to reside abroad, anddravv their in- 
comes after them, may be a question ; but, 
that persons, who, for their own conve- 
nience, pleasure, or gain, lodge their wealth 
abroad, should, when that wealth is lost, 
have a right to demand compensation from 
their countrymen, on whom they, have 
turned their backs, from whom they have 
wiih-held all share in their enjoyments, is a 
proposition too prepostrous to be for a mo- 

uient entertained.- The French funds are 

represented as a channel, thrcnigh which 
British property finds its way from India to 
England. They may be such a channel; 
but, while it is utterly impossible to con- 
ceive what this circumstance has to do with 
(he present ([ucslion, there can be no dif- 
ficulty in stating, that, as far as such a chan- 
nel is necessary, India is an injury to Eng- 
land. The writer of the letter, on which 

these remarks are made, complains of scorn- 
ful language, forgetting, like a true " well- 
"^ meaning man,'"" that he and his associates 
have, in their printed paper, stamped the 
charge of " presumption" upon all those, 
who have dared, or wf.o shall dare, to ques- 
tion Ihe wisdom of the minister, who made 
the treaty of 1786. Men do not like to be 
bullied thus. There are persons in the 
world , who dcubt of the wisdom of Mr. 




Pitt, not only in war and peace, but in fi- 
nance also, ;ind who inquire, not altogether 
iniperUnentlv, where ihey shall look tor the 
fin;in(jial wisdom, which ha;, in the course 
of ten years more doubled the national 
debt, which has banished gold and silver 
from the lund, and has left the country no 
otiier ciurency than that ot a degraded p^- 
per. Sup|)Ose that a plain honest fellow 
were, with a ten pound note in his hand, to 
go up to Mr. Pitt, and say : " wise man, 
*' previous to the time that this nation be- 
" gan to enjoy the ble-sings of thy iinancial 
** skill, I could buy 44 Spanish milled dol- 
" lars wilh this note, whicii has been lying 
*' ever since iu ray drawer, and now, I 
" find, that I can buy only 40 of those d;.] 
" lars with this same note*." What an 
swer would Mr Pitt give? Must he not 
acknowledge, that the bank paper has been 
degraded in his hands, and by his measures, 
and must he not also acknowledge, that this 
degraded paper is almost the only currency 
of the country ? What audacity, then, must 
those persons have, who stigmatize as 
" presumptuous" every one that dares to 
question the wisdom of Mr. Pitt? And this 
charge couie-;, too, with such a charming 
grace from the persons who, in the very 
same breath, rail against the Treaty of 
Amiens, a compact which was made by the 
advice of, and which was publicly defend- 
ed by, this very Mr. Pitt, this " great 
" statesman," olWhose wisdom it is " pre- 
*' sumptuous" to doubt! These challenges 
are very indiscreet, on the part of Mr. Pitt's 
admirers and friends. Many men, who 
would never think of publicly criticising 
his measures, are thus goaded on to it. We 
overlook much in a person about whum lit- 
tle is said ; b;it to hear him extolled to the 
skies, and to hear ourselves characterized 
as foolish and presumptuous, because we 
venture to express our doubts of his wis- 
dom, and that, too, at the very moment 
when we not only see, but are smarting un- 
der, the effects of his want of wisdom ; pa- 
tiently and in silence to bear this,. would 
argue a shocking want of independence of 

Revenue. On the 20th ultimo, Mr. 

Johnstone moved, in the Hou^e of Com- 
mons, tor an account of the nctt produce of 
the taxes, imposed in iSg2 and 1803, up to 

* A hank note of ten pounds will nyf fetch even 
40 dollar-,. StHnii)efl dollars were issue! at 5s. 
cti.1t is lo per cjuiuni above their sterhn.; value ; 
but they have <f:< Very lew of tijera ever 
found iheir way to the Eastward of Temple H-Ar. 
The f.ict is, a dollar is wottU more than 3s. of 
English bank paper. 

3, 1804. ^ [302 

the ^th of January, 1804, distinguishing the 
produce of each year. This is an account 
very much wanted, seeing that the regular 
accounts of the year. are so lon;^ kept back; 
and, it is with no small satisfaction, that the 
public will see independent members of 
Parliament mak[ng inquiries of this kind. 
Mr. Johnstone made some very pertinet t 
remarks as to the disappointment, which 
the House was likely lo experience in the 
produce of the revenue. The Doctor, in 
agreeing to the motion, begged the id >u.>e 
to observe, that he did not accjuiesce in iha 
C(nTectnes<^ of the honourable mover's s nt'^- 
ments. What was meant by this, it wot. d 
be hard to say, seeing that Mr. Jo!instoi;e 
merely stated the facts as they stood in ihe 
Treasury accounts. He said, that, in a 
comparative view of the produce of the 
years 1S02 and 1803, there was, excludii:g 
the amount of new taxes received in the 
latter, a considerable defalcation in 1805, 
instead of that " imjjrovement" in the re- 
venue, of which ministers had boasted at 
the commencement of the session. What 
need had he of the Doctor's arquiesence 
with rca^ard to the correctness of this state- 
ment .'' The siatrraenc is a simple deduction 
from the Doctor's own figu-es, just as sim- 
ple as that of taking one from two, and 
saying that there is a remainder of one. 
Where, then, was the sense of this myste- 
rious reservation ? Such tricks have had 
their effect: to a certain degree they have 
their effect still, but the day of delation is 
nearly at an end. We have been promised, 
solemnly promised, that this war shall be 
carried on, " even to a protracted period, 
" without any addition to the nat'onal 
*■' debt," because" only 6,000,000 1. a year 
will be borrowed, and those 6 000,020 1. will 
be ''paid off" by the sirikinc: fund. It 
has been clearly shewed, th:it this is a meie 
jus;gle*, and that (he 6,coo,oool. will con- 
stitute a real addition to the debr ; but, is 
there any man, who, after locking at the 
account of the last ycav's taxes f, can pos- 
sibly believe, that a loan of 6,Qco,ooo I. a 
year will be sufhci^i.t ? Th^ whole expen- 
diture of the year 1804 will amount to 
about 63,0-0,000 1, and ihe whole nett in- 
come, upon the present raxes, will not sur- 
pass 39,000,000]; so that there, must be 
about 29,000,000!. ra Sid, by the means of 
loans, or of new taxes, unless the Doctor 
has, as was before hinted, dealings with 
some supernatural power. There have 
been q, 000,000). already borrowed in the 

* bee Letter to the Doctor, Vol. ill. p. 920, et 
se<^. ■■■ ■ -j- Sec :he piectuii.g.»hct:^ p. iSc. 



shape of Exchequer bills ; bur, as this sum 
must make a cbari;e in the supplies of the 
year, it will not diminish the sun^ wanted 
by the minister. To disguibc the real state 
of the revenue, as long as possible, liovvever, 
it is likely ihat he may, if he can, keep this 
5,ooo,ocol, out of the supplies of the year, 
and fund, perhaps, the Exchequer bills. 
Then make a loa'i of 8, or from 8 to i2 
millions, under the pretext of postponed in- 
come tax ; and, after that, at the close of 
the session, issue another 5 or 6 millions 
worth of Exchequer bills. God knows ho-iv 
this can be done; but, after what v,-e have 
. seen, is any thing iticredible ? The minis- 
ter, in his budget of the i3tli of June last, 
estimated the produce of his war taxes, up 
to the 5th of January, at 4, ;,oo,ooo I. And, 
jt now appears, from the Tieasury account 
laid before the House of Commons, and 
printed for the use of the members, that 
those taxes have produced only 1,874,672!. 
yet, no one asks a word about the matter ! 
Is such a man fit to be a minister of finance ? 
Can public credit live in the hands of such 
a minister? Is it because rhey wish such a 
minister to be removed, that men are to be 
accused of disaffection to their count: y and 
their sovereign ? But, reflections of this 
sort are of little avail. Events are coming 
on ; events amidst which cant and juggle 
will be a subject of mockery instead oJr a 
source of delusion. As the financial dif- 
ficulties are now pressing upon the Doctor, 
it would not be fair to dismiss this topic, 
without observing, that, these difficulties 
could, in pursuing the same system, have 
been a\ oidcd by no other man. IVlr. Pitt 
would have supported them better; he 
would have given to the Tieasury statements 
a more flattering appearance ; he would have 
exhibited a prettier shov/ 5 he would, from 
vulgar eyes, at least, have concealed the de- 
lusive machinery. But, Mr. Pitt could not 
have met the present expenditure^, without 
having recourse to loans, or without fome 
bold encroachment on the property of the 
country : loans would have brought us whi- 
ther the Doctor is now speedily driving, and 
such an encroachment on property as is here 
alluded to, would have produced a still more 
violent effect. Mr. Pitt would have eked 
out our journey ; he would have conducted 
us move pleasantly j but, it is far from being 
certain, that he v\ould not, at last, have 
given us a more rude and fatal fall. The 
nionied people hate the Doctor ; they think 
him the cause of all the misfortunes that 
tbey feel,and the calamities that they dread: 
but^ the Doctor, poor man^ has, in measures 
«if finance, only inutated, sLi'iclly iraitatedj 

his predecessor ; and, indeed, the only great 
measure ot finance that has been adopted 
since his accession was not only supported, 
but was dictates to him, by Mr. Pitt. ISe- 
vertheless, in spiie of these facts, and every 
other that you can adduce, die money-mon- 
gers and mercantile men, generally speak- 
ing, say, and really believe, thai there only 
wants Mr. Pitt in power, to ie»toie public 
credit to its full vigour : and, when you 
shew them, as clear as day-ligh' th^s tolly 
of such an expectation, ihey reply 10 you, 
that he is the first orator in the world. 
Suppose this to be true, orato-'s a'c not con- 
jurors, and it requires nothing short of con- 
juraiion to mnke a bank note of ten pounds 
woi (li four dollars more than it is now worth. 
True, he can talk, both loud and long he 
can talk ; but, unless he can talk the seals 
off the Jew's bonds^ and thereby nullify their 
present demands upon our properly and our 
labour, his talking, as Lord Redesdale says 
of the Roman Catholic creeds is " given to 
" the winds." 

Ikish Exchange.— Some excellent re- 
marks upon this subject will be found in 
the preceding pages of this sheet. It is 
there observed, that, tiie Irish Lords of the 
Treasury and others receive their salaries, 
without any diminution ; but, in fact, ihey 
receive them with an addition j for, when 
those salaries were fixed, it was supposed, 
that they were liable to all the fluctuation 
of the course of exchange ; and, these otii- 
cers. It must be well known, would not give 
the country credit for any advantage that 
might have arisen, or tnay yet arise, from 
an exchange favourable to Ireland and to 
them. This is a matter that demands im- 
mediate and strict examination ; for, it real- 
ly appears, that the officers of the Irish go- 
vernment are deeply interested in the con- 
tinuation of the high exchange. Besides, is 
this the way to reconcile the Irish to the 
Union ? Is it the way to restore peace and 
harmony to that distracted country ? Is it 
the way to preserve England from the fatal 
blow, which she is in danger of receiving 
through the side of Ireland ? Those who 
care nothing about Ireland, may, one would 
think, care enough for themselves to. induce 
them to promote an inquiry so necessary to 
the safety of England. 

Irish Catholics. — The horror excited 
in tlie public mind, by the perusal of the 
shocking relation published in the preceding 
sheet, is a favourable symptom of what will 
take place, in consequence of the conduct 
of the Irish ininistry, in, and subsequent to, 
the affair of the 2od of July. The natioa 
will be greatly indebted to Sir John Wrot» 



tesley fbr bringing that subject before Pdrlia- 
meni ; and, it is to be iioped, that the fa- 
mous letters of the Lord Chancellor of un- 
fortunate Irchmd will not be forj:;otten. 
The ministry themselvets luive now revived 
and agitated ihe Calhoho Question. No- 
bod/ uttered a syllable re?peciiug it, not- 
^vith^l£lI)ding the numerous provocations tliiit 
were given. Lord Redesdale has begun ; 
he has declared the fiiied opinion of himself 
and his colleagues ; he has raised ."in iiisur- 
ni'untabie bar against reconciliniion in Ire- 
land, \vhi!e the present ministry are in 
pou'fr, and particularly while he occupies 
iiis place, where, according to the minister's 
own words, he directs all the steps of the 
Lo-d Lieutenant. His letters have been 
publinhed ; the Irish nation tnust know, thnt 
these Letters are known to their Sovereign 
and his ministers, and to the Parliament ; 
and, if nothing is done, sr said, by either of 
the branches of the government, what will 
be, what must be, the conclusion drawn by 
tlie Irish Citholics ? And, of this conclusion, 
joined to other causes, what must be the 
consequence at no very distant period ? 
Every niao, therefore, who has remaining 
in his bosom the least regard for his King 
nnd country, must be anxious to see some 
inquiry take place with respect to the very 
extraordinary conduct alluded to ; some- 
thing or other, to convince the Catholics of 
Ireland, that is to say, three-founhs of the 
population of that country, that Lord lle- 
<lcsdale has 7iot expressed the seniimenis of 
their gracious Sovereign and of the Parlia- 
ment, and that they are not doomed to be 
regarded, be their professions and their con- 
duct what they may, as lying conlinually in 
wait to commit acts of murder and rebel- 
lion. What ought to be done, it would, 
perhaps, be presumptuous to point out ; but, 
it should be recollected, that, if the i-eports, 
which the ministers are continually propa- 
gating, relative to the prospect of invasion, 
are well founded, there is no time to be 
lost ; for, considering tlie resentment and 
animosity, which the letters of the Lord 
Chancellor cannot fail to have excited in the 
breasts of so large a proportion of the people, 
who cr,n contemplate, without trembling, 
the consequences of an invasion of Ireland 
by a Roman Catholic army? As long as 
those leiters remain unnoticed by the Par- 
liament and by his JNIajesty; as long as the 
Irish Roman Catholics are left to conclude, 
that the Lord Chancellor ha? spoken the 
•sentiments of the tubule government, legis- 
lative as well as executive, so long they nnist 
regard ihemselves as out-rasts, as a sect pn- 
liticaWy excoaixnimifated j as a people in 

3, 1801. [3(>5 

whom we Protesfauls have no confidence, 
whose professions and whose oaths arc 
" given to the winds ;" of whom we ate 
resolved to live in constant distrust ! And, 
is it possible ; can it be, that the Parliament 
will, by their silence, become parties to this 
dreadful denunciation against four millions 
of their fellow subjects, at a time wbea 
every heart and hand is wanted to resist the 
attacks of our enen)y, which attack?, be it 
remembered, the Irish Catholics will, in all 
likelihood, be the first persons called upoa 
to resist ! 

Volunteer System. — The bill for con- 
solidating the Volunteer laws was read a 
second time, in the House of Commons, on 
the '27th ultimo, and the House went into 
a committee upon it on the 29th. On these 
occasions there were very long debates, with- 
out bringing forth any thing very new, ex- 
cept some projects, on the part of Mr. Pitt ; 
upon which projects it will be necessary here 
to make some. remarks, It will be re- 
membered, that, as was before stated, the 
bill proposed by the ministers contained just 
nothing at all, except an explanation of the 
Attorney- General's opinion,- or rather, a 
contradiction of that opinion, which contra- 
diction was useless, seeing that the opinion 
had been rendered of no effect by the deci- 
sion of the Court of King's Bench, where 
the judges did not think it necessary to lis- 
ten to any arguments, in reply to those ad- 
vanced by the learned gentlemen in defence 

of his opinion. The bill was a mere 

skeleton, a mere piece of blank paper, 
throv/n before the House for Volunteer 
Statesmen to till up. The Opposition very 
wisely declined to enter into this service; 
but, Mr. Pitt, " though he ihought, that the 
" matter would more properly have originat- 
" ed with his Majesty's ministers, yet, his 
" deep sen.e of duly would not suiTcr him to 
" neglect the proposiiicns which appeared 
" to him eligible." Thus actuated, he pro- 
ceeded, on tlie 27th, to describe the natura 
nnd extent'of the regulations, which it was 
his iiitentidn ro introduce. " T" these pro- 
" position?," s:i'd he, " I shall strictly cx)n- 
" tine myself, and abstaining from all allu- 
" fion to whatever I mny thii.k on the pre- 
*' sent Slate ot politics, or to the conduct of 
** ministers hitherto, I shall apply myself 
" solely to rhc cxamiiMticn of our national 
" defence^ — that appears to mc to be the firsc 
" and most interesting subject. It ought 
*' to occupy the lattcntion of every man. It 
" is quite enough to fill the mind of any 
*' man (a crv of hear! he.ii!}. This, there- 
" fore, claiming my consideration, in pre- 
" fercnce ty every ulher-sabjecr, i look wVih 




" ^reat concern to the imperfections of the 
,,*' 'Volunteer sjsiem, recollecting that it is 
*^ pushed to an ex'ent far beyond any thing 
*' that was foreseen when the countrv was 
*' first declared in danger J and, considc-vino; 
*' its present magnitude, I regret to find 
^'^ that it is not more advanced in military 
♦' quality, and that it is still extremely ina- 
'' dequate to its object— ^that the proper 
♦* means of promoting its discipline have 
'' not been as vet adopted. These me.ins, 
«' which I deem most material, I conceive 
4' to be, first, the opponunity of regular in- 
t* structions ; secondly, the s.-cuiing at- 
t' tendance at drill ; and thirdly, the eji- 
<' forcing silence, steadiness, &:c. when at 
«' drill. On the first of these points, I beg 
*< to ask of any thinking man, whether it is 
^ possible for the volunteers to acquire a 
*' sufficient knowledge of the simplest part 
*' of military discipline, by atteiiding drill 
" only twenty days in a year, and generally 
" not more than two or three hours each 
*' day — particularly taking into account the 
*' inadequacy of the instructions, &c. 1 am 
*' aware that these arguments may be said 
" to offer objections to the system altoge- 
*' ther; but these objections I feel to be re- 
*"' moveable by attending to the alterations 
*• I have suggested, and shall hereafter pro- 
" pose. What may be done at a future 
*' time, I shall not now enter into, but 
" merely confine myself to the manner in 
*' which they should make the best use cf 
" the time that yet remains to prepare them 
*' for the impending danger ; and this pre- 
" paration should be stimulated and en- 
*' couragcd by the conduct of Parliament. 
*' The spirit of our gallant 'volunteers, so 
" long tried by suspense, m?.y be otherwise 
" relaxed. Danger being so often menaced 
*' and so long suspended, their zeal may be 
" weakened, unless the Parliament shall do 
" its duty by giving to tho&c valiant pa/riots 
" every possible means of rendering their 
" exertions in the cause of their country 
" completely effectual. This done, and 
*' your views fully explained, I am fuiiy 
" persuade'd that the volunteers vvill r.ccede 
" to ariy proposal that the necessity of the 
" case may suggest. Such is the nature of 
*' the minds of Englishmen, that I h^ive not 
" the shadow of doubt that there is no dif- 
" ficuLiy which ihey wovild not encounter, 
" and no privation to which they would 
"' not submit, when they should understand 
" that sui^h difliculries and piivaiion were 
" necessary to succeed in the glo'ious cause 
" committe4 to their charge, of rescuing 
" their country from danger, and establish- 
*' iog the security of their countrymen. In 

*' order then to promote the efKciency which 
" I have in view, i would propose that the 
" volun'eer corps should be encouraged to 
" go on /.'crmanent duty.) suppose tor a week, 
" or t*.\oor three, as was the case last suna- 
" nier in particular districts on the coast, 
" always taking care to assemble the corps 
" in the place convenient to their native 
" home. For this purpose, I should pro- 
'' po5e that a small bountj> shonM be given 
"■ to each volunteer who would consent to 
" march on such permanent duty, nameh, 
" 'Js.per iveek, independently of is. per day, 
" to every volunteer who should so march. 
" This plan would, I am persuaded, do 
" more towards promoting discipl'ne and 
" military habits among the men, than ary 
" drilling at difterent and detached periods. 
" I had an opportunity of witnessing the 
" salutary effects of such a system last sum- 
''' mer. About 2 or 300,000 1. would be 
" quite sufficient to defray the expense of 
" it. Surely it c<innot be pretended thaf 
" Parliament manage with judgment and 
" integrity the pui.*5e of their constituents, 
" if they refuse to open it in order to ad- 
" vance this sum for a purpose of such 
" high importance, to save the lives and 
" property of the people, and to bring the 
'* contest in which we are engaged to a 
" speedy and glorious conclusion. Now, as 
" to the mode of instructing the volunteer 
" corps, I mentioned before Christmas very 
" fully the propriety cf appointing field of- 
" ficers, &c. &c. to such battalions as ap- 
" plied for them, and I am still of the same 
" opinion. As none of the arguments 
" which have been advanced against my re- 
"■ commendation appear to me to huve any 
*' weight, and as I know, from my ownob- 
" servation, the advantages that would re- 
" suit from it, I wuuld prepense that the 
" instrucrien of volunteer corps should be 
" assisted hy the regular ojftcers stationed in 
" the several distiicts, paiticulaily these on 
" the coast, on some parts of which not less 
" than frosn 80 to 100,000 men might be 
" very speedily collected. I would also 
" recommend the adoption of some system, 
" not harsh, to enforce attendance at drill, 
" which is particularly necessary. This 
" might be done by regulations, to which 
" each man might subscribe— ^\xt\^oi\x\^ fines 
*' .on defaulters, rendering the inattention at' 
" parades liable to (7;rifj/ and detention, vwvW 
" tried before a ?nagistrate^ who should have 
'• the power of commuting any fine for a 
" short ufijiriscjiment ci 2 or 3 days. 1 agree 
" with the right honourable mover, that no 
" change should be made in the volunteer 
" regulations that is not called for b_y abso- 


*' lute necessity, and of such a nature do I 
•' conceive the proposition I have subniit- 
*' ted ; 30 I believe ahnost every man who 
*' has. luitnessed their jiavades must confess ; 
*' and when the cause and object of this 
" change should be explained to the volun- 
" tcers themselves, I am satisfied nom of 
'* them would be found to murmur , much 
" less to resign, particularly when such 
" communication should be accomprtnied by 
*' the intimation contained in this bill, that 
*' they might resign if they did not think 
*' proper to remain on such conditions. 

