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** 


COLLECTIONS 


OF   THE 


MASSACHUSETTS 


HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 


VOL.  IX. 


OF  THE  THIRD  SERIES. 


.-  "    •      ••      •    •    •    • 


•  •  • 


•     " 


•  • 


•  •  • 


•  ••   •••;  •.:.•  •..••. 


•  • 


•  •  • 


•  ••    ••   •-    ; 


•    •    •  • 

•     •• 


BOSTON: 

CHARLES  C.  LITTLE  AND  JAMES  BROWN. 

1846. 


COLLECTIONS 


OF   THE 


MASSACHUSETTS 


HISTORICAL    SOCIETY 


VOL.  IX. 
OF  THE  THIRD  SERIES. 


•    '     .  .         .  •       •       •    • 


•        • 


BOSTON: 

CHARLES  C.  LITTLE  AND  JAMES  BROWN. 

1846. 


117782 


CAMBRinOEt 

a»  B  Y  C  A  L  !'     :  SU     C  O  %f  P  A  S  1  , 

ktR^NTBau  TO  TliU  nNIVSRSlTT. 


1. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

>f  James  Grahame,  LL.  D.,  by  Josiah  Quincy  1 

of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden,  by  George  Sumner  42 

jf  Gamaliel  Bradford,  M.  D.,  by  Convers  Francis  75 

rOrono,  a  Chief  at  Penobscot,  by  William  D.  Williamson  82 
ribes  in  New  England,  by  William  D.  Williamson  92 

nne's  Instructions  to  Governor  Dudley  in  1702  101 

f  the  Life  of  Hon.  Leverett  Saltonstall  .117 

istian  Commonweahh  :  or  the  Civil  Policy  of  the  Rising 
j;dom  of  Jesus  Christ,  by  John  Eliot  .         .         .         127 

Qtennial  Discourse,  pronounced  before  the  Society,  Oct. 

1844,  by  John  G.  Palfrey 165 

V  England  Confederacy  of  1643,  by  John  Quincy  Adams  189 

3r  James  Bowdoin ,         .     224 

ithrop  Papers 226 


COMMITTEE    OF    PUBLICATION. 

Hon.  FRANCIS  C.  GRAY,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  ROBERT  C.  WINTHROP. 
Rev.   ALVAN   LAMSON,  D.  D. 
Hon.  CHARLES  F.  ADAMS. 


OBNKRAL   BOOKBINOINO   CO. 


?n^sT        cos      2    Qr^     :r:i4 


QUALITY   CONTROL    MARK 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS. 


MEMOIR  OF  JAMES  GRAHAME.,  LL.  D. 


BY  JOSIAH  QUINCY. 


To  the  Members  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

Gentlemen  : 

In  conformity  with  the  request  expressed  by  your  vote,  in  De- 
cember, 1842,  1  have  prepared  the  subjoined  Memoir  of  James 
Grahame,  LL.  D.,  author  of  the  History  of  the  United  States  of 
North  America.  Having  never  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  a  personal 
acquaintance  with  Mr.  Grahame,  the  sole  means  I  then  possessed  of 
complying  with  your  request  were  derived  from  his  writings,  and  a 
short  correspondence,  originally  official  in  its  nature,  and  extended 
subsequently  by  an  interchange  of  only  a  few  letters.  I  should,  there-* 
fore,  have  wholly  declined  the  undertaking,  had  not  these  slight  and 
transient  opportunities  deeply  impressed  my  mind  with  the  moral  purity 
and  intellectual  elevation  of  his  character.  It  seemed  to  me,  moreover, 
incumbent  upon  some  American  to  attempt  to  do  justice  to  the  memory 
of  a  foreigner  who  had  devoted  the  chief  and  choicest  years  of  his 
life  to  writing  the  history  of  our  country,  with  a  labor,  fidelity,  and 
affectionate  zeal  for  the  American  people  and  their  institutions,  which 
any  native  citizen  may  be  proud  to  equal,  and  will  find  it  -very  difficult 
to  surpass. 

Under  these  circumstances,  my  purpose  to  attempt  the  task  having 
been  formed,  I  immediately  communicated  with  Mr.  Grahame's  family 
and  European  friends,  and  received  from  his  highly  accomplished 
widow,  from  John  Stewart,  Esq.,  his  son-in-law,  and  from  Sir  John 
F.  W.  Herschel,  Bart.,  who  had  maintained  with  him  from  early  youth 
an  uninterrupted  intimacy  and  friendly  correspondence,  extracts  from 
his  diary,  and  from  letters  written  by  him  to  themselves  or  others, 
accompanied  with  interesting  notices  illustrative  of  his  sentiments  and 
views.     Robert  Walsh,  Esq.,  the  pretMot  American  oenaul  at  Paris, 

▼OL.  IX.  1 


2  JIfemotr  qf  Jttfltes  Grahame. 

well  known  and  appreciated  in  this  country  and  in  Europe  for  his  mor* 
al  worth  and  literary  eminence,  who  had  enjoyed  the  privilege  of  an 
intimate  personal  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Grahame,  also  transmitted 
to  me  many  of  his  letters  to  himself  William  H.  Prescott,  Esq.,  and 
the  Rev.  Georse  E.  Ellis,  with  others  of  his  correspondents,  have  ex- 
tended to  me  like  favors. 

From  these  sources  I  have  been  enabled  to  sketch  the  subjoined 
outline  of  Mr.  Grahame's  life  and  character  ;  in  doing  which,  I  have 
studied,  as  far  as  possible,  to  make  his  own  language  the  expositor  of 
his  mind  and  motives. 

JOSIAH  QUINCY. 

Cambridge,  28  Jufy,  1845. 


James  Grahame,  the  subject  of  this  Memoiry  was  born 
in  Glasgow,  Scotland,  on  the  21st  of  December,  1790,  of 
a  family  distinguished,  in  its  successive  generations,  bj 
intellectual  vigor  aud  attainments,  united  with  a  zeal  for 
civil  liberty,  chastened  and  directed  by  elevated  religious 
sentiment. 

His  paternal  grandfather,  Thomas  Grahame,  was  emi- 
nent for  piety,  generosity,  and  taleiU*  Presiding  in  the 
Admiralty  Court,  at  Glasgow,  he  is  stated  to  have  been  the 
first  British  judge  who  decreed  the  liberation  of  a  negro 
slave  brought  into  Great  Britain,  on  the  ground,  that  ^^  a 
guiltless  human  being,  in  that  country,  mtist  be  free  " ;  a 
judgment  preceding  by  some  years  the  celebrated  decision 
of  Lord  Mansfield  on  the  same  point.  In  the  war  for  the 
independence  of  the  United  States,  he  was  an  early  and 
uniform  opponent  of  the  pretensions  and  policy  of  Great 
Britain ;  declaring,  in  the  very  commencement  of  the  con- 
test, that  "  it  was  like  the  controversy  of  Athens  with 
Syracuse,  and  he  was  persuaded  it  would  end  in  the  same 
way,'' 

He  died  in  1791,  at  the  age  of  sixty,  leaving  two  sons, 
Robert  and  James.  Of  these,  the  youngest,  James,  was 
esteemed  for  his  moral  worth,  and  admired  for  his  genius ; 
delighting  his  friends  and  companions  by  the  readiness  and 
playfulness  of  his  wit,  and  commanding  the  reverence  of  all 
who  knew  him,  by  the  purity  of  a  life  under  the  guidance 
of  an  ever  active  religious  principle.  He  was  the  author 
of  a  poem  entitled  "  The  Sabbath,"  which,  admired  on  its 
first  publication,  still  retains  its  celebrity  among  the  minor 
efiiisions  of  the  poetic  genius  of  Britain. 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  3 

Robert,  the  elder  of  the  sons  of  Thomas  Grahame,  and 
father  of  the  subject  of  this  Memoir,  inheriting  the  virtues 
of  his  ancestors,  and 'imbued  with  their  spirit,  has  sustained, 
through  a  long  life,  not  yet  terminated,  the  character  of  a 
uniform  friend  of  liberty.  His  zeal  in  its  cause  rendered 
him,  at  different  periods,  obnoxious  to  the  suspicions  of 
the  British  government.  When  the  ministry  attempted  to 
control  the  expression  of  public  opinion  by  the  prosecu- 
tion of  Home  Tooke,  a  secretary  of  state's  warrant  was 
issued  against  him  ;  from  the  consequences  of  which  he 
was  saved  through  the  acquittal  of  Tooke  by  a  London 
jury.  When  Castlereagh's  ascendant  policy  had  excited 
the  people  of  Scotland  to  a  state  of  revolt,  and  several 
persons  were  prosecuted  for  high-treason,  whose  poverty 
prevented  them  from  engaging  the  best  counsel,  he  brought 
down,  at  his  own  charge,  for  their  defence,  distinguished 
English  lawyers  from  London,  they  being  deemed  better 
acquainted  than  those  of  Scotland  with  the  law  of  high- 
treason  ;  and  the  result  was  the  acquittal  of  the  persons  in- 
dicted. He  sympathized  with  the  Americans  in  their  strug- 
gle for  independence,  and  rejoiced  in  their  success.  Re- 
garding the  French  Revolution  as  a  shoot  from  the  American 
stock,  he  hailed  its  progress  in  its  early  stages  with  satisfac- 
tion and  hope.  So  long  as  its  leaders  restricted  themselves 
to  argument  and  persuasion,  he  was  their  adherent  and  ad- 
Tocate ;  but  withdrew  his  countenance  when  they  resorted 
to  terror  and  violence. 

By  his  profession  as  writer  to  the  signet  *  he  acquired 
fortune  and  eminence.  Though  distinguished  for  public 
and  private  worth  and  well  directed  talent,  his  political 
course  excluded  him  from  official  power  and  distinction, 
antil  1833,  when,  after  the  passing  of  the  Reform  Bill,  he 
was  unanimously  chosen,  at  the  age  of  seventy-four,  with- 
out any  canvass  or  solicitation  on  his  part,  at  the  first 
election  under  the  reformed  constituency.  Lord  Provost 
of  Glasgow.  His  character  is  not  without  interest  to 
the  American  people ;  for  his  son,  whose  respect  for  his 
talents  and  virtues  fell  little  short  of  admiration,  acknowl- 
edges that  it  was  liis  father's  suggestion  and  encourage- 

*  An  attorney. 


4  Mettunr  of  James  Gtahame. 

ment  which  first  turned  his  thoughts  to  writing  the  history 
of  the  United  States. 

Under  such  paternal  influences,  James  Grahame,  our 
historian,  was  early  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  liberty.  His 
mind  became  familiarized  with  its  principles  and  their  lim- 
itations. Even  in  boyhood,  his  thoughts  were  directed 
towards  that  transatlantic  people  whose  national  existence 
was  the  work  of  that  spirit,  and  whose  institutions  were 
framed  with  an  express  view  to  maintain  and  perpetuate 
it. 

His  early  education  was  domestic.  A  French  emigrant 
priest  taught  him  the  first  elements  of  learning.  He  then 
passed  through  the  regular  course  of  instruction  at  the 
Grammar  School  of  Glasgow,  and  afterwards  attended 
the  classes  at  the  University  in  that  city.  In  both  he  was 
distinguished  by  his  proficiency.  After  pursuing  a  pre- 
paratory course  in  geometry  and  algebra,  hearing  the  lec- 
tures of  Professor  Playfair,  and  reviewing  his  former  studies 
under  private  tuition,  he  entered,  about  his  twentieth  year, 
St.  John's  College,  Cambridge.  But  his  connection  with 
the  University  was  short.  In  an  excursion  during  one  of 
the  vacations,  he  formed  an  attachment  to  the  lady  whom 
he  afterwards  married ;  becoming,  in  consequence,  desirous 
of  an  early  establishment  in  life,  he  terminated  abruptly  his 
academical  connections,  and  commenced  a  course  of  pro- 
fessional study  preparatory  to  his  admission  to  the  Scottish 
bar. 

At  Cambridge  he  had  the  happiness  to  form  an  acquaint- 
ance, which  ripened  into  friendship^  with  Mr.  Herschel, 
now  known  to  the  world  as  Sir  John  F.  W.  Herschel, 
Bart.,  and  by  the  high  rank  he  sustains  among  the  as- 
tronomers of  Europe.  Concerning  this  friendship  Mr. 
Grahame  thus  writes  in  his  diary:  —  ^^\i  has  always  been 
an  ennobling  tie.  We  have  been  the  friends  of  each  other's 
souls  and  of  each  other's  virtue,  as  well  as  of  each  other's 
person  and  success.  He  was  of  St.  John's  College,  as  well 
as  I.  Many  a  day  we  passed  in  walking  together,  and  many 
a  night  in  studying  together."  Their  intimacy  continued 
unbroken  through  Mr.  Grahame's  life. 

In  June,  1812,  Mr.  Grahame  was  admitted  to  the 
Scottish  bar  as  an  advocate,  and  immediately  entered  on 


Memoir  qf  James  Grahaim*  6 

the  practice  of  his  profession.  It  seems,  however,  not  to 
have  been  suited  to  his  taste ;  for  about  this  time  he 
writes :  —  ^^  Until  now  I  have  been  my  own  master,  and 
I  now  resign  my  independence  for  a  service  I  dislike." 
His  assiduity  was,  nevertheless,  unremitted,  and  was  at- 
tended with  satisfactory  success ;  indicative,  in  the  opin- 
ion of  his  friends,  of  ultimate  professional  eminence. 

In  October,  1813,  he  married  Matilda  Robley,  of  Stoke 
Newington,  a  pupil  of  Mrs.  Barbauld  ;  who,  in  a  letter  to 
a  friend,  thus  wrote  concerning  her :  —  "  She  is  by  far 
one  of  the  most  charming  women  I  have  ever  known. 
Young,  beautiful,  amiable,  and  accomplished ;  with  a  fine 
fortune.  She  is  going  to  be  married  to  a  Mr.  Grahame, 
a  young  Scotch  barrister.  I  have  the  greatest  reluctance 
to  part  with  this  precious  treasure,  and  can  only  hope  that 
Mr.  Grahame  is  worthy  of  so  much  happiness." 

All  the  anticipations  justified  by  Mrs.  Barbauld's  exalt- 
ed estimate  of  this  lady  were  realized  by  Mr.  Grahame. 
He  found  in  this  connection  a  stimulus  and  a  reward  for  his 
professional  exertions.  '^  Love  and  ambition,"  he  writes 
to  his  friend  Herschel,  soon  after  his  marriage,  ^^  unite  to 
incite  my  industry.  My  reputation  and  success  rapidly 
increase,  and  I  see  clearly  that  only  perseverance  is  wanting 
to  possess  me  of  all  the  bar  can  afford."  And  again,  at  a 
somewhat  later  period :  —  ^'  You  can  hardly  fancy  the  de- 
light I  felt  the  other  day,  on  hearing  the  Lord  President 
declare  that  one  of  my  printed  pleadings  was  most  excel- 
lent. Yet,  although  you  were  more  ambitious  than  I  am, 
you  could  not  taste  the  full  enjoyment  of  professional 
success,  without  a  wife  to  heighten  your  pleasure,  by  sym- 
pathizing in  it." 

Soon  after  Mr.  Grahame's  marriage,  the  religious  princi- 
ple took  predominating  possession  of  his  mind.  Its  depth 
and  influence  were  early  indicated  in  his  correspondence. 
As  the  impression  had  been  sudden,  his  friends  antici- 
pated it  would  be  temporary.  But  it  proved  otherwise. 
From  the  bent  which  his  mind  now  received  it  never  af- 
terwards swerved.  His  general  religious  views  coincided 
with  those  professed  by  the  early  Puritans  and  the  Scotch ' 
Covenanters ;  but  they  were  sober,  elevated,  expansive, 
and  free  from  narrowness  and  bigotry.    Though  his  tem- 


6  Memoir  qf  James  Grahame, 

perament  was  naturally  ardent  and  excitable,  he  was  ex- 
empt from  all  tendency  to  extravagance  or  intolerance. 
His  religious  sensibilities  were  probably  quickened  by  an 
opinion,  which  the  feebleness  of  his  physical  constitution 
led  him  early  to  entertain,  that  his  life  was  destined  to 
be  of  short  duration.  In  a  letter  to  Herschel,  about  this 
period,  he  writes  :  —  "I  have  a  horror  of  deferring  labor ; 
and  also  such  fancies  or  presentiments  of  a  short  life,  that 
I  often  feel  I  cannot  afford  to  trust  fate  for  a  day.  I  know 
of  no  other  mode  of  creating  time^  if  the  expression  be 
allowable,  than  to  make  the  most  of  every  moment." 

Mr.  Grahame's  mind,  naturally  active  and  discursive, 
could  not  be  circumscribed  within  the  sphere  of  profes- 
sional avocations.  It  was  early  engaged  on  topics  of 
general  literature.  He  began,  in  1814,  to  write  for  the 
Reviews,  and  his  labors  in  this  field  indicate  a  mind 
thoughtful,  fixed,  and  comprehensive,  uniting  great  assi- 
duity in  research  with  an  invincible  spirit  of  independence. 
In  1816,  he  sharply  assailed  Malthus,  on  the  subject  of 
**  population,  poverty,  and  the  poor-laws,"  in  a  pamphlet 
which  was  well  received  by  the  public,  and  passed  through 
two  editions.  In  this  pamphlet  he  evinces  his  knowledge 
of  American  affairs  by  frequently  alluding  to  them  and  by 
quoting  from  the  works  of  Dr.  Franklin.  Mr.  Grahame 
was  one  of  the  few  to  whom  Malthus  condescended  to 
reply,  and  a  controversy  ensued  between  them  in  the 
periodical  publications  of  the  day.  In  the  year  1817,  his 
religious  prepossessions  were  manifested  in  an  animated 
"  Defence  of  the  Scottish  Presbyterians  and  Covenanters 
against  the  author  of  *  The  Tales  of ^  my  Landlord '  " ; 
these  productions  being  regarded  by  him  ^^  as  an  attempt 
to  hold  up  to  contempt  and  ridicule  those  Scotchmen,  who, 
under  a  galling  temporal  tyranny  and  spiritual  persecu- 
tion, fled  from  their  homes  and  comforts,  to  worship,  in 
the  secrecy  of  deserts  and  wastes,  their  God,  according  to 
the  dictates  of  their  conscience ;  the  genius  of  the  author 
being  thus  exerted  to  falsify  history  and  confound  moral 
distinctions." 

Mr.  Grahame  also  published,  anonymously,  several  pam- 
phlets on  topics  of  local  interest ;  '*  all,"  it  is  said,  ^^  dis- 
tinguished for  elegance  and  learning."     In  mature  life. 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  7 

when  time  and  the  habit  of  composition  had  chastened 
his  taste  and  improved  his  judgment, — his  opinions,  also,  on 
some  topics  having  changed,  —  he  was  accustomed  to  look 
back  on  these  literary  productions  with  little  compla- 
cencjy  and  the  severity  with  which  he  applied  self-criti- 
cism led  him  to  express  a  hope  that  all  memory  of  his 
early  writings  might  be  obliterated.  Although  some  of 
them,  perhaps,  are  not  favorable  specimens  of  his  ma- 
tured powers,  they  are  far  from  meriting  the  oblivion  to 
which  he  would  have  consigned  them. 

In  the  course  of  this  year  (1817),  Mr.  Grahame's  eldest 
daughter  died,  —  an  event  so  deeply  afflictive  to  him,  as 
to  induce  an  illness  which  endangered  his  life.  In  the 
year  ensuing,  he  was  subjected  to  the  severest  of  all 
bereavements  in  the  death  of  his  wife,  who  had  been  the 
object  of  his  unlimited  confidence  and  affection.  The  effect 
produced  on  Mr.  Grahame's  mind  by  this  succession  of 
afflictions  is  thus  noticed  by  his  son-in-law,  John  Stewart, 
Esq. :  —  *^  Hereafter  the  chief  characteristic  of  his  journal 
is  deep  religious  feeling  pervading  it  throughout.  It  is  full 
of  religious  meditations,  tempering  the  natural  ardor  of  his 
disposition ;  presenting  curious  and  instructive  records,  at 
the  same  time  showing  that  these  convictions  did  not  pre- 
vent him  from  mingling  as  heretofore  in  general  society.  It 
also  evidences  that  all  he  there  sees,  the  events  passing 
around  him,  the  most  ordinary  occurrences  of  his  own  life, 
are  subjected  to  another  test,  —  are  constantly  referred  to 
a  religious  standard,  and  weighed  by  Scripture  principles. 
The  severe  application  of  these  to  himself,  —  to  self-exam- 
ination, —  is  as  remarkable  as  his  charitable  application  of 
them  in  his  estimate  of  others." 

To  alleviate  the  distress  consequent  on  his  domestic 
bereavements,  Mr.  Grahame  extended  the  range  of  his 
intellectual  pursuits.  In  1819,  he  writes, —  '^  I  have 
been  for  several  weeks  engaged  in  the  study  of  Hebrew  ; 
and  having  mastered  the  first  difficulties,  the  language 
will  be  my  own  in  a  few  months.  I  am  satisfied  with 
what  I  have  done.  No  exercise  of  the  mind  is  wholly 
lost,  even  when  not  prosecuted  to  the  end  originally  con- 
templated." 

For  several  years  succeeding  the  death  of  his  wife,  his 


8  Mem&ir  of  James  Grahame. 

literary  and  professional  labors  were  mnch  obstructed  by 
precarious  health  and  depressed  spirits.  His  diary  during 
this  period  indicates  an  excited  moral  watchfulness,  and  a 
mind  agitated  by  deep  and  solemn  impressions.  Thus,  in 
April,  1821,  he  remarks :  —  "In  writing  a  law-pleading  to- 
day, I  was  struck  with  what  I  have  often  before  reflected  on, 
the  subtle  and  dangerous  temptations  that  our  profession 
presents  to  us  of  varnishing  and  disguising  the  conduct  and 
views  of  our  clients,  —  of  mending  the  natural  complexion 
of  a  case,  filling  up  its  gaps  and  rounding  its  sharp  corners.^' 
And  in  October  following:— "Why  is  it  that  the  crea- 
tures so  often  disappoint  us,  and  that  the  fruition  of 
them  is  sometimes  attended  with  satiety?  We  try  to 
make  them  more  to  us  than  God  has  fitted  them  to  be. 
Such  attempts  must  ever  be  in  vain.  We  do  not  enjoy 
them  as  the  gifts  and  refreshments  afibrded  us  by  God,  and 
in  subordination  to  his  will  and  purpose  in  giving.  If  we 
did  so,  our  use  would  be  humble,  grateful,  moderate,  and 
happy.  The  good  that  God  puts  in  them  is  bounded  ;  but 
when  that  is  drawn  off*,  their  highest  sweetness  and  best 
use  may  be  found  in  the  testimony  they  afford  of  his  ex- 
haustless  love  and  goodness."  And  again,  in  February, 
1822: — "  We  are  all  travelling  to  the  grave,  —  but  in  very 
different  attitudes ;  —  some  feasting  and  jesting,  some 
fasting  and  praying ;  some  eagerly  and  anxiously  strug- 
gling for  things  temporal,  some  humbly  seeking  things 
eternal." 

An  excursion  into  the  Low  Countries,  undertaken  for 
the  benefit  of  his  health,  in  1 823,  enabled  Mr.  Grahame  to 
gratify  his  "  strong  desire  to  become  acquainted  with  extre- 
ma  vestigia  of  the  ancient  Dutch  habits  and  manners."  In 
this  journey  he  enjoyed  the  hospitalities,  at  Lisle,  of  its  gov- 
ernor. Marshal  Cambronne,  and  formed  an  intimacy  with 
that  noble  veteran,  which,  through  the  correspondence  of 
their  sympathies  and  principles,  ripened  into  a  friendship 
that  terminated  only  with  their  respective  lives. 

About  this  period  he  was  admitted  a  fellow  of  the  Royal 
Society  of  Edinburgh,  and  soon  after  began  seriously  to 
contemplate  writing  the  hfstory  of  the  United  Sta'tes  of 
North  America.  Early  education,  religious  principle,  and 
a  native   earnestness  in  the  cause   of  civil  liberty  con- 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  9 

• 

curred  to  incline  bis  mind  to  this  undertaking.  He 
was  reared,  as  we  have  seen,  under  the  immediate 
eje  of  a  father  who  had  been  an  early  and  uniform 
advocate  of  the  principles  which  led  to  American  in^ 
dependence.  In  1810,  while  yet  but  on  the  threshold 
of  manhood,  his  admiration  of  the  illustrious  men  who 
were  distinguished  in  the  American  Revolution  was 
evinced  by  the  familiarity  with  which  he  spoke  of  their 
characters  or  quoted  from  their  writings.  The  names 
of  Washington  and  Franklin  were  ever  on  his  lips,  and 
his  chief  source  of  delight  was  in  American  history.* 
This  interest  was  intensely  increased  by  the  fact,  that  re- 
ligious views,  in  many  respects  coinciding  with  his  own, 
had  been  the  chief  moving  cause  of  one  of  the  earliest 
and  most  successful  of  the  emigrations  to  North  Amer- 
ica, and  had  exerted  a  material  effect  on  the  structure  of 
the  political  institutions  of  the  United  States.  These  unit- 
ed influences  elevated  his  feelings  to  a  state  of  enthusiasm 
on  the  subject  of  American  history,  and  led  him  to  regard 
it  as  ^*  the  noblest  in  dignity,  the  most  comprehensive  in 
utility,  and  the  most  interesting  in  progress  and  event,  of 
all  the  subjects  of  thought  and  investigation."  In  June, 
1824,  he  remarks  in  his  journal:  —  "I  h^ve  had  some 
thoughts  of  writing  the  history  of  North  America,  from  the 
period  of  its  colonization  from  Europe  till  the  Revolution 
and  the  establishment  of  the  republic.  The  subject  seems 
to  me  grand  and  noble.  It  was  not  a  thirst  of  gold  or  of 
conquest,  but  piety  and  virtue,  that  laid  the  foundation  of 
those  settlements.  The  soil  was  not  made  by  its  planters  a 
scene  of  vice  and  crime,  but  of  manly  enterprise,  patient  in- 
dustry, good  morals,  and  happiness  deserving  universal  sym- 
pathy. The  Revolution  was  not  promoted  by  infidelity,  nor 
stained  by  cruelty,  as  in  France  ;  nor  was  the  fair  cause  of  ^ 
Freedom  betrayed  and  abandoned,  as  in  both  France  and 
England.  The  share  that  religious  men  had  in  accomplish- 
ing the  American  Revolution  is  a  matter  well  deserving 
inquiry,  but  leading,  I  fear,  into  very  difficult  discussion." 
Although  his  predilections  for  the  task  were  strong,  it 
is  apparent  that  he  engaged  in  it  with  many  doubts,  and 

*  Sir  John  F.  W.  Henchel'i  Letters. 
VOL.    IX.  2 


10  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

after  frequent  misgivings.  Nor  did  he  conceal  from  himself 
the  peculiar  difficulties  of  the  undertaking.  The  elements 
of  the  proposed  history,  he  perceived,  were  scattered,  brok- 
en, and  confused ;  differently  affecting  and  affected  by 
thirteen  independent  sovereignties ;  and  chiefly  to  be  sought 
in  local  tracts  and  histories,  hard  to  be  obtained,  and 
often  little  known,  even  in  America,  beyond  the  scenes  in 
which  they  had  their  origin,  and  on  which  their  light  was 
reflected.  It  was  a  work  which  must  absorb  many  years 
of  his  life,  and  jLask  all  his  faculties.  Not  only  consider- 
ations like  these,  but  also  the  extent  of  the  outline,  and 
the  number  and  variety  of  details  embraced  in  his  de- 
sign, oppressed  and  kept  in  suspense  a  mind  naturally 
sensitive  and  self-distrustful.  Having  at  length  become 
fixed  in  his  purpose,  —  chiefly,  there  is  reason  to  be- 
lieve, through  the  predominating  influence  of  his  relig- 
ious feelings  and  views,  —  on  the  4th  of  December,  1824, 
he  writes  in  his  journal:  —  "After  long,  profound,  and 
anxious  deliberation,  and  much  preparatory  research  and 
inquiry,  I  began  the  continuous  (for  so  I  mean  it)  composi- 
tion of  the  history  of  the  United  States  of  North  America. 
This  pursuit,  whether  I  succeed  in  it  or  not,  must  ever 
attract  my  mind  by  the  powerful  consideration,  that  it  was 
first  suggested  to  me  in  conversation  with  my  father,  Mr. 
Clarkson,  and  Mr.  Dillwyn.''  And,  at  a  subsequent  date  : 
—  "  May  God  (whom  I  have  invoked  in  the  work)  bless,  di- 
rect, and  prosper  my  undertaking!  The  surest  way  to 
execute  it  well  is  to  regard  it  always  as  a  service  of  body 
and  spirit  to  God  ;  that  the  end  may  shed  its  light  on  the 
means."*  In  the  same  spirit,  he  writes  to  Mr.  Her- 
schel,  on  the  31st  of  December:  —  "For  a  consider- 
able time  I  have  been  meditating  a  great  literary  work, 
^  and,  after  much  preparatory  reading,  reflection,  and  note- 
writing,  have  at  length  begun  it.  If  I  continue  it  as  I 
hope  to  do,  it  will  absorb  much  of  my  time  and  mind  for 
many  years.  It  is  a  history  of  North  America,  —  the  most 
interesting  historical  subject,  I  think,  a  human  pen  ever 

*  A  manaicript  journal  of  the  progress  of  this  history » incladini^  the  authorities 
consulted,  was  sent  by  Mr.  Grahame,  in  the  year  1835,  to  the  President  of  Har- 
vard College,  and  was  deposited  in  the  library  of  that  institution,  to  which  it  now 
belongs.    It  if  one  of  the  docomenis  used  in  the  preparation  of  this  Memoir. 


Memoir  of  Ja»ies  Grahame.  11 

undertook.  I  have  always  thought  the  labors  of  the  his- 
toriau  the  first  in  point  of  literary  dignity  and  utility. 
History  is  every  thing.  Religion,  science,  literature,  what- 
ever men  do  or  think,  fails  within  the  scope  of  history.  I 
ardently  desire  to  make  it  a  religious  work,  and,  in  writ- 
ing, to  keep  the  chief  end  of  man  mainly  in  view.  Thus, 
I  hope,  the  nobleness  of  the  end  I  propose  may  impart 
a  dignity  to  the  means." 

The  undertaking,  once  commenced,  was  prosecuted 
with  characteristic  ardor  and  untiring  industry.  Ail 
the  time  which  professional  avocations  left  to  him  was 
devoted  to  this  his  favorite  field  of  exertion.  His  labors 
were  continued  always  until  midnight,  and  often  until 
three  or  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  he  became  im- 
patient of  every  other  occupation.  But  late  hours,  long 
sittings,  and  intense  application  soon  seriously  affected 
his  health,  and  symptoms  of  an  overstrained  constitution 
gradually  began  to  appear.  Of  this  state  of  mind,  and  of 
these  effects  of  his  labors  on  his  health,  his  letters  give  con- 
tinual evidence.  ^'  I  am  becoming  increasingly  wedded  to 
my  historical  work,  and  proportionally  averse  to  the  bar  and 
forensic  practice.  At  half  past  three  this  morning  I  desist, 
from  motives  of  prudence  (tardily  operating,  it  must  be 
confessed)  rather  than  from  weariness."  —  "  Sick  or  well, 
my  History  is  the  most  interesting  and  absorbing  employ- 
ment I  have  ever  found.     It  is  a  noble  subject."  * 

By  application  thus  active  and  incessant,  the  first  vol- 
ume of  his  work,  comprehending  the  history  of  the  set- 
tlement of  Virginia  and  New  England,  was  so  nearly  com- 
pleted early  in  the  ensuing  May,  as  to  admit  of  his  then 
opening  a  negotiation  for  its  publication.  In  a  letter 
to  Longman,  his  bookseller,  Mr.  Grahame  expresses  in 
the  strongest  terms  his  devotedness  to  the  work,  and  adds : 
—  ^^  Every  day  my  purpose  becomes  stronger  to  abandon 
every  other  pursuit,  in  order  to  devote  to  this  my  whole 
time  and  attention." 

He  now  immediately  set  about  collecting  materials  for 
his  second  volume.  Having  ascertained  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  obtain  books  in  England,  essential  to  the  success 

*  Letlen  to  Hanoheli  January  and  February,  1826. 


12  Memoir  of  James  ^  Grahame. 

of  his  historical  researches,  and  that  rich  treasures  in  the 
department  of  American  history  were  deposited  at  Gottin- 
gen,  he  immediately  transferred  his  residence  to  that  city, 
and  found  in  its  library  many  very  valuable  materials  for 
his  undertaking.  Here  he  also  met  with  Sir  William  Hamil- 
ton, whose  ^^  unwearied  labors  in  supplying  him  with  infor- 
mation on  the  subject  of  his  historical  work,  and  whose 
interest  in  its  success,"  he  gratefully  acknowledges  in  his 
letters ;  adding,  —  "  To  him  nothing  is  indifferent  that  con- 
cerns literature,  or  the  interests  of  his  friends."  During 
Mr.  Grahame's  short  residence  on  the  continent  of  Eu- 
rope, his  mother,  to  whom  he  was  tenderly  attached,  died  ; 
and  he  returned  to  England  in  the  following  September, 
1825,  under  a  heavy  depression  of  spirits.  He  resumed, 
however,  his  favorite  labors,  but,  in  consequence  of  the 
failure  of  his  health,  was  soon  obliged  to  desist. 

"  The  latter  part  of  1 825  and  the  beginning  of  1 826,"  his 
friend  Herschel  states,  "  was  passed  by  Mr.  Grahame  in 
London,  under  pressure  of  severe  and  dangerous  as  well  as 
painful  illness,  the  exhausting  and  debilitating  effects  of 
which  were  probably  never  obliterated  from  his  constitu- 
tion, and  which  made  it  necessary  for  him  to  seek  safety  in 
a  milder  climate  than  that  of  Scotland.  Thither,  however, 
be  for  a  while  returned,  but  only  to  write  in  a  strain  like 
thefollowing:—*Whiiehill,  April  24,  1826.  My  bodily 
health  is  nearly  reestablished ;  but  my  mind  is  in  a 
wretched  state  of  feebleness  and  languor,  and  indifference 
to  almost  every  thing.  My  History  is  completely  at  a 
stand.  The  last  month  has  been  the  most  disagreeable 
of  my  life.  If  I  am  not  to  undergo  some  great  change  in 
the  state  of  my  faculties,  I  do  sincerely  hope  my  life  may 
not  be  long.  My  discontent  and  uneasiness  are,  however, 
mitigated  by  the  thought,  that  our  condition  is  appointed 
by  God,  and  that  there  must  be  duties  attached  to  it,  and 
some  degree  of  happiness  connected  with  the  performance 
of  those  duties.  Surely,  the  highest  duty  and  happiness  of  a 
created  being  must  arise  from  a  willing  subservience  to  the 
designs  of  the  Creator.' " 

Being  apprized  by  his  physicians  that  a  residence  in 
Scotland  during  the  coming  winter  would  probably  prove 
fatal  to  him,  he  transferred  bis  residence  to  the  South  of 


Memoir  of  James  Qtakaime.  13 

England,  and,  thenceforth  abandoning  his  profession  of 
advocate,  devoted  himself  exclusively  to  the  completion  of 
bis  historical  work,  as  appears  by  the  following  entry  in 
his  diary  :  —  "  March,  1826.  Edinburgh.  I  am  now  pre* 
paring  to  strike  my  tent,  that  is,  dissolve  my  household  and 
depart  for  ever  from  this  place ;  my  physicians  requiring 
me  not  to  pass  another  winter  in  the  climate  of  Scotland. 
1  quit  my  profession  without  regret,  having  little  liked  and 
greatly  neglected  it  ever  since  I  undertook  the  history  of 
America,  to  which  I  shall  be  glad  to  devote  uninterrupted* 
ly  all  my  energies,  as  soon  as  I  succeed  in  re-collecting 
them." 

His  journal  bears  continued  testimony  to  the  deep  inter* 
est  he  took  in  every  thing  American,  and  the  philosophic 
views  which  he  applied  to  the  condition  and  duties  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  —  "  American  writers  are  too 
apt  to  accept  the  challenge  of  Europeans  to  competitions 
quite  unsuitable  to  their  country.  Themistocles  neither 
envied  nor  emulated  the  boast  of  the  flute-player,  to  whose 
challenge  he  answered  :  ^  I  cannot,  indeed,  play  the  flute 
like  you  ;  but  I  can  transform  a  small  village  into  a  great 
city.'  From  evils  of  which  America  is  happily  ignorant 
there  arise  some  partially  compensating  advantages,  which 
she  may  very  well  dispense  with.  Titular  nobility  and 
standing  armies,  for  example,  develope  politeness  and  hon- 
or (not  honor  of  the  purest  and  noblest  kind)  among  a 
few,  at  the  expense  of  depraving  and  depressing  vast  mul- 
titudes. Great  inequalities  of  wealth,  the  bondage  of 
the  lower  classes,  have  adorned  European  realms  with 
splendid  castles  and  cathedrals,  at  the  expense  of  lodg- 
ing the  mass  of  society  in  garrets  and  hovels.  If  Amer- 
ican writers  should  succeed  in  persuading  their  countrymen 
to  study  and  assert  equality  with  Europeans,  in  4j*3matic 
entertainments,  in  smooth  polish  of  manners,  and  in  those 
arts  which  profess  to  enable  men  to  live  idly  and  uselessly, 
without  wearying,  they  will  form  a  taste  inconsistent  with 
just  discernment  and  appreciation  of  their  political  institu- 
tions. Vespasian  destroyed  the  palace  of  Nero,  as  a  mon- 
ument of  luxury  and  pernicious  to  morals.  The  absence 
of  such  palaces  as  Trianon  and  Marly  may  well  be  com- 
pensated by  exemption  from  such  tyranny  as  the  revo- 


14  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

cation  of  the  edict  of- Nantes,  which  was  coeval  with  their 
erection." 

Of  Mrs.  Trollope's  "  Domestic  Manners  of  the  Amer- 
icans," and  her  depreciating  view  of  "  the  society  which 
he  regarded  with  love,  admiration,  and  hope,"  he  thus 
writes  in  a  subsequent  page  of  his  journal :  —  "  What 
is  truth  ?  Is  it  not  as  much  in  the  position  of  the  observ- 
er as  in  the  condition  of  the  observed  ?  Mrs.  TroUope 
seems  to  me  full-fraught  with  the  most  pitiful  vtilgarities 
of  aristocratical  ignorance  and  pretension;  and  these 
would  naturally  invite  the  shock  of  what  she  seems  to 
have  met  with  in  the  antipathy  of  democratic  insolence 
and  coarseness ;  —  she  is  Basil  Hall  in  petticoats.  Think 
of  such  a  brace  of  pragmatical  pretenders  and  adventurers 
as  he  and  she,  sitting  in  judgment  on  America!  " 

It  is  impossible  not  to  remark  the  delight  his  mind 
took  in  any  associations  connected  with  America.  ^^  At  the 
printing-office  of  Messrs.  Strahan  and  Spottiswoode,"  he 
writes,  "  I  corrected  a  proof-sheet  of  my  History  of  North 
America,  sitting  within  the  walls  of  that  establishment 
where  Franklin  once  was  a  workman.^^  Again,  at  Kensing- 
ton : —  "I  delight  to  stroll  amid  the  sombre  grandeur  of 
these  gardens.  The  lofty  height  and  deep  shade  of  these 
magnificent  trees  inspire  a  pleasing,  solemn,  half-melan- 
choly gloom.  Here  Penn  and  Addison  walked.  Here 
Rousseau,  when  in  England,  was  wont  to  sit  and  muse. 
Sometimes,  in  spirit,  I  meet  their  spirits  here." 

The  first  two  volumes  of  his  work,  bringing  the  narra- 
tive down  to  the  period  of  the  English  Revolution,  being 
at  length  completed,  were  in  February,  1827,  published. 
But  Mr.  Grahame  was  now  destined  to  sustain  a  severe 
disappointment.  His  History  was  received  with  little  inter- 
est by  the  British  public,  and  by  all  the  greater  Reviews 
with  neglect.  The  Edinburgh,  the  Quarterly,  and  the 
Foreign  Quarterly  maintained  towards  it  an  ominous  si- 
lence. Some  of  the  minor  Reviews,  indeed,  noticed  it 
with  qualified  approbation.  For  Englishmen  the  colonial 
history  of  the  United  States  had  but  few  attractions ; 
and  the  spirit  in  which  Mr.  Grahame  had  treated  the  sub- 
ject was  not  calculated  to  gratify  their  national  pride.  He 
was  thought  to  have  ^^  drunk  too  deep  of  the  spirit  of  the 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  16 

Puritans  "  ;  it  was  said  that  his  ^^  hatred  of  tyranny  had 
terminated  in  aversion  to  monarchy,"  —  that  towards 
the  church  of  England  ^^  his  feelings  were  fanatical,"  to- 
wards the  church  of  Rome  ^^  illiberal  and  intolerant." 

Conscious  of  the  labor  he  had  bestowed  upon  it,  and  of 
the  fidelity  with  which  it  was  executed,  Mr.  Grahame  was 
not  disheartened  by  the  chilling  reception  his  work  met 
with  froln  the  British  public,  nor  deterred  from  pursuing 
his  original  design;  the  conviction  predominating  in  his 
mind,  that  sooner  or  later  it  would  conciliate  public  esteem. 
Accordingly,  in  the  autumn  of  the  sam^  year  in  which 
his  first  two  volumes  were  published,  he  not  only  com- 
menced their  revision,  but  began  an  extension  of  his 
History  to  the  period  of  the  declaration  of  American  in- 
dependence. His  interest  in  his  subject  evidently  increas- 
ed. "American  history,"  he  writes,  "is  my  favorite 
field."  —  "  I  am  averse  to  all  other  occupation."  —  "I  am 
pleased  to  gather  from  any  quarter  wherewith  to  decorate 
my  beloved  North  America."  —  "  God  bless  the  people  and 
institutions  of  North  America !  So  prays  their  warm  friend, 
and  obscure,  but  industrious,  historian." 

About  this  time,  through  the  kindness  of  James  Chal- 
mers, nephew  of  the  late  George  Chalmers,  he  obtained 
admission  to  the  library  of  that  distinguished  American 
annalist.  The  treasures  there  opened  to  him  rekindled  his 
zeal,  and  he  renewed  his  historical  labors  with  an  intense 
assiduity,  ill  comporting  with  the  critical  state  of  his  health. 
Apprehending  a  fatal  termination  of  his  disease,  his  medi- 
cal advisers  urged  him  to  pass  the  ensuing  winter  at  the 
island  of  Madeira  ;  and  thither  his  friend  Herschel, 
through  anxiety  for  his  life,  offered  to  accompany  him: 
But  no  consideration  could  induce  him  to  leave  England, 
where  alone  the  researches  which  occupied  his  mind  could 
be  pursued  with  advantage ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  avail- 
ing himself  of  the  books  on  American  history  which  Lon- 
don afforded,  he  established  himself  in  its  vicinity. 

In  May,  1828,  Mr.  Grahame  visited  Paris,  accompanied 
by  his  father,  who  introduced  him  to  La  Fayette.  "  I 
was  received,"  he  writes,  "  by  this  venerable  and  illustrious 
man  with  the  greatest  kindness.  His  face  expresses 
grave,  mild,  peaceful  worth,  the  calm  consciousness  and 


1 6  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

serene  satisfaction  of  virtue.  I  was  charmed  with  his  dig- 
nified simplicity,  his  mild  but  generous  benevolence,  and 
the  easy,  gentle,  superior  sense  and  virtue  of  his  think- 
ing." From  Paris,  Mr.  Grahame  travelled  with  his  father 
along  the  banks  of  the  Loire,  visited  Nantes,  renewed  his 
acquaintance  with  Marshal  and  Madame  Cambronne,  and 
spent  some* days  in  their  family.  "The  modest,  simple, 
chivalrous  character  of  Marshal  Cambronne,"  says  Mr. 
Stewart, "  attracted  Mr.  Grahame's  esteem  and  admiration, 
and  strengthened  those  ties  of  mutual  interest  and  attach- 
ment which  their  former  intercourse  had  originated." 

Returning  to  the  neighbourhood  of  London  in  June 
following,  his  health  recruited  by  his  excursion,  he  im- 
mediately resumed,  with  characteristic  ardor,  his  favor- 
ite historical  pursuits.  At  this  time  the  Catholic  emanci- 
Kation  question  strongly  agitated  the  British  nation,  and 
Ir.  Grahame's  ardent  love  of  liberty  and  religious  tolera- 
tion excited  in  him  a  keen  interest  in  the  success  of  this 
measure.  Having  found  the  climate  of  Nantes  adapted 
to  his  constitution,  and  enabling  him,  as  he  expressed  him- 
self, "  to  labor  night  and  day  at  his  historical  work," 
he  returned  to  that  city  in  October,  of  the  same  year,  and 
fixed  his  residence  there  during  the  ensuing  winter  and 
spring. 

In  May,  1829,  on  his  homeward  journey,  he  passed 
through  Paris,  again  visited  La  Fayette,  and  saw  him  in 
the  midst  of  his  family,  "  surrounded,"  he  writes,  "  by  a 
troop  of  friends,  some  of  distinguished  character  and  as- 
pect, and  all  regarding  him  with  respect  and  admiration. 
Thus  serene  is  the  evening  of  his  troubled  but  glorious 
life."  Mr.  Grahame  adds  :  —  "I  had  the  honor  and  happi- 
ness of  long  and  most  interesting  conversations  with  him, 
respecting  the  origin  and  commencement  of  his  connection 
with  the  American  cause.  Nothing  could  be  more  friend- 
ly, kind,  or  benevolent  than  his  manners ;  nothing  more 
instructive,  entertaining,  or  interesting  than  the  conversa- 
tion he  bestowed  upon  me.  How  mild,  wise,  and  good  La 
Fayette  is !  Mr.  Clarkson  described  him  to  me  as  a  man 
who  desires  the  happiness  of  the  human  race^  in  consistence 
with  strict  subservience  to  the  cause  of  truth  and  the  honor 
of  God.     I  deem  this  a  very  honorable  diploma.     In  the 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  17 

company  of  La  Fayette,  I  feel  an  elevation  of  spirit  and 
expansion  of  heart.  What  a  roll  of  great  deeds,  heroic 
virtues,  and  interesting  scenes  is  engraven  on  the  lines  of 
the  venerable  face  of  the  prisoner  of  Olmutz !  " 

From  this  and  other  conversations  Mr.  Grahame  ac- 
knowledges that  he  derived  the  materials  for  various  pas- 
sages in  the  text  and  notes  of  the  fourth  volume  of  his 
history  of  North  America.  This  work  he  finished  in  De«- 
cember,  1829.  The  intense  labor  which  he  had  applied 
to  its  completion  brought  on  a  severe  nervous  fever,  which 
for  a  short  time  threatened  a  fatal  result. 

In  April,  1880,  Mr.  Grahame  was  married,  at  Nantes,  to 
Jane  A.  Wilson,  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Wilson,  the  Prot- 
estant pastor  of  that  city.  Concerning  this  connection,  John 
Stewart,  Esq.,  his  son-in-law,  thus  writes  :  —  "  From  this 
period  till  his  death,  Mr.  Grahame's  home  was  at  Nantes ; 
and  in  the  society  of  his  pious,  amiable,  and  accomplished 
wife,  and  under  her  tender  and  vigilant  care,  Mr.  Grahame 
enjoyed  a  degree  of  tranquil  happiness  and  renewed 
health  to  which  he  had  been  long  a  stranger;  —  inter- 
rupted only,  at  times,  by  his  tendency  to  excessive  literary 
exertion ;  but  at  a  later  period  more  seriously  and  perma- 
nently, by  the  dangerous,  lingering,  and  almost  hopeless 
illness  of  his  daughter.  Between  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Grahame 
existed  the  most  devoted  attachment,  based  upon  a  complete 
appreciation  of  and  profound  esteem  for  each  other's  quali- 
ties and  principles.  They  were  both  interesting,  even  in 
appearance;  tall  and  well  proportioned;  —  their  features 
bearing  the  impress  of  a  happy  seriousness,  while  their 
demeanour  evinced  that  peculiarly  attractive  stamp  of 
real  gentility  which  Christian  principles  add  to  natural 
good-breeding." 

Aft^r  his  marriage,  Mr.  Grahame  resided  for  several  years 
at  L'Eperonni^re,  an  ancient  chateau  in  the  environs  of 
Nantes ;  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Wilson,  the  aged  parents  of  his 
wife,  being  inmates  of  his  family.  ^'  Through  their  long 
standing  connections,"  continues  Mr.  Stewart,  "  Mr.  Gra- 
hame found  himself  at  once  in  the  best  French  society  of 
Nantes.  There  the  worth  of  his  character  soon  made 
itself  respected.  The  interest  he  took  in  every  thing  af- 
fecting the  welfare  of  the  city  (to  which,  if  necessary,  he 

VOL.    IX.  3  ^ 


18  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

was  accustomed  liberally  to  subscribe),  the  urbanity  of 
his  demeanour  in  his  intercourse  with  individuals,  united 
with  the  generosity  of  his  disposition,  soon  caused  him  to 
be  regarded  more  in  the  light  of  a  fellow-citizen  than  as 
a  stranger ;  and  in  process  of  time  all  such  local  distinc- 
tions as  his  numerous  friends  could  bestow  upon  him,  or 
induce  him  to  accept,  were  conferred  on  him.  The  influ- 
ence he  thus  acquired  was  chiefly  and  successfully  exerted 
in  the  support  of  the  small  but  increasing  church  profess- 
ing the  Protestant  faith  at  Nantes.  To  several  French- 
men residing  at  Nantes  Mr.  Grahame  became  warmly 
attached ;  but  though  his  spirit  of  general  benevolence  led 
him  to  take  a  warm  interest  in  those  among  whom  he 
lived,  and  notwithstanding  he  saw  much  among  the 
French  to  admire  and  respect,  yet  the  character  of  his 
mind  and  habits,  staid,  serious,  and  retired,  did  not  permit 
his  feelings  towards  that  country  to  approach  to  any 
thing  like  the  warmth  of  his  afiection  and  admiration  for 
either  America  or  England." 

Although  Mr.  Grahame  had  finished  writing  his  History 
in  December,  1829,  he  was  far  from  regarding  it  as  ready 
for  the  press.  He  had  attributed  the  ill  success  of  his 
first  two  volumes  to  the  haste  with  which  they  had  been 
published ;  he  therefore  resolved  to  devote  several  years 
to  the  revision  of  the  entire  work,  and  often  expressed  a 
doubt  of  its  publication  in  his  life-time. 

Nearly  four  years  had  elapsed,  and  the  silence  of  the  Eu- 
ropean public  concerning  Mr.  Grahame's  volumes  had  not 
been  broken  by  any  voice  from  this  side  of  the  Atlantic. 
The  high  price  of  the  English  edition  rendered  its  general 
^ circulation  in  this  country  hopeless;  and  American  editors 
were  yet  to  learn  that  it  was  possible  for  a  foreigner  and  a 
Briton  to  treat  the  early  history  of  the  United  States  with 
fairness  and  impartiality.  The  knowledge  of  its  nature  and 
true  value  was  confined  to  a  few  individuals.  At  length,  in 
January,  1831,  a  just  and  discriminating  critical  notice 
of  the  work  appeared  in  the  North  American  Review. 
After  expressing  regret  at  the  neglect  with  which  it  had 
hitherto  been  treated  in  America,  and  pointing  out  the 
causes  of  the  little  interest  it  had  excited  in  this  country, 
the  reviewer  proceeds  to  do  justice  to  the  independent 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  19 

spirit  of  the  author ;  to  his  freedom  from  prejudice  ;  to 
^^  the  happy  discrimination  he  had  manifested  on  the  so- 
lution of  the  leading  principles  that  led  to  the  coloniza- 
tion of  the  several  States,  and  the  able  exposition  of  the 
results  which  followed  '' ;  and  to  his  having  *'  corrected  with 
proper  boldness  the  mistakes,  whether  of  ignorance  or 
malignity,  which  his  predecessors  in  the  same  labors  had 
committed."  The  reviewer  adds,  "Mr.  Grahame,  with 
a  spirit  able  to  appreciate  the  value  of  his  subject,  has 
published  what  we  conceive  the  best  book  that  has  any- 
where appeared  upon  the  early  history  of  the  United 
States.  He  has  not  invariably  avoided  errors,  but  has 
coped  very  successfully  with  the  disadvantages  of  his  sit- 
uation." This  is  believed  to  be  the  first  time  Mr.  Gra- 
hame's  History  had  been  made,  either  in  America  or 
Europe,  the  special  subject  of  notice  in  any  leading  Re- 
view. 

This  high  commendation  of  the  two  volumes  then  pub- 
lished appears  by  his  journal  to  have  been  "  very  gratify- 
ing "  to  Mr.  Grahame,  and  to  have  encouraged  him  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  revision  and  preparation  of  his  extended 
work.  While,  under  this  new  incitement,  he  was  assidu- 
ously employed  in  reexamining  the  details  of  his  History, 
and  exerting  himself  to  render  it  as  accurate  as  possible,  he 
was  interrupted  by  events  which  filled  his  domestic  circle 
with  grief  and  anxiety.  In  May,  1833,  the  death  of  Mrs. 
Wilson,  his  wife's  mother,  for  whom  he  entertained  an  af- 
fection truly  filial,  was  immediately  followed  by  the  danger- 
ous illness  of  his  only  daughter.  Her  physicians,  both  in 
France  and  England,  having  declared  that  her  life  depended 
upon  a  change  of  climate,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Grahame  immedi- 
ately accompanied  her  to  Madeira ;  whence,  after  a  resi- 
dence of  nine  months,  they  returned,  her  restoration  being 
now  deemed  hopeless.  She  eventually  recovered,  however, 
in  a  manner  "  incomprehensible  and  unparalleled  in  medical 
experience,"  and  ultimately  attained  a  state  of  fair  and  per- 
manent health,  to  which  the  assiduous  attention  of  her  ex- 
cellent mother-in-law  greatly  contributed. 

On  his  return  from  Madeira,  Mr.  Grahame  first  heard 
of  the  death  of  La  Fayette,  to  whose  memory  he  pays 
the  following  tribute   in   his  diary :  -;-  "  La  Fayette  is 


20  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

dead !  This  ^  sun  of  glory '  is  blotted  from  the  political 
firmament,  which  he  has  so  long  adorned.  Every  hon^ 
est  and  generous  breast  must  ^feel  the  sigh  sincere' 
for  the  loss  of  this  great  man,  —  the  extinction  of  an 
effulgence  of  honor,  virtue,  and  wisdom  so  benignly 
bright.  Fully  and  beautifully  did  he  exemplify  the 
words  of  Wolsey :  *  Love  thyself  last,'  and  *  Corruption 
wins  not  more  than  honesty.'  He  drew  his  last  breath, 
and  ceased  to  be  a  part  (how  honored,  how  admirable 
a  part !)  of  human  nature,  at  an  early  hour  on  the  twen- 
tieth of  this  month  [May],  at  the  age  of  nearly  seventy- 
seven.  Pity  that  his  last  days  must  have  been  embittered 
by  the  existing  dissensions  in  his  beloved  America !  Of 
the  human  beings  I  have  known,  and  knowing  have  re- 
irded  with  unmingled  veneration,  there  exist  now  only 
[r.  Clarkson  and  my  father.  It  seems  strange  to  me  that 
La  Fayette  should  be  no  more,  —  that  such  an  illustrious 
ornament  of  human  nature  should  disappear,  and  yet  the 
world  continue  so  like  what  it  was  before.  Yet  the 
words  ^  La  Fayette  is  dead  '  will  cause  a  keen  sensation 
to  vibrate  through  every  scene  of  moral  and  intellectual 
being  on  earth.  A  thousand  deep  thoughts  and  earnest 
remembrances  will  awaken  at  that  name,  over  which  ages 
of  renown  had  gathered,  while  yet  its  owner  lived  and 
moved  and  had  his  being  among  us.  France,  in  losing 
this  man,  seems  to  me  to  have  lost  the  brightest  jewel  in 
her  national  diadem,  and  to  have  suffered  an  eclipse  of 
interest  and  glory." 

During  his  residence  in  Madeira,  Mr.  Grahame  contin- 
oed  the  revision  of  his  History,  and  on  his  return,  after 
devoting  another  year  to  the  same  object,  he  took  up  his 
residence  in  London  for  the  purpose  of  superintending  its 
publication.  Here,  again,  his  anxiety  and  unremitting  in- 
dustry induced  a  dangerous  illness.  His  restoration  to 
health  he  attributed  to  the  assiduous  care  of  two  of  his 
friends,  Mrs.  Reid  and  Dr.  Boott.  The  former  took  him 
from  his  hotel  to  her  own  house,  and  thus  secured  for  him 
retirement,  quiet,  and  her  undivided  attention.  '^From 
her,"  he  says,  *'  I  have  received  the  most  comfortable  and 
elegant  hospitality,  the  kindest  and  most  assiduous  care  and 
conversation,    seas9ned  with   genius,  piety,  and  benevo- 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  21 

lence,  and  the  finest  accomplishments  of  education."  Con- 
cerning  Dr.  Boott,  who  is  a  native  of  Boston,  Massacha* 
setts,  established  as  a  physician  in  London,  Mr.  Grahame 
thus  writes  in  his  diary:  — **  His  knowledge  is  great; 
his  abilities  excellent ;  his  flow  of  thought  incessant ;  his 
heart  and  dispositions  admirable.  He  insists  that  his  vaU 
uabie  attendance  upon  me  be  accepted  as  friendly,  and 
not  remunerated  as  professional,  service.  In  this  man^ 
America  has  sent  me  one  of  her  noblest  sons,  to  save  the 
life  o£  her  historian." 