*' As to the right ot volunteers to re- 
*' commend their officers, about which so 
*' much has been said, it strikes me that 
*' there is no material ditfcrence upon that 
*' point, if gentlemen would endeavour 
" truly to understand it. While a controul 
*' was acknovvled'ged to exist in the com- 
*' manding officer"of each corps, in the lord 
** lieutenants of counties, and finally, in mi- 
" nisters, the claim was frivolous to insist 
*' OH ; and yet it would be dangerous to 
*' concede it, even in appearance. I have 
*' at the same time a wish and a hope that a 
*' commanding ofHcer will upon occasion of 
•' any vacancy judiciously consult the senti- 
** ments of th cor/is, but not in any thing like 
*•' the forms ot a popular election, to take 

*' their individual suffrages. -Here the 

" right honourable gentlemen entered into a 
*' very comprehensive review of the pro- 
*' gress of the regular army and militia 
" since the commencement of the war, and 
" contended that neither the recrui'ing of 
♦' the one nor the balloting of the other was 
•' so much iirpeded by the increase of the 
*' volunteers as some gentlemen seemed 
" anxious to impress on tke minds of the 
" House, while he thought, on the con- 
" trary, that the volunteer system would, 
" by proper modifications, tend to the re- 
" gular maintenance and progressive aug- 
" mentation of our public force. The coni- 
" plained of slowness in the ballot for the 
*' Army of R.escrve and Militia might be 
*' easily accounted for, from the circuin- 
*' stance of the great number to be bailotted 
" tor in the first year of the war; and this, 
" independently of the volunteer system, 
" vVas sufficient to produce a cofisidetrtble 
•' difficulty ill recruiting for the regular 
** army. To provide a resource to recruit 
" the regular armv, he would propose that 
** a system somewhat modelled on the prin- 
*' ciple of the Army 01 Reserve, should be 
*' kept up, and ihul from chat body any that 
*' should voluiitcer tor general service 
*' should be supplied by fresh haUot. One 
*' reasoji for this pliiu was, tfadt the army 

M ARCH 3, 1804. [310 

" should not altogether depend on the con- 
" tingency of an ordinary recruiting; and 
" another, that the militia should be held 
" sacred, and that no volunteers for general 
" service should be sought for from that 
" body in future. The prop.Trtinn between 
" this Army of Reserve and the Ivlditia to 
" be fixed, and that the militia should be 
" gradually reduced from its present csta- 
" blishment to its old standard, and that ac- 
" cording as vacancies occur in that body a 
" ballot should take place for an equal 
" number, not to fill up such vacancies, but 
"• to go to the Army of Reserve. Thus, as 
" the one body were reduced, the other 
" would be augmented, and the change 
" having a gradual operation, would not 
" be likely to produce confusion in any 
" branch of our public force. He was 
" aware, however, that this proposed 
" change would incur some unpopularity, 
" and some pressure on the parishes; but 
" to this he would say, that such pressures 
" ought to be softened, if they could not be 
*• remedied, and if they could not be re- 
" medied they ought to be endured. To 
" this he had no doubt the people would 
" submit c/t^er/K//y when they reflected on 
" the value of the object for lohich they had ta 
" contend, and that nothin<y could dtminish their 
" devout gratitude to Providt^nce upon a conijiari- 
" s'Ai of their situations icilh those countries lohick 
" neglecting timely frecavtion, and refusing fier- 
" halis to suffer srnalL ksscs in the first imiance^ 
" coinrnitted themselves to the iviil f that power 
" which now employed all its resources to 
" assail this country. 1 he right honour- 
" able gentleman particularly urged the in- 
" no 'uction of a plan to limit the bounties to 
" he given to substitutes, that it shcaild be al- 
" ways less than that to recruits the re- 
" gular army — the bounties to which also 
" should be limited, in order to put a stop 
" to the proceedings of (h -se ^-ests to society 
" called crimps. He thouglt it would be 
" wise to allot a certain number ot regi- 
" menrs to le recruited in certain counties, 
" accorditig to the amount of the popula- 
" tion of sucii counties; and that the re- 
" cruiting officers should be stationary ia 
" such counties. Thus he conceived the 
'* recruits would be more easily obtaincv^ 
" through the connexion that would grow 
" up beiween the people, the recruiting of« 
" iicer?, and the regiments to which they 
" might belong ; and the consequence of 
" the system would produce an esprit d'l 
" corps that would be highly advamageous. 
" The right honourable gentleman took no- 
" tice of the proprietv of attending 
'' what more to the syi'em of fcrtilicdiions. 




*' -And a!'5o iinproving our naval defence, 
" which lie stare J from his own knowledge 
•' to b6 very defective. While our danger 
•* was g'earer, and our rciOurces also, than 
*' at any former period, he complaiised that 
** our state of nnval pieparHtion was much 
•* lower. He declared, that in this stare- 
" ment he was not influenced by the 
*' slightest prejudice agHJnst any man. On 
•' the contrary, in the whole of his observa- 
*' tions he wished to keep al.ioffiom every 
''description of asperity, which he thought 
*' ought not upon atiy account to be intro- 
*' duced ii> the couise of thi. discussion. 
*' This was nor a time for the operation 
*^ of ^oy pari)/ Fpirk.'' 

As lo party f?pirit; whether there was 
any shown, in this debate, by any body else, 
whether this ob^ervaion was at all called for 
from Mr. Pitt, and whether his speech was 
intended to^nsw^er party views, are qoen- 
tions, upon which I shall, probably, touch 
hereafter; at present, I shall confine myself 
to the improvements, which the right hon. 
g'ent. proposes lo make in the volunteer sys- 
tem, taking them in the order, in which 
tbey lie before me. — First; he propose-, 
that, with a view of rendering the volun- 
teers adequate to the object of iheir institu- 
tion, they should be encouraged to go, as 
soon as possible, on permanent duty, for the 
space of two or three weeks, always taking 
care to quarter each corps in the place most 
convenient to their native home; and, in or- 
der to induce them to go upon this perma- 
nent duty, hsw^ould give to each of them a 
" smnll bounty," namely, seven shillings a 
week, independenily of the one shilling a 
day. What bounty he would give to the 
officers and non commssioned officers he 
does not say; but, he insists, that about 2 or 
3lX),000l. would be sufticient to defray the 
whole expense; so thiU, it is evident, that 
he means to draw only a pari of the volun- 
teers out on permanent duty, for, if he were 
to draw out the 400,000 they would, accord- 
ing to his plan, swallow up 280,0001. in one 
Kve^k, allowing not a farthing for otiicers, 
non-commissioned officers, barracks, bag- 
gage, or contingent expenses of any kitid ; 
and, the truth is, tJiat the 300,0001. would 
not defray the expenses of 250,000 m.en for 
more than a week, because there nmst be 
an allowance for the officers and non-com- 
missioned officers; there must be b.iggage 
and barrack expen-es ; and there niust be 
contingent charges to no small amount. 
But, what could be done in the way of dis- 
cipline, in the space at one lueek P There is 
no doubt but the days of this week w ould be- 
gia wiii* Uie first day of prcparaUott lot 

marching, and that cnre would be taken to 
return home before the last day of it was ex- 
pired. Allow, then, that the corps would, 
upon an average, have ten miles to march, 
they would have four days, exclusive of Sun- 
day, to cxercis-", or do what is called Cuty 
in, and, for th^^se four days each man would 
receive 14 shillings! Care would be taken, 
undoubtedly, to bespeak sun-'hine weather, 
otherwise the money might be all thrown 
away. It is clear, htr^ ever, that the gentle- 
man could not have so short a -^paceof time 
in view : three weeks, at least, it is fair to 
presume, he intended ti> describe as a space 
for " permanent duty;" and, in that case, 
his 300,0001. might suffice for 130,000 
men ; but, let me ;isk any man, whether he 
understands any thing of military matters or 
not, if he would not raiher, and much rather 
too, see this sum of 300,0001 expended in 
the maintenance of 12 gotid battalions of re- 
gular infantry, well clothed, ar'^etf, accou- 
tred, and commanded ? for, such a force 
could be maintained for a lufiole year upon 
the money, Avhich Mr. Pitt proposes to ex- 
pend upon 130,000 volunteers, in the course 
of three weeks ! When the volunteers are 
thus called nut upon " permanent duly" 
there must take place a sort of drafting or 
volunteering in each corps; for, it seems, 
none are so to march but such as choose; and, 
when they return to the corps again, they 
are, I suppose, like the select vessels among 
the Mr^thodists, to communicate their expe- 
riences to the brethren ! . Whether these 
experiences are to be received under the 
operation cf martial law, or otherwise, the 
gentleman did not state; but, if they are, 
I should be giad to know, who will execute 
th>at law; and, if they are not, I am still 
more anxious to know what means will be 
provided for the protection of persons and 
property, in and near the places where these 
"^ small bounty" men will be quarteredi 
And, who is to command the volunteering 
volunteers? Suppose only a third part of a 
corps turns out as " small bounty" men, is 
the commanding officer of the corps to turn 
out with them ? And, if so, who is to cora- 
fnand the men who remain in (he parish ? 
Who shall say, too, that a due portion 
of officers and non-commissioned officers 
will be ready to march ? And, if not> 
how is the deficiency to be supplied ? 
If the officers, who, in general, are mer- 
chants, tradesmen, and farmers, cannot re- 
main from home three weeks at a lime, are 
they to b^ cashiered, and is their place to bs 
supplied by journeymen and labourers ? 
And, lastly, when the "' small bounty" ine.'i 
coaic iiciiie from their e-xpediiion^ is itlik*- 


M ARC H 3. 1604. 


ly lh:it they will live in very great inri-nony 
wild th;)t part of the corps who h.ivc not left 
home ? It) short, who, u\ym bnrely hraring 
these qufstions aiketi, has not alrearly an- 
swered, that the plm is utterly impractica- 
ble ; and, thai the only good that could pos- 
sibly arise from aticiipiing its execution, 
would be to throw all the corps in tlie king- 
dom into ten times greater confusion (hnn 
they ahcMtly are, and -liew us, at once, the 
incurable d'.'fec.ts of the system ? Tl;e eftsct 
«ni the regular army must be dreadtul. 
The '•.sn)al! bountv" men, would, doubtless, 
be quartered, <iuring their " permanent 
duty," where they would be hablc to he fre- 
qutuMv seen by the soliiers of tbe art\'!y. 
Indeed, the gentU^maa proposes to bring 80 
or 100,000 of them so nrar to the regulars, 
as that the former may be assisted in their 
instruction by the regular officers in the se- 
veral district*; respectivclv- And, does Mr. 
Pitt think, tliat the " small-bounty" men, 
■Vilio. in addition to a soldier's pay. will re- 
ceive wherewith to grt dead drunk three 
days in a we^'k, and who will have little or 
no control over them, does he think, that 
such men, dressed in soldier's clothes and 
calling themselves soldiers, does he really 
think that such men will afford an useful 
example to the regular army? And does he 
hope, tliat the non-commissioned olriceis, 
or even the officers, ©f that army will en- 
tirely escape the contagion, especially vvhen 
by another part of his plan, captains and 
fiubaltefns'of the army are invited to seek 
for promotion to the rank of field-officers by 
faj'nig tbcir court, not to their superiors in 
the army, but to the officers and men of 

volunte^n- corps? SECONni.Y; Mr. Pitt 

recommends, in ordrr to enforce aitendance 
at drill, that, in each corps, a set of regu- 
lations shall be sub-cribed by each member, 
and that thes3 regulations should impose 
fines upon defaulter-, and sho dd render per- 
sons not attending at p.^rade li ible to arrest 
and detention, until tried before a magis- 
trate, who should have the power of com- 
muting any fitie for a short imprisonment of 
two or three days! ! ! Upon this part of his 
scheme Mr. Pitt observed, that !:e was de- 
cidedly against making any change in the 
system, unless such as was of absolute neces- 
sity, and that this was so, lie said, would be 
denied by no man who had witnessed the 
volunteer parades. Whether the change 
here proposed be of absolute necessity, or 
nof, 1 shall not attctnpt t6 decide; but this 
I do know, that it never cr,n be carried into 
execu ion. If a.-!opted in the art, it will, 
of course, be general. The regulation> will 
|je the same in evciy corps, oc else^ Par- 

liament may as wll hold its tongue upon 
the subjects and leave the corps and their 
committees to go on with the good work of 
les^isl^tion, wJiich, thanks to Mr. Pitt and 
tlie ministers, they have already so diligently 
and succesifuUv begun. Jf the regul.itions 
are not prescribed by the act, the act must 
empower the magistrates to -carry the regu- 
lations of each corps, be they wiiat \lw.y 
may, into etiect. But, let who will make 
the regulations, no man, it .seems, is t<» be 
bound by tluni, unless he ciiooses to sub- 
scribe t<j them. Anl, how ntaay m<^-n are 
there in this United Kingdom, wJio will vo- 
luntarily set. tiieii hands to a paper, whicl* 
shall compel them to appear at a ceriaia 
place, to obey certain persons, and pnlorta 
certain acts, U)<on pain of ins'ant arrest aud 
impri-oniuent? Are there one hundred men,, 
out of three millions, whcj wi'd do this ? 
Bt sides, did ever mortal man befjre liear of 
sucii a jumble of civil and militHry autho- 
rity ? Who :■; to be the iudge of the olfence-^ 
Is the oifcndtr to be arrestrd by a warrant 
or a.'i order ? Is he to be sitrz-^d by a Ser- 
jeant or a const.'ble? Where is lie to be 
detaincii ^ In the jail, or in a guard-hou-<c ? 
If the latier, suppose he attempts to escape? 
C;!n the pf rsons who have iharge of hini 
shoot him r Is there any crime in re-cuing 
hiu) ? What an endless source of broils, ill- 
b'ood, of assaults, batteries and law-suits 1 
What " glorious confusion"^wouid reiga 
from one end to the other of the duniry * 
These projects arc to be received with great 
c.iution. Nothing is so dangerous, espe- 
cially in times like .the present, as that spirit 
of innovation, that deliance of all usage and 
all experience, ihrtt eagerness to meet every 
emergency with some vc-zv invcuilion, whirli^ 
I am truly sorry to say it, a[)pf.-ars. oi late, 
constantlv to pervade the mind of Mr. Pitt. 
Has this gentleman hesrd of no volnnieer 
beino' imprisoned ? Has he heard of anv one 
being impri'-oncJ and not rescued by his 
comriidfs ? Does he think, that any round- 
house or jail woiild long contain a volunteer 
confinfd for military misbehaviour? Does 
he in good truth imagine, that a young man, 
or that any man not of base spirit or infa- 
mous character, would submit to be lodged 
in the recep'acle for thieves and other igno- 
minious offenders, merely booause he bad 
been ahsf ni from a parade without Irave, or 
without sufficient cause ? Dees he, indeed, 
supnose, that a lather will, on such an ac- 
C( unt, quietly walk into jail in the pr.'.ence 
of W\< children ? Or, that any imn will, for 
such a cause, submit to such di gn.ce in the 
eve.s of his relU ons, his trif nds, or Itis i.cigh- 
bourb ? And, if it be not ao imprit'-Oiutni i\}^ 




a jail or some place other than military, wli;it 
has the civil m;igistrate to do with the com 
mitment ? If siuh a regulation were to pass 
into a law, ori:; of (wo consequences would 
result from it : eiliicr no volunteers would 
s-uUscribe the regulation, and ihfn it would 
be nngatory, or, if generally signed, and 
attempted to be enforced, it would produce 
continual riots" and rescues, 'till, in a very short 
space of time, the magistracy and the laws 
would be trodden underfoot. If, therefore, the 
volunteers cannot be induced to ;!tte!;d with- 
out such a regulation as this ; if this be a 
measure of ''' absolute necessity" to the ex- 
istence of the volunteer system, that system 
never can be supported for another half 
year, without Rhaking to its cen re the civil 
government of the country. " Man," he 
has very truly and very tritely observed, " is 
" the creature ot /vi^i^ ;" and, let him re- 
member, that, if he once destroys or consi- 
derably enfeebles the habitual reverence for, 
and obe.lience to, the laws, he will, in re- 
ality, have gone very far towards subverting 
the constitution, to uphold which must cer- 
tainly be one of his principal objects. 

Having thus provided, as he seemed to think, 
for the permanence and discipline of the vo- 
Junteers, Mr. Pitt next directed his fostering 
tare towards the regular army, iri which, 
though directly iti the teeth 'of his former 
calculations, opinions, and predictions, he 
was obliged to confess recruiting was at a 
stand. S/ill clinging, however, to his vo- 
lunteer system, though found to be so miser- 
ably defective, he would not allow, that it 
had contributed towards the impoverishing 
of the army, notwithstandin= the contrary 
had been proved, by argument, fifty limes 
over, and not withstanding that nrgument nor 
any part of it had ever been attempted to be 
refuted. But, in spite of all his endeavours 
to preserve his consistency, without acknow- 
ledging his error, he does allov/, that, such 
is the state of the country, from some cause 
or other, that the army cannot any longer be 
kept up (not augmented, hut kept up) by 
the ordinary- means of recruiting, even in- 
cluding all the aid, which it has rt-ceived, 
and which it is likely to receive, from the 
inliitments made amongst the creatures, who 
have, mf-rely for the sake of money, became 
substitutes in the army of reserve. To pre- 
ventthearmy, thetefore, from wasting entire- 
ly away, and yet not to give up any part of the 
volunteer corps, Mr. Pitt proposes, that the 
?«;7J/w should be reduced' His project is 
this: that there shall be in constant exist- 
ence abody culled the Army of Reserve ; that, 
from this l)f)dy, men may at any time enlifl 
into the regulars, and, as fast as tirey do so 

enlist, their places shall be supplied by a 
fresh ballot ; that, as vacancies occur in the 
militin, they should remain not filled, up, 
until that boly be reduced to its " ofd stand-. 
■" ard ;" thai, in consequence of every such 
vacancy, a man should be balloted for, but 
that, instead of joining the militia, he should 
join the army of reserve, in order to keep up 
the means of recruiting from this latter body 
into the regular army ; " and thus," says 
he, " as one body v/ould be reduced, the 
" other would be augmented." Very true; 
just as one bottle is filled by the einptying 
of another into it ; but, most people will al- 
low, that the liquor, at every remove, be- 
comes more flat and worthless, and certain I 
am, that there is no military officer, who 
would not rather liave one man, originally 
raised f<T the regular arnay, than three men, 
who, thiouj^h the hand'.^ of parish officers or 
dealer-; in substitutes, have first reached the 
army of reserve, and have then, for the sake 
of a new bounty, and not, for the love of the 
service, come into the regular army. — — ' 
But, b;fore I proceed any further, I cannot 
refrain fiom referring, for a moment, to the 
pa.'liaraeiitry debates in June last, upon the 
subject of the army of reserve. On the first 
agita'ing of that subject, Mr. Windham 
tfiade the speech', from which my motro is 
taken, and every word of v/hich should ?}ow 
be carefully attended to. Mr. Pitt did nor, 
that day, spe;ik at any length ; but, he look 
care to say, that he " completely diflertd 
" from alarostthe whole of Rlr. Windham's 
" ideas." In the debate of the 23d of June, 
Mr. Elliot, who spoke before Mr. Pitt, ex- 
pressed his opinion, that unless the militia 
were reduced to the " old standard" the re- 
gular army must remain in a state of impo- 
verishment; and, during his speech, by a 
word from Mr. Windham, it appeared 
that this was the opinion of both of them. 
It is best to quote the passage in the report of 
the debate. " I am a friend to the principU 
'• of the militia, and am afraid, there is a 
" shade of ditference of opinion, upon this 
** point, between me and my right hon. 
"friend; [ISIr. Windham indicated that 
" theie was none]. 1 am glad that I do not 
" differ from my right hon. friend. But, 
" though I am a friend to the general prin- 
" ciple of the militia, 1 certainly never 
" would have consented to increase it beyond 
" its orighml number."* In the debate of 
the 1st of May, 1S02, Mr. Windham said, 
that tlie militia ought to be kept at, if not 
below, it* " old establishment." — In answer 
to Mr. Elliot, during the debate of the 23d 

* See Register,. Vol. IIL p. 183a. 

317] MARC 

of June, Mr. Pitt, a,fter some sarcastic re- 
marks on the opinions of Mr. Elliot and Mr. 
"VVindhanti, which remarks appeared to give 
great dfligbt to the militia colonels; afier 
extolling the virtues of that " cr.nstituiional 
" force" the milit a, andrcvertinf'io the olori- 
ousera when it was fir-t.establishod, said.g:hat 
" he was not a 'itt'e surprised when hr heard 
' gravely asserted, that the Oiistence of a 
" large miliiia force incr.rnpatiblc with 
*' the existence of a large regiiiar army ; that 
"it being aJniiited; that a Siilitia of 30,000 
'* was good in its kind, it must be allowed, 
" that, under the p-esent circumstances, we 
" wanted a tniicb larger 7tuml)er" And, this 
is the person, who now proposes to reduce 
the militia to this very number of 30.000 
rbeu ! Ooght we not, another tune, to hesi-^ 
tate, before we are It-d into measures at the 
suggestion of this gentleman ? The gradual 
reduction of the militia, le.iving the army 
of reserve out of the question, is a wise pro- 
position; buf, it is well known, and Mr. Pitt 
ought publickly to have acknowledged, that 
it is a pioposition, which was long ago 

made by Mr. Windham However, the 

greit and intuitive mind of xMr. Pitt, over 
which there hung such a thick cloud on the 
23d of June last, has now discovered, not 
only " that a large miliiia force is incompa- 
*• tiblewith a largeregular army," but that it is 
incompatible with a iwm// regular army; and, 
theretore, he wishes to reduce it ; but here 
again the good of his project is over- balanced 
by the evil. This reduction is not to alford 
any relief to the parishes j it is not to tend 
to re- open the field fur recruiting by dimi- 
nishing the call for, and, of course, the 
price of, substitutes; the same number of 
men are still to be balloted for, the burden 
upon the persons not entitled to volunteer 
exemptions is to be increased, and the dif- 
ficulties of recruiting in the regular, and the 
only proper way must now be regarded, if this 
project be adopted, as being completely cut 
oti- for the whole duration of the war. 
AVhat an enormous expense will this pre- 
posterous project, if it become a law, entail 
upon the nation ? What an intolerable bur- 
den upon the persons exposed to the ballot ? 
And, of what sort of men will the regular 
army, thus recruited, consist? What "does 
Mr. Pitt think can be done with the miserable 
ditch water-like stuff that wiil be poured into 
the regular army through (he army of re- 
serve, into which they have been led purely 
by a hankering after those beastly enjoyments, 
^vhich are to be procured only by money. And,' 
let It be remembered, too, that, it will be 
the worst, and not t.^je best part, of the ar- 
^ly of reserve, that will qoter into the re- 

H 3, 1604, |-3ig 

gulars ; the men wlio are disliked by their 
officers ; men v.ho are in debt, or have ren- 
dered Ihrmselves suspected by their com- 
rades, or who cannot resist the temptation of 
enjoying another week or two of delicioas 
druiiktimess. And thi< is tlie description of 
persons who fight the battles, to de- 
fend the liberties, and to avenge the injuries 
of Eui^land ! Inu, says Mr. Put, what will 
prevent the creditable youth of the country 
from fntering into the army of reserve ; or 
into the regular army, if they like it bet- 
ter .> lei him look at the army of reserve, and 
see if the creditable youth of thi^ country 
have entered it. No; the high bounties 
have degraded the profession of a soldier, 
which, God knows, wa-j never much re- 
spected in<his shop keeping country. It is 
now no longer a profession; it is a mere 
trade; it is talked of as a trade ; and, ac- 
cordingly, it offers ro allurements but the 
bare motiey ; parodying what Swift says of 
the lawi " it is now so much blood for so 
" much money, and so much money for so 
" much blood. ■•' 'I'he consequences are 
what we see, and they are just such as it 
was natural to expect, from commit fng the 
formation and supporting of an army to the 
hands of lax-grinders and stock calculators. 
— As to the project for " limiting the bounty 
" to be given to substitutes," and for pre- 
venting Its being so high as the bounty for 
the regu'ar army, it strikes one as something 
so much like Robespierre's maxiimm, that 
to attentpt to reason upon it would be per- 
fectly uselfess. This, however, may be said, 
without hearing the project in detail, that 
the bounty for the regular army must be 
higher than the average of the army of re- 
serve bounty now is or, the per^^ons ballot- 
ed must be compelled to serve in person. 
Which of these provisions Mr. Pitt may 
choose is not, perhaps, very certain ; but 
without one or the other of them, the pro- 
ject must fall to the ground. The con- 
fining of rrcruiting parties to particular dis- 
tricts would have no good effect ; and the 
making of recruiting officers stationary in 
these districts would produce great injury to 
the recruiting service. Novelty, which is 
pleasant in livaiy thing else, is not kss so in 
matters of this kind; and, before Mr. Pitt 
again states, that " recruits would be more 
" easily ubiaincd, through the connexion 
" that would grow up between th'- people 
" and the recruiting officers," let him con- 
sult the returns that have been made, upon 
the recruiting service, and see whether such 
a connexion has not invariably proved an 
obstacle ir> the way of success. In short, 
his notions upon this subject are completely 



at variance with nil the maxims of the arm}', 
maxims which have grown, not out of a 
spirit for projecting, but ont of long ob.ier- 
vation and experience. Before I dismiss this 
subject entirely, 1 cannot forbear to say a 
■word or two upon the manner in which I\Ir. 
Pitt introduced what he had to say, in both 
debates, upon the subject of the volunteer 
system, and matters connected, therewith. 
He acknowledges the many and great de- 
fects of the system ; but, he will not hear 2 
word of doing it away. " ISIo," says he, 
" it is noTV too late to talk of that ; there 
" is 7iot time to supply the place of the vo- 
** lunteer system j we must rely upon that, 
*' or 7ipon votbing, and, therefore, all that re- 
" nnains for us to do, is to determine how 
•' we can best improve it, it being now ex- 
*' tremely inadtquaie to its object." This' 
want of time is, witlr Mr. Pitt, a standing 
argument for the adoption of any tiling that 
he proposes, relative to the defence of the 
country. The army of reserve might not, 
he said, be the best measure that could be 
devised ; but, there was no time to think of 
any other ; the Volunteer system, as it now 
stands, was not so good as it might have 
been ; but there was no time to make it 
better : the danger pressed, the enemy was 
at hand J and, as he sarcastically told Mr. 
Elliot, on the 23d of June, *' unless he could 
*' obtain a cartel from Buonaparle to stop 
" till we had raised a regular army, his ob- 
" jection to the balloted force would be of 
*• no avail." This is just his language now. 
He tells tis that the enemy may come in a 
week, or a fortnight ; and that, therefore, 
there is no time to think about obtaining 
another sort of force in the place ot the vo- 
lunteers. Thus we are always in a hurry ; 
always acting upon the spur of the moment ; 
always adopting measures under the impres- 
sion of immediate danger. Upon this same 
principle Mr. l^itt deprecated all inquiry into 
the pa>t conduct of ministers relative to the 
defence of the country. We are not to ask 
even in which way our means have hitherto 
been employed. V/e are not to inquire 
■what the ministers have done with the mil- 
lions that they have taken from us for our 
defence : no, we are to carry them more, 
and ask no questions. " The defence of 
*' the country ought to occupy every man's 
*' attention: it is quite enough io Jill the 
*' mind of any man, without mixing with 
" it any inquiries as to the state of politics, 
" or the conduct of -ministers." Oh! ex- 
claim the trembling Cockneys, what patriot 


ric sentimen-s ! \^''hat a disinterested 
he is ! he scorns all p.irty spirir, ani thinks 
about nothing but saving us from the hands 
of those hard-hearted ruffians, vyho have 
vowed our destruction ! Nnihing, it must 
be confessed, is better calculated to take, 
with the great and little vulgar, than the 
line of conduct pursued by Mr. Pitt; but, 
persons who are not to be caught v.'ith ch-jif 
may be permitted to ask, whether be did 
not, so long as five months agi, give, as a 
toast amongst his Cockney friends, " the 
" Volunteers, and a speedy meeting with 
" Buonaparte upon our own shores?'* 
Meaning, ihereby,.that he wished the enemy 
might land, and that he might be encoun- 
tered, five months ago» by the very troops, 
which he declares to be now " extremely 
" Jsiadequate to their object !" And, one 
might, too, be permitted to ask Mr. Pitt, 
whether, amongst the means of 'ational de- 
fence, a wise and vigorous nMni>try ought 
not to be reckoned, as essential; and, if so, 
one might further ask him, what object he 
can have in view by using all his influence 
for the purpose of jirolonging the duration, 
ivilhorit strengtJicn'nig the hands., ot the present 
ministry, whom both h; and his friends have 
represented, and are continually repre- 
senting, as incapable of conducting the af- 
fairs of the nation at any time whatever.'' 
Let us have an answer to these questions, 
before we hear any more of the patriotic con- 
duct of IMr. Pitt. Either the ministry ought 
to have his support, or they ought not. Jf 
the first, why does he not support them ? 
Why does he not give them leal support, 
and not preface every speech, in which he 
defends them, with hints ihat this is '' not 
" the profer lime for inquirmg into their 
" conduct .''" If the second, why does he 
not openly and manfully oppose them .^ One 
line or the Sither it must be his duty to take, j 
Decidedly one or the other. Any thing be- \ 
tween ; any thing that shall prop up, witti- 
out supporting ; that shall hold in check, 
without opposing, must be injurious to the \ 
country, and must, by every man of sense 
and spirit, be regarded, not only as unpatri- 
otic and undignified, but selfish and mean 
in the extrerne. 

The 11th Number of Cobbett's Parli- 
amentary Debates, containing an accu- 
rate Report of the interestmg Debate on 
his Majesty's Indisposition, is ready for deli;, 
very. Complete sets of the work may be had 
of the Pubhshers of the Register. 

Feinted by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw. Bow Street, Ck)ven9 
Giirden, where former Numbers may be haJ » sold also by i, Bu'icl, Grown and Mit:re, Pall-MaU. 


Vol. V. No. 10.] London, Saturday, IQlh March, 1804. 

[ Price IOd 

It surprises me. that you should leave Windham out of your list, wha (observe my prophecy) 
" will become one of the ahlest men and most shining ciiaracters that the latter p:ut of this age 
" will produce. I hazard little in such a prediction; lor his judgment, talents, and attainments will 
" justify it." Lord Lyttleton, Letter XVIII. 


Of two pamphlets, lately published, the one 
entitled, " Cursoiy Remarks upon the State of 
Parlies, during the adtninistration of Mr. 
ylddington, by a Near Observer j" and 
the other entitled, " A Plain Ansiver to the 
misrepresentations and calumnies contained in 
the Cursory Remarks of a Near Observer, hy 
A' MORE Accurate Observer." 
(Contineed from p. II 2.) 

The charges which the Near Observer 
prefers agninst Mk. Windh.-.m, on the 
score of his parliamcntarv conduct, are, first, 
his opposition to the inihtia system ; second, 
his inconsistency in first calling for war, and 
then, when waf becanie inevitable, declar- 
ing, all of a sudden, it was his wish to 
preserve peace ; third, his remaining in of- 
fice during the negotiations at Lisle, to 
which, as it now appears, he was always 

The charge respecting the rnilitia system 
was fully refuted in a former part of this 
Analytical and Comparative View, present 
Volume, p. 5 to IS, particularly, p. 12 to 
]8. 13ut, it may not be amiss to add a re- 
mark or two to what was said, especially 
when we take into view some recent trans- 
actions. ••' In pursuing the subject," says 
the Near Observer, '' we shall iiave the 
" misfortune to see Mr. AVindham in full \ 
" fruition of his vow, and the kingdom re- i 
'• plutigfid into a war, wluch no policy, no I 
" huuuui prudence, no moderation, no for- \ 
" bsaraiire could avert Sh.ill we Vsnd him ' 
" congistent then } Shill we behold him ar- ; 
*' raying the forces, balloting the njiliiia, 
" calling out the volunteers 't V/ill he im- 
" pose silence upon the factious by his elo- 
" qutnce, banishing dr:lars, and conquering 
" obstacles l>y the vigour of h's mind, gtv- 
" ing the lesson jsnd example of public vir- 
•* lue, and acting the glorious part of a pa- 
"• tnot statesman, the- diiciple of Burke ?" 
Then, wl.en this Vviiiicr comes to speak of 
Tvir. Y/iudhani's co..>juct alter the deciara- 

— . — [322 

tion of war, comes the passage, which, has 
been quoted, in p. 5 and 0, and to w hich I 

beg leave to refer the reader. To the 

passage, which I have here cited, and to 
other corresponding parts of the Treasury 
Pamphlet, the More Accurate Observer has 
given the following answer, which, as far 
as it goeS, is fair and pertinent enough: 
" He" [Mr. Windham] " is accused of 
" that, which, at a moment like the pre- 
" sent, would be little short of treason. He 
" is charged with impeding and obstructing 
" the national defence. Shall we behold 
" him, it is asked, arraying the forces, bal- 
" loting the militia, calling out the volun- 
" teers } Yes ; I reply j we shall behold 
" him amongst the foremost in arraying th& 
'' forces, vol certainly in balloting the mili- 
" lia, or in calling out the volunteers ; but 
" why.' because he does not consider those 
" to be the most efficient modes of arraying 
" the forces. But, in objecting to the mea- 
" sures brought forward by tlie government, 
" he proposed others which appeared to 
" him better calculated to attain the object 
" which was in view ; and he did not leave 
" a shadow of pretext for the foul dctrac- 
" tion of the Near Observer. Are we real- 
" iy to think, that Mr. Windham did not 
" wish to put forth the best energies of the 
" sta(<: for our safety and preservation, be- 
" cause he did not approve the plan of 
" the ministry ; or, because, perhaps, l;e 
" might not think, that they knew very 
'•■ vv'eil how lo carry th-ir ov/n plan 
'■ into execution?" Tjial the ballot- 
ing of the militia to a number beyond 
I he old esiablislv.nent, and that the calling 
out of the volunteers, was not, in reality, tc» 
ai ray the /orff.f, is uow pretty evident 3 sit- 
ing that tjie volunteers, are, at the end of 
srven or f.iij^ht nsonths, found to be " ioiaHy 
inadequate to the object of their institution," 
v.hile the gre^t arivocats of the niiiina, the 
gentleman who, of a'l] others, most dificrtd 
troin Mr. V/indijam on the subject, has novi 
discovered, that, without reduf ing the mi- 
litia to iiK old number, that is to say, to the 
very state which Mr. Windham wished t« 
keep it in. we cannot keep up our rrg 1 af 
army. Precisely what measures will, as t» 




these points, be, at last, adopted^ it is im- 
possible to say ; but, as far as events have 
gone thpy have fully proved, that to " ar- 
ray the fiMces," in reality, would have been 
to do exactly what Mr. Windham recom- 
mended. If his advice had been followed, 
that advice which was so shamefully mis- 
represented by Mr. Yorke, by the Adding- 
tons, and by their hirelings 5 if that advice 
had been followed, we should now^ hav.3 
had, in Europe, a regular army of 130,000 
effective men, a militia of aO,000, and an 
armed peasantry, in every part of the coun- 
try, ready 10 assist, in case of invasion. 
We should have heard nothing of commit- 
tees of corps; of elections of officers; of 
armed parliaments 3 of " small-bounty" 
men ; of drilling regulations : in short, we 
should have heard not a word of all, or any 
of, the vexatious nonsense that now puzzles 
the heads and harasses ihe bodies of peo- 
ple of every rank and description ; to say 
nothing of the enormous expense, to which 
the country is sobiectcd, on this account, 
and which, by Mr Windham's plans, would 
have been, in a great part, at least, avoided. 
The next charge, to wit, that of having 
calbec for war, till uar became unavoidable, 
and, then, bec'oming, ail of a sudden, an 
advocate for peace, is no better founded 
than tlie- former. Upon this point the 
words of the Treasury writer are as fol- 
low-s : " the discussion of these transactions, 
*' has led ine somewhat past the period of 
^' his Majesty'3 message of the 8th of 
*' March, in which the necessiry had been 
** announced of adopting measures of pre- 
*' caution, with regard to France , which 
*' proceeding of the ministry, and the sub- 
^' sequent armament they proposed, so tar 
" from producing that unanimity of parties 
" which might have been expected, and 
*' which at iirst it appeared to have affect- 
" ed, only exasperated and laid bare the 
*' depth and foulness of their rank and 
*' mortified ambition. Will it be believed, 
** that upon this occasion the ' war fac- 
*' lion ' (o use the phrase of the First 
*' Consul of France) which had treated 

*."They were styled blcodhounds in a 
*' print which is in the exclusive interest of 

•'' Mr. Pitt." Yes, this prlnr, the True 

Briton, certainly is in the exclusive in- 
terest of Mr, Pitt, speaking of it as the tool 
cf a minister, or great party man j but, thig 
print, as well as its partner, the Sun, are 
under the control of Messrs. Long and 
Rose, particularly the latter ; and, as long 
as those gentlemen saw a likelihood, or 
€ven a probability, of J^i, Pitt's joining the 

" every moment of peace as a compromise 
"of the national honour and security, 
" \yhich had incessantly urged, railed, and 
" attempted to intimidate the government 
" into immediate war, now turned, sud- 

ministry, and, of course, of their return to 
place and profit, the True Briton and the 
S-un were as completely devoted to Mr. A4- 
dington as they were to Mr. Pitt. In com- 
plete proof of this assertion it is only neces- 
sary to quote the very passage here alluded 
to by the Near Observer: " Unlike an ex- 
" war minister, and his little band ot blood- 
" hounds, we are not the advocates for war, 
" much less tor eternal "war^ but we are pre- 
" pared to defend, to the last ^rop of our 
'' blood, the rights and independence of 
" oar country. If we are thus, then, to 
" fight for our all, we surely may be allow- 
" ed to express a. wish to be-conducted i^n 
" the field by those leaders whom we love. 
" Let Mr. Pift, Mr. Addingtar.., Lord //^tc- 
" keshtry^ Lord Melville., and a tew others^ 
" whom we could name, direct the affairs 
" of the nation, and we shall think net only 
"■ our safety insured but our victory cer- 
" tain." The article frccn which this pas- 
sage is extracted was Inserted in the True 
Briton of the 7th of March last, just about 
the time that the place-seeking negotiation 
was set on foot. It was, at the time, attri- 
buted to the " right honourable relation ;'* 
but whether it cam.e from the Addington or 
the Pitt taction is, as to the present point, 
.of no consequence at all; seeing that the 
True Briton was, at that time, devoted to 
the '^ well-meaning" ministry ; and, there- 
fire, the phrase, " bloodhounds "■ and the base 
charge agaicst Mr. Windham of being the 
advocate for '•* elennal ivar," must not now, 
be represented as exclus.vely imputable to 

the friends of Mr. Pitt. It is, however, 

perfectly true, that the most venal prints 
in England, or in ar.y part of the globe, 
Dublin only excepted, are those which 
espouse the cause of Mr. Pitt. The True 
Briton of the yih of March, 1803^ says : 
" The uprightness of the intentions of the 
" present ministry, the real Icve. they bear 
" their ccuiury, the principles which they 
" have uniformly practised, and, a slmila- 
" rity of mind and sentiment identify them 
" with the man [Mr. Pitt], to whom the 
" eyes of the nation are, at this mc menr, 
" anxiously turned, &:c." Now, who can 
read this, and compare it with the conti- 
nued, the incessant attacks on ministers, 
which have been made in this True Briton, 
ever since the negotiation for place broke of; wha 
can view such an inst&nce of vers^tiiity an4 



" denly as (ke winil, and shifted their prin- 
" ciples I'ke a sail ? Let us hear the Ian 
*' guace ot the manly consistent Mr, Wiiid- 
" ham ! " He hoped that it woukl not he 
*' " supposed that rhe opposers of the peace 
<* *' U'ould be foremost to propose the re- 
*' " newal of hostiliries ! the very revcse 
" *' would be fnuntl to be the legitimate 
*' " result of the principles they had em- 
*' " braced ; they had chiefly opposed that 
*' " peace because its terms put the coun 
«' " try out of a condition to go to war 
*' " acain. There were no persons hold- 
** " ing his opinions who could contem- 
*' " plate the renewal of war without feri- 

*' " ous aUrm." " The passage here 

quoted as Mr. Windham's is not ivhat he 
«aicl. It is Said to be taken fron the very 
speech wiiich the Receiver-General of 
Cornwall so glaringly misrepresented, and 
■which misrepresentation vv'<is noticed at the 
time, both in the House of Commons and 
ovit of it. But, more of this by and by : let 
us pursue the cjuotatifm : ** It is too recent 
" in recollection for it to be necessary for 
'' me to relate wiih what sentiinents the 
" public received this new creed of the mo^t 
" serene and pacific war-faction, and it 
" might be thought to be nut of the scope 
*' of the present topic, to advert to the sur- 
*' prise and astoniihment which General 
*' Buonaparte is said to have manifested upon 
*' discovering the long mistake and mis-ap- 
*' prehension under which he had lived with 

" regard to it. 1 cannot, however, pass 

** over this point aJtogether, because I am 
" of opinion that the language now held by 
** the new opposition had a considerable 
** effect vipon the negotiations which were 
** carried on from this period, wiih increased 
*' activity and interest, and assumed a tone 
*• exceedingly categorical and decisive. 
" Doubtless, it is impossible for me, or any 
" other individual, to prove that the First 
**■ Consul had not originally tixed his reso- 
*' lution, and that he had not been always 
*' altogether determined upon war. In this 
*' case it must be admitted, that he derived 

baseness, without holding in abhorrence 
the slaves by whom it is exhibited to the 
world > SLich, however, is, unfortunately, 
the taste of Mr. Pitt. It has always been 
his policy to surround himself with crea- 
tures and tools. In certain states of society 
and public affairs, such policy may, and 
does, succeed ; bur, ere this day two years, 
Mr. Pitt will tind, that it is entirely unsuit- 
ed to the present times : he will find, that 
efficient support is not to be purchased with 

H 10, 1S04. [32a 

" not his tirst motive from the extraordinary 
" lancuacre of Mr. Windham and his col- 
" leagues. But I shall then contend, thi^t 
" this languaoe must have operated to en!- 
" courage and confirm his intention, which 
" neither Mr. Windham, nor any other per- 
" son can deny, might possibly have wa- 
'^ vered, or have finally given way. The 
" first Consul, i » his memorable Expose to 
" the legislative body, had expressly stated^ 
" that ' this contUry could find no ally 
" upon the continent, and that without al- 
" lies, and single h.tnded, she was unable to 
" sustain a war wiih France,' I l)elieve this 
" defiance was received with indignation by 
ti every Englishman, an'd by Mr, Windham. 
" amot-g the rest; i had once thought, even. 
" more than by the rest. I believe too, that 
" it was resented not more for its audacity, 
" than its falsehood, and that there did ndt 
" exist at that time a single individual who 
" was not prepared to contra<lict and dis- 
" prove it. How then must it have satis- 
" fied and delighted the First Consul to 
" learn, that as soon as the King's message 
•' had taught us to think in earnest upon 
" the subject, and as soon as a distinct ap- 
" pearance and approach of war had be- , 
" comevi.iible in England, even those states- 
" men who had most invokcL-l and provoked 
" it, were become sudden converts to his 
" opini in, and openly declared the truth of 
" it 1 With what transports must he not 
" have heard M. Otto translate from the 
" debates in the English papers this express 
" statement of Mr. Windhaim, that " he 
" " could not contemplate the renewal of 
" " hostilities without serious alarm, and 
" " that he had chiefly opposed the peace 
" " because it had put the country out of 

" " a condition to renew the war .'" Iq 

answer to this, we may tirst a^^k, with the 
Accurate Observer, what pretence there is 
for representing the renewal of the war as 
" the fruition of Mr. Windham's vow ?" 
The charge of being a standing advocate for 
v/ar, and even for " efema/ zvar/^ was made 
against him by tlie " well-meaning" minister, 
and, indirectly, by the Lord Chancellor, 
during the early part of the discussions on 
the peace, a charge which he instantly and 
explicitly denied, repelled, and refuted, 
witnout, however, preventiiig them and 
their hirelings from rcpca;ing the charge, 
with just as much confidence and unconcern 
as if its truth had been admitted. And, how 
shamefully fidse is it to say, that Mr. Wind- 
ham had " treated every 7noment of peace as a 
" compromise ot national honour and se- 
" curity!" Is it not well known to every 
one, that the address, which IVIr. Windham . 

jS2^3 cobbett's weekly 

and his party proposed and voted for ^ on the 
discussion of the peace of Amiens, advised 
certain negotiations to be immediately en- 
tered into, in order to explain the ambi- 
guities of that compact, and to " Jireserve fJie 
*^ Jieace^ which his Majesty had concluded ?" 
At the opening of the next session of Par- 
liament, on the 23d of November, 1802, 
iafter it became apparent, that France in- 
tended to continue her conquests in peace, 
^s well as in"(^ar; after the transactions in 
Swisserland, and, indeed, after every thin^, 
worth speaking of, that was made the sub- 
ject of complaiiit, in his Majesty's declaration 
of war 5 after all this had taken place, and 
while the ministers appeared ready to sub- 
mit to as much more, Mr. Windham en- 
deavoured to convince the House of Com- 
mons, that it was the wiser way to hold all 
that remained in cur hands,, in order nyt to 
begin the war at a greater disadvantage. 
His words were these: "We are a little 
*' cured of the mania, in this country, which 
*' was only an octave higher, when We were 
" told, that those who advised the war 
" were men delighting in blood, while those 
*' who oppo'^ed them were lovers of hu- 
" manity. Not being in an cilicial situa- 
*' tion, lam not sufficiently informed to ad- 
*' vise particularly ; but, on such aques- 
'^' tion, I think, we should weigh well in 
*' what situation vv-e shall be v.'hen the vvar 
*' shall come upon us; for, come ir will, 
*' and sooner than I wish to say. 1 think 
** it would be the iviser way to anticipate 
*' the blow. iJ'e slwuU not Jet cut of our hands 
" {i7iy f tlie inf-ans which accident or Jirecau- 
*' ticn has left in thm for another ivar. *" 
This passage has been quoted by the Near 
Observer; but, that venal slave, so well 
worthy of the "vven'mcani:]g" Addingtons 
and Ha'vkesburies, has taken special care to 
stop at the word '■' blowj''' and not to insert 
those which are here distinguished by Ita- 
lick characters, and, on which, as the reader 
will, at once, perceive, turned the whole 
lorce of the passage, as far as related to the 
contrast, which the Near Observer w:is 
drawing. •=-- — In referring to declarations 
imputed to Mr. Windham, relative to the 
reluctajice of himself and bis friends to 
hasten intb a vvar, it will be right, first, to 
hear what the More Accurate Observer has 
said in his defence. " Mr. Windham gave, 
*' as one of his reasons far objecting to the 
*' peace, that its consequences would . put 
*' us Out of the conditioii to renew the "war, 
" which he thought would. soon be neccs- 
*' sary. He disapproved of dismantling our 



Sec Speech, Registerj Vol, II, p, i66j. 