After  an  interruption  of  six  weeks,  Mr.  Grahame  re- 
sumed the  revision  of  the  proof-sheets  of  his  work ;  and, 
having  finished  this  labor,  returned  to  his  family,  at  Nantes, 
in  December.  In  the  ensuing  January  (1836),  his  History 
was  published. 

Eleven  years  had  now  elapsed  since  Mr.  Grahame  had 
commenced  writing  the  history  of  the  United  States. 
More  earnest  and  assiduous  research  had  seldom  been 
exerted  by  any  historian.  His  interest  in  the  subject  was 
intense.  His  talents  were  unquestionable.  There  was  no 
carelessness  in  the  execution,  no  haste  in  the  publication. 
A  Briton,  highly  educated,  universally  respected,  of  a 
moral  and  religious  character  which  gave  the  stamp  of 
authenticity  to  his  statements  and  opinions,  had  devoted 
the  best  years  of  his  life  to  the  task  of  introducing  bis 
countrymen  and  the  world  to  an  acquaintance  with  the 
early  fortunes  of  a  people  who  had  risen  with  unparal* 
leled  rapidity  to  a  high  rank  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth ;  yet  a  second  time  his  work  was  received  with  neg-* 
lect  by  those  literary  Reviews  in  Great  Britain  which 
chiefly  guide  the  taste  of  the  public,  and  distribute  the  re- 
wards and  honors  of  literary  industry.  Although  highly 
wrought,  elevated  in  sentiment,  generous  and  noble  in  its 
design,  all  its  views  and  influences  made  subservient  to 
the  cause  of  pure  morals  and  practical*  piety,  yet,  as  has 
been  already  observed,  it  was  obviously  not  adapted  to 
conciliate  either  the  prejudices,  the  interests,  or  the  feel- 
ings of  the  British  public.  It  could  not  well  be  expected, 
that,  under  an  Episcopal  hierarchy,  whose  Roman  Cath* 
olio  origin  and  tendencies  are  manifest,  a  history  of  suc- 
cessful Puritanism  would  be  acceptable.     It  could  not  be 


22  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

hoped,  that,  in  a  nation  which  had  risen  to  the  height  of 
civilization  and  power  under  a  monarchy  based  on  an 
aristocracy,  a  work  illustrative  and  laudatory  of  institu- 
tions strictly  republican  would  be  countenanced,  —  much 
more,  generally  patronized.  Mr.  Grabame  had,  moreover, 
not  only  imbibed  the  political  principles  of  the  Puritans, 
but  had  caught  much  of  their  devotional  spirit.  Hence 
his  language,  at  times,  is  ill  suited  to  the  genius  of  an 
age  which  does  not  regard  religion  as  the  great  business 
of  life,  nor  the  extension  of  its  influences  as  one  of  the 
appropriate  objects  of  history.  Owing  to  these  causes, 
his  work  received  little  encouragement  in  Europe,  and 
the  knowledge  of  its  claims  to  respect  and  attention  was 
limited.  Nor  were  these  consequences  confined  to  Great 
Britain.  American  readers  commonly  rely  on  the  lead- 
ing Reviews  of  that  country  for  notices  of  meritorious 
productions  of  Englishmen,  and  are  not  apt  to  make 
research  after  those  which  they  neglect  or  depreciate. 
As  Mr.  Grahame  belonged  to  no  political  or  literary  party 
or  circle,  be  was  without  aid  from  that  personal  interest 
and  zeal  which  often  confer  an  adventitious  popularity. 
He  trusted  the  success  of  his  work  wholly  to  its  own 
merits,  and,  when  disappointed  a  second  time,  neither 
complained  nor  was  discouraged,  —  supported,  as  before, 
by  a  consciousness  of  his  ^ithful  endeavours,  and  by 
a  firm  belief  in  their  ultimate  success.  He  had  assumed 
the  whole  pecuniary  risk  of  his  extended  publication,  in 
four  volumes  octaVo,  which  resulted  in  a  loss  of  one  thou- 
sand pounds  sterling,  —  and  that,  at  a  time,  as  he  states, 
when  it  was  not  easy  for  him  to  sustain  it.  Taking  no 
counsel  of  despondency,  however,  he  immediately  began 
to  prepare  for  a  second  edition  of  his  entire  work,  and  de- 
voted to  it,  during  the  remaining  years  of  his  life,  all  the 
time  and  strength  which  a  constitutional  organic  disease 
permitted. 

Hitherto,  Mr.  Grahame's  interest  in  America  had  been 
derived  from  the  study  of  her  history  and  institutions ;  but 
in  1837  he  formed  an  acquaintance  with  a  few  distinguish- 
ed Americans,  and  received  from  them  the  respect  due  to 
his  historical  labors.  Among  these  was  Robert  Walsh,  Esq., 
who,  after  a  brilliant  and  effective  literary  career  in  this 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  23 

country,  had  transferred  his  residence  to  Paris ;  by  him 
Mr.  Grahame  was  introduced  to  Washington  Irving.  Both 
these  eminent  Americans  united  in  urging  him  to  write 
the  history  of  the  American  Revolution ;  Mr.  Walsh  of- 
fering to  procure  for  him  materials,  and  a  sufficient  guar- 
anty against  pecuniary  loss. 

Under  this  influence,  he  now  entered  upon  a  course 
of  reading  embracing  that  period  of  American  history ; 
but,  as  may  be  gathered  from  the  general  tenor  of  bis 
subsequent  remarks  and  the  result,  more  from  curiosity 
and  interest  in  the  subject  than  from  any  settled  pur- 
pose of  writing  upon  it  ;  for  early  in  August  of  this 
year  (1837),  he  observes  in  his  diary:  —  "Mr.  Walsh, 
in  his  letters  to  me,  renews  his  urgency  that  I  should 
write  the  history  of  the  Revolutionary  War.  But  I  think 
1  have  done  enough  as  a  historian,  and  that  a  prudent 
regard  to  my  own  reputation  bids  me  rather  enforce  my 
title  than  enlarge  my  claim  to  public  attention."  And 
about  the  same  time  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Walsh :  —  "I  can- 
not agree  with  you  in  thinking  that  our  beloved  America 
will  regard  with  equal  complacency  a  historic  garland  at- 
tached to  her  brows  by  foreign  hands,  and  one  in  which 
a  son  of  her  own  blends  his  own  renown  with  hers." 
Yet,  from  a  letter  to  the  same  gentleman  in  September 
following,  it  is  evident  that  Mr.  Grahame  entertained 
a  strong  predilection  for  the  design ;  for  he  thus  writes  :  — 
"  The  more  I  pursue  my  present  American  studies,  the 
more  I  am  struck  with  a  pleasing  astonishment.  The 
account  of  the  formation  of  the  federal  constitution  of 
North  America  inspires  me  with  delight  and  admiration. 
I  knew  but  the  outline  of  the  scene  before.  Now,  I  find 
that  the  more  its  details  are  examined,  the  more  honorable 
and  interesting  it  proves.  Truly  does  it  deserve  to  be 
termed  the  greatest  scene  of  human  glory  that  ever  ad- 
orned the  tide  of  human  time.  I  wish,  that,  ere  my  health 
and  spirit  hajd  been  broken,  I  had  ventured  to  be  the  his- 
torian of  that  scene.  But  surely  the  country,  the  magna 
mater  virum^  that  has  produced  such  actors  and  such 
deeds,  is  herself  destined  to  aflbrd  their  fittest  historian." 
In  a  similar  strain  he  writes  in  his  journal,  under  the  same 
date  :  —  "  The    account   (by   Pitkin  and  others) ,  which 


24  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

I  am  reading,  of  the  formation  of  the  federal  constitution 
of  North  America,  after  the  achievement  of  her  national 
independence,  fills  me  with  astonishment  and  admiration. 
It  would  make  me  glad  to  be  convinced  that  the  present 
people  of  America  and  their  leaders  are  altogether  such  as 
were  the  Americans  of  those  days.  Far  more  was  gained 
to  America  (and  through  her,  I  hope,  eventually  to  the 
whole  world)  by  the  wisdom,  virtue,  and  moderation  ex- 
hibited by  her  children  after  the  War  of  Independence, 
than  by  the  valor  that  brought  that  war  to  its  happy  close. 
Such  a  scene  the  history  of  no  other  counti*y  ever  exhib- 
ited. I  wish  I  had  been  its  historian.  But  a  fit  historian 
will  surely  arise  one  day." 

Botta,  who  had  written  the  history  of  the  American 
Revolution,  died  about  this  time  in  Paris.  Mr.  Grahame^s 
feelings  were  deeply  moved  by  the  event.  '*  I  hope,"  he 
wrote  in  his  diary,  "that  the  Americans  at  Paris  attended 
his  funeral.  Though  only  in  heart  an  American,  I  would  have 
desired  leave  to  attend,  had  1  been  there."  And  in  a  let- 
ter to  Mr.  Walsh,  he  remarks :  —  "I  hope  some  memoir 
of  Botta  will  appear.  It  should  gratify  Americans  to  learn, 
that,  on  his  death- bed,  he  related  (it  was  to  myself),  that 
his  son,  in  some  distant  part  of  the  world,  received  civili- 
ties from  the  officers  and  crew  of  an  American  vessel, 
who  instantly  recognized  as  a  friend  the  son  of  the  histo- 
rian of  their  country,  —  adding,  *  That  was  a  rich  reward 
of  my  labors.'  When  I  told  him  that  Jefferson  had  ex- 
pressed admiration  of  his  work,  he  squeezed  my  hand  and 
testified  much  delight.  And  when  I  told  him  that  both 
Jefferson  and  John  Adams  condemned  his  speeches  as  ficti- 
tious, he  smiled  and  answered  with  naivete^  ^  They  are  not 
wholly  invented.' " 

Mr.  Walsh  having,  in  conversation,  expressed  to  Mr. 
Grahame  his  surprise  at  the  partiality  he  evinced  for  his 
country  and  countrymen,  he  replied, —  "As  Hannibal 
was  taught  by  his  father  to  hate  the  Romans,  so  was 
I  trained  by  mine  to  love  the  Americans."  And  in=  writ- 
ing to  that  gentleman  in  October,  1837,  he  remarks,  in  the 
same  spirit,  —  "I  regret  when  I  see  the  defence  of  America 
conducted  with  ret^rimination  against  Great  Britain.  But 
I  must  confess  that  my  own  indignation  at  the  conduct 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  .  25 

and  language  of  some  of  mj  countrjmen  towards  Amer- 
ica is  at  times  uncontrollable.  I  wish  that  Americans 
could  regard  these  follies  with  indulgence,  or  magnani- 
mous (perhaps  disdainful)  indifference.  For  my  part,  I 
can  truly  say,  that  my  daughter  is  hardly  dearer  to  me 
than  America  and  American  renown." 

His  admiration  of  the  character  of  Washington  is  thus 
expressed  in  his  journal,  under  the  date  of  September, 
1837:  — "O,  what  a  piece  of  work  of  divine  handi- 
craft was  Washington !  What  a  grace  to  his  nation,  his 
age,  and  to  human  nature  was  he !  I  know  of  no  other 
military  and  political  chief  who  has  so  well  supported  the 
character  delineated  in  these  lines  of  Horace :  — 

*  Jostum  ac  tenacem  propositi  virum 
Nod  ciyium  ardor  prava  jabentiuni; 
Non  vultui  instantis  tvranni, 
Mente  quatit  solids  / 

With  the  same  feeling  that  tempted  the  clergyman,  who 
read  the  funeral  service  over  the  body  of  John  Wesley, 
to  substitute,  for  the  formula,  '  our  dear  brother  here  de- 
parted,' the  words,  *  our  dear  father  here  departed,'  I  am 
inclined  to  regard  Washington  rather  as  a  father  than  a 
brother  of  his  fellow-men.  What  a  master,  what  a  pupil, 
were  Washington  and  La  Fayette  !  One  day,  when  I  was 
sitting  with  La  Fayette,  he  said  to  me,  ^  I  was  always  a 
Republican,  and  Washington  was  always  my  model  and 
my  master.'  "  During  the  same  month,  he  wrote  to  Mr. 
Walsh :  —  "  Washington  impresses  me  with  so  much  vene- 
ration, that  I  have  become  more  than  ever  anxious  to  know 
what  really  was  the  state  and  complexion  of  his  religious 
opinions";  and  recurring,  in  a  subsequent  letter,  to  the 
same  topic,  he  remarks :  —  'M  find  McGuire^s  ^  Religious 
Opinions  and  Character  of  Washington'  heavy,  tiresome, 
aod,  in  genera],  unsatisfactory.  But  last  night  I  reached 
a  passage  which  gave  me  lively  delight ;  for  now  I  can  look 
on  Washington  as  a  Christian." 

Until  near  the  close  of  this  year,  Mr.  Grahame  continued 
to  pursue  his  researches  on  the  subject  of  the  American 
Revolution,  although  laboring  under  a  constant  depression 
of  health  and  spirits,  and  a  prevailing  apprehension  that 
his  life  would  be  short,  and  that  his  constitutional  disor- 
ders were  symptomatic  of  sudden  death.   But  in  December, 

VOL.    IX.  4 


26  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

ISS?,  his  physicians  prohibited  him  from  ^^  writing  or  read- 
ing for  some  months,  on  any  subject  likely  to  provoke 
much  thinking  '^ ;  and  on  the  19th  of  this  month,  he  wrote 
to  Mr.  Walsh,  that  he  had  reason  to  attribute  his  recent 
illness  to  his  ^'  late  historic  studies,  and  to  the  anxiety  of 
mind  earnest  meditation  had  induced.  For  me  to  under* 
take  such  a  work,"  he  says,  "  or  even  contemplate  it,  or 
diligently  prepare  for  it,  until  my  health  be  totally  reno- 
vated (which,  in  all  human  probability,  it  never  will  be), 
would,  I  clearly  see,  be  to  do  to  the  subject  and  to  my- 
self unreasonable  injustice.  /  therefore  renounce  it  alto- 
gether.  I  hope  you  will  not  blame  me,  nor  regret  the 
trouble  you  have  taken  and  the  kindness  you  have  shown 
me  with  the  view  of  my  prosecuting  the  career  from  which 
I  have  now  retreated.  For  a  long  time  before  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  your  acquaintance,  I  had  resolved,  from  a 
sense  of  both  moral  and  physical  incompetency,  as  well 
as  on  account  of  the  slenderness  of  my  success,  the  heav- 
iness of  my  pecuniary  loss,  and  other  considpra^tions,  to 
carry  my  historic  narrative  no  farther.  It  was  your 
flattering  encouragement — the  laus  laudati  viri  —  that 
tempted  me  to  mistake  an  agreeable  vision  for  a  reasona- 
ble hope,  and  to  embrace  the  purpose  I  must  now  painful- 
ly, but  decidedly,  forego. 

*  Ho8  succetsus  alit :  possunt  quia  posse  videntur.' 

Neither  category  was  mine.  I  had  no  success  to  sustain 
me,  and  no  internal  confidence  to  impel  me ;  but  the  very 
reverse." 

The  charge  of  "invention,"  preferred  against  Mr.  Gra- 
hame, by  Mr.  Bancroft,  in  his  History,*  on  account  of  the 
epithet  "  baseness "  applied  by  him  to  the  conduct  of 
Clarke,  the  agent  of  Rhode  Island,  in  negotiating  for  that 
colony  the  charter  it  obtained  in  1663  from  Charles  the 
Second,  first  came  to  Mr.  Grahame's  knowledge  early  in 
the  year  1838,  and  excited  in  him  feelings  of  surprise  and 
a  deep  sense  of  wrong.  "  There  is  here,"  he  immediately 
wrote  to  Mr.  Walsh,  "  a  plentiful  lack  of  the  kindness 
I  might  have  expected  from  an  American,  and  of  the 
courtesy  which  should  characterize  a  gentleman  and  a 
man  of  letters.     I  had  deserved  even  severer  language,  if 

•  Vol.  II.,  p.  64,  edit.  1837. 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  27 

the  invention  with  which  I  am  charged  were  justly  laid  to 
me*  But  the  imputation  is  utterly  false.  —  I  have  written 
under  the  guidance  of  authorities,  on  which  I  have,  per- 
haps erringly,  certainly  honesdy,  relied.  I  would  rather 
be  convicted  of  the  grossest  stupidity,  than  of  the  slight- 
est degree  of  wilful  falsification  ;  for  I  greatly  prefer  moral 
to  intellectual  merit  and  repute."  A  defence  against  this 
a\tack  upon  Mr.  Grahame's  veracity  as  a  historian  was  soon 
after  published  by  Mr.  Walsh,  in  **  The  New  York  Amer- 
ican " ;  which  was  succeeded  by  another  from  Mr.  Gra- 
hame  himself,  in  the  same  paper. 

Mr.  Bancroft,  in  a  subsequent  edition  of  his  History,* 
silently  withdrew  the  charge  of  "  invention,"  and  substi- 
tuted in  its  stead  that  of  ^^  unwarranted  misapprehen- 
sion." It  is  not  apparent  how  this  charge  is  more  tena- 
ble than  was  the  other. 

Mr.  Grahame's  strictures  on  Clarke's  conduct  in  the  ne- 
gotiation referred  to  drew  upon  him  the  animadversions 
of  ^^  some  of  the  literati  of  Rhode  Island."  Through  them, 
he  became  acquainted  with  the  intrinsic  worth  of  Clarke's 
general  character,  and  readily  acknowledged  him  to  be 
^'  a  true  patriot  and  excellent  man,  and  well  deserving 
the  reverence  of  his  natural  and  national  posterity." 
Yet  Mr.  Grahame's  mind  was  so  deeply  and  unalterably 
impressed  with  the  opinion,  that  Clarke  had  exceeded 
"the  line  of  honor  and  integrity"  in  that  negotiation, 
that  he  appears  not  to  have  been  able  to  reconcile  it  to 
bis  sense  of  truth,  as  a  historian,  wholly  to  exonerate 
his  conduct  from  censure.  Accordingly,  in  the  second 
edition  of  his  History,  now  publishing  in  this  country 
with  his  final  revisions,  Mr.  Grahame  thus  alters  the  sen- 
tence which  occasioned  those  animadversions:  —  "The 
envoy  conducted  his  negotiation  with  a  suppleness  of 
adroit  servility,  that  rendered  the  success  of  it  dearly 
bought";  implying  that  Clarke,  in  suing  for  favors  un- 
der such  pretences  as  he  urged  to  obtain  tbem,  had  ex- 
hibited a  "  servile  "  spirit,  "  supple  "  in  respect  of  policy, 
and  "  adroit "  in  the  color  he  gave  to  the  facts  on  which 
he  based  his  hopes  of  success;  and  intimating  that  he 
could  find  no   other  apology  for  his  conduct,  than  ^^  the 

*  VoL  n.,  p.  64,  edit.  1841. 


28  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

aptitude  even  of  good  men  to  be  transported  beyond  the 
line  of  honor  and  integrity,  in  conducting  such  negotia- 
tions as  that  which  was  confided  to  Clarke."* 


*  It  is  proper  and  due  to  the  subject  of  thii  Memoir  here  to  inquire  into  those 
general  facts  and  circumstances  which  led  Mr.  Grahame  (the  tenor  of  whose  mind 
towards  the  people  of  the  United  States  was  kind,  candid,  and  laudatory)  to  express 
•o  strongly  and  adhere  so  perseveringlj  to  the  opinion  he  had  formed  concerning 
Clarke's  conduct  in  the  negotiation  above  adverted  to. 

At  the  time  of  Clarke's  negotiation,  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  were  both 

5 resent  by  deput?  at  the  court  of  Charles  the  Second,  —  both  moved  alike  by  fear  ; 
lassachusetts  of  the  king,  being  apprehensive  it  w^as  his  intention  to  vacate  her 
old  charter;  Rhode  Island  of  Massachusetts,  who  had  shown  a  disposition  to  ex- 
tend her  jurisdiction  over  territory  which  Rhode  Island  claimed,  as  also  to  interfere 
with  the  local  government  and  religious  liberties  of  this  colony.  It  was  no  motive 
of  lovahy  that  induced  the  appearance  of  either  of  them  at  court ;  nor  was  there 
any  thing  in  their  previous  history  which  could  entitle  the  deputies  of  either  colo- 
ny to  vaunt  any  sentiment  of  this  sort  on  the  part  of  their  constituents. 

In  this  state  of  things,  and  notwithstanding  "  Rhode  Island  had  solicited  and  ac- 
cepted a  patent  from  the  Long  Parliament,  in  the  commencement  of  its  struggles  with 
Charles  the  First,  while  Massachusetts  declined  to  make  a  similar  recognition,  even 
when  the  Parliament  was  at  the  utmost  height  of  its  power  and  success,*'  (Gra- 
hame, I.,  3230  —  Chalmers  represents  Clarke  as  ^  boasting  of  the  loyalty  "  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Rhode  Island,  and,  in  order  to  depreciate  Massachusetts  in  the  opinion 
of  King  Charles  the  Second,  and  exalt  Rhode  Island,  as  challenging  the  deputies  of 
the  former  colony  "  to  adduce  one  act  of  loyalty  shown  by  their  constituents  to 
Charles  the  First  or  his  successor."  **  The  challenge  thus  confidently  given,"  adds 
Chalmers,  *^  was  not  accepted.**  The  agents  of  Massachusetts  would  not  condescend, 
for  the  sake  even  of  saving  their  charter,  to  feign  a  sentiment  which  they  were  sen- 
sible had  no  existence.  Their  silence,  under  such  circumstances,  it  is  impossible  for 
any  fair  mind  not  to  honor  and  approve. 

Furthermore,  Chalmers  states  that  the  Rhode-Islanders  **  procured  from  the  chiefs 
of  the  Narraffansets  a  formal  surrender  of  their  country,  which  was  ailerwards  called 
the  King's  Province,  to  Charles  the  First,  in  right  of  his  crown,"  and  that  their 
**  deputies  boasted  to  Charles  the  Second  of  the  merits  of  that  transaction.**  Now, 
til  point  offactflhe  name  of  King's  Province  was  not  given  to  the  Narraganset 
country  until  16G6,  three  years  after  Clarke's  negotiation  ;  —  see  Collections  of  Rhode 
Island  Historical  Society,  \o\.  IV.,  p.  69 ;  —  and  in  respect  of  the  surrender  of  the 
Narraganset  country,  Corton,  who  was  the  chief  agent  in  receiving  it,  explicitly 
states,  that  it  was  self  moved  on  the  part  of  the  Indians ;  that  they  sent  to  the  colo- 
nists and  voluntarily  offered  it ;  and  does  not  pretend  that  the  Rhode- Islanders  had 
any  farther  agencv  in  the  affair  than  encouraging  the  disposition  of  the  Indians  to 
make  the  surrender,  aiding  them  in  doing  it  m  legal  form,  and  promising  to  trans- 
mit their  deed  and  desire  of  protection  to  the  English  government.  —  See  Gorton's 
Simplicities  Defmce,  pp.  79  -  §1 . 

In  view  of  Clarke's  hollow  pretences  of  loyalty  on  the  part  of  his  constituents,  and 
the  supposititious  proofs  of  it  adduced  by  him,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  a  mind  like 
that  of  Mr.  Grahame  should  have  become  immovably  fixed  in  the  opinion,  that  the 
conduct  of  the  Rhode  Island  deputy  was  not  reconcilable  with  truth  and  integrity, 
and  that  it  was  unbecoming  a  historian  who  meant  to  be  just,  and  was  conscious 
of  being  impartial,  to  refrain  from  expressing  with  fidelity  the  convictions  forced  up- 
apon  him  by  a  knowledge  of  the  facts  and  circumstances. 

Clarke  was  unquestionably  faithful  to  his  agency.  He  acted  according  to  the 
views  and  wishes  of  his  constituents,  and  in  vaunting  their  "  loyalty  *'  he  probably 
followed  their  instructions ;  and  was  therefore  fully  entitled  to  all  the  thanks  they 
expressed,  and  all  the  honors  they  conferred  upon  him.  A  Christian  moralist,  like 
Grahame,  who  had  drunk  deep  of  *'  Siloa*s  brook,  which  flowed  fast  by  the  oracles 
of  God,"  naturally  can  allow  no  compromise  with  truth  for  the  sake  of  effect  or  suc- 
cess, and  must  unavoidably  apply  to  the  conduct  of  men,  whether  acting  as  private 
individuals  or  as  public  agents,  one  and  the  same  pure  and  elevated  moral  standard ; 
a  strictness  of  moral  principle,  which,  it  must  be  confessed,  in  respect  of  public  agents, 
the  customs  and  opinions  of  the  world  do  not  regard  as  either  practicable  or  politic. 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  29 

From  Mr.  Grahame's  position  as  a  distant  observer,  bis 
views  of  cbaracter  and  events  may  sometimes  conflict  with 
ibose  entertained  in  tbis  country  ;  yet  bis  spirit  is  wholly 
American^  and  bis  prevailing  desire  and  deligbt  is  to  do 
justice  to  tbe  actors  in  tbe  scenes  be  describes.  Tbe  bigh 
moral  tone,  and  tbe  ever  active,  all-controlling  religious 
sentiment  and  feeling,  wbicb  pervade  bis  work,  inspire  tbe 
strongest  confidence  in  all  that  he  writes ;  and  it  seems 
impossible  for  any  one,  in  tbe  exercise  of  a  sound  and  un- 
prejudiced judgment,  to  believe  that  a  mind  impelled  by 
motives  so  pure  and  elevated,  having  no  personal  ends  to 
serve,  no  party  purposes  to  answer,  could,  under  any  cir- 
cumstances, knowingly  warp  the  truth,  invent  or  suppress 
facts,  or  give  to  them  any  false  or  delusive  coloring.  Mr. 
Grahame  had  never  visited  the  United  States,  and  his  op- 
portunities for  intercourse  with  its  citizens  bad  been  few ; 
but  be  spared  neither  time,  labor,  nor  expense  to  acquaint 
himself  with  tbe  authentic  materials  of  its  history ;  be  laid 
the  public  libraries  of  Scotland,  England,  f  ranee,  and 
Germany  under  contribution  to  the  completeness  and  ac- 
curacy of  his  work  ;  and  if  be  has  occasionally  falleu  into 
mistakes,  they  are  either  such  as  all  historians,  who  rely 
for  their  facts  on  the  authority  of  others,  are  subject  to,  or 
such  as  might  naturally  be  expected  under  tbe  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances of  tbe  case,  —  being  chiefly  on  points  of  local 
history,  in  their  nature  of  little  interest  or  importance  be- 
yond tbe  immediate  sphere  or  the  particular  persons  they 
afiect ;  and  when  traced  to  their  sources,  it  will  often  be 
found  that  even  into  these  he  was  led  by  authorities  whose 
errors  have  been  detected  only  by  recent  research,  in  some 
instances  subsequent  to  the  publication  of  bis  volumes. 

In  February,  1839,  Mr.  Grahame  writes  to  Mr.  Walsh : 
— "  You  propose  (and  deeply  1  feel  tbe  bonor  and  kind- 
ness of  tbe  proposal)  to  have  an  American  edition  of  my 
work  published  at  Philadelphia.  Now,  pray,  ponder  wise- 
ly and  kindly  these  suggestions.  Much  as  I  should  other- 
wise like  a  republication  of  my  work  in  America,  1  could 
not  enjoy  it, 

*  With  anreproved  pleasare  free/ 

if  I  thought  it  would  be  at  all  disagreeable  to  Mr.  Ban-, 
croft,  or  that  it  would  be  construed  in  America  as  a  com- 


so  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

petitory  challenge  of  an  English  to  an  American  writer. 
Let  there  be,  if  it  be  necessary  or  profitaUe,  a  rivalry  (a 
generous  one)  between  England  and  America.  But  1  am 
far  too  much  Americanized,  to  think,  without  chagrin  and 
impatience,  of  my  seeming  the  rival  (the  foreign  rival)  of  a 
great  American  writer.  Dear  to  me  is  the  fame  of  every 
man  whose  fame  is  interwoven  with  the  fame  of  America, 
and  whose  career  tends  to  justify  to  myself  and  to  the  world 
the  delightful  feelings  of«  admiration  and  hope  with  which 
she  inspires  me.''  And,  in  a  subsequent  letter  on  the 
same  topic,  he  writes  to  the  same  correspondent  :  — 
"  Most  sincerely  do  I  wish  that  an  American  may  prove  the 

freat,  the  conclusive,  and  the  lasting  historian  of  America, 
shall  be  content,  if  of  my  work  some  Englishmen  and 
perhaps  a  few  Americans  say,  ^  So  thought  an  English- 
man who  loved  his  country,  but  affected  still  more  warmly 
the  cause  of  truth,  justice,  and  universal  human  welfare.'  " 

In  his  correspondence  with  this  gentleman,  during  this 
and  the  ensuing  year,  the  American  bias  of  his  mind  ap- 
pears on  almost  every  occasion  and  every  subject.  Inter- 
mingled with  this,  we  continually  meet  with  manifesta- 
tions of  that  all-pervading  religious  sentiment,  and  of  that 
tenderness  of  the  domestic  affections,  which  constituted 
the  most  striking  and  beautiful  elements  of  his  character. 
Thus,  in  congratulating  Mr.  Walsh  on  the  restored  health 
of  his  "  uoifej^^  he  remarks  :  —  **  They  say  that  Americans, 
in  general,  say  lady  and  female,  when  we  say  wife  and 
fJDoman.  Now,  I  reckon  wifcj  womauy  and  mamma  to 
be  the  three  loveliest  words  in  the  English  language." 
And,  writing  concerning  his  having  completed  the  forty- 
ninth  year  of  his  age,  he  adds:  —  "The  period  of  life, 
at  which,  I  believe,  Aristotle  fixes  the  decline  of  human 
abilities.  I  would  give  all  the  abilities  I  have,  and  ten 
times  more,  if  I  had  them,  for  a  deep,  abiding  sense  of 
piety  and  the  love  of  God.  May  that,  my  dear,  kind 
friend,  be  yours  and  mine !  And  can  we  wish  a  happier 
portion  to  those  whom  we  love  ?     All  else  fades  away." 

In  the  course  of  this  year  (1839),  a  highly  laudatory 
review  of  the  "  History  of  North  America "  was  read 
before  the  Royal  Academy  of  Nantes,  by  M.  Malherbe,  in 
which  its  merits  were  analyzed  and  acknowledged;  and 


of  James  Grahame.  31 

Mr.  Grahame  was,  in  consequence,  unanimously  elected 
a  member  of  the  Academy. 

In  August,  of  the  same  year,  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Laws  was  conferred  on  Mr,  Grahame  by  the  Corporation, 
and  Overseers  of  Harvard  University.  It  was  the  first 
public  evidence  of  respect  he  had  received  from  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic  ;  and  it  drew  from  him  unqualified  expres-* 
sions  of  satisfaction.  In  a  letter  to  Rev.  George  E.  Ellis, 
of  Massachusetts,  in  November  following,  he  writes :  — 
"  Harvard  College  has  long  been  a  spot  round  which  my 
heart  hovered. 

*  nie  terrarom  mihi  praetor  omnefl 
Angului  ridet.* 

Now,  indeed,  it  is  doubly  dear  to  me ;  for  I  feel  myself, 
in  a  manner,  one  of  its  sons.  The  view  of  the  College 
buildings  in  Peirce's  History  awakened  and  detained  my 
fondest  regards.  May  truth,  virtue,  and  happiness  flourish 
within  those  walls,  and  beam  forth  from  them  to  the 
divine  glory  and  human  welfare  !  Though  somewhat  brok- 
en by  years  and  infirmities,  I  yet  cherish  the  hope  to  see 
Harvard  University  before  I  die."  In  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Walsh,  in  October  following,  he  thus  refers  to  the  same 
topic  :  —  "I  am  now  an  American.  Your  dear  country  has 
adopted  me.  Never  let  me  hear  a^ain  of  America  or 
Americans  owing  any  thing  to  me.  I  am  the  much  in-* 
debted  party.  I  feel  with  the  keenest  sensibility  the  honor 
that  Harvard  University  has  conferred  upon  me." 

The  writer  of  a  critical  notice  of  Bancroft's  History  of 
the  United  States,  in  the  North  American  Review,  for  Jan- 
uary, 1841,  introduced  some  incidental  remarks  on  that  of 
Mr.  Grahame.  After  bearing  testimony  to  his  capacity, 
though  a  foreigner,  to  appreciate  the  motives  and  institu- 
tions of  the  Puritans,  and  acknowledging  the  fidelity  and 
candor,  the  extent  and  accuracy  of  his  researches,  the  crit- 
ic adds  :  —  "  Mr.  Grahame's  work,  with  all  its  merit,  is  the 
work  o(  Si  foreigner.  And  that  word  comprehends  much  that 
cannot  be  overcome  by  the  best  writer.  He  may  produce  a 
beautiful  composition,  faultless  in  style,  accurate  in  the  de- 
lineation of  prominent  events,  full  of  sound  logic  and  most 
wise  conclusions.  But  he  cannot  enter  into  the  sympathies, 
comprehend  all  the  minute  feelings,  prejudices,  and  pecu- 


32  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

liar  ways  of  thinking,  which  form  the  idiosyncrasy  of  the 
nation.^' 

The  author  of  this  review  was  well  understood  to  be 
William  H.  Prescott,  Esq.,  and  Mr.  Grahame  thus  remarks 
upon  it  in  his  journal :  —  "  Prescott's  critical  notice  of  Ban- 
croft's third  volume,  in  the  North  American  Review,  con- 
tains some  handsome  commendation  of  my  work ;  — 
qualified  by  that  favorite  canon  of  American  literary  ju- 
risprudence, that  no  man  not  born  and  bred  in  America 
can  perform,  as  such  a  function  ought  to  be  performed^  the 
task  of  describing  the  people,  or  relating  even  their  dis- 
tant history.  Now,  I  am  inclined  to  suspect  that  this  theo- 
rem is  unsound  in  principle  and  false  in  fact.  I  think  a 
man  may  better  describe  objects,  from  not  having  been 
inveterately  habituated  and  familiarized  to  them  ;  and  at 
once  more  calmly  contemplate  and  more  impartially  esti- 
mate national  character,  of  which  he  is  not  a  full,  neces- 
sitated, born  partaker,  —  and  national  habits,  prejudices, 
usages,  and  peculiarities,  under  the  dominance  of  which 
his  own  spirit  has  not  been  moulded,  from  its  earliest  dawn 
of  intelligent  perception." 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Prescott,  dated  March  3d,  1841,  he 
recurs  to  this  topic.  "  On  the  general  censure  of  your 
countrymen,  that,  ^personally  unacquainted  with  Amer- 
ica, I  cannot  correctly  delineate  even  her  distant  his- 
tory,' —  Queen  Elizabeth  desired  that  her  portrait  should 
be  painted  without  shade ;  because,  by  a  truly  royal  road 
to  the  principles  of  that  art,  she  had  discovered  that 
shade  is  an  accident.  Are  not  some  of  your  countrymen 
possessed  of  a  similar  feeling,  and  desirous  that  every  his- 
toric portrait  of  America  should  represent  it  '  as  it  ought 
to  be,'  and  *  not  as  it  is  '  ?  When  I  look  into  the  works 
of  some  of  your  greatest  American  writers,  and  see  how 
daintily  they  handle  certain  topics,  —  elusively  playing  or 
rather  fencing  with  them,  as  if  they  were  burning  plough- 
shares, —  I  must  respectfully  doubt,  if,  as  yet  at  least,  an 
American  is  likely  to  be  the  best  writer  of  American  his- 
,tory.  That  the  greatest  and  most  useful  historian  that  has 
ever  instructed  mankind  will  yet  arise  in  America,  I  fondly 
hope,  desire,  and  believe.  It  would  be  my  pride  to  be  re- 
garded as  the  pioneer  of  such  a  writer,  and  to  have,  in  any 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  S3 

wise,  contributed  to  the  utility  of  his  work  and  the  exten- 
sion of  American  fame.  I  trust  it  is  with  jou,  as  it  is 
w  ith  me,  a  sacred  maji^im,  that  to  good  historiography 
elevation  and  rectitude  of  soul  are  at  least  as  requisite  as 
literary  resource  and  intellectual  range  and  vigor.'' 

In  June  of  this  year,  he  received,  and  in  his  journal 
thus  comments  on,  Quincy's  History  of  Harvard  University: 
—  '*  Read  it  with  much  interest.  No  other  country,  from 
the  first  syllable  of  recorded  time,  ever  produced  a  seat  of 
learning  so  honorable  to  its  founders  and  early  supporters 
as  Harvard  University.  This  work  is  the  only  recent 
American  composition  with  which  I  am  acquainted  that 
justifies  his  countrymen's  plea,  that  there  is  something  in 
their  history  that  none  but  an  American  born  and  bred 
can  adequately  conceive  and  render.  His  account  of  the 
transition  of  the  social  system  of  Massachusetts,  from  an 
entire  and  punctilious  intertexture  of  church  and  state  to 
the  restriction  of  municipal  government  to  civil  affairs  and 
occupations,  is  very  curious  and  interesting,  and  admirably 
fills  up  an  important  void  in  New  England  history.  He 
wounds  my  prejudices  by  attacking  the  Mathers,  and  other 
persons  of  a  primitive  cast  of  Puritanism,  with  a  severity 
the  more  painful  to  me  that  1  see  not  well  how  I  can  de- 
mur to  its  justice.  But  though  I  disapprove  and  dissent 
from  many  of  their  views,  and  regret  many  of  their  pro- 
ceedings, yet  the  depths  of  my  heart  are  with  the  primi- 
tive Puritans  and  the  Scottish  Covenanters ;  and  even 
their  errors  I  deem  of  nobler  kind  than  the  frigid  merits 
of  some  of  the  emendators  of  their  policy." 

In  the  same  strain  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Quincy  on  the  4th 
of  July  following: — "I  regard  the  primitive  Puritans  much 
as  I  do  the  Scottish  Covenanters ;  respectfully  disapproving 
and  completely  dissenting  from  many  of  their  views  and 
opinions ;  especially  their  favorite  scheme  of  an  intertex- 
ture of  church  and  state,  which  appears  to  me  not  only 
unchristian,  but  antichristian.  But  I  cordially  embrace 
all  that  is  purely  doctrinal  in  their  system,  and  regard 
their  persons  with  a  fond,  jealous  love,  which  makes  me  in- 
dulgent even  to  their  errors.  Carrying  their  heavenly 
treasures  in  earthly  vessels,  they  could  not  fail  to  err. 
But  theirs  were  the  errors  of  noble  minds.    How  different 

VOL.    IX.  5 


34  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

from  those  of  knaves,  fools,  and  lukewarm  professors !     I 
forget  what  poet  it  is  that  says, 

'  Some  failing  are  of  nobler  kind 
Than  virtues  of  a  narrow  mind.'  " 

The  complete  restoration  to  health  of  his  only  daugh- 
ter, and  her  marriage  to  John  Stewart,  Esq.,  the  brother- 
in-law  of  the  friend  of  his  youth  and  manhood,  Sir  John 
F.  W.  Herschel,  shed  bright  rays  of  happiness  over  the 
last  years  of  Mr.  Grahame's  life.  These  were  passed  at 
Nantes  in  his  domestic  circle,  in  the  companionship  of  the 
exemplary  and  estimable  lady  who  had  united  her  for- 
tunes with  his,  and  cheered  by  the  reflected  happiness  and 
welfare  of  his  children.  His  only  son,  who  was  pursuing 
successfully  the  career  of  a  solicitor  in  Glasgow,  occasion- 
ally visited  him  as  his  professional  avocations  would  per- 
mit. His  daughter  and  son-in-law  divided  their  time  be- 
tween Nantes  and  England.  Always  passionately  fond  of 
children,  and  having  the  power  of  rendering  himself  singu- 
larly attractive  to  them,  by  his  gentle,  quiet,  playful  man- 
ner, he  was  devotedly  attached  to  his  little  granddaughter, 
who  became  his  frequent  companion.  By  direction  of  his 
medical  attendant.  Dr.  Foure,  an  eminent  physician  of 
Nantes,  he  abstained  from  all  severe  literary  toil,  and  under 
the  influence  of  these  tranquil  scenes  of  domestic  happi- 
ness his  health  visibly  improved  ;  nor  was  there  the  slight- 
est suspicion  of  the  organic  disease  which  was  destined 
soon  to  terminate  his  life.  During  this  period,  however, 
whatever  study  \he  rule  laid  down  by  his  medical  friend 
permitted  was  directed  to  the  improvement  of  his  history 
of  the  United  States,  to  which  he  made  many  additions 
and  amendments,  and  which  he  declared,  shortly  before 
his  death,  he  had  finally  completed  to  his  own  satisfac- 
tion, and  thoroughly  prepared  for  a  second  edition. 

Circumstances  in  which  Mr.  Grahame  had  been  accident- 
ally placed  had  forcibly  directed  his  mind  to  the  subject 
of  slavery,  the  enormity  of  the  evil,  and  its  effects  on  the 
morals  and  advancement  of  the  people  among  whom  it 
existed.  He  had  acquired,  in  right  of  his  wife,  an  es- 
tate in  the  West  Indies,  which  was  cultivated  by  slaves. 
His  feelings  in  respect  of  this  slave-derived  income  are 
strongly  expressed  in  a  letter  to  Sir  John  F.  W.  Herschel, 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  35 

dated  the  24th  of  February,  1827.  "A  subject  has  for 
some  time  been  giving  me  uneasiness.  My  children  are 
proprietors  of  a  ninth  share  of  a  West  India  estate,  and  I 
have  a  life-rent  in  it.  Were  my  children  of  age,  I  could 
not  make  one  of  the  negroes  free,  and  could  do  nothing  but 
appropriate  or  forego  the  share  of  produce  the  estate  yield- 
ed. Often  have  1  wished  it  were  in  my  power  to  make 
the  slaves  free,  and  thought  this  barren  wish  a  sufficient 
tribute  to  duty.  My  conscience  was  quite  laid  asleep. 
Like  many  others,  I  did  not  do  what  I  could,  because 
I  could  not  do  what  I  wished.  For  years  past,  some- 
thing more  than  a  fifth  part  of  my  income  has  been  de- 
rived from  the  labor  of  slaves.  God  forgive  me  for  hav- 
ing so  long  tainted  my  store !  and  God  be  thanked  for 
that  warning  voice  that  has  roused  me  from  my  leth- 
argy, and  taught  me  to  feel  that  my  hand  offended  me ! 
Never  more  shall  the  price  of  blood  enter  my  pocket,  or 
help  to  sustain  the  lives  or  augment  the  enjoyment  of  those 
dear  children.  They  sympathize  with  me  cordially.  Till 
we  can  legally  divest  ourselves  of  our  share,  every  shilling 
of  the  produce  of  it  is  to  be  devoted  to  the  use  of  some 
part  of  the  unhappy  race  from  whose  suffering  it  is  de- 
rived." Subsequently,  with  the  consent  of  his  children, 
Mr.  Grahame  entirely  gave  up  this  slave-property,  amount- 
ing to  several  thousand  pounds. 

His  interest  in  the  fate  of  the  African  race  had  been 
excited  several  years  before  by  a  circumstance  which  he 
thus  relates  in  his  diary,  under  date  of  October,  1821. 
"  My  father  is  most  vigorously  engaged  in  protecting  three 
poor,  forlorn  Africans  from  being  carried,  against  their 
wills,  back  to  the  West  Indies.  They  were  part  of  the 
crew  of  a  vessel  driven  by  stress  of  weather  into  the  port 
of  Dumbarton.  While  the  vessel  was  undergoing  some 
repairs,  the  people  of  the  town  remarked  with  surprise 
the  precautions  by  which  unnecessary  communication 
with  the  shore  was  prevented  ;  and  their  surprise  was  con- 
verted into  strong  suspicion,  when  they  perceived  some- 
times, in  the  evening,  a  few  black  heads  on  the  deck, 
suffered  to  be  there  a  short  time,  and  then  sent  below.  A 
number  of  the  citizens  applied  to  the  magistrates,  but  the 
magistrates  were  afraid  to  interfere ;  so  the  people  had  the 


36  Memoir  of  Ja$nes  Grahame^ 

sense  and  spirit  to  convey  the  intelligence  by  express  to 
my  father,  whose  zeal  for  the  African  race  was  well 
known.  He  instantly  caused  the  vessel  to  be  arrested, 
and  has  cheerfully  undertaken  the  enormous  damages,  as 
well  as  the  costs  of  suit,  to  which  he  will  be  subjected,  if 
the  case  be  decided  against  him."  In  a  subsequent  entry 
in  his  diary,  Mr.  Grahame  writes,  —  *^  But  it  was  decided 
in  his  favor." 

By  the  same  daily  record  it  appears,  that,  in  1823,  his 
feelings  were  still  further  excited  on  the  subject  of  slavery 
by  an  incident  which  he  thus  relates: — "  Zachary  M^Aulay 
showed  me  to-day  some  of  the  laws  of  Jamaica,  and  point- 
ed out  how  completely  every  provision  for  restraining  the 
cruelty  of  the  masters  and  alleviating  the  bondage  of  the 
slaves  is  defeated  by  counter  provisions  that  render  the 
remedy  unattainable.  —  What  a  stain  on  the  history  of  the 
church  of  England  is  it,  that  not  one  of  her  wealthy  min- 
isters, not  one  of  her  bishops  who  sit  as  peers  of  the 
realm  in  the  House  of  Lords,  has  ever  attempted  to  miti- 
gate the  evils  of  negro  slavery,  or  ever  called  the  public 
attention  to  that  duty  !  No,  they  leave  the  field  of  Chris- 
tian labor  to  Methodists  and  Moravians." 

Actuated  by  such  feelings  and  sentiments,  he  published, 
in  1823,  a  pamphlet,  entitled  "Thoughts on  the  Projected 
Abolition  of  Slavery,"  —  a  production,  which,  in  the  latter 
years  of  his  life,  he  declared  that  he  looked  back  upon 
with  unalloyed  pleasure  and  satisfaction.  In  1828,  Mr. 
Grahame  relates  in  his  journal,  that  he  had  a  long  conver- 
sation on  this  subject  with  the  celebrated  Abbe  Gregoire, 
to  whom  he  had  been  introduced  by  La  Fayette.  In  the 
course  of  this  conversation,  the  Abbe  stated  to  him  that 
he  "  had  written  to  Jefferson,  combating  the  opinions  ex- 
pressed in  Jefferson's  '  Notes  on  Virginia,'  of  the  inferior- 
ity of  the.  intellectual  capacity  of  the  negroes,  and  that 
Jefferson  had  answered,  acknowledging  his  error." 

The  prevalent  language  on  the  subject  of  negro  slavery 
in  some  parts  of  the  United  States,  and  the  apparently 
general  acquiescence  of  the  people  in  the  continuance  of 
that  institution,  led  him,  in  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  to 
apprehend,  that,  in  the  first  edition  of  his  History,  he  had 
treated  that  subject  with  more  indulgence  than  was  con- 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  37 

sisteDt  with  truth  and  duty.  Under  this  impression,  he 
remarks  in  his  diary,  in  December,  1837:  —  ^*Mj  ad- 
miration of  America,  my  attachment  to  her  people,  and 
my  interest  in  their  virtue,  their  happiness,  their  dig- 
nity, and  renown,  have  increased,  instead  of  abating. 
Bat  research  and  reflection  have  obliged  me,  in  the  edi- 
tion of  my  works  which  I  have  been  preparing  since  the 
publication  in  1835,  to  beat  down  some  American  pre- 
tensions to  virtue  and  apologies  for  wrong,  which  I  had 
formerly  and  too  hastily  admitted.  Much  as  I  value  the 
friendship  and  regard  of  the  Americans,  I  would  rather 
serve  than  gratify  them ;  rather  deserve  their  esteem  than 
obtain  their  favor." 

Early  in  the  year  1842,  a  pamphlet,  published  in  Lon- 
don, in  1835,  entitled,  ^^  A  Letter  to  Lord  Brougham  on 
the  Subject  of  American  Slavery,  by  an  American,''  was 
put  into  Mr.  Grahame's  hands,  as  he  states,  *^  by  another 
American,  most  honorably  distinguished  in  the  walks  of 
science  and  philanthropy,'' who  bid  him  ^^  read  there  xhe 
defence  of  his  (the  American's)  country."  The  positions 
maintained  by  this  writer — that  **  slavery  was  introduced 
into  the  American  colonies,  now  the  United  States,  by  the 
British  government,"  and  that  "  the  opposition  to  it  there 
was  90  general,  that,  with  propriety,  it  may  be  said  to  have 
been  universal"  —  roused  Mr.  Grahame's  indignation; 
which  was  excited  to  an  extreme  when  he  perceived  these 
statements  repeated  and  urged  in  a  memorial  addressed  to 
Daniel  O'Connell  by  certain  Irish  emigrants  settled  at 
Pottsville,  in  the  United  States.  Having  devoted  some 
time  to  a  careful  perusal  of  this  p)amphlet,  he  felt  himself 
called  upon  as  a  Briton,  from  a  regard  to  the  reputation 
of  his  country  and  to  truth,  and  from  a  belief  that  *^  no 
living  man  knew  more  of  the  early  history  of  the  Amer- 
ican people  than  himself,"  to  contradict,  in  the  most  di- 
rect and  pointed  manner,  the  statements  referred  to ; 
pledging  himself,  as  he  says,  "  to  prove  that  the  above- 
mentioned  pamphlet  is  a  production  more  disgraceful  to 
American  literature  and  character  (in  so  far  as  it  is  to  be 
esteemed  the  representative  of  either)  than  any  other  lit- 
erary performance  with  which  I  am  acquainted." 

He  accordingly  applied  himself  forthwith  to  an  extended 


3S  Afeaurir  of  James  Grakame. 

discussioQ  of  this  subject  in  a  pamphlet  to  which  he  affixed 
the  title :  — "  Who  is  to  blame  ?  or  Cursory  Review  of 
American  Apologj  for  American  Accession  to  Negro  Slave- 
ry." In  this  pam|dilet  Mr.  Grahame  admits  that  Great 
Britain  ^^  facilitated  her  colonial  offspring  to  become  slave- 
holders," —  ^'  that  she  encouraged  her  merchants  in  tempt- 
ing them  to  acquire  slaves,"  —  that  ^^  her  conduct  dur- 
ing her  long  sanction  of  the  slave-trade  is  indefensible," 
—  that  ^^  she  excelled  all  her  competitors  in  slave-stealing, 
for  the  same  reason  that  she  excelled  them  in  every  other 
branch  of  what  was  then  esteemed  legitimate  traffic  " ;  — 
but  denies  that  she  ^^ forced  the  Americans  to  become  slave- 
holders," —  denies  that  ^'  the  slave-trade  was  compre- 
hended within  the  scope  and  operation  of  the  commercial 
policy  of  the  British  government  until  the  reign  of  Queen 
Anne,"  —  and  asserts,  that,  ^'  prior  to  that  reign,  negro 
slavery  was  established  in  every  one  of  the  American 
provinces  that  finally  revolted  from  Great  Britain,  except 
Georgia,  which  was  not  planted  until  1733."  The  argu- 
ment in  this  pamphlet  is  pressed  with  great  strength  and 
spirit,  and  the  whole  is  written  under  the  influence  of  feel- 
ings in  a  state  of  indignant  excitement.  Without  palliat- 
ing the  conduct  of  Great  Britain,  he  regards  the  attempt  to 
exculpate  America,  by  criminating  the  mother  country,  as 
unworthy  and  unjust ;  contending  that  neither  was  under 
any  peculiar  or  irresistible  temptation,  but  only  such  as  is 
common  to  man,  when,  in  the  language  of  the  Apostle,  '^  he 
is  drawn  away  by  his  own  lusts  and  enticed."  His  ar- 
gument respecting  the  difference,  in  point  of  guilt,  between 
America  and  Great  Britain  results  as  another  identical 
question  has  long  since  resulted  concerning  the  compara- 
tive guilt  of  the  receiver  and  the  thief. 

At  the  urgent  request  of  his  and  his  father's  friend,  Thom- 
as Clarkson,  the  early  and  successful  asserter  of  the  rights 
of  Africans,  he  left  Nantes,  where  he  resided,  in  the  month 
of  June,  1842,  and  repaired  to  London,  for  the  purpose  of 
superintending  the  publication  of  his  pamphlet  on  negro 
slavery.  On  arriving  there,  he  placed  his  manuscript  in 
the  hands  of  a  printer,  and  immediately  proceeded  to 
Playford  Hall,  Ipswich,  the  residence  of  Mr.  Clarkson. 
Concerning  this  distinguished  man,  Mr.  Grahame,  under 


Memoir  of  James  Grahame.  39 

date  of  the  2dth  of  June,  thus  writes  in  his  diary :  — 
^^  Mr.  Clarkson's  appearance  is  solemnly  tender  and  beau- 
tiful. Exhausted  with  age  and  malady,  he  is  yet  warmly 
zealous,  humane,  and  affectionate.  Fifty-seven  years  of  gen- 
erous toil  have  not  relaxed  his  zeal  in  the  African  cause. 
He  watches  over  the  interests  of  the  colored  race  in 
every  quarter  of  the  world,  desiring  and  promoting  their 
moral  and  physical  welfare,  rejoicing  in  their  improve- 
ment^ afflicted  in  all  their  afflictions.  The  glory  of  God 
and  the  interests  of  the  African  race  are  the  master- 
springs  of  his  spirit.'' 

After  two  days  passed  in  intercourse  with  this  congenial 
mind,  Mr.  Grahame  returned  to  London,  and  occupied 
himself  zealously  in  correcting  the  proof-sheets  of  his 
pamphlet.  On  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  June,  he  was 
assailed  by  severe  pain,  which  his  medical  attendant 
attributed  at  first  to  indigestion,  and  treated  as  such. 
But  it  soon  assumed  a  more  alarming  character.  Eminent 
physicians  were  called  for  consultation,  and  his  brother, 
Thomas  Grahame,  was  sent  for.  From  the  nature  and 
intensity  of  his  suffering,  Mr.  Grahame  soon  became  sen- 
sible that  his  final  hour  was  approaching,  and  addressed 
himself  to  meet  it  with  calmness  and  resignation.  He 
proceeded  to  communicate  his  last  wishes  to  his  son-in-  f 
law,  directed  where  he  should  be  buried,  and  dictated  his 
epitaph  :  —  ^^  James  Grahame,  Advocate,  Edinburgh,  Au- 
thor of  the  History  of  the  United  States  of  North  America ; 
aged  61."  He,  at  the  same  time,  expressed  the  hope  con- 
cerning his  recently  published  pamphlet,  that  no  efforts 
might  be  spared  to  secure  its  sale  and  distribution,  ^^  as 
he  had  written  it  conscientiously  and  with  single-hearted- 
ness, and  had  invoked  the  blessing  of  God  upon  it." 

Notwithstanding  the  distinguished  skill  of  his  physi- 
cians, every  remedy  failed  of  producing  the  desired  effect. 
His  disorder  was  organic,  and  beyond  the  power  of  their 
art.  Such  was  the  excruciating  agony  which  preceded 
his  death,  thai  his  friends  could  only  hope  that  his  release 
might  not  be  long  delayed.  This  wish  was  granted  on 
Sunday  morning,  the  3d  of  July. 

"  His  endurance  of  the  pain  and  oppression  of  breath- 
ing which  preceded  his  death,"  says  Mr.  Stewart,  **  was 


40  Memoir  of  James  Grahame. 

perfectly  wonderful.  His  features  were  constantly  calm, 
placid,  and  at  last  bore  a  bright,  even  a  cheerful  expression. 
His  attendants,  while  l>ending  close  towards  him,  caught 
occasionally  expressions  of  prayer ;  his  profound  acquaint- 
ance with  the  Scriptures  enabling  him,  in  this  hour  of  his 
need,  to  draw  strength  and  support  from  that  inexhausti- 
ble source,  where  he  was  accustomed  to  seek  and  to  find 
it." 

He  was  buried  in  Kensall  Green  demetery,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  London.  His  son-in-law,  John  Stewart, 
and  his  brother,  Thomas  Grahame,  attended  his  remains  to 
the  grave.  His  son,  also,  who  had  set  out  from  Scotland 
on  hearing  of  his  illness,  though  arriving  too  late  to  see 
him  before  he  expired,  was  not  denied  the  melancholy 
satisfaction  of  being  present  at  his  interment.  A  plain 
marble  monument  has  been  erected  over  his  tomb,  bearing 
the  exact  inscription  he  himself  dictated. 