" fleet and disbanding our army, because 
" he thought much tim,e would not elapse 
"-before it would be necessary to equip the 
" one, and recruit the other. There is no 
" inconsistency in endeavouring to avoid 
" peace when we had large naval and mili- 
" tary establishments on foot, and to hesitate 
" in declaring war when those estsblish- 
" ments had been let down. As little in- 
" consistency is there in ohjectrng to tJie im- 
" mediate ground f luar, and in thinking 
" that many occasions had been passed over, 
" on which ministers had been called upon 

'^ to take up arms." This reasoning is 

clear and correct enough 3 but an allusinri 
is made to facts that nevtr existed ; for, Mr. 
W:ndh?.m never " hesitated at declaring- 
" war," nor did he ever " oli/ect to the im- 
" 'mediate grounds of the ivar^^^ though he 
certainly might have done it, and with per- 
fect consistency. For my part, i always 
thought that the vi^ar was unavoidable ; bur, 
that the alleged grounds of it were the 
ver_y worst that could have been selected. 
The rupture began en our part, and we 
made the. first movement, upon a pretext 
which is now notoriously false. The war 
is grounded upon no great, no generous 
principle; but, in the eyes of the world, is, 
and ever will be regarded, as proceeding 
from the selfish and base "desire of retaining 
an island, which \Ve had, by solem.n treaty, 
contiacttd to give up; and, when the mi- 
nisters are called to an account for the deeds 
of their ministry, which, if this nation is to 
remain free, they must be, at no very distant 
time, the having embarked us in a vvar with 
the opinion of eveiy honest and honourable 
foreigner ag;dnst us, will not be regardc'd as 
the least of their offences. But, be this as it 
may, Mr. Windham, being convinced that 
the vvar was not to be avoided, never did,,c;r!L 
any ©cession, " hesitate at declaring war," 
and.never did' urge any " ohjectio-n to the im- 
" mediate grou;uLf on which it was de- 
clared. The passage, which the Treasury 
writer has misrepresented, is to be found in 
Mr. Windham's speech ot the grh of March, 
1803, during the debate that took place upon 
the King's message. The moment the rup- 
ture was announced the newspapers began 
to anticipate great exultation, on the part of 
Mr. Windham, and of all those who had 
opposed the peace ; but that gentleman, and 
those of his party who spoke upon the oc- 
casion, took care to warn the House against 
founding any such expectation upon the 
opposition which they had mjde to the 
peace. *' It has," said Mr. Windham, 
" been nsserted, that ivar is ?ny frst wish; 
*' but, I am, at present, in no state to Siiy, I 

3293 MARCH 

** can be In no sta(e to sav, whether, war 
*' would be, or i.ot ; if it vveic 
*' necessary to come to an opinion, no con- 
" elusion, as to the sciitiKncn's ot those vvho 
*' were the most vehement opposers of the 
" peace, coul^l be drawn. as to their opinion 
" now. Ttiut they should be supp; sed to 
" be ^/<2^ of what was now announced, that 
*' they exulieJ at it, and would catch ivitJi im- 
*' fiatience at Kny prospect of the renewal of 
*' war, would be a conclusion as talse in 
" reasoning as unfounded in fact. The 
" "vcxy reverse might be the case ; for, he, 
*' who was a srrenuous opposer of the 
" peace, and who saw abundant reason to 
?' adhere to his opinion, might not be ready 
" to conclude that war could be made with 
*' advantage «oto, v/hen we had lost so 
." much by the peace; and, therefore, the 
*' persons entertaining the same opinions 
" that he did would think this a very se- 
" ripus matter." Mr. Windham hud, pre- 
viously to this, frequently expressed his 
opinion, that a peace like that of Amiens 
would break the spirit of the coutury, an! 
would, in every resp ct, tend to disqualify 
it for war, when war would be rendered 
necessary. * Was there, tlien, any incon- 
sistency, was there any turning "suddenly 
" as the wind," ar.y *' siiifring principles 
•** like a sail,"' on the occasion above referred 
to ? Aijd, would not any men upon earth, 
the Addingtons and Huwkeshuries except- 
edj hav'e been ashamed to encourage and to 
circulate so flagrant a misrepresentation and 
for so base a purpose.'* The truth is, that 
the Treasury slave never A«/Juld have 
thought of applying his torturing talents 
to this speech oi Mr. Windham, had not the 
example been given him by J^Jr. Sheridan, 
who seiz.d hold of it as one of those means 
whereby to make a display of his " true 
*' English feeling," which admirable quality 
appears, by-iht-by, to luve been quite dor- 
inant during the present session of parlia- 
mei>t, iVIr. Windham, in explanatioi:;, posi- 
tively declared, that he had expressed no 
such sentiments as those attributed to hiin 
by Mr. Sheridan ; and, in a fev.' days after- 
wards, a letter to that gentlema:) v/;!S pub- 
lished, in this Work, in \yhich the misrepre- 
sentation of M'. Windham wis clearly in- 
sisted on, and in which the coiisisttncy of his 
misreprescnter was proved to be of a most 
dcubrti:l complexion f ; yet, in the face of 
all this, the Near Observer, lakes the ex- 
ploded falsehood and serves it up afresh to 

* Sec Speech of 4tli November, i£oi, Register, 
^'ol. II. p. ir6i and ii6i, in paiiicttlar. 

t See l.'ie Pcm i ical Pr ortcs, p. 104 et seq. 

10, 1804. x«39 

those foul feeders, those swine in politics, 
the supporters and partisans of the present 

niinislry. From the dale of the King's 

message, announcing the prospect of sk 
speedy rupture, to the moment the Treasury 
hireling was instructed thus to calum-" 
niate Mr. Windham, Ayhat single word, 
or act, on the part of that gentleman, 
or his friends, was there to warrant the 
charge against them of " throwing every 
" cl) stack ill the way oi officering the militia * ; 

* This alludes to what passed in the de- 
bate of the 1 8th of Ma'ch, iSoj, in the 
Hou^.e of Commons, and of 31st of that 
month in the House of Lords, upon the 
su'^ject of the bill for admitting, into the 
militia re'^imcnts, officers from the half-pay 
ot the army ; and, the statement of the 
Near Observer, relative thereto, is a strik- 
ing instance of the effects produced by the 
" candour" of your " well-meaning" men. 
Lord Folkestone v;as the first person who 
opposed the bill.. He said, and very truly, 
that if there were not qualified persons 
enough ia the country to officer so large a 
militia, it was a suffic;ent proof, that the 
militia ought to be smaller, for, that to 
officer it with unqualiiied persoi^s was to 
change its nature, was to adopt an entire 
departure from its constitutional principle. 
But, his lordship had a still beiter argument 
ag.iinst the Secretary of War [Mr. Yorke], 
to wit, that the bill was, as far as it went, 
ia complete contradiction to that famous 
, code of miiiria h\v, which had been passed 
by the Parliament no m^^re than nine months 
bick, and ii^hich luas framed by the Secretary 
himself. That code, which filled up nearly 
a hundred pages of the statute book, pro- 
fessed to have in view the removing of all 
the alu^es, which had crept into the militia 
system dupug the preceding war, and the 
settling of the system upon a permanent 
basis. One ot these abuses v/as, the admis- 
sion of uiiqualified persons to be officers in 
ijie mil'tia, the very abuse which the bill 
ot which we are speaking was about to re- 
vive ! i ! And, it is for opposing : indeed, 
it was hardly opposing : it was merely he- 
sir:;ting upon, a bill like this, tiiat the gen- 
tl-inen so hesitating are accused of " throw- 
ing obstacles in the way of officering the 
iniliti:! I" Bur, the b:iseness of this part of 
the Treasury writer's conduct cannot be 
j'.istly estimated, till <ve see 'lufto were the 
persons, in the two Houses of Parliamcut, 
that spojie KgainKt the bill. Jt will be ob- 
served, that the'wrifer impures the " ob- 
stacles'" to the New Opposition, and to Mr. 
Windhaoi in particvdir. In the House of 


' of discrediting our constitutional arn.y o.ltoge 
' tlier \ and of preaching up haniliatmi and 

■' desjiondency 


.^" Let those who recollect 
(afjd who can hare forgotten) the zeal and 
ability, with which Mr, Wi:idham and the 
gentlemen who acted witli him justified the 
going to war j let those who have wiine'-s- 
eJ the perseverence, with which he has, 
ever since that day, been endeitvourinsf to 
strengthen x\\z hands of the government; let 
tkose who have observed, that it was owing 
to hini, and to him alone, that the arsny ot 
resi;rve produced one single regular soldier^ 
and that it was any thing- more than a 
mere niiliria ; in shorty let those who hav-e 
beheld the indefatigable zeal, which, in 
spite of all the popular odiuai excited against 
Bim by his cunning and cowardly opponents, 
he has, for these three years past, employed 
in the service of his king and country ; let 
those persons form, if, they can, an adequate 
idea of the atrocity, which dictated this 
charge of " preaching up humiliation and de- 

The remaining charge against Mr. Wind- 
ham relates to his conduct respecting the 
negotiation at Lisle. *' During these dis- 
" cussions" [the discussions on the peace of 
Amiens], " Mr. Windham," says the Near 
Observer, " made an important confei,sion, 
" that he had always disapproved of the 
*' project offered by Lord Grenville to the 

Commons ii;e opposeri of the bill were. 
Lord Folkestone, Mr. Bastard, and Mr. 
Mitford : in the House of Lords, Lord 
Caernarvon, Lord RoUe, Lord Radnor, and 
Lord Cawdor. A majority of these noble- 
nien and gentlemen have constantly been 
on the side of the ministry; and, during 
the whole progress of the bill, neither Mr. 
Windham nor any member of the Grenville 
family uttered a word against it^ Let the 
public judge, then, of the character and 
■views of those, by whom Mr. Windham and 
his friends have, on account of what passed 
in Pariiameut, relative tp this bill, been ac- 
cused of " rhrovving obstacles in the way of 
*' cfiicering the militia, and of discrediting 

*' our consdtutional army alto^jether." 

I cannot dismiss this subject without ob- 
serving, that on this occasion, also, the 
Treasury hireling seems to have done little 
more than copy the misrepresentations of 
Mr, Sheridan, who, by way of answer to 
Lord Folkestone, gave vent to his " true 
Lnglish feeling," and drew. forth marks of 
approbation (from the galleries, I mean, of 
course), c- which Madam Cinderella, or 

"■' French Directory; and had always cen- 
*' sured those negotiations in his mind, to 
" which, as a member of the Cabinet, he 
" had outwardly lent his name, credit, and 
" responsibility, and which he had constantly 
" defended In Parliament. NeiUierdid this 
"■ confession appear officious, but indispen- 
" sable ; for Mr. Windham felt the glaring 
" inconsistency of opposing the peace, and 
" approving of the project, tie knew that 
'* the basis of the treaty of Amiens, was 
" traced at Lisle ; he knew ii had been 
" made more favourable for this country, 
" under circumstances more unfavourable; 
" he knew that his colleagues had not hoped 
'' to obtain the w^hole of ihtir project ; and 
" that in every negotiation something must 
" be sacrificed, and something conceded 
"■ from the conditions of the overture. He 
" knew that if it were contended, that he 
" and his colleagues would not have depart- 
" ed from their project in a single tittle, it 
"■ f dlowed that it had not been a project, 
" but an ultimatum ; and that a courier had 
" been more properly charged with it, than 
" a minister pleniootentiary. Bf-fore there- 
" fore, he would venture to condemn Lord 
" Cornwallis's treaty, with just regard to his 
" own character, he took care to disclaim 
" and disavow his part in Lord Malmsbury's 
" negotiation. Do I condemn the right 
" honourable gentleman for this conduct r 
" Not certainly for leaving all the honour 
" of the negotiations at Lisle to Lord Gren-' 
" ville j not certainly for protecting his own 
" reputation 5 although, in so doing, he shew- 
" ed little regard for that of his noble col- 
" league, in die late Cabinet and present 
"■ Opposition, whose inconsistency, he was 
" cruelly holding up to derision ; but I con- 
" fess, I am at a loss to conceive, what 
" greater necessity existed now for his cen- 
*■' suring the peace of Amiens, of which the 
" guilt and reproach (if there were any) did 
** not attach and were not imputed to him, 
" than he could discover in 1797^ when his 
" juat portion of the opprobrium of the ne- 
"■ gotiations at I^isle, was openly fixed upon 
" his head. I have heard this gentleman 
" applauded by his friends to the very echo, 
" for his consistency and manliness of con- 
" duct. Doubtless, by the side of Lord 
" Grenville, "Mr, Windhatn has some ad- 
'^ vantage 5 but positive qualities are nei- 
'■' ther dependent vipon comparisons nor 
" contrasts — nor is a man therefore a dwarf 
" because he happens to stand by a giant. 
" As Mr, Windham is now at the head of 
" a party, and of a great political principle, 
*' it is fitting to inquire a little into the 
^' truth and warrant of a title so high and s© 

?»Vy L^^r 



*''■ rate! Is it consistent (with \vh:)t is it 

** consistent) to oppose a measure in the 
" Council, and approve it in the House of 
" Commons ? To appear for peace and con- 
" demn it; to defend negotiations and la- 
" ment them J to thinlc war only can s^ve 
"" the country, and be part of a ministry 
" eternally straining after treaties ? Is it 
" consistent to havi^ been silent at Lisle, and 
*■♦ vociferous at Amiens — to bfe neutral in 
** power, and violent out of it — to conceal 
" opinions as a mirister, and jTomulge them 
*' as the head of a party ? — Are these the 
" qualities and distinctive marks of a man 
" of place — a man of time — a man of cir- 
"■ (fumstances — a man of convenience, — or 
" the masculine, firm, consistent, unaitera- 
" bic character of Mr, Windham ?" Pre- 
vious to any remarks of mine upon this part 
of the Treasury paiDphlet, it will be right to 
lay before the reader those of the More Ac- 
curate Observer, which, as far as they go, 
are perfectly just. " Of Mr. Windham," 
says he, " who, it is well known, objected 
** strenuously to the treaty of Amiens, it is 
" said, that sirce he quitted his office, * he 
*' has made the important confession that 
" he had always disapproved the project of- 
*' fered by Lord Gienville to the French 
" Directory.' It is then asked, ' is it cun- 
" sistent to conceal opinions as a minister 
*' and promulge them at the head of a 
*' party?" Cer;ainly Mr. Windham can sel- 
" dom be reproached tor concealing opinions ; 
** and 1 had always believed that his di-^ap- 
*' proval of tlie attempt to treat at Lisle iiad 
" been very generally known, even while he 
** Was in the Cabinet: but I have no diffi- 
*' culty in saying, that it may be justifiable 
" to conceal opmions as a minister, wiiich 
" there may be no impropriety in avowing 
" publicly when that restraint is^ removed, 
" which is impo.sed upon a member of the 
" Administration differing from his coi- 
** lejgues. It cannot be supposed that the 
'' members of the Cabinet Council are una- 
•' niraous upon every question which is there 
" decided, and it v.ould be unfit tiiat each 
" member should retire because he may dis- 
" approve of the particular measure vihich 
*' is adopted. If he really thinks that by 
*' continuing a member ot the Cabinet, on- 
" der such circumstances, he is more likely 
*' to forward his general public purposes, 
*' than by quilting it, every consideration of 
•' conscience and of honour calls upon him 
*' to remain, and it is his duty to resign his 
" opinion upon the particular question, on 

" which he differs." So true is this, that, 

the present ministers have been in an almoGt 
«Qjiiiuual state of di»agre«aidnt, yet none of 

H iO, 1 604. [334 

them have, on that account, thought proper 
to resign their situations. The reader will 
not, I am sure, have forgotten, that 
the Naval Abuse Bill, whith ihe ministers 
li:jd brought into, and passed through, the 
House of Commons, was reprobated by the 
Lord Chancellor in the House of Lords, as 
the most consummate effort of tyranny. Yet 
nobody resigned. The First Lord of the 
Admiralty still held, and still holds, his place^ 
llie principle laid down by Lord Hawkes- 
biiry, in the debate upon Mr Patten's mo- 
tion, was this : *' that those who agreed, or 
" disagreed with ministers were always un- 
" derstood to do so, upon a general systevi. 
" It was not to be expected, that all should 
" approve every particular point. They 
" were to overlook minor differences for the 
*' sake of giving effect to the general scheme 
" of measures and conduct of which they 


N Hhing can be fairer than 

this principle, which was well and most op- 
portunely laid down, and which produced ail 
effect upon the House and upon the Public 
extremely unfavourable to Mr. Pitt. What 
is there, I would ask, that renders this prin- 
ciple inapplicable to the members of a Ca- 
biiiet ? Is their duty more, or is it less, sacred 
than that of members of Parliament ? From 
-what consideration, then, is it that " con- 
cealing opinions" is laudable in the latter, 
and criminal in the former ? Is it said, that 
the treating with France at Lisle changed 
the general system, upon which Mr. Wmd- 
hara hid entered the Cabinet ? If it be so 
said, I reply, that the change was not com- 
pleted, it was not accomplished ; and, that the 
argument cannot apply, because it is impos- 
sible to know that Mr. Windham would noi 
have left the Cabinet, if a treaty had been 
concluded upon the basis of the project, of 

which he disapproved. When a Cabinet 

Gouncd meets, is it to be supposed, that ail 
the members are, before a measure is adopt- 
ed, of the same opinion respecting it; or, is 
it not well known, that they discuss the sub- 
ject, and finally determine, as in the Parlia- 
ment, by the majority of voices ? With this 
fact in viv-iv.', we must, in case we adopt the 
reasoning of the Near Observer, conclude, 
that, after every division, the majority ought 
to retire from the ministry ; an absurdity 
too gross to be suffered for a moment. — — 
But, it is asserted, and positively asserted, 
that, v\hi!e Mr) Windham " condemned 
" the negotiations in his mind, he constant' 
" />• defended them in Parliament;" and, if 
this were worthy of censure, what must we 
say of those members of Parliament, who 

* Sec 

Debates, Registfr, Vol. III. p. 177Q. 


support ministers generally, and measures 
panicularly, that they disapprove of? The 
comparison, however,' is not fair; for the 
measure agitated in Parliament, if in the 
shape of a law, is not yet adopted, and, there- 
fore, lo support it against a man's opinion 
may tend to produce a bad measure; where- 
as to support a cabinet measure can have no 
such effect, as far, at least, as that measure 
itself is concerned. The member of Parlia- 
ment, who supports a parliamentary mea- 
sure, of which he internally disapproves, as- 
sists, if the measure has not as yet received 
the >sanction of Parlian-ieut, in doing against 
his opinion, that which it is in his power to 
assist in preventing being done; but, a ca- 
' binet minister, by defending, in Parliament, 
a measure which he opposed in the cabinet, 
only endeai'ours to make the best of an evil, 
the existence of which it was not in his 
power to prevent. Every man, when he en- 
ters the cabinet, when he becomes one of 
his Majesty's ministers, knows, that his ofSce 
is not merely to devise and execute mea- 
sures, but, as far as he is able, to support 
and defend them in Parliament, This is the 
usage of the country ; it is an implied con- 
dition upon which he accepts of his appoint- 
ment. When, therefore, a measure has been 
adopted by the majority of the cabinet, it has, 
as to all its binding qualities, been adopted 
by the whole cabinet, every member of 
which, if he be able, and if there be a ne- 
cessity for it, is bound io speak in its defence, 
as well aS: to endeavour to carry it into exe- 
cution. Not only, then, would Mr. Wind- 
ham have been fully justified in publicly de- 
fending the negotiation of Lisle, while, in 
his mind, he condemned it; but, had such 
defence, from the absence of other ministers, 
or from v,/}iatever cause, become necessary, 
it Would iiave been his bounden duty to have 
inade it to the utmost of his ability. All 
this, however, is arguing for argument sake; 
for, the fact is, that, as there never was any 
necessity for Mr. Windham's defending the 
negotiations of Lisle, so, notwiihstanding the 
positive assertion, that " he constantly de- 
'^^ fended them in Parliament," he never did, 
from first to last, utter one single word in 
their defence * ! So that, this fact, which 

" This falsehood respecting Mr. Wind- 
ham's having defended the negotiations of 
Lisle is. repeated in another Treasury pani 
phlet, entitled, " J Plain Rejily^ &c." 
where, in refeirhig to Mr. Windham's con- 
duct, the writer says : " // is stated, tliat he 
*' stord up in defence of the measure" [the 
negotiation] *' in Parliament." Yes ; '' it 
"• is stated;" that is true enough, but it is 



was discovered through a recent"' important 
" confession ;'' this fact, whereon the Trea- 
sury slave has founded his charge; whence 
he has inferred, that Mr. Windham is " a 
"' man of place, a man of time, a man of 
*' circumstances, a man of convenience and 
" of docile conscience ;" this fact turns out, 
at last, to be a naked unqualified falsehood, 
invented, purchased, and circulated, f )r the 
purpose of misrepresenting and calumniating 
the character of Mr. Windham, a purpose 
which, I am sorry to say, seems not to have 
been too base for the mind of the More Ac- 
curate Observer, who, M'ith the smooth 
tongue of a panegyrist, has taken care to 
withhold from the person panegyrized all 
those public virtues, which he possesses in so 
eminent a degree, and of which, upon such 
an occasion> it was peculiarly proper to dwell. 
-— — -" I should," says he, " have thorrght, 
" that even those who objected moit lo the 
"'opinions of Mr. Windham, would have 
" seen in him much to ad.mire. His courage 
" and his manl'meis; his acquirements as a 
" scholar; his manners as a gentleman; the 
" acuteness and ingenuity of his mind, and 
" the general disinterestedness of his conduct. 
" — A " Near Observer" might easily have 
" discovered that an aversion to everything 
" that is mean is a striking feature of his 

" character. Much as I admire the cha< 

" rscter of Mr. Windham, I shall never 
" point io Jirudevce and discretion as his mo- 1 
" prominent virtues. Inferior rnen who 
" possess more of these qualitie>^, will often 
" have great advantages over him. Upon 
" all important political questions, he forms 
" his own judgment ivith.ont any reference to 
" tJiat of others ; and, when he most dis- 
" agrees in the sentiments o? tie Jiublic, bis 
" f/iw«/ro2^'j- nature seems to impo-e it as an 
" obligation upon him the more to^press 
" and urge his own opposite opinions-. 

statesd falsely, and by no one but the Near 
Observer. This Plain Answerer has 
also his statements: he states, for instance, 
that Lord Temple, fearing to oiiend his 
constituents, gave, at first, " his assent io 
" the preliminaries of peace,'' than vvdiich, 
a more barei'aced falsehood never tound its 
way into print. The author of this " Plain 
" Answer'' is a perfectly " well-meanmg" 
man; fail of aii sorts of cant, overcharged 
with professions of candour, and, as is usual 
with his sect, he concludes with *' a dis- 
"■ tinct averment, that there is not a single 
" iaet adduced by him which is not founded 
•' in the strictest tf-ut/i^" thus binding up his . 
faggot of falsehoods with a vvUhe of the 
same sort. 

337] MARC 

*' Those opinions also he appears to me 
" often to finsh to extremes. I know not 
" whether the conduct of Mr. Windham be 
" calculated to render him generallypopular, 
*' but 1 know, that no man deserves more 
*' credit than himself for z^nhonest and comcien- 
" //oKj discharge of public duty." — Yes, a 
^&xy worthy creature : a nfghty good sort of a 
man : as " well meaning" a man as need to 
be : and, as for honesty ! as honest and con- 
scientious as the tin-man minister himself! 
Never, daring the whole time that he was 
in office, tither robbed the army of its pay, 
or went to bed till he had done his day's 
■work 1 This is a most excellent charac- 
ter for a footman, and, perhaps, it migh: 
suffice for a bullcr. But, Mr. -Wiudhifn 
has other and higher qualities : he has 
"courage and manliness;" he has great 
" acquirements as a scholar ;" he has 
" acuteness and ingenuity of mind," and, 
" general! V speaking, he is disinterested." 
These are all very good in their way, but, 
though they are always desirable in a gen- 
tleman, ^hi^y are not the qualities wli!ch.,one 
would ielect as objects of prai'^^e, v.'hfn one 
was engaged in defending the character of a 
legislator and a statesman : on such an oc- 
casion one would dwell upon his ivnaoui and 
public I'irtuc generally; and pariicularly up- 
on his pentilration, h\s forest got, his persci'tr- 
cnce, his prudence and disortlion. So far_, 
however, from- pointing out these qualiiies 
in tlie gentleman, who is the subjtC' of his 
pretended defence, the More Accurate Ob- 
server has thought proper to insinuate, that 
h^ has very litde prudence or discretion, 
adding, that, " upon all important political 
*' questions, he forms his own judgment 
" iv'uhiiut any reference to t},ollurs, and, 
" when he most di<idgrees with the senti- 
'^' Tnents of the public, his chivalrous nature 
" .seems to impose it as an obligation upon 
" him the more to press and virge Lis own 
" opposite opinions, which he appears often 
" io push to extremes." That is I o say, riglit 
or wrong, he follows his own wlll^ becoming 
obstinate njerely in proportion to the resist- 
ance he meets with, and ending, at last, in 
wildness and exiravagance : in sliort, a per- 
icct Don (Quixote in politics. The conclu- 
sion is, that, though a very worthy private 
gentleman, and though he might not do 
much liarm in' the Parliament House, he is 
totally unft to be admitted into the Cabinet. 
Th;it is the poirjt aimd at : thither tends 
every word of this doub'e-ficed defender : 
;lierc is the object never lost sight of by the 
partisans of Mr. Pitt, The readers of xhe 
I\egisifcr will recollect, that, in the moridj of 
August, 1602, the True Biitun conta^d .?i- 

H 10, 1804. [3^$ 

panegyric upon Mr. Windham, so much . 
like that which is above quoted, that thepc 
can be little doubt of its having proceeded 
from the same pen, especially when we tak« 
into view the connexion between the pro- 
prietor of that print and the late. .Secretaries 
oi the Treasury. On that occasion also, he 
was coniplimcnied for his virtues in privatie 
life, but, his defender cmididlj acknowledge- 
ed, that he was not " s. safe po/iiicia?/," be- 
cause he was apt to " push his opinions it 
extremes," the very words that the Mors 
Accurate Observer now makes use of; and, 
I ain fully persuaded, that Mr. Long was 
the author of the article, to which 1 have 
here referred.* Nor has Mr. Pitt himself 
at all times been able to refrain from throw- 
ing out hints of the same nature and ten- 
dency, I shall not easily forget the gjee 
with which he broadly hinted at the -ifild- 
TU'ss ot Mr. Windham's proposition relalive 
to the reduction of the tiiilitia.f a proposi- 
tion, which, a ti the end of only eight montlw, 
he hiriiself ad»j)t3, adopts in the true .sense 
of the v.i'rd, for he fathers, and actually 
brings it before the Parliament as his own.f 
On that occa-iion he took ])veGi:.ely tlie 
course pursued by his friend the MorCiAc-- 
curate Observer : " I know," said he," the , 
" vjuniith .in,d nohle anlour of my.rfght \\o- 
" nourable friend; I know that no one : 
" burns more than he does wit!; enthusiastic 
" x£a/ and disinterested patriotism ; 1 know, 
" that tliere is iv.} sacrifice either in fortuiie 
"■ or in -fkirson that he is not perfectly read/ 
" to make lor the service of his \:oania^^" . 
to v.hich he might have sdded, " but, il r. 
" well know, that these are qualifies, which, 
" uriaccompanied. wiiii others, so far from 
" recommenditig my right honourable fric-nd 
" as ^ i,tatesiriafi,'vA\\ divecily len-d to niakti 
" people di&trn^t hjs judgment, and, of 
" course, to keep aloe f'fiotn Ids opinions 
" and his adike." Tim he might have 
added, for, nio-it agsuedly, this was what lie 

meant, Without, however, laying much 

streis upon the conduct and language c£ • 
J^/Ir. Pitt himself, witli regard to Mr. Wuid-, it will not, I am sure, be thought un- 
fiir, if, in order to remove the- misrepresen- 
tations of the More Accurate Ob5erver ; i^ 
in defence of the character of a gentlemai^^ 
to whom he has denied every quality, ot a ■ 
htatehman, J soinetiaies refer, by way of 
illustration, to the conduct of the person, 
v.huira he has represented, not only as tl« 
f.rit of lUtn, but, as " the on!y nifln capable i 

* S^cRqMiur, Vo!,lT.jpjt26. 



of saving this country." And here it would, 
if we had time, be, by no means, imperti- 
nent to ask, how this country, after having 
been so long under the guidance of thi^ fir-^t 
of itiert, carte to ivant saving? Leaving 
this hint to be improved on by persons of more 
leisure and of minds better adapted to the un- 
ravelHng of knotty points, I proceed to in- 
quire of Mr. Lung, where he can show me 
an instance of a want of prudence or discre- 
tion in the conduct of the; gentleman, whom 
he has, as far as his ability would go, robbed 
of those qualities .' To human beings it is 
not given to talk and act, and never to err 
I set up no sudi preposterous claim in be- 
half of JNlr. Windham: still less am I dis- 
posed to assert, that he is not chargeable 
with imprudence or indiscretion, according 
to the sense in which those words are but 
too often accepted. In a country, as was 
once before observed, where, for twenty 
years past, such infinite pains have been 
taken (unintentionally, wi hout doubt), by 
those to wliose hands the public atfairs have 
been committed, to eradicate every sentiment 
of national honour ; where the love of mi- 
litary glory is stifled by low and selfish 
propensities ; where the people look to the 
Bank in place of the arsenals for protection ; 
in such a country caution will ever be the 
first, and courage the last, quality, that will 
be generally desired in a statesman. A 
want of discretion will be regarded as much 
worse than a want of zeal, ability, or even 
integrity. Discretiot} is, I allow, a most es- 
sential quality ; but, it is real discretion, and 
not that spurious sort of it, which is much 
more worthy of the name of indecision or 
pusillanimity, and with the effects of wliich 
we are now so severely and so justly scourg- 
ed. As a proof of Mr. Windham's want 

of prudence and discretion, his being "' un- 
popular" has been first assumed and then 
produced J but, allowing, for argument's 
sake, that he is as unpopular as Mr. Long 
and the " right honourable relation" would 
have him, what does that prove .^ Why, not 
that he wants prudence and discretion, but 
that he does not possess that sort, which 
creates popularity; for, if we make popula- 
rity the criterion of prudence and discretion, 
Mr. Sheridan his long been the most pru- 
dent and discreet man in England, with the 
single exception of tlie prudent and discreet 
Thomas Pame. But, as to popularity, there 
are ditlerent sorts of that too ; the lowest, 
tiat which has been obtained in such abun- 
dance by Messrs, Sheridan and Paine, is 
^rawn from the ignorance and factiousness 
of the country ; the next worst kind is ex- 
torted from scJifishuess and cowardice, and 

this falls to the share of the Addlngtons and 
Mr Pitt; while to Mr. Windham and per- 
sons like him there belongs only that 
applause which is bestowed by real loy- 
alty and patriotism, under the controal 
of good sense. That, in the present 
state of pu'o'ic feeling, the sort of po- 
pularity possessed by Mr. Pitt is the best 
calculated to serve himself, I am quite ready 
t ) grant; but, that it is also the best cal- 
culated to serve the country, must, I think, 
be very much doubted by all those, Y\ho 
look up m that country as standing in need 
of being '' saved.'" If I am asked, what a 
minister would be able to effect without ex- 
tensive popularity ; I cannot positively an^ 
swer; but, m my turn, I a^k : what has Mr. 
Pitt effected^ in an administration of twenty 
years, having, during the far greater part 
of the time, a power over the country as 
absolute as that of the potter over the clay.^ 
Has he succeeded in providing for the se- 
curity and in enhancing the g'ory of his 
country; or, has he merely advanced his 
own onsequence and power .^ Besides, the 
question is not, what a statesman of high 
principles and little^ popularity would be 
able to effect; because, I contend, that the 
statesman of high principles would have 
great popularity, were there no statesmen 
of low principles, were there none such to 
under-bid him with the people. — In some 
things, as I said before, there is no denying, 
that Mr. Wmdham may be deficient in 
point of prudence and discretion. I am, 
for instance, ready most freely to allow, that 
Mr. Windham had not the prudence to 
abandon a gentleman, who had rendered 
essential services to the government, and to 
vote for his being vexed with a groundless 
prosecution, merely because a contrary line 
of conduct would have prevented the loss of 
some trifling portion of popularity. Mr. 
Windham, when he retired from otiice, had 
not, I allow, the discretion to make an offer 
of remaining, without his colleagues, and to 
form part of a ministry, who came in upon 
a principle which he professed to hold in 
abhorrence. Had Mr. Windham advised 
the ministers to make peace; had be de- 
fended and ejitolled that peace vvhen made, 
he certainly would not have been discreet 
enough to withdraw his councils and to 
stand aloof from those ministers, the mo- 
ment the evils of the peace became appa- 
rent; and, finally, when the short-lived pa- 
cification was turned into a war, exciting dis- 
content and provoking a vote of censure, 
Mr. Windham assuredly would not have 
had the prudence to move the previous 
question, thereby avoidmg the reprouth of 



opposing the goX'ernment, at the same time 
that he left them exposed to pubUc scorn, 
and that, too, principally for being unable 
to extricaie themselves from ditlicnlties, into 
which he himself had a^sisted to lead them. 
Mr. Windham, " disapproving of the prin- 
" cipal measures of Mr. Addington," never 
would have had the prudence, not only to 
conceal his disapprobation, from September 
to liHie, but also to consent, in the mean 
time, to enter the cabinet with that same 
Mr. Addington; and, it he had so com- 
pletely subdued his feelings and disguised 
his opinions for so long a time 1 am sure he 
■would not have suilered them to break 
forth just rt//i?r the failure of a negotiation 
for hi-; return to place. Mr. Windham, 
whenever, unfortunately for his country, his 
health shall not, for a long period, permit 
him to attend his duty in Parliament, will 
not, I am afraid, through the means either of 
}>rudence or discretion, be able, all at once, 
to take up-)n him the arduous duties of a 
cabinet-minister, including those ofu mem- 
ber of Parliament. Yes, I allow, that Mr. 
Windham, thinking it right to move for an 
inquiry relative to the insurrection in Dub- 
lin, would not have had the prudence to ad- 
vise his partisans to vote for the motion, 
while he hin:self shrunk from the discus- 
sion. All this, and more too, I am ready to 
allow; but, while I thus unequivocally and 
unreservedly acknowledge, that, in these 
respects, Ivtr. Windb-am would have dis 
covered a want of prudence and discretion, 
it will, 1 hope, be permitted me to slate 
certain other cases, in which he has, or 
would have had, a sliflicicncy of prudence 
and discretion. He was too prudent to be 
an advocate lor parliamentary reform at all, 
and, if he had been, I am persuaded he 
never would have broached princi{)les and 
opinions that would afterwards have been 
pleaded as an exam|jle to, and in justifica- 
tion of, persons accused of high trea--on, 
persons brought to trial, too, under his own 
administration. Mr. Windham would not 
have had the imprudence to name Mr. Ad- 
dington and his colleagues for ministers, 
still less likely is he to have had the indis- 
cretion to eulogize them severally and 
jonitly in the Parliament; but, had he done 
so, certain 1 am., that he never vvould, at a 
subsefjuent epoch, have pretended to en- 
tertain doubts of their fitness to act in a ca- 
binet with himself. Mr. Windham did not 
defend either the preliminaries of London 
or the treaty of Amiens, and, of course, li^ 
was not so short-sighted ar,d indiscreet as 
to expatiate with high-sounding praise i»n 
the provisicn relntive to Malta, as beij.g 

10, 1804. (34i> 

wisely calculated to conciliate all parties 
and " to j)rovc to Europe a lastiti'y bond of 
'•'peace-" nor did he consign himself to 
everlasting ridicule, by extolling the " es- 
" tablishment of the infant republic of the 
" Seven Islmids^ as an acquisition of an im- 
" portance to this country, not inferior to 
" \\\i^lmKislM of Malta iticlf Mr. Wind- 
ham, had he been minister of finance, would 
have been too prudent to obtain from the 
legislature an act to release the Bank from 
the penalties at'ending its advancing money 
to the government without the sanction ui 
Parliament. In such a measure Mr. Wind- 
ham would have seen the distant cause of 
paper depreciation, of the devtruction of 
public credit, and of ministerial indepen- 
dence of both the Parliament and the 
Crown. Well knowing, that the existence 
of the State is inseparable from that of tl.e 
Church, Mr. Windham would never ha\e 
procured a law lo alienate, in part, the 
property of the latter, thereby underminii g 
one of the principal pillars of that consti- 
tution, to preserve which we are now called 
on to spend our last shilling, and to shed 
our last drop of blood. Mr. Windham is, 
by Mr. Pitt, said to be warm, sanguine, 
and enthusiastic in his pursuits; bat, I will 
venture to say, that he would have been too 
cautious and prudent to have boasted pre- 
maturely of the wondrous effects of a 
" solid system of finance," and afterward* 
have converted that system into an instrf- 
ment of destruction to a fund, ou the alle- 
viating operations of which he had pled<^ed 
his own fame and the fai'ih of the country. 
Mr. Windham, convinced of the trutli tf 
the maxim, that " honesty is the best pc- 
" policy," would have been too prudent to 
call upon Parliament to impose what is 
called a restriction upon the Bank, but 
which is, in reality, a protection to the 
Bank in with-holding payment of its pro- 
misory notes; and, if, in a moment of ac- 
cumulated diiliculty, he had been prevailed 
upon to adopt so unwise ar.d so fatal a mea- 
sure, which he had afterwards handed dowu 
to a feeble creature that he himself had 
chosen for his successor, will any man be-, 
lieve, that, at a moment whan that feeble 
creature was sinking under the growing 
burden so placed upon his shoulders, and 
when members from every part of the 
H )Use wrre ringing in his ears t'le depre- 
ciation of his paper and the diminution 
of their fortunes ; will any man wdio knou s 
Mr. Windliam, believe, that, at such a tno^^ 
ment and under such circumstances, l,e 
would have sal a ji/cn?, and, apparently sn 
inJiJj^i-yeni^ not to say -3. gratifsci, spectator cf 





the scene ? To conclude j the More Accu- 
rate Observer has spoken ot the " chivalrous 
" nature" of Mr, Windham 5 and, if by 
chivalrous he means, generous, faithful, and 
brave, the epithet is assuredly the most tit 
that could posiblv have been fihosen; but, 
if he wishes to conve\' an idea of that era p<^y 
■vanity, that braggart enthusia-.rn, which is 
inspired by Cockney wine and hyperbolical 
praise Irom the lips of hired singers, then I 
call upon him to point out the time when 
Mr. Windham could so far forget his rank 
and his character. 

I should now enter on n-.y last proposed 
point; to wit; the Farliamentary conduct of 
Mr. Pitt; but want of room obliges me to 
deter it till my next, for which, indeed, I 
am not sorry, as the delay will atford me an 
opportunity of introducing some remarks on 
the Plain Reply, and on the pamphlet of 
Mu. Ward. 


SiK,— I am aware of ynur respect for the 
good intetitions of our present rulers, although 
you may occasionally dissent from their ge- 
neral line of policy. To confirm you in 
these sentiments of approval of open and 
fair dealing, I beg leave to state a plain sim- 
ple matter of fact, (but partially known) 
upon which very little comment will be ne- 
cessary. You will, I think, agree with me, 
t.hat the policy of these cautious, well-mean- 
jng gentlemen is, at least, as apparent in this 

transaction as their good intentions. 

Pending the extra-cfficial negotialion for 
peace between the French Commissary for 
the exchange of prisoners and our Secretary 
of State for Foreign Affairs^ government re- 
ceived private intelligence of the successful 
issue of the Eg}'ptian campaign. This you 
would naturally be led to supposewas con- 
sidered as a most fortunate and opportune 
occurrence, that would enable ministers to 
extend their pretensions and to combat for 
better terms. But no. Sir, this might have 
been ver^ beneiieial to the public interest; 
but it would have been a stumbling-block 
to our caut' -^s," disinterested, and weil- 
Oieaning ministers. Had the country been 
acquainted with the intelligence, a clamour 
more general even than that which did arise, 
would have been excited by our too great 
conc'ssions. Lord Hawkesbury would have 
been cooipelled to dance attendance upon 
Mr. Otto some months longer, or the citi- 
zen would have broken off all conimunica- 
,tion with them; and have shut his office- 
door iu the face of the .cringing bevy, had 
.they presumed to increase in ihcir dcauads. , 

or name any terms which he himself or his 
imperial master did not dictate. What 
then was their policy to put the intelligence 
into the fire, and keep dieir own coansel 
whilst they subscribed to the ignominious 
concessions of the preliminary treaty, ren- 
dered tenfold more if^norainious afterwards, 
by their sanction of a deparrure from many 
of its bsst and most defensible points ? No : 
this would have been something like a hold 
msavurc, and tiierefore, not in harmony with 
their creed. Too tender-hearted to agitate 
the public mind unhecessajily, and too 
anxious for peace on any terms to risk of- 
fending the august plenipotentiary they con- 
verted that into a bribe for a national dis- 
grace, of which they might have availed 
themselves to secure a national advantage. 
They liberally ?ni candidly imparted the 
information to Mr, Citizen Otto, and urged 
the probability of the public disapproval of 
the terms should their promulgation be de- 
layed till after the arrival of the Egyptian 
news, as a plea for accelerating the signa- 
ture of the preliminary treaty. That this is 
fact, literal and unvarnished, I do not 
wish to rest upon anonymous assertion. Let 
the question of its authenticity be put to 
Mr. St. John, brother-in-law to Mr. Otto. 
He cannot, v/ill not &&v,y it. He will, ac- 
knowledge, that he is not only acquainted 
with the fact, but that he was privy to this 
most unnatural transaction at the period of 

its occurrence, -I am. Sir, yours, 

March 2, 1 SOi. 'Le Voici. 