These  scanty  memorials  are  all  that  it  has  been  possi- 
ble, in  this  country,  to  collect  in  relation  to  James  Gra- 
hame. Though  few  and  disconnected,  they  are  grateful 
and  impressive. 

The  habits  of  his  life  were  domestic,  and  in  the  family 
circle  the  harmony  and  loveliness  of  his  character  were 
eminently  conspicuous.  His  mind  was  grare,  pure,  ele- 
vated, far-reaching ;  its  enlarged  views  ever  on  the  search 
after  the  true,  the  useful,  and  the  good.  His  religious 
sentiments,  though  exalted  and  tinctured  with  enthusi- 
asm, were  always  candid,  liberal,  and  tolerant.  In  politics 
a  republican,  his  love  of  liberty  was  nevertheless  quali- 
fied by  a  love  of  order,  —  his  desire  to  elevate  the  desti- 
nies of  the  many^  by  a  respect  for  the  rights  and  interests 
o(  the  few.  As  in  his  religion  there  was  nothing  of  bigot- 
ry, so  in  his  political  sentiments  there  was  nothing  of 
radicalism. 

As  a  historian,  there  were  combined  in  Mr.  Grahame 
all  the  qualities  which  inspire  confidence  and  sustain  it;  — 
a  mind  powerful  and  cultivated,  patient  of  labor,  indefati- 
gable in  research,  independent,  faithful,  and  fearless ;  en- 
gaging in  its  subject  with  absorbing  interest,  and  in  the  de- 
velopment of  it  superior  to  all  influences  except  those  of 
truth  and  duty. 


Memoir  of  James  Grahams. 


41 


To  Americans,  in  all  future  times,  it  cannot  fail  to  be  an 
interesting  and  gratifying  circumstance,  that  the  foreigner, 
who  first  undertook  to  write  a  complete  history  of  their  re- 
public from  the  earliest  period  of  the  colonial  settlements, 
was  a  Briton,  eminently  qualified  to  appreciate  the  merits 
of  its  founders,  and  at  once  so  able  and  so  willing  to  do  jus- 
tice to  them.  The  people  of  the  United  States,  on  whose 
national  character  and  success  Mr.  Grahame  bestowed  his 
affections  and  hopes,  owe  to  his  memory  a  reciprocation  of 
feelins:  and  interest.  As  the  chief  labor  of  his  life  was 
devoted  to  illustrate  the  wisdom  and  virtues  of  their  an- 
cestors and  to  do  honor  to  the  institutions  they  establish- 
ed, it  is  incumbent  on  the  descendants  to  hold  and  per- 
petuate in  grateful  remembrance  his  talents,  virtues,  and 
services. 


VOL.    IX. 


MEMOIRS  OF  THE  PILGRIMS  AT  LEYDEN. 


BY  GEORGE  SUMNER,  ESQUIRE, 
wormian  mbmbbe  or  rum  oBooBjtrHicjtLsociBTr  or  bbbur  ;  robobabt  mbmbbb  or  thb  abchmo- 

LOOICAL    tOCIBTr  or  MADBID;     COBBBSrOHDIBO  MBMBBB  Or  THB  ABCHiKOLOatOAX,  •OCIBTIBt  OF 
ATHBBt  ABD  OF  POIOTIBBS,  BTC.,  BTC. 


The  position  and  privileges  enjoyed  by  the  founders  of 
Plymouth  Colony,  during  their  ten  years'  residence  in  the 
Netherlands,  would  seem  to  be  not  very  clearly  defined. 
Every  one,  who  has  examined  ^his  part  of  the  history  of 
our  Pilgrim  forefathers,  must,  I  think,  have  been  struck 
by  the  discrepancies  in  regard  to  it,  which  occur  in  the 
different  statements  that  we  have  before  us. 

Robertson,  Burke  (in  his  European  Settlements  in 
America)^  and  many  other  English  writers  of  less  name, 
represent  their  condition  in  any  but  favorable  colors ;  and 
the  disparaging  statements  of  these  authors  have,  in  some 
cases,  been  adopted  by  Americans  at  home.  The  princi- 
pal among  these  is  the  learned  Chief- Justice  Marshall, 
who  speaks  of  the  Pilgrims  *  as  ^^  an  obscure  sect  which  had 
acquired  the  appellation  of  Brownists,"  and  which  was 
forced  to  remove  to  Leyden.  He  then  continues: — "There 
they  resided  several  years  in  safe  obscurity.  This  situation 
at  length  became  irksome  to  them.  Without  persecution 
to  give  importance  to  the  particular  points  which  separated 
them  from  their  other  Christian  brethren,  they  made  no 
converts  ^ ;  and  then,  as  a  cause  for  their  removal  to  Amer- 
ica, he  asserts,  that, "  in  the  extinction  of  their  church,  they 

*  Manhall'i  Life  of  Wa$kingUm,  Vol.  L,  p.  93. 


Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden.  43 

» 

dreaded,  too,  the  loss  of  those  high  attainments  in  spirit- 
ual knowledge  which  they  deemed  so  favorable  to  truth." 

The  sneer  contained  in  this  passage  was  not  necessary 
for  the  announcement  of  a  historical  fact,  and  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  Chief  Justice  has  adopted  fhe  tone  as  well  as 
the  statement  of  Robertson.  For  this  passage  the  author 
has  given  no  authority,  although  Robertson,  Hutchinson, 
and  Chalmers  are  referred  to  as  general  authorities  at  the 
close  of  the  chapter.* 

Other  writers,  again,  have  represented  in  somewhat 
glowing  colors  the  hospitality  which  was  extended  to  the 
Pilgrims  in  Leyden,  the  unity  which  reigned  among  them 
while  there,  the  attentions  shown  them  by  the  magis- 
trates, and  the  honors  rendered  to  the  remains  of  their 
pastor  by  the  professors  and  learned  men  of  the  Univer- 

sity.t 

The  time  has  gone  by,  when  the  just  fame  which  has 

been  won  by  those  men  who  planted  a  nation  can  be  ei- 
ther lessened  or  magnified  by  the  recital  of  honors  that 
they  may  have  received  in  by-gone  years ;  and  one  may 
search  freely  for  the  truth  in  regard  to  them,  conscious, 
that,  in  developing  that,  small  injury  can  be  done  to  their 
memory. 

I  know  not  whether  I  deceive  myself,  but  I  am  disposed 
to  believe  that  much  of  what  has  been  written  in  regard 
to  the  position  in  Holland  of  the  founders  of  Plymouth 
Colony  is  erroneous ;  and  that,  although   they  were  far 

*  See  Life  of  Woikington^  Vol.  I.,  p.  93 ;  also  Yoong*B  Pilgrims^  p.  48, note.  Chief- 
Jiwtice  Marshal]  altered  these  expressions  in  a  subsequent  work,  but  did  not  pass,  how- 
ever,  without  experiencing  severe  reproaches  from  others,  and  particularly  from  the 
author  of  the  American  AimaU^  for  the  opinion  he  had  uttered.  '*  The  historian,"  sajrs 
Holmes,  **  who  tells  us  that  the  Puritans  removed  from  Leyden  into  the  American 
vilderneflt  because  they  were  obscure  and  unpersecuted,  must  not  expect  to  be  be* 
Ueved.*'  American  Annals^  Vol.  I.,  Note  XXI. ;  see  also  Vol.  I.,  p.  159.  In  Bozman's 
Bitiory  of  Maryland,  p.  376,  is  a  reply  to  the  author  of  the  Annaity  and  a  defence  of 
the  obooxious  expressions  of  Chief-Justice  Marshall. 

t  In  a  work  published  during  the  present  year  at  Leipsic,  Die  Geschichte  der  Con- 
gregatUmaUMen  m  Neu'England  hie  1740,  von  H.  F.  Uhden  {History  of  the  Congre- 
gmUomaiists in  J^ew  Englanduntil  1740),  the  idea  of  the  author,  drawn  from  the  Amer- 
ican aotborities  that  he  had  consulted  (amon^  which  is  Cotton  Mather),  would  appear 
to  be,  thai  the  Pilgrims  were  enioyin|^,  while  in  Holland,  a  ffood  degree  of  worldly 
prosperity.  The  author  of  this  book  is  a  clergyman  at  Berlin,  and  ^raa  one  of  the 
deputation  sent  in  1841-2,  by  the  king  of  Prussia,  to  inspect  the  state  of  the  English 
chareh.  The  book  itself  was  written  at  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Neander,  and,  al- 
tboogb  in  a  foreign  language,  will  prove,  I'believe,  a  valuable  addition  to  our  his- 
iorieal  literatare.  The  author  has  drawn  largely  from  Backus,  a  writer  whose  can- 
dor and  moderatkm  seem  not  to  be  appreciated  in  America  as  they  merit. 

/ 


44  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

from  exciting,  on  the  part  of  the  Dutch  people  and  mag- 
istrates, those  feelings  of  contempt  and  ill-will  towards 
themselves,  the  existence  of  which  has  been  so  often 
charged  by  their  enemies,  yet  they  were  equally  far  from 
experiencing  any  excess  of  kind  attention  and  magisterial 
favor. 

This  opinion  is  the  result  of  some  special  observations 
that  I  have  been  enabled  to  make  in  Holland,  and  it  is 
the  same  which,  as  it  strikes  me,  must  be  formed  by  all 
who  examine  the  writings  preserved  to  us  of  those  who 
were  constantly  with  the  little  band,  from  the  time  of 
their  quitting  England,  in  1608,  until  their  arrival  in 
America.  The  authority  of  these  writings  (which  have 
been  recently  brought  before  the  public  in  a  most  excellent 
form  by  Mr.  Young,  accompanied  by  his  valuable  notes) 
is  superior  to  that  of  any  of  the  different  historians  who 
wrote  at  a  later  day.  While  the  small,  struggling  colony 
was  exposed  to  obloquy  in  England,  and  was  fighting  its 
way  painfully  along,  against  opposition,  religious,  political, 
and  commercial,  it  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  a  his- 
torian devoted  to  its  interest  would  neglect  to  avail  him- 
self of  any  thing  which  might  appear,  at  that  timCj  to  re- 
flect credit  upon  it.  It  was  not  the  historian,  but  the  ad- 
vocate, who  wrote.  Remembering  this,  one  may  perhaps 
see  a  reason  why  "  the  careful  Morton "  has  at  times 
slightly  colored  some  passages  from  Governor  Bradford's 
Journal^  and  why  Cotton  Mather  has  drawn  in  many  cases 
from  authorities  which  Morton  must  have  known,  but 
which  he  does  not  appear  to  have  regarded,  and  has,  in 
other  cases,  made  statements  for  which  it  would  seem  to 
require  more  than  an  ordinary  degree  of  research  to  find 
any  authority  whatever. 

I  propose  to  examine  some  points  in  relation  to  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Pilgrims  while  in  Holland,  and  particularly  the 
attentions  that  may  have  been  extended  to  them  by  the 
Dutch  people  and  magistrates. 

But  first  let  us  see  what  was  their  position  as  shown 
by  the  best  authority  we  possess,  the  writings  of  Governor 
Bradford. 

Having  seen  six  of  their  fellow-men — "  men  of  piety  and 
learning  " — executed  in  England  for  their  religious  belief, 


Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden.  46 

their  own  friends  put  into  prison,  and  themselves  watched 
night  and  day  that  charges  might  be  brought  against 
them,  thej  at  length  resolved,  when  all  hopes  of  toleration 
at  home  had  fled,  to  remove  to  the  Low  Countries, 
"  where  they  heard  was  freedom  of  religion  for  all  men."* 

After  making  one  unsuccessful  attempt  to  leave  Eng- 
land, suffering  arrest  and  imprisonment  from  the  Lincoln- 
shire magistrates,  encountering  in  a  second  attempt  the 
perils  of  a  violent  storm,  and  being  in  imminent  danger  of 
shipwreck  in  the  German  Ocean,  one  part  of  these  Pil- 
grims, among  which  Bradford  is  supposed  to  have  been, 
arrived  in  the  spring  of  1608  at  Amsterdam.  Here  they 
found  countrymen  who,  like  themselves,  had  suffered  per- 
secution for  religion's  sake;  but,  remaining  only  a  few 
months,  they  removed,  at  the  end  of  1608  or  beginning  of 
1609,  to  Leyden.t 

"  Being  now  here  pitched,"  says  Bradford,  "  they  fell 
to  such  trades  and  employments  as  they  best  could,  valu- 
ing peace  and  their  spiritual  comfort  above  any  other  riches 
whatsoever ;  and  at  length  they  came  to  raise  a  competent 
and  comfortable  living,  and  with  hard  and  continual  labor." 
When,  however,  in  another  place,  he  is  naming  the  motives 
of  the  removal  to  America,  a  somewhat  different  tone  is 
used.  "  And  first,  they  found  and  saw  by  experience  the 
hardness  of  the  place  and  country  to  be  such  as  few  in  com- 
parison would  come  to  them,  and  fewer  that  would  bide  it 
out  and  continue  with  them.  For  many  that  came  to 
them,  and  many  more  that  desired  to  be  with  them,  could 
not  endure  the  great  labor  and  hard  fare,  with  other  incon- 
veniences, which  they  underwent  and  were  contented 
with Many,  though  they  desired  to  enjoy  the  ordi- 
nances of  God  in  their  purity,  and  the  liberty  of  the  gospel 
with  them,  yet,  alas,  they  admitted  of  bondage,  with  dan- 

*  See  Bradford*!  Journal^  Toongr,  p.  23. 

t  Bradford  says  of  Leyden,  that,  **  wanting  that  traffic  by  sea  which  Amsterdam 
enjoyed,  it  was  not  so  beneficial  for  their  outward  means  of  living  and  estates." 
Toang*B  PUgrimSf  p.  35.  This  may  be  so  *,  yet  Leyden  was  at  that  time  the  princi- 
pal manufacturing  town  of  the  Netherlands,  and  one  of  the  most  important  in  Europe. 
As  many  of  ^e  early  colonistJi  were  weavers  (see  Young,  note,  p.  35),  is  it  not  rea- 
Kinable  to  suppose  that  their  removal  to  Leyden  was  caused  by  the  fact  that  they 
would  there  more  readily  meet  with  employment  than  at  Amsterdam  ?  The  cloth 
manufacture  of  Amsterdam,  during  the  first  half  of  the  ieventeenth  century,  waa 
f  eiy  trifliiigy  when  compared  with  uiat  of  Leyden. 


46  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

ger  of  conscience,  rather  than  to  endure  these  hardships ; 
yea^  some  preferred  and  chose  prisons  in  England^  rather 
than  this  Liberty  in  Holland^  with  these  afflictions.  But 
it  was  thought,  that,  if  a  better  and  easier  place  of  living 
could  be  had,  it  would  draw  many  and  take  away  these 
discouragements ;  yea,  their  pastor  would  often  say  that 
many  of  those  that  both  writ  and  preached  now  against 
them,  if  they  were  in  a  place  where  they  might  have  liberty 
and  live  comfortably^  they  would  then  practise  as  they  did.^^  * 

Again,  ^^They  saw,  that,  although  the  people  generally 
bore  all  their  difficulties  very  cheerfully  and  with  a  reso- 
lute courage,  being  in  the  best  of  their  strength,  yet  old 
age  began  to  come  on  some  of  them,  and  their  great  and 
continual  labors^  with  other  crosses  and  sorrows,  hastened  it 
before  the  time."  Again,  their  children  "  were  oftentimes 
so  oppressed  with  their  heavy  labors,  that,  although  their 
minds  were  free  and  willing,  yet  their  bodies  bowed  un- 
der the  weight  of  the  same  and  became  decrepit  in  their 
early  youth." t  And  again,  "They  lived  here  but  as 
men  in  exile  and  in  a  poor  condition."  % 

This  certainly  does  not  show  that  they  were  living  in 
a  state  of  holiday  comfort ;  neither  is  there  here,  nor 
throughout  the  writings  of  Governor  Bradford,  any  evi- 
dence of  kind  attentions  on  the  part  of  the  Dutch  people 
and  magistrates.  ^  On  the  contrary,  we  have,  in  different 
passages  of  his  journal,  strong  evidence  that  no  such  fa- 
vors were  extended  to  them.  ' 

When  he  replies  to  the  charge  made  by  Baylie  in  his 
tract,  II  that  the  Pilgrims  were  driven  out  from  Holland, 
and  that  the  Dutch  were  weary  of  them,  Bradford  would 
naturally  cite  the  strongest  facts  that  could  be  found  to 
prove  the  contrary;  but  the  most  he  says  is,  that  the 
Dutch,  finding  them  painful  and  diligent  in  their  callings, 

•  Young,  p.  45.  t  Ibid.  p.  46.  X  Ibid.  p.  51. 

§  It  is  curious  to  see  how  some  passages  from  Bradford's  journal  have  been  eclortd 
by  those  who  have  made  use  of  it.  Bradford  sajs  of  the  Pilgrims  (Young,  p.  35), 
**  Enjojring  [in  Holland]  much  sweet  and  delightful  society  and  spiritual  comfort  to- 
gether,  in  the  ways  of  God,"  &c.,  &c.  Morton  omits  the  word  **  together,"  and  adds 
in  its  place,  "  being  courteously  entertained  and  lovingly  respected  by  the  Dutch, 
amongst  whom  they  were  strangers."  p.  18,  Davis's  ediUon.  Prince,  also,  in  giving 
this  same  passage  from  Bradford,  says,  they  "  live  in  great  love  and  harmony  botn 
among  themselves  and  their  neighbour  citizens  for  above  eleven  years." 

II  Dissuasive  from  the  Errors  of  the  Times,  by  Robert  Baylie,  of  Glasgow,  1645. 


Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Lejfden.  47 

and  careful  in  keeping  their  word,  gave  them  employ* 
ment  in  preference  to  others  less  diligent  and  honest ; 
and  secondly,  that  the  magistrates  once  reproved  the  Wal- 
loons by  telling  them  that  they  were  less  peaceful  than 
the  English.  ^^  These  English,"  said  they,  ^^  have  lived 
amongst  us  now  this  twelve  years,  and  yet  we  never  had 
any  suit  or  accusation  come  against  any  of  them.  But 
your  strifes  and  quarrels  are  continual."  *  Another  thing 
Bradford  states,  that  Robinson,  their  pastor,  disputed  with 
Episcopius  at  the  University,  in  such  a  way  as  to  gain 
him  ^^  much  honor  and  respect  ^om  those  learned  men  and 
others  which  loved  the  tnUL^^  f 

Had  there  been  any  proofs  of  courteous  entertainment 
and  kind  respect,  —  had  there  been  any  magisterial  atten- 
tions extended,  any  church  granted,  any  respect  shown  at 
the  grave  of  their  pastor,  |  here  would  have  been  the 
place  to  mention  it.  But  on  all  these  Bradford  is  silent, 
and  we  have  the  strongest  proof  that  no  magisterial  at- 
tentions were  shown,  in  his  statement,  that  ^^  it  was  said 
by  some  of  no  mean  note  [in  Leyden],  that,  tjoere  it  not  for 
giving  offence  to  the  state  of  England^  they  would  have  ^ 
preferred  him  [Robinson]  othenoise^  if  he  wotUd^  and  al- 
lowed them  some  public  favor?'^  ^ 

Fear  of  offending  England  would,  no  doubt,  operate 
strongly  in  Holland  to  prevent  any  favors  being  extended 
to  those  who  made  part  of  a  sect  persecuted  by  the  Eng- 
lish king  at  home,'  openly  denounced  by  him  in  his 
speeches,  and  exposed,  even  in  a  foreign  land,  to  the  an- 
noying surveillance  of  his  ministers  and  agents.  ||  In  the 
Jinnales  du  Pays  Bos  of  Grotius,  one  sees  continual  evi- 

*  Toung,  p.  39. 

t  That  IS,  perhaps,  amongr  those  who  opposed  Episcopius.  But  his  opponents 
were,  for  a  lon^  time,  a  minority  at  Leyden,  the  towns-people  and  magistrates  being 
in  his  faTor.  in  1617,  there  was  an  outbreak  and  violent  quarrel  between  the  two 
ptrties,  which  lasted  several  days.  An  old  engraving  in  Lu  DiUeet  de  LMe  repre- 
sents the  Stadt  House  and  the  barricades  near  it,  that  were  thrown  up  at  that  time  to 
form  a  sort  of  citadel  within  the  town. 

t  Althottffh  Bradford  was  not  present  at  the  time  of  Robinson's  death,  yet,  as  he 
commenced  his  journal  in  1630,  five  years  after  that  event,  he  might  have  availed 
himself  of  a  circumstance  which,  had  it  transpired,  must  have  come  to  his  knowl- 
edge. 

I  Young,  p.  42. 

II  See  Young's  PUgrimM^  p.  467,  note,  for  confirmation  of  this.  A  letter  from  Sir 
Dudley  Carleton^  English  ambassador  at  the  Hague,  published  with  his  letters,  an- 
nounces that  he  had  not  succeeded  in  arresting  Brewster  (Elder  Brewster),  aa  **  the 
sehoot  who  toag  employed  by  the  magisiraUi  for  nis  apprehension,  being  a  dull,  drunk- 


48  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

dence  of  the  feelings  excited  in  Holland  by  the  actions  of 
the  English,  and  one  may  infer  from  that  how  little  dis- 
posed the  people  of  that  country  would  be  to  provoke  the 
enmity  of  a  nation  the  calculating  friendship  of  which  had 
been  so  distasteful  to  them.* 

As  to  the  attentions  of  the  people  and  magistrates,  the 
principal  which  have  been  alleged  are,  1st.  That  a  church 
was  granted  the  Pilgrims  to  worship  in  ;  and,  2d.  That 
the  funeral  of  their  pastor  was  honorably  attended  by  the 
University  and  principal  men  of  the  city. 

I  believe  that  neither  of  these  attentions  was  shown, 
and  also  that  the  original  error  in  regard  to  them  may  be 
traced  to  the  Brief  JVdrration  of  Winslow,  republished 
in  Young's  Pilgrims j  and  to  the  note  on  page  160  of 
Prince's  JVew  England  Annals. 

The  statement,  that  a  church  was  granted,  rests  solely 
upon  the  authority  of  Prince,  who  says,  "  When  I  was  at 
Leyden,in  1714,  the  most  ancient  people  from  their  parents 
told  me,  that  the  city  had  such  a  value  for  them  [the 
Pilgrims],  as  to  let  them  have  one  of  their  churches, 
in  the  chancel  whereof  he  [Robinson]  lies  buried,  which 
the  English  still  enjoy ;  and  that,  as  he  was  had  in  high 
esteem  both  by  the  city  and  University,  for  his  learn- 
ing, piety,  moderation,  and  excellent  accomplishments, 
the  magistrates,  ministers,  scholars,  and  most  of  the  gen- 
try mourned  his  death  as  a  public  loss,  and  followed  him 
to  the  grave."  t 

No  one  prior  to  Prince  has  mentioned  this ;  there  is  no 
intimation  of  it  in  Bradford's  journal,  in  Morton,  Hub- 
bard, or  even  in   Cotton  Mather ;  and  Prince,  who  has 

en  fellow,  took  one  man  for  another."  The  charge  upon  which  Brewster  was  to  be 
arrested  in  a  foreign  coantry  by  English  agents  would  appear  to  be  the  printing  of 
books  obnoxious  to  the  English  king.  It  tells  little  for  the  independence  of  the 
Dutch  nia^strates,  that  such  arrests  cotlld  be  tolerated  and  aided  by  them.  Let  us 
hope,  for  their  honor,  that  the  employment  of  a  scout  so  besotted  as  to  mistake  his 
prey  was  an  intentional  act  on  their  part. " 

The  unjust  influence  in  Holland  of  the  English  goyemment  was  shown  at  a  later 
day  by  the  persecution  to  which  Locke  was  subjected,  during  the  time  of  his  resi- 
dence in  that  country.  The  English  minister  at  the  Hague  demanded,  it  will  be 
remembered,  that  he  should  be  given  up,  and  Locke  could  only  avoid  arrest  by  a  striA 
concealment  for  twelve  months.    See  Lord  King's  Life  of  Locke, 

*  The  people  of  Leyden,  in  particular,  had  shown  strong  opposition  to  the  proceed- 
ings of  Leicester.  See  the  Annale$,  There  is  an  allusion,  also,  in  Lingara  to  this 
feeling  at  Leyden. 

t  JtrmaU,  p.  160,  edit.  1796. 


Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden.  49 

generally  enjoyed  the  highest  reputation  for  accuracy,* 
adopted,  I  believe,  with  too  little  inquiry,  the  statement 
of  the  most  ancient  people  of  Leyden.  From  the  words 
in  relation  to  the  church, — **  which  the  English  still  en- 
joy,"—  it  is  clear  to  me  that  his  informants  were  not 
thinking  of  the  Separatist  congregation  which  had  been 
one  hundred  years  before  in  Leyden,  but  of  the  English 
Presbyterian  church,  which,  by  a  somewhat  remarkable 
coincidence,  was  founded  in  Leyden  in  1609,  the  same 
year,  or  within  a  few  months  of  the  time,  that  the  Pil- 
grims arrived  there.  It  is  certain  that  this  church,  whose 
pastor  from  1609  to  1616  was  Robert  Durie,  was  the 
only  English  congregation  which,  in  1714,  had  a  public 
place  of  worship  at  Leyden,  and  it  is  the  only  one  that  is 
noticed  by  the  different  historians  of  Leyden  as  having 
ever  possessed  a  church.  As  it  is  possible  that  the  pres- 
ence of  this  congregation  may  create  some  confusion  in 
future  inquiries  as  to  the  church  of  the  Pilgrims,  I  have 
thought  it  well  to  add  in  a  note  some  account  of  their 
coming  to  Leyden,  of  their  different  pastors,  and  of  the 
various  places  of  worship  which  they  enjoyed.f  At  the 
time  of  Prince's  visit  to  Leyden,  in  1714,  this  congrega- 
tion, under  the  pastoral  care  of  Robert  Milling,  was  wor- 
shipping in  a  chapel  formed  of  part  of  the  ground-floor 
of  the  Falyde  Bagyn  Hof  Kerk.  This  chapel  —  now 
(1842)  the  dissecting-room  of  the  College  of  Medicine  — 
continued  in  the  hands  of  the  English  until  1807,  when, 
their  last  pastor  dying,  the  congregation  was  dispersed ; 
and  it  is  this  chapel  which,  from  being  shown  to  American 
travellers  as  the  old  church  of  the  English,  has,  I  believe, 
been  sometimes  supposed  by  them  to  have  been  the 
church  of  the  Pilgrims.! 
Another  error  in   this  passage  from  Prince  relates  to 

*  <'  The  careful  Thomai  Prince/'  layi  Bancroft,  Vol.  T.,  p.  324,  '<  who  merits  the 
gratitade  of  the  inqairer  for  hit  judgment  and  research  as  an  annalist."  Davis  also 
illudes  to  him,  in  a  note  to  Morton's  Jrsio  Engknufs  Memorial^  as  '*  the  accurate  com- 
piler." 

f  See  Note  A.,  at  the  end  of  this  article. 

i  See  Tonnff's  PUgrims^  p.  393,  note,  where  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  of  Mrs. 
Adams,  wife  of  President  John  Adams,  dated  Sept.  12th,  1786.  *'  I  would  not  omit 
to  mention  that  I  visited  the  church  at  Leyden,  in  which  our  forefathers  worshipped 
when  they  fled  from  hierarchical  tyranny  and  persecution.  I  felt  a  respect  and  ven- 
eration, upon  entering  the  doors,  hke  what  the  ancients  paid  to  their  Druids." 

VOL.    IX.  7 


50  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

the  burial-place  of  Robinson.  ^^  In  the  chancel  whereof  he 
lies  buried."  Now  Robinson  was  not  buried  in  the  chan- 
cel of  the  church  in  which  he  had  preached  (if  he  had 
preached  in  any),  but  under  the  pavement  of  the  aisle  of 
the  Peter's  Church,  the  former  cathedral ;  and  this  I  shall 
show  farther  on  by  two  separate  records  of  his  inter- 
ment.* 

Had  Robinson's  congregation  enjoyed  any  church,  it 
must  have  been  by  an  act  of  the  magistrates ;  for,  after  the 
Reformation  in  Holland,  the  control  of  all  church  buildings 
and  ecclesiastical  funds  was  transferred  to  the  civil  au- 
thorities. These  funds  are  in  part  preserved  to  the  pres- 
ent day,  and  the  payment  of  all  clergymen,  of  dilSerent 
denominations,  is  still,  in  the  Netherlands,  one  of  the  reg- 
ular expenses  of  the  state.f  With  some  difficulty,  I  ob- 
tained permission  to  have  the  Dagboek  of  the  magistrates 
of  Leyden  examined,  for  1608,  1609,  and  1620;  and  al- 
though the  grant  made  to  the  English  congregation,  of 
which  I  have  just  spoken,  of  a  chapel  attached  to  Saint 
Catherine's  Almshouse,  is  there  recorded,  yet  no  notice 
was  to  be  found  of  any  church  being  granted  to,  or  of 
any  magisterial  act  being  performed  in  favor  of,  any  oth- 
er English  congregation.! 

*  To  one  at  adiitance,  on  looking  at  these  passages  from  Prince  in  connection  with 
the  fact  of  Robinson's  burial  at  the  Peter's  Church,  the  idea  might  suggest  itself  that 
it  was  that  —  the  Cathedral  Church  —  which  had  been  granted  to  his  congregation. 
Bat,  besides  that  the  records  of  the  Peter's  Church  show  nothing  of  the  kind,  a  mo- 
ment's reflection  will  make  clear  its  improbabilitv.  To  the  other  English  congregation, 
which  they  were  not  prevented  through  fear  or  England  from  favoring,  the  magis- 
trates only  granted  the  use  of  a  small  chapel,  the  Catherine's,  which  served,  at  the 
same  time,  for  the  French  Protestants.  (See  Note  A.)  To  a  sect  with  which  tbej 
had  no  communion,  and  which  they  feared  to  favor,  they  would  not  be  likely  to  give 
up  their  own  '*  high-church." 

t  The  different  churches  in  the  Netherlands  are  now  under  the  control  of  two  de- 
partments, one  of  which  is  devoted  to  the  Protestant,  the  other  to  the  Catholic 
church.  At  the  head  of  each  department  is  a  Director- General,  whose  rank  and  pay 
are  but  little  lower  than  those  of  a  cabinet  minister.  The  expenses  of  religion  are 
paid  entirely  by  the  state,  unless  a  congregation  see  fit  to  give  their  pastor  more  than 
the  regular  salary  assigned  to  him.  Tne  budget  for  1843  of  the  Director- Genera]  of 
the  Reformed  Church  is  of  1,432,142  florins,  of  forty  cents  American  each.  Of  this 
sum,  1,058,807  florins  is  for  the  Reformed  (Calvimst)  churches;  34,940  florins  for 
the  Lutheran  ;  9,900,  for  the  Anabaptists ;  21,000  florins  for  the  Remonstrants ;  and 
22,350  florins  for  Jewish  Rabbis,  and  repairs  of  the  synagogues.  Of  the  remainder, 
31,800  florins  are  taken  up  by  the  expenses  of  the  department,  including  8,000  flor- 
ins, the  salary  of  the  Director-GenenU,  and  the  rest  is  devoted  to  the  education  of 
small  children  of  the  different  sects. 

The  budget  of  the  Catholic  direction  is  of  520,000  florins.  Since  the  separation  of 
Belgium,  this  department  has  lost  much  of  its  former  importance. 

X  Neal,  in  his  History  of  the  Puritans,  says  (Vol.  I.,  p.  577),  under  date  1595 :  — 
"  The  violent  proceedings  of  the  bishops  drove  great  numbers  of  the  Brownists  into 


Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Ley  den.  51 

Again,  there  are  two  very  voluminous  histories  of  Ley- 
den  ;  one,  the  Beschrijving  der  Stadt  Leyderij  door  Or- 
lers,4to.,  Leyden,  1641 ;  the  other,  Beschrijving  der  Slad 
Leyden,  door  Van  Mieris,  3  vol.,  foL,  Leyden,  1762;  in 
both  of  which  the  history  of  each  church  is  given  sepa- 
rately, as  is  also  that  of  the  small  chapels  attached  to  the 
difierent  almshouses.  These  notices  are  written  with 
great  apparent  accuracy,  and  certainly  with  great  minute- 
ness, —  many  pages  being  often  devoted  to  the  smallest 
Gasthuys  Kapelletje,  every  change  in  its  different  occu- 
pants mentioned,  the  acts  of  the  magistrates  in  relation 
to  it  recorded,  and  in  some  cases  the  putting  of  new 
planks  to  the  floor,  or  fresh  whitewash  upon  the  walls, 
most  faithfully  chronicled.  Yet,  with  all  this  minuteness, 
1  can  find  in  neither  of  these  books  any  allusion  whatever 
to  the  presence  in  Leyden  of  any  other  English  commu- 
nity than  that  of  which  I  have  before  spoken. 

I  think  that  the  absence  of  all  record  at  Leyden,  and 
the  absence  of  all  notice  in  the  early  writings  of  the  Pil- 
grims, give  strong  grounds  for  believing  that  no  church 
was  granted  to  them,  and  I  may  cite  again  that  passage 
of  Bradford's  journal  in  which  he  states,  that,  but  for 
fear  of  offending  England,  they  would  have  received  some 
public  favor.  The  public  favor  to  be  shown  would  cer- 
tainly be  the  granting  them  a  public  place  of  worship. 

I  am  myself  convinced  that  no  regular  church  was 
granted  them,  and  I  am  disposed  to  believe  that  their  re- 
ligious assemblies  were  held  in  some  hired  hall,  or  in  the 

Holland,  where  their  leaders,  Mr.  JohnBon,  Mr.  Smith,  Mr.  Ainsworth,  Mr.  Robin- 
aoD,  Mr.  Jacob,  and  others,  were  gone  beforehand,  and,  with  the  leave  of  the  States,  were 
erecting  churches"  &c.  For  this  statement  he  gives  no  authority,  and  his  accuracy 
in  fiicts  would  seem  to  be  no  greater  than  in  dates.  In  his  second  volume,  p.  47,  he  al- 
ludes to  the  treaty  with  Queen  Elizabeth,  under  which  Presbyterian  churches  were  erect- 
ed in  Uie  NeUierfands.  In  Note  A.,  1  shall  give  the  fourteenth  clause  of  the  treaty  of  1585, 
the  only  earbf  treaty  between  England  and  the  Netherlands,  containing  a  stipulation 
upon  matters  of  religioux;  but  I  am  unable  to  find  in  the  records  of  the  States  Gen- 
eral, which  1  examined  at  the  Hague,  any  thing  to  justi^  the  first  statement  of  Neal. 
There  is,  indeed,  a  short  notice,  on  the  5th  Cktolier,  lo96,  stating  that  the  proposi- 
tions of  several  English,  in  different  cities,  on  matters  of  religion,  were  advertised,  in 
order  that  the  cities  might  know  of  them  in  time  ;  but  I  can  find  nothing  further  in 
the  records  relating  to  English  religious  affairs,  up  to  1620,  the  point  at  which  my 
examination  stopped.  What  the  propositions  were  does  not  appear.  The  following 
is  a  cdpy  of  the  record  :  — 

"1596,  Octob.  5.  —  Is  openinge  en  advertentie  gedaan  van  het  geene  by  eenige  yan 
de  Engelsche  Natie  in  yerscheide  steeoen  op  het  stuk  van  de  Keligie  word 
▼oorgesteltf  ten  einde  de  Steeden  willen  in  tyds  dsar  op  letten  dat  egeene  in- 
conyenienten  daar  uit  en  koomen  te  onstaan/* 


52  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leydtfi. 

house  of  Robinson,  their  pastor.  That  it  was  not  uncom- 
mon, at  that  time,  for  different  sects  in  the  Netherlands  to 
hold  religious  meetings  in  private  houses,  we  have  the  au- 
thority of  Cardinal  Bentivoglio,  who,  in  his  Relazione  di 
Fiandra,  tells  us,  that  '*  the  public  exercises  of  religion 
are  not  permitted  in  the  cities  to  any  sect  but  the  Calvin- 
ists,  neither  is  it  allowed  that  any  other  doctrines  than 
theirs  shall  be  taught  publicly  in  the  schools.  The  ex- 
ercises of  all  others  are  permitted  in  private  houses,  which 
are  in  fact  as  if  public,  the  places  of  preaching  being 
spacbus  and  of  sufficient  size  for  any  assembly."  * 
No  allusion  to  their  place  of  worship  can,  I  believe,  be 
found  in  any  of  the  original   writings  of   the   Pilgrims, 

*  '*  Non  vien  permeno  per6  1'  esercitio  publico  nelle  citt^i  se  non  a'  C&lviniiti,  come 
ho  accennato  dt  sopra ;  ne  si  cooaente,  che  a*  inaeffni  altra  dottrina  pablicameDte  neUa 
acuole,  che  quella  della  lor  wtta.  A  lutte  V  nitre  f  permeaao  1'  eaercitio  nelle  caae  pri- 
vate ;  che  81  poMono  dir  per6  come  pnblicbe,  predieandoai  in  laoghi  spatioai,  e  capaei 
d'  o^i  concono."    Bentivo^lio,  Relazione  di  Fiandra,  Parte  II.,  Cap.  11. 

Both  Bancroft,  in  his  History,  and  Youne»  in  his  notes,  have  referred  to  Benti- 
voglio,  as  authority  for  statements  made  in  Uieir  respective  writings.  The'  former 
savs,  Vol.  1.,  p  302,  —  '*  His  [Robinson's]  congregation  inspired  the  nuncio  of  Rome 
with  respect  ;  and  Young,  in  a  note  on  p.  43,  sajs,  —  "  The  English  Separatists  in 
Holland  attracted  the  notice  of  Cardinal  oentivo^lio."  I  should  feel  great  delicacT 
in  differing  from  either  of  these  accomplished  writers,  but  1  must  confess  my  inabil- 
ity to  find  in  Bentivoglio's  writings  any  allusion  either  to  *'  Robingon*s  congrega* 
tion,"  or  to  '*  the  English  SeparatistM,*'  in  Holland.  There  is,  however,  in  imm^i- 
ate  connection  with  Die  passage  I  have  cited  above,  an  allusion  to  certain  Puritani 
d* IngkiUerra  ;  but  does  not  that  apply  to  the  different  English  and  Scottish  Presby- 
terian congregations  which  were  at  that  time  collected  in  most  of  the  large  towna 
of  the  Netherlands  ?  (See  Note  A.)  These  congregations,  of  which  Ames,  Parker, 
and  others  were  the  preachers,  were  known  as  PuntOHS  ;  while  Robinson's  church 
at  Leyden,  and  Johnson's  at  Amsterdam,  were  known  only  as  Brownists  or  Separat- 
istfl.  In  Governor  Bradford's  Dialogue  (see  Toung,  p.  436),  he  speaks  of**  thoee  re- 
proached by  the  name  of  Puritans  "  as  persons  quite  distinct  from  "  those  that  are  re- 
proached bv  the  name  of  Brownists  and  Separatists.** 

Again,  Bentivoglio  makes  no  allusion  to  the  English  Puritans  being  at  Lejden* 
but  says,  ailer  naming  the  towns  in  which  the  principal  heretical  sects  are  distrib- 
uted : —  **1  Puritani  Inglesi  sono  in  Amsterdam  quasi  tutti  per  1*  istesso  rispetto 
[occasione  del  traffico]  ;  e  se  ne  trattengono  alcuni  medesimamente  per  occasione  di 
mercantia  nella  citta  di  Midelburgo  in  Zelanda."  I  am  not  aware  that  any  Sepa- 
ratist congregation  existed  at  Middleburg,  except  for  a  few  years  prior  to  1589,  — 
during  the  time,  in  fact,  that  Brown  was  taking  refuge  in  that  citv ;  there  was,  how- 
ever, in  that  place,  an  English  Presbyterian  cbuich,  connected  with  the  English 
factory,  for  this  was  a  place  of  much  resort  for  English  traders.  In  Bradford's 
Dialogue  (see  Young,  p.  424),  he  tells  us  that  Johnson,  who  afterwards  became  the 
teacher  of  the  Separatists  at  Amsterdam,  was  preacher,  at  one  time,  **  to  the  com- 
panv  of  English  of  the  Staple  of  Middleburg,*' —  and  the  Piesbyterian  church  formed 
of  that  company  is  the  one,  I  should  suppose,  to  which  Bentivoglio  alludes. 

I  do  not  find,  in  other  parts  of  Bentivoglio*s  writings,  any  passage  which  shows 
that  he  was  acquainted  with  the  existence  of  a  sect  of  Separatists  distinct  from  the 
Puritans  or  Presbyterians.  In  his  essay  Dello  Stalo  della  Religione  in  Scotia,  he 
speaks  of  the  Catholics  and  Puritans  as  being  the  two  sects  of  the  country  ;  and  in 
his  other  essay,  Delia  Religione  in  InghiUerray  he  alludes  to  Mrea  sects,  —  first  the 
Catholics,  then  the  Protestant  Calvinists,  —  and  continues, — <*  Sono  in  gran  numero 
ancora  in  Inghilterra  i  pari  Calviniati  che  si  chiamano  Puritani." 


Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden.  53 

nor  in  those  of  any  other  person  prior  to  Prince,  Neal, 
who  wrote  about  the  same  time,  says  that  ^'  they 
hired  a  meetinghouse,"  *  although  for  this  he  gives  no 
authority.  A  passage  in  Winslow's  Narration  speaks 
of  the  house  of  Robinson  as  being  large^  and  that  it 
was  the  place  of  the  feast  which  was  prepared  for  the 
Pilgrims  at  their  departure,  by  those  who  remained  at 
Leyden.f  If  large  enough  for  this  purpose,  it  certainly 
would  l)e  large  enough  for  their  usual  meetings,  and,  con- 
sidering the  straitened  circumstances  in  which  they  were, 
it  is  hardly  probable  that  more  than  one  large  building 
would  be  hired  by  them. 

When  I  found  from  the  Record  of  Interments,  pre- 
served at  the  Stadt  House  in  Leyden,  the  spot  of  Robin- 
son's dwelling  at  the  time  of  his  decease,  I  had  hoped  to 
settle  this  point  satisfactorily  to  my  own  mind ;  but  his 
house  was  probably  taken  down  a  few  years  after  his 
death,  as  a  row  of  small  buildings  now  occupies  its  site, 
which  were  put  there  about  the  year  1650. 

2.  As  to  the  attentions  shown  at  the  grave  of  Robin- 
son. In  addition  to  the  concluding  part  of  the  note  from 
Prince,  which  I  have  before  cited,  there  is  the  following 
passage  in  Winslow's  Brief  Narration.  "  When  God  took 
him  away  from  them  and  us  by  death,  the  University  and 
ministers  of  the  city  accompanied  him  to  his  grave  with 
all  their  accustomed  solemnities,  bewailing  the  great  loss 
that  not  only  that  particular  church  had  whereof  he  was 
pastor,  but  some  of  the  chief  of  them  sadly  affirmed  that 
all  the  churches  of  Christ  sustained  a  loss  by  the  death  of 
that  worthy  instrument  of  the  gospel."  J 

Cotton  Mather^  has  followed  this,  using  Winslow's 
words  almost  verbatim.  Hubbard  mentions  his  death, 
ivithout  any  comment  upon  the  conduct  of  the  Dutch. || 
Neal,  in  his  History  of  New  England,  says  nearly  the  same 
as  Winslow,  whom  he  mentions  in  his  preface  as  one  of 
the  principal  authorities  on  which  he  relied.  "They 
lamented   his  death   as   a  public  loss;   and,  though   he 

*  History  of^ew  England^  p.  81. 

f  <*The7, 1  say,  that  stayed  at  Leyden,  feasted  us  that  were  to  ^o,  at  oar  pastor's 
hoase,  being  large ;  where  we  refreshed  ourselres,  after  tears,  with  singing  of  psalms, 
making  joyfal  melody  in  our  hearts  as  well  as  with  the  voice."    See  Young,  p.  384. 

t  See  Young,  p.  m        §  Magnolia,  p.  46,  Book  I.,  Vol.  I.       ||  Hubbard,  p.  96. 


54  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

never  had  been  of  their  communion,  they  did  him  the 
honor  to  attend  his  body  to  the  grave."  * 

I  believe  that  all  these  statements  in  relation  to  atten- 
tions at  the  grave  are  incorrect.  Prince,  in  his  account 
of  them,  uses  language  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  Wins- 
•  low,  although  he  does  not  refer  to  him  as  an  authority, 
but  states  that  he  derived  his  information  from  the  ^^  most 
ancient  people  ''  of  Ley  den.  In  the  matter  of  a  grant  of 
a  church,  which  he  took  from  the  same  authority,  I  have 
perhaps  shown  that  there  is  some  cause  to  doubt  the 
memory  of  these  most  ancieht  people ;  and  their  accuracy, 
perhaps,  was  no  greater  in  relation  to  the  circumstances 
of  the  funeral.  The  original  authority  for  this  statement 
would  appear  to  be  Winslow,  who  was  not,  however,  in 
Holland  at  the  time  of  Robinson's  death  (1625),  but  in 
Plymouth,  and  who  could  of  bourse  speak  only  from  hear- 
say. For  a  point  of  greater  importance  than  this,  it  might 
be  well  to  inquire  how  far  a  book  written  under  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  Brief  Narration  J — an  advocate  defend- 
ing his  client,  —  may  be  safely  relied  upon  as  historical 
authority.f  The  statement  of  Winslow  has  been  followed 
ever  since  ;  but,  had  a  circumstance  so  flattering  to  the 
memory  of  their  former  pastor  and  to  the  remaining  part 
of  his  congregation  occurred,  would  it  not  have  been  men- 
tioned by  all  the  earlier  writers,  and  particularly  by  Mor- 
ton, whose  history,  compiled  in  great  part  from  Bradford's 
journal,  was  published  several  years  after  this  statement 
had  been  made  ?  He,  however,  has  no  allusion  to  it. 
Would  it  not  also  have  been  mentioned  by  the  persons  of 
Robinson's  congregation  who  attended  him  to  the  grave, 
and  who,  in  their  letters  to  their  former  companions  at 
Plymouth,  give  minute  particulars  of  his  death?  Copies 
of  these  letters  are  preserved  in  Bradford's  letter- booli;, 
which  has  been  printed  in  the  Collections  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society ;  but  upon  any  honors  or  friendly 
attentions  shown  to  them  at  that  time  they  are  sileut.| 

•  NeaKs  JTew  England,  p.  123.  t  See  Note  B. 

t  The  letter  of  Ro^r  White,  dated  Leyden,  April  28th,  1625,  saya:  —  '*  It  hath 
pleaaed  the  Lord  to  take  out  of  this  vale  of  tears  your  and  our  loving  and  faithful 
pastor  and  my  dear  brother,  Mr.  John  Robiftson,  who  was  sick  some  eight  days,  be- 
^nning  first  to  be  sick  on  a  Saturday  morning ;  yet  the  next  day,  being  the  Lord's 
day,  be  taught  us  twice ;  and  the  week  after  grew  every  day  weaker  than  other, 


Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden.  65 

But  another  evidence  against  the  correctness  of  the 
statenaent  of  Winslow  and  Prince. is  the  fact,  that  the 
plague  was  raging  in  Leyden  at  the  time  of  Robinson's 
death,  and  that,  during  the  prevalence  of  that  disorder,  all 
public  funerals  were  suspended.  This  I  find  to  have 
been  customary  in  Leyden,  even  if  the  deceased  had 
not  been  ill  of  the  prevailing  malady.  Roger  White,  in 
his  letter,  alludes  to  the  prevalence  of  the  plague  ;  and  in 
the  book  of  records  of  interments  in  Leyden,  I  found  a 
corroboration  of  this  in  the  large  number  of  deaths  that 
daily  occurred.  In  one  church  alone,  twenty-five  persons 
were  buried  in  a  single  day,  and  this  only  three  days  be- 
fore Robinson's  death.  In  the  lists  of  other  churches, 
whole  families  would  appear  to  have  been  buried  at  the 
same  time ;  the  names  of  husband,  wife,  and  three  or  more 
children  appearing,  in  several  cases,  upon  the  register. 

The  attentions  of  the  professors  and  learned  men 
would  not,  I  believe,  be  lessened  by  the  poverty  of  him 
whom  they  thought  worthy ;  and,  although  it  proves  noth- 
ing in  this  immediate  connection,  yet  it  may  not  be  unin- 
teresting to  know  the  manner  of  Robinson's  interment 

It  was  not  without  some  difficulty  that  I  found  at  Ley- 
den the  place  of  Robinson's  grave,  being  misled  at  first 
by  the  statement  of  Prince,  that  he  was  buried  in  a  church 
which  had  been  granted  to  his  congregation.  Having 
sought  at  the  Stadt  House  and  at  other  places  for  some 
record,  without  success,  1  at  last,  in  a  small  closet  attached 
to  the  Cathedral  Church  of  St.  Peter,  full  of  old  dust- 
covered  volumes,  fell  upon  one  which  contained  a  record 
of  the  receipts  of  the  different  churches  in  Leyden,  from 
1619  to  1629.  Most  of  these  receipts  were  for  burial- 
fees  ;  and,  on  looking  over  the  lists  of  each  church  for  the 
year  1626,  the  year  of  Robinson's  death,  I  found  the  re- 
ceipt for  his  interment  at  the  Peter's  Kerk,  the  church  in 
which  I  then  was.     The  title  of  this  manuscript  volume 

jet  felt  no  pain  but  weakness  all  the  time  of  his  sickness.  The  phjsic  he  took 
wrongbt  kindly,  in  man's  judgment ;  yet  he  g^rew  every  day  weaker  than  other, 
feeling  little  or  no  pain,  yet  sensible  till  the  very  last.  Who  fell  sick  the  22d  of 
February,  and  departed  this  life  the  Ist  of  March.    He  had  a  continual  inward  avue, 

which  brought  the but,  I  thank  the  Lord,  was  free  of  the  plague^  so  that  all  his 

fnends  could  come  freely  to  him."  See  CoUectianM  of  the  Massaehusetts  HistoHeal 
S^eitty^  1794,  Vol.  III.,  p.  39 ;  also,  Young's  PUgrims,  p.  478. 


56  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

is  Blaffaarden  van  de  Hoofd-Kerken,  Ad.  1619  tot  1629; 
and  the  receipt  for  Robinson's  burial,  an  attested  fac-simile 
of  which  I  send  with  this/  is  in  the  following  words : 

1626.        )    Openen  en  huer  van  Jan  Robens 
10  Mart  5  engels  predekant 9  florins. 

Open  and  hire  .for  John  Robens 
English  preacher 9  florins. 

This  sum  of  nine  florins  f  is  the  lowest  paid  for  any  person 
whose  burial  is  recorded.  Mr.  De  Pecker,  who,  under  the 
Director-General  at  the  Hague,  is  the  administrator  of  the 
affairs  of  the  churches  in  Leyden,  and  who  is  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  mode  of  interment  at  different  periods, 
informed  me  that  this  sum  was  paid  only  for  the  hire,  for 
a  few  years,  of  a  place  immediately  under  the  pavement 
in  one  of  a  large  number  of  square  pits,  containing  space 
sufficient  for  four  coffins.  At  the  end  of  seven  yearSj  these 
bodies  were  all  removed.  For  tombs  which  were  walled  up 
the  prices  paid  were  much  higher.  The  profession  of 
each  person  buried  is  named  in  the  register ;  and  those 
against  whose  names  the  receipt  of  nine  florins  is  put 
were,  I  found,  invariably  persons  in  the  humblest  walks 
of  life,  journeymen-weavers,  &c. ;  while  others,  who  are 
noted  as  mechanics  or  artisans,  were  buried  in  places  of 
fifteen  and  eighteen  florins.  While  looking  over  this  rec- 
ord, Mr.  Van  Pecker  remembered,  that,  previously  to  1812, 
there  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the  secretary  of  the  Kerk- 
meesters  a  Gravenboeck^  or  general  record  of  burials  in 
Leyden.  During  that  year,  this  book  was  deposited 
among  the  archives  at  the  Stadt  House,  where  it  now  is. 
The  record  of  Robinson's  interment,  as  it  appears  in  that, 
I  shall  give  in  a  note,|  merely  mentioning  here,  that,  while 
the  day  of  his  death  is  stated  in  Roger  White's  letter  to 
be  the  1st  of  March,  the  day  of  his  funeral  appears  by  the 
Gravenboeck  to  have  been  the  4th  of  March,  and  the  day 
on  which  the  interment  fees  were  paid  appears,  by  the 
church  receipt-book,  to  have  been  the  10th  of  March. 

But  to  return.    I  h^ve  perhaps  shown  to  your  satisfaction, 

•  See  Note  C. 

f  The  proportion  of  the  florin  to  the  fne  mark  of  Cologne  wai  the  same  at  tJiat 
time  as  at  preient.    The  value  of  the  florin,  in  United  States  currency,  is  forty  cents. 
t  Note  C. 


Mmoirs  of  the  JPUgrima  at  Leydm.  67 

that  DO  church  was  granted  to  Robinson's  congregation ; 
and  also,  that,  from  the  want  of  any  contemporary  testi- 
mony to  the  fact  of  attentions  at  his  grave,  and  from  the 
fact  that  the  [5lague  raged  at  the  time  of  his  death,  during 
which  all  public  funerals  were  prohibited,  there  is  good 
reason  for  believing  that  no  such  attentions  as  have  been 
narrated  were  shown. 

I  have  found,  however,  evidence  of  an  attention  on  the 
part  of  the  University  of  Leyden  to  Robinson,  which  does 
uot  appear  to  be  mentioned  by  any  of  our  authors.  It  is 
his  admission,  in  1615,  as  a  subject  of  the  University,  — 
an  admission  which  exempted  him  from  the  control  of  the 
town  magistrates,  and  which,  in  addition  to  several  other 
privileges,  entitled  him  to  receive,  free  of  town  and  state 
duties,  every  month,  half  a  tun  of  beer,  and  every  three 
months  about  ten  gallons  cjT  wine.*  This  privilege  was 
extended,  as  an  honorary  distinction,  to  many  persons  of 
eminence  who  visited  Leyden ;  and  the  learned  Dr.  Sie- 
genbeck,  the  historian  of  the^  University,  mentioned  to  me 
the  possibility  of  Robinson's  name  being  inscribed  in  its 
books,  although  he  was  himself  unaware  of  such  being 
the  case,  and  also  unaware  of  the  fact  that  such  a  person 
or  that  such  a  congregation  had  ever  been  in  Leyden.  f 

On  looking  over  the  catalogue  of  the  students  admitted 
after  1609,  which  is  not  printed,  but  a  part  of  which  has 
been  recently  copied  by  order  of  the  Senate  of  the  Uni- 
versity, I  found  the  record  of  Robinson's  admission  in  the 
following  words :  — 

"1616, 
Sept.  5^         Joannes  Robintsonus,  Anglus, 
Coss :  permissu.  Ann.  xxxix. 

Stud.  Theol.  alit  Familiam." 

It  will  be  seen  that  this  honor  was  not  accorded  until 
after  six  or  seven  years'  residence  in  the  city,  and,  from 

*  See  Note  D.,  for  ui  attested  copy  of  his  admissioD,  and  a  notice  of  the  privileges 
attendiof  it 

f  I  received,  while  making  these  inquiries,  a  great  deal  of  kind  assistance  from 
manv  of  the  professors  and  learned  men  of  Leyden,  two  of  whom,  Dr.  Dermout  and 
Ih.  Leemans,  I  most  thank  roost  cordially ;  but  I  was  forced  to  believe  that  the  im- 
pnission  made  by  the  Pilgrims  had  not  been  very  strong,  when  I  found  the  fact  of 
their  presence  fof  ten  years  in  that  town  was  quite  unknown  to  all  with  whom  I 
spoke. 

VOL.    IX.  8 


68  Memoirs  qf  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

the  marginal  remark,  ^^  Cansukm  permissUj^^  it  is  not  im- 
probable that  some  objection  had  been  previously  made. by 
the  town  magistrates.  The  record  of  the  admission  of  Rob- 
ert Durie,  the  pastor  of  the  English  church,  is  in  some- 
what different  form.  He  arrived  at  Ley  den  in  1609, 
and  early  the  next  year  received  that  honor  which  was  so 
slow  in  reaching  the  pastor  of  the  Pilgrims. 
The  record  for  him  is  thus  :  — 


"  1610, 
Aprilis  27. 


Robertus  Durseus,  Anglicanae 
Ecclesiae  Minister,  apud 
Lugduneuses  in  Batavia, 

An.  Iv. 
familiam  alens." 


Honoris 
et  ministerii 
ergo  gratis 
inscriptus. 

And  again,  in  the  following  year,  there  is  another  in- 
scription, probably  of  the  son  of  Durie. 

"1611, 

Aug.  3.       Johannes  Duraeus,  Scholus,  An.  xii. 
Gratis.  Stud.  Phil,  habit,  apud  Parentes." 