My lord, — I cannot refrain from com- 
municating to your lordship a few observa- 
tions on your correspondence with the Earl 
of Fingall and (he Ft.ev. Dr. Coppinger. 
Your lordship, in making mention ol t he- 
late Dr. Hussey, to Lord Fingall, could not 
at the time have recollected, that one of the 
first precepts of Christianity is not to speak 
ill of the dead. In your answer to the Rev. 
Dr. Coppinger, you appear, my Lord, tp 
be so firmly resolved to continue in error, 
th^t you even seem to consider the Rev. Mr. 
O'Ncil's justiiication of himself as a mos^ 
unpardonable crime. Indeed, your lord- 
ship shews such a peevishness and freiful- 
ness of temper, both to Lord Fingal and 
Dr. Coppinger, whenever they presume tp 
disagree with you, that I deem it a hopeless 
trok to attempt to set your lord-hip right. I 
cannot, my Lord, give you a stronger proof 
of the sincere and steady loyalty of the Ro- 
man Catholics of Ireland, than that it has 
remained undiaiiuishcd or unshc'ken, uot^ 


withstanding your lordship's theological cor- 
respondence. — Your lordship's appointment 
to your present exalted station, was, in my 
optHion, as great a misfortune to yourself as 
to this unhappy country. — As Solicitor or 
Attorney-General, or even as Speaker of the 
House of Commons, you might, my lord, 
have passed with some degree of approba- 
tion. Had you occupied either of the above 
situations, till the day cf your death, you 
might possibly, have been regretted as a 
most worthy, though not as a brilliant, 
man. But, my Lord, I regard it as a real 
misfortune to your lordship, that it sliould 
have pleased our most Gracious Sovereign to 
place you at the head of the Chancery of 
Ireland. I shall conclude, my Lord, with a 
verse of Voltaire's, in his Henriad, in speak- 
ing of Henry the Third, he srtys, 

?' Tel brille au second rang qui s'eclipse au premier, 
*' II devint lache Roi intrepide Gucrier." 

I am, my Lord, your lordship's most 
obedient humble servant. 
An Irish Roman Catholic. 
progheda, ^th March, 1 804. 

MARCH 10. 1804. [345 

rate this assertion, I will relate an anecdote 



Sir, — The perusal of Lord Redesdalc's 
a' to Dr. Coppinger in your Poliiical 
Register, instantly brought to my recollec- 
tion the fable of the wolf and the lamb ; for 
his lords'hip must have been strangely at a 
loss how to pick a quarrel with the good 
bishop, when he deiermined to break with 
him for calling tlie Rev. Mr. O'Neii's narra- 
tive " an humble remonstrance," whereas 
this is only the name by which this m.uch 
injured man has tliought proper to entitle it 
himself. It is just as if, ]Mr. Gobbett, his 
lordihip we^e to quarrel with me for calling 
your valuable -publication " the Political 
Register," because he would contend, per- 
haps, that it contained sentiments contrary 
to sound policy and good government. 
However, I will venture to assert, in behalf 
of his lordship, that his former exertions in 
favour of English Catholics prove, that he 
has not always possessed his present intole- 
rant way of thinking, and the illiberal prin- 
ciples he now professes. That the same 
spirit of Intolerance pervades every part of 
the present aiiminis!raf:on, 1 cuuld pro- 
duce too many melancholy proofs. I have 
lately heard from unquestionable authori- 
ty, that in some cases, which it is not. In 
this place, and upon this occasion, neces- 
sary minutely to particularize. Catholics 
have been forbidden to have any inter- 
couse with a pricit of theii' communion, 
tven in his dying mcaient?^ and to corrobo- 

whifh I know to be a fact. Soon after the 
breaking out oi the present war, the Bishop, 
(a Frepch Bishop) who then superintended 
the spiritual concerns of the French in this 
kingdom, requested permission of govern- 
ment to send down a French priest to the- 
assistance of about 2,000 French prisoners 
who were confined at Stapleton near Bris- 
tol, lie wa.'i answered categorically in the 
negative j and upon demanding an expla- 
nation, he was informed, that these men 
could not be allowed any spiritual assistance 
hut from adergyman of the t'stahlishcd church f 
Such a spirit,' Mr. Cobbett, reminds one of 
the apostolical labours of Cortez and Pizarro, 
which inspired the Indians with such a hor- 
ror of the Christian religion, that some of 
them declared they would not run the risk 
of going to a heaven where they might 
chance to meet with Spaniards. But, to 
proceed In my narrative ; an Catho- 
lic clergyman resident in Bristol, who is 
well known and respected there, conceiving 
this prohibition to arise from a distrust go- 
vernment might entertain of the Frencii 
priests, very charitably offered his ser- 
vices to attend these prisoners, and, indeed, 
very urgently solicited government to this 
elfcct, but all to no purpose. The French 
Bishop then returned to the charge, and 
after repeated solicitaiions has at length ob- 
tained leave to send down a French priest 
there at his own expense, bat on condttion, 
it is .said, I hope, incorrectly, that he should 
not attend the prison, but only the hospital, 
and with this, exprsss injunction, that he 
should not be admitted to see a sick prisoner 
till he was becoi)it: speechless !! ! Now it 
is well known, that the chief consolation of 
the Catholic on his death bed, is to disbur- 
theu his conscience to a priest of his com- 
munion, who, if he believes him to be 
truly penitent, absolves him in the name of 
his God nearly in the same form of words 
which is put down in the Book of Com- 
mon Prayer. The absurdity therefore of 
su'.h an injunction, would force a smile, 
were it not instantly checked by the unparal- 
lelled barbarity of the proceeding. We 
read, indeed, in history, sttmetimes with 
horror, of persons being denied all the 
comlbrts of religion at their last hour ; 
but for the honour of huniai:ity, such In- 
stances are rare. I am well persuaded, 
Mr. Cobbett, thai the tenets of the Roman 
Catholic religion inculcate nothing but 
loyalty and obedience to the laws ; but I 
know also that Catholics are men, and that 
it is not in human nature ihaL they should 
be in love with a government, uhj pub- 




licly profess such principles of intolerance 
and oppression as give them no hopes ot 

favour or redress. 1 am, Sir, your 

obedient servant, 

A Friend to Toleration. 
March, Qlb, 1804. 


Conspiracy at P^ris. — The whole of 
the official documents, relating to this trans- 
action, having been inserted in another part 
of the Register, it is not necessary to enter 
here into any other remarks upon it tiiau 
such as naturally arise frcnn the desire, which 
every honourable Englishman must fed, to 
see his country and Us government stand 
clearly acquitted of the charge of having, 
either directly or indirectly, stimulated any 
persons whatever to commit an act so atro- 
cious as that of a'^sassination. Pichegru is 
expressly slated to have been one of the con- 
spirators, and to have been at Paris on the 
3 5th of February. Now, here is a positive 
fact, which may, if false, and which, it is to 
be hoped, will, meet with a positive contra- 
diction, supported by incotitrovertible proof. 
It is understood, both in England and upon 
the Continent, that Pichegru has, for some 
time past, received a regular salary from our 
government ; and, though it is by no means 
iinpossible, that he might, notwithstanding 
that circumstance, go to France without the 
knowledge of the government, yet, seeing 
that the character of the nation is implicated, 
if it can be proved that he was in England, 
at the time above-mentioned, sueh proof 
ought to be procured and published, without 
delay. 1^ this proof cannot be had, it would 
by no means follow, that our government 
hatched and encouraged the conspiracy, but 
every one would deeply regret the want of 
such means of justification. — With regard to 
the right which a French royalist, who has 
never brolien his allegiance^ has to dethrone 
the Consul, by any means in his power, 
some doubts maybe entertained; but, as the 
right, if it exist at all, must partake more 
of the nature of a duty than of a privilege, 
and can have no other basis than that of the 
prior obligation of allegiance, it never can 
be conscientiously exercised by any one, who 
ligs heretofore broken the bonds of that al- 
legiance ; and, therefore, if this doctrine be 
sound, the killing of Buonaparte by Pichegru 
or Moreau must be regarded as murder. — 
As to us, or our government, God forbid, 
that we, to all our other disgrace, should 
add that of having, in anywise, aided in the 
perpesration of such a deed. We have a 
right to kill the French, and the Consul, of 

course, in war, if we can : we have a right 
to engage Frenchmen in our cause, and to 
employ them in descents upon the coast, or 
as spies, in the camps, the garrisons, or any 
part of the territories of ths enemy: we 
have a right even, by the means of money-' 
or otherwise, to excite insurrections and civil 
war in their country, particularly if our 
object be to produce, by these means, a re- 
storation of the rightful heir to the throne: 
after, however, having made peace with the 
Consul, and thereby solemnly, though ta- 
citly, acknowledged the legitimacy of his 
authority, the motive of reptoraton adds, 
perhaps, little or noihing to our belligerent 
rights, in this respect At any rate, here 
our rights end, /f-f have no right to com- 
mit, or to abet, any act of violence upon 
the Consul anymore than we formerly should 
have had to commit, or abet, such an act 
upon a king of France ; and, therefore, as 
we are, in the French official paper, and in 
official documents emanating from the go- 
vernment; as we are thus, in the face of 
the world, distinctly charged with this ruost 
base and perhchous deed, let us hope, that 
his Majesty's ministers possess both the 
means and the inclination to make out our 
justification ; for, we may be assured, that 
our silence will not be construed as our 
conteinptof the charge, but, as a proof of 
our guilt. It has been stated in some of 
the London newspapers, that Pichegru was 
seen here on the very day that the French 
official documents declare him to have beeti 
at Paris, If this be true, the proof is easy ; 
and, not a moment ought to be lost in pio- 
ducing it. Perhaps some other fact may 
present itself: the ministers ought best to 
know what to do, but every one must allow, 
that they ought to do something. 

Irish Exchakge. — On the 2d instant, 
upon the motion of Mr. Foster, a committee 
of the House of Comtnons, which is now 
sitting, was appointed to examine into the 
causes of the high rate of exchange between 
England and Ireland, and of the deprecia^ 
tion of the bank paper of the latter country. 
During the debate upon this motion, some 
very curious facts transpired. Mr. Ponsonby 
said, that it was almost impossible for any 
gentleman in that House to judge of the in- 
convenience and distress, in fact, which were 
felt in that country in consequence of the 
scarcity of specie, without he had been there 
to behold it. From his own knowledge h& 
could state, that in many places there was 
not any thing in circulation but exceedingly 
bad adulterated copper, a base metal for 
shillings, or notes for 6d. Is. or, what was 
reckoned a large amount^ as high as 3s. Gtdc, 

B49] !M A R C 

"Xhe Inconvenience to the lower classes was 
.consequently much greater than to the more 
opulent; for a poor man frequent ly,owing per- 
haps to his notbe;ng so well provided with the 
means of preserving his notes, lo'^t or destroyed 
them ; the banker was glad of the circum 
stance, as he paid only for notes thai w^re pro- 
duced to him. He added, that he himself 
Jiad paid, last week, 2s. 4d. ])remium upon 
the guinea in Dublin. Mr. Corry, the Chan- 
cellor of the Irish Exchf'.quer, said, that the 
*' bat iTifhrmcd men v/etc of op'imon that the 
*' remedy was beyond the power of Parlia- 
*' ment." I can hardly flatter myself, that 
Mr. Corry meant lo pay me a compliment, 
but I certainly did give this very opinion in 
the Register of the 18lh ultimo, p. 24C). By 
a figure of speech somewhat too bold, per- 
haps, Parliament is represented as omnipo- 
tent ; but, if it should succeed in raising the 
Irish bank paper to a level with gold, I shall 
have no hesitation to apply the epithet in a 

jiteral srnse. Lord Castlereagh said, " he 

" W3)i glad the motion had been made, but 
*' did not see what good it could produce." 
The cause of his joy was not stated. The 
di«parity beivveen g^ild and paper, he said, 
Trvas readily allowed; '^ but, the d'lfficuUy 
" was to preserve the gold in circnlalion, 
" where every person was so eager to hoard 
" it," If the reader should stare, and look 
pbout, with some degree of impatience, for 
tha object of this grave and important ob- 
servation, his lordsl^ip will compensate him 
•with an idea, which I will pledge my word 
to be perfectly original ; viz. that " it was 
" not that the paper w"as depreciated, but 
** that the guinea was risen, in value ! ! !" 
And, let it be remembered, that this was 
stated in the Parliament House, and by a 
minister too ! by one of those men, to whom 
the safety and honour of the nation, to whom 
the liberties of the people and existence of 
the monarchy, are all committed ! Why, 
then, dollars have risen too, for they now 
pass at five shillings, whereas their sterling 
value is only lour shillings and sixpence. 
Yet the dollar is the same in shape, bulk, and 
weight J just the same that it was when it 
passed for 4s. fid. but nine of them will 
now buy as much English bank-paper as ten 
ot them used to buy. " Why," says his lord- 
ship, " a pound note is still a pound note, 
''' but a dollar is five shillings, and it used to 
*' he only four and sixpence ; therefore, the 
f* note is not fallen, but the dollar risen." 
I suppose, he would say this, for it is evi- 
dent, that his position is to be made out by 
no other mode of reaeonin-g; and this rea- 
soning must give the world a pretty impres- 
sion enough of the miads of the persons, 

H 10, 180^; [350 

who are at present entrusted with the ma- 
nagement of public affairs in this country. 
Mr. Fox observed, " that it was not the 
" guinea that wis raised, but the paper that 
" was depreciHted ; not the guinea tJiat was 
" worth two shillings and four pence more, 
" but the paper that was worth so much 
" less." It is a wonder that he regarded anv 
observation as necessary; but, perhaps, h's 
thought it would be a shame for a notion to 
go f rth to the world, that so gross an ab- 
surdity .should pass current in such a place. 

Mr. Dick was of opinion, " that not 

" only those discussions that were instituted 
" in the Hoiise, but the speculations that 
" were circulati-d through every part of the 
" country, ivere extremely disadvantageous, 
" and had a tendency to avgviertt the evil 
" they Were meant to remedy.'' This opinion 
was also expressed by Sir John Newport; 
and a particular allusion having, by the for- 
mer gtntleman, been made to the pamphlet 
of Lord King, as containing some of these 
mischievous speculations, it was observed by 
Mr. Fox, that Lord King's pamphlet could 
have no other influence than such as was 
derived from argument. He said, '« the 
" more such subjects were discussed the 
" better ; for he hnd no idea of that security 
" and confidence in any set of principles, 
" that rested only upon silence, and that 
" must fjll the moment they became the 
" subject of discussion." The doctrine of 
Mr. Dick is, however, by no means new : 
the present ministry have stood upon it fromi 
the first hour of their coming into ofi^ce. 
The discussion " will augment the evil it 
" is meant to remedy." That is, it will 
hasten the depreciation of bank notes.. If a 
maker and uttcrer of bank notes were to 
make such a remark, it would be natural 
enough ; for, the only evil he can perceive, 
is tlie destruction of his trade. Bur, from a 
member of Parliament one would have ex- 
pected something else. Suppose discussion 
does augment the evil : if that be a reason 
why discussion ought not to take place, th« 
ministers are in a state of perfect security, 
and so they must remain, till the whole fa- 
brick of the monarchy comes tumbling about 
their ears. The discussion of the terms of 
a disgraceful treaty, for instance, cannot 
produce a remedy; it cannot, and is not in- 
tended to, annul the treaty, and it certainly 
must have a " tendency to augment the 
evil," by extending the knowledge of the dis- 
grace. But, will Mr. Dick say, that, for 
this reason, a disgraceful treaty ought not to 
be discussed? It is to be hoped, that, by this 
time, he is convinced of the fallacy of his 
argument. Besides,as to the people of Ire* 


!and,Avill Mr. Dick say, that they ought not to 
be iuformed, not only of the present state ot 
the currency of their country, biit of its 
probable fate ? Why are they to be led on in 
the dark to the moment of their ruin ? Sound 
policy, which is seldooi or never at variance 
with sound morality, dictates, that the affairs 
of tire Irish bank, that every fact relating to 
Irish currency, should be laid bare as soon 
as possible. The ministers and the bankers 
have, indeed, no desire to see this publicity 
take place j but, at the present moment, 
their interest appears to be quite distinct 
from the interests of the community. — But, 
there is another, and most powerful reason 
for inquiring into the state of both the Irish 
and English currency ; namely, to ascertain 
the degree of blame, which, in this respect 
attaches to the minister. He seemed to sit 
in the House of Commons ari unconcerned 
audi lot of the debate on Irish paper, the 
burden of which devolved upon iXIr. Corrj', 
■who only said, that there was no remedy for 
the evil : " V^'hat can't be cur'd, must be 
endur'd." Does the Doctor, however, in 
good earnest, imagine, that be has no con- 
cern in this matter? And, that his respon- 
sibility is thus to be got rid of by the pro- 
nouncing of an old rhyming maxim ? Does 
he hope, that the parliament and the nation 
will always be so put off.' He v/i!l, perhaps, 
say, that the depreciation of the paper has 
3a.ot been the consequence of his measures. 
It may be so; but, it happens, in his hands. 
The event takes place during the administra- 
tion, into which he voluntarily entered. He 
did not devise the measure of bank restric- 
tion, for instance ; but he has persevered in 
it, and that too during peace as well as 
©taring war. There can be no doubt that 
the stoppage of cash payments is the im- 
mediate cause of the depreciation of the 
bank paper, and no one will, or can, deny, 
tliat the Doctor has proeured laws to be 
passed to authorize this stoppage. The 
question is not, whether the depreciation 
could have been avoided, or not, by any 
measures that could have been adopted, since 
the accession of the Doctor } but, simply, 
whether it has taken place, or not, or has, in 
any degree, increased, during his adminis- 
tration ? Like the tenant of a house (as he 
literally is, indeed, the tenant of the Trea- 
sury) he is called upon, and we have a right to 
call upon him, for every due and duty at- 
tached to it, though accruing previous to 
his entering into it. He willingly snatched 
at the power and emolument attached to the 


office of minister ;. and, did he not take the 
responsibility along with them ? The re- 
sponsibility, not only for what was began, 
but for v/hat was coniinued, during his ad- 
ministration ? Either he approved of the 
financial system of his predecessor, or he 
disapproved of it : if the latter, why did he 
not abandon it } and, if the former, where 
wdl he now find a reason whereon to ground 
his right of exemption from its conse- 
quences ? If Mr. Pitt's financial measures 
were such as necessarily tended to produce 
a depreciation of bank [)aper, and, of course, 
the destruction, or total suspension, of all 
public credit, it was the duty of his suc- 
cessor to institute a parliamentary inquiry, 
and to bring him to a due responsibility for 
his conduct; and, if Mr. Pitt's financial 
measures had not such a tendency, if they 
did not necessarily lead to the depreciation 
of bank paper, that depreciation must be 
attributed to the Doctor, and all the re- 
sponsibility falls upon him. To admit of 
the contrary principle, to al'ow the Doct6r 
to jus'.ify himself upon the pica that he had 
nothing to do with the causc^ and Mr. Pitt 
to justify himself upon the plea that he has 
nothing to do with the effect, would be to 
render ministerial responsibility something 
worse than farcicah The supposition puts 
one in mind of the two " well-meaning" 
men and the leg of mutton, mentioned in 
the fable. The tallest took it, and gave it 
to the shortest ; and, when the butcher 
called upon them for responsibility, the 
shortest swore he did not take it, and the 
tallest swore he had not got it. The reader 
will rea^iember, and Mr. Addington will d'a 
well not to forget, the consequences that en- 
sued. — In quitting this topic, it seems neces- 
sary just to notice a debate, which took place 
in the House of Lords, ori the 5th instant, 
upon the motion for going into a committee 
upon the Irish bank restriction bill. Some 
observations of lords King, Grenville, and 
Auckland shall be ftiore fully dwelt upon 
another time; but, it is impossible to resisf, 
for one moment, the temptation to refer to 
a *' consolatory" statement, made by that 
" solid and safe politician", Lord Hawkes- 
bury, who, in order to /irove (mind io Jncve), 
that the increase of paper did not tend to 
drive hard money out of the country, 
stated, from the book of the sprightly Mr. 
Chalmers, or . that of the no less spi ightly 
Mr. George Rose, that, since the reign of 
William and Mary inclusive, there had 
been coined at the mint, money to the 

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Coven 
Garden, where fijrmer Nurabcis Ria^ be had j sold also by J. Budd, Crowu and Mitre, PuU-Mall, 



amount of of 9 5,000,000 sterling, and that 
of this sum, o£'64,000j000 had been coined 
during the reign of liis present Majesty, 
and of that ^,"^64,000,000 there had been 
coined of^ within the last twenty 
jears. — Weil! And what then? How 
does tliis prove, that paper does hc/ drive 
the gold out of the country, unless you can 
prove, that there is all this gold in the 
coaniry nciv ? Really, if one did not know 
the contrary, one would believe, that this 
statement had been brought forward to 
prove exactly the contrary of what ir was 
intended to prove ; for, if, within these 
twenty years there has been a coinage to 
the amount of .£32,000,000, and if" there 
be scarcely a guinea Icit in the country, is 
it not a jjretty clear proof, tliat the paper 
has driven out the gold, especially when it 
is admitted, that, before the great increase 
of paper, gold was the chief currency of 
the country, and that there was then plenty 
of coin in circulation, though the coinage 
was rxot a fifth part so great ? Little, flien, 
is the " consolation", which men of even 
ordinary understandings will derive from 
the stat<Jment of his lordship, who bids us 
*' wallow naked in December's snow by 
" barely thinking of the summer's heat;" 
who displays before us the goodly and glit- 
tering hoards, which have issued from the 
Tower, and v^hich we have had llie folly 
to ey change for promissory notes which the 
promisers are mt cbligeJ to Jiay ! 