It  is  not  improbable  that  this  privilege  was  given  to 
Robinson  on  account  of  the  part  which  he  took  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  opinions  of  Arminius ;  although  in  the  records 
of  the  University  there  appears  no  account  of  those  public 
discussions  with  Episcopius  in  which  he  engaged,  and  of 
which  both  Bradford  and  Winslow  give  us  notices.*  So 
I  am  informed  by  Professor  Sandifort,  the  present  Record- 
ing  Secretary  of  the   University,  who  was  kind  enough 

*  Mr.  ToQDff  qaotes,  p.  42,  in  reference  to  these  discumions,  a  pasBage  from 
Hoornbeeck's  ovmma  Controversiarum  Religianis^  1658.  Hoornbeeck  was  for  a  long^ 
time  Professor  of  Divinity  at  Utrecht,  where,  in  1653,  he  published  the  first  editioo  S 
the  book  to  which  Mr.  Young  refers.  In  that  there  is  no  allusion  to  Robinson  as 
having  taken  part  in  any  discussions.  In  the  same  ytfar,  Hoornbeeck  removed  to  Ley« 
den,  and  there,  in  1658,  published  his  second  edition,  containing  the  psssage  referred 
to.  (See  Note  £.)  Mr.  Young  says  that  he  finds  no  notice  of  this  discussion  in  any  life 
of  Episcopius.  Bradford  tells  us  that  Episcopius  was  put  to  a  *'  non-plus."  If  one  may 
believe  in  the  great  powers  of  argument  that  the  biographers  of  Episcopius  accord 
him,  this  will  appear  to  be  no  small  triumph.  In  Het  Leven  van  Simon  Episcopius^ 
Amsterdam,  1776,  many  discussions  are  mentioned,  from  all  of  which  he  came  off 
triumphant.  His  peculiar  powers  were,  however,  particularly  displayed  on  one  oc- 
casion, when  opposing  Dr.  Sibrandus.  *'  In  the  year  1610,  Episcopius  held  a  public 
disputation  with  Dr.  Sibrandus,  and  in  this  his  language  was  so  clear,  his  logic  so 
strong,  and  his  arguments  so  convincing,  that  many  who  knew  nothing  of  the  Xatin 
tongue  declared  themselves  converted  to  his  side.  One  burgher,  in  particular,  on 
hearing  the  discussion,  became  convinced  of  the  truth  of  Episcopius's  doctrine,  and 
being  asked  how  he  could  judge,  as  they  spoke  only  in  Latin,  of  which  be  knew 
not  a  word,  replied,—  Die  eerst  kwmad  wordt^  die  ke^  het  verloorem,  —  *  The  fint 
who  becomet  angry,  he  I  know  has  lost.'  " 


Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden.  69 

to  examine  for  me  the  Acta  Senatus  Academici  for  1612, 
1614,  and  1615.  But  as  such  public  disputations  were  at 
that  time  of  constant  recurrence  in  Leyden,  and  of  little 
importance  in  their  results,  it  was  very  rare  that  any  rec- 
ord of  them  was  made.  It  is  to  be  lamented  that  in  these 
discussions  Robinson  is  found  taking  the  part  of  the  bigots. 
But  principles,  in  a  certain  sense,  change  with  times,  and 
it  would  be  unjust  to  judge  his  conduct  by  the  standard  of 
other  days  than  his  own.  There  are  few,  1  think,  among 
the  sons  of  the  Pilgrims,  who  would  not  wish  to  find  him 
ranged  with  the  friends,  rather  than  with  the  persecutors 
and  final  butchers,  of  the  wise,  the  just,  the  generous 
Barne  veldt.* 

Some  words  used  by  Governor  Bradford  in  his  corre- 
spondence with  the  ^^  Directors  and  Counsellors  of  the 
Colony  of  New  Netherlands  "  have  been  also  frequently 
referred  to  as  a  proof  of  the  favorable  position  in  which 
the  Pilgrims  stood  towards  the  Dutch  when  in  Holland  ; 
but  a  little  reflection  upon  the  circumstances  under  which 
those  letters  were  written  will,  I  think,  somewhat  lessen 
their  value  as  evidence  in  regard  to  this  point.  The  cor- 
respondenqe  is  preserved  in  Governor  Bradford's  letter- 
book,  to  which  I  have  before  referred,  and  is  published 
in  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 
The  first  letter  from  the  Dutch  officers,  which  is  not  giv- 
en in  the  letter-book,  contained,  as  we  may  infer  from  the 
reply,  many  fine  congratulatory  words,  and  also  proposi- 
tions of  friendship  and  commerce.  Its  date  was  March 
9th,  1627.  The  reply,  of  March  19th,  1627,  alludes  to  the 
professions  of  good-will  contained  in  the  Dutch  letter,  ad- 
ding, that  they  are  ^'  expressed  with  over  high  titles  " ;  and 
after  congratulating  the  Dutch  Directors  and  Council  on 
the  friendship  then  subsisting  between  their  two  govern- 
ments at  home,  which  should  alone  make  them  also 
friends,  continues :  —  **  Yet  are  many  of  us  further  tied  by 
the  good  and  courteous  entreaty  which  we  have  found  in 
your  country,  having  lived  there  many  years  with  freedom 
and  good  content,  as  many  of  our  friends  do  to  this  day ; 

*  The  active  part  which  the  profetaora  of  Leyden,  oppoaed  to  Anniniui,  took  in  the 
pnraiiita  againat  Barneyeldtt  Hugo  Grotiua,  and  otliera,  will  be  found  mentioned  in 
wmtlj  all  the  eontemporary  iioticef»  aa  abo  in  Brandt'a  History  qf  tk»  RtfarmMUom 
mdULow  Onmines. 


60  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

for  which  we  are  bound  to  be  thankful  and  our  children 
after  us,  and  shall  never  forget  the  same,  but  shall  hearti- 
ly desire  your  good  and  prosperity  as  our  own  for  ever."  * 
When,  a  few  months  later,  Isaac  de  Razier,  the  chief 
merchant  and  second  of  the  governors  of  the  New  Neth-* 
erlands,  arrived  at  Plymouth,  he  was  received,  as  the  mar^ 
ginal  notes  of  Bradford  state,  with  all  possible  honor,  —  a 
boat  being  sent  for  him,  in  which  he  ^'  came  honorably 
attended  with  a  noise  of  trumpeters."  They  seem  to  have 
understood  one  another  very  well,  neither  having  been 
deceived  by  the  kind  expressions  of  the  other.  Of  the 
Dutch  offers  of  assistance  Bradford  says,  —  **  The  which, 
though  we  know  it  was  with  an  eye  to  their  own  {N'ofit, 
yet  we  had  reason  both  kindly  to  accept  it  and  make  use 
of  it." 

But  although  his  reply  was  couched  in  even  more  than 
friendly  terms,  this  movement  of  the  Dutch  was  watched 
with  great  jealousy.  Their  friendship  was  not  to  be  re- 
jected, yet  there  was  danger  in  too  great  an  intimacy, 
and  it  was  to  be  feared  by  the  colonists  that  their  advan- 
tages of  trade  with  the  natives  might  be  soon  usurped  by 
their  enterprising  neighbours.  That  Bradford  was  not  quite 
at  ease,  notwithstanding  the  tone  of  their  mutual  compli- 
ments and  the  ^^  noise  of  trumpeters,"  may  be  inferred 
from  the  letter  which  a  short  time  after  (June  15, 1627) 
he  wrote  to  **  The  Council  of  New  England  "  in  England. 
After  expressing  an  opinion  as  to  the  rising  influence  of 
the  Dutch  colony,  and  the  importance  of  guarding  against 
them,  he  says,  —  "  For  strength  of  men  and  fortification, 

they  far  exceed  us,  and  all  in  this  land The  effect 

of  their  letters  being  friendly  and  congratulatory,  we  an-- 
swered  them  in  like  sorV^  t 

The  value  of  an  inference  drawn  from  compliments 
passed  under  such  circumstances  is,  perhaps,  not  very 
great. 

One  evidence  of  the  poverty  of  the  Pilgrims  while  in  Hol- 
land may  be  found  in  the  fact  of  the  hard  terms  to  which 
they  were  compelled  to  submit  in  their  contract  with  the 
"  merchant  adventurers  "  in  England,  who  supplied  them 

*  See  ColUetunu  of  the  MauaehueUs  Bistorusal  Sodeiy,  Vol.  III.,  p.  51. 
t  n>id.|  p.  56. 


Memoirs  of  the  PUgrims  at  Leyden.  61 

with  the  means  to  emigrate  to  America  and  lay  the  founda- 
tion of  their  colonj.  Every  person  above  sixteen  was  to 
be  counted  as  ten  pounds  in  the  capital  stock ;  and  the 
^^  merchant  adventurer^"  who  advanced  one  hundred 
pounds  in  England,  was  to  receive,  at  the  end  of  seven 
years,  as  much  of  the  profits  of  the  colony  as  did  ten  of  its 
hard-toiling  founders ;  and  this  in  addition  to  a  share  of 
the  land  they  had  brought  under  cultivation,  and  the 
buildings  they  had  raised.  The  colonists  were  not  even 
allowed  the  liberty,  possessed  at  the  present  day  by  a 
Valachian  serf  or  a  Spanish  slave,  to  work  two  days  in 
the  week  for  themselves  individually ;  but  were  compelled 
by  their  agreement  to  toil  untiringly  for  seven  years,  and 
always  for  the  benefit  of  the  Company.* 

Taking  into  view,  then,  the  care  and  suffering  that  they 
endured  in  Holland,  as  shown  by  their  own  early  writings, 
—  the  absence  in  these  writings  of  all  notice  of  any  at- 
tentions from  the  magistrates,  —  viewing  also  the  fact, 
that  no  traces  can  now  be  found  of  their  having  enjoyed 
any  public  place  of  worship,  and  also  that  the  honor  of 
admission  to  University  privileges  was  not  accorded  to 
their  pastor  until  after  many  years,t  —  viewing,  further, 
the  hard  terms  to  which  they  were  forced  to  submit  in 
order  to  raise  the  means  for  their  emigration  to  America, 
may  we  not  justly  infer  that  the  condition  of  the  Pilgrims 
while  in  Holland  was  one  of  poverty  and  obscurity  ? 

I   must  confess  I  cannot  sympathize  with  those  who 

*  The  conditions  of  this  agreement  are  to  be  found  in  Hubbard's  History-  He 
does  Dot  gire  the  source  from  which  he  derived  them.  Mr.  Young  supposes  them  to 
have  been  taken  from  Bradford's  journal,  and  to  that  he  has  restored  them,  placing 
them  within  brackets.    See  Young  s  Pilgrinu,  pp.  81  -  85. 

Hard  as  these  conditions  certainly  were  for  persons  possessing  the  character  and 
intelligence  of  the  Pilgrims,  they  are  not  unlike  such  as  are  sometimes  made  at  the 
•resent  daj  by  emimnts  from  the  Old  World.  I  remember,  when  at  the  island  of 
£lba,  seeing  in  the  harbour  of  Porto  Ferrajo  a  vessel  just  ready  to  sail  for  Pernambu- 
CO,  having  on  board  two  hundred  natives  of  the  island.  The  contract  made  with 
sach  of  them,  and  which  was  showm  to  me  by  the  single  "  merchant  adventurer," 
who,  in  thia  case,  accompanied  them,  was,  that  the  expenses  of  their  passage  to 
America,  and  of  their  roamtenance  for  fiye  years,  were  to  be  paid  by  him,  they  to 
work  oonstaotly  duriog  that  time,  at  their  several  trades,  for  his  benefit  (excepting 
onl^  the  usual  Church  fuUu),  and,  during  other  five  years,  to  pay  to  him  a  part  of 
their  earnings. 

t  I  omit,  in  this  connection,  the  fact,  that  their  former  presence  in  Leyden  is  now 
quite  anknown  to  roost  of  the  learned  men  of  the  University  ;  for  that  only  proves 
that  the  memory  of  good  men  will  not  always  survive  them  for  two  hundred  years. 
I  shall  give  in  a  note  ^E.)  some  of  the  earliest  notices  of  Robinson  with  which!  met 
in  diflfeient  works  pablished  fai  Holland  and  in  Germany. 


62  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  ai  Leyden. 

would  wish  to  make  it  appear  otherwise.  For  to  do  so 
would  be^  to  my  mind,  not  onlj  to  violate  historic  truth, 
but  also  to  dim  one  of  the  brightest  traits  in  the  Pilgrims' 
character ;  —  I  mean  their  union,  and  firm,  unbending  reso- 
lution, displayed  under  circumstances  far  less  likely  to 
call  those  qualities  into  action,  than  when  as  colonists 
they  had  emigrated  to  America. 

Once  at  Plymouth,  they  had  no  alternative.  Their  ship 
had  not,  it  is  true,  been  burned  upon  the  strand ;  yet  few 
could  have  any  hope  of  return.  The  forest  was  before 
them,  the  ocean  behind.  Placed  in  such  a  position,  the 
weak  become  strong,  and  men  of  small  courage  display 
an  energy,  of  the  possession  of  which  they  were  them- 
selves before  all  unconscious.  But  in  Holland,  they  had 
before  their  eyes  the  temptation  of  their  own  English 
homes ;  they  had  a  land  ^^  less  hard  "  within  reach,  and 
nothing  to  restrain  them  from  enjoying  it  but  a  principle. 
Had  magisterial  favors  and  physical  comfort  attended 
them  in  Leyden,  then  there  were  no  self-denial  in  their 
position.  But  this  was  not  the  case ;  the  hardness  of  the 
country  was  such  that  few  would  come  to  them,  and 
fewer  would  bide  it  out  and  continue  with  them,  —  and 
many  that  wished  to  join  them  admitted  of  bondage,  with 
danger  of  conscience^  rather  than  to  endure  these  hardships 
in  Holland* 

And  why  not  give  the  Pilgrims  credit  for  having  en- 
dured, unflinchingly,  for  eleven  years,  those  hardships? 
Why  is  it  that  some  writers  have  found  delight  in  keeping 
back  the  fact  of  their  poverty,  and  in  dwelling  compla- 
cently upon  the  assumed  attentions  of  the  Dutch  magis- 
trates ?  Is  it  that  honest,  industrious,  independent  pov- 
erty is  a  crime  ?  Is  it  that  the  attentions  of  the  Sche- 
pens  and  Burgermeesters  of  a  provincial  town  in  Holland 
can  add  to  the  fame  of  men  who^,  not  shrinking  from 
poverty  or  from  danger,  left  their  homes  rather  than  to 
sacrifice  a  principle,  and  became,  in  a  foreign  land,  the 
fathers  of  a  nation,  millions  of  which  now  rise  up  and  call 
them  blessed  ?     By  their  works  let  them  be  judged. 

LoKDON,  Dec.  22d,  1842. 

*  See  Bradford*!  journal,  Young,  p.  45. 


NOTES. 


Note  A.  —  Page  49. 
ENGLISH  CHURCH  AT  LEYDEN. 

The  occupation,  bj  Leicester,  of  some  parts  of  Holland,  during  the 
reign  of  .Elizabeth,  had  brought  numbers  of  English  to  that  country, 
manj  of  whom  took  up  their  abodes  there.  Previously  to  this,  howev- 
er, commercial  factories  had  been  established  at  different  points,  many 
of  which  were  created  by  Scottish  merchants,  who  had  for  a  long 
time  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  favorable  treaties  between  their  own  sov- 
ereigns and  the  rulers  of  the  Netherlands.  By  a  treaty  made  Decem- 
ber 15,  1550,  between  Mary,  the  queen,  and  Charles  the  Fif\h  of 
Grermany,  the  Scotch  were  allowed  to  hold  their  own  boards  of  com- 
merce, and  to  enjoy,  while  in  the  Netherlands,  all  the  rights  and  priv- 
ileges of  the  Dutch  themselves  ;  and,  in  1594,  an  act  in  confirmation 
of  this  was  agreed  to  by  James  the  Sixth  and  the  Dutch  States.* 

When,  in  1585,  the  treatv  was  made  between  Elizabeth  and  the 
Seigniors  of  the  Netherlands,  by  which  English  troops  were  to  be 
sent  to  that  country  to  take  part  in  the  war  with  Spain,  it  was  provided 
by  the  fourteenth  article  of  that  treaty,  that  "They  [the  Dutch] 
inll  permit  to  the  governor  and  the  garrison  the  free  exercise  of  reli- 
gion, as  in  England  ;  and  to  this  end,  a  church  will  be  provided  for 
them  in  each  town."  t  The  churches,  thus  opened,  were  frequented 
by  others  than  the  soldiers  ;  and  in  a  few  years,  there  was  scarcely  a 
town  in  Holland,  of  much  importance,  that  had  not  its  English  congre- 
gation. 

That  at  Ley  den  was  formed  in  1609,  in  which  year  it  received,  by 
order  of  the  magistrates,  a  grant  of  a  church,  and  a  subsidy  for  its 
pastor,  Robert  Durie.  Their  meetings  were  at  first  held  in  the  chapel 
of  the  Saint  Catherine's  Almshouse,  where  they  continued  until  1622, 
when  another  chapel  was  granted  them  attached  to  the  Jerusalems 
Hof.  Here  they  remained  until  1644,  when  they  removed  to  the  Fa- 
lyde  Bagyn  Hof,  a  part,  of  the  church  of  which  they  occupied  until 
1807. 

The  historian  of  Leyden,  Van  Mieris,  to  whom  I  have  before  re- 
ferred, records  the  opening  of  the  English  church  in  the  following 
terms  :  — "  So  many  English  were  coming  here,  that  they  petitioned 
(1609)  for  a  church,  and  also  for  a  salary  for  their  preacher.  They 
received  permission  to  worship  in  Saint  Katherine's  Gasthuis.  In  1616, 
their  preacher  died,  and  they  petitioned  the  town  that  the  salary  might 
be  continued,  and  paid  to  such  neighbouring  preachers  as  they  might 
employ.     Permission  to  do  this  was  granted,  and  an  order  was  given 

*  See  HistarU  van  de  Oorlogtn  en  Guchiedenissen  der  Jftdtrlandereny  door  Van 
Meteivn,  Vol.  VI.,  p.  121 ;  alio,  Wagenaar's  yaderUnd$ehe  HUtorie,  Vol.  VIII., 
p.  400. 

f  See  Dumont,  Corps  Ufdverul  du  Droit  des  Oenty  Tome  V.,  Parte  I.,  p.  454. 


64  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

to  the  RerUmeeater  of  the  church  capital  to  pay  a  proper  proportion 
of  the  subsidy  to  such  preachers  as  might  come  from  neiehbouring 
towns,  until  a  new  preacher  was  chosen,  and  approved  by  the  magis- 
trates.    Order  dated  20th  February,  1617."* 

Van  Mieris  then  continues  with  an  act  extracted  from  the  Burger^ 
meesterenen  GereckU  Dag6oeA;of  12th  January,  1622,  which  states,  that, 
owing  to  the  number  of  different  services  performed  in  the  Katherine's 
Gasthuis,  it  was  well  to  make  some  change,  and  the  magistrates 
therefore  give  to  the  English  the  little  chapel  of  Jerusalems  Hoff 
(The  chapel  of  Saint  Catherine  was,  in  1609,  used  by  the  French 
JProtestants  in  Ley  den,  and  so  it  still  continues  to  be,  in  1842.) 

The  congregation  became,  however,  too  laree  for  this  chapel,  and 
on  the  11th  of  March,  1644,  the  following  order  was  issued  by  the 
magistrates,  the  record  of  which  is  by  van  Mieris  copied  from  the 
Dagboek  :  —  "  The  magistrates,  hearing  that  the  chapel  in  the  Alma- 
house  of  Jerusalem,  appropriated  as  a  church  or  temple  for  the  use 
of  the  English  community  of  the  Reformed  Religion  living  in  this  city, 
was  too  small  to  accommodate  all  their  number,  ordered  the  town  ar- 
chitect to  make  an  examination  of  the  room  in  the  church  of  the  Ba- 
fyn  Hof  (Beguine  Cloister), /ormer/y  lued  aa  a  fencing-achool ;  and 
aving  heard  his  report  of  the  length,  the  breadth,  and  the  height  of 
this  room,  they  find  from  the  forenamed  fabricant  that  this  room  is 
larger  than  the  chapel.  Wherefore  they  order  and  authorize  thai 
this  room  be  used  by  and  appropriated  to  the  above-named  congrega- 
tion, and  that  the  preacher's  stool,  the  chairs,  benches,  seats,  &c.,  be 
carried  there  from  the  Jerusalems  Hof  chapel  ;  and  further,  that  this 
room  in  the  Kerk  in  the  Bagyn  Hof  be  in  future  the  church  of  the 
Enslish  Reformed  Community."  Burgermeeateren  en  Gerechts  Dag" 
ioel,  xi.  March,  1644. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  three  distinct  chapels  were  allowed  them 
at  different  times,  neither  of  which  has,  as  I  can  find,  been  used  at 
any  time  by  any  other  English  congregation.  The  little  chapel  in  the 
Jerusalems  Hof  appeared  to  me  the  most  probable  one  to  have  been 
granted  to  the  Pilgrims,  and  I  thought  at  first  that  it  must  have  been 
their  place  of  worship.  But  it  was  given,  in  1622,  to  the  English 
church,  three  years  before  the  death  of  Robinson,  who,  we  may  safely 
say,  once  in  possession  of  a  church,  would  not  have  been  driven  out 
of  it  to  make  room  for  another.  Ip  the  histories  of  Leyden  there  is 
no  notice  of  the  use  to  which  it  was  devoted  immediately  prior  to 
1622,  although  in  the  books  of  the  Jerusalem  Almshouse,  now  in 
the  hands  of  Mr.  Putkammer,  one  of  the  trustees,  there  is  no  notice  of 
its  having  been  used  by  English  prior  to  1622.  In  a  small  room  at- 
tached to  it,  there  is  a  large  emblazoned  copy  of  the  will  of  its  found- 
er,—  Walter  Cooman,  1467,  —  which  was  painted  and  fastened  to  the 
wall  in  1618.  This  would  not,  I  believe,  have  been  done,  had  the 
chapel  been  then  in  the  hands  of  strangers. 
Immediately  after  1644,  this  chapel  was  used  as  the  assembly-room 

*  Besehrijving  der  Stad  Leiiden^  Vol.  I.,  p.  99. 

i  Orlert,  in  his  Besehnjvmg  der  Stadt  Leyden,  p.  143,  fays  of  the  Jenualems 
Gasthais  in  1641 :  —  **  Dit  Cappelletzen  wert  tegenwoordeele  ghebrapekt  by  de 
EngelBche  Ghemeente  doende  Professie  van  de  Gereformeende  Relijie," — Thi« 
chapel  ia  at  present  used  by  the  English  sect  professing  the  Reformed  Religion. 


Notes.  65 

of  the  Beer  Guild,  and  so  continued  until  1795,  when  all  guilds  were 
abolished,  and  it  is  now  (1842)  a  storehouse  for  turf  to  be  burned  in  a 
neighbouring  mill.  This  chapel  is  on  the  BroederijesgracfU,  and  has 
on  its  front  wall  the  arms  of  the  Brewers,  with  the  words  **  Bier  Dra- 
ger's  Gilden-Hojs."  I  mention  all  these  particulars,  lest  any  curious 
American,  searching  in  future  for  the  church  of  the  Pilgrims,  should 
fancy,  as  I  did  for  a  time,  that  he  has  found  it  in  the  Jerusalems 
Hof.» 

A  book  was  published  a  few  years  since,  —  Biatory  of  the  ScoUtsh 
Church  at  Rotterdam,  by  William  Steven,  Minister  of  that  Church,  Ed- 
inburgh, 1833,  —  which  contains  some  notices  of  the  different  English 
churches  in  Holland,  not  so  accurate,  however,  as  to  permit  their  be- 
\fkg  implicitly  relied  on.  Speaking  of  Leyden,  the  author  says,  —  ''As 
many  British  residents  resorted  to  this  rising  seat  of  learning,  the 
States  of  Holland  and  the  magistrates  of  the  town  instituted  and  en- 
dowed, at  their  joint  expense,  a  Scottish  church  in  1609." — p.  312. 
A^ain  :  —  "The  Brownists  had  a  chapel  here,  and  their  pastor  wa$ 
Mr,  John  Smith.  In  the  printed  histories  of  Leyden  there  is  no  men- 
tion made  of  this  religious  sect,  and  the  probability  is  that  it  did  not  long 
exist.  The  English  who  settled  in  this  town  were  genteel  families, 
whom  the  superior  advantages  of  education  drew  to  Leyden  in  consid- 
erable numbers  ;  and  there  were  besides  a  few  cloth  manufacturers, 
and  other  artisans." — >p.  312. 

This  English,  or  "  Scottish  church,"  is  the  only  church  of  either 
nation,  in  relation  to  which  any  record  can  be  found  in  the  Acts  of 
the  Reformed  Church  at  Leyden,  So  I  am  told  by  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Dennout,  a  most  learned  and  accomplished  divine  of  Leyden,  who 
has  probably  studied  with  more  care  than  any  living  person  in  Hol- 
land the  early  history  of  its  church.  The  fact  of  the  presence  of 
Robinson's  congregation  for  a  time  at  Leyden  was  known  to  him,  from 
its  being  stated  in  Neal's  History  of  the  Puritans,  a  translation  of 
which  into  Dutch,  under  the  title  Eltstorie  der  Rechtzinninge  Puriteinen, 
was  made  by  Jan  Ross,  and  published  in  1752,  at  Rotterdam.  The 
records  of  the  Reformed  Church — Acten  des  Kerkenraads  —  are  now 
in  the  hands  of  Dr.  Dermout,  by  whom  they  have  been  recently  ar- 
ranged ;  but  those  prior  to  12th  October,  1620,  are  lost.  Had  there 
been,  however,  any  intercourse  between  Robinson's  congregation  and 
the  Dutch  churches,  there  would  probably  be  some  notice  of  it  at  the 
time  of  his  death.  Dr.  Dermout  and  myself  went  carefully  over  the 
records  for  1625  and  1626,  but  no  notice  whatever  of  Robinson  or  his 
congregation  was  to  be  found.  This  gentleman  was  kind  enough  to 
make  further  search,  and  below  you  have  the  difierent  notices  in  rela- 
tion to  the  English  church  which  were  found  in  the  Acts. 

The  names  of  the  preachers  of  this  church  are  constantly  printed  in 
the  little  calendar,  or  Orde  de  Feest  en  L^dinsteksten  in  de  Hemeente  te 
Leidenj  and  the  following  is  a  leaf  cut  from  that  volume. 

*  There  it  yet  another  historian  of  Leyden,  Leeven,  whose  book  was  published  in 
1872.  The  ffreat  work  of  Van  Miens  is,  however,  superior  to  all  others.  Leeven 
•peaks  of  £A«  English  sect  as  having  a  room,  at  that  time,  in  the  Falyde  Bagyn  Hof ; 
Inat  be  haa  no  mention  of  any  other  English  congregation. 

VOL.    IZ.  9 


66  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

"  Prkdikanten  III  DE  Enoelsche  Gemsente. 

RobertUB  Durie,  beroepen  1609  ;  ge9kfrven  1616. 

Hugo  Goudgier,  her.  1617;  ge$lorvtn  1661.  [Teekent  Hugo  Goodieras 
in  actis  Goudiart.] 

Mattheus  Newcomen,  heroepefn  uU  Engelamd  1663  ;  geatorven  1669. 

Eduardua  Richardson,  Doct.  Theol.,  her.  1670  ;  op  zyn  verzoek  onir 
slagtn  1674. 

Henrikus  Hickman,  her.  uU  Engeland  1675  ;  gettorven  1691. 

Wilhelmua  Gaatares,  al$  tweede  Predikant  beroepen  1688 ;  vertrolAem 
M  den  d%en$i  van  Ziine  BriUannische  Maje$teii  1689. 

Robbertus  Fleming,  ber.  uit  Engeland  1692  ;  veHrokktn  naar  Rotter- 
dam in  de  SchoUche  Kerk  1695. 

Johannes  Milling,  {Pred.  in  hd  leger),  1696  ;  verirokken  naar  Dublin 

no2. 

Robb.  Milling,  Prop.,  ber.  1702  ;  verirokken  naar  '«  Gravenhage  1716. 
Thomas  Gowan,  her.  van  Drumho  in  lerland  1716  ;  gestorven  1758. 
William  Mitchell,  Prop.,  ber.  1753;  geaiorven  1807,  nnm  81  jaren  oud ; 
—  wanmer  de  EngeUche  Kerk  ge$men  t«." 

The  following  extracts  from  the  church  records  are  interesting,  as 
they  show  in  some  degree  the  feeling  of  an  English  preacher  at  thai 
time,  and  show  also  that  what  has  been  so  freely  charged  upon  the  Pil- 
grims as  intolerance  was  not  exclusively  monopolized  by  them.  Some 
who  have  been  disposed  to  regard  the  Pilgrims  as  patterns  of  bigotry 
may  perhaps  be  surprised  at  these  acts  on  the  part  of  a  church  favored 
by  the  government,  the  members  of  which,  as  Steven  tells  us,  were 
men  of  *'  genteel  families,  whom  the  superior  advantages  of  education 
drew  to  Leyden." 

*' Exlrtict  mi  de  HandeHngen  dee  Kerkeraads  van  de  ^ederdmUche 

Hervortnde  Gemeenle  ie  Leijden. 

**  1630.  1  Maart.  Richard  Parsons  verzoekt  by  requeste  dat  hij 
zoude  mogen  in  de  Duijtsche  Eerke  alhier  worden  aangenomen,  niette- 
genstaande  dat  de  Kerkeraad  van  de  Engelsche  Eerke  hem  geena 
attestatie  begeert  te  geven.  Is  goedgevonden,  dat  men  den  Predikant 
Groodier  daarover  zaT  aanspreken. 

^M5  Maart.  Alzoo  de  Engelsche  Kerk  persisteert  geene  attestatie 
te  willen  geven  aan  R.  Parsons,  oordeelt  deze  Vergadering  dat  de 
voorzegde  R.  P.  met  alle  gevoegelyke  middelen  zal  zien  de  attestatie 
te  bekomen,  doch  dat  by  wel  zoude  doen  bij  de  Engelsche  Kerk  te 
blijven. 

''  2  Aug.  R.  Parsons  gepraesenteerd  hebbende  een  request  aan  de 
achtb.  magistraat,  om  uit  de  Engelsche  Kerk  te  mogen  overgaan  ia 
de  Duitsche  ;  [waarin  hij  klaagt,  dat  hij  geweerd  is  van  het  Avond- 
maal  en  geene  attestatie  kan  bekomen,  omdat  by  eenen  zoon  heed  die 
de  Engelsche  spraak  niet  verstaat  en  dien  by  niet  met  zich  ter  predi- 
catie  nemen  kan,  maar  dien  by  zelf  naar  de  Duitsche  preek  moet  bren- 
gen,  omdat  hy  auders  terstond  weder  ter  kerke  uitgaat  :]  Is  goedge- 
vonden den  Engelschen  Predikant  aantespreken  en  te  induceren,  om 
hem  met  attestatie  te  laten  gaan. 

"  23  Aug.  R.  Parsons  is  aangeze^d,  dat  de  Engelsche  Predikant 
zwarigheid  blyft  maken,  om  hem  te  dmiitteren,  maar  hem  in  de  En- 


Notes.  67 

felflche  kerk  wil  blyven  toelaten,  ofschoon  by  zynen  zoon  in  de  Duitsche 
[erk  brengt  ;  en  met  eenen  gebeden  die  zaak  zoo  te  laten  verblijven. 

"  1638.  23  Julij.  Is  aangediend  van  een  zeker  lidraaat  van  de 
Engelsche  Kerk,  [Henriek  SlaffarL]  dat  hij  van  bet  Avondmaal  wordt 
afgebouden,  omdat  bij  zya  Cbirurgijns.  of  barbiers-ambt  Zondaga 
'a  morgena  voor  de  predicatie  of  voor  half  negenen,  tot  gerief  van  vele 
arme  luiden  of  werklieden,  die  de  gebeele  week  arbeiden  en  tot  on- 
derboud  van  zyn  buiagezin  uitoefent,  volgens  de  keure  van  den  Ma- 
giatraat ;  verzoekeode  bulp  en  raad  van  deze  Vergadering.  la  goed- 
gevonden  den  goeden  man  te  radeo,  dat  by  ^anog  atieatatie  verzoeke 
van  de  Engelacbe  Kerk,  en  voor  zoo  verre  men  bem  dat  weigert,  te 
verzoeken  eene  attestatie  naar  waarbeid. 

"  6  Aug.  la  aangediend,  dat  de  Engelacbe  Cbirurgijn  van  den  En- 
ffelacben  Kerkeraad  verzocbt  bebbende  eene  attestatie,  met  inaertie  van 
betgeen  de  Kerk  tesen  bem  bad,  niet  bad  kunnen  obtineren.  la  goed- 
gevonden  dat  men  D.  Goodier  daarover  zal  begroeten. 

"  27  Aug.  la  voorgelezen  bet  antwoord  van  Mr.  Groodier.  la  goed- 
gevonden  bem  nog  eena  te  apreken,  en  bem  te  zeggen  dat  deze  verga« 
derins  de  proceduren  niet  kan  billijken,  en  zoo  er  niet  werd  geaccor- 
deerd,  dat  wij  bem  (den  Cbirurgyn)  niet  zouden  kunnen  zonder  buipe 
laten. 

^'  17  Sept.  'Zekere  Engelacbman,  lidmaat  van  de  Engelacbe  Kerk, 
Nleolaas  Oliardt  genaamd  alleen  (zoo  by  zegt.)  aldaar  van  bet  Avond- 
maal ontzegd,  omdat  by  eenige  malen  onze  predicatieen  bad  gefre- 
quenteerd,  verzoekt  de  bulpe  dezer  Vergadering,  ten  einde  bij  of  weder- 
opgenomen,  of  met  atteatatie  gedimitteerd  zoude  worden. 

"Beide  deze  zaken  alzoo  gebleken  zynde,  en  de  Engelacbe 
Kerkeraad  eene  acbriflelyke  bescbuldiging  inleverende  bij  den 
Magiatraat,  waarin  nieta  andera  wezenlyka  tegen  beide  werd  inge- 
bragt,  zijn  zij  op  bevel  der  Regering  den  2en  Dec.  1639.  aange- 
nomen  ala  leden  der  Nederduitscbe  Uemeente,  alamede  de  Docb- 
ter  van  StafTart.  onder  proteat  van  Da.  Groodier. 

"  Eodem  die.  2  Dec.  1639.  la  mede  gerapporteerd  dat  met  Da. 
Groodier  ia  gebandeld  belangende  den  persoon  van  Nicolaas  (rildinuB, 
die  eene  vrouw  van  onze  Gemeente  getrouwd  bebbende,  verzocbt  zyne 
atteatatie  om  bij  ona  te  komen,  tegen  welken  by  bem  Goodier  deze 
ergemiaaen  ala  verbindering  van  atteatatie  zyn  voortgebragt :  eerst,  dat 
by  den  gebeelen  Zondag  toebak  verkocbt  ;  daarna,  dat  bij  dea  Zon- 
daaga  vermaand  zynde  zyne  venatera  te  willen  sluiten,  nocbtana  die 
altyd  bad  opengebouden  ;  voegende  niettemin  daarbij,  dat  bij  andera 
een  beacbeiden  man  waa.  Waarop  geboord  zynde  in  deze  Vergader- 
ing de  voorn.  Gildinua  en  verataan  zyn  antwoord.  nam.  dat  wel  mogt 
zyn,  dat  nu  en  dan  op  den  Zondag  de  een  en  de  ander  om  tabak  ko- 
mende  waa  beateld  geworden,  maar  dat  zulka  waa  geacbied  zonder  dat 
hy  daarom  de  oefening  van  den  Godadienst  bad  nagelaten,  beloofde 
ook  in  bet  toekomende  denzelven  getrouwelyk  te  willen  oefenen.  De 
Vergadering  beefl  goedgevonden  bem  tot  een  lidmaat  dezer  Gemeente 
aantenemen. 

"  1655.  23  April.  Da.  Lantaman  vraagt,  boe  dat  by  zicb  zoude 
hebben  te  gedragen  nopena  zekeren  Engelacbman  van  der  Brownisten 
Vergadering,  die  zulka  ia  verzoekende  ora  by  onze  kerk  aangenomen 
ta  worden.  Wordt  Da.  Lantaman  toebetrouwd  om  met  bem  te  ban- 
delen  over  zyne  confesaie,  en  bijaldien  hy  daaria  gezond  zai  worden 


68  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

beyonden,  als  mede  de  Kerken-ordre  niet  tegensprekende,  by  name  iq 
het  8tuk  van  den  Kinderdoop,  hem  naar  gewoonlyke  ordre  aantenemen. 

'*  Voor  extract  conform. 

"  I.  DERMOtJT,  Theol  Dod. 
Predikani  by  de  Jfederd,  Hervormde  Gemeenie. 

''Lbtdkn,  is  December,  1841." 

Trajvslation. 

Extract  from  tke  Joumal  rf  the  Ckun^  CameU  of  the  Dutch  Rrformed 

Commmum  im  Leyden. 

1630.  1  March.  Richard  Parsons  states  in  a  petition,  that  he  is 
desirons  of  makine  his  confession  of  faith  in  the  Dutch  church  ;  not- 
withstanding which,  the  council  of  the  English  church  refuse  to  give 
him  an  attestation.  It  is  resolved  that  the  preacher  Goodier  shaU  be 
spoken  with  in  regard  to  this. 

15  March.  The  English  church  persisting  in  its  refusal  of  an  attes- 
tation to  Richard  Parsons,  the  assembly  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  said 
R.  P.  should  try  by  all  convenient  means  to  get  the  attestation,  but  that 
he  would  do  well  to  remain  bv  the  English  church. 

"2  Aug.  Richard  Parsons  having  presented  to  the  Right  Honorable 
Magistrates  a  reouest  that  he  may  be  permitted  to  leave  the  Enelish 
church  and  join  that  of  the  Dutch,  —  m  which  petition  he  complains 
that  he  has  been  both  shut  off  from  the  communion  table,  and  refused 
an  attestation,  because,  having  a  son  who  does  not  understand  the 
English  language,  he  has  taken  him  to  the  Dutch  church,  he  being 
obliged  to  accompany  his  son,  for  otherwise  he  leaves  the  church  im- 
mediately, —  it  has  been  resolved  to  speak  about  this  with  the  English 
preacher,  and  induce  him  to  dismiss  Parsons  with  an  attestation. 

23  Aug.  It  was  announced  to  Richard  Parsons,  that  the  English 
preacher  still  opposes  difficulties  to  his  dismission,  but  consents  to  let 
him  remain  in  the  English  church,  notwithstanding  that  he  carries  his 
son  to  the  Dutch  church  ;  and  so  he  is  recommended  to  let  the  matter 
stand. 

1638.  23  July.  By  direction  of  the  magistrates,  who  ask  the  aid 
and  counsel  of  this  assembly,  it  has  been  reported  by  a  certain  member 
of  the  English  church,  Henry  Staffart,  that  he  is  refused  admission  to 
the  Last  Supper,  because  he  exercises  his  profession  of  barber-surgeon 
on  Sunday  mornings  before  the  time  of  service,  that  is,  before  half  past 
eight  o'clock,  which  is  for  the  benefit  of  numbers  of  poor  men  and 
working  people  that  are  employed  throughout  the  whole  week,  and  also 
for  the  maintenance  of  his  own  household.  It  has  been  resolved  to 
counsel  the  good  man  to  ask  first  an  attestation  f#Dm  the  English 
church  and,  should  this  be  refused,  then  to  ask  an  attestation  of  the 
truth  [facts]. 

6  Aug.  It  is  reported  that  the  English  barber,  having  asked  of  the 
t-nglish  church  council  a  certificate  of  the  griefs  the  church  has 
agamst  him,  could  not  obtain  it.  It  is  resolved  that  Ds.  Goodier  shaU 
be  spoken  with  in  relation  to  this. 

27  Aug.  The  answer  of  Mr.  Goodier  is  read.  It  is  resolved  to  con- 
verse with  him  again,  and  to  inform  him  that  this  assembly  cannot  ap- 
prove the  proceedings,  and  that,  if  the  afikir  be  not  arranged,  they  im 
not  leave  the  chirurgeon  without  help. 


Notes.  69 

17  Sept.  A  certain  EDglishman,  member  of  the  EDglish  church, 
named  liicholas  Oliardt,  having,  as  he  states,  been  shut  off  from  the 
communion  table  for  no  other  cause  than  that  he  had  sometimes  attended 
the  Dutch  preaching,  begs  the  assistance  of  this  assembly,  to  the  end 
either  that  he  may  be  readmitted  to  the  communion  table,  or  dismissed 
with  an  attestation. 

Both  these  aflTairs  being  thus  known,  and  the  English  church 
council  having  presented  a  written  accusation  against  StaflTart  and 
Oliardt  to  the  magistrates,  in  which,  however,  no  other  real  charge 
than  the  above  was  made  against  either  ;  they  were  both,  accord- 
ing to  the  orders  of  the  government,  received  as  members  of  the 
Dutch  communion,  and  uso  the  daughter  of  Staflrart,^Ds.  Goodier 
protesting. 
Eodem  die,  2  Dec,  1639.     It  has  also  been  reported  what  has 
occurred  with  Ds.  Goodier  in  relation  to  Nicholas  Gildinus,  a  person 
"who,  being  married  to  a  woman  of  our  church,  asked  his  permission  to 
join  us,  against  which  are  objected  by  Goodier  the  following  sriefs  in 
impeachment  of  the  granting  him  an  attestation  : —  1st.  That  he,  dur- 
ing the  whole  of  Sunday,  was  selling  tobacco;  2d.  That,  having  been 
admonished  to  close  his  windows  on  Sundays,  he  nevertheless  always 
kepi  them  open,  adding,  however,  that  except  this  he  was  a  well  behav- 
ed man.     Whereupon  the  answer  of  Gildinus,  as  beard  in  this  assem- 
bly was  thus  :  "That  it  might  be  that  now  and  then  he  had  given 
tobacco  to  one  and  the  other  who  had  come  for  it,  but  that  this  had 
occurred  without  his  neglecting  the  exercises  of  God's  service,  which 
he  promised  also  for  the  future  faithfully  to  observe."     The  assembly 
was  pleased  to  accept  him  as  a  member  of  this  communion. 

1655.  23  April.  Ds.  Lantsman  asks  how  he  shall  conduct  himself 
in  relation  to  a  certain  Englishman,  of  the  Brownist  assembly,  who  has 
*tequested  to  be  admitted  to  our  church.  It  has  been  confided  to  Ds. 
Lantsman  to  converse  with  him  about  his  confession,  and  if  he  should 
be  found  healthy  in  that,  and  also  not  disputing  the  doctrines  of  the 
church  [Kerken-ordre],  especially  as  to  infant  baptism,  then  to  admit 
him  in  the  ordinary  manner. 


Note  B.  —  Page  54. 

ROBINSON'S  SERMON. 

In  Morton's  New  England's  Memorial,  page  235,  we  have  a  notice  of 
Winslow's  mission  to  England  in  the  following  words  :  —  '*  1646.  This 
year,  Mr.  Edward  Winslow  went  for  England,  upon  occasion  that  some 
discontented  persons  under  the  government  of  the  Massachusetts 
sought  to  trouble  their  peace,  and  disturb,  if  not  innovate,  their  gov- 
ernment, by  laying  many  scandals  upon  them,  and  intended  to  prose- 
cute against  them  in  England,  by  petitioning  and  complaining  to  the 
Parliament.  Also  Samuel  Gorton  and  his  company  made  complaint 
against  them;  so  as  they  made  choice  of  Mr.  Winslow  to  be  their  agent 
to  make  their  defence,  and  gave  him  commission  and  instructions  for 
Chat  end,  in  which  he  so  carried  himself  as  did  well  answer  their  ends^ 
and  cleared  them  from  any  blame  and  dishonor,  to  the  shame  of  their 


70  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

Upon  the  petition  of  the  "discontented  persons"  Judge  Davis  re- 
marks, in  his  notes  to  Morton  (p.  236),  that  '*  they  do  not  appear  so  ma- 
lignant or  unreasonable  as  they  were  esteemed  when  they  were  in 
agitation  "  ;  and  another  historian,  Backus,  looks  with  equally  lenient 
eyes  at  the  proceedings  of  Gorton  and  his  coiApanions.  (See  History 
of  JYevD  England,  by  Isaac  Backus,  Vol.  I.,  pp.  195-204.)  The  col- 
ony had,  however,  been  attacked;  Winslow  was  to  defend  it;  and  in  its 
defence  the  Brief  Narration  was  written. 

It  was  in  this  that  first  appeared  that  remarkable  sermon,  said  to 
have  been  delivered  by  Robinson,  at  the  parting  of  the  Pilgrims  from 
their  brethren  in  Holland.  Of  this  sermon  the  learned  Judge  Davis 
remarks  (note,  p.  29,  Morton's  ^ew  England's  Memorial) :  —  "It  would 
be  a  culpable  omission  not  to  insert  in  this  connection  Mr.  Robinson's 
exhortation  to  his  people,  in  his  fast  sermon  in  July,  1620,  '  which 
breathes,'  says  Dr.  Belknap,  'a  noble  spirit  of  Christian  liberty,  and 
gives  a  just  idea  of  the  sentiments  of  this  excellent  divine,  whose 
charity  was  the  more  conspicuous  because  of  his  former  narrow  prin- 
ciples, and  the  general  bigotry  of  the  reformed  ministers  and  churches 
of  that  day.'  It  is  difficult  to  explain  why  this  excellent  advice  was 
not  preserved  in  the  Memorial,  or  copied^  as  were  many  other  documemi$ 

of  less  interest,  into  the  church  records The  following  extract 

is  copied  from  Dr.  Belknap's  life  of  Robinson  ;  he  quotes  Neal's  Hi$^ 
iory  of^ew  Engiand  as  his  authority."  Judge  Davis  states  that  **  Mr. 
Prince  gives  an  extract  of  this  exhortation  from  Winslow's  relation." 
But  the  "extract  "  of  Prince  is  all  that  either  Neal  or  Belknap  gives. 

If  the  sermon,  as  in  Neal  (p.  83),  be  compared  with  the  extract  in 
Prince  (p.  89),  or  with  the  original  of  Winslow  in  Young's  Pilgrims 
(p.  396),  it  will  be  seen  that  they  are  the  same,  ^ that  the  whoie  ser- 
mon as  given  by  Neal  is  no  longer  than  the  extract  given  by  Prince,  — - 
and  that  the  only  diflference  is  in  the  change  of  the  third  person,  used  by 
Winslow,  to  the  first  person,  used  by  Neal.  Neal  has  given  no  authority 
for  this  sermon.  Hutchinson  says  (in  his  preface  to  his  first  volume), 
that  Neal's  book  "  is  little  more  than  an  abridgment  of  Dr.  Mather"; 
and  if  we  turn  to  Cotton  Mather,  we  shall  Knd  (Book  I.,  p.  14,  fol. 
edit.)  the  sermon  in  the  form  which  Neal,  Belknap,  and  others,  have 
copied.  Cotton  Mather  gives  no  authority,  but  he  has  evidently  drawn 
from  Winslow,  changing  the  person  and  form,  and  rounding  off  some 
sentences  to  produce  more  eflfect,  but  without  adding  a  single  idea. 
The  finding^a  text  seems  to  have  been  done  by  Neal,  who  appropriates 
that  from  Ezra  viii.  21,  which  Governor  Bradford  gives  in  bis  journal 
as  the  text  of  a  sermon  preached  by  Robinson  before  their  departure 
from  Holland.  Mather  speaks  also  of  this  sermon  and  text  from  Ezra 
(p.  6),  hut  mentions  it  as  if  difierent  from  the  often  quoted  sermon, 
which  he  gives  in  another  place.  Was  that  sermon  ever  preached  by 
Robinson  1  The  only  authority  which  can  be  found  for  it  is  Winslow, 
and  he  gives,  in  an  informal  manner,  twenty-six  years  after  the  time 
when  the  discourse  is  supposed  to  have  been  pronounced,  that  which 
forms  the  groundwork  of  the  sermon  in  Mather,  Neal,  and  others. 
Had  Winslow  taken  notes  of  this  discourse  at  the  time,  one  may  well 
be  surprised,  with  the  learned  Judge  Davis,  that  its  '*  excellent  advice 
was  not  copied,  as  were  many  other  documents  of  less  interest,  into 
the  church  records."  Had  he  taken  no  notes,  tiis  memory  must  have 
been  of  a  superior  order  to  enable  him  to  write  out  a  discottrae  which 


64  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

to  the  Renimeeater  o{  the  church  capital  to  pay  a  proper  proportion 
of  the  subsidy  to  such  preachers  as  might  come  from  neighbouring 
towns,  until  a  new  preacher  was  chosen,  and  approved  by  the  magis- 
trates.    Order  dated  20th  February,  1617."* 

Van  Mieris  then  continues  with  an  act  extracted  from  the  Burger^ 
meeaUrenen  Gerechis  DagboeA;  of  12th  January,  1622,  which  states,  that, 
owing  to  the  number  of  different  services  performed  in  the  Katherine's 
Gasthuis,  it  was  well  to  make  some  change,  and  the  magistrates 
therefore  give  to  the  English  the  little  chapel  of  Jerusalems  Hoff 
(The  chapel  of  Saint  Catherine  was,  in  1609,  used  by  the  French 
JProtestants  in  Leyden,  and  so  it  still  continues  to  be,  in  1842.) 

The  congregation  became,  however,  too  laree  for  this  chapel,  and 
on  the  11th  of  March,  1644,  the  following  order  was  issued  by  the 
magistrates,  the  record  of  which  is  by  van  Mieris  copied  from  the 
Dagboek :  — ''  The  magistrates,  hearing  that  the  chapel  in  the  Alms- 
house of  Jerusalem,  appropriated  as  a  church  or  temple  for  the  use 
of  the  English  community  of  the  Reformed  Religion  living  in  this  city, 
was  too  small  to  accommodate  all  their  number,  ordered  the  town  ar- 
chitect to  make  an  examination  of  the  room  in  the  church  of  the  Ba- 
gyn  Hof  (Beguine  Cloister), /ormer/y  lued  as  a  fencing-school ;  and 
having  heard  his  report  of  the  length,  the  breadth,  and  the  height  of 
this  room,  they  find  from  the  forenamed  fabricant  that  this  room  is 
larger  than  the  chapel.  Wherefore  they  order  and  authorize  thai 
this  room  be  used  by  and  appropriated  to  the  above-named  congregar 
tion,  and  that  the  preacher's  stool,  the  chairs,  benches,  seats,  &c.,  be 
carried  there  from  the  Jerusalems  Hof  chapel  ;  and  further,  that  this 
room  in  the  Kerk  in  the  Bagyn  Hof  be  in  future  the  church  of  the 
English  Reformed  Community."  Burgermeeateren  en  Gerechts  Dag" 
ioel,  xi.  March,  1644. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  three  distinct  chapels  were  allowed  them 
at  different  times,  neither  of  which  has,  as  I  can  find,  been  used  at 
any  time  by  any  other  English  congregation.  The  little  chapel  in  the 
Jerusalems  Hof  appeared  to  me  the  most  probable  one  to  have  been 
granted  to  the  Pilgrims,  and  I  thought  at  first  that  it  must  have  been 
their  place  of  worship.  But  it  was  given,  in  1622,  to  the  English 
church,  three  years  before  the  death  of  Robinson,  who,  we  may  safely 
say,  once  in  possession  of  a  church,  would  not  have  been  driven  out 
of  it  to  make  room  for  another.  Ip  the  histories  of  Leyden  there  is 
no  notice  of  the  use  to  which  it  was  devoted  immediately  prior  to 
1622,  although  in  the  books  of  the  Jerusalem  Almshouse,  now  in 
the  hands  of  Mr.  Putkammer,  one  of  the  trustees,  there  is  no  notice  of 
its  having  been  used  by  English  prior  to  1622.  In  a  small  room  at- 
tached to  it,  there  is  a  large  emblazoned  copy  of  the  will  of  its  found- 
er,—  Walter  Cooman,  1467,  —  which  was  painted  and  fastened  to  the 
wall  in  1618.  This  would  not,  I  believe,  have  been  done,  had  the 
chapel  been  then  in  the  hands  of  strangers. 

Immediately  after  1644,  this  chapel  was  used  as  the  assembly-room 


Gaathi 

EngelBche  Ghemeente  doende  Professie  van  de  ''Gereformeende  Relijie, 

chapel  ia  at  preaent  uaed  by  the  Engliah  aect  profeiaing  the  Reformed  Religion. 


Notes.  65 

of  the  Beer  Guilds  and  so  continued  until  1795,  when  all  guilds  were 
abolished,  and  it  is  now  (1842)  a  storehouse  for  turf  to  be  burned  in  a 
neighbouring  mill.  This  chapel  is  on  the  Broederijesgracht,  aod  has 
on  its  front  wall  the  arms  of  the  Brewers,  with  the  words  '*  Bier  Dra- 
ger's  Gilden-Hoys."  I  mention  all  these  particulars,  lest  any  curious 
American,  searching  in  future  for  the  church  of  the  Pilgrims,  should 
fancy,  as  I  did  for  a  time,  that  he  has  found  it  in  the  Jerusalems 
Hof.» 

A  book  was  published  a  few  years  since,  —  Bistory  of  the  ScoUi$h 
Church  atRotterdam,  by  William  Steven,  Minister  of  that  Church,  Ed- 
inburgh, 1833,  —  which  contains  some  notices  of  the  different  English 
churches  in  Holland,  not  so  accurate,  however,  as  to  permit  their  be- 
\fkg  implicitly  relied  on.  Speaking  of  Leyden,  the  author  says,  —  ''As 
many  British  residents  resorted  to  this  rising  seat  of  learning,  the 
States  of  Holland  and  the  magistrates  of  the  town  instituted  and  en- 
dowed, at  their  joint  expense,  a  Scottish  church  in  1609." — p.  312. 
A^ain  :  —  "The  Brownists  had  a  chapel  here,  and  their  pastor  wa$ 
Mr.  John  Smith.  In  the  printed  histories  of  Leyden  there  is  no  men- 
tion made  of  this  religious  sect,  and  the  probability  is  that  it  did  not  long 
exist.  The  English  who  settled  in  this  town  were  genteel  families, 
whom  the  superior  advantages  of  education  drew  to  Leyden  in  consid- 
erable numbers  ;  and  there  were  besides  a  few  cloth  manufacturers, 
and  other  artisans." — p.  312. 

This  English,  or  '*  Scottish  church,"  is  the  only  church  of  either 
nation,  in  relation  to  which  any  record  can  be  found  in  the  Acts  of 
ike  Reformed  Church  at  Leyden,  So  I  am  told  by  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Dennout,  a  most  learned  and  accomplished  divine  of  Leyden,  who 
has  probably  studied  with  more  care  than  any  living  person  in  Hoi- 
laud  the  early  history  of  its  church.  The  fact  of  the  presence  of 
Robinson's  congregation  for  a  time  at  Leyden  was  known  to  him,  from 
its  being  stated  in  Neal*s  History  cf  ike  Puritans,  a  translation  of 
which  into  Dutch,  under  the  title  Uistorie  der  Rechtzinninge  Puriteinen, 
was  made  by  Jan  Ross,  and  published  in  1752,  at  Rotterdam.  The 
records  of  the  Reformed  Church — Acten  des  Kerkenraads  —  are  now 
in  the  hands  of  Dr.  Dermout,  by  whom  they  have  been  recently  ar- 
ranged ;  but  those  prior  to  12th  October,  1620,  are  lost.  Had  there 
been,  however,  any  intercourse  between  Robinson's  congregation  and 
the  Dutch  churches,  there  would  probably  be  some  notice  of  it  at  the 
time  of  his  death.  Dr.  Dermout  and  myself  went  carefully  over  the 
records  for  1625  and  1626,  but  no  notice  whatever  of  Robinson  or  his 
congregation  was  to  be  found.  This  gentleman  was  kind  enough  to 
make  further  search,  and  below  you  have  the  different  notices  in  rela- 
tion to  the  English  church  which  were  found  in  the  Acts. 

The  names  of  the  preachers  of  this  church  are  constantly  printed  in 
the  little  calendar,  or  Orde  de  Feest  en  Lifdinsteksten  in  de  Hemeenle  te 
Leidenj  and  the  following  is  a  leaf  cut  from  that  volume. 

*  There  it  yet  another  historian  of  Leyden,  Leeven,  whose  book  was  poblished  in 
1672.  The  ffreat  work  of  Van  Mieris  is,  however,  saperior  to  all  others.  Leeven 
speaks  of  cAs  English  sect  as  havinffa  room,  at  that  time,  in  the  Falyde  Bagyn  Hof ; 
Iwt  be  has  no  mention  of  any  other  English  congregation. 

VOL.    IZ.  9 


66  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

"  Prkdikanten  in  de  Engblschb  Gkmbente. 

Robertus  Durie,  beroepen  1609  ;  gestarven  1616. 

Hugo  Goudgier,  her.  1617;  geatorven  1661 .  [Teekent  Hugo  GoodieroB 
in  actis  Goudiart.] 

Mattheus  Newcomen,  beroepen  mi  Engekmd  1663  ;  gestarven  1669. 

Eduardus  Richardson,  Doct.  Theol.,  ber,  1670  ;  op  zijn  verzoek  ont- 
slagen  1674. 

Henrikus  Hickman,  ber.  utt  Engeland  1675  ;  geatorven  1691. 

Wilhelmus  Castares,  ala  tweede  Predikant  beroepen  1688 ;  vertrolAen 
tot  den  dienst  van  Zijne  Briitannische  Majesteil  1689. 

Robbertus  Fleming,  oer.  uU  Engeland  1692  ;  vertrokken  naar  Rotter- 
dam in  de  Schotsche  Kerk  1695. 

Johannes  Milling,  (Pred,  in  het  leger),  1696  ;  vertrokken  naar  Dublin 
1702. 

Robb.  Milling,  Prop.,  ber,  1702  ;  vertrokken  naar  *a  Gravenhage  1716. 

Thomas  Gowan,  ber,  van  Drumbo  in  lerland  1716  ;  gestorven  1758. 

William  Mitchell,  Prop.,  ber,  1753;  geatorven  1807,  rtitm  81  jaren  oud ; 
—  wanneer  de  Engelache  Kerk  geamen  ia," 

The  following  extracts  from  the  church  records  are  interesting,  as 
they  show  in  some  degree  the  feeling  of  an  English  preacher  at  thai 
time,  and  show  also  that  what  has  been  so  freely  charged  upon  the  Pil- 
grims as  intolerance  was  not  exclusively  monopolized  by  them.  Some 
who  have  been  disposed  to  regard  the  Pilgrims  as  patterns  of  bigotry 
may  perhaps  be  surprised  at  these  acts  on  the  part  of  a  church  favored 
by  the  government,  the  members  of  which,  as  Steven  tells  us,  were 
men  of  ''  genteel  families,  whom  the  superior  advantages  of  education 
drew  to  Leyden.'* 

*' Extract  uit  de  HandeHngen  dea  Kerkeraada  van  de  ^ederduitache 

Hervormde  Gemeenie  te  Leijden, 

"  1630.  1  Maart.  Richard  Paraona  verzoekt  by  requeste  dat  hij 
zoude  mogen  in  de  Duijtsche  Kerke  alhier  worden  aangenomen,  niette- 
genstaande  dat  de  Kerkeraad  van  de  Engelsche  Kerke  hem  geene 
attestatie  begeert  te  geven.  Is  goedgevonden,  dat  men  den  Predikant 
Goodier  daarover  zal  aanspreken. 

^M5  Maart.  Alzoo  de  Engelsche  Kerk  persisteert  geene  attestatie 
te  willcn  geven  aan  R.  Parsons,  oordeelt  deze  Vergadering  dat  de 
voorzegde  R.  P.  met  alle  gevoegelyke  middelen  zal  zien  de  attestatie 
te  bekomen,  doch  dat  hy  wel  zoude  doen  bij  de  Engelsche  Kerk  te 
blijven. 

''  2  Aug.  R.  Parsons  gepraesenteerd  hebbende  een  request  aan  de 
achtb.  magistraat,  om  uit  de  Engelsche  Kerk  te  mogen  overgaan  in 
de  Duitsche  ;  [waarin  hij  klaagt,  dat  hij  geweerd  is  van  het  Avond- 
maal  en  geene  attestatie  kan  bekomen,  omdat  hy  eenen  zoon  heed  die 
de  Engelsche  spraak  niet  verstaat  en  dien  hy  niet  met  zich  ter  predi- 
catie  nemen  kan,  maar  dien  hy  zelf  naar  de  Duitsche  preek  moet  bren- 
gen,  omdat  hy  anders  terstond  weder  ter  kerke  uitgaat  :]  Is  goedge- 
vonden den  Engelschen  Predikant  aantespreken  en  te  induceren,  om 
hem  met  attestatie  te  laten  gaan. 

"  23  Aug.  R.  Parsons  is  aangeze^d,  dat  de  Engelsche  Predikant 
zwarigheid  blyfl  maken,  om  hem  te  dmiitteren,  maar  hem  in  de  En- 


Notes.  67 

felflche  kerk  wil  blyven  toelaten,  ofschoon  hy  zynen  zoon  in  de  Duitsche 
[erk  breogt  ;  en  met  eenen  gebeden  die  zaak  zoo  te  laten  verblijven. 

"  1638.  23  Julij.  Is  aangediend  van  een  zeker  lidmaat  van  de 
Eogelsche  Kerk,  [Henrick  SlaffarL]  dat  hij  van  het  Avondmaal  wordt 
aigehouden,  omdat  hij  zya  Chirurgijns.  of  barbie rs-ambt  Zondaga 
's  morgens  voor  de  predicatie  of  voor  halfnegenen,  tot  gerief  van  vela 
arme  luiden  of  werklieden,  die  de  geheele  week  arbeiden  en  tot  on- 
derhoud  van  zyn  huisgezin  uitoefent,  volgens  de  keure  van  den  Ma- 
gistraat ;  verzoekeode  hulp  en  raad  van  deze  Vergadering.  Is  goed- 
gevonden  den  goeden  man  te  raden,  dat  by  alsnog  attestatie  verzoeke 
van  de  Engelsche  Kerk,  en  voor  zoo  verre  men  hem  dat  weigert,  te 
verzoeken  eene  attestatie  naar  waarheid. 

*'  6  Aug.  Is  aangediend,  dat  de  Engelscbe  Chirurgijn  van  den  En- 
gelscben  Kerkeraad  verzocht  hebbende  eene  attestatie,  met  insertie  van 
hetgeen  de  Kerk  tesen  hem  had,  niet  had  kunnen  obtineren.  Is  goed- 
gevonden  dat  men  D.  Goodier  daarover  zal  begroeten. 

*'  21  Aug.  Is  voorgelezen  het  antwoord  van  Mr.  Groodier.  Is  goed- 
gevonden  hem  nog  eens  te  spreken,  en  hem  te  zeggen  dat  deze  verga- 
dering  de  proceduren  niet  kan  billijken,  en  zoo  er  niet  werd  geaccor- 
deerd,  dat  wij  hem  (den  Chirurgyn)  niet  zouden  kunnen  zonder  hulpe 
laten. 

^'17  Sept.  *Zekere  Engelschman,  lidmaat  van  de  Engelsche  Kerk, 
Nieolaas  Oliardt  genaamd  alleen  (zoo  by  zegt.)  aldaar  van  het  Avond- 
maal ontzegd,  omdat  by  eenige  malen  onze  predicatieen  had  gefre- 
quenteerd,  verzoekt  de  hulpe  dezer  Vergadering,  ten  einde  hij  of  weder- 
opgenomen,  of  met  attestatie  gedimitteerd  zoude  worden. 

''Beide  deze  zaken  alzoo  gebleken  zynde,  en  de  Engelsche 
Kerkeraad  eene  schriflelyke  beschuldiging  inleverende  bij  den 
Magistraat,  waarin  niets  anders  wezenlyks  tegen  beide  werd  inge- 
bragt,  zijn  zij  op  bevel  der  Regering  den  2en  Dec.  1639.  aange- 
nomen  als  leden  der  Nederduitsche  Gemeente,  alsmede  de  Doch- 
ter  van  StafTart.  onder  protest  van  Ds.  Goodier. 

"  Eodem  die.  2  Dec.  1639.  Is  mede  gerapporteerd  dat  met  Ds. 
Groodier  is  gehandeld  belangende  den  persoon  van  JV*tco/aas  Gildinut, 
die  eene  vrouw  van  onze  Gemeente  getrouwd  hebbende,  verzocht  zyne 
attestatie  om  bij  ons  te  komen,  tegen  welken  by  hem  Goodier  deze 
ergemissen  als  verhindering  van  attestatie  zyn  voortgebragt :  eerst,  dat 
hy  den  geheelen  Zondag  toebak  verkocht  ;  daarna,  dat  hij  des  Zon- 
daags  vermaand  zynde  zyne  vensters  te  willen  sluiten,  nochtans  die 
altyd  had  opengehouden  ;  voegende  niettemin  daarbij,  dat  hij  anders 
een  bescheiden  man  was.  Waarop  gehoord  zynde  in  deze  Vergader- 
ing de  voorn.  Gildinus  en  verstaan  zyn  antwoord.  nam.  dat  wel  mogt 
zyn,  dat  nu  en  dan  op  den  Zondag  de  een  en  de  ander  om  tabak  ko- 
roende  was  besteld  geworden,  maar  dat  zulks  was  geschied  zonder  dat 
hy  daarom  de  oefening  van  den  Godsdienst  had  nagelaten,  beloofde 
ook  in  het  toekomende  denzelven  getrouwelyk  te  wiilen  oefenen.  De 
Vergadering  heefl  goedgevonden  hem  tot  een  lidmaat  dezer  Gemeente 
aantenemen. 

*'  1655.  23  April.  Ds.  Lantsman  vraagt,  hoe  dat  hy  zich  zoude 
hebben  te  gedragen  nopens  zekeren  Engelschman  van  der  Brownisten 
Vergadering,  die  zulks  is  verzoekende  om  by  onze  kerk  aangenomen 
te  worden.  Wordt  Ds.  Lantsman  toebetrouwd  om  met  hem  te  han- 
delen  over  zyne  confessie,  en  bijaldien  hy  daaria  gezond  zal  worden 


68  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

bevonden,  als  mede  de  Kerken-ordre  niet  tegensprekende,  by  name  iq 
het  stuk  van  dea  Kioderdoop,  hem  naar  gewoonlyke  ordre  aantenemen. 

*•  Voor  extract  conform. 

"  I.  DERMOtJT,  Theol  DocL 
Predikani  by  de  Jfederd,  Hervormde  Gemeenie. 

''Letden,  is  December,  1841." 

Trajvslation. 

Extract  from  tke  Jaiamalrfthe  Church  Council  of  the  Dutch  Reformed 

Communion  in  Leyden. 

1630.  1  March.  Richard  Parsons  states  in  a  petition,  that  he  is 
desirous  of  making  his  confession  of  faith  in  the  Dutch  church  ;  not- 
withstanding which,  the  council  of  the  English  church  refuse  to  ffive 
him  an  attestation.  It  is  resolved  that  the  preacher  Goodier  shall  be 
spoken  with  in  regard  to  this. 

15  March.  The  English  church  persisting  in  its  refusal  of  an  attes- 
tation to  Richard  Parsons,  the  assembly  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  said 
R.  P.  should  try  by  all  convenient  means  to  get  the  attestation,  but  that 
he  would  do  well  to  remain  by  the  English  church. 

2  Aug.  Richard  Parsons  having  presented  to  the  Right  Honorable 
Magistrates  a  request  that  he  may  be  permitted  to  leave  the  English 
church  and  join  that  of  the  Dutch,  —  in  which  petition  he  complains 
that  he  has  been  both  shut  off  from  the  communion  table,  and  refused 
an  attestation,  because,  having  a  son  who  does  not  understand  the 
English  language,  he  has  taken  him  to  the  Dutch  church,  he  being 
obliged  to  accompany  his  son,  for  otherwise  he  leaves  the  church  im- 
mediately, —  it  has  been  resolved  to  speak  about  this  with  the  English 
preacher,  and  induce  him  to  dismiss  Parsons  with  an  attestation. 

23  Aug.  It  was  announced  to  Richard  Parsons,  that  the  English 
preacher  still  opposes  difficulties  to  his  dismission,  but  consents  to  let 
him  remain  in  the  English  church,  notwithstanding  that  he  carries  his 
son  to  the  Dutch  church  ;  and  so  he  is  recommended  to  let  the  matter 
stand. 

1638.  23  July.  By  direction  of  the  magistrates,  who  ask  the  aid 
and  counsel  of  this  assembly,  it  has  been  reported  by  a  certain  member 
of  the  English  church,  Henry  Staffart,  that  he  is  refused  admission  to 
the  Last  Supper,  because  he  exercises  his  profession  of  barber-surgeon 
on  Sunday  mornings  before  the  time  of  service,  that  is,  before  halfpast 
eight  o'clock,  which  is  for  the  benefit  of  numbers  of  poor  men  and 
working  people  that  are  employed  throughout  the  whole  week,  and  also 
for  the  maintenance  of  his  own  household.  It  has  been  resolved  to 
counsel  the  good  man  to  ask  first  an  attestation  f#om  the  English 
church,  and,  should  this  be  refused,  then  to  ask  an  attestation  of  the 
truth  [facts]. 

6  Aug.  It  is  reported  that  the  English  barber,  having  asked  of  the 
English  church  council  a  certificate  of  the  griefs  the  church  haa 
against  him,  could  not  obtain  it.  It  is  resolved  that  Ds.  Goodier  shall 
be  spoken  with  in  relation  to  this. 

27  Auff.  The  answer  of  Mr.  Goodier  is  read.  It  is  resolved  to  con- 
verse with  him  again,  and  to  inform  him  that  this  asisembly  cannot  ap- 
prove the  proceedings,  and  that,  if  the  afikir  be  not  arranged|  they  wul 
not  leave  the  chirurgeon  without  help. 


Notes.  69 

17  Sept.  A  certain  EDglishman,  member  of  the  English  church, 
named  Nicholas  Oliardt,  having,  as  he  states,  been  shut  off  from  the 
communion  table  for  no  other  cause  than  that  he  had  sometimes  attended 
the  Dutch  preaching,  begs  the  assistance  of  this  assembly,  to  the  end 
either  that  he  may  be  readmitted  to  the  communion  table,  or  dismissed 
with  an  attestation. 

Both  these  aflTairs  being  thus  known,  and  the  English  church 
council  having  presented  a  written  accusation  against  StaflTart  and 
Oliardt  to  the  magistrates,  in  which,  however,  no  other  real  charge 
than  the  above  was  made  against  either  ;  they  were  both,  accord- 
ing to  the  orders  of  the  government,  received  as  members  of  the 
Dutch  communion,  and  also  the  daughter  of  Staflrart,^Ds.  Goodier 
protesting. 
Eodem  die,  2  Dec,  1639.     It  has  also  been  reported  what   has 
occurred  with  Ds.  Goodier  in  relation  to  Nicholas  Gildinus,  a  person 
who,  being  married  to  a  woman  of  our  church,  asked  his  permission  to 
join  us,  against  which  are  objected  by  Goodier  the  following  sriefs  in 
impeachment  of  the  granting  him  an  attestation  : —  1st.  That  he,  dur- 
ing the  whole  of  Sunday,  was  selling  tobacco;  2d.  That,  having  been 
admonished  to  close  his  windows  on  Sundays,  he  nevertheless  always 
kept  them  open,  adding,  however,  that  except  this  he  was  a  well  behav- 
ed man.     Whereupon  the  answer  of  Gildinus,  as  heard  in  this  assem- 
bly was  thus  :  '*That  it  might  be  that  now  and  then  he  had  given 
tobacco  to  one  and  the  other  who  had  come  for  it,  but  that  this  had 
occurred  without  his  neglecting  the  exercises  of  God's  service,  which 
he  promised  also  for  the  future  faithfully  to  observe."     The  assembly 
was  pleased  to  accept  him  as  a  member  of  this  communion. 

1655.  23  April.  Ds.  Lantsman  asks  how  he  shall  conduct  himself 
io  relation  to  a  certain  Englishman,  of  the  Brownist  assembly,  who  has 
"requested  to  be  admitted  to  our  church.  It  has  been  confided  to  Ds. 
Lantsman  to  converse  with  him  about  his  confession,  and  if  he  should 
be  found  healthy  in  that,  and  also  not  disputing  the  doctrines  of  the 
church  [Kerken-<>rdre]f  especially  as  to  infant  baptism,  then  to  admit 
him  in  the  ordinary  manner. 


Note  B.  —  Page  54. 

ROBINSON'S  SERMON. 

In  Morton's  ^ew  England*s  Memorial,  page  235,  we  have  a  notice  of 
Winslow's  mission  to  England  in  the  following  words  :  —  *'  1646.  This 
year,  Mr.  Edward  Winslow  went  for  England,  upon  occasion  that  some 
discontented  persons  under  the  government  of  the  Massachusetts 
sought  to  trouble  their  peace,  and  disturb,  if  not  innovate,  their  gov- 
ernment, by  laying  many  scandals  upon  them,  and  intended  to  prose- 
cute against  them  in  England,  by  petitioning  and  complaining  to  the 
Parliament.  Also  Samuel  Gorton  and  his  company  made  complaint 
against  them;  so  as  they  made  choice  of  Mr.  Winslow  to  be  their  agent 
to  make  their  defence,  and  gave  him  commission  and  instructions  for 
that  end,  in  which  he  so  carried  himself  a8  did  well  answer  their  end$, 
and  cleared  them  from  any  blame  and  dishonor^  to  the  shame  of  their 
adfmrsaries." 


70  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Ltyden. 

Upon  the  petition  of  the  "discontented  persons"  Judge  Davis  re- 
marks, in  his  notes  to  Morton  (p.  236),  that  "  they  do  not  appear  so  ma- 
lignant or  unreasonable  as  they  were  esteemed  when  they  were  in 
agitation  "  ;  and  another  historian,  Backus,  looks  with  equally  lenient 
eyes  at  the  proceedings  of  Gorton  and  his  coiApanions.  (See  Htstory 
of  JYevD  England,  by  Isaac  Backus,  Vol.  I.,  pp.  195-204.)  The  col- 
ony had,  however,  been  attacked;  Winslow  was  to  defend  it;  and  in  its 
defence  the  Brief  Narration  was  written. 

It  was  in  this  that  first  appeared  that  remarkable  sermon,  said  to 
have  been  delivered  by  Robinson,  at  the  parting  of  the  Pilgrims  from 
their  brethren  in  Holland.  Of  this  sermon  the  learned  Judge  Davis 
remarks  (note,  p.  29,  Morton's  ^ew  England's  Memorial) :  —  "It  would 
be  a  culpable  omission  not  to  insert  in  this  connection  Mr.  Robinson's 
exhortation  to  his  people,  in  his  fast  sermon  in  July,  1620,  '  which 
breathes,'  says  Dr.  Belknap,  'a  noble  spirit  of  Christian  liberty,  and 
gives  a  just  idea  of  the  sentiments  of  this  excellent  divine,  whose 
charity  was  the  more  conspicuous  because  of  his  former  narrow  prin- 
ciples, and  the  general  bigotry  of  the  reformed  ministers  and  churches 
of  that  day.'  It  is  difficult  to  explain  why  this  excellent  advice  was 
not  preserved  in  the  Memorial ,  or  copied^  as  were  many  other  documenU 

of  UsB  interest,  into  the  church  records The  following  extract 

is  copied  from  Dr.  Belknap's  life  of  Robinson  ;  he  quotes  Neal's  His^ 
tory  of  Jfew  England  as  his  authority."  Judge  Davis  states  that  "  Mr. 
Prince  gives  an  extract  of  this  exhortation  from  Winslow 's  relation." 
But  the  ''extract  "  of  Prince  is  all  that  either  Neal  or  Belknap  gives. 

If  the  sermon,  as  in  Neal  (p.  83),  be  compared  with  the  extract  in 
Prince  (p.  89),  or  with  the  original  of  Winslow  in  Young's  Pilgrims 
(p.  396),  it  will  be  seen  that  they  are  the  same,  ^ that  the  whole  ser- 
mon as  given  by  Neal  is  no  longer  than  the  extract  given  by  Prince,  — 
and  that  the  only  difierence  is.  in  the  change  of  the  third  person,  used  by 
Winslow,  to  the  first  person,  used  by  Neal.  Neal  has  given  no  authority 
for  this  sermon.  Hutchinson  says  (in  his  preface  to  his  first  volume), 
that  Neal's  book  "is  little  more  than  an  abridgment  of  Dr.  Mather"; 
and  if  we  turn  to  Cotton  Mather,  we  shall  Bnd  (Book  I.,  p.  14,  fol. 
edit.)  the  sermon  in  the  form  which  Neal,  Belknap,  and  others,  have 
copied.  Cotton  Mather  gives  no  authority,  but  he  has  evidently  drawn 
from  Winslow,  changing  the  person  and  form,  and  rounding  off  some 
sentences  to  produce  more  efiect,  but  without  adding  a  single  idea. 
The  finding^ a  text  seems  to  have  been  done  by  Neal,  who  appropriates 
that  from  Ezra  viii.  21,  which  Governor  Bradford  gives  in  his  journal 
as  the  text  of  a  sermon  preached  by  Robinson  before  their  departure 
from  Holland.  Mather  speaks  also  of  this  sermon  and  text  from  Ezra 
(p.  6),  but  mentions  it  as  if  different  from  the  oflen  quoted  sermon, 
which  he  gives  in  another  place.  Was  that  sermon  ever  preached  by 
Robinson  ?  The  only  authority  which  can  be  found  for  it  is  Winslow, 
and  he  gives,  in  an  informal  manner,  twenty-six  years  after  the  time 
when  the  discourse  is  supposed  to  have  been  pronounced,  that  which 
forms  the  groundwork  of  the  sermon  in  Mather,  Neal,  and  others. 
Had  Winslow  taken  notes  of  this  discourse  at  the  time,  one  may  well 
be  surprised,  with  the  learned  Judge  Davis,  that  its  '*  excellent  advice 
was  not  copied,  as  were  many  other  documents  of  less  interest,  into 
the  church  records."  Had  he  taken  no  notes,  tlis  memory  must  have 
been  of  a  superior  order  to  enable  him  to  write  out  a  discourae  which 


) 


1 


^ 

o 


M 


t 


^^ 


^> 


Hi' 


dh 


N    ^ 


V. 


S 
N 
N 


s 


^ 


Nptes.  71 

ha  had  listened  to  twenty-six  years  before.  But  he  does  hot  pretend  to 
give  us  a  positive  discourse,  in  the  manner  of  Mather,  but  says,  — 
"Amongst  other  wholesome  instructions  and  exhortations,  he  [Mr.  Rob- 
ioaon]  used  these  expressions,  or  to  the  iame  purpose.^^  (Young's  Pil^ 
grimi,  p.  396.) 


Note  C.  —  Page  66. 
BURIAL  OF  ROBINSON. 

Of  the  inscription  in  the  Blaffaarden  van  de  Hoofd-Kerken,  recording 
the  receipt  of  nine  florins  for  the  opening  and  hire  of  a  tomb  for  Robin- 
son, the  following  is  a  fac-simile,  certified  by  Dr.  Dermout,  to  whom  I 
have  before  alluded,  and  by  Mr.  de  Pecker. 

[See  fac-simile  on  opposite  page.] 
Translation. 

"  1625 
10  March  —  Open  and  hire  for  John  Robens,  English 

preacher 9  florins.** 

The  volume  from  which  this  is  taken  is,  as  I  have  mentioned  before, 
the  record  of  church  receipts.  In  the  Gravenboeck,  or  book  of  inter- 
ments, which  was  deposited  in  the  Stadt  Huis  in  1812,  the  following 
record  appears  of  Robinson's  interment. 

"  1625 

4  Maart  —  Jan  Roelends,  Predicant  van  de  Engelsche 

Gemeente,  by  bet  Klockhuijs,  —  begraven 

indePieter'sKerk." 
Translation. 

John  Roelends,  Preacher  of  the  English  sect, 
by  the  Belfry,  —  buried  in  the  Peter's  Church. 

The  words  "  by  the  Belfry  "  allude  to  the  residence  of  the  deceased, 
which  is  mentioned  against  the  name  of  each  person.  Near  the  Belfry 
of  Ley  den  there  was  a  large  square,  on  one  side  of  which  alone  were  a 
few  houses  ;  so  that  such  a  direction  was  perhaps  sufliciently  explicit. 

The  Church  of  St.  Peter  is  the  oldest  in  Leyden,  and  the  date 
of  the  first  building  is  now  quite  unknown.  In  September,  1121, 
Godebald,  twenty-fourth  bishop  of  Utrecht,  consecrated  it  by  the  name 
of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  in  1339  it  was  much  enlarged.  (See 
Orlers's  History  of  Leyden.)  It  contains  now  several  monuments, 
among  them,  one  to  Boerhaven,  one  to  Scaliger,  &.c. 


Note  D.  —  Page  67. 

ADMISSION  TO  THE  UNIVERSITY. 

Aif  old  book,  printed  at  Leyden  in  1713,  entitled  Lei  Dilicet  de 
LeUe,  gires  the  following  account  of  the  privileges  enjoyed  by  the 
iUideiits. 


72  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

"Lea  etudians  aussi  quels  qu'ils  soieht,  j'ont  beaucoup  de  beaaz 
Privileges  ;  comme  d'avoir  tous  les  mois,  sans  pajer  les  Droits  de 
I'Etat  et  de  la  Ville,  chacun  une  demi-Tonne  de  Biere,  et  tous  les  trois 
mois  vingt  stoopen  de  Vin  (chaque  Stoop  contient  quatre  pintes)  et 
d'n'etre  jug6s  dans  leurs  diverses  querelles  et  difierens  que  par  le 
Recteur  Magnifique,  quatre  Assesseurs,  quatre  Bourgeinaitres  et 
deux  Echevins  (Scheepenen)   quand  meme   il  y  auroit  en  quelque 

meurtre  ;  et  autres  Ixbertez Les  personnes  de  la  plus  haute 

qualite,  Princes,  Comtes,  Marquis,  Barons,  &.C.,  &.c.,  se  font  un  honneur 
d'y  voir  paroitre  leur  Nom  et  d 'avoir  et6  sujets  de  TAcademie."  —  p.  71. 

These  **  fine  privileges  "  continued  to  be  enjoyed  by  the  students 
until  1795,  when,  in  the  movement  that  followed  in  Holland  the  French 
Revolution,  all  old  chartered  privileges  of  a  similar  nature  were  brok- 
en up.  The  magisterial  powers  possessed  by  the  University  had, 
however,  long  previously  to  that  time,  given  annoyance  to  the  town's- 
people  of  Leyden,  and  produced,  perhaps,  as  many  heart-burnings  as 
one  sees  existing  at  the  present  day  between  the  academical  and  mu- 
nicipal officers  of  Cambridge  and  Oxford. 

The  following  is  the  record  of  Robinson's  admission  to  the  Univer- 
sity of  Leyden,  certified  by  Dr.  Kist,  one  of  the  professors  of  the  Uni- 
versity. 

"  In  albo  Civium  Academise  Lugdvno-Batavse,  die  5°  Septembris,  An^ 
fii  1615,  inscriptus  est,  '  Consulum  permissu  : 

"  '  Joannes  Robintsonus,  Anglus,   Ann.  XXXIX.,   Stud.  TheoL 
alit  familiam.' 

Q.  T. 
"  L.  B.  d.  10  Dec.  V.  J.  Kist,  Th.  D.  et  Prof. 

A.  1841.  pro  Senatus  Academia 

ab  actis." 

Copied  in  my  presence. 

G.  S. 


Note  E. 
EARLY  NOTICES  OF  ROBINSON. 

In  theMSS.  catalogue  of  the  University  Library  at  Leyden,  the  name 
of  Robinson  does  not  appear,  neither  is  it  in  the  old  printed  catalogue 
of  1750.  In  the  Royal  Library  at  Paris  is  a  Latin  copy  of  his  Jlpology, 
dated  1619,  though  no  other  books  appear  against  his  name. 

The  earliest  notice  of  Robinson  that  I  can  find  in  any  work  printed 
in  Holland  is  one  given  twenty-eight  years  af\er  his  death,  by  John 
Hoorubeeck,  in  his  book,  Summa  Controversiarum  Religionis^  Tra- 
jecti  ad  Rhenum  (Utrecht),  1653.  In  his  tenth  chapter  he  devotes 
nearly  a  hundred  pages  to  the  Brownists,  and,  speaking  of  Robinson, 
says,  —  "  Optimus  inter  illos  fuit,  de  quo  postremum  dicendus,  Johannes 
Robinsonus,  quoque  Leidensium  Separatist  arum  Minister,  vir  supra  re- 
liquos  probus  atque  eruditus."  He  speaks  of  Ames  and  Parker  as 
having  mollified  Robinson  in  son^e  decree,  although  he  would  not  allow 
entire  communion  with  the  Dutch  cnurch  ;  and  mentions  RobinsoD'i 


Notes.  73 

•if^Iogy  as  having  been  printed  in  Latin  in  1619  and  in  English  in 
1644  ;  but  I  can  find  no  allusion  to  a  controversy  with  Episcopius,  a 
passage  relating  to  which  Mr.  Young  has  copied  (p.  42)  from  the  second 
edition  of  Hoornbeeck,  printed  at  Leyden  in  1658.  Is  it  not  proba- 
ble that  the  fame  of  this  discussion  had  not  reached  Hoornbeeck  at 
Utrecht,  but  that  he  first  heard  of  it  at  Leyden,  to  which  place  he  re- 
moved in  the  same  year  that  his  first  edition  was  published  ?  * 

The  second  notice  is  in  1687,  in  Horn's  Historia  Ecclesiastica, 
published  during  that  year  at  Leyden.  This  book,  however,  must  be 
well  known  in  America.  Prince  refers  frequently  to  it,  and  also  Young, 
in  his  notes.  Speaking  of  the  Separatists,  he  mentions  Brown,  then 
Barrow,  Johnson,  and  Smith,  and  continues,  —  "Ita  languentem  et 
animam  agentem  Separatism  um  restituit*  Robinsonus,  Pastor  Lei- 
densis,  doctissimus  ac  modestissimus  omnium  Separatistarum,  qui  ab 
Amesio  et  Parkero  in  viam  revocatus,  rigidas  Separatistarum  opinio- 
nes  mitigavit  et  Semi-Separatismum  fundavit.  Et  hie  Robinsonus  verus 
author  IndevenderUium  hodiernorum  et  in  nova  et  in  veteri  Anglia  est. 
De  quibus  noc  in  universum  tenendum  est  :  eos  in  doctrina  nihil  vel 
parum,  in  nullo  saltem  articulo  fundfimentali  discrepare  ab  aliis  Re- 
formatis  Ecclesiis.  Cseterum  majorem  puritatem,  vitse  sanctitatem  ac 
perfectionem  prse  se  ferunt." 

In  Memorabilia  Ecclesiastica  Seculi  Decimi  Septimi,  per  And. 
Carolum,  published  at  Tubingen  in  1697,  is  a  short  notice  of  Robin- 
son, which  is  compiled  from  Hoornbeeck 's  second  edition  and  from 
Horn.  He  has  the  statement  given  in  Young,  p.  453,  that  the  widow, 
children,  and  friends  were  received  into  the  Dutch  church. 

In  Hoffman's  Lexicon  Universale,  Lucduni  Bat.,  1698,  Vol.  IV.,  p. 
74,  is  a  notice  of  Henry  Robinson,  in  which  part  of  the  above  section 
of  text  from  Horn  appears.  Under  the  head,  *'  Separatistee,  nomensecttB 
in  Ar^lia,"  he  mentions  Brown,  Smith,  and  Kobinson,  and  copies 
again  a  part  of  the  foregoing  paragraph  of  Horn,  to  whom  he  refers  as 
authority.  Under  *'  Independentes  "  a  long  notice  is  given,  compiled 
also  from  Horn,  in  which  the  name  of  Robinson  is  mentioned. 

In  the  Universal  Lexicon  aller  Wissenschaflen  und  Kunste,  Leip- 
zig, 1724,  in  24  vols.,  folio,  John  Robinson  is  mentioned  as  an  English 
preacher  who  left  his  fatherland  on  account  of  persecution.  ''Er  wird 
auch  von  seinen  Freunden  gerQhmet,  dass  er  fromm  und  gelehrt 
gewesen,  auch  von  denen  Leydnischen  Professoren  sehr  hoch  gehal- 
ten,  und  seine  Apologie  uberaus  alien  Gottesgelehrten  zu  recom- 
roendiren  sey."  The  article  continues  by  stating,  that,  afler  Robin- 
son's death,  his  congregation  went  to  New  England,  whence  many 
returned  during  the  time  of  Cromwell.  For  this  last  statement  his 
authority  is  Arnold's  Kirch  Historic;  for  that  in  regard  to  the  Leyden 
professors,  he  refers  to  Hoornbeeck,  Lib.  X.,  p.  775. 

After  this,  all  the  notices  of  Robinson  that  I  met  with  in  Dutch 
books  were  drawn  either  from  Hoffman's  Lexicon,  or  directly  from 
Horn.     Some    notices  in  more  recent  works  are  taken  from  Neal's 

*  "  Optimam  operam  navavit  in  refutandis  Arminianis.  Extat  ipsius  Apolof^ia 
moderata,  docta,  bre^is.  Independentisinus  Democratia  est,  deainens  in  kfm^x*^h 
perimenB  Jura  Regiroinis  Ecclesiastici,  Presbyterii,  Classium,  Synodorurn,  que  tamen 
scripturaria  aunt,  et  defendenda  contra  Episcopatua  hodierni  Hierachiam."  —  pp. 
398,399. 

YOL.    IX.  10 


74  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 

HLdory  of  the  Puritans,  which,  as  I  have  before  stated,  was  translated 
into  Dutch  by  Jan  Ross,  and  published  in  1752,  under  the  title,  Hti- 
forte  der  Rechizinmnge  Puriieinen. 


Note  F. 


There  is  in  the  writings  of  the  Pilgrims  no  allusion,  I  believe,  to  the 
iodividuals  who  composed  the  magistracy  of  Leyden.  Should  any 
sach  be  found  at  a  future  day,  the  following  list  of  those  officers  for 
the  years  1609  and  1620  will  perhaps  not  be  without  interest.  It  is 
taken  from  Orler's  Hiitory  of  Leyden,  p.  650. 

1609.  Schout, 

Loth  Huygenszon  Gael. 

Burgermeesteren. 

Claes  Adriaenszon. 

Foy  van  Brouckhoven. 

Henrich  Egbertson  van  der  Hal. 

Schepenen, 

Vranck  van  Thorenvliedt. 

Jasper  van  Bauchem. 

Andries  Jasperson  van  Vesanwelt. 

Adriaen  Peterszon  van  der  Werf. 

Frans  Adriaens  van  Leeuwen. 

Willem  Grovers  van  der  Aar. 

Amelia  van  Hogeveen. 

Mr.  Clemens  van  Baersdorp. 

1620.  Schout, 

Mr.  Willem  de  Bondt. 

Burgermeesteren. 

Andries  Jaspers  van  Vesanevelt. 
Mr.  Jacob  van  Brouckhoven. 
Jacob  Cornelisz.  Leeusveldt. 
Daniel  Symonszon  van  Alphen. 

Schepenen. 

Jan  de  Bendt. 

Symon  Willems  van  Kerchem. 

Jan.  Janz.  Orlers. 

Adrian  Henricz.  van  Tetrode. 

Pieter  Cornells  de  Haes. 

Dr.  Willem  van  Moerbergen. 

Cornelius  Henricz.  van  Goten. 


MEMOIR  OF  GAMALIEL  BRADFORD,  M.  D, 


BY  CONVERS  FRANCIS,  D.  D. 


The  name  of  Bradford  stands  in  an  honored  place  on 
the  records  of  New  England  history.  From  William 
Bradford,  the  ancient  governor  of  the  Plymouth  col- 
ony,— a  man  in  the  front  rank  of  the  Puritan  worthies, — 
Dr.  Gamaliel  Bradford,  of  whom  a  brief  notice  is  here  to 
be  given,  was  a  lineal  descendant,  in  the  sixth  generation. 
He  was  the  son  of  Gamaliel  Bradford,  Esq.,  a  gentleman 
who,  by  intellectual  culture,  manly  courage,  and  the  best 
qualities  of  a  generous  heart,  won  a  high  place  in  the 
respect  of  the  wise  and  good.* 

Dr.  Bradford  was  born  in  Boston,  November  17th, 
1795.  At  the  early  age  of  twelve  years,  he  had  passed 
through  the  preparation  usual  at  that  time  for  admission 
to  Harvard  University.  But,  as  he  was  deemed  too  young 
to  meet  the  duties  and  hazards  of  a  college  life,  he  ac- 
companied his  father  on  a  voyage  to  the  southern  part  of 
Europe,  and  was  placed  in  a  Catholic  seminary  at  Mes- 
sina, where  he  remained  nine  months.  The  winter  of 
1808-9  he  spent  in  London,  and  in  the  ensuing  spring 
returned  to  Boston.  His  studies  were  continued  at  home, 
and  in  1810  he  entered  Harvard  University.  Without  the 
impulse  of  a  strong  ambition  for  the  literary  honors  of 
college,  his  unquestioned  talents,  classical  attainments, 
and  keen  intellectual  activity  gave  him  a  highly  rcspect- 

*  See  a  Memoir  of  him  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections^  3d  series,  Yol. 
I.,  p.  202. 


76  Memoir  of  Gamaliel  Bradford 

able  position  among  the  good  scholars  of  his  class.  At 
the  Commencement  in  1814,  when  he  was  graduated,  he 
delivered  an  English  poem,  which,  as  well  as  his  poetry 
on  other  occasions,  afforded  gratifying  evidence  that  he 
had  not  courted  the  Muses  in  vain. 

Leaving  college  with  the  preparation  of  a  ripened  and 
richlj  furnished  mind.  Dr.  Bradford  selected  for  his  call- 
ing the  medical  profession.  While  pursuing  the  studies  of 
that  department,  he  was  occasionally  engaged  in  the  busi- 
ness of  private  instruction,  and  for  one  year  held  the  office 
of  assistant  teacher  in  the  Boston  Latin  School.  In 
the  winter  of  1818,  after  a  diligent  attendance  as  a  medi- 
cal student  at  the  almshouse,  he  was  seized  with  the 
typhus  fever,  which  prevailed  at  that  place,  and  for  sever- 
al weeks  his  life  was  in  great  danger.  He  always  thought 
that  his  constitution  never  wholly  recovered  from  the  shock 
of  that  illness. 

In  the  autumn  of  1819,  he  went  abroad  in  pursuit  of 
the  objects  of  his  professional  education,  and  attended  the 
medical  lectures  at  the  University  of  Edinburgh.  He  re- 
turned in  the  spring  of  1820,  and  commenced  practice  as 
a  physician  in  Boston.  In  March,  1821,  he  was  married 
to  Sophia  Rice,  daughter  of  Colonel  Nathan  Rice,  who 
had  faithfully  served  his  country  as  a  major  in  the  Rev- 
olutionary army,  and  was  held  in  high  esteem  wherever  he 
was  known.  Dr.  Bradford  found  in  the  virtues  and  the 
devoted  affection  of  his  wife  a  blessing  beyond  all  price, 
especially  under  the  trials  which  afterwards  fell  to  his  lot. 
A  few  months  before  his  marriage,  he  had  removed  to 
Cambridge,  where  a  more  rapid  progress  seemed  to  be 
promised  in  his  professional  business  than  could  be  ex- 
pected by  a  young  physician  in  the  city.  During  the 
winter  of  1824-6,  he  delivered  an  excellent  course  of 
lectures  on  physiology  in  Boston,  in  connection  with 
Dr.  John  Ware.  In  the  autumn  of  1826,  he  left  Cam- 
bridge and  returned  to  Boston.  The  following  year,  he 
gave  up  the  medical  profession,  in  the  science  of  which 
few  were  so  thoroughly  versed,  however  its  details  of 
practice  might  be  ill  suited  to  his  taste  or  temperament. 
He  then  undertook  the  management  of  a  large  brewery 
in  South  Boston,  to  the  superintendence  of  which  he  de- 


Memoir  of  Gamaliel  Bradford,  77 

voted  himself  with  great  industry  and  fidelity.  While 
Dr.  Spurzheim  was  in  Boston,  Dr.  Bradford,  who  was 
always  a  decided  and  strenuous  adversary  to  the  doctrines 
of  phrenology,  delivered  three  lectures  on  the  subject, 
distinguished  for  scientific  clearness  and  ability.  The 
business  of  the  brewery  he  continued  till  1833;  and,  with- 
in a  few  months  after  he  left  it,  he  received  the  appoint- 
ment of  Superintendent  of  the  Massachusetts  General 
Hospital  in  Boston.  The  important  and  sometimes  per- 
plexing duties  of  that  station  he  discharged  in  a  spirit  of 
vigilance,  faithfulness,  and  strict  firmness,  alike  honorable 
to  himself  and  happy  for  the  institution. 

For  some  time  Dr.  Bradford  had  been  suffering  under 
a  malady  which  filled  the  hearts  of  his  friends  with  sad 
apprehensions.  It  was  in  1832  that  his  health  was  first 
assailed  by  fits  of  epilepsy.  These  increased  in  frequency 
and  severity  from  year  to  year.  Hoping  to  find  some 
wholesome  and  relieving  influence  from  a  voyage,  he  went 
up  the  Mediterranean  in  October,  1838,  and  was  absent 
four  months.  But  his  failing  health  was  not  restored  or 
assisted;  and  on  the  22d  of  October,  1839,  an  epileptic 
attack  of  unusual  severity  terminated  his  life,  at  the  age 
of  forty- four  years. 

Every  one  acquainted  with  the  intellectual  character  of 
Dr.  Bradford  will  remember  that  he  knew  how  to  make 
the  best  use  of  the  stores  of  an  amply  furnished  mind. 
Few  men  could  better  sift  the  learning  connected  with 
any  subject,  so  as  to  detach  the  available  matter  from  a 
mixed  mass.  The  steady  clearness  of  intellectual  vision 
for  which  he  was  remarkable  enabled  him  to  bring  and 
keep  before  his  view  both  the  near  and  the  remote  bear- 
ings of  a  question.  In  conversing  with  him,  one  was 
often  surprised  to  find  in  how  few  words  he  would  lay 
open  lines  of  thought  before  unnoticed,  but  now  seen  to 
be  avenues  to  important  truth.  For  all  that  ever  wore 
the  semblance  of  quackery  or  pretence  he  had  a  strong 
dislike,  which  expressed  itself  with  severe  honesty.  A 
sham,  however  disguised  under  solemn  forms  or  veiled 
with  stately  words,  found  little  mercy  at  his  hands.  He 
appreciated  well  the  meaning  of  the  saying,  that  ^^  Reasons 
and  reason  are  different  things."     It  was  his  habit  to  sub- 


78  Memoir  of  Gamaliel  Bradford. 

ject  facts  to  a  rigorous  scrutinjy  and  to  value  them  chiefly 
in  reference  to  the  general  laws  of  which  they  are  the 
expression.  In  the  same  spirit,  he  measured  men  and 
their  doings  by  the  standard  of  essential  principles.  There 
is  a  class  of  inquirers,  who  are  seldom  satisfied  till  they 
have  removed  the  coverings  gathered  over  opinions  and 
actions  by  policy  or  custom,  and  looked  at  the  central 
truth  or  falsehood  which  lies  within.  Dr.  Bradford  be- 
longed to  this  class.  He  sought  always  to  reach  what  he 
believed  to  be  the  last  analysis  of  a  question,  and  to  arrive 
at  the  broad  principle  which  includes  all  particular  cases. 
What  may  have  seemed  to  some  like  extravagance  in  his 
views  of  political  and  social  subjects  was,  in  truth,  the 
result  of  a  philosophical  spirit,  that  aimed  to  penetrate 
beyond  conventional  accidents  to  the  foundation  of  man's 
relations  and  rights.  Hence  he  had  the  wisdom  of  hope, 
which  believes  wrong  to  be  remediable,  simply  because  it 
is  wrong.  "  The  greatest  evils  and  the  most  lasting,"  it 
has  been  said,  in  words  which  might  well  express  his  doc- 
trine of  reform,  "  are  the  perverse  fabrications  of  unwise 
policy ;  but  neither  their  magnitude  nor  their  duration  are 
proofs  of  their  immobility.  They  are  proofs  only  that 
ignorance  and  indifference  have  slept  profoundly  in  the 
chambers  of  tyranny,  and  that  many  interests  have  grown 
up,  and  seeded  and  twisted  their  roots  in  the  crevices  of 
many  wrongs."* 

The  character  of  Dr.  Bradford's  mind  was  strictly  ana- 
lytical. But  he  never  undervalued  those  truths  which 
find  their  justification  in  sentiment,  provided  the  senti- 
ment were  not  another  name  for  transient  or  perverted 
feeling.  On  the  contrary,  he  regarded  these  as  expres- 
sions of  the  souFs  essential  laws,  and  found  their  sufficient 
defence  in  the  fact,  that  they  are  imbedded  in  the  consti- 
tution of  human  nature.  Though  he  loved  to  look  at 
things  in  the  dry  light  of  the  understanding,  yet  he  never 
forgot  that  the  understanding  alone  cannot  solve  the  great 
problem  of  man  and  his  aspirations.  His  instinctive  sense 
of  right  was  quick,  while  his  demand  for  evidence  was 
searching  and  not  easily  satisfied.    It  is  worthy  of  remark, 

*  Landor'i  hnagmary  Conversations,  Vol.  III.,  p.  71. 


Memoir  of  Gamaliel  Bradford.  79 

that  the  perverting  influences  which  have  sometimes  been 
ascribed  to  medical  studies,  in  questions  of  intellectual 
philosophy,  never  misled  bis  mind.  His  faith  in  the  in- 
tense reality  of  the  spiritual  nature  was  strong ;  and  he 
never  gave  his  sanction  to  the  shallow  speculations  which 
would  find  an  account  of  man's  whole  being  in  the  action 
of  material  laws. 

In  medical  science  the  learning  of  Dr.  Bradford  was 
unquestionably  ample,  and  his  judgment  sound  and  en- 
lightened. But  his  interest  as  a  student  reached  far  be- 
yond the  limits  of  his  professional  inquiries.  This  was 
especially  th^  case  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  when  the 
great  questions  of  intellectual  and  ethical  philosophy  were 
among  his  most  frequent  subjects  of  thought  and  conver- 
sation. He  took  much  delight  in  the  best  books  on  these 
topics.  Sir  James  Mackintosh  was  his  peculiarly  favorite 
author;  and  it  was  not  long  before  his  death  that  he  spoke 
with  intense  pleasure  of  the  memoirs  of  that  admirable 
writer,  which  he  had  then  just  read.  From  these  severer 
studies  he  found  a  healthful  recreation  of  mind  in  the  best 
romances  and  works  of  fiction,  which  afforded  him  great 
pleasure,  and  of  which  he  judged  with  fine  critical  taste. 

As  a  writer.  Dr.  Bradford  was  much  and  very  favorably 
known,  chiefly,  however,  in  short  and  occasional  efforts. 
These  productions  of  his  pen  are  numerous,  and  are  mostly 
to  be  found  in  various  journals  of  the  day.*  They  bear 
honorable  testimony  to  his  power  of  clear,  vigorous  thought, 
his  love  of  truth,  and  his  fearless  honesty  of  mind.  He 
wrote  with  ease,  and  was  fond  of  this  exercise  of  talent. 
Had  the  powers  of  his  mind  been  earnestly  concentrated 
upon    some    large  and  important   work,  he  would   have 

*  Tbej  coniist  principally  of  efsays  and  reviews  published  in  the  Boston  Specta- 
tor, The  Jfondeocript,  S'ew  England  Journal,  United  States  Ldterary  Gazette,  New 
England  Magazine^  Jiorth  American  RevieWf  and  Christian  Examiner,  Dr.  firad- 
lord's  address  to  the  Massachusetts  Temperance  Society,  and  his  letter  to  Fletcher, 
Sprague,  and  Otis,  on  Slavery,  were  published  in  a  pamphlet  form.  His  speech 
when  the  Abolitionists  had  a  hearing  before  a  committee  of  the  Massachusetts  House 
of  Representatives,  in  the  spring  of  1831,  was  published  as  a  pamphlet,  and  also  in 
The  IMhsrator.  These  vanous  writinfirs  amount  to  about  eighty  different  pieces. 
While  they  all  bear  the  stamp  of  no  ordinary  mind,  some  of  them  are  enlivened  with 
that  well  directed  humor  which  formed  a  part  of  the  composition  of  Dr.  Bradford's 
fenias.  It  should  be  added,  that  he  twice  officiated  as  poet  at  the  anniversaries  of 
the  Phi  BeU  Kappa  Society  in  Cambridge,  namely,  in  1820  and  in  1827.  These 
poeina  were  not  publbhed. 


80  Memoir  of  Gamaliel  Bradford. 

left  a  memorial  of  his  genius  among  the  writings  not  soon 
to  be  forgotten. 

It  may  be  said  of  Dr.  Bradford,  not  only  that  his  moral 
standard  was  high,  but  that  it  rose  higher  the  more  he 
became  involved  in  the  duties  and  the  business  of  life. 
He  never  paltered  with  conscience  or  principle.  No  shuf- 
fling devices  ever  degraded  his  opinions  or  conduct.  Dr. 
Bradford  was  eminently  a  man  of  integrity.  Every  one 
who  knew  him  relied  spontaneously  on  the  forthright  and 
thorough  honesty  of  the  man.  In  all  transactions  with 
others,  and  in  the  discharge  of  any  trust,  his  faithfulness 
was  minutely  scrupulous.  He  would  never  avail  himself 
of  excuses  even  for  those  slight  deviations  from  accuracy 
which  are  by  common  consent  considered  venial.  But 
his  integrity,  exact  as  it  was  in  these  respects,  reached 
much  further.  It  directed  and  shaped  his  convictions, 
his  opinions,  and  the  use  he  made  of  his  influence.  It 
was  a  principle  which  rendered  him  faithful  in  all  outward 
relations,  because  he  was  first  faithful  to  his  own  soul. 
There  was  no  hoUowness  at  the  surface,  because  the  centre 
was  sound.  His  thoughts  and  deeds  were  true  to  the 
law  of  right ;  his  purposes  and  acts  sprung  from  a  mov- 
ing power  in  his  own  moral  nature,  not  from  gusty  influ- 
ences abroad.  Thus  he  was  a  whole  man,  not  a  compound 
of  pieces  and  fragments,  which  have  no  harmony,  and 
hold  together  only  so  long  as  they  are  surrounded  by  an 
outward  pressure  from  the  world's  law  or  fashion.  His 
integrity  was  not  the  varnish  of  conventional  honesty  in 
the  affairs  of  the  world,  but  the  spontaneous  form  of 
thought  and  action  taken  by  one  who  desires  io  be  rather 
than  io  seem.  It  proved  itself  no  less  in  fidelity  to  his 
convictions  of  right,  than  in  fidelity  to  his  engagements. 
His  truthfulness  might  sometimes  seem  stern  or  abrupt ; 
but  its  meaning  was  honest  and  even  kind.  No  one  could 
know  him  without  perceiving  that  his  indignation  at  wrong 
expressed  a  sentiment  inspired  alike  by  benevolence  and 
by  a  sound  logic,  and  that  he  was  quite  fearless  in  mani- 
festing the  feeling.  From  this  source  sprung  his  enlight- 
ened and  firm  attachment  to  the  cause  of  Anti-slavery, 
a  cause  which  he  believed  to  rest  on  the  high  ground  of 
unalterable  right,  as  well  as  of  pure  humanity.    His  spirited 


Memoir  of  Gamaliel  Bradford.  81 

and  forcible  speech  in  March,  1 831 ,  when  the  Abolitionists 
had  a  hearing  before  a  committee  of  the  Massachusetts 
House  of  Representatives,  left  a  deep  impression  at  the 
time,  and  will  be  long  remembered  by  those  who  were 
present  on  that  occasion. 

Dr.  Bradford  cherished  a  true  and  living  interest  in  the 
Christian  religion,  both  speculative  and  practical.  The 
great  questions  it  suggests  to  every  thoughtful  mind  ar- 
rested his  earnest  attention,  as  questions  reaching  to  the 
foundation  of  our  being ;  and  the  importance  of  its  sanc- 
tions to  the  true  conduct  of  life  was  apprehended  by  him 
in  all  its  extent.  The  progress  of  years  quickened  his 
feelings  and  strengthened  his  convictions  on  this  subject. 
In  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  the  highest  truths  became 
matters  of  a  more  searching  and  personal  interest  to  him 
than  ever.  They  made  themselves  felt  in  all  his  princi- 
ples ;  and  he  would  have  deemed  it  a  shallow  folly  to 
think  of  constructing  a  system  of  philosophy  or  ethics, 
without  the  religious  sentiment  at  its  centre. 

On  the  whole,  we  may  say  that  here  was  a  true,  en- 
lightened, upright  man,  —  one  who  thought  soundly  and 
clearly,  and  kept  the  eye  of  his  mind  ever  fixed  on  great 
principles,  —  a  man  of  realities,  not  of  devices.  Those 
who  knew  him  will  always  feel,  that,  in  the  remembrance 
of  his  fine  talents  and  his  unbending  probity,  they  have 
that  record  of  wisdom  and  virtue  which  gives  forth  an 
imperishable  blessing.  We  are  reminded  of  the  very  sig- 
nificant words  of  an  ancient  English  drama :  — 

'*  I  have  ever  thought 
Nature  doth  nothing  so  great  for  great  men, 
As  when  she  *s  pleated  to  make  them  lordi  of  truth  : 
Integrity  of  life  ii  fame's  hest  friend, 
Which  nobly,  beyond  death,  shall  crown  the  end."  * 

*  Webster's  Duektu  of  Mafft. 


VOL.    IX.  11 


NOTICE  OF  ORONO,  A  CHIEF  AT  PENOBSCOT, 


BT  WILLIAM  D.  WILLIAMSON. 


To  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society : 

The  followiog  original  sketch  is  most  respectfully  presented  by  a 
corresponding  member. 

WILUAM  D.  WILLIAMSON. 

Bangor,  Me.,  March  12, 1838. 


Joseph  Orono,  the  subject  of  this  sketch,  was,  for  a 
long  time,  the  well  known  chief  of  the  Tarratine  Indians, 
on  the  river  Penobscot.  But,  though  he  was  onlj  an  In- 
dian sagamore,  his  name,  for  the  merits  of  his  character, 
is  worthy  of  remembrance  and  respect.  His  ancestry,  as 
well  as  the  exact  number  of  his  years,  is  involved  in 
some  doubt.  For  there  are  no  family  names  among  the 
natives,  by  which  the  lineage  of  any  individual  can  be 
traced  ;  as  a  son  inherits  no  name  of  his  father. 

There  has  been  a  story,  that  he  was  a  native  of  York 
in  this  State,  born  about  the  year  1688  ;  that  his  paternal 
name  was  Donnel ;  and  that  he  was  one  of  the  captive 
children  taken  in  the  winter  of  1692,  when  that  place 
was  ravagecl  by  the  Indians.  But  this  account  is  improb- 
able ;  as  the  Northern  Indians  and  those  of  the  Merrimac 
and  Androscoggin  made  the  attack,  and  soon  afterwards 
sent  back  to  the  garrison-houses  the  elderly  women,  and 
the  children  between  the  ages  of  three  and  seven  years, 
in  recompense  to  the  English  for  previously  sparing  the 
lives  of  several  Indian  females  and  children  at  Pejepscot. 


JVUiee  of  Orano.  83 

At  that  time,  moreover,  the  Donnel  family  was  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  in  the  province,  Samuel  being  the  same 
jear  one  of  the  Council,  and  his  brother  a  man  of  consider- 
able note.  So  that,  if  a  son  of  either  of  them  had  boen 
taken  captive,  it  is  probable  he  was  returned  or  recovered ; 
or,  at  least,  there  would  have  been  some  traditional  account 
of  his  being  carried  away.  But  no  such  report,  even  in 
York,  has  come  down  to  this  generation ;  and  Captain 
Joseph  Munsell,  of  Bangor,  now  in  his  eighty-eighth 
year,  says  the  story  has  no  foundation  in  fact,  and  has 
been  treated  by  the  intelligent  Indians  with  derision. 

Another  account,  equally  amusing,  and  more  evident,  is, 
that  Orono  was  the  descendant  of  Baron  de  Castine,  a 
French  nobleman,  who,  soon  after  the  treaty  of  Breda,  in 
1667,  located  himself  on  the  peninsula  of  the  town  which 
now  bears  his  name,  and  married  a  daughter  of  the  cele- 
brated Madockawando,  a  Tarratine  chief  of  the  age.  It 
is  true,  that  Castine  resided  many  years  at  that  place,  and 
carried  on  a  very  lucrative  trade  with  the  natives ;  that 
he  had  three  or  four  Tarratine  wives,  one  being  that  saga- 
more's daughter ;  and  that,  of  his  several  children,  one 
was  "Castine  the  younger,"  a  very  worthy  man,  and^ 
another,  a  beautiful  daughter,  who  married  a  Frenchman, 
and  was,  with  her  children,  in  1704,  taken  captive.  One^ 
of  these,  it  has  been  supposed,  was  Orono ;  *  yet  this 
rests  too  much  on  mere  probability  and  conjecture,  to  de- 
serve entire  belief. 

But  whatever  may  have  been  the  lineage  or  extraction 
of  Orono,  it  is  certain  he  was  white  in  part,  a  half-breed 
or  more ;  —  such  being  apparent  in  his  stature,  features, 
and  complexion.  He  himself  told  Captain  Munsell,  his 
father  was  a  Frenchman,  and  his  mother  was  half  French 
and  half  Indian  ;  but  who  they  were  by  name,  he  did  not 
state.  Orono  had  not  the  copper-colored  countenance, 
the  sparkling  eyes,  the  high  cheek-bones,  and  tawny 
features  of  a  pristine  native.  On  the  contrary,  his  eyes 
were  of  a  bright  blue  shade,  penetrating,  and  full  of  in- 
telligence and.benignity.  His  hair,  when  young,  was  brown, 
perhaps  approaching  to  an  auburn  cast ;  his  face  was  large, 

*  Nickolir,  hit  kindred,  nys,  <*  Orono  wai  some  related  to  old  Caitine." 