Irish Goverkment, — On the 7th 
instant, a motion was made, in the House 
of Commons, by Sir John Wrottesley, for 
the House to go into a committee, " to in- 
*' vestigate the conduct of the Irish go- 
** venmient, relative to the alfair of tiie 
" 23d of July last." Upon this motion there 
was a very long and interesting debate, 
which was opened in very good manner by 
the mover, who was supported by Mr. 
Canning, Lord Temple, General Tarle- 
ton, Mr. Fox, Mr. Windham, Lord de 
Blaquiere, Dr. Laurence, and Mr. Grey. 
The speakers on the ministerial side were 
Lord Castlereagh, Mr. Archdall, Mr. 
York, Mr. Ticrney, the Attorney General, 
and the Doctor. To analyse this debate 
would be impossible in the spaqe now be- 
fore me; I shall, therefore, confine iiiy re- 
marks, at present, to what was said rela- 
tive to the conduct of Lord Redesdale, 
which, indeed, was by far the most im- 
portant part oC the discussion, though 
every part of it was important. — Mr. Can- 
ning, the whole of whose speech discover- 
ed very great powers both of conception 
and of utterance, said, that *' «.V the Ca- 

ll 10, IS04. (354 

" tholics were, by a person high in autho- 
" riiy in Ireland, implicated in this rebellion, 
" and had their s^a?c of the •uilt imputed 
" to them. — Mr. Canning said, that the 
*' document to which h-c was now referring 
" heh'-id read with shame and indignation, 
" more tiian he had felt at any other he had 
" seen in the whole course of that unfor- 
" tunate matter altogether. His noble 
*♦ friend had tried to throw oblivion over 
" former dilfcrences in that distracted 
" country. Ministers, indeed, ought to 
" take care, as much as in them lay, that no 
*' ancient differences should be revived j 
" thai no flamci of old animosities should be 
" re-kindled : if that was the policy, as he 
" was sure it was the duty of government, 
" ill had that end been endeavcired to be 
" accomplished. Good God! that, in the 
" 19th cenlurv, there should be found a 
" man of great talents, fitted for great good 
" in a state; of great learning too, but that 
*' which he had lately displayed, he could 
" almost have wislied thrit nobody had it 
" now, for he had hoped it had been buried 
" at least a century ago ; — that this learned 
" person should fill the office of a great le- 
" gislalor, and the highest as a legal magis- 
" trate, and that he should be appointed to 
" preside in the place where that anli-. 
" quated doctrine could do effectual mis- 
" chief. He did not say it was a fault, but 
*•' it certainly was a great misfortune, that 
*' such a person, with such sentiments, 
" should be placed in such a station. He 
" could not think it likely that Ireland 
" should be tranquil. He could not think 
" it iikely that these pictures of quietness, 
" contentment, and happiness, which had 
" been so gratuitously afforded to the 
" House, and so diligently laid before it, 
" that the rebellion was at an end forever 
" — that the principle on which it was fo- 
" mented was destroyed — that Ireland was, 
" by the rooting out of prejudices, become 
*' one body of harmony in temper and 
" united in object : he could entertain no 
" holies of this nature, if the policy was to 
" be that which he had just alluded to. He 
"■ w as not bringing that to which this policj 
" related, now before the House: he 
" would give government credit for their 
" intention to do away all animosity in 
" in Ireland; but when he saw a minister 
" of the government there, the highest in 
" legal authority, he did not say that this 
" was to be considered, nor did he state it 
" as a fire-brand which threatened the 
" country with destruction, but he did 
" state, that great officer as enjoying the 
'* full confidence and a great portion of the 

Stiffiernent h Av, 10. /■■/. f ''.—Price lOi. 



*' power of jijovernment, and whether lie 
** was the intended vehicle of publishii.g 
•' Kuch sentiments as those of government, 
** he did not know, yet it had all the effect 
*' of design^' ■AV\>i he could not help looking 
*' upon the uttering of such sentiments as 
*' conveying to the public the animus of go- 
*' venuTient. Whether these sentiments 
•' were really the sentiments of the govern- 
*' menf, or no, he would not pretend to say, 
*' but the great character to which he had 
•' alluded was a member of the Irish go- 
" vernment, and the government in which 
*' such a mind predominated — that was to 
*' say, a mind goveriied by such principles 
*' as had been published by that great per- 
•' son, had great influence, wheie such a 
•' spirit presided, and where such a spirit 
*' ruled, and such opinions were cherished, 
*' the government, influenced by it^ he was 
*' sure, could not be conciliating, nor, agree- 
•* able, nor could hold forth any prospect 
" of comfort, to say nothing of happiness, 
♦* to the Irish people; a government which 
« permitted itself to cherish such sen- 
*' timents, discovered an animus that afFord- 
•* ed ao comfort to those by whom it wag 
" governed; it was an imprudent govern- 
*' ment, and very ill adapted for even the 
*' safety of the public. "—Mr. Fox severely 
reprobated the conduct of Lord Redesdale, 
in the correfpondence with Lord Fingall. 
He s'lid, that " the Irish nation, with all 
'* their generosity, their genius, and their 
*' bravery, had never been highly famed 
«' for their discretio;i; it must, therefore, 
*' have been very gratifying to them, to find, 
«' that a grave English Chancellor, sent 
" over to them, had been guilty of an in- 
" discretion, to which, indeed, nothing 
*' could be second ; for it was of that sort 
*' that nothini; simile et secundum could exist. 
*' These letters were more than indiscreet. 
*' They must be infinitely mischievous, if 
*' the author of them continued to till his 

*' piesent situation." Mr. Windham 

was of the same opinion as Mr. Canning 
.and Mr. Fos. He said, that " the senti- 
* ments expressed by Lord Redesdale in his 
" letters, went to the total extinction of all 
^'^ legal opinion. They were bad in theo- 
*' iogy, still wjrse in politics, and deserved 
<' fhe censure of every liberal and enlighten- 
^' ed nund. The opinions of the writer 
*' were ihe more liable to reprehension, as it 
*' would be recollected by the House that 
*f when thiS revival of Martial Law in Ire- 
** land was agitated, bis name and high si- 
f' tuition vvere held our as a certain guarantee 
♦? of the mtUifi-ess and equity of the govern- 
f? ixient."— ?— Mi'? Windhum^ duubUess, al- 

luded here to that memorable evening, the 
29th of July last, when the House of Com- 
mons saw a bill, subjecting the sister king- 
dom to maitial law, spring up, like the 
plants in a pantomime, and arrive at the last 
stage of maturity, in the space of a few 
hours. On that occasion Mr. Windham 
asked for a days delay ; a short respite 
of only 24. hours, to consider whether 
there were sufficient cause for render- 
ing four millions of people liable to all 
the severities of martial law, such law, it 
might in some case^. iiappen, as the in- 
jured and insulted O'Niel, was subjected 
to the execution of. No : even twenty - 
four hours ; nav, even one hoar was not 
allowed ; and, the then misled, and now 
indignant public, will recollect the abuse 
heaped upon Mr, Windham by the Receiver 
of Corn wall, and by the newspaper hire- 
lings of government, mj^rely because he 
asked for that short delay. That public 
will also recollect, that one of the securi- 
ties, which the Doctor held forth to Par- 
liament, for the discreet and wiW exercise 
of the uncontrouled power that it was cal- 
led upon to lodge in the hands of the 
executive branch of the Irish government, 
was, the assistance which the government 
derived from Lord Redesdale. The Doc- 
tor's words were as follows : "• when it is 
"• considered, Sir, that Lord Hardwicke 
" is assisted in all bis councils, by the ad- 
" advice of that amiable nobleman and 
"■ truly great character, w ho so long adorned 
♦' that chair, in which you now sit; when this 
" circumstance is considered, Sir, no one can 
" entertain even (he slightest apprehension, 
" tliat any ^.cioi severity, that any indiscreet 
" or illiberal ey-ercise. of authority, will pro- 
" ceed from the law, which the House is 
*■' now called on to pass, v/ithout that hesi- 
" tation and delay, which the right honour- 

" able genleman wishes to produce."- 

The Doctor was right : his confidence was 
perfectly well founded : the House passed 
the bill without hesitation : it rendered the 
people of Ireland liable to martial law: it 
consigned thetn to the absolute power of a 
person, whom the minister declared to be 
assisted in all his councils by that amiable 
nobleman and truly great character, the mild 
and discreet author oTthe letters to Lord Fin-. 
gall ! Mr. Windham was abused, out of 
doors, by all that low and numerous herd, 
whose fears, rather than their loyalty or their 
patriotism, led them to applaud, that, of 
which, in their consciences they must have 
disapproved ; Mr. Sheridan poured down 
upon him a most copious and nauseous dis- 
charge of his ^' true English feeling j" and^ 

357] ' * ' MARC 

it is more than probable, that Mr. Long and 

Mr. Pitt would S3y he was iiif^rudeiit. 

In the debne of th- 7ih instant, none of the 
miniJers attc:mpted to defend thr ' /ru'y great 
character.''' Neither Lord Ca>.tlciragh, nor 
Mr. Yorke, nor the Do( tor. said a word in 
reply to the remMrks that were mode on his 
coudiict, Mr. Arch:lale said a few words, 
bur the tfnd^ncyof tl)em w:is, to dhclaim, 
on the p.nt of \\\t goveniinent, the senti- 
ments promu'gated by Lord ll'd^sdale. 
" He regretted, ■ he said, '• thai this Cor- 
*' reS|)oiidcnce had been brbiighl before the 
" public. He deprecated any discii'^sion on 
" tlie subject. It was a subject unfit, in his 
" opinion, for discussion in this, or, he was 
" almost disposed to say, in avy other public 
'^.* place. He did not think it fai"' to hold up 
•^ the opinions dciive ed even by the greatest 
*^ law officer in Ireland, ai necessarily the ojii- 
'^*. nioTt of trie government. The animus ( f the 
^*. government, as a right honourable gentle- 
" man had termed it, c<iuld not be derived 
*' from this source. The Lord Chancellor 
*' of Ireland might be a great man in his 
^^ own department, and might render the 
" government essential service. It struck 
" him.iiowever, that la'u) characters should 
" interfere as little as possible with politics. 
•' Their interference mi\^ht often be incon- 

" venient, and seldom uieful."' This was 

n'^.t amiss, at a moment when, out of twelve 
persons sitting upon the Treasury bench, ten 
were what is called bred t-j the law, a circum- 
8'ance, which Mr. Archdale certainly over- 
looked. — —Even the Attorney-General, the 
brother-in-law of Lord Redcsdale, did not 
attempt to justify the sen'iments contained 
in that " amiable nobleman's" inexorable 
homilies. He insisted^ that when the Lord 
Chancellor was about to sign a commission 
of the peace for a ivonian Catholic noble- 
man, it was a proper enough time to remind 
him of his duties as a subject, and to endea- 
vour to guard him that misuse of if, 
which he might otherwise have fallen into. 
This recalls to mind what some one said 
upon the subjrct at first : that the " amiable 
nobleman" gave this commission of the 
peace rfs parents give fair-day money to their 
children, that is, accompanied with caution 
upon caution 'not to make themselves sick; 
but, the comparison does not hold ; for in 
the present instance, it is the cautions that 
have the nauseating quality, and that have, 
accordingly^ disgusted and disordered a 
whole nation. 

Volunteer SysVem. — Sii:ce the dare of 
the h;<t Register, the bill for consali. luting 
the Volunteer act.*; has been discussed in a 
committee of the whole house. There is 
not time to n,^ti;;e ihe alterations and ar- 

H 10, 1804. ' [351 

rangements that have been made in Itj but, 
one suggcs:ii)n of Mr. Pitt's mist not be 
pa5s:d over even for a moment. He wished 
for S'lme regulation to obviate the inconve- 
nience, ih..t arise froin persons pre- 
vtnting their servants and apprentices enter- 
ing into, or attending their duty in. Volun- 
teer corps; observing, that farmers arc! 
manuh'C u re rs^'7w<r:Kj7y supposed, that they 
had a right to all the time and labour of 
their servants a id apprentices! Why re;Jlv, 
this is Robert Shallow, Es^q. the second. 
Wh t! prevent men from having the com- 
mand of their servants and apprentices! 
And yet oppose, at the same time, the no- 
tions of democrats and jacobins .'' And yet 
call up n us to fight for the preservation of 
the constitution.^ And yet tell us that the 
volunteer syste.n is ii tended to prevent the 
inva ion of property, the subversiou of (he 
lav^s, the dissolution of all (he binds of so. 
ciely ? These projects, these innova- 
tions, these new and daring notions and 
schetrcs; this is what I dread in Mr. Pitr, 
whose great mind seems to he upon the 
rack to discover some captivating navelty, 
something that shall di comp )se the who e 
fabrick, in order that he may have the merit 

of putting it t(:gether again. Bur, it 

Would be curious to know, by lubat irieans 
Mr. Pitt would accomplish his object .'' If 
he compel mc to permit my servant to be a 
volunteer, that is to say, to dispense with 
gieac part of his service ; if he make my 
servant, in some sort, mv master, will he 
prevent me from discharging the said ser- 
vant ; will he compel me to remain in this 
sort of servitude myself.' And, if he w ill not 
suffer me to discharge him, bfciuse he is a 
volunteer, how will he prevent me from dis- 
charging him because he has black hair, 
or because his complexion, or countenance 
does not please me } Those, indeed, who ai e 
so unfortunate as to have apprt'nticrs cannot 
so easily escape the provisions that may be 
enacted upon this subject j but, before any 
such provisions are intioduced; let us hope, 
that Parliament will duly consider the con- 
sequences that may result from them. I 
dislike the volunteer system for mai:iy rea- 
sons, but for none more, than because it is 
a giound work, on which Mr. Pitt is 
continually erecting some dangerous inno- 
vation : nothing else seems to be of any im- 
port.ince in his eyes : the situation of Ire- 
land, the ruinous aspect of public credit, 
subjects heretofore apparently so near to his 
heart, do not now even attract his notice : 
the volunteers ! the volunteers ! that new 
and numerous body of armed men, is '!e 
only object of his care. 

^1 Mi 





Report of the Grand Judge, Minister of Jus- 
t'tce, to the Go'verntnent, IJtb February ^ 
1804. - 

Citizen First Consul— New plots have 
,■ been hatched by Engliand: this was the case 
'. even amidst the peace which she swore to 
.maintain, and when she violated the treaty 
of Amiens, she counted less on her strength 
than on the success of her machinations. 
But government was vigilant; the steps of 
. the agents of the enemy were followed by 
the eye 6f justice : the people of London 
were no doubt expecting to hear the explo- 
sion of that mine which had been dug under 
our feet. At any rate, the most ominous 
.'reports were spread, and they were indulging 
the most criminal hopes; on a sudden the 
I iigents of the conspiracy were arrested; 
proofs have accumulated, and they are so 
strong and so evident, that ihey carry with 
^, them convictions to every mind. Georges 
'and his band of assassins had remained in 
'the pay of England; their agents were still 
traversing La Vendee, Morbiiian, the Cotes 
du Nord, and were endeavouring, but in 
Vain, to find partisans of whom they were 
'deprived by the moderation of government 
and of the law?. — Pichegru, unmasked by 
the events which preceded the 18th of Fruc- 
tidor, year 5, (Sept. 5, l/f)7), and unveiled, 
; in particular, by that correspondence which 
^General ^Nloreau had addressed to the direc- 
tory, had carried with him to England his 
hatred ag-iinst his country. In the year eight 
he and Villot were in the train of the armies 
o( our enemies, in order to unite with the 
brigands of the South. In the year nine he 
conspired with the committee of Bareuth, 
.and since (he peace of Amiens he has still 
been the hope and the counsellor of the ene- 
niies of France. The British perfidy asso- 
ciated Georges with Pichegru, the infamous 
Georges with that Pichegru whom France 
had esteemed, whom she wished for a long 
time to consider as incapable of treachery I 
In iheyear eleven a criminal reconciliation 
united Pichegru and Moreau, two men be- 
tv/een whom honour ought to place eternal 
hatred. The police seized at Calais one of 
their agents, at the moment vvhen he was 
, returning a second time from England. This 
man had in his possession documents which 
■confirmed the reality of a reconciliation at 
that.'.ime 'nevphcable, had not ihc bonds 
■U'hich united thera been formed by crimi- 
nality. On the arrest of this agent General 
Moicau appeared for a moment to be agi- 

tated. He took some private steps to as- 
certain whether government was informed 
of it ; but it was passed over in silence, and 
he himself, when he recovered his tranquil- 
lity, concealed from government an event 
which could not but awaken its vigilance. 
He observed silence even when Pichegru 
was publicly admitted into the councils of 
the British ministry, when he united in a 
notorious manner with the enemies of 
France, Government was disposed to con- 
sider his silence as arising from the dread of 
a confession, which would have humbled 
him, as it considered his retirement from 
public affairs, his suspicious connexions, and 
his imprudent language, as the effect of 
peevishness and discontent. General Mo- 
reau, who could not fail of being suspected, 
since he maintained a secret correspondence 
with the enemies of his country, and who, in 
ponsequence of this suspicion, which was too 
we!! founded, would at any other period have 
been arrested, was suffered to enjoy in tran- 
quillity his honours, an immense fortune, and 
the kindness of the republic. Events^ hoW" 
ever, rapidly succeeded each other : Lajollais, 
the friend and confidant of Pichegru, went 
privately from Paris to London, returned to 
Paris, carried to Pichegru the ideas of Gtene- 
rai Moreau — carried back to Moreau the 
ideas and designs of Pichegru and his asso- 
ciates; the brigands of Georges were pre- 
paring, even in Paris, every thing that was 
necessary for the execution of their common 
designs. A place was assigned between 
Dieppe and Treport, at a disvtance from mo- 
lestation or the eye of vigilance, where the 
brigands of England, brought over in Eng- 
lish ships, landed withaiat being observed, 
and where they found con'Mpted ir.en to re- 
ceive them — men piid td conduct them 
during the night from fixed stations, pre- 
viously agreed on, and tlzus to convey them 

to Paris. At Paris I'urking places were 

procured for them in houses hired before- 
hand, where they had confidants to protect 
them : they had some of these in different 
quarters and streets at Chaillot, in the Hue 
de Eacq, in the Fauxbourg St. Marcean,. in 
the Mar-ns. A first debarkation vt^as efFectr 
ed, consisting of Georges himself, and eight 
of his brigands. Georges returned to the. 
coast to assist at the landing of Coster St. 
Victor, condemned by a sentence passed in 
the affair of Nivpse 3, and often other bri- 
gands. In the commencement of the pre- 
sent month a third landing was effected, it 
consisted of Pichegru, Lajollais, Armand, 
Gaillard, brother of Raould, John Marie, 
one of the first confidants of Georgei;, and 
some other brigands of the same stamp j 

361] iiT^.ro^T :■ MAR 

Georges with Joyau, called d'Assar, Saint 
Vincent and Picot, went to receive this ihird 
debarkation: the whole a>embled at the 
.:fiirra de la Poteiie. A fourth landing was 
ifcxpected ; the vessels were in si^ht, but con- 
trary winds prevented them from approach- 
ing : a few days ago they v/cre still making 
losignals. Georges and Pichcgru arrived at 
s Paris, wheie they lodged in the same house 
surrounded by about 20 brigands, under the 
command of Georges; an inttrview took 
place between them and Moreau : theplacf, 
tho day, and the hour, where the con- 
ference was held, are known — a second was 
agreed on, but did not take place; a third 
and a fourth took place, even in the house of 
General Moreau. The presence of Georges 
and Pichcgru at Paris, these conferences 
with Gen. Moreau, are confirmed by ia:on- 
lestable and numerous proofs. Georges and 
Pichcgru have been traced from hou5e to 
house. Search has also been made for 
those who assisted at their landing; those 
who, under the cloud, conducted them 
from post to post ; those wh;) gave them an 
asylum at Paris : thejr confidants and ac- 
.complices. Lajollais, thrir principal agent, 
and General Moreau, are arrested; the ef- 
fects and papers of Pichegru have been 
seized, and the police is employing the 
greatest activity to find him. England 
wished to overthrow our government, and 
r: by this overthrow to effect the ruin of 
r France, to deliver it up to ages of civil war 
and confusion. But to overturn a govern- 
ment, maintained by the affection of thirty 
millions of citixens, and surrounded by a 
brave, powerful, and faiihful army, was a 
»btask, not only superior to the strength of 
- England, but of all Europe. England, 
therefore, had no hopes of accomplishing iier 
design, but by the assassination of the First 
Consul, and by covering this assassination 
under the shadow of a man who was still 
prolected by the remeuU^rance of his ser- 
vices. I must add, that the citizens need 
be under no uneasiness. The greattr part 
of the brigands heve been arresled ; the rest 
have tied, and are closely pursued by the po- 
lice. No suspicion attaches to any class of 
cilizf^ns, or to any branch of administration. 
1 shall not give any further details in this re- 
port ; you have seen all the papers ; you will, 
therefore, give orders for their being laid 
before the eyes of justice. — Signed by the 
grand judge, minister of justice, regnier. 
Certified in due form, the secretary of state. 

H. B. MAR£T. * 

♦ lu the Monitcur thjerc ar. severa' unofficial 
remarks tolluwing thii document, lut those it is 
tiot thought necessary to inscit. 

C H 10, 1804.^-j^p,, 


Proceedings in the Tribunate, relative to 
the Conspiracy, on the IJth of February, 
Ihe three Counsellors of the State 
read to the Assembly the above report; after 
wliich the President made a hhort speech, 
alluding to the plot, and concluded with de- 
claring"that they would all answer for the 
life of Buonaparte, which secured to France 
its glory and its prosperity. The President 
then propos-d that the I'ribunate should In 
a body wait on the First Consul, to express 
their detestation of the meditated attempt, 
and to congratulate him on his escape from 
the threatened danger, which was agreed to. 
When the President had declared the sitting 
at an end, Gener-il Moreau's broihtr request- 
ed leave to speak, which being granted, he 
addressed the Assembly as follows : 

You have heard the orators of govern- 
ment. You have this mornit.g read the or- 
der of the day, published by the Governor 
of ['arts. These two pieces are, in part, le- 
velled against General Moreau. It ifispires 
me will) sentiments of the deepest grief, to 
find that attempts have been to long made 
to calumniate a man who has rendered im- 
portant services to the Republic, and who, 
at present, has not the liberty of defending 
himself. I declare to the whole nation that 
my brother is innocent of the atrocities im- 
puted to him. Let him have an opportunity 
of justifying himself, and he will doit. I 
demand in his name, in my own, and in 
the name of his whole distressed family, 
that he may be brought to trial in the most 
formal manner. I demand that he may be 
tried only by a common tribunal : it will be 
easy for him to make his innocence appear. 
/ declare that every thing uihiib has been said 
IS an infamous calumny. 