84  J^otice  of  Orano* 

m 

broad  and  well  formed,  of  a  sickly  whiteness,  suscept- 
ible of  ready  blushes,  and  remarkably  sedate.  In  his 
person,  he  was  tall,  straight,  and  perfectly  proportioned ; 
and  in  his  gait  there  was  a  gracefulness  which  of  itself 
evinced  his  superiority.  He  did  not  incline  his  head  for- 
ward, nor  his  feet  inward,  so  much  as  Indians  usually  do. 
But  what  principally  gave  him  distinction  was  his  mind, 
his  manners,  and  his  disposition.  For  Orono  was  a  man 
of  good  sense  and  great  discernment ;  —  in  mood  thought- 
ful, in  conversation  reserved,  in  feelings  benign.  Hence, 
he  never  allowed  himself  to  speak,  till  he  had  considered 
what  to  say ;  always  expressing  his  thoughts  in  short 
sentences,  directly  to  the  point.  He  had  not  much  learn- 
ing, being  only  able  to  read  a  little  and  write  his  name. 
But  he  could  converse  freely  in  three  languages,  the  In- 
dian, French,  and  English  ;  perhaps,  also,  understand  some 
Latin  phrases  in  the  Romish  litany.  To  the  Catholic  re- 
ligion he  was  strongly  attached,  and  also  to  its  forms 
of  worship.  Hence,  the  Rev.  Daniel  Little,  of  Kennebunk, 
a  Protestant  missionary  to  the  tribe  after  the  Revolution, 
unable  to  shake  his  faith,  asked  three  times,  before  he 
could  get  an  answer  from  the  sedate  chief,  thus :  — "  /n 
what  language  do  you  pray  ?  "  With  a  gravity  much  more 
becoming  than  that  of  the  missionary,  he  very  reverently, 
raising  his  eyes  a  little,  replied,  —  "JVb  matter  what, — 
Great  Spirit  knows  all  languages.^^ 

Orono's  manners  were  both  conciliating  and  command- 
ing, and  his  habits  worthy  of  all  imitation.  For  he  was  not 
only  honest,  chaste,  temperate,  and  industrious  ;  his  word 
was  sacred,  and  his  friendship  unchanging.  He  was  re- 
markable for  his  forethought  and  wisdom,  —  for  his  mild 
and  equable  disposition.  Though  he  was  not  deficient  in 
courage  or  any  of  the  martial  virtues,  he  was  so  fully 
aware  how  much  wars  had  wasted  his  tribe,  and  entailed 
misery  on  the  survivors,  as  to  become,  from  principle,  a 
uniform  and  persevering  advocate  of  peace.  He  knew, 
and  always  labored  to  convince  his  people,  that  they  flour- 
ished best,  and  enjoyed  most,  under  its  refreshing  shades. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  French  and  sixth  Indian 
war,  in  1764,  Tomasus  (or  Tomer)  was  at  the  head  of 
the  tribe,  when  he,  Osson,  Orono,  and  other  chief  men,  so 


JYbtice  of  Orano.  85 

warmly  espoused  the  policy  of  perpetuating  peace,  as  to 
present  the  commission  of  any  mischief  by  their  people, 
till  after  the  Cargill  affair,  and  the  declaration  of  war 
against  them  by  the  provincial  government.  The  fact 
was,  that  Captain  James  Cargill,  of  Newcastle,  commis- 
sioned to  raise  a  company  of  volunteers,  enlisted  and  led 
them  on  an  excursion  into  the  woods  towards  OwFs  Head, 
in  the  vicinity  of  Penobscot  Bay,  Discovering  a  party  of 
Indian  hunters,  Cargill  and  his  company  instantly  fired 
upon  them,  shot  down  twelve  on  the  spot,  and  took  their 
scalps ;  the  rest,  fleeing  for  their  lives  to  the  tribe,  car- 
ried to  it  the  tidings  of  the  bloody  and  wicked  transaction. 
Cargill  was  generally  and  highly  censured  by  the  white 
people,  it  being  believed  he  must  have  known  the  un- 
happy hunters  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  the  friendly  Tarra- 
tines. 

Never  were  the  feelings  of  the  tribe  put  to  severer 
trial.  For  the  provincial  governor,  perplexed  at  the  ne- 
farious afl^ir,  sent  a  message  to  the  sagamores,  stating 
that  it  was  impossible  to  distinguish  between  their  In- 
dians and  others ;  and  that  they  must,  within  eight  days, 
according  to  the  last  treaty,  send  twenty  men  to  join  in 
the  war  against  the  common  enemy,  or  their  tribe  would 
be  treated  as  belligerent  foes. 

^*  What!  take  arms  in  aid  of  men  who  had  themselves 
broken  the  treaty,  —  base  men,  whose  hands  are  reeking 
with  the  blood  of  unoffending  Indians?  Aunt'-ah\  aunt'- 
ah^  [no!  no!],"  cried  the  chief  speaker  in  a  council  met 
on  the  occasion.  *^  Sound  the  war-whoop.  Strike  through 
the  false-hearted  white  men.  Burn  to  ashes  their  wives, 
—  their  wigwams,  too.  Take  blood  for  blood.  The  spir- 
its of  our  murdered  brothers  call  to  us  for  revenge.  The 
winds  howl  to  us  from  the  wilderness.  Sister  widows 
cry,  —  orphans  too.  Do  not  Indians  feel?  Cut  their 
veins,  do  they  not  bleed  ?  The  moose  bellows  over  wasted 
blood.  The  bear  licks  the  bleeding  wounds  of  its  cub. 
0  Metunk-senahM  Metunk-senahM  [our  Father,  our 
Heavenly  Father]  pity  our  mourners.  Avenge  ill-treated 
Indians.  Our  fathers  told  us.  Englishmen  came  here,  a 
great  many,  many  moons  ago.  They  had  no  lands,  no 
wigwams, — nothing.  Then  our  good  fathers  say,  —  Come^ 


86  Mftke  of  Ormo. 

hunt  in  our  woods ;  Come,  fish  in  our  rivers ;  Come,  warm 
by  our  fires.  So  they  catch  very  great  many  salmon,  — 
beaver  too.  They  stay  among  us  always.  They  c^li 
Indians,  good  brothers.  They  smile  in  our  faces.  They 
make  wick- begin  [writings],  to  live  here  with  us,— 
all  one,  the  same  people.  They  signed  them,  as  they  call 
it,  —  our  fathers,  too.  Then  Engishmen  call  the  lands 
their  own.  Our  fathers  meant  no  such  thing.  Certain, 
they  never  leave  their  children  to  starve.  Englishman 
always  smiles,  when  he  gets  advantage.  Then  he  loves 
us  all  greatly.  When  he  wants  nothing  of  Indians,  he  don't 
love  'em  so  much.  Frenchmen  never  get  away  our  lands. 
They  sell  us  guns,  —  powder  too,  —  and  great  many 
things.  They  give  us  down  weight,  full  measure.  They 
open  our  eyes  to  religion.  They  speak  to  us,  in  dark 
days,  good  words  of  advice.  Englishmen  rob  us.  They 
kill  our  brothers,  when  their  hearts  were  warm  with 
friendship,  —  when  sweet  peace  was  melting  on  their  lips. 
We  give  them  homes.  They  put  the  flaming  cup  to  our 
mouths.  They  shed  our  blood.  Did  ever  Englishmen 
come  to  Indian's  wigwam  faint,  and  go  away  hungry? 
Never.  Where  shall  Indians  go?  Here  we  were  born. 
Here  our  fathers  died.  Here  their  bodies  rest.  Here, 
too,  we  will  live.  Arise.  Join  Frenchmen.  Fight  Eng- 
lishmen. They  shall  die.  They  shall  give  place  to  In- 
dians. This  land,  this  river,  is  ours.  Hunt  Englishmen 
all  off  the  ground.  Then  shall  Indians  be  free ;  then 
the  ghosts  of  our  fathers  bless  their  sons." 

The  voice  of  Orono,  himself  then  more  than  sixty  years 
of  age,  was  still  for  peace.  *^  To  kill  the  living  will  not  bring 
the  dead  to  life.  The  crimes  of  few  never  sprinkle  blood 
on  all.  Strike  the  murderers.  Let  the  rest  be  quiet. 
Peace  is  a  voice  of  the  Great  Spirit.  Every  one  is. blessed 
under  its  wings.  Every  thing  withers  in  war.  Indians 
are  killed.  Squaws  starve.  Nothing  is  gained ;  —  not 
plunder,  not  glory.  Englishmen  are  now  too  many.  Let 
the  hatchet  lay  buried.  Smoke  the  calumet  once  more- 
Strive  for  peace.  Exact  a  recompense  by  treaty  for  wrongs 
done  us.     None !  ay,  then  fight  'em." 

But  the  young  Indians  panted  for  war,  revenge,  and 
glory ;  and  as  the  government  soon  proclaimed  that  hos- 


Make  of  Ortmo.  87 

tilities  actually  existed  against  the  Tarratines,  all  hopes 
of  any  immediate  pacification  were  dissipated.  At  first, 
the  Indians  made  some  violent  attacks,  killed  several 
people,  and  burned  a  few  houses.  But  they  were  neglect- 
ed by  the  French ;  time,  war,  and  disease,  they  found,  had 
greatly  thinned  their  ranks ;  in  the  course  of  three  years, 
they  became  discouraged,  —  such  a  period  being  always 
long  enough  to  satisfy  Indian  warriors;  and  in  1769,  the 
tribe  was  literally  overawed  by  the  establishment  of  Fort 
Pownall,  on  the  westerly  banks  of  Penobscot  Bay.  There- 
fore, in  April  of  the  next  year,  they  entered  into  a  treaty 
with  the  provincial  government,  and  made  war  upon  the 
colonists  no  more.  The  Tarratine  tribe,  before  this 
war,  was  supposed  to  have  contained  seven  or  eight  hun- 
dred souls.  Their  lodgment,  or  local  residence,  ever 
since  the  discovery  of  this  region  and  probably  long  be- 
fore, has  been  on  the  southerly  part  of  Old-town  Island,  in 
Penobscot  River,  three  leagues  above  its  tide-waters,  —  a 
most  beautiful  plantation. 

Shortly  after  the  close  of  the  late  war,  Tomer  was  suc- 
ceeded by  OssoN,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  tribe 
five  or  six  years,  perhaps  longer.  He  lived  to  be  about 
a  hundred  years  old ;  having  been  comissioned  by  the 
government  of  Massachusetts  a  justice  of  the  peace,*  an 
office  which  he  held  to  the  time  of  his  death,  and  which 
gave  him  the  title  of  *^  Squire  Osson."  Captain  Munsell, 
who  was  well  acquainted  with  him,  says  he  was  a  very 
cautious,  cunning  man,  —  also  a  wise  and  influential  chief. 
He  always  lived  in  good  neighbourhood  with  the  white 
people  who  settled  within  his  territories,  and  had  in  re- 
turn their  unfeigned  esteem.  He  died  about  the  begin** 
ning  of  the  American  Revolution. 

During  the  preceding  interval  of  peace,  Orono,  next  to 
Osson  in  political  power,  had,  by  his  ability  and  pru- 
dence, acquired  the  confidence  of  his  people  so  entirely, 
that  they  united  and  made  him  chief  soon  after  the  other's 
death.  Orono  was  a  high  liberty-man,  and  from  the  first 
a  thoroughgoing  Whig.  He  could  not  imagine  how  the 
mother  country  could  possiby  wish  to  enslave  or  plunder 
the  colonies,  which  were,  as  he  thought,  her  distant  chil- 

*  The  only  native  erer  appointed  by  goyernment  to  any  ioch  office. 


88  J^atice  of  Orono. 

dren.  Such  were  his  views  of  riches,  regions,  sovereign- 
ty, and  even  glory^  thai  he  could  not  see  how  all  of  them 
combined  couid  be  any  motive  to  so  unnaturcU  a  warfare. 
Liberty,  next  to  peace,  was  the  sweetest  sound  that 
could  salute  Orono^s  ear.  It  was,  to  his  experience,  the 
gift  and  feeling  of  nature.  In  conference  with  his  people, 
he  declared  it  to  be  an  inborn  disposition  of  the  heart, 
and  natural  habit  of  life,  to  strive  against  force  and  con- 
trol, as  against  death.  He  felt  it.  He  knew  it.  The 
wild  creatures  that  rove  through  the  woods  he  had  seen 
happy  though  hungry,  because  they  were  under  no  ties  that 
bound  them.  The  brave  little  beaver  fights  a  duel  with 
a  hunter-boy  for  the  chance  of  escape.  What  being  does 
not  sigh  and  sicken  in  confinement  ?  Does  not  even  the 
spring-bird,  then,  forget  its  song  ?  —  the  ermine  its  sports  ? 
All  nature  flourishes,  when  free.  The  Great  Spirit  gives 
us  freely  all  things.  Our  white  brothers  tell  us,  they 
came  to  Indian's  country  to  enjoy  liberty  and  life.  Their 
great  sagamore  is  coming  to  bind  them  in  chains,  to  kill 
them.  We  must  fight  him.  We  will  stand  on  the  same 
ground  with  them.  For  should  he  bind  them  in  bonds, 
next  he  will  treat  us  as  bears.  Indians'  liberties  and  lands 
his  proud  spirit  will  tear  away  from  them.  Help  his  ill- 
treated  sons ;  they  will  return  good  for  good,  and  the  law  of 
love  run  through  the  hearts  of  their  children  and  ours, 
when  we  are  dead.  Look  down  jhe  stream  of  time. 
Look  up  to  the  Great  Spirit.  Be  kind,  be  valiant,  be 
free  :  —  then  are  Indians  the  sons  of  glory. 

Aroused  and  captivated  by  Orono's  sentiments,  his  peo- 
ple generally  became  decided  Whigs.  He  had  also  great 
influence  with  the  sachems  at  Passamaquoddy,  and  even 
at  the  river  St.  John,  though  in  each  of  the  tribes  there 
were  Indian  Tories,  and  party  spirit  ran  high;  human 
nature,  whether  cultivated  or  wild,  exhibiting  the  same 
traits  of  character.  At  length,  Orono  and  three  of  his 
colleagues  started  to  go  and  tender  their  friendship  and 
services  to  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  attended  by 
Andrew  Oilman,  who  could  speak  their  language  as  well 
as  his  own.  On  their  arrival  at  Portsmouth,  money  was 
liberally  contributed  to  bear  their  expenses,  and  a  carriage 
procured  to  help  them  on  their  journey.     They  met  the 


JY&Uce  of  Orano.  89 

Provincial  Congress  at  Watertown,  June  21,  1776,  and 
entered  into  a  treaty  of  amity  with  that  body,  and  of  en- 
gagements to  afford  assistance ;  afterwards  proving  them- 
selves to  be  among  the  most  faithful  allies  of  the  Ameri- 
can people.  In  return  for  their  pledges  of  good  faith  and 
immediate  aid,  Massachusetts  forbade,  under  severe  pen- 
alties, all  trespasses  on  their  lands,  six  miles  in  width  on 
each  side  of  renobscot  River  from  the  head  of  the  tide 
upwards.  On  the  19th  of  July,  1776,  the  three  tribes 
mentioned  all  acknowledged  the  independence  of  the 
United  States,  and  engaged  to  withhold  all  succours  from 
the  British  enemy.  In  fact,  there  were  stationed  near 
the  head  of  the  tide  on  the  Penobscot  a  company  of  thirty 
(twenty  white  men  and  ten  Indians),  under  ^the  com- 
mand of  Andrew  Gilman,  a  lieutenant,  and  Joseph  Mun- 
sell,  an  orderly-sergeant,  both  previously  mentioned ;  and 
at  M achias,  where  Munsell  was  afterwards  himself  a  lieu- 
tenant, there  was  a  large  company  of  one  hundred  Indians 
or  more,  commanded  by  Captain  John  Preble,  all  of  whom 
had  rations,  and  most  of  them  were  under  pay.  No  man 
was  more  faithful  to  his  engagements  than  Orono.  From 
1779,  when  the  British  took  possession  of  the  peninsula 
'Biguydun  (now  Castine),  and  exercised  an  arbitrary 
command  over  all  the  settlements  on  each  side  of  the 
river,  that  active,  vigilant  chief  communicated  with  great 
despatch  to  our  officers  and  government  important  and  re- 
peated intelligence ;  for  which  he  once,  if  not  more,  re- 
ceived a  tribute  of  special  thanks,  and  also  a  pecuniary  re- 
ward. He  was  wise  in  counsel,  and  his  zeal  to  the  last 
was  inspiring  to  his  tribe. 

Orono  was  holden  in  equally  high  estimation  after  the 
war  as  before;  and  in  1785  and  1796,  he  entered  into 
(avorable  treaties  with  Massachusetts,  by  which  he  and  his 
tribe,  for  valuable  considerations,  assigned  to  her  large  tracts 
of  land ;  and  also  agreed  with  her  upon  the  limits  and  ex- 
tent of  the  territory  retained.  This  celebrated  chief,  after 
a  very  long  life  of  usefulness  and  distinction,  died  at  Old- 
town,  February  6, 1802 ;  reputed  to  have  been  one  hundred 
and  thirteen  *  years  old.  But  Captain  Munsell,  who  con- 
versed with  him  in  his  last  sickness,  and  asked  him  his 

*  See  Alden'i  EpUaphs,  Vol.  I.,  No.  69. 
VOL.    IX.  12 


90  JVbtice  of  Orano. 

age,  thinks,  according  to  his  best  recollection,  Orono  told 
him  he  was  about  one  hundred  and  ten  years  of  age 
at  that  time.  He  was  exceedingly  endeared  to  his  tribe, 
and  highly  respected  by  all  his  English  acquaintance. 
To  a  remarkable  degree,  he  retained  his  mental  faculties 
and  erect  attitude,  till  the  last  years  of  his  life.  As  he 
was  always  abstemious,  and  as  his  hair  in  his  last  years 
was  of  a  milky  whiteness,  he  resembled,  in  appearance, 
a  cloistered  saint.  His  wife,  who  was  a  full-blooded  na- 
tive, died  several  years  after  him,  at  an  age  supposed 
to  be  greater  than  his  own.  Of  his  posterity,  it  is 
only  known  that  he  had  two  children ;  one  a  son,  who 
was  accidentally  shot,  about  1774,  in  a  hunting  party,  aged 
probably  twenty-five ;  the  other  a  daughter,  who  mar- 
ried old  Captain  Nicholar.  So  desirous  were  his  English 
friends  and  neighbours  to  perpetuate  his  name  and  charac- 
ter, that,  when  the  territory  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
Oldtown  was  incorporated  into  a  town,  March  12,  1806, 
it  was  called  "  Orono,"  in  compliment  to  the  worthy  old 
chief. 

A  few  years  after  Orono's  death,  perhaps  in  1806-7, 
the  tribe  chose  Aitteon  their  chief  sagamore.  He  was 
a  very  contemplative,  sensible  man.  Having  occasion, 
however,  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  to  transact  some 
business  for  his  tribe  with  the  Massachusetts  govern- 
ment, he  and  two  other  Indians  took  a  water-passage  to 
Boston.  Oppressed  with  anxiety  and  care  for  his  peo- 
ple, and  perplexed  with  the  business  on  hand,  he  fell  into 
a  state  of  derangement,  and  stabbed  himself,  in  Boston, 
so  badly  that  he  soon  died.  This  was  about  the  year 
1811,  —  an  event  much  lamented. 

He  was  immediately  succeeded  by  Jo  Lolan  (in  Eng- 
lish, Joseph  Loring).  Of  all  the  Tarratine  sagamores, 
his  abilities  were  the  most  slender,  and  his  wisdom  the 
least.  He  was  wholly  Indian ;  chosen  more  on  account 
of  his  parentage  than  his  capacities,  his  mother  being  noted 
for  her  wisdom,  beauty,  and  amiableness.  Lolan's  period 
of  ruling  the  tribe  as  chief  was  short,  as  he  died  about 
1815.  His  son  was  more  capable  than  he,  and  did  the 
greater  part  of  the  father's  business  while  he  lived. 

Next,  John  Aitteon,  son  of  the  preceding  sagamore 


JYbtice  of  Orono.  91 

Aitteon,  was  chosen  chief  of  the  tribe;  and  on  the  19th 
of  September,  1816,  was  inducted  into  office  with  great 
formality.  He  is  a  man  of  light  complexion,  of  a  pleasant 
countenance,  considerable  abilities,  and  manifestly  of  a 
mixed  extraction,  French  and  Indian.  He  is  the  present 
sagamore.  John  Neptune  is  the  lieutenant-governor  or 
sub-sachem.  He  is  a  pristine  native,  as  evinced  abun- 
dantly by  his  features,  eyes,  hair,  and  complexion.  Fran- 
cis, the  first  captain,  is  the  most  intelligent,  and  speaks 
English  the  best,  of  any  in  the  tribe.  Neptune,  he,  and 
two  other  captains  were  inducted  into  office  at  the  same 
time  Aitteon  was,  and  with  the  same  ceremonies. 


INDIAN  TRIBES  IN  NEW  ENGLAND. 


BY  WILLIAM  D.  WILLIAMSON. 


To  Rev.  Thaddeus  M.  Harris,  S.  T.  D.,  Corresponding  Secretary 

of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 

Sir,  —  As  the  Indian  tribes  in  New  England  will  probably  in 
length  of  time  become  extinct,  I  have  thought  any  facts  in  relation 
to  them  would  be  interesting  to  the  curious  and  critical  antiquarian  ; 
therefore  I  have  penned  the  following  sketches,  which  I  submit  to  your 
disposal.     Yours,  most  respectfully. 

WIUAAM  D.  WILLIAMSON. 

Bangor^  ^prU  15, 1839. 


At  the  present  period,  there  are  three  tribes  of  Eastern 
Indians  remaining,  that  stili  retain  their  individual  clan- 
ship and  community  of  character.  These  are  the  Tarra- 
tines  J  on  the  Penobscot ;  the  Openangos*  at  Passamaquod- 
dy ;  and  the  MarechileSj  on  the  river  St.  John.  The  mod- 
em names  by  which  they  are  called  are  taken  from  the 
respective  waters  where  they  are  resident.  For  more 
than  thirty  years,  the  writer  of  this  sketch  has  had  some 
particular  knowledge  of  these  tribes,  and  with  several  in- 
dividuals, especially  of  the  Tarratines,  he  has  had  a  per- 
sonal acquaintance. 

According  to  their  own  traditions,  in  which  they  all 
agree,  they  proceeded  from  the  same  stock,  and  were 
originally,  as  they  state  the  fact,  children  of  the  same 
parents ;  — -the  Tarratines    being  the  eldest,  the   Mare- 

*  There  is  some  doabt  if  **  Openadyo  "  be  the  original  name  of  this  tribe. 


Indian  Tribe$  in  J)reu>  England.  9 

cbites  next,  and  the  Opeoangos  the  youngest.  They 
all  speak  the  same  language;  and  it  is  manifestly  true 
that  their  brotherhood  is  always  what  they  profess  it  to  be, 
uniform  and  unchanging.  Each  tribe  has  its  own  saga- 
more, sachem,  and  counsellor-captains;  yet  in  neither  are 
these  functionaries  inducted  into  office  without  the  ptes-. 
ence  and  aid  of  a  delegation  from  the  other  two  tribes* 
Not  only  in  this  particular,  but  also  in  all  former  wars 
and  treaties  with  the  English,  they  have  always  acted  in 
concert.  It  may  be  owing  to  this  policy,  principally,  that 
these  tribes  have  outlived  all  the  others  of  New  England. 
Before  this  country  was  visited  by  the  Europeans,  it  is 
believed  that  the  sagamore  and  sachem,  the  first  and 
second  in  authority,  came  to  their  offices  by  hereditary 
right.  But  so  far  back  as  any  facts  about  it  have  been 
known  by  the  white  people,  their  officers  have  severally 
been  elective.  They  say,  the  male  Indians  of  a  tribe  are 
voters  in  elections,  who  are  twenty  years  old  and  upwards, 
each  giving  his  vote  for  or  against  a  candidate  vivd  voccy 
in  the  Indian  words,  chu-ee^  yes,  or  aun-tah^  no.  On 
these  occasions,  party  spirit  often  runs  high ;  aspirants 
have  their  zealous  and  active  adherents ;  and  election- 
eering is  carried  on  with  the  address  common  among  people 
more  civilized.  For  the  ancient  appellations  of  Sagamore 
and  Sachem,  are  substituted,  in  modern  times,  Governor 
and  Lieutenant-governor,  borrowed  unquestionably  from 
the  English. 

The  chiefs,  who  have  been  at  the  head  of  the  Tarra- 
tine  tribe  since  1816,  are  John  Aitleon^  governor,  John 
Jfeptune^  lieutenant-governor.  But  unhappily  the  tribe 
has,  for  several  years,  been  divided  into  two  parties,  —  origi- 
nally and  principally  occasioned  by  a  quarrel  between  those 
chieftains,  the  latter  having  been  suspected  by  the  for- 
mer of  seducing  his  wife.  The  whole  tribe  took  sides 
with  the  one  or  the  other ;  and  therefore  their  councils 
at  times  have  been  much  distracted.  Aitteon  is  of  a 
placid  disposition,  manifestly  indicated  by  a  bluish  eye 
and  a  smiling  countenance.  In  stature,  he  is  tall,  straight, 
and  well  proportioned  ;  and  in  intellect,  in  knowledge  of 
business,  and  in  ability  to  speak  English,  he  holds  a  place 
inferior  to  several  others.     It  is  supposed  he  is  not  an  un- 


N 


94  hidian  Tribes  in  JVhjD  England. 

mixed  native,  —  perhaps  a  half-breed.  But  Neptune  is 
unquestionably  a  pristine,  full-blooded  Indian.  He  is  of 
a  copper  color ;  —  in  person  stout,  thick  set,  with  broad 
shoulders,  large  face,  high  cheek-bones,  small  mouth,  and 
black,  sparkling  eyes.  His  understanding,  intelligence, 
and  shrewdness  are  of  the  first  order.  He  is  very  col- 
lected in  his  deportment,  and  always  carries  with  him  an 
air  of  authority.  Such,  in  short,  are  his  native  peculiari- 
ties, that  a  limner  has  without  reward  painted  his  por- 
trait for  exhibition.  He  is  altogether  superior  to  Aitteon 
in  every  thing,  except  in  character.  For  he  is  said  to  be 
the  most  lascivious  Indian  there  ever  was  in  the  tribe. 
He  had  the  address,  after  a  time,  to  make  peace  with 
Aitteon  for  the  injury  mentioned ;  and  subsequently 
their  councils  have  not  been  divided.  The  Indians  say, 
he  is  arbitrary  and  self-willed,  makes  too  free  with  ardent 
spirits,  and  has  ten  or  a  dozen  bastard  pappooses.  Hence 
bis  personal  conduct  and  some  of  his  official  measures 
have  occasioned  him  many  foes,  among  whom  are  several 
of  the  likeliest  Indians  in  the  tribe.  Since  Aitteon  became 
reconciled  to  him,  and  has  generally  agreed  with  him  in 
the  measures  pursued,  they  have,  among  the  tribe,  both 
been  subjects  of  the  same  dislike  and  opposition. 

The  disaffected  part  of  the  tribe,  therefore,  during  the 
last  summer  (1838),  consulted  with  the  tribes  at  St.  John 
and  Passamaquoddy ;  and  finding  the  latter  one  generally 
opposed  to  John  Neptune,  concluded  to  attempt  a  new 
choice  of  the  chief  officers.  For  this  purpose,  the  month 
of  August  was  appointed ;  and  accordingly  there  arrived 
at  Oldtown,  in  due  time,  two  delegations,  one  of  twelve 
from  the  river  St.  John,  and  the  other  of  twenty-one  from 
Passamaquoddy. 

Of  the  former  tribe,  there  were  several^ of  the  principal 
men.  1.  Joseph  Francis^  who  is  the  lieutenant-govern- 
or, a  very  likely,  intelligent  man,  much  disposed  to  do 
right.  To  make  himself  and  his  tribe  fully  acquainted 
with  the  difficulties  at  Oldtown,  he  and  his  brother, 
Nicholas  Francis,  with  three  others,  took  a  journey  from 
home  to  that  place,  the  preceding  spring,  travelling  the 
whole  distance  in  their  canoes.  2.  Francis  Sov'-eOy  of 
twenty-two  years,  was  quite  an  energetic,  considerate, 


*•  4* 


IndUm  Tribes  in  J^Tew  England.  95 

well  disposed  Indian.  His  father,  fVands  Tomefj  the 
governor,  being  an  old  man  between  sixty  and  seventy  years 
of  age  (as  they  said),  sent  his  beloved  son  to  act  in  his 
stead,  and  be  received  as  his  substitute.  3.  Captain  To- 
mer  was  the  governor's  son-in-law,  w  ho  was  *^  to  assist 
in  the  same  business.''  4.  JVewell  Crov4eet  brought  the 
belt  of  wampunij  —  this  being  always  produced  and  pre- 
sented on  such  occasions,  as  a  renewed  testimony  of  their 
unchanging  brotherhood  and  attachment.  5.  Soc  CfBear 
was  a  captain  of  good  appearance,  and  of  considerable  con- 
sideration among  them.  6.  Joseph  Turkic  called  himself 
captain,  — a  man  of  pride  and  energy.  It  is  true,  he  had 
been  such  prior  to  last  Christmas,  they  said,  when  his 
captainship  was  disowned,  because  he  did  things  that 
displeased  the  tribe.  Tomar  WalliSj  Louee  Tomar^  and 
four  others,  formed  the  delegation  from  the  Marechites. 

From  the  other  [Openango  ?]  tribe,  there  were  several 
distinguished  Indians.  1.  JVteweU  jYeptune^  said  to  be  thirty- 
five  years  old,  but  appeared  much  younger,  was  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor,—  a  place  he  had  holden  twelve  years.  His 
countenance  and  conduct  were  both  greatly  in  his  favor, 
—  he  being  thoughtful,  discreet,  taciturn.  Though  pleas- 
ant, he  was  sedate  ;  and  though  he  could  speak  English, 
he  said  very  little,  but  what  he  did  say  was  always  to  the 
point  and  purpose.  His  manners  were  both  modest  and 
manly;  and  his  observing  yet  softened  eye  gave  abun- 
dant evidence  of  superior  intellect ;  —  in  a  word,  all  these, 
with  his  beauties  of  person,  rendered  him  the  best  appear- 
ing Indian  ever  seen  in  this  quarter.  Sabbalis  JVeptiinef 
fifty-three  years  old,  was  the  senior  counsellor-captain,  and 
chief  speaker  of  the  tribe.  He  said  he  had  been  such 
twelve  years.  He  speaks  good  English,  and  is  very  open- 
hearted,  communicative,  and  quite  decided.  He  appeared 
to  have  great  influence  among  the  Indians,  especially  those 
of  his  own  tribe.  In  fact,  his  lean  face,  his  brilliant, 
searching  eyes,  and  his  deep-thinking  mood,  testify  large- 
ly in  favor  of  his  intellect  and  good  sense.  Of  those  op- 
posed to  John  Neptune,  he  was  foremost.  He  said  they 
had  been  troubled  in  no  small  degree  with  their  own 
governor.  As  he  told  the  story,  —  '*  After  their  good  old 
governor,  Francis  Joseph,  died,  about  five  years  past,  they 


96  hdian  Tribes  in  JVew  England. 

made  John  Francois,  two  years  afterwards,  governor  in  his 
stead.  He  was  then  about  forty-fiye  years  old,  and  a  chief 
of  good  promise.  But  he  was  very  full  of  temper.  Three 
or  four  moons  ago,  the  fire  in  his  heart  was  very  hot. 
He  then  threw  down  his  belt  and  medals,  the  signs  of  his 
office,  and  said,  You  have  me  for  governor  no  longer.  Very 
quick,  he  brings  ail  old  writings  from  General  Washington 
and  papers  from  the  State,  and  fling  them  down  too,  very 
hard.  Our  lieutenant-governor  then  takes  them  up,  and 
keeps  them  safely.  His  squaw  's  a  very  bad  woman ;  a 
bad  wife  always  makes  a  bad  sanup  [husband]  worse." 
He  said  his  tribe  had  only  six  counsellors ;  —  four  besides 
himself  being  present.  These  were  ^kholar  JVeptune, 
Solomon  FrandSy  son  of  the  old  governor,  To-mollou^-eyj 
and  Peter  Joseph  Lou-ey. 

On  the  day  agreed  upon  for  "  making  "  new  governors, 
as  they  call  it,  being  Friday,  August  31  (1838),  early  in 
the  forenoon,  there  was  hauled  up  to  the  top  of  the  island- 
standard,  which  is  tall  and  stately  as  a  first-rate  liberty- 
pole,  a  great,  spreading  flag,  on  which  was  a  large  red 
crucifix,  cut  from  scarlet  broadcloth,  the  perpendicular 
piece  being  four  or  five  feet  in  length,  and  four  inches  in 
breadth,  and  the  horizontal  cross-piece,  towards  the  top, 
two  feet  long  or  more.  The  other  party,  under  Neptune 
and  Aitteon,  raised  an  opposition  standard  equally  high, 
which  displayed  at  its  head  a  flag  as  large  or  larger  than 
the  other,  with  this  difference  only ;  —  on  the  perpendicu- 
lar of  this  crucifix  there  were  two  crosses,  one  towards 
the  bottom,  as  well  as  one  towards  the  top  of  it. 

Under  these  banners,  the  Indians  all  assembled  in  the 
"  Great  Wigwam,"  called,  on  this  occasion,  the  Camp^ 
with  the  exception,  however,  of  several  Tarratines,  who 
chose  by  their  absence  to  avoid  the  controversy.  All  the 
others,  who  were  old  enough  to  vote,  sat  together ;  and 
the  respective  delegations  were  severally  seated  by  them- 
selves on  the  right  and  left,  at  the  head  of  the  assemblage. 
With  all  the  gravity  and  self-command  of  a  Roman  sena- 
tor, John  Neptune  rose  and  addressed  all  present  in  a 
short  speech  of  pure  vernacular.  As  it  was  not  fully 
understood  at  the  time  by  the  English  spectators,  a  few 
only  of  the  sentiments,  as  afterwards  interpreted  by  him, 
in  the  concise  sentences  uttered,  can  be  given. 


Adian  Tribes  in  JV'ew  England.  97 

**  Brothers  :  -^  We  boldly  come  here  ;  We  £aice  the 
storm ;  we  feaur  not ;  for  our  hearts  are  firm  as  rocks  that 
never  move.  Shall  Neptune  and  his  Indians  give  place 
to  bold  words  ?  Shall  he  say,  Come,  take  his  rights  and 
power  away?  No,  —  never;  for  quite  twenty-two  years 
ago,  he  and  Aitteon  were  made  governors  for  life ;  ay,ybr 
l^.  This  is  the  usage  for  ever  of  Indians ;  our  fathers 
always  tell  us  so ;  all  those  good  brothers  know  it  well. 
Yes,  —  some  of  'em  here  present,  from  St.  John  and  'Quod- 
dy,  help  make  'em  governors  then,  in  this  same  camp.  All 
we  remember  it.  The  sun  was  bright  that  day;  friend- 
ship warmed  every  heart.  The  trees  of  our  woods  were 
all  green.  Now,  enemies  work.  A  breach  is  made  near 
us.  The  storm  beats  through,  hard  upon  our  heads.  The 
night  is  dark.  Will  brothers  turn  bears,  to  tear  us  in 
pieces?  Come  they  here  to  dig  our  graves  before  we 
die  ?  Then  is  our  end  come.  Soon  will  white  men  push 
us  all  off,  to  drown.  The  Great  Spirit  sees  it.  His  eye 
is  in  every  star.  He  knows  all  things.  Yes,  he  knows 
John  Neptune  has  the  soul  of  his  father,  never  afraid. 
He  never  will  turn  his  back  to  fighters,  brothers  or  bears. 
He  is  sachem  ybr  /j/c." 

The  only  reply  was  from  Sabbatis  Neptune,  who 
spake  with  more  fluency,  though  with  less  force.  "  Broth- 
ers:—  Good  sagamores  be  morning  stars.  They  make 
their  Indians  glad.  Every  thing  happy  rests  content.  No 
change  is  wanted  then.  They  groan,  that  have  pains. 
We  come  here,  a  great  way  from  home,  to  hear  what  our 
brothers  speak  of  John  Neptune,  and  his  party  friends. 
Many  say,  he  drinks  a  great  deal  of  strong  water.  Then 
his  words  be  very  loud  ;  his  eyes  flash  fire ;  he  stamps 
on  the  ground  very  hard.  He  is  no  more  antler  moose ; 
—  he  is  Lunkson,*  Loupcervier  [the  great  catamount]. 
Now,  then,  he  no  see  widows'  tears,  —  he  no  hear  orphans' 
cries.  He  is  the  moon,  that  often  grows  larger,  then 
smaller.  For  sometimes  he  loves  his  Indians  very  much ; 
by  'nd  by,  he  don't  love  'em  so  much.  No,  no,  —  he 
love  'em  best  some  woman-kind,  —  not  his  own  squaw. 
Does   he   kill   'em    deer,   bear,   raccoon,    and    feed    'em 


!t  ** 


*  IndiaiM  ny,  thb  means  <*  all  one,  kiU'dmnl, 
VOL.    IX.  IS 


98  tfkdian  Tribes  in  JYtw  England. 

unlawful  children  he  makes?  Not  half.  Well,  his  In- 
dians say,  We  have  him  ^  sachem '  no  longer.  Thej 
want  a  good  governor,  like  old  Orono ;  —  to  speak  wis- 
dom, —  to  show  'em  good  works.  Such  one  is  governor 
far  life.  Not  so  the  bad  one.  When  his  heart  be  very 
wicked,  his  walk  crooked,  't  is  right  to  leave  him.  We 
obey  the  Great  Spirit,  because  he  is  good.  Aitteon 
and  Neptune  are  joined  together;  we  no  fear  to  speak; 
—  we  leave  them  together;  we  say  amen." 

Hence  it  was  determined  to  proceed  in  the  appointed 
business  of  the  day.  Solomon  Francis,  being  designated 
to  tell  the  votes,  took  them,  and  pronounced  them  to  stand 
thus  for  the  new  governor,  viz. 

For  Tomar  Soc  Alexis^  —  of  his  own  tribe,      43  votes. 
The  Openangos  gave  him  .         .         .21 

The  Marechites  gave  him        ...  6 


In  all  69 

Aitteon,  son  of  old  'Squire  John  Osson,  (not  a  relative 
of  John  Aitteon,)  had  the  same  number  of  votes  for  lieu- 
tenant-governor ;  when  they  both,  and  also  seven  cap- 
tains, having  a  like  vote,  were  all  pronounced  chosen 
according  to  the  usages  of  the  tribes. 

For   Aitteon  and   Neptune,  severally,  the 

votes  from  their  own  tribe  were  36 

From  the  Marechites         ....        6 


42 
of  which  six,/oMr  were  given  by  the  lieutenant-govern- 
or, his  brother,  Soc  O'Bear,  and  Turkic.  The  Openan- 
gos gave  for  them  not  one  vote.  It  was  also  said,  that 
^  twelve  of  the  thirty-six  were  given  by  youngsters  under  the 
age  of  twenty  years,  and  ought  not  to  be  taken  into  the 
account.  But  inasmuch  as  theirs  did  not  change  the  ma- 
jority, there  was  no  discussion  upon  the  subject.  The 
triumphant  party  then  proceeded  to  invest  the  new-chosen 
functionaries  with  their  respective  ensigns  of  office,  in 
usual  form;*  the  minority,  with  Aitteon  and  Neptune  at 

•  In  Williamson *8  History  of  Maine,  Vol.  I.,  Chap.  XIX.,  pp.  495  -  498,  the  par- 
tioalara  of  theie  ceremonief ,  lo  1716,  are  given  in  detail ;  and  therefore  it  ii  inex- 
pedient to  repeat  the  aceonnt  in  thii  place. 


Mdian  Tribes  in  JVew  England.  99 

their  head,  leaving  the  wigwam,  with  do  other  manifesta- 
tion of  dislike,  however,  than  looks  of  indignation.  Nor 
would  they  afterwards,  though  specially  requested,  so  much 
as  speak  to  the  'Quoddy  delegates. 

Though  there  were  in  this  electioneering  campaign  much 
of  party  spirit,  and  though  the  feelings  of  most  were 
considerably  rufiSed,  both  before  and  after  it  was  over, 
the  decorum  noticeable  in  the  assemblage  during  the  de- 
bate and  election  is  worthy  of  being  imitated  by  any 
legislative  body  of  a  civilized  people.  There  was  per- 
fect order.  Each  speaker  was  attentively  heard,  without 
being  interrupted ;  and  the  business  was  transacted  with- 
out noise.  For  several  days,  however,  after  the  ceremo- 
nies, the  parties  were  quite  indignant  towards  each  other. 
The  flags  were  kept  flying ;  nor  did  the  respective  dele- 
gations immediately  return  home.  Hence,  the  governor 
of  the  State,  apprehensive  of  a  high-handed  quarrel  among 
them,  addressed  to  them  a  monitory  letter,  chiding  their 
delay  and  urging  their  departure.  This  had  its  effect, 
probably ;  for  they  in  a  few  days  afterwards  left  Oldtown. 
Since  that  time,  the  old  officers  have  been  recovering  their 
popularity ;  and  it  is  believed  they  are  still  accredited  as 
the  chiefs  of  the  tribe.  Neptune  has  the  wit,  if  he  has 
the  proper  disposition,  to  reinstate  himself  pretty  fully  in 
the  public  favor,  as  his  capabilities  for  government  surpass 
those  of  every  other  Indian  among  them. 

The  tribe  are  by  no  means  poor.  For  they  not  only 
own  the  islands  in  Penobscot  River,  between  Oldtown 
and  the  Forks,  or  confluence  of  the  east  and  west  branch- 
es, many  of  which  are  valuable ;  but  the  State,  Decem- 
ber 31,  1838,  owed  them,  for  lands  purchased,  a  debt  of 
j$f  60,800;  also  interest  thereon  amounting  to  ;^  3,867; 
and  an  annuity  of  ;^  2,107,  to  be  paid  them  yearly  as  long 
as  they  shall  exist  in  their  collective  capacity.  Their  an- 
nuities and  other  dues  are  usually  paid  by  government  to 
their  chiefs.  For  the  purpose,  therefore,  of  distributing 
their  moneys  and  subsidies  equally,  a  census  was  carefully 
taken,  March  1,  1837,  of  all  the  families,  by  name,  in  the 
tribe,  with  the  number  in  each  family  annexed.  At  first, 
John  Neptune,  the  lieutenant-governor,  and  two  of  the 
captains,  Pe'-el  Tomar  and  Francis  Pe'-neis,  presented  a 


100  Indian  Tribes  in  J^ew  England. 

list  of  all  the  family  names,  in  Indian,  affixing  figures  rep« 
resenting  the  number  of  souls  in  each  one ;  and  then  they 
interpreted  every  name  into  English.  The  original  cata- 
logue was,  in  fact,  made  out  by  Pe'-el  Tomar's  son,  who 
can  read  and  write ;  and  when  it  was  translated  and  finished, 
it  was  duly  certified  under  a  notarial  seal.  According  to 
this  census,  taken  with  so  much  exactness,  there  were  in 
the  whole  tribe  ninety-five  families  and  three  hundred  and 
sixty-two  souls.  There  are  probably  as  many  at  the  pres- 
ent time. 

JVbte.  —  The  legislature  of  the  State,  in  their  late 
session,  took  so  much  notice  of  what  was  done  at  Old- 
town  in  August  last,  as  to  pass  an  act,  March  16th,  1839, 
by  which  the  tribe  are  authorized  to  elect  biennially  from 
among  themselves  a  governor  and  lieutenant-governor, 
to  hold  their  offices  for  two  years,  and  till  others  their  suc- 
cessors be  elected ;  —  who  are  to  have  all  the  powers  and 
privileges  appertaining  **  by  usage  and  custom ''  to  them 
in  their  functionary  capacities.  In  order  to  effect  an 
election,  the  selectmen  of  Orono  are  directed  to  take  a 
census  of  all  the  male  Indians  of  the  tribe,  who  are 
twenty-one  years  of  age ;  and  on  the  first  Monday  of  Au- 
gust next,  and  every  alternate  year,  at  Oldtown,  receive 
from  all  that  are  present  their  votes  vivd  voce,  sever- 
ally, for  those  officers, — a  majority  to  be  declared  an 
election  :  Provided,  however,  the  said  tribe  do,  on  the  day 
of  the  next  August  election,  first  adopt  this  legislative 
enactment  for  their  future  guidance  and  direction. 


QUEEN  ANNE'S  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  GOVERN- 
OR DUDLEY  IN  1702. 


From  the  Original  Manuscript^  given  to  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society  by  Robert  C.  Winthrop. 


ANNE  R.  Instructions  for  Our  Trusty  and  Welbe- 
loved  Joseph  Dudley  Esq'  Our  Captain  Gen- 
erall  and  Governor  in  Chief  in  and  over  Our 
Province  and  Territory  of  the  Massachusets 
Bay  in  New  England.  Given  at  Our  Court 
at  S*  James's  the  Sixth  day  of  Aprill  1702 
In  the  First  Yeare  of  Our  Reigne. 

0 

With  these  Our  Instructions  you  will  Receive  Our  Com- 
mission under  the  Great  Seal  of  England,  Constituting 
you  Our  Captain  General  and  Governour  in  Chief  in  and 
over  Our  Province  of  the  Massachusets  Bay,  and  Like- 
wise Our  Captain  Generall  and  Commander  in  Chief  of 
the  Militia  and  of  all  the  Forces  by  sea  and  Land,  within 
Our  Colonies  of  Rhode  Island,  Providence  Plantation  and 
the  Naraganset  Country  or  Kings  Province  in  New  Eng- 
land, and  of  all  Our  Forts  and  places  of  Strength  within 
the  same. 

You  are  therefore  to  fitt  yourself  with  all  convenient 
Speed,  and  to  repair  to  Our  said  Province  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  and  being  arrived  there,  you  are  to  take 
upou  you  the  Execution  of  the  Place  and  Trust  Wee  have 
reposed  in  you,  and  forthwith  to  call  together  the  Mem- 
bers of  Our  Councill  in  that  Province. 

You  are  with  all  due  and  usual  Solemnity  to  cause  Our 


102    Queen  Anne's  Instructions  to  Governor  Dudley. 

said  Commission  to  be  published  at  the  said  Meeting,  and 
Notification  to  be  also  given  to  Our  Colonies  of  Rhode 
Island,  Providence  Plantation,  and  the  Naraganset  Country, 
of  the  Power  wherewith  you  are  intrusted  concerning  the 
Militia,  Forces,  and  Forts  within  Our  said  Colonies  and 
Country  as  aforesaid. 

You  shall  your  self  take,  and  also  administer  unto  each 
of  the  Members  of  Our  said  Council,  as  well  the  Oaths 
appointed  by  Act  of  Parliament  to  be  taken  instead  of  the 
Oaths  of  Allegiance  and  Supremacy,  as  also  the  Test  to- 
gether with  an  Oath  for  the  due  Execution  of  your  and 
their  places  and  Trusts,  as  well  with  regard  to  the  equal 
and  Impartiall  Administration  of  Justice  in  all  causes  that 
shall  come  before  you  as  otherwise.  And  likewise  the  Oath 
required  to  be  taken  by  Governours  of  Plantations  to  do 
their  utmost  that  the  Laws  relating  to  the  Plantations  be 
Observed  ;  And  both  you  and  they  shall  also  Subscribe  the 
Association  mentioned  in  a  late  Act  of  Parliament  Inti- 
tuled ^n  ^ct  for  the  better  Security  of  his  Majestys  Royal 
Person  and  Government. 

You  are  to  Communicate  forthwith  unto  Our  said  Coun- 
cil!, such  and  so  many  of  these  Our  Instructions,  wherein 
their  Advice  and  Consent  are  mentioned  to  be  requisite, 
as  likewise  all  such  others,  from  time  to  time,  as  you 
shall  find  Convenient  for  Our  Service  to  be  imparted  to 
them. 

You  are  t9  permitt  the  Members  of  Our  said  Councill 
of  the  Massachusets  Bay  to  have  and  Enjoy  Freedom  of 
Debate  and  Vote  in  all  Affairs  of  Publick  Concern  that 
may  be  debated  in  Councill. 

You  are  from  time  to  time  to  send  to  Us  by  one  of  Our 
Principal  Secretaries  of  State,  and  to  Our  Commissioners 
for  Trade  and  Plantations,  the  Names  and  Qualities  of  the 
Members  appointed  to  be  of  Our  said  Council,  by  the  first 
Conveniency  after  such  appointment. 

And  in  the  Choice  and  Appointment  of  the  Members 
of  Our  said  Council,  as  also  of  the  Principal!  Officers, 
Judges,  Justices,  Sheriffs  and  others,  You  are  always  to 
take  care  that  they  be  Men  of  Good  Life,  and  well  affect- 
ed to  Our  Government  and  of  good  Estates  and  Abilities, 
and  not  necessitous  People,  or  much  in  Debt. 


Queen  Annexe  bietructums  to  Governor  Dudley.    103 

You  are  hereby  Authorized  to  use  the  Publick  Seal  ap- 
pointed or  to  be  appointed  by  Us  for  the  Sealing  of  all 
things  whatsoever  that  shall  pass  ^the  Seal  of  Our  said 
Province  under  your  Government. 

You  are  to  take  Care  that  all  Writs  be  Issued  in  Our 
Royal  Name  throughout  Our  said  Province. 

You  are  to  Observe  in  the  passing  of  Laws  that  the 
Stile  of  Enacting  the  same  be  by  the  Governor,  Council, 
and  Assembly  &  no  other. 

You  are  also  as  much  as  Possible  to  Observe  the  passing 
of  all  Laws,  that  whatever  may  be  requisite  upon  each 
different  matter  be  accordingly  provided  for  by  a  different 
Law,  without  intermixing  in  one  and  the  same  Act,  such 
things  as  have  no  proper  relation  to  each  other.  And  you 
are  more  especially  to  take  care,  that  no  Clause  or  Clauses 
be  inserted  in  or  annexed  to  any  Act,  which  shall  be 
Forreign  to  what  the  Title  of  such  respective  Act  Imports. 

You  are  to  transmitt  Authentick  Copies  under  the  Pub- 
lick  Seal,  of  all  Lawes,  Statutes,  and  Ordinances  that  are 
DOW  made  and  in  force,  which  have  not  yet  been  sent,  or 
which  at  any  time  hereafter  shall  be  made  and  Enacted 
within  Our  said  Province  under  your  Government  and 
Command,  each  of  them  seperately  under  the  Publick 
Seal,  unto  Us,  and  to  Our  said  Commissioners  for  Trade  and 
Plantations,  within  three  Months,  or  by  the  first  Oppor- 
tunity after  their  being  Enacted,  together  with  Duplicates 
thereof  by  the  next  Conveyance  upon  Pain  of  Our  high- 
est displeasure,  and  of  the  Forfeiture  of  that  Yeare's 
Salary^  wherein  you  shall  at  any  time  or  upon  any  pre- 
tence whatsoever  omit  to  send  over  the  said  Laws,  Stat- 
utes and  Ordinances  as  aforesaid,  within  the  time  above 
limited,  as  also  of  such  other  Penalty  as  Wee  shall  please 
to  inflict :  But  if  it  shall  happen  that  during  time  of  Warr, 
no  Shipping  shall  come  from  Our  said  Province  within 
three  Months  after  the  makeing  such  Laws,  Statutes  and 
Ordinances,  whereby  the  same  may  be  transmitted  as 
aforesaid,  then  the  said  Laws,  Statutes  and  Ordinances 
are  to  be  transmitted  as  aforesaid  by  the  next  Convey- 
ance after  the  makeing  thereof,  whenever  it  may  happen 
for  Our  Approbation  or  Dissallowance  of  the  same. 

And  forasmuch  as  great  prejudice  may  happen  to  Our 


104    Qaeen  jlnne^s  hMructmu  to  Owemor  Dudkff. 

Service  and  the  Security  of  Our  siaid  Province  by  your 
absence  from  those  parts,  without  a  Sufficient  Canse  and 
especiall  Leave  from  Us,  For  the  Prevention  thereof,  you 
are  not  upon  any  pretence  whatsoever  to  come  to  Europe 
from  your  Government  without  haveing  first  obtained  Leave 
for  so  doing  from  Us  under  Our  Sign  Manuall  and  Signet, 
or  by  Order  in  Our  Privy-CouncilL 

You  are  to  take  Cafe  that  in  all  Acts  or  Orders  to  be 
passed  within  that  Our  Province,  in  any  Case  for  Levy- 
ing money,  or  imposeing  Fines  and  Penalties  Express  men- 
tion be  made,  that  the  same  is  granted  or  Reserved  to  Us, 
Our  Heirs  and  Successors  for  the  Publick  use  of  that  Our 
Province,  and  the  Support  of  the  Government  thereof,  as 
by  the  said  Act  or  Order  shall  be  Directed. 

Whereas  it  is  Necessary  that  due  Provision  be  made 
for  the  Support  of  the  Government  of  Our  said  Province, 
by  setting  apart  Sufficient  allowances  to  you  Our  Captain 
General  and  Grovernour  in  Chief  and  to  Our  Lieutenant 
Govemour  or  Commander  in  Chief  for  the  time  being  re- 
sideing  within  the  same,  And  Whereas  Our  said  Province 
of  the  Massachusets  Bay  has  not  hitherto  taken  any  man- 
ner of  Care  in  that  matter,  though  the  like  Provision  be 
generally  made  in  Our  othef  Plantations  in  America  which 
are  under  Our  Immediate  Government,  notwithstanding 
that  divers  of  them  are  much  less  able  to  do  it;  You  are 
therefore  to  propose  to  the  Generall  Assembly  of  Our  said 
Province,  and  accordingly  to  use  your  utmost  endeavours 
with  them,  that  an  Act  be  passed  for  Settling  and  Estab- 
lishing fixed  Salaries  upon  your  self  and  others  Our  Cap- 
tains Gen"  that  may  Succeed  yod  in  that  Government,  as 
likewise  upon  Our  Lieutenant  Gov"  or  Commanders  in 
Chief  for  the  time  being.  Suitable  to  the  Dignity  of  those 
respective  Offices.  * 

And  you  are  also  earnestly  to  recommend  unto  the  As- 
sembly in  Our  Name,  that  care  be  taken  by  them  for  the 
building  of  a  fit  and  Convenient  House  to  receive  you, 
and  the  Governor  for  the  time  being,  which  may  be  Ap- 
propriated to  that  Use. 

You  are  not  to  permit  any  clause  whatsoever  to  be  In- 
serted in  any  Law  for  Levying  money  or  the  Value  of 
money,  whereby  the  same  shall  not  be  made  lyable  to  be 


Qfmm  jSnn^s  Jkslructions  to  Owemar  Dudhf.    106 

Accounted  for  Unto  Us  here  in  England,  and  to  Our 
Com"  of  Our  Treasury  or  Our  high  Treasurer  for  the 
time  being. 

You  are  to  take  care  that  fair  Books  of  Accounts  of  all 
Receipts  and  Payments  of  all  such  money  be  duly  kept, 
and  the  truth  thereof  attested  upon  Oath,  and  that  the 
said  Bookes  be  transmitted  every  half  yeare  or  oftener  to 
Our  Commissioners  of  Our  Treasury,  or  High  Treasurer 
for  the  time  being,  and  to  Our  Comissioners  for  Trade  and 
Plantations,  and  Duplicates  thereof  by  the  next  Convey- 
ance ;  In  which  Bookes  shall  be  Specified  every  particular 
Sum  raised  or  Disposed  off  together  with  the  Names  of 
the  Persons  to  whom  any  Payment  shall  be  made  ;  to  the 
end  Wee  may  be  Satisfied  of  the  Right  and  due  Applica- 
tion of  the  Revenue  of  Our  said  Province. 

You  are  not  to  Suffer  any  Publick  money  whatsoever, 
to  be  Issued  or  Disposed  of  otherwise  than  by  Warrant 
under  your  hand,  by  and  with  the  Advice  and  Consent  of 
Our  said  Council,  But  the  Assembly  may  be  Nevertheless 
permitted,  from  time  to  time  to  view  and  examine  the 
Accounts  of  money  or  Value  of  money  disposed  of  by 
Virtue  of  Laws  made  by  them,  which  You  are  to  Signify 
unto  them,  as  there  shall  be  Occasion. 

And  it  is  Our  Express  will  and  Pleasure  that  no  Law 
for  raiseing  any  Imposition  on  Wines  and  other  Strong 
Liquors,  be  made  to  Continue  for  Less  than  one  whole 
Year,  as.  also  that  all  other  Laws  whatsoever,  for  the  good 
Government  and  Support  of  Our  said  Province  be  made 
Indifinite,  and  without  limitation  of  time  Except  the  same 
be  for  a  Temporary  end,  and  which  shall  Expire  and  have 
its  full  Effect  within  a  Certain  time. 

And  therefore  you  shall  not  re-enact  any  Law  which 
bath  or  shall  have  been  once  Enacted  there,  except  upon 
very  urgent  Occasions ;  But  in  no  Case  more  then  once 
without  our  Express  consent. 

You  shall  not  permit  any  Act  or  Order  to  pass  in  Our 
said  Province,  whereby  the  Price  or  Value  of  the  Currant 
Money  within  your  Government  (whether  it  be  Forreign 
or  belonging  to  Our  Dominions)  may  be  Altered  without 
Our  Particular  Leave  or  Direction  for  the  same. 

And  You  are  particularly  not  to  pass  any  Law,  or  do 

VOL.  iz.  14 


106    Qudim  Mnne^s  Instructions  to  Governor  Dudkjf. 

any  Act  bj  Grants  Settlement  or  otherwise,  wherebjr  Our 
Revenue  may  be  Lessened  or  Impaired,  without  Our  £s- 
peciall  Commands  therein. 

You  are  to  take  all  Possible  Care  in  the  granting  of 
any  Lands  within  Our  Province  under  your  Government, 
not  already  disposed  of,  that  such  Limitations  and  Methods 
be  Observed  as  may  best  tend  to  the  Safety  and  due  Im- 
provement of  Our  said  Province. 

And  Whereas  Wee  have  been  informed  that  Great 
Spoiles  are  daily  Comitted  in  Our  Woods  in  the  Province 
of  Main  and  other  parts  within  your  Government  of  the 
Massachusets  Bay,  by  Cutting  down  and  Converting  to 
private  Uses  such  Trees,  as  are  or  may  be  proper  for  the 
Service  of  Our  Royal  Navy  ;  And  it  being  Necessary  that 
all  practices  which  tend  so  Evidently  to  deprive  Us  of 
those  Supplies  be  effectually  restrained ;  Our  Will  and 
Pleasure  is.  That  upon  Consideration  of  the  Occasions  of 
such  Abuses,  the  Methods  by  which  they  are  Carried  on, 
and  the  Inconveniencies  that  attend  them.  You  use  your 
Indeavours  with  Our  Councill  and  the  Assembly  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  to  dispose  them  to  pass  Acts,  for  the 
better  preventing  the  further  Spoil  of  those  Woods,  and 
for  preserving  a  Nursery  of  such  Trees  as  may  be  usefull 
for  Our  Service;  And  in  case  you  cannot  prevail  with 
them  to  pass  Acts  proper  and  Sufficient  for  those  Purposes, 
that  you  send  Over  hither  the  Heads  of  such  a  Bill,  as 
may  be  Effectuall  for  those  Ends,  and  fitt  to  be  Enacted 
here. 

You  shall  not  remitt  any  Fines  or  Forfeitures  whatso- 
ever above  the  Sum  of  Ten  pounds  nor  dispose  of  any 
Escheats  Fines  or  Forfeitures  whatsoever  untill  upon  Sig- 
nifying to  Our  Commissioners  of  Our  Treasury,  Or  Our 
High  Treasurer  for  the  time  being,  and  to  Our  Commis- 
sioners for  Trade  and  Plantations  the  Nature  of  the  Of- 
fence, and  the  Occasion  of  such  Fines  Forfeitures  or 
Escheats,  with  the  particular  Sums  or  value  thereof  (which 
you  are  to  do  with  all  Speed)  You  shall  have  Received 
Our  directions  therein ;  But  you  may  in  the  mean  time 
suspend  the  payment  of  the  said  Fines  and  Forfeitures. 

In  case  any  Goods  money  or  other  Estate  of  Pirates 
or  Piratically  taken,  shall  be  brought  in  or  found  within 


Quern  jinne^s  butructioM  to  Governor  Dwdh^B    107 

Our  said  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  or  taken  on 
board  any  Ships  or  Vessells,  You  are  to  Cause  the  same 
to  be  seized  and  Secured  untill  you  shall  have  given  Us 
an  Account  thereof,  and  Received  Our  Pleasure  Concern- 
ing the  Disposall  thereof.  But  in  Case  such  Goods  or  any 
part  of  them  are  perishable,  the  same  shall  be  Publickly 
Sold  and  Disposed  of,  and  the  Produce  thereof  in  like 
manner  Secured  'till  Our  further  Order. 

And  Whereas  Wee  have  been  pleased  to  Grant  Com- 
missions unto  Severall  Persons  in  Our  Respective  Planta- 
tions in  America,  for  the  Trying  of  Pirates  in  those  parts 
pursuant  to  the  jfcf  for  the  more  EffectuaU  StirpressUm 
of  Piracy;  And  by  a  Commission  already  sent  to  Our 
Province  of  the  Massachusets  Bay,  You  (as  Captain  Gen- 
eral and  Governour  in  Chief  of  Our  said  Province)  are 
Impovi^ered,  together  with  others  therein  mentioned,  to 
proceed  accordingly,  in  reference  to  Our  said  Province  ; 
Our  WUl  and  Pleasure  is  that  in  all  matters  relateing  to 
Pirates,  You  Govern  your  self  according  to  the  intent  of 
the  Act  and  Commission  aforementioned  ;  But  Whereas 
Acessories  in  Cases  of  Piracy  beyond  the  Seas,  are  by  the 
said  Act  left  to  be  Tryed  in  England,  according  to  the 
Statute  of  the  28^^  of  King  Henry  the  VII 1%  We  do 
hereby  further  Direct  and  Require  You  to  send  all  such 
Accessories  in  Cases  of  Piracy  in  Our  foresaid  Province, 
with  the  Proper  Evidences  that  you  may  have  against 
them,  into  England,  in  Order  to  their  being  Tryed  here. 

You  are  to  require  the  Secretary  of  Our  said  Province 
for  the  time  being  to  furnish  you  with  Transcripts  of  all 
such  Acts  and  Publick  Orders  as  shall  be  made  from  time 
to  time,  together  with  Copies  of  the  Journalls  of  the 
Councill  and  Assembly  to  the  end  the  same  may  be 
transmitted  unto  Us  and  to  Our  Commissioners  for  Trade 
and  Plantations,  as  above  Directed,  which  he  is  duly  to 
perform  upon  pain  of  Incurring  the  Forfeiture  of  his  Place. 

You  shall  Transmitt  unto  Us  and  to  Our  Commissioners 
for  Trade  and  Plantations  by  the  First  opportunity  a  Map 
with  the  Exact  discription  of  the  whole  Territory  under 
your  Government,  with  the  Severall  Plantations  upon  it, 
and  of  the  Fortifications,  And  you  are  likewise  to  use  your 
best  Endeavours  to  procure  a  good  Map  to  be  Drawn  of 


108    Qfum  Jbme^s  iutrucUons  to  Qonemor  Dudkifp. 

all  the  Indian  Country  in  the  Neighborhood  of  Our  Plan- 
tations in  those  parts^  marking  the  names  of  the  SeTerall 
Nations  (as  they  call  themselves  and  are  called  by  the 
English  and  French)  and  the  Places  where  they  inhabit, 
and  to  transmitt  the  same  in  like  manner. 

You  are  likewise  to  send  a  List  of  all  Officers  Im- 
ployed  under  your  Government  together  with  all  Publick 
Charges,  and  an  Account  of  the  present  Revenue  with 
the  Probability  of  the  Increase  or  Diminution  thereof  un- 
der every  Head  or  Article. 

You  are  to  Transmit  unto  Us  and  to  Our  Commis- 
sioners for  Trade  and  Plantations,  with  all  Convenient 
Speed,  A  Particular  Account  of  all  Establishments  of  Ju- 
risdictions, Courts,  Offices,  and  Officers,  Powers  Author- 
ities, Fees  and  Privileges  Granted  or  Settled  within  Our 
said  Province  to  the  End  you  may  Receive  Our  further 
Directions  therein. 

You  shall  Likewise  take  Especiall  Care  with  the  Advice 
and  Consent  of  Our  said  Council  to  regulate  all  Salaries 
and  Fees  belonging  to  places,  or  paid  upon  Emergencies, 
that  they  be  within  the  bounds  of  Moderation,  and  that 
no  Exaction  be  made  upon  any  Occasion  whatsoever.  As 
also  that  Tables  of  all  Fees  be  publickly  hung  up  in  all 
Places  where  such  Fees  are  to  be  paid,  And  you  are  to 
transmitt  Copies  of  all  such  Tables  of  Fees  to  Us,  and  to 
Our  Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Plantations  as  aforesaid. 

Whereas  it  is  very  necessary  for  Our  Service  that  there 
be  an  Attorney  General  appointed  and  Settled  who  may 
at  any  time  take  care  of  Our  Rights  and  Interest  within 
Our  said  Province  You  are  with  all  Convenient  Speed  to 
Nominate  a  fitt  Person  for  that  Trust. 

You  are  to  permitt  a  Liberty  of  Conscience  to  all  Per- 
sons (except  Papists)  so  they  be  contented  with  a  Quiet 
and  Peaceable  Enjoyment  of  the  same,  not  giving  offence 
or  Scandall  to  the  Government. 

You  are  to  take  care  that  Drunkeness  and  Debauchery 
Swearing  and  Blasphemy  be  discountenanced  &  Pun- 
ished, and  that  none  be  admitted  to  Publick  Trusts  and 
Imployments  in  Our  said  Province  under  Your  Govern- 
ment whose  ill  Fame  and  Conversation  may  occasion  Scan- 
dal. 


Qmm  jbme^B  Instrucikms  to  Governor  Dudley.    109 

You  shall  Administer  or  Cause  to  be  Administred  the 
Oaths  appointed  bj  Act  of  Parliament  to  be  taken  instead 
of  the  Oaths  of  Allegiance  and  Supremacy  as  also  the 
Test  to  the  Members  and  Officers  of  Our  Councill  and 
Assembly  and  to  all  Judges,  Justices  and  all  other  persons 
diat  hold  any  office  or  place  of  Trust  or  Profitt  in  Our 
said  Province  whether  by  Virtue  of  any  Patent  under  Our 
Great  Seal  of  England,  or  Our  Seal  of  the  Massachusets 
Bay,  or  otherwise,  and  likewise  require  them  to  Subscribe 
the  forementioned  Association ;  Without  which  you  are 
not  to  admitt  any  person  whatsoever  into  any  Publick 
Office,  nor  Suffer  those  that  have  been  admitted  formerly 
to  Continue  therein. 

You  shall  send  an  Account  to  Us,  and  to  Our  Commis- 
sioners for  Trade  and  Plantations  of  the  present  Number 
of  Planters  and  Inhabitants,  Men,  Women  and  Children^ 
as  well  Masters  as  Servants,  Free  and  Unfree,  and  of  the 
Slaves  in  Our  said  Province  as  also  a  yearly  Acc^  of  the 
Increase  or  Decrease  of  them,  and  how  many  of  them  are 
fitt  to  bear  Arms  in  the  Militia  of  Our  said  Province. 

You  shall  also  Cause  an  Exact  Acc^  to  be  kept  of  all 
Persons  born.  Christened  and  Buried,  And  You  shall  yearely 
send  fair  Abstracts  thereof  to  Us  and  to  Our  Commis- 
sioners for  Trade  and  Plantations  as  aforesaid. 

You  are  to  take  Care  that  no  Mans  life,  Member,  Free- 
hold or  Goods  be  taken  away  or  harmed  in  Our  said  Prov- 
ince under  Your  Government,  otherwise  then  by  Estab- 
lished and  known  Laws,  not  repugnant  to,  but  as  much 
as  may  be  agreable  to  the  Laws  of  England. 

You  shall  take  care  that  all  Planters  and  Christian  Ser- 
vants be  well  and  fitly  provided  with  Arms  and  That  they 
be  listed  under  good  Officers,  and  when  and  as  often  as 
shall  be  thought  fit.  Mustered  and  Trained,  whereby  they 
may  be  in  a  better  readiness  for  the  Defence  of  Our  Prov- 
ince under  Your  Government,  And  You  are  to  Use  yoqr 
utmost  Endeavours,  that  Such  Planters  do  each  of  them 
keep  such  a  Number  of  White  Servants,  as  by  Law  is 
directed,  and  that  they  Appear  in  Arms  at  all  such  times 
as  they  shall  be  required. 

You  are  to  take  Especiall  care  that  neither  the  Fre- 
quency nor  unreasonableness  of  remote  Marches  Musters 


110    Queen  Jnne^s  Instructians  to  Gwemor  Ihtdky. 

and  Trainings,  be  an  unnecessary  Impediment  to  the 
Affairs  of  the  Inhabitants. 

You  shall  not  upon  any  Occasion  whatsoever  Establish 
or  put  in  Execution  any  Articles  of  Warr,  or  other  Law 
Martial,  upon  any  of  Our  Subjects,  Inhabitants  of  Our 
said  Province  without  the  Advice  and  Consent  of  Our 
Council  there. 

And  Whereas  there  is  no  Power  given  you  by  Your 
Commission  to  Execute  Martial  Law  in  time  of  Peace, 
upon  Soldiers  in  pay  and  that  Nevertheless  it  may  be 
Necessary  that  some  Care  be  Taken  for  the  Keeping  of 
good  Discipline  amongst  Those  that  Wee  may  at  any  time 
think  fitt  to  send  into  Our  said  Province  (which  may  prop- 
erly be  Provided  for  by  the  Legislative  Power  of  the  same) 
You  are  therefore  to  recommend  unto  the  general  As- 
sembly of  Our  said  Province,  that  (if  not  already  done) 
they  prepare  such  Act  or  Law  for  the  Punishing  of  Mutiny, 
Desertion  and  false  Musters  and  for  the  Better  Preserving 
of  Good  Discipline  amongst  the  said  Soldiers,  as  may 
best  Answer  those  ends. 

And  Whereas  upon  Complaints  that  have  been  made 
unto  Us,  of  the  Irregular  proceedings  of  the  Captains  of 
some  of  Our  Ships  of  Warr,  in  the  pressing  of  Seamen 
in  Several  of  Our  Plantations ;  Wee  have  thought  fitt  to 
Order,  and  have  given  Direction  to  Our  Lord  High  Ad- 
mirall  accordingly,  That  when  any  Captain  or  Commander 
of  any  of  Our  Ships  of  Warr  in  any  of  Our  said  Planta- 
tions shall  have  Occasion  for  Seamen  to  Serve  on  Board 
Our  Ships  under  their  Command,  they  do  make  their  Ap- 
plication to  the  Governors  and  Commanders  in  Chief  of 
Our  Plantations  respectively,  to  whom  as  Vice  Admiralls 
Wee  are  pleased  to  Commit  the  Sole  power  of  Impressing 
Seamen  in  any  of  Our  Plantations  in  America,  or  in  sight 
of  any  of  them  ;  You  are  therefore  hereby  required  upon 
such  Application  made  to  You,  by  any  of  the  Commanders 
of  Our  said  Ships  of  Warr  within  Our  foresaid  Province 
under  Your  Government,  to  take  care  that  Our  said  Ships 
of  Warr  be  furnished  with  the  Number  of  Seamen,  that 
may  be  Necessary  for  Our  Service  on  board  them,  from 
time  to  time. 

You  are  to  Demand  an  Acc^  from  all  Persons  Con- 


Qmmi  Jbme*9  iutructioM  to  Governor  Dudley.    Ill 

cerned,  of  the  Arms  Ammunition  and  Stores  sent  to  Our 
said  Province  under  Your  Government  from  Our  Office  of 
Ordnance  here,  as  likewise  what  other  Armes,  Ammuni- 
tion and  Stores  have  been  bought  with  the  Publick  Money 
for  the  Service  of  Our  said  Province,  and  how  the  same 
have  been  employed,  and  if  any,  how  many  of  them  have 
been  sold,  Spent,  Lost,  decayed  or  Disposed  of,  and  to 
whom,  and  to  what  Uses. 

You  shall  take  an  Inventory  of  all  Arms,  Ammunition 
and  Stores  remaining  in  Any  of  Our  Magazines  or  Garri- 
sons within  Our  said  Province  and  Territory,  and  Trans- 
mitt  an  Account  of  them  forthwith  after  your  Arrival,  and 
the  like  Account  yearely  to  Us  and  to  Our  Commissioners 
for  Trade  and  Plantations. 

You  are  to  take  Especiall  Care  that  fitt  Store  Houses 
be  Settled  throughout  Our  said  Province  for  receiveing  and 
keeping  of  Armes  Ammunition  and  other  Publick  Stores. 

Whereas  it  is  Absolutely  Necessary  that  We  be  exactly 
Informed  of  the  State  of  Defence  of  all  Our  Plantations 
in  every  respect,  and  more  especially  with  relation  to  the 
Forts  and  Fortifications  that  are  in  each  Plantation,  and 
what  more  may  be  Necessary  to  be  Built  for  the  Defence 
and  Security  of  the  same,  You  are  so  soon  as  Possible 
after  Your  Arrival  in  your  Government  to  prepare  an  Ac- 
count of  the  State  of  Defence  thereof  in  the  most  par- 
ticular manner,  and  to  transmit  the  same  to  Us,  and  to 
Our  Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Plantations  and  the 
like  Accounts  afterwards  Yearly,  in  Order  to  Our  Exact 
Information  therein  from  time  to  time. 

And  Whereas  Wee  have  been  Constantly  at  Great 
Charge  in  Sending  thither  and  Maintaining  Ships  of  Warr 
to  Cruize  upon  the  Coasts  of  that  Province,  in  Order  to 
their  Protection  against  Enemys  by  Sea,  and  have  also 
lately  been  graciously  pleased  upon  the  Desire  of  Our 
Council  and  the  General  Assembly  to  Assist  them  in  this 
Conjuncture  with  Stores  of  War  from  Our  Office  of  Ordi- 
nance here  You  are  therefore  the  more  earnestly  to  require 
and  Press  Our  said  Council  and  the  Assembly  Vigorously 
to  Exert  themselves  in  Fortifying  all  Places  necessary  for 
the  Security  of  Our  Said  Province  by  land,  more  es- 
pecially in  rebuilding  that  Important  Fort  at  Pemaquid, 


112    Omen  JinM^s  liutrucHoM  to  Qavernor  Dh^^ 

which  they  too  easily  Suffered  to  be  taken  and  Demolished 
by  the  French  Dureing  the  late  War,  and  id  Providing 
what  elsse  may  be  Necessary  in  all  respects  for  their  further 
Defence,  In  Order  whereunto  You  are  also  to  cause  a 
Survey  to  be  made  of  all  the  Considerable  Landing  Places 
and  Harbors  within  Our  said  Province  and  with  the  Ad- 
vice of  Our  said  Council,  to  Erect  in  any  of  them  such 
Fortifications  as  shall  be  necessary  for  their  Security  and 
Advantage. 

In  Case  of  any  Distress  of  any  other  of  Our  'Planta- 
tions, you  shall  upon  Application  of  the  respective  Govern- 
ours  thereof,  to  You,  Assist  them  with  what  Aid  the, 
Condition  and  Safety  of  your  Government  can  permit ; 
and  more  especially  in  Case  Our  Province  of  New  York 
be  at  any  time  Invaded  by  an  Enemy,  You  are  to  call 
upon  Our  Councill  and  the  General  Assembly  of  the 
Massachusets  Bay  to  make  good  in  Men  (or  money  in 
lieu  thereof)  their  Quota  of  Assistance  according  to  the 
Repartition  formerly  sent  thither ;  Assureing  them  that  in 
Case  of  the  Like  Invasion  of  the  Province  of  the  Massa- 
chusets Bay,  they  will  be  mutually  assisted  from  New 
York. 

You  are  from  time  to  time  to  give  an  Account,  as  be- 
fore directed,  what  Strength  Your  Neighbors  have  (be 
they  Indians  or  others)  by  Sea  and  Land,  and  of  the  Con- 
dition of  their  Plantations  and  what  Correspondance  You 
do  keep  with  them. 

And  Whereas  by  Our  Commission  for  the  Government 
of  Our  said  Province  of  the  Massachusets  Bay,  Wee  have 
given  you  all  the  Powers  and  Authorities  of  any  Captain 
Generall  over  Our  Colonies  of  Rhode  Island^  Providence 
Plantation  and  the  JVarraganset  Country  or  Kings  Prov- 
ince^ Our  Royal  PleasHre  and  Intention  iSj  That  in  time 
of  Peace  the  Militia  within  each  of  the  said  Colonies  be 
left  to  the  Government  and  Disposition  of  the  respective 
Governours  of  the  same :  But  so  as  that  nevertheless  in 
Case  of  Apparent  Danger,  or  other  Exigency,  You  do  at 
all  times  take  upon  your  Self  the  Superior  Command  of 
those  Forces,  as  in  the  said  Commission  is  Directed. 

And  That  Wee  may  be  the  better  Informed  of  the  Trade 
of  Our  said  Province  You  are  to  take  especiall  care  that 


Queen  Jtme^e  Mstructions  to  Governor  Dudley.    113 

due  Entries  be  made  in  all  Ports  of  Our  said  Province  of 
all  Goods  and  Commodities,  their  Species  and  Quantities, 
Imported  and  Exported  from  thence,  with  the  Names  Bur- 
den and  Guus  of  all  Ships  Importing  and  Exporting  the 
same,  also  the  Names  of  their  Commanders  and  likewise 
Expressing  from  and  to  what  places  the  said  Ships  do 
come  and  go,  a  Copy  whereof  the  Naval  Officer  is  to  fur- 
nish you  with,  and  You  are  to  Transmit  the  same  unto 
Us  as  before  directed,  to  the  Commissioners  of  Our  Treas- 
ury or  Our  High  Treasurer  for  the  time  being,  and  to  Our 
Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  Quarterly,  and 
Duplicates  thereof  by  the  next  Conveyance. 

And  Whereas  Wee  have  been  pleased  to  giv^  Orders 
for  the  Cpmmissionating  of  Fit  Persons  to  be  Vice  Admi- 
rails  and  Officers  of  Our  Admiralty  and  Customes  in  Our 
Severall  Plantations  in  America,  And  it  is  of  Great  Im- 
portance to  the  Trade  of  this  Kingdom  and  to  the  Wel- 
fare of  Our  Plantations  that  Illegal  Trade  be  every  where 
Discouraged ;  You  are  to  give  all  due  Countenance  and 
encouragement  to  the  said  Officers  of  Our  Admiralty  and 
Customes  in  the  Execution  of  their  Respective  Offices 
and  Trusts. 

You  are  to  Encourage  the  Indians  upon  all  Occasions, 
so  that  they  may  Apply  thernselves  to  the  English  Trade 
and  Nation  rather  than  to  any  Other. 

You  are  to  Suppress  the  Ingrossing  of  Commodities,  as 
tending  to  the  Prejudice  of  that  freedom  which  Commerce 
and  Trade  ought  to  have,  and  to  Settle  such  Orders  and 
Regulations  therein,  with  the  Advice  of  Our  said  Council 
as  may  be  most  Acceptable  to  the  Generality  of  the  In- 
habitants. 

You  are  to  give  all  due  Encouragement,  and  Invitation 
to  Merchants  and  others,  who  shall  bring  Trade  unto  Our 
said  Province,  Or  any  Way  Contribute  to  the  Advantage 
thereof,  and  in  Particular  to  the  Royall  African  Company 
of  England. 

And  you  are  to  take  Care  that  there  be  no  Tradeing  from 
Our  said  Province  to  any  Place  in  Africa  within  the  Char- 
ter of  the  Royall  African  Company  otherwise  then  pre- 
scribed by  the  late  Act  of  Parliament,  Entituled,  jfn  ^ct 
to  Settle  the  Trade  to  Jfrica. 

VOL.   IX.  16 


114     Qfuen  Anneh  Instructions  to  Governor  Dudley. 

You  are  not  to  Grant  Commissions  of  Marque  or  Re- 
prizals  against  anj  Prince  or  State  or  their  Subjects  in 
Amitj  with  Us,  to  any  Person  whatsoever  without  Our 
Especiall  Command. 

You  are  for  the  better  Administration  of  Justice  to  en- 
deavour to  gett  a  Law  passed  in  the  Assembly  (if  not 
already  done)  wherein  shall  be  set  the  Value  of  Mens 
'  Estates,  either  in  Goods  or  Lands,  under  which  they  shall 
not  be  Capable  of  Serving  as  Jurors. 

You  shall  endeavour  to  get  a  Law  passed  (if  not  already 
done)  for  the  restraining  of  any  Inhumane  Severity,  which 
by  ill  Masters  or  Overseers  may  be  used  towards  their 
Christian  Servants  and  their  Slaves,  and  that  Provision  be 
made  therein  that  the  Wilfull  Killing  of  Indians  and  Ne- 
groes may  be  Punished  with  Death,  and  that  a  iitt  Pen- 
alty be  imposed  for  the  maiming  of  them. 

You  are  with  the  Assistance  of  the  Councill  and  As- 
sembly to  find  out  and  Settle  the  best  means  to  facilitate 
and  Encourage  the  Conversion  of  Negroes  and  Indians  to 
the  Christian  Religion. 

You  are  to  recommend  to  the  Council  and  Assembly, 
the  raiseing  of  Stocks  and  Building  Publick  Workhouses 
in  Convenient  Places  for  the  employing  of  poor  and  Indi- 
gent People. 

You  are  to  propose  an  Act  to  be  passed  in  the  Assembly 
whereby  the  Creditors  of  Persons  becoming  Bankrupts  in 
England,  and  haveing  Estates  in  the  Massachusets  Bay, 
may  be  releived  and  Satisfied  for  the  Debts  owing  to 
them. 

You  are  to  take  care  by  and  with  the  Advice  and  As- 
sistance of  Our  said  Council,  That  the  Prison  there  if  it 
Want  reparation,  be  forthwith  repaired  and  put  into  and 
kept  in  such  a  Condition  as  may  Sufficiently  Secure  the 
Prisoners,  that  are  or  shall  be  there  in  Custody  of  the 
Provost  Martial. 

And  for  as  much  as  great  Inconveniencies  may  arise  by 
the  Liberty  of  Printing  within  Our  said  Province,  You  are 
to  Provide  by  all  necessary  Orders  that  no  Person  keep 
any  Press  for  Printing,  nor  that  any  Book,  Pamphlet  or 
other  Matters  whatsoever  be  printed  without  your  Especial 
leave  and  License  first  Obtained. 


Queen  Annexe  Instructions  to  Governor  Dudley.    115 

You  are  upon  all  Occasions  to  send  unto  Us  by  One  of 
Our  Principall  Secretaries  of  State  and  to  Our  Commis- 
sioners for  Trade  and  Plantations  a  particular  Account  of 
all  your  Proceedings  and  of  the  Condition  of  Affairs  within 
your  Government. 

You  are  from  time  to  time  to  give  unto  Us  and  to  Our 
Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Plantations  as  aforesaid,  an 
Account  of  the  Wants  and  Defects  of  Our  said  Province, 
what  Are  the  chief  Products  thereof,  what  New  Improve- 
ments are  made  therein  by  the  Industry  of  the  Inhabitants 
or  Planters,  and  what  further  Improvements  you  conceive 
may  be  made  or  Advantages  gained  by  Trade,  and  which 
way  wee  may  Contribute  thereunto. 

If  any  thing  shall  happen  which  may  be  of  Advantage 
or  Security  of  Our  said  Province  under  your  Government, 
which  is  not  herein  or  by  your  Commission  Provided  for. 
Wee  do  hereby  allow  unto  You  with  the  Advice  and  Con- 
sent of  Our  said  Council  to  take  Order  for  the  present 
therein,  giveing  to  Us  by  One  of  Our  Principal  Secreta- 
rjs  of  State  and  to  Our  foresaid  Commissioners  for  Trade 
and  Plantations  speedy  Notice  thereof,  that  so  you  may 
Receive  Our  Confirmation,  if  Wee  shall  Approve  the  same. 

Provided  always  and  Our  Will  and  Pleasure  is  That  you 
do  not  by  Colour  of  any  Power  or  Authority  hereby  giv^n 
you.  Commence  or  Declare  War,  without  Our  knowledge 
and  particular  Commands  therein.  Except  it  be  against 
Indians  upon  Emergencies,  wherein  the  Consent  of  Our 
Council  shall  be  had,  and  Speedy  Notice  thereof  given 
unto  Us. 

Whereas  Wee  have  been  pleased  by  Our  Commission 
to  Direct  that  in  Case  of  Your  Death  or  Absence  from 
Our  said  Province,  and  in  Case  there  be  at  that  time  no 
Person  upon  the  Place  Commissionated  or  Appointed  by 
Us  to  be  Our  Lieutenant  Governor  or  Commander  in 
Chief,  the  then  present  Council  of  Our  foresaid  Province 
of  the  Massachusets  Bay  shall  take  upon  them  the  Ad- 
ministration of  the  Government,  &  Execute  Our  said 
Commission,  and  the  Severall  Powers  and  Authorities 
therein  Contained,  in  the  Manner  therein  Directed  It  is 
Nevertheless,  Our  Express  Will  and  Pleasure  That  in  such 
Case  the  said  Council  shall  forbear  to  pass  any  Acts  but 
what  are  Immediately  necessary  for  the  Peace  and  Wei- 


116    Queen  Annexe  iMtrudions  to  Governor  Dudley. 

fare  of  Our  said  Province,  without  Our  particular  Order 
for  that  Purpose. 

And  Whereas  the  Lords  Spirituall  and  Temporall  in 
Parliament  upon  Consideration  of  the  Great  Abuses  prac- 
tised in  the  Plantation  Trade,  have  by  an  humble  Address 
Represented  to  the  Late  King  of  Glorious  Memory  the 
great  Importance  it  is  of,  both  to  this  Our  Kingdom  and 
to  Our  Plantations  in  America,  that  the  many  good  Laws 
which  have  been  made  for  the  Government  of  the  said 
Plantations  and  Particularly  the  Act  passed  in  the  Seaventh 
and  Eighth  Yeares  of  the  late  Kings  Reign  Entituled  An 
Act  for  preventing  Frauds  and  Regulateing  Abuses  in  the 
Plantation  Trade,  be  Strictly  Observed  You  are  therefore 
to  take  Notice,  That  notwithstanding  the  many  Good  Laws 
made  from  time  to  time  for  preventing  of  Frauds  in  the 
Plantation  Trade,  it  nevertheless  manifest  that  great 
Abuses  iiave  been  and  Continue  still  to  be  practised  to 
the  Prejudice  of  the  same,  which  abuses  must  needs  arise 
either  from  the  Insolvency  of  the  Persons,  who  are  ac- 
cepted for  Security,  or  from  the  remissness  or  Connivance 
of  such  as  have  been  or  are  Governours  in  the  Several 
Plantations,  who  ought  to  take  care  that  those  persons 
who  give  Bond  should  be  duely  prosecuted,  in  Case  of 
Non  performance.  Wee  take  the  good  of  Our  Plantations, 
and  the  Improvement  of  the  Trade  thereof  by  a  Strict 
and  Punctual  observance  of  the  Severall  Laws  in  force 
concerning  the  same,  to  be  of  so  great  Importance  to  the 
Beneiitt  of  this  Our  Kingdom  and  to  the  Advanceing  of  the 
Duties  of  Our  Customes  here,  that  if  Wee  shall  be  here- 
after informed  that  at  any  time  there  shall  be  any  failure 
in  the  due  Observance  of  those  Laws  within  Our  foresaid 
Province  of  the  Massachusets  Bay,  by  any  Wilful!  fault 
or  Neglect  on  your  Part,  Wee  shall  look  upon  it  as  a  breach 
of  the  Trust  reposed  in  you  by  Us,  which  Wee  shall  Pun- 
ish with  the  Loss  of  Your  Place  in  that  Government,  and 
such  further  Marks  of  Our  Displeasure,  as  Wee  shall 
Judge  reasonable  to  be  inflicted  upon  you  for  Your  Ofience 
against  Us,  in  a  matter  of  this  Consequence  that  Wee  now 
so  particularly  charge  you  with. 

4 

By  her  Maj'"*'  Command 
Manchester. 


NOTICE  OF  THE  LIFE  OF  HON.  LEVERETT 

SALTONSTALL. 


The  late  Hon.  Leverett  Saltonstall,  an  active  member 
of  the  Historical  Society,  was  born  at  Haverhill,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, on  the  13th  of  June,  1783.  He  descended  from 
ancestors  who,  through  every  period  of  the  history  of  this 
State,  from  its  earliest  settlement,  have  been  among  its 
most  eminent  citizens  and  distinguished  benefactors.  His 
father  was  Dr.  Nathaniel  Saltonstall,  a  highly  respectable 
physician. 

He  was  placed,  in  1796,  as  a  pupil  in  Phillips  Exeter 
Academy,  under  the  tuition  of  the  learned  Dr.  Benjamin 
Abbot;  among  his  contemporaries  and  associates  were 
Daniel  Wfebster,  Joseph  S.  Buckminster,  and  Lewis  Cass. 
He  entered  Harvard  College  in  1798,  in  a  class  unusually 
large,  and  distinguished  for  genius  and  ability ;  his  in- 
tellectual faculties,  his  love  of  learning,  and  his  diligence 
in  his  studies  gave  him  a  high  literary  rank  as  a  scholar. 
In  his  early  years,  and  through  his  whole  life,  he  was  ad- 
mired and  beloved  as  a  companion  and  friend.  The  pu- 
rity of  bis  life  and  the  firmness  of  his  moral  principles 
secured  entire  confidence ;  the  warmth  of  his  affections, 
the  generosity  of  his  temper,  the  disinterestedness  and 
frankness  of  his  deportment,  and  the  gayety  of  his  heart, 
approaching  to  hilarity,  rendered  him  a  favorite  com- 
panion in  social  intercourse. 

He  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  in  Essex  County,  in  1805, 
and  commenced  the  practice  of  law  at  Haverhill ;  he  removed 
to  Salem  in  1806,  and  in  a  short  time  acquired  extensive 
practice  and  high  reputation  by  his  ability,  integrity,  and 
learning.  As  an  advocate,  his  eloquence  was  powerful, 
persuasive,  and  brilliant;  it  was  the  eloquence  of  the 
heart,  —  the  sincere  and  cordial  expression  of  the  ardent 
feelings  and  deep  emotions  of  a  generous  and  noble  na- 


120     JVUJee  of  the  Life  of  Hon.  Leverett  SaUmuUU. 

On  the  1 7th  of  June,  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall^  in  company 
with  Governor  Winthrop,  and  other  principal  persons,  left 
Salem  and  travelled  through  the  pathless  forest  to  Charles- 
town  to  select  a  place  of  settlement  The  want  of  good 
water  and  of  other  conveniences  induced  several  of  the 
party  to  explore  the  neighhouring  country.  Some  went 
over  to  Shawmut,  now  Boston;  others  proceeded  north- 
ward by  Charlestown  neck  to  a  place  well  watered  on 
Charles  River,  where  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  with  the 
learned  Rev.  George  Phillips,  and  others,  commenced  a 
plantation,  and  called  it  Watertown.  Johnson,  an  early 
historian,  says,  "  This  town  began  by  occasion  of  Sir 
Richard  Saltonstall,  who,  at  his  arrival,  having  some  store 
of  cattle  and  servants,  they  wintered  in  those  parts." 
They  entered  into  a  liberal  church  covenant,  July  30, 
1630,  which  is  published  by  Dr.  Mather,  who  adds, 
"About  forty  men,  whereof  the  first  was  that  excellent 
knight.  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  then  subscribed  this  in- 
strument.'' 

He  was  present,  as  First  Assistant,  at  the  fir^t  Court  of 
Assistants,  which  was  held  at  Charlestown,  August  23d, 
1630,  at  which  various  orders  and  regulations  were  made 
concerning  the  planting  and  government  of  the  infant  colony. 

Tfie  sufferings  of  those  engaged  in  this  new  settlement 
in  the  wilderness  were  extreme  the  first  winter,  and  Sir 
Richard  Saltonstall  became  discouraged  from  remaining 
himself,  but  left  his  two  elder  sons.  Governor  Winthrop 
has  recorded  in  his  Journal,  that,  ^^  March  29,  1631,  he, 
with  his  two  daughters  and  one  of  his  younger  sons,  came 
down  to  Boston  and  stayed  that  night  at  the  governor's, 
and  the  next  morning,  accompanied  with  Mr.  Pierce  and 
others,  departed  for  their  ship  at  Salem." 

Sir  Richard  Saltonstall  through  life  continued  to  be  the 
friend  of  the  colony,  and  was  actively  engaged  in  pro- 
moting its  prosperity.  Two  of  his  sons  remained  here, 
and  he  was  interested  as  a  large  proprietor.  When  Sir 
Christopher  Gardner  attempted  to  injure  the  colony  by 
misrepresentations,  and  on  other  similar  occasions,  —  for 
Massachusetts  was  troubled  in  its  infancy  by  false  accusa- 
tions of  enemies,  —  he  rendered  the  colony  efficient  assist- 
ance, and  interceded  in  its  favor  with  the  government  at 
home. 


/ 


JVUJce  of  the  lAfe  of  Han.  Leverett  SaUoMtaU.     121 

He  was  a  Puritan,  but  of  singular  liberality  in  his  re<- 
ligious  opinioDS ;  be  was  offended  at  the  bigotry  of  his 
associates,  who,  as  soon  as  they  were  themselves  free  from 
persecution,  began  to  persecute  others,  and  he  addressed 
to  Rev.  Mr.  Cotton  and  Rev.  Mr.  Wilson  a  letter  on  the 
subject,  and  remonstrated  against  this  inconsistency.  It  is 
written  with  ability  and  in  a  catholic  spirit,  and  has  been 
reprinted  and  admired  to  this  day.     He  says  :  — 

^^  Reverend  and  dear  Friends,  whom  1  unfeignedly  love 
and  respect:  —  It  doth  not  a  little  grieve  my  spirit  to  hear 
what  sad  things  are  reported  daily  of  your  tyranny  and 
persecutions  in  New  England,  as  that  you  fine,  vvhip,  and 
imprison  men  for  their  consciences. 

•  •  •  •  • 

^^  I  hope  you  do  not  assume  to  yourselves  infallibility  of 
judgment,  when  the  most  learned  of  the  apostles  confess- 
eth,  he  knew  but  in  part,  and  saw  but  darkly  as  through 
a  glass.  O,  that  all  these  who  are  brethren,  though  they 
cannot  think  and  speak  the  same  things,  might  be  of  one 
accord  in  the  Lord ! '' 

This  letter,  written  between  1645  and  1653,  shows  the 
lively  interest  he  felt  in  the  honor  and  welfare  of  the  colony. 

Sir  Richard  Saltonstall  was  also  one  of  the  patentees 
of  Connecticut,  with  Lord  Say  and  Seal,  Lord  Brook, 
and  others,  and  a  principal  associate  with  them  in  the 
first  settlement  of  that  colony.  They  appointed  John 
Winthrop  governor,  and  commissioned  him  to  erect  a  fort 
at  the  mouth  of  Connecticut  River.  In  1635,  Sir  Richard 
Saltonstall  sent  over  a  bark  with  twenty  laborers  to  take 
possession  of  land  for  him  under  his  patent  and  to  make 
settlements. 

In  1649,  he  was  commissioned  with  others,  by  parlia- 
ment, for  the  trial  of  Duke  Hamilton,  Lord  Capel,  and 
the  Earl  of  Holland,  for  high  treason.  They  were  con- 
demned and  executed  on  a  scaffold  erected  before  West- 
minster Hall. 

Sir  Richard  Saltonstall  has  been  justly  styled  ^'  one  of 
the  fathers  ot  the  Massachusetts  Colony."  He  was  a 
patron  of  Harvard  College,  and  left  it  a  legacy  in  his  will, 

VOL.   IX.  16 


122    JVWtce  of  the  Life  of  Hon.  Leverett  Saltonstall. 

made  in   1658.     There  is  a  fine  portrait  of  him  in  the 
possession  of  his  descendants.     He  died  soon  after  1658. 

Richard  Saltonstall,  son  of  Sir  Richard,  was  born  in 
1610,  settled  at  Ipswich,  and  was  chosen  an  Assistant  in 
1637.  He  was  a  man  distinguished  for  firmness  and  de- 
cision, attached  to  the  principles  of  the  New  England 
government  and  churches,  and  an  ardent  friend  to  the 
liberty  of  the  people. 

In  1642,  he  wrote  a  pamphlet  against  the  Standing 
Council,  a  subject  that  caused  much  agitation  through  the 
colony. 

In  1645,  he  entered  his  protest  against  the  introduction 
of  negro  slavery. 

He  was  one  of  the  few  persons  who  knew  where  the 
regicide  judges,  Whalley  and  Gofie,  were  concealed,  and 
in  1672  gave  them  fifty  pounds. 

He  was  a  relative  and  friend  of  John  Hampden  (grand- 
son of  the  celebrated  parliamentary  leader),  who  was 
distinguished  in  the  time  of  Charles  the  Second  and 
James  the  Second,  and  who  joined  in  the  invitation  to  the 
Prince  of  Orange.  He,  as  well  as  his  father,  was  a  bene- 
factor of  Harvard  College.  Dr.  Mather  records  the  name 
of  Saltonstall  among  those  benefactors  of  the  College 
"  whose  names  it  would  be  hardly  excusable  to  leave  un- 
mentioned.''  All  his  male  descendants  in  Massachusetts, 
except  two,  have  been  graduates  at  this  college. 

Mr.  Saltonstall  was  absent  several  years  in  England, 
where  he  had  three  daughters  married.  He  returned  to 
Massachusetts  in  1680,  and  was  again  chosen  the  First 
Assistant,  and  also  the  two  succeeding  years.  In  1683, 
he  again  visited  England.  He  was  an  Assistant,  except 
when  he  was  in  England,  from  1687  till  his  death;  he 
died  at  Hulme,  April  20,  1694,  and  left  an  estate  in  York- 
shire. 

Henry  Saltonstall,  who  was  in  the  first  class  that 
was  graduated  at  Harvard  College,  is  said  by  Governor 
Hutchinson  to  have  been  a  son  or  grandson  of  Sir  Rich- 
ard Saltonstall.  Like  several  other  early  graduates,  he 
went  home  after  leaving  college,  and  received  a  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Medicine  from  Padua,  and  also  from  Oxford, 
and  was  a  fellow  of  New  College  in  that  University. 


JVbfcee  of  the  Life  of  Hon.  Leverett  SahonstaU.     123 

Nathaniel  Saltonstall,  son  of  Richard,  and  grand- 
son of  Sir  Richard,  was  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in 
1669,  and  settled  in  Haverhill,  on  the  beautiful  estate  half 
a  mile  east  of  the  bridge,  still  known  as  the  "  Saltonstall 
seat."  This  spot,  exceeded  by  none  in  New  England  for 
fertility  of  soil  and  beauty  of  landscape,  was  with  other 
land  conveyed  to  him  by  the  Rev.  John  Ward,  the  first 
minister  of  Haverhill,  on  the  marriage  of  the  daughter 
of  Mrs.  Ward  to  Nathaniel  Saltonstall. 

He  was  chosen  an  Assistant  in  1679.  He  took  an  ac- 
tive part  in  seizing  and  deposing  the  tyrannical  royal 
governor.  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  and,  after  his  removal, 
became  one  of  the  council  of  the  revolutionary  govern- 
ment, and  so  continued  till  the  charter  of  William  and 
Mary,  and  was  then  appointed  one  of  his  Majesty's  coun- 
cil. His  powers  of  mind  were  superior,  and  he  was  free 
from  the  prevailing  bigotry  and  fanaticism  of  the  times. 
He  was  opposed  to  the  proceedings  against  the  witches, 
in  1692,  and  expressed  his  sentiments  freely.  Mr.  Brat- 
tle, in  his  account  of  the  witchcraft,  says,  —  "  Major  N, 
Saltonstall,  Esq.,  who  was  one  of  the  judges,  has  left  the 
court,  and  is  very  much  dissatisfied  with  the  proceedings 
of  it"  He  died  in  1707,  and  left  three  sons,  Gurdoi^, 
Richard,  and  Nathaniel. 

GuRDON  Saltonstall,  the  eldest  son  of  Nathaniel, 
was  governor  of  Connecticut,  and  was  celebrated  for  his 
extraordinary  talents  and  extensive  learning.  Dr.  Eliot 
says,  "  He  was  an  oracle  of  wisdom  to  literary  men  of  all 
professions."  He  was  one  of  the  greatest  and  best  men 
New  England  has  produced.  He  was  a  benefactor  of  Har- 
vard College.  His  widow  bequeathed  to  it  one  thousand 
pounds,  for  the  use  of  two  students  designed  for  the  min- 
istry.    He  died  in  1724. 

Richard  Saltonstall,  the  second  son  of  Nathaniel, 
was  graduated  in  1695;  he  resided  in  Haverhill,  sustained 
several  civil  and  military  offices,  and  was  an  excellent  and 
very  respectable  man.     He  died  in  1714. 

Nathaniel  Saltonstall,  third  son  of  Nathaniel,  was 
also  graduated  in  1695,  and  was  a  tutor  in  the  College. 
He  died  young,  and  left  a  high  reputation  for  abilities 
and  learning. 


124    JTotiee  of  the  Life  of  Hon.  Leverett  SaltoMtaU. 

Richard  Saltonstall,  son  of  the  last  named  Richard, 
was  born  June  14,  1703,  and  graduated  in  1722;  at  the 
age  of  twenty-three,  he  received  the  commission  of  colo- 
nel; and  in  1736  he  was  appointed  a  judge  of  the  Su- 
perior Court.  In  1741,  while  the  court  was  in  session 
at  York,  the  celebrated  Rev.  Samuel  Moodj  wrote  the 
following  lines  on  the  court:  — 

'*  Lthde,  Dudlxt,  Remihotoiv,  and  Saltonstall, 
With  Sewall,  meeting  in  thejudgment-hall, 
Make  up  a  learned,  wise,  and  utithful  set 
Of  godlike  judges,  by  God's  counsel  met." 

Judge  Saltonstall  was  a  man  of  talents  and  learning. 
He  was  distinguished  for  generous  and  elegant  hospitality, 
and  for  bountiful  liberality  to  the  poor.  His  address  was 
polished,  affable,  and  winning,  his  temper  was  gentle  and 
benevolent,  and  he  enjoyed  the  love  and  esteem  of  all. 
He  died  in  1756,  and  left  three  sons  and  two  daughters; 
one  of  the  latter  was  manied  to  Colonel  George  Watson,  of 
Plymouth,  and  the  other  to  Rev.  Moses  Badger,  minister 
of  the  Episcopal  Church  at  Providence. 

He  had  been  married  three  times ;  his  third  wife  was  a 
daughter  of  the  second  Elisha  Cooke,  of  Boston; — the 
first  Elisha  Cooke  had  married  the  daughter  of  Gover- 
nor Leverett ;  the  second  Elisha  Cooke  married  a  daugh- 
ter of  Richard  Middlecott,  Esq.,  a  wealthy  and  respecta- 
ble citizen  of  Boston. 

Elisha  Cooke,  senior,  and  Elisha  Cooke,  junior,  were 
distinguished  for  abilities  and  elevated  character,  and  for 
forty  years  were  popular  leaders  and  champions  of  colo- 
nial rights  and  freedom ;  they  were  both  representatives 
from  Boston,  and  by  their  influence  swayed  not  only  the 
people  of  Boston,  but  the  General  Court ;  both  were  at 
different  times  sent  to  England  as  agents  of  Massachu- 
setts, —  the  first  to  obtain  a  restoration  of  the  old  char- 
ter, the  other  to  oppose  the  royal  governors.  The  first 
died  in  1715,  —  the  other  in  1737,  leaving  a  son,  Middle- 
cott Cooke,  and  a  daughter  who  became  the  third  wife  of 
Judge  Richard  Saltonstall. 

Nathaniel  Saltonstall,  who  was  graduated  in  1727, 
was  a  brother  of  Judge  Saltonstall.  He  was  a  merchant, 
and  died  young. 


J^Totice  of  the  Life  of  Hon.  Leveret t  SaltomtaU.     125 

Colonel  Richard  Saltonstall,  eldest  son  of  Judge 
Richard  by  his  first  wife,  was  born  April  5,  1732,  and  was 
graduated  in  1751,  with  high  reputation  for  scholarship, 
having  had  "  the  oration."  In  1764,  he  was  commissioned 
as  colonel  of  the  regiment  in  Haverhill  and  vicinity,  and 
was  the  fourth  of  the  family  in  succession  who  held  that 
oflSce.  He  served  with  the  provincial  troops  in  the  cam- 
paigns of  1756  and  1757,  against  Crown  Point.  At  the 
capitulation  of  Fort  William  Henry,  in  1757,  when  the 
Indians  commenced  the  massacre  of  their  unarmed  pris- 
oners, he  escaped  into  the  forest,  and  a  day  or  two  after- 
wards reached  Fort  Edward,  nearly  exhausted  by  hunger 
and  fatigue.  After  peace  took  place,  he  was  sheriff  of  the 
county.  At  the  Revolution,  he  was  a  Loyalist,  and  went 
to  England.  He  died  unmarried,  at  Kensington,  October 
6,  1785.  When  he  resided  on  the  family  estate  in  Haver- 
hill, he  was  highly  respected  and  beloved  for  his  benevo- 
lence, hospitality,  courteousness,  and  integrity.  His  young- 
er brother,  Leverett,  third  son  of  Judge  Richard,  was 
also  a  Loyalist;  he  died  in  1782. 

The  late  Dr.  Nathaniel  Saltonstall,  father  of  our 
fellow-citizen  just  deceased,  was  second  son  of  Judge 
Richard  Saltonstall,  above  mentioned,  and  of  Mary,  daugh- 
ter of  the  second  Elisha  Cooke*  Dr.  Saltonstall  was  born 
February  10, 1746.  On  the  death  of  his  father,  in  1766, 
he  was  received  into  the  family  of  his  maternal  uncle, 
Middlecott  Cooke,  Esq.,  of  Boston.  Dr.  S.  was  a  dis- 
tinguished and  skilful  physician,  and  through  life  enjoyed 
the  esteem  and  respect  of  his  fellow-citizens.  He  loved 
tranquillity  and  retirement,  and  avoided  the  bustle  and 
perplexities  of  public  life.  In  1780,  he  married  Anna, 
daughter  of  Samuel  White,  Esq.,  whose  ancestor  was  one 
of  the  early  settlers  of  Haverhill  in  1640.  Through  life 
she  was  distinguished  for  the  gifts  of  her  mind  and  the 
virtues  of  her  heart.  Dr.  S.  died  May  15,  1815,  and  his 
widow  in  1841.  Their  three  sons,  Leverett,  Nathaniel, 
and  Richard,  are  deceased ;  of  their  four  daughters,  two 
are  living,  Anna,  wife  of  James  C.  Merrill,  Esq.,  of  Bos- 
ton, and  Sarah,  wife  of  Isaac  R.  Howe,  Esq.,  of  Haverhill. 
The  descendants  of  Dr.  S.  are  the  only  descendants  of 
the  Cooke  family  and  the  Middlecott  family. 


THE  CHRISTIAN 


COMMONWEALTH: 


OB, 


THE  CIVIL  POLICY 


OF 


THE  RISING  KINGDOM  OF  JESUS  CHRIST. 


WRITTEN 


BEFORE  THE  IJTTERRUPTION  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT, 


By  Mb.  JOHN    ELIOT,  Teacheb  of  the  Chubch 

OF   ChBIST  AT  ROXBUBY   IN   NeW-EnGLAND 


AND 


NOW  PUBLISHED  (AFTER  HIS  CONSENT  GIVEN)  BY  A  SERVOB 

OF  THE  SEASON. 


LONDON: 
Pristtzo  for  LIVEWELL  CHAPMAN,  at  thk  Crown  nr  Popes-Head-Allbt. 


THE  CHRISTIAN 


COMMONWEALTH: 


OB, 


THE  CIVIL  POLICY 


OF 


THE  RISING  KINGDOM  OF  JESUS  CHRIST, 


WRITTEN 


BEFORE  THE  IJO'ERRUPTION  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT, 


By  Mb.  JOHN   ELIOT,  Teacheb  of  the  Chubch 
OF  Chbist  at  Roxbuby  in  New-England 


AND 


NOW  PUBLISHED  (AFTER  HIS  CONSENT  GIVEN)  BY  A  SERVOR 

OF  THE  SEASON. 


LONDON: 
PiuivTZD  FOR  LIVEWELL  CHAPMAN,  at  thk  Crowr  n  Popes-Hkad-Allxt. 


[Thb  Christian  Commonwealth  is  here  reprinted  from  a  transcript 
which  Thomas  Aspinwall,  Esq.,  American  Consul  in  London,  caused 
to  be  made  from  a  rare  copy  of  the  original  edition,  in  his  library, 
and  presented  to  the  Historical  Society. 

The  following  extract  from  the  Records  of  the  General  Court,  Vol. 
IV.,  p.  370,  will  show  the  proceedings  which  took  place  in  this  colo- 
ny in  relation  to  this  subject,  after  the  restoration  of  King  Charles  the 
Second. 

At  session  of  May  22,  1661. 

'*  This  Court  taking  notice  of  a  booke  entituled  Christian  Comon- 
wealth,  written,  as  is  expressed  in  the  said  Booke  by  M' John  Eliot 
of  Roxbury  in  New  England,  which  in  sundry  passages  and  expres- 
sions thereof  is  justly  offensive  and  in  speciall  relating  to  kingly  Gou- 
ernment  in  England,  the  which  the  said  Mr  Eliot  hath  also  freely 
and  fully  acknowledged  to  this  Court.  It  is  therefore  ordered  by  this 
Court  and  the  Authority  thereof,  that  the  said  Booke  be  totally  sup- 
pressed and  the  Author's  acknowledgment  recorded  ;  and  that  all  per- 
sons whatsoever  in  this  Jurisdiction,  that  haue  any  of  the  said  Bookes 
in  theire  Custody  shall  on  theire  perrills  within  fowerteene  dayes  after 
publication  hereof  either  cancel  and  deface  the  same  or  deliuer  them 
vnto  the  next  Magistrate  or  to  the  Secretary,  whereby  all  farther 
divulgment  and  improovement  of  the  said  offensiue  Booke  may  be  pre- 
vented. And  it  is  further  ordered,  that  Mr.  Eliot's  acknowledgment 
&  the  Court's  order  for  the  calling  in  of  those  Bookes  be  forthwith 
transcribed  by  the  Secretary  and  caused  to  be  posted  vp  in  Boston, 
Charlestowne,  Cambridge,  Salem  and  Ipswich,  that  so  all  persons 
concerned  therein  may  take  notice  of  theire  duties  and  act  accord- 
ingly.   All  which  was  done  accordingly. 

'*  'Mr.  ElioVa  acknoiokdgmerU,  word  for  toord. 

"  •  Boston  this  24  of  y*  S^  mo.  1661. 

"  *  Vnderstanding  by  an  act  of  the  honored  Council,  that  there  is 
offence  taken  at  a  booke,  published  in  England  by  others,  the  copie 
whereof  was  sent  ouer  by  myself  about  nine  or  tenn  yeares  since  and 
that  the  further  consideration  thereof  is  commended  to  this  honnored 
Generall  Court  now  sitting  at  Boston,  Upon  pervsall  thereof  I  doe 
judge  myself  to  haue  offended  &  in  way  of  satisfaction,  not  only  to  the 
Authority  of  this  Jurisdiction,  but  also  vnto  any  others,  that  shall  take 
notice  thereof,  I  doe  hereby  acknowledge  to  this  honored  Court. 

*'  '  Such  expressions  as  doe  too  manifestly  scandalize  the  Gtiuernment 
of  England  by  King,  Lords  and  Commons,  as  Antichristian,  and  justi- 
fy the  late  innovators,  I  doe  sincerely  beare  testimony  against,  and 
acknowledge  it  to  be  not  only  a  lawful!  but  an  eminent  forme  of 
Grouernment. 

*'  '2.  All  formes  of  Ciuil  Gouernment  deduced  from  Scripture  either 
eipressely  or  by  just  consequence,  I  acknowledge  to  be  of  God  &  to 
be  subjected  vnto  for  conscience  sake. 

*' '  And  Whatsoeuer  is  in  the  whole  Epistle  or  booke  inconsisting  here- 
with I  doe  at  once  for  all  cordially  disoune. 

•••John  Eliot.' 'T 


To  the  Chosen^  and  Holy,  and  Faithfulj  who  manage  the 
Wars  of  the  Lord  against  Antichrists  in  great  Britain ; 
and  to  all  the  Saints,  faithful  Brethren,  and  Christian 
people,  of  the  Commonwealth  of  England:  Grace  and 
Mercy,  with  Peace  and  Truth  be  multiplied,  through 
Jesus  Christ  our  Soveraign  Lord  and  King. 