Curee. — Our colleague's is a just emotion. 
Moreau. — It is no tine emotion, it is the 
expression of truth and indignation. (He 
left the hall.) 

Curee. — He has spoken for his brother,, 
where is the honest mind that does not ap- 
prove the emotion that led him to the tri- 
bune? A vast plan of conspiracy is de- 
nounced to the first authorities, to the na- 
lioii, and is going to be denounced to the 
tribunals. The delence of General Moreau 
will have all the latitude, liberty, and pub- 
licity of which so great a cause is suscepti- 
b'e ; but whiit ought )ou to do but to desire, 
and your desire 1 am sure is shared by the 
government, that the General may be cleared 
of the accusation which, interesting the in- 
ternal and external security of the PLcpublic 
ought to be weighed and ^decided jt^jpon. 


wbate^'er be the services and reputation of 
the men implicated in them. 

Treilhard. — The orator who preceded the 
tribune, who has just sat down, has satisfii d 
what he thought due to the ties of blood 
which unite huii to General rvjortau. Were 
I not resLraintd by that consideration, and 
by the respect due to a citizen in a state of 
accusation, I sliould say that he was too 
hasty. If his sensibility had suffered iiim 
to hear calmly the report of the Grand Judge, 
he would have seen that the result was a re- 
ference of the whole to justice. Govern- 
mtnt has been always too scrupulous an ob- 
server of laWj for any one to have a right to 
.suppose that they wish to swerve from it, 
Tho very eagerness they shew to inform you 
of what has passed, prove ihe value they at- 
tach to public opinion and yours. The pro- 
gress of justice opposf-s the rendering the 
papers public now— -i hey have been commu- 
nicated lo the Senate and Council of State, 
who are dtUberating in secret. 1 shall add 
but one word— General Moreau, his rela- 
tions, and friendsj will have every latitude 
of defence 5 there is no one that does not 
strongly desiie not to believe him guilty. 

Speech of the Vice President of the Sfnate 
to the Firsi Consul, \'Jtb February, 1804. 
Citizen First Consul, — The Senate 
has been usually accustomed to wait upon 
you tor the sole purpose of presenting their 
thanks for the glory to which you have ele- 
vated ttie republic, and for the wisdom and 
vigilance of your administration. — This day 
they arc brought hither by the profound in- 
dignation wliich is excited by (he ph t just 
discovered, and which the agents of England 
have instigated. — It is afflicting for huma- 
nity to see the chiefs of a nation degrade 
themselves so far as to take the direction of 
assassination. They must indeed be weak, . 
when they condemn themselves to so tnuch 
infamy. — The senate perceives, w-ith sorrow, 
among the number of the accused , one of 
the n)ost illustrious defenders of the country. 
Ttie serious nature of the charge, and the 
existing circumstances, imperiously require 
the measures which have been adopted with 
respect lo him. You have done what the 
safety of private citizens demand, by serid- 
the accused before the tribunals, — The wish 
of the Senate, Citizen First Consul, is, that 
you should yield less to that courage which 
despises all kinds of danger, and that you 
should not give up all your attention to pub- 
lic affairs, but that you should reserve a part 

^^:^^;-hr j't>\\i Versorial safety, which is also that 


Consul's Jnsivtr. — Smce I attained the su- 
preme magistracy, a gr^at many plots have 
been furmrd against ray life. Educated in 
camps, I have never regarded as important, 
dangers which give me no frar. — But I caimot 
avoid experiencing a deep and painful feel- 
ing, whrn 1 consider the situation in which 
this great nation would have been placed, if 
this last pl(>t had succeeded; for it is princi- 
pally against the gloiy, (he liberty, and the 
destiny of the French people that the con- 
spiracy was formed. — I have long since re- 
nounc(d the hope of enjoying the pleasure."* 
of private life. All nriy days are employed in 
ful tiling the duties which my fate and the 
wiil of the French people have imposed on 
me — Heaven will watch over France, and 
deft-at the plots of the wicked. Theciii- 
zetis may be without alarm. My life wi'l 
last as long as it shall be useful to the nation; 
but I winh the French people to understand, 
that existing without their confidence and 
affection, would be for me without conso- 
lation, and would for them have no object. 

Tie Legislative Body and the Tnbu?iate. 
The deputation of the Legislative Body, 
bring introduced, citizen Fontannes, the^ 
president, presenied the deliberation of that 
body, in which the First Consul was feli- 
citated on (he discovery of a conspiracy 
which menaced the state and his person. — 
Citizen Fontannes made a speech to the First 
Consul, in (he same manner as the president 
of the Senate. — The members of the Tribu- 
nate were next introduced to the First Con- 
sul, and their president," citizen Jaubert, 
read to him an address, in which there was 
nothing remarkable except the first sen- 

' fence, viz. " While we (bought, citizen 
First Consul, that you had nothing to dread 
but the dangers of just war, the perfidy of 

i the English government surrounded you 
with new snares : what a humiliating con- 
fession of its inability to combat with open 
arms the repairing genius of France ! What 
a brilliant testiniony of the intimate ties 
v.'hich connect you with the safety of the 
republic and the tranquillity of Europe '." — 
The First Consul replied to the deputation 
of the Legislative Body and the Tribunate, 
in nearly the same terms as to that of the 

General Orders, issued to tie French Armies 
(in consequence of the Detection of the Con- 
ipiracy) at Paris and at Boulogne. 

Paris, 13 Feb. 1804, 
Soldiers. — Fifty brigands, the impure 
remnants of the civil war, that the English 
goveriMTient kept in reserve during thepcaccj 


3ff5] MARC 

becaiise it meditated to repeat that crime 
which had failed on the 3d Nivose, had ar- 
rived by night, and in small bodies, to Bel- 
ville, they have penetrated even to the ca- 
pital. Georges and the ex-general Piche- 
gru were at the head of them. Their ap- 
proach had been invited by a man of consi- 
deration in our rank, by General Moreau, 
who was yesterday placed in the hands of the 
justice of the nation, — Their project, after 
having assassinated the First Consul, was to 
giveup France to the horrors of a civil war, and 
to the terrible convulsions of counter revolu- 
tion. — Thccan:ips of Boulogne, Montveuil, 
Bruges, Saintes, Toulon, and Brest, the ar- 
mies of Italy, Hanover, and Holland, were 
no longer to have commanded peace. Our 
glory was to hnve perished with our liberty. 
But all those plots have failed. Ten of 
those brigands are arrested — the ex general 
LajuUais, the procurer of this infernal con- 
spiracy, is in prison — the police is upon the 
point of taking Geerges and Pichegru. — A 
new debarkation of twenty of those brigands 
has now taken place ; but they are sur- 
rounded with ambuscades, and will soon be 
taken. — In these circumstances, so afflicting 
to tlie heart of the First Consul, we, soldiers 
of the nation, will be the first to make a 
shield for him with our bodies, and we will 
conquer his enemies and those of France. 
— S ignfd by Mv RAT, general commanding 
in chief at Paris, and Caj:sak Berthier, 
chief of the staff. 

Boulogne, ig. Feb. 1804. 
Soldiers, — Your altitude, your labours, 
and your vigilance, made England tremble. 
Despairing of being able to resist ihe impulse 
of your courage, and the ascendancy of the 
First Consul's genius, the British govern- 
ment, accustomed to crimes, formed ihe 
most perfidious plots, and intended to ac- 
complish ihern by the most odious instru- 
ments. The life of the First Consul was 
threatened, the better to succeed in those 
projects of iniquity, to the disgusting remains 
of the Vendee, were joined meu who had 
formerly figured in our ranks, and wc have 
seen united under the same banner, George 
and L^jullnis, Moreau and Pichegru. But 
the plot has failed, France will complete its 
high destinies, and Bonaparte will live to 
secure them. The conspirators are either 
anested or have fled. Moreau is arrested ; 
Lijullais is in prison ; the police is follow- 
ing the footsteps of George and Pichegru. 
A great number of those perverse and hired 
brigands are now in the power of justice, and 
in a short time it will have overtaken the 
impure remnant of this band, which is now 
dispersed. Soldiers, dispiiss all fear I the 

life of the First Consul is no longer in danger. 
Those dark machinations which threaten it, 
last but for a moment, and end in the bhame 
and despair of their guilty authors. We, 
who are placed in the first rank in front of 
that hostile nation, w^e will be the shit-ld of 
the hero. One only thought, one only feel- 
ing animates us all, and that is to defend, 
that life, upon which the glory, prosperity, 
and happiness of France, as well as the ho- 
nour of the French name, depends. The 
report of the Grand Judge, the Mmister of 
Justice, will lay open to you the whole 
plan of this horrible con'piiacy. — Signed, 
the Commander in Chief, Soult. 

Address of the Sailors of the right U'^rig of 
the National Flotilla to the First Consul. 
Oitend, 21 Feh 1604. 
Citizen Fikst Consul, An odious na- 
tion has planufd, with wicked secrecy, the 
blackest of crinRS, to remove from its own 
head that just chastisement which its perfidy 
has provoked ; but the tutelary genius of. 
France has baffled its conspiracies, an I pre- 
served the life of the hero, that it arms for 
our defence,and preserves for our happiness. 
Does not the baseness of the means employ- 
ed by this ration of assassins discover to the 
universe its weakness, its fears , and its 
cowardice } Citizen First Consul, the mili- 
tary and civil officer, and the crews of the 
right wing of the national flotilla, hasten to 
express to you their surprize and indignation, 
at .'seeing that Frenchman, that even general 
Moreau himself, could be associated with 
those cowardly islanders, and with Pichegru 
and Georges, to replutigf; us in the horrors 
of anarchy, by a crime the most atrocious, 
by the assassination of a hero, to whom wc 
have for ever vowed gratitude, devotion, 
and fidelity. Citizen First Consul, we wait, 
with impatience, for the moment when you 
shall proclaim, the hour of vengejnce. — 
Signed,by Charles MAO0R,Rear Admiral, 
Neynne, Captain, &c. &c. 


A short Statement of Facts relating to the 
Claims of British Creditors on the French 

The treatment received by the Bri(i^h 
creditors in the French funds, has hitherto 
excited little of the public attention; it 
has been supposed by some to be a subject 
involving the interests of a few individuals 
only; a plain stateuient of facts will shew 
that the honour of the nation is as much im- 
plicated in it as the interests ot its subjects. 
The commercial and pecuniary transac- 



^ions betn'een Great Britain and France 
during the monarchy and the first three 
years of the revolution, (before the war 
broke out,) in wliich period ike debts at 
present due-to Brilisli individuals from the 
French government originated, took their 
rise from the commercial treaty of 1786. It 
was at that time thought by the legislature, 
conducive to the interests of the nation, to 
encourage and guarantee transactions of 
that nature^ by the utmost protection they 
could derive from the faith ot nation-; so- 
lemnly pledged. The se«:ond article of the 

Ireaty is as follows : " For the future 

*' security of commerce and friendship be- 
*' tween the subjects of their said Majes- 
■'*' ties, and to the end that this good corres- 
^' *' pondence may be preserved from all in- 
'■'-** terruption and disturbance, it is con-' 
';^' eluded and agreed, that if at any time 
•** there shall arise any misunderstanding, 
** breach of friendship, or rupture, between 
*' the crowns of their Majesties, which 
*' God forbid, (which rupture shai! not be 
** deemed to exist until the recalling or 
" ■*' sending home of the respective ambas- 
' *' sadors and ministers,) the subjects of 
^' each of the two parties residing in the 
*' dominions of the other, shall have the 
*' privilege of remaining and continuing 
**■ their trade therein, without any manner 
'* of disturbance, so long as they behave 
^' peaceably, and commit no offence against 
>' the laws and ordinances; and in case 
' *' their conduct should I'ender them sus- 
x*» pected, and the respective governments 
" should be obliged to order them to re- 
*' move, the term of twelve months shall be 
*♦ allowed them for that purpose, in order 
<' that they may remove with their effects 
*• and property, whether entrusted to in- 
*' dividuals or to the state. At the same 
*' time it is to be understood, that this fa- 
*' vour is not to be extended to those who 
*' shall act contrary to the establi-^hed 
*' laws,"— — The British subjects, who, in 
pursuance of this treaty, have, unfortunate- 
ly for themselves, entrusted their property 
to individuals or the stale in France, have 
incurred some degree of obloquy from persons^ 
who it must be sujjposed ivere ignorant of the 
hrtvisions of this treaty. Sach persons will 
see, by the perusal of the above article, 
that they must ivithdraiv that censure, unless they 
, have the /iresuwfitim 10 extend it to the Itgis- 
- Jatureof that titue, and the great statesmen then 
at the head of his Majesty's government, 
who did all in their power to promote the 
intercourse, now reprobated, between the 

. two countries. it never was contended 

here, or in France, ihat the new govern- 

ment which arose at the revolution, was 
not bound by the treaties of the old one. 
The manner in which the French govern- 
ment executed this article of the commer- 
cial treaty, when a misunderstanding arose 
between the two countries, was by throw- 
ing all the British subjects in France into 
pri,son, and sequestering all their property. 

Was it not incumbent on the British 

government, when peace was restored, to 
provide that its subjects should not suffer 
by so flagrant a breach of treaty ^ The 
legislature and ministry of that time at 
least thought so. They immediately, as a 
measure of retaliation, sequestered all the 
French property here: for what end, unless 
to insure a,mutua] restoration, and recipro- 
cal justice? According to this principle 

the late ministry uniformly acted. When 
a negotiation for the restoration of peace 
took place at Lisle, in the year 1797, Lord 
Malmsbury delivered the projetof a treaty 
to the French negotiators, of which the 
following vv as the eighteenth article:——— 
'' All sequestrations imposed by any of the 
" parties named in this treaty, on the 
" rights, properties, or debts of individuals 
" belonging to any other of the said par- 
" ties, shall be tuken off; and the pro- 
" perty of whatever kind shall be restored 
" in the fullest manner to the lawful owner, 
" or just compensation be made for it." It 
then provides for the decision of all ques- 
tions of property between individuals in 
the regular courts of jusUce ; and con- 
cludes thus: "And if any complaint should 
'■'• arise respecting the execution of this ar- 
'' tide, which complaint shall not be s'et- 
" tied by mutual agreement between the 
" respective governments within twelve 
" months after the same shall have been 
" preferred to them, the same shall be 
" detern;iined by sworn commissioners, to 
" be appointed on each side, with power 
" to call in an arbitrator of any indifferent 
" nation ; and the decision of the said com- 
" missioners shall be binding, and v\'ithout 
" appeal." This article was one of the 
few that remained unobjected to by the 
French government; but, unfortunately for 
the British creditors, the negotiation brbke 

off on other points, The preliminaries 

of the late peace were signed October 1st, 
1801. The t.velfth article is as follows : — 
" All sequestrations imposed by either of 
" the parties on the funded property, reve- 
" nues, or debts of any description, belong- 
" ing to either of the contracting powers, or 
" their subjects or citizens, shall be taken 
<■' off immediately after the signature of the 
*' definitive treaty." It proceeds to provide 

3601 MARCH 

for the decision of di:?putes between indivi- I ' 
duals by the competent tribunals of the re- ' 
spective countries; and concludes thus : " It | ' 
*' IS agreed moreover, that this article, im- 
•* mediately after the ratification of the df- 
" linitive treaty, shall apply to the allies of 
" the contracting parties, and to the indivi- 
*' duals of the respective nations, upon the 

** condition of a just reciprocity." Wlien 

the preliminary treaty was published, itie 
British creditors had reason to regret, that 
the execution of this article in their favour 
was not secured, as was proposed in the for- 
mer negotiation, by the appointment of 
commissioners to decide on their claims, in 
case the French government should be in- 
disposed to do them justice. But, upon the 
whole, they were satisfied that theiir own 
government would support them in the pro- 
secution of their rights, as they did not 
imagine by the condition of a just reci- 
procity could be understood, that the French 
creditor in the English funds should re- 
ceive his whole property, principal and in- 
terest, undiminished ; and tliat the English 
creditor, in tk« French funds, should re- 
ceive such a proportion only as the arbitrary 
and unjust government of France should be 
pleased to bestow on them, which has turned 
, out to be, as might be expected in the latter 
case, nothing at all. The English creditors 
thought themselves under the protection of 
their own gavernment, as they had a right 
to be, and not the unprotected victims of a 
foreign despotism. They met, and appoint- 
ed a committee, who waited on Lord 
Hawkesbury, to request and claim that pro- 
tection in the ensuing negotiation at Amiens. 
Lord Cornwallis began the conferences 
: with J. Buonaparte, the French plenipoten- 

r tJary, at Amiens, in January, 1802. In 

the conference of the 19th of January, (29 
Nivose,) as stated in the protocol, or ofticial 
document, published by the French govern- 
ment, '' Lord Cornwallis demanded that the 
*' article relative to the sequestrations should 
" be inserted literally in the detinilive 
'" treaty as it stood in the preliminaries, and 
" in the projet presented by his government. 
*' He observed, that the additional clause of 
" the French contre-projct, which says, 
*' that English creditors in France cannot 
" be more favoured than the French them- 
*' selves, would be prejudicial to tlie Engliiii 
" nation, in as much as the English govern- 
*' menthad not touched the property, effects, 
*' or funds, of any Frenchman} that of 
*' France, on the contrary, had seized all 
., . " that the had in France, and had 
^:i-*' made only imaginary reimbursements. 
o^iS -Whatever right the French government 

10, 1804. 137Q 

" havl to p oceed in this manner towards 
" Fieuch citizens, according to the law Qf 
" circimistancea, it could rjot so dispose of 
" wiiat belonged to the English citizea." 
From this extract we sec, that the idea of 
treating the Biitish creditors in the French 
fuud-i on the footing of I'i\:uchij)en, and 
thereby setting aside ';' the just reciprocity" 
siipulated for in the preliminary treaty, 
originated in a contre-prujet of the French 
government, and that it was resisted by Lord 
Cornwallis, as so unjust and degrading a 
proposition deserv ed. It appears by the sub- 
sequent proceedings, that it was successfully 
resisted ; for in the same protocol it is stated, 
that France renounced, among many others, 
this article of her contre-projet : and it is 
further stated in the protocol of the 6lh of 
March, " that the ministers of the French 
" Republic and his Britannic Majesty having 
'^ met. Citizen J. Buonaparte presented the 
" note and projet following : The undcr- 
" signed has removed from this projet, every 
" thing that might protract the discussions : 
" it is composed, first, of articles taken li- 
" terally from the preliminaries ; they are 
" nnattackable." Among these the twelfth 
article of the preliminary treaty is named ; 
and the fourteenth article of the French pro- 
jet is as follows : " all the sequestered pro- 
'• perty placed on either side in the funds, 
'' revenues, and trusts, of whatever sort they 
" may be, belonging to any one of the con- 
" trading powers, or to its citizens and sub- 
" jccts, shall be delivered up immediately 
" after the signature of this definitive treaty." 
——Thus was the proposition of treating the 
British creditors on the same tooting with 
Frenchmen, brought forward by the Frencii 
plenipotentiary at Amiens, rejected by Lord 
Cornwallis, and given up by j. Buonaparte j 
yet most unaccountably, when the definitivs 
treaty was concluded, the last clause of the 
article respecting the mutual reiteration of se- 
questered property was left out. The words 
omitted are these: " It is agreed moreover, 
" that the article, immediately after the ra- 
" tificaiion of the definitive treaty, siiall ap- 
" ply to the allies of the contracting parties, 
" and to the individuals of the respective na- 
" tions, upon the condition of a just recipro- 

" city." The iujmediate consequence of 

the signature of the definitive treaty to ths 
I'Vencii creditor in the English funds was, 
the restitution of his principal, and the pay- 
ment of all arrears of interest, in pursuance 
of it. The English creditors demanded the 
same justice, and the same execution of the 
treaty at Paris. Ixt answer to this demand, 
M. Talleyrand informed them, that the 
treaty of Atniens had ao reUfion to. their 



case 5 that thej'" had no reason to expect 
better terms than the Dutch and Genoese, 
who had been the friends and allies of 
France ; that they must be content to lose 
the whole arrears of their interest, twc- 
thirds of their capital, which had been paid 
off or reimbursed (as they call it) during the 
war, and for the remaining third, must re- 
ceive an inscription in a five per cent, stock, 
taken as at par, tliough the price was then 
fifty. So that accordmg to this proposition, 
a creditor for 6000I. besides the loss of all 
his interest, found his capital reduced to 
1000 1. Some, in despair, accepted these 
unequal terms ; but their compliance was 
useless to preserve even a wreck of their 
property, for they could never obtain a 

farthing. Oth'-r English creditors, who 

did not despair of the honour and justice of 
Iheir own country, applied to Mr, Merry, 
the English resident at Paris, for protection 
against this injustice. Mr. Merry promised 
to apply for instructions to his own govern- 
ment, and make an application to that of 
France for the execution of the treaty. If 
any application was made by him the Ft6nch 
government treated it with silent contempt. 
— ^Finding no hope from Mr. INlcrry, the 
English creditors, in September, 1802, as- 
sembled in London, and appointed a com- 
mittee for the prosecution of their claims, 
who requesting an audience of Lord Hawkes 
bury, stated tlieir case to him, and presented 
a memorial, claiming the assistance of their 
country against this injustice and breach of 
treaty. Lord Hawkesbury promised them 
an answer as soon as the opinion of his Ma- 
jesty's ministers could be taken upon it. The 
memorial was presented on or about the 
20th of September. No answer was re- 
ceived till about the 11th of January, when 
the committee reported to the creditors, tfiat 
although they had reason to lament many 
opinions expressed. by Lord Hawkesbury in 
the course of their conference, and although 
he considered them £^s having no right to 
better terms than Frenth citizens, (notwith- 
standing his lordship was reminded that such 
a proposition was made by the French Ple- 
nipotentiary at the negotiation, and posi- 
tively rejected by Lord Cornwallis,) yet they 
were happy to add, that his lordship had 
promised to write to Lord Whitworth at