Ever  Honored,  and  Beloved  in  Christ, 

The  late  great  Changes,  which  have  fallen  out  in  great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  have  so  amazed  the  most  of  men; 
and  the  black,  and  confused  Clouds,  which  have  over- 
spread the  whole  Land,  have  so  darkened  the  way  of 
those  wheels  of  Providence  by  which  Christ  is  coming  to 
set  up  his  Kingdom,  that  they  whose  eyes  the  Lord 
hath  begun  to  open,  to  see  Christ  coming,  in  power  and 
in  great  glory,  according  to  his  Promise,  do  also  see  the 
other  part  of  his  Word  verified,  namely,  that  the  coming 
of  Christ  is  in  the  Clouds  of  darkness;  by  means  where- 
of it  is  long  ere  all  men  can  see  him,  or  be  perswaded 
that  it  is  he,  who  is  now  coming;  though  afterwards^ 
they  shall  see  that  even  those  Clouds  were  needful,  a 
while  to  obscure  the  bright  appearance  of  his  design. 

Lately  reading  a  Book  called  a  Plea  for  JV^on'Subscrib" 
ers,  or  the  grounds  and  reasons  of  many  Ministers  of 
Cheshire  and  Lancashire,  &c.  though  1  had  before  heard 
of  the  sad  differences,  distances  of  spirit,  and  dissatisfac- 
tions among  the  people  of  the  Lord :  yet  then  my  heart 
bled  to  see  such  precious  holy  men,  pleading  (as  they  be- 
lieve) for  God,  with  a  pure  and  sincere  Conscience,  and 
yet  in  so  doing  strongly  to  speak  against  the  glorious 
work  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  in  casting  down  Antichrist,  and 
setting  up  his  own  Kingdom  foretold  in  Scripture,  and  now 

VOL.    IX.  17 


130  The  Christian  Commonwealth. 

fulfilling,  9S  also  strongly  and  sharply  speaking  against 
those  whom  the  Lord  hath  pleased  to  employ,  and  improve 
as  his  Instruments  in  accomplishing  thereof. 

On  the  other  side,  those  writings  which  that  Book  An- 
swereth,  have  so  missed  the  Principles  on  which  the 
Cause  standeth,  whereby  the  Consciences  of  others 
should  be  satisfied,  who  oppose ;  as  that  the  Answerers 
have  clearly  the  upper  ground  of  them  in  many  things: 
and  therefore  stand  firme  in  that  which  they  suppose  to 
be  a  right  Cause,  and  weaken  those  who  have  indeed  a 
right  Cause  in  hand,  insomuch  as  that  hereby  the  differ- 
ence is  exceedingly  encreased  and  sharpened. 

Now  though  I  am  the  most  unmeet  of  all  men,  to  un- 
dertake to  interpose  and  speak  unto  such  learned,  grave, 
holy,  and  eminent  persons,  every  way  beyond  me  in  all 
accomplishments  for- the  Lords  work,  and  in  a  Cause  so 
much  above  me ;  yet  was  I  pressed  in  my  spirit,  con- 
sidering whose  Cause  I  plead,  to  take  the  boldness  to 
propound  that  unto  them,  which  I  believe  to  be  the  true 
state  of  the  Cause,  and  which  (by  the  blessing  of  God) 
may  reach  to  their  satisfaction ;  when  they  see  that  they, 
into  whose  hands  the  Lord  (to  the  wonderment  of  men) 
hath  been  pleased  to  put  power,  do  follow  the  Lord,  and 
accomplish  his  Word,  aim  at  the  fulfilling  of  his  ends  and 
design,  denying  themselves,  that  they  may  advance  Christ 
Jesus  in  the  Throne,  and  let  him  reign  over  them.     The 

frayers,  the  expectation,  and  faith  of  the  Saints  in  the 
Vophecies  and  Promises  of  holy  Scripture,  are  daily 
sounding  in  the  ears  of  the  Lord,  for  the  downfall  of  Anti- 
christ, and  with  him  all  humane  Powers,  Polities,  Domin- 
ions, and  Governments;  and  in  the  room  thereof,  we  wait 
for  the  coming  of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  who  by 
his  Divine  Wisdom,  Power,  Government  and  Laws,  given 
us  (although  hitherto  sealed  up  in  a  great  measure)  in 
the  holy  Scriptures,  will  reign  over  all  the  Nations  of  the 
earth  in  his  due  time:  I  mean,  the  Lord  Jesus  will  bring 
down  all  people,  to  be  ruled  by  the  Institutions,  Laws, 
and  Directions  of  the  Word  of  God,  not  only  in  Church- 
Government  and  Administrations  but  also  in  the  Govern- 
ment and  Administration  of  all  affairs  in  the  Common- 
wealth.   And  then  Christ  reigneth,  when  all  things  among 


The  Preface.  131 

men,  are  done  by  the  direction  of  the  word  of  his  mouth : 
his  Kingdom  is  then  come  amongst  us,  when  his  will  is 
done  on  earth,  as  it  is  done  in  heaven,  where  no  Humane 
or  Angelical  Policy  or  Wisdom  doth  guide  any  thing,  but 
all  is  done  by  Divine  direction  (a) ;  and  so  it  shall  be  on 
earth,  when  and  where  Christ  reigneth. 

It  is  Prophesied,  Dan,  2.  34,  35,  &c.  Thou  sawest 
till  that  a  stone  was  cut  out,  without  hands,  which  smot 
the  image  upon  his  feet  that  were  of  iron  and  clay, 
and  brake  them  to  pieces,  35.  Then  was  the  iron,  the 
clay,  the  brass,  the  silver,  and  the  gold,  broken  to  pieces 
together,  and  l)ccame  like  the  chaff  of  the  summer  thresh- 
ing-floors ;  and  the  wind  carried  them  away,  that  no  place 
was  found  for  them :  and  the  stone  that  smote  the  image, 
became  a  great  mountain  and  filled  the  whole  earth,  &c. 
Which  Prophecie  doth  clearly  foreshew  the  forenamed 
points :  for  there  is  an  epitomy  of  all  the  Monarchies, 
Grovernments,  and  Polities  of  men  who  have  had  their 
Humane  Glory  in  this  world ;  the  last,  and  strongest  of  all 
which  Dominions  is  the  Roman ;  so  mixed  and  inter- 
woven in  many  States,  by  the  combining  of  that  dirty 
Roman  Religion,  with  civil  Powers,  as  that  when  that 
Stone  Christ,  by  his  faithful  Instruments,  shall  over- 
throw^ and  beat  in  pieces  that  Religion,  they  must  and 
shall,  according  as  it  is  written,  beat  down  withall  the 
strongest  Iron  sinews  of  civil  States,  which  are  propug- 
nators,  and  supporters  thereof,  whether  professed  or  se- 
cretly. 

Yea,  moreover,  when  Christ  that  stone,  shall  by  his 
chosen  Instruments,  smite  in  pieces  all  the  Romish  Re- 
ligion, and  civil  States,  which  are  complicated  with  it, 
and  supporters  of  it,  (who  though  they  greatly  care  not 
for  it  (6),  yet  for  their  own  ends  they  are  supporters  of  it) 
then,  down  cometh  the  whole  Image  from  top  to  bottom; 
all  Dominions  and  Governments  of  man,  by  Humane 
Policy,  formes  of  Government  and  Laws  in  all  places 
whatsoever,  in   Gods  order  and  time;  who  by  their  fall 

(c)  PmI.  103.  20.  Angela  do  h»  commandment ;  hearkening  to  the  Toioe  of  his 
word. 

(h)  Dan.  2.  43.  They  shall  not  cleave  one  to  another,  even  as  iron  is  not  mizt  with 
clay. 


132  The  Christian  Commonwealth. 

shall  be  so  dashed  in  pieces,  that  though  thej  were  before, 
a  terrour  to  men,  yet  now  they  shall  be  light  and  con- 
temptible things,  of  no  more  account  with  men  then  dust 
or  chaff:  because  Divine  institutions,  both  of  Government 
and  Laws,  arising  in  the  room  of  Humane,  they  will  be 
quite  darkened,  even  as  the  Stars  are  by  the  rising-Sun : 
for  in  the  room  of  them  shall  arise  the  Government  of  the 
Lord  Jesus,  who  by  the  Word  of  his  Mouth,  written  in 
the  holy  Scriptures,  shall  order  all  affairs  among  men  ;  And 
great  shall  be  his  Dominion  :  for  the  Stone  Christ  shall 
grow  to  be  a  mountain  filling  the  whole  earth  :  all  men  sub- 
mitting to  be  ruled  by  the  Word,  in  civil,  as  well  as  Church 
affairs. 

Now  it  seemeth  to  me  that  the  Lord  Christ  is  now  ac- 
complishing these  things  in  great  Britain.  The  faithful 
Brethren  in  Scotland  gave  the  first  blow  at  the  dirty  toes, 
and  feet  of  this  Image;  with  whom  the  faithful  brethren 
in  England,  presently  concurred.  But  the  Iron  of  the 
Civil  State,  stuck  so  fast  to  the  miry  clay,  that  according 
to  the  Word  of  Christ,  they  are  (beyond  all  the  thoughts 
of  men)  both  fallen  together;  they  are  fallen,  they  are 
fallen,  they  are  both  fallen  together :  Oh  that  men  would 
therefore  praise  the  Lord,  for  his  faithful  Word,  and 
goodness;  for  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever!  and  all  his 
faithful  Word  shall  be  accomplished.     Amen,  Amen. 

There  be  many  other  Prophecies  of  holy  Scriptures 
touching  these  things  (as  the  Saints  well  know)  the  ap- 
plication whereof  to  what  is  now  done  in  England,  I  will 
not  undertake,  it  being  a  worke  rather  for  a  Treatise  then 
a  Preface.  Yea,  some  Prophecies,  (as  I  apprehend)  do 
more  particularly  describe  what  is  now  done  ;  but  I  shall  not 
mention  them,  hoping  that  others  will  do  it,  according  as 
the  Lord  shall  please  to  open  that  door. 

Now  these  things  being  so,  it  doth  deeply  concern  those 
holy  and  faithful  ones  of  the  Lord,  who  have  been  Instru- 
ments in  his  hand,  to  accomplish  these  great  and  glorious 
works,  whether  by  Councils  or  Wars,  or  otherwise,  to  be 
wise,  and  discerning  of  the  times,  to  know  what  Israel 
ought  to  do,  in  this  great  work  of  bringing  abou(  the 
Kingdom  to  David,  to  lay  the  Government  upon  his  shoul- 
ders :  that  after  all  these  clouds  and  storms,  the  peaceable 


The  Preface.  133 

Kingdom  of  Christ  may  rise  up,  and  the  Lord  May  reign 
in  England.  Much  is  spoken  of  the  rightful  Heir  of  the 
Crown  of  England,  and  the  unjustice  of  casting  out  the 
right  Heir  ;  but  Christ  is  the  only  right  Heir  of  the  Crown 
of  England  (a),  and  of  all  other  Nations  also  (Jb)  ;  and  he  is 
now  come  to  take  possession  of  his  Kingdom,  making  Eng- 
land first  in  that  blessed  work  of  setting  up  the  Kingdom 
of  the  Lord  Jesus:  and  in  order  thereunto,  he  hath  cast 
down  not  only  the  miry  Religion,  and  Government  of 
Antichrist,  but  also  the  former  form  of  civil  Government, 
which  did  stick  so  fast  unto  it,  until  by  an  unavoidable 
necessity,  it  fell  with  it ;  which  while  it  stood,  and  as  it 
stood,  was  too  high  to  stoop  to  the  Lord  Jesus,  to  be  ruled 
by  his  command.  Now  therefore  by  these  preparations 
made  by  the  naked  Arm  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  to  set  up  his 
Kingdom  in  England,  he  calleth  upon  those  Worthies  in 
whose  hands  he  hath  betrusted  the  managing  of  this  great 
work,  now  to  advance  Christ,  not  man;  not  themselves, 
but  Christ ;  which  doing,  taketh  off  those  heavy  imputa- 
tions of  investing  themselves  with  Authority,  of  taking 
the  inheritance  to  themselves.  .  .  God  forbid,  God  forbid, 
that  it  should  enter  into  our  hearts,  to  think  so  unworthily, 
so  unchristianly,  so  dishonourably  of  such  renowned  ser- 
vants of  the  Lord,  who  have  so  graciously,  and  humbly 
ever  given  unto  the  Lord,  all  the  glory  of  all  their  Victo- 
ries, that  now  at  last  they  should  rob  him  of  his  Crown, 
Dominion,  and  Government ;  which  to  set  up  in  England, 
hath  been  the  mark  and  Scope  of  all  these  late  great 
works  of  God;  and  if  it  be  not  yet  done,  surely  it  is 
either  because  the  Lord  hath  not  yet  fully  revealed  to 
them,  what  his  will  is  they  should  do  in  the  midst  of  these 
confusions,  or  because  the  unquietness  of  the  times  per- 
mits them  not  to  go  about  it. 

That  which  the  Lord  now  calleth  England  to  attend  is 
not  to  search  humane  Polities  and  Platformes  of  Govern- 
ment, contrived  by  the  wisdom  of  man  ;  but  as  the  Lord 
hath  carried  on  their  works  for  them,  so  they  ought  to  go 
unto  the  Lord,  and  enquire  at  the  Word  of  his  mouth, 

(c)  Pn.  2.  8.    The  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  for  thy  possession. 
\h)  ReT.  1 1 .  15.   The  Kingdoms  of  this  world  are  become  the  Kingdomf  of  the  Loid, 
aad  of  hU  Chriit;  and  he  mXX  reign,  &c. 


134  The  Christian  Commonwealth. 

what  Platforme  of  Government  he  hath  therein  command- 
ed and  prescribed  ;  and  humble  themselves  to  embrace  that 
as  the  best,  how  mean  soever  it  may  seem  to  Humane 
Wisdom.  Faith  can  see  beauty,  power  and  glory  in  any 
Divine  institution,  when  Humane  Wisdom  may  think  it 
weak  and  contemptible. 

There  is  undoubtedly  a  forme  of  Civil  Government  in- 
stituted by  God  himself  in  the  holy  Scriptures;  whereby 
any  Nation  may  enjoy  all  the  ends  and  effects  of  Govern- 
ment in   the   best   manner,  were  they  but  perswaded  to 
.  make  trial  of  it.    We  should  derogate  from  the  sufficiency 
'  and  perfection  of  the  Scriptures,  if  we  should  deny  it. 
The  scripture  is  able  throughly  to  furnish  the  man  of  God 
(whether  Magistrate  in  the  Commonwealth,  or  elder  in 
the  Church,  or  any  other)  unto  every  good  work. 
/       And  when  a  Christian  people  are  to  choose  their  Gov- 
j  ernment,  should  they  take  their  patern  from  the  Nations 
of  the  World  (a),  we  know  what  an  offence  that  would  be 
to  Christ,  who  intends  to  Rule  them  himself,  by  his  own 
Divine  Patern  and   Direction.     Christ  is    now   about  to 
mine  the  Roman-Image ;  Wisdom  therefore  it  is,  to  look 
above  all  such  Paterns  to  find  out  a  Divine  Platforme, 
taught  by  God  himself,  which  he  will  delight  to  bless  unto 
such  men  as  shall  submit  unto  it. 

And  if  there  be  a  Divine  institution  of  civil  Govern- 
ment that  may  suit  the   State  of  England,  I  doubt  not 
but  all  the  godly  in  the  Land  would  chuse  that  way  of 
Grovernment  before  any  other  in  the  world :  for  every  Di- 
vine  institution  hath  a  Divine  blessing  in  it.     Yea,  God 
himself  is  more  eminently  present,  ruling  thereby  ;  and  the 
Spirit  of  God  doth  breath  in   and  bless  every  institution 
of  the  Word,  to  make  it  powerful  and  effectual  to  attain 
its   end    better,  and   more  effectually  than  any  Humane 
Ordinance    and  Institution  in  the   World   can  do.     The 
Promise   also  of  Gods  blessing  and  protection  is  unto  all 
those,  who  walk  in  Scripture-ways  and  Ordinances.    More- 
foveTj  that  uncomfortable  difference  among  the  people  of 
I  God  about  that  great  business  of  changing  the  Govern- 
;  ment  in  England,  would   hereby  be  reconciled,  and  all 

(a)  1  Sam.  8.  S.    Make  us  a  King  to  judge  us  like  all  thr  Nations. 


The  Preface.  136 

things  brought  unto  an  holy  peace,  every  one  readily  yield- 
ing that  the  Lord  Jesus  should  assume  the  Soveraignty, 
to  appoint  them  what  Government  to  set  up  over  them : 
and  would  most  readily  embrace  that,  whereby  the  Lord 
himself,  should  reign  in  England. 

I  think  it  needful  to  insert  this  word  of  Apology  for  my- 
self; That  it  pleased  the  Lord  of  his  free  mercy  to  me 
(in  myself  being  no  way  fitted  for  such  a  work)  to  put  me 
on,  to  instruct  our  poor,  blind,  and  dark  Indians,  in  the 
good  knowledge  of  the  Lord  :  who  when  (through  grace) 
they  tasted  of  the  knowledge  of  God,  of  themselves,  of 
Christ  and  redemption  by  him  ;  they  desired  to  leave  their 
wild  and  scattered  manner  of  life,  and  come  under  Civil 
Grovernment  and  Order ;  which  did  put  me  upon  search, 
after  the  miud  of  the  Lord  in  that  respect.  And  this  VOW 
I  did  solemnly  make  unto  the  Lord  concerning  them ; 
that  they  being  a  people  without  any  forme  of  Government, 
and  now  to  chuse ;  I  would  endeavour  with  all  my  might, 
to  Iiring  them  under  the  Government  of  the  Lord  only : 
Namely,  that  I  would  instruct  them  to  im brace  such 
Government,  both  Civil  and  Ecclesiastical,  as  the  Lord 
bath  commanded  in  the  holy  Scriptures ;  and  to  de- 
duce all  their  Laws  from  the  holy  Scriptures,  that  so  they 
may  be  the  Lords  people,  ruled  by  him  alone  in  all  things. 
Which  accordingly  they  have  begun  to  do  through  grace, 
covenanting  with  the  Lord,  in  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer, 
to  be  the  Lords  people  ;  and  to  receive  that  forme  of 
Government,  which  they  had  learned  to  be  a  Divine  in- 
stitution in  the  holy  Scriptures.  This  occasion  did  first 
put  me  upon  this  Study,  who  am  no  Statesman,  nor  ac- 
quainted with  matters  of  that  nature  ;  but  only  spend  my 
time  in  the  Study  of  the  holy  Book  of  God.  But  having 
collected  by  the  Lords  help  out  of  the  holy  Scripture  this 
following  forme  of  Government :  and  seeing  the  excellent 
hannony  and  order  thereof,  both  in  the  several  Courts, 
gradually  ascending  one  above  another,  and  all  cases  among 
the  people  coming  under  such  a  certain,  and  orderly  way 
of  receiving  speedy  issue ;  and  all  Appeals,  having  such  a 
free  and  unprejudiced  passage,  in  their  gradual  ascent, 
even  to  the  highest,  and  final  determination :  These  and 
such  other  things  made  me  think,  that  it  is  a  most  de- 


136  The  Christian  Commonwealth. 

sirable,  and  peaceable  forme  of  Government,  and  suitable 
to  any  Christian  people,  who  reverence  the  Word  of  God  ; 
yea,  the  more  eminent  and  Christian  they  be,  the  more 
suitable  it  is  for  them. 

Especially  also  considering,  that  though  the  single  form 
of  tens,  fifties,  hundreds,  and  thousands,  will  be  but  of 
small  capacity  in  great  Commonwealths,  and  populous 
cities :  yet  the  superiour  orders,  of  Myriades  or  ten  thou- 
sands, fifty  thousands,  hundred  thousands,  and  thousand 
thousands,  are  exceeding  comprehensive,  to  extend  Govern- 
ment to  the  greatest  people ;  and  yet  with  that  certain 
and  peaceable  order  (without  any  interfering  or  confusion) 
for  speedy  Justice,  and  determination  of  all  causes, 
as  that  it  seemeth  to  me  to  be  the  most  excellent 
Government  that  ever  was  in  the  World.  And  adding  to 
this,  above  all  considerations  and  commendations  that  it  is 
a  Divine  Institulion^  sprung  from  heavenly  wisdom  com- 
manded in  scripture  filled  with  the  Spirit  of  God,  which  is 
able  to  carry  on  the  Wheels  of  this  Government,  with  a 
most  irresistible  and  successful  force  and  power,  to  the 
attainment  of  all  the  ends  of  Government  among  men  most 
effectually.  Yea,  it  seemeth  to  me,  that  this  is  that  forme 
of  Government,  by  which  Christ  meaneth  to  rule  all  the 
Nations  on  earth  according  to  the  Scriptures.  Yea  far- 
ther, repenting-believing  Israel  and  Judahj  I  believe,  shall 
serve  and  obey  Christ  in  this  way  of  Civil  Government; 
and  who  knoweth  but  our  obedience  hereunto,  may  hasten 
and  farther  their  coming  in? 

I  would  not  exceed  bounds  of  humble  modesty;  yet  let 
me  make  bold  to  adventure  the  producing  a  farther  Medita- 
tion, touching  the  Divinity  and  heavenly  excellency  of  this 
government  of  the  Lord;  namely,  that  the  Angels  of 
//Heaven  are  governed  by  this  order  of  Government,  ac- 
// cording  as  it  is  applyable  to  their  condition.  It  is  past 
all  doubt,  that  there  is  an  heavenly  order,  (I  do  not  say 
Judicature,  as  with  us)  among  the  Angels:  for  as  Hell  is 
a  place  of  confusion,  so  heaven  of  order ;  and  if  God  is  the 
God  of  order  in  the  Church,  whereby  the  place  of  his  feet 
is  beautified;  much  more  is  heaven  beautified,  by  a  most 
heavenly  order  of  the  Church  there  residing.  And  if  Solo- 
mons.Coari  was  in  that  respect  of  a  ravishing  glory,  name- 


The  Preface.  137 

ly  by  the  order  of  it,  and  of  his  attendants :  much  more 
is  heaven  in  an  excellent  order,  and  all  the  Angels  the 
holy  attendants  of  Gods  Throne,  attending  in  comely  or- 
*  der.  And  if  the  order  of  Solomons  Court,  was  one  effect 
of  his  great  wisdom,  can  we  think  that  the  infinite  wis- 
dom of  Grod,  attended  by  Angels,  Spirits  of  such  wonder- 
ful wisdom,  should  not  be  attended  in  a  most  glorious  or- 
der, and  his  attendants  excellently  beautified,  by  walking 
in  an  heavenly  order  ?  therefore  there  is  an  heavenly  order 
among  them.  And  that  it  is  this  order  of  tens,  hundreds, 
thousands,  &c.  doth  appear  in  Several  Scriptures,  where 
we  find  mention  made  of  them  in  this  order,  wherein  it 
is  observable,  that  so  great  is  the  number  of  them,  that 
they  are  not  mentioned  in  their  single  order,  but  the  low- 
est that  I  have  observed,  is  Myriades  of  Angels.  Heb. 
12.  22.  and  so  the  Saints  shall  find  them  ordered  when 
they  come  to  heaven  (a).  They  are  also  mentioned  by  the 
highest  degree  of  the  Superior  order,  viz.  thousands  of 
thousands ;  and  not  only  so,  but  by  a  Supreme  order,  viz. 
Myriades  of  Myriades,  Rev.  5.  11.  which  I  call  Supreme, 
being  the  highest  I  find  mentioned  in  Scripture ;  but 
whether  that  be  the  highest  order  of  Angels,  is  not  re- 
vealed that  I  know  of:  but  thus  it  seemeth  unto  me,  that 
the  Angels  are  in  this  order  of  Government.  Likewise 
the  Saints  in  heaven  seem  to  be  in  the  same  order ;  for 
when  Christ  cometh  to  judgement,  and  all  the  Saints  with 
him,  1  Thes.  4.  13.  they  shall  come  in  this  order,  Jude, 
vers.  14.  With  Myriades  of  his  Saints,  behold  the  Lord 
cometh. 

Now  if  this  be  the  order  of  Government  in  Heaven,  i 
what  an  heaven  upon  earth  shall  that  be,  when  all  the  i 
Kingdoms  and  Nations  on  the  earth  shall  be  so  ruled  ?  \ 
and  then  shall  the  will  of  God  be  done  on  earth,  as  it  is 
done  in  heaven,  when  he  reigneth  over  men  on  earth,  in 
the  same  order  of  Government  as  he  doth  in  heaven  (6). 

Let  me  be  yet  farther  bold  to  propound  another  Medita- 
tion, under  the  correction  of  better  judgements,  accord- 


(a)  Mat.  26.  53.  Christ  maketh  mention  of  twelve  Legions  of  Angels,  for  his  pres- 
ent assistance,  if  he  thought  good  ;  which  is  all  one  with  Myriades. 

(P)  It  is  not  nothing,  that  when  Christ  fed  the  people  miraculously,  he  set  them 
down  by  hundreds,  and  by  fiilies,  Mar.  6.  40.  as  if  Christ  delighted  in  that  order. 

VOL.    IX.  IS 


138  The  Christian  Commonwealth. 

ing  as  I  do  the  former,  upon  that  text  Dan.  7.  10.  where 
is  set  forth  the  judgement  of  God  executed  upon  Anti- 
christ. Many  things  might  be  shewed  out  of  the  context, 
to  prove,  that  it  is  not  the  last  judgement,  which  is  there 
spoken  of-  The  means  of  execution  of  that  judgment,  is 
by  the  Wars  of  the  Lamb,  the  Lord  Jesus,  as  appears  in 
the  Book  of  the  Revelation  and  the  people  executing  those 
Wars,  by  this  text  seem  to  be  a  people  ruled  by  this  or- 
der of  Government :  which  if  it  be  so,  may  it  not  give 
some  light  to  find  out  the  ten  Kings  which  shall  hate  the 
Whore,  make  her  desolate  and  naked,  eat  her  flesh,  and 
burn  hfer  with  fire  ? 

These  things  considered,  touching  the  excellency  of  this 
forme  of  Government,  and  especially  the  Divinity  of  it, 
and  now  also  by  a  wonderful  work  of  God,  England 
being  in  a  capacity  to  chuse  unto  themselves  a  new  Govern- 
ment, and  in  such  deep  perplexity  about  that  great  Ques- 
tion, where  to  set  their  foot  in  peace  ;  some  pleading  for 
the.unjustice  of  casting  off  the  Kingly  Government,  others 
unsatisfied  with  the  present,  and  all  expecting  what  will 
be  the  conclusion.  And  seeing  no  Humane  Forme,  quiet 
and  safe,  to  set  down  their  foot  upon,  in  rest  and  tran- 
quility, hereby  all  hearts  are  perplexed,  sighing  up  to 
heaven  for  direction  what  to  do,  and  where  to  finde  rest 
and  quiet  to  the  Land.  By  this  means,  all  hearts  are  pre- 
pared to  embrace  any  help  or  counsel  from  the  Lord ;  and 
when  they  have  wearied  themselves  with  differences, 
they  will  gladly  all  concur  together  to  set  open  the  door 
to  let  in  the  Lord  Jesus,  to  give  them  rest ;  who  hath  been 
all  this  while  knocking  at  the  door,  by  these  perplexing 
troubles :  that  his  Government  might  be  on  all  bands 
gladly  embraced,  and  himself  finde  a  free  and  peaceable 
enterance,  to  begin  his  blessed  and  waited-for  reign  over 
the  Nations  of  the  earth,  according  as  it  is  Prophesied  in 
the  holy  Scriptures. 

Therefore  in  the  name  of  the  jLord  Jesus  Christ,  King 
of  Saints  (whose  Kingdom  I  desire  to  advance,  with  all 
my  might  and  heart)  I  do  beseech  those  chosen  and  holy 
and  faithful  Saints,  who  by  Councils  at  Home,  or  by  Wars 
in  the  Field,  have  fought  the  Lords  Battels  against  Anti- 
christ, and  have  carried  on  the  Cause  of  Christ  hitherunto, 


The  Preface.  139 

That  you  would  now  set  the  Crown  of  England  upon  the 
head  of  Christ,  whose  only  true  inheritance  it  is,  by  the 
gift  of  his  Father  (a)  :  Let  him  be  your  Judge^  Let  him  be 
your  Law-Giver^  Let  him  be  your  King!  take  the  patern 
and  form  of  your  Government,  from  the  Word  of  his 
Mouth,  which  will  have  power  over  the  Consciences  of 
all  the  people  of  the  Land,  and  compose  all  differences 
about  that  point,  into  a  sweet  harmony  of  obedience  and 
subjection  to  Christ  our  Lord  and  King,  with  one  heart 
and  consent ;  and  will  bring  about  all  the  people  with  one 
heart,  and  shoulder,  to  promote  the  designs  of  Christ,  and 
yours  also,  when  they  see  that  yours  are  not  for  your- 
selves, but  for  the  Lord,  to  accomplish  all  the  remainder 
of  the  great  works  of  the  Lord,  even  until  Antichrist  be 
destroyed,  and  the  Throne  of  the  Beast  burnt  with  fire, 
and  the  Kingdom  of  the  Lord  Jesus  set  up  in  many  Na- 
tions. 

You  blessed  ones  of  the  Lord,  who  have  so  eminently, 
beyond  the  wont  of  Conquerors,  humbled  and  abased  your- 
selves, as  no-bodies  in  the  work,  and  ascribed  all  the 
praise  and  glory  of  your  Valiant  Atchievements,  unto  the 
Lord  Jesus,  whom  by  faith  you  did  always  see  fighting  for 
you,  and  (to  your  admiration)  getting  the  Victory  for  you! 
lou  that  have  with  an  holy  boldness  of  faith,  made  those 
.  dreadful  appeals  (unheard  of  in  other  stories)  unto  the 
Lord  Jesus,  to  witness  to  the  sincerity  of  your  Cause  and 
Conscience  by  his  own  arm,  and  in  all  your  straights  have 
never  found  him  to  fail  you,  or  forsake  you ;  but  still 
made  you  Conquerors,  not  only  of  your  Enemies,  but 
(which  is  more)  of  your  selves  also,  not  to  arrogate  praise 
unto  your  selves ;  nor  to  improve  your  Victories  beyond 
the  bounds  of  Christian  patiende  and  love  to  the  con- 
quered ;  and  all  for  the  honour  and  glory  of  Christ,  and 
bis  grace ;  that  his  Name  and  Cause  might  find  room  and 
acceptance  in  the  hearts  of  your  Enemies,  whom  you 
therefore  used  like  Christian  Brethren,  and  not  like  Ene- 
mies- 
Shall  such  holy  ones  as  you,  need  perswasion  to  set 
that  Crown  upon  the  head  of  Christ,  which  he  hath  put 

(c)  Pn.  2.  8.    Ask  of  me,  and  I  will  give  thee  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  for 
thy  posMflsion. 


140  The  Christian  Commonwealth. 

into  your  hands  to  dispose  of?  where  can  you  make  a 
better  choice,  then  to  take  the  Lord  to  be  your  King  ? 
and  where  can  you  think  to  find,  a  better  pater n  of  Gov- 
ernment, then  in  the  Word  of  God  ?  and  where  can  you 
think  to  finde  better  Laws,  then  in  the  holy  Scriptures? 

This  following  Platform  of  Government,  I  do  no  farther 
urge,  then  you  shall  finde  it  to  be  purely  deduced  from 
the  holy  Scriptures.  It  is  the  holy  Scriptures  of  God 
onely  that  I  do  urge,  to  be  your  onely  Magna  Charta^  by 
which  you  should  be  ruled  in  all  things ;  which  being, 
Christ  is  your  King  and  Soveraign  Lawgiver,  and  you 
are  his  people  ruled  by  him  in  all  things. 

And  you  my  dear  Brethren,  the  faithful  Ministers  of  the 
Grospel  of  Christ,  and  all  Christian  Brethren,  who  do  not 
yet  see  cause  of  submitting,  and  yielding  unto  this  Change ; 
I  do  beseech  you  to  consider  the  times,  and  compare  the 
Prophecies  of  Scripture,  with  the  present  providences ; 
and  see  if  you  finde  not  all  things  to  come  to  pass,  accord- 
ing as  it  is  written ;  and  that  these  wonderful  providen- 
ces are  not  without  Scripture-authority,  and  much  to  be 
regarded  by  the  people  of  God.  Nor  be  they  the  execu- 
tions of  Divine  wrath  upon  either  Church  or  World,  by 
profane  hands,  who  act  their  own  Ivills  and  lusts,  though 
they  accomplish  Gods  ends ;  but  they  be  the  pouring  out 
of  the  wrath  of  God  upon  Antichrist,  for  his  destruction, 
and  overthrow  of  his  Kingdom,  by  the  hands  of  holy 
Saints ;  according  to  the  command  of  Christ ;  Christ  him- 
self riding  forth  Victoriously  among  them,  and  perform- 
ing his  great  works,  written  and  foretold  in  the  holy  Scrip- 
tures. May  not  Queen  Maries  coming  to  the  Crown  by 
the  help  of  the  Saints,  be  seasonably  called  to  remem- 
brance ?  or  if  not,  yet  nbw  the  time  is  come,  to  change 
Governments,  and  to  cast  down  all  at  the  foot  of  Christ, 
that  he  may  Reign,  and  fill  the  Earth  with  the  glory  of 
his  Government. 

No  Oaths  or  Covenants  of  Gods  People  are  against 
Christ,  but  in  subordination  to  him,  and  to  the  advance- 
ment of  his  Kingdom.  If  therefore  these  great  Changes 
are  carried  up  to  that'  head,  that  is  the  true  scope  and  end 
of  those  Vows  and  Promises.  It  were  not  Lawful  to  ter- 
minate such  a  Vow  or  Covenant,  as  that  is,  upon  any  Per- 


/ 


The  Preface.  141 

son,  Family,  or  Creature ;  it  were  Idolatry ;  nor  was  it  so ; 
Dor  IS  it  now  broken,  by  breaking  all  Creatures  in  pieces, 
that  stood  in  the  way  of  obtaining  the  truie  end  thereof, 
oamely,  the  advancement  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  his  King- 
dom. 

I  beseech  you  therefore  help  forward  this  work,  which 
Christ  hath  put  into  the  hands  of  those  whom  he  hath 
made  eminent,  in  accorhplishing  the  works  of  his  glorious 
coming,  to  set  up  his  Dominion  on  earth.  Be  not  behind 
in  bringing  Christ  to  the  Throne  of  England  !  You,  you, 
the  holy  Watchmen  of  the  Lord,  have  given  God  no  rest 
by  your  uncessant  Prayers  for  bringing  about  what  is  now 
done  ;  follow  on  therefore  to  follow  the  Lord,  and,  as  Ante- 
christ  falleth,  with  whatever  else  stood  in  the  way  of 
Christ;  so  now  let  Christ  come  in,  and  help  ye  forward 
the  setting  up  of  his  Kingdom. 

I  am  bold  to  present  this  Scripture-Platform  o{  Govern^ 
ment  to  publique  view,  (if  advice  so  carry  it)  at  this  season 
because  I  do  believe  it  to  be  a  Divine  Institution  of  a  Civil 
Government ;  and  seemeth  to  me  to  be  such,  as  will  well 
suit  the  present  condition  of  England^  Scotland^  and 
Ireland,  or  any  other  religious  people  in  the  World,  who 
fear  the  command  of  God,  and  tremble  at  his  word :  and 
being  perswaded  in  my  heart  that  it  is  the  minde  of  the 
Lord,  that  Nations  should  be  governed  by  Scripture  In- 
stitutions, the  time  being  come  that  the  Lord  is  about  to 
shake  all  the  Earth,  and  throw  down  that  great  Idol  of 
Humane  Wisdome  in  Governments,  and  set  up  Scripture- 
Government  in  the  room  thereof.  It  may  please  God  to 
give  acceptance  unto  this  poor  beginning,  and  move  the 
hearts  of  such  as  are  wise,  to  prosecute  this  design  of  Christ, 
and  more  accurately  to  search  the  Scriptures,  to  finde  out  the 
perfect  will  of  God  in  this  point,  which  yet  is  but  in  its 
birth  and  dawning;  many  things  being  yet  dim,  and  dark: 
in  the  morning  twilight,  we  cannot  see  far  before  us,  nor 
round  about  us ;  but  the  Rising-sun,  will  through  grace, 
bring  greater  light  with  him. 

As  for  such  wholsome,  just,  and  wise  Laws,  as  any  Na- 
tion hath  already  made,  the  Wisdome  of  the  Lord  will  teach 
his  People  to  refer  them  to  their  Scripture-principles,  de- 
monstrating the  truth  and  equity  thereof,  by  the  Word  of 


142  7%«  Christian  Ommonvoedth. 

God,  whereby  they  will  appear  to  be  the  deducts  from 
the  Word  of  God ;  and  hence  they  that  are  governed  by 
them,  are  governed  by  the  Lord ;  they  that  break  them 
sin  against  the  Lord,  by  breaking  his  Commandment  and 
Law. 

It  were  a  Work  worthy  the  labours  of  the  best  Divines, 
and  the  best  of  Men,  to  demonstrate  the  equity  of  all  the 
wholesome  and  wise  Laws  of  England  by  the  word  of 
God ;  the  effects  of  which  Work  would  be  of  admirable 
consequence  to  sanctifie  the  whole  Land,  to  make  the  Ru- 
lers more  expresly  to  govern  for  the  Lord,  and  the  People 
to  obey  the  Lord,  in  obeying  their  Governours  ;  and  so  the 
Lord  himself  shall  Reign  over  them. 

My  continual  Prayer  in  this  behalf,  at  the  Throne  of 
Grace  is,  that  the  Lord  would  so  far  scatter  those  black 
Clouds,  which  do  darken  the  mindes  of  God's  people  in' 
England^  that  they  may  see  some  Beams  of  the  brightness 
of  Christ  his  coming  to  reign ;  and  that  the  Lord  would 
please  to  bow  their  divided  hearts,  to  meet  with  one  con- 
sent and  accord,  to  make  Christ  their  Law-Giver^  and 
JudgCj  and  IRngf  in  whom  alone  they  shall  finde  settle- 
ment and  assured  peace. 

Amen,  Amen. 


THE 


CHRISTIAN  commonwealth: 


OR, 


THE  CIVIL  POLITY  OF  THE  RISING  KING* 
DOM  OF  JESUS  CHRIST. 


CHAP.   I. 


1 
It  is  the  Commandment  of  the  Lord,  that  a  people 

should  enter  into  Covenant  with  the  Lord  to  become  his 

people,  even  in  their  Civil  Society,  as  well  as  in  their.. 

Church-Society  (a).    Whereby  they  submit  themselves  to 

be  ruled  by  the  Lord  in  all  things,  receiving  from  him,  both 

the  platform  of  their  Government,  and  all  their  Laws ;  which 

when  they  do,  then  Christ  reigneth  over  them  in  all  things, 

they  being  ruled  by  his  Will,  and  by  the  Word  of  bis 

Mouth  (b). 

The  substance  of  which  Covenant,  and  subjection  of 

themselves  unto  the  Lord,  to  be  ruled  by  him  in  all  things, 

is  this.    That  they  do  humbly  confess  their  corruption  by 

nature,  and  lost  condition ;    that  they  acknowledge    the 

free  grace  (c)  of  God,  in  their  redemption  by  Christ,  and 

in  the  promulgation  of  the  Gospel  unto  them,  and  making 

(a)  Dent.  29. 10,  11,  12, 13.  You  stand  this  day  all  of  you,  before  the  Lord  your 
God  :  your  Captains  of  your  Tribes,  your  Elders  and  your  Officers,  with  all  the  mea 
of  Israel.  (11.)  Your  little  ones,  your  wives,  and  the  stranger  that  is  in  thy  Camp, 
&c.  (12.)  That  thout  shouldest  enter  into  Covenant  with  the  Lord  thy  God,  and  into 
his  oath  which  he  maketh  with  thee  this  day,  (13.)  That  he  may  establish  thee  to 
day  for  a  people  unto  himself,  and  that  he  may  be  to  thee  a  God,  as  he  hath  said  unto 
thee,  and  as  he  hath  sworn  unto  thy  fathers,  to  Abraham,  to  Isaac  and  to  Jacob. 

(h)  Isai.  33.  32.  The  Lord  is  our  Judge,  the  Lord  is  our  Law-giver,  the  Lord  is  our 
King,  he  shall  save  us. 

(c)  Deut.  26.  1.  ad  12.  I  profess  this  day  unto  the  Lord  thy  God,  that  I  am  come 
into  the  Countrey,  which  the  Lord  thy  God  sware  unto  thy  father*  to  give  us,  Ae, 
vers.  5.  And  thou  shalt  speak,  and  say  before  the  Lord  thy  God,  A  Sjrian  ready 
to  perish  was  my  father,  and  he  went  down  into  Egypt,  Sic.  vers.  7.  And  when 
we  cried  unto  the  Lord,  he  heard  us,  &c.  ver.  8.  And  the  Lord  brought  us  forth  out 
of  Egypt  with  a  mighty  hand,  &c. 


144  The  Christian  Commonwealth. 

application  thereof  effectually  unto  their  souls :  and  therefore 
the  Lord  hath  shewed  his  everlasting  Love  unto  them,  and 
caused  them  inwardly  by  faith,  to  give  up  themselves  unto 
him,  to  be  for  ever  his,  to  love,  serve,  and  obey  him,  in  all 
his  Word  and  Commandments :  so  now  they  do  outward- 
ly, and  solemnly  with  the  rest  of  Gods  people  joyn  to- 
gether so  to  do  in  their  Civil  Polity,  receiving  from  the 
Lord  both  the  platform  of  their  civil  Government,  as  it  is 
set  down  (in  the  essentials  of  it)  in  the  holy  Scriptures ;  and 
also  all  their  Laws,  which  they  resolve  through  his  grace, 
to  fetch  out  of  the  Word  of  God  making  that  their  only 
Magna  Charta  ;  and  accounting  no  Law,  Statute  or  Judge- 
ment valid,  farther  then  it  appeareth  to  arise  and  flow 
from  the  Word  of  God. 

Such  as  with  a  lively  faith  enter  into  or  walk  in  this 
Covenant,  do  perform  every  Act  (wherein  they  are  free 
from  temptation)  of  civil  conversation  among  men  (a)  by 
faith  in  obedience  unto  God.  Instructing  that  all  should 
do  so,  who  take  this  Covenant;  and  if  they  do  not,  they 
are  guilty  of  breach  of  Covenant,  before  God.  A  willing 
subjection  of  a  mans  self  to  Christ  in  this  Covenant,  is 
some  hopeful  sign  of  some  degree  of  faith  in  Christ,  and 
love  to  God ;  and  as  a  good  preparative  for  a  more  neer 
approach  to  Christ  in  Church-fellowship,  and  Covenant: 
he  that  is  willing  to  serve  Christ  by  the  Polity  of  the 
second  Table  civilly,  is  in  some  degree  of  preparation  to 
serve  him,  by  the  Polity  of  the  first  Table  Ecclesiastically. 

The  Child  is  imjtlicitely  comprehended  in  the  Fathers 
covenant  (6),  the  Wife  is  explicitely  comprehended  in  her 
Husbands,  insomuch  that  in  her  Widowhood  she  and  her 
Family  are  one,  under  the  order  of  the  Government  of 
God. 

The  particular  form  of  Government,  which  is  approved  of 
God  (c),  instituted  by  Moses  (d)  among  the  sons'of  Israel, 
(and  profitable  to  be  received  by  any  Nation  or  People, 


(a)  1  Cor.  10.  31.  Whether  ye  eat  or  drink,  or  whatsoever  ye  do,  do  all  to  the  fflorr 
of  God. 

{h)  Deut.  29. 14, 15.  Neither  with  you  bnely  do  I  make  this  Covenant  this  day,  bat 
with  him  that  standeth  here  this  day  before  the  Lord  our  God,  and  with  him  thai  if 
not  here  with  us  this  day. 

(c)  £xod.  18.  23.    If  thou  shalt  do  this  thin^,  and  God  command  thee  so. 

(</)  £xod.  18.  24.    Moses  hearkened,  and  did  all. 


The  Christian  CornmonvoeaUh.  145 

who  reverence  the  command  of  God,  and  tremble  at  his 
Word)  is  this ;  that  they  chuse  (a)  unto  themselves  Rulers 
of  thousands  (b\  of  hundreds,  of  fifties,  and  of  tens,  who 
shall  govern  according  to  the  pure,  holy,  righteous,  perfect 
and  good  Law  of  God  (c),  written  in  the  Scriptures  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament. 

The  forming  of  which  Platforme  of  Government,  de- 
duced from  the  Scriptures,  is  as  followeth. 


CHAP.    II. 


The  several  degrees  of  tens,  fifties,  hundreds,  and  thou- 
sands may  fitly  be  called  orders  of  men,  governed  by  God, 
the  God  of  order  (d). 

uiT, .  ,      J        c         (I-  Those  of  the  single  Platforme. 
Which  orders  of  men  ^  o    t-u  r  *l     q 

<  2.   1  nose  of  the  superior  arismg 

(  upon  the  first. 

First  for  the  single-Platform,  which  is  Gods  Standard, 
according  to  which  the  Superior  is  delineated,  or  measured 
out.  God  hath  commanded  that  ten  men  should  chuse 
unto  them  a  Ruler  of  ten« 

Hence,  if  they  be  not  ten,  they  cannot  chuse  unto  them 
a  Ruler  of  ten.  Hence  also  the  Ruler  maketh  the  elev- 
enth man ;  or  rather,  is  the  head  (e)  of  the  order  of  ten. 

Hence  also  one  Ruler  of  ten,  may  Rule  over  nineteen 
men ;  but  if  they  become  twenty,  then  by  Gods  institu- 
tion, they  must  chuse  another  Ruler  of  ten  ;  for  God  hath 
said,  Chuse  you  Rulers  of  tens. 

Servants,  or  Sons  living  with  their  Parents,  as  in  the 
condition  of  Servants  (/),  they  may  not  explicitely,  politi- 

(«)  18.  21.  Thoa  shalt  provide  able  men.  With  Deut.  1.  13.  Take  ye  wife  meai 
and  1  will  make  them  Rulers. 

{b)  Ezod.  18.25.     Deut.  1.15. 

(c)  D«;ut.  1.17.  Fear  not  the  face  of  man,  for  the  judgement  is  Goda.  2  Chro.  19. 
6.  And  said  to  the  Judges,  Take  heed  what  ye  do:  for  ye  judge  not  for  man,  bat 
for  the  Lord,  who  is  with  yoa  in  the  Judgement:  Ezek.  44.  SM.  They  shall  judge  it 
according  to  my  judgement. 

{i)  Isa.  9.  7.  Of  the  increase  of  his  Government  and  peace  there  shall  be  no  end, 
apon  the  throne  of  David,  and  upon  his  Kingdom,  to  order  it. 

{eS  Ezod.  18.  25.    Make  them  heads  over  the  people.  Rulers  of  tens,  &c. 

(/)  Gal.  4.1.    The  heir  to  long  as  he  is  a  ehUd,  diftreth  nothing  from  a  Mnrant. 

VOL.    IX.  19 


146^  The  Chnstian  Commonwealth. 

cally,  personally,  chuse  publick  Rulers;  while  they  lire 
under  the  Authority  of  Family-government,  they  are  not 
personally  capable  of  interest  in  publick  Political  Elec- 
tions :  it  is  enough  to  attain  Gods  ends,  that  they  be  vir- 
tually comprehended  in  their  Fathers  Covenant. 

But  if  they  Marry,  or  live  in  the  State  of  allowed  pub- 
lick Free-men,  then  are  they  capable  of,  &  are  bound 
personally  to  act,  in  the  choice  of  their  publick  Rulers. 
The  Rulers  of  the  Father  are  virtually  Rulers  of  the  Child ; 
but  when  the  child  pulteth  forth  an  act  of  choice,  he  hath 
liberty  to  chuse,  in  due  order,  another  Ruler  of  ten,  unto 
whom  he  doth  personally  submit  himself:  for  all  men  are 
commanded  to  chuse  unto  themselves  rulers. 

By  that  one  act  of  chusing  his  Ruler  of  ten,  and  sub- 
jecting himself  unto  him,  he  doth  chuse,  and  subject  him- 
self unto  all  the  Superior  orders,  under  whom  his  ruler 
of  ten  is  ruled. 

No  man  may  lawfully,  or  without  sin,  live  out  of  the 
order  of  Gods  Government :  and  should  any  man  refuse 
to  chuse  and  subject  himself  unto  the  same,  he  cannot 
justly  challenge  any  priviledge,  benefit,  or  protection  there- 
by, though  his  virtual  interest  (in  such  as  have  it)  hath 
hold  upon  him,  until  his  actual  choice  doth  more  expresly 
engage  him ;  and  Love  will  improve  every  thing  for  the 
good  of  those,  who  know  not  what  is  good  for  themselves. 
He  is  beneath  the  condition  of  a  stranger,  who  shall  Apos- 
tatize from  the  Government  of  the  Lord  ;  yea,  beneath 
the  condition  of  Barbarians,  who  are  not  yet  come  in, 
either  by  themselves,  or  their  Progenitors. 

As  the  Ruler  of  ten  may  rule  over  more  then  ten,  even 
any  number  under  twenty  ;  so  it  is  with  the  other  orders, 
one  Ruler  of  fifty,  may  rule  over  nine  orders  of  ten ;  but 
if  they  become  ten,  then  they  must  chuse  another  Ruler 
of  fifty;  for  the  Lord  hath  said,  Chuse  j'ou  Rulers  of 
fifties;  that  is,  every  five  orders  of  ten  shall  chuse  a  Ruler 
of  fifty. 

Again,  one  Ruler  of  an  hundred,  may  rule  over  three  or- 
ders of  fifties  ;  but  if  they  become  four  orders  of  fifties,  then 
two  of  them  must  chuse  another  Ruler:  for  God  hath  said, 
Chuse  Rulers  of  hundreds  ;  that  is,  of  ten  orders  of  tens. 

Again,  one  Ruler  of  a  thousand,  may  rule  over  nineteen 


The  Christian  CommonweaUh.  147 

orders  of  an  hundred  ;  but  if  they  become  twenty  orders^ 
then  they  must  by  Gods  institution  chuse  another  Ruler 
of  a  thousand  :  for  the  Lord  hath  said,  Chuse  you  Rulers 
of  thousands. 

Hence  one  Ruler  of  a  thousand  may,  in  case  all  the  or- 
ders under  him  be  at  the  fullest,  rule  over  8436.  men ; 
which  ordinarily,  amounted  to  33687  souls;  which  doth 
thus  appear. 

One  Ruler  of  ten  may  rule  over  nineteen  men. 

One  Ruler  of  fifty  may  rule  over  nine  orders  of  ten  ;  and. 

4Hi!e- times -nineteen,  maketh  one  hundred  seventy 

one. 
One  Ruler  of  an  hundred,  may  rule  over  three  orders 

of  fifty;  and- thrice  171  maketh  413. 
One  Ruler  of  a  thousand,  may  rule  over  nineteen  orders 

of  an  hundred;  and  nineteen  times  413,  maketh 

7847. 
Achi-jtherefore  to  the  people,  their  Rulers,  thus : 
One  Hiiler  of  60.  with  his  nine  Rulers  of  ten,  make  ten 

Rulers. 
One  Ruler  of  an  100.  may  rule  over  three  orders  of  50. 

which  maketh  30  Rulers. 
One  Ruler  of  a  thousand,  may  have  under  him  nineteen 

Rulers  of  an  hundred.     So  that  19.  times  30.  and 

19.  added  to  them,  makes  689  Rulers 

Add  to  them  7847  People 

Summa  totalis  is   8436 

And  generally  among  mankind,  for  one  head  of  a  family, 
there  be  at  least  three  more  souls  of  women  and  children; 
so  that  four  times  8436.  amounteth  to  33687.  soules.  But 
it  will  be  rare  for  all  orders  to  be  full  at  once. 

Again,  these  orders  of  men,  may  be  multiplied  thus;\ 
when  such  as  are  Supernumerary  in  several  orders,  agree  \ 
together  to   make  another  order.     For  example,  if  two  U 
Rulers  of  ten,  have  each  of  them  fifteen  men  under  them,    r 
then  five  men  of  one  order,  and  five  of  the  other  order,  I 
may  agree  together  to  make  another,  a  new  order':  and  soy 
in  all  other  orders  it  may  be.  ^^ 

But  if  they  do  this,  if  they  make  a  new  order  because  ) 
they  desire  it,  and  not  because  the  Word  of  the  Lord  com-  ' 


148  The  Christian  Cammamveallh. 

mandeth  it;  when  they  multiply  orders  by  choice,  and  not 
by  necessity  of  institution :  then  their  next  Superiors  shall 
guide  and  direct  them  in  peace  and  mutual  love :  for  Mo- 
ses guided  the  people  in  all  their  Elections  (a). 

If  they  cannot  agree,  then  they  may  appeal  to  their 
next  Superiours,  and  so  unto  the  highest  (6)  Council,  if  need 
be  :  For  the  Council  is  (in  ordinary  dispensation)  in  Moses 
stead ;  and  the  Scriptures  are  the  Mouth  of  God,  at  which 
they  must  enquire,  and  by  the  guidance  thereof  determine 
of  all  Cases,  so  far  as  the  Lord  giveth  light;  and  until 
the  mind  of  God  be  known,  the  Case  must  stay,  whatever 
it  be  (c). 


CHAP.   III. 


The  Lord  hath  given  this  Commandment  in  the  order- 
ing of  his  Government,  that  judgment  should  be  executed 
speedily  (d) ;  and  also  that  it  should  be  managed  with  the 
greatest  respect  to  the  ease,  both  of  the  Governours  and 
People  (e). 

But  particular  times  means  and  other  circumstances,  the 
Lord  hath 'not  particularly  commanded  (/).  Hence  it  is  left 
unto  the  wisdom  of  the  Rulers,  to  order  time,  means  and 
other  circumstances,  for  the  best,  and  most  effectual  at- 
tainment of  the  forementioned  speedy  and  easie  determi- 
nation and  execution  of  Judgement,  in  all  Cases  whatso- 
ever, and  in  all  places.  Cities,  or  Towns  where  the  peo- 
ple dwell  (g). 

(a)  Ezod.  18.  21,  25.  Thou  shall  provide  able  men.  25»  Moses  chose  able  men. 
Deut.  1.  15.     So  I  took  the  chief  of  your  tribes. 

(b)  Deut.  ].  17.    The  case  that  is  too  hard  for  you,  bring  it  unto  roe. 

(c)  Num.  15.  34.  And  they  put  him  in  ward,  because  it  was  not  declared  what 
should  be  done  unto  him.  Numb.  9.  8.  Stand  still,  and  I  will  hear  what  the  Lord 
will  command  concerning  tou. 

(i/)  Ezra  7.  26.  Let  judgment  be  executed  speedily  upon  them.  Eccles.  8.  IL 
Because  sentence  against  an  evil  work  is  not  executed  speedily,  therefore  the  heart 
of  the  sons  of  men,  is  fully  set  in  them  to  do  evil. 

(«)  Exod.  18.  17. 18.  22.  23.  This  thing  is  not  good  ;  thou  wilt  surely  wear  away, 
both  tliou  and  this  people  that  is  with  thee :  ver.  22.  So  shall  it  be  easier  :  ver.  13. 
Thou  shalt  be  able  to  endure,  and  all  the  people  shall  go  to  their  place  in  peace,  vis. 
having  judgement  among  themselves  in  their  own  quarters,  and  places  of  abode,  and 
not  be  troubled  to  come  to  the  chief  Court,  with  every  cause. 

(/)  Ezod.  18.  23.    Let  them  judge  the  people  at  all  seasons. 

(g)  Exod.  22.  23.    All  the  people  shall  go  to  their  own  place  in  peace. 


The  Christian  Commonwealth.  149 

Hence  again,  it  well  accordeth  with  Gods  institntion, 
that  everj  order  do  co-habit  together  (a)  as  neer  as  may  be ; 
because  that  doth  tend  to  facilitate  both  the  watch,  and 
work  of  the  Lords  Government. 

Hence  also  limits  of  Place  (6)  (in  a  general  observation 
with  allowance  to  some  particular  exceptions,  as  prudence 
and  pietj  may  require)  may  be  useful  to  attain  this  end. 

Hence  again,  if  any  shall  remove  his  habitation  to  a 
more  remote  place ;  meet  it  is  that  he  do  change  his  Rul- 
ers, by  chusing  a  Ruler  of  ten  in  the  place  whither  he 
goeth  to  dwell :  and  hence  it  is  meet  that  such  removings 
and  changes  be  made  by  a  due  approbation  of  the  Rulers 
whence  he  goeth,  and  with  the  acceptance  of  those  to 
whom  he  removeth,  lest  by  such  unstable  changes,  as 
some  may  affect,  they  may  slip  out  from  under  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Lord,  at  least  from  under  the  watch  and  use 
thereof,  though  from  the  right  thereof  they  cannot,  be- 
cause it  is  a  general  command  to  honour  thy  Father  and 
thy  Mother;  and  lest  by  the  confluence  of  unruly  persons 
to  a  place  more  remisly  governed,  the  Government  of  the 
Lord  should  be  undermined,  and  scandalized. 

Because  sin  will  grow  apace,  like  ill  weeds,  if  it  be 
not  always  watched,  and  often  weeded  out ;  and  fire  of 
strife  will  soon  flame  out,  if  it  be  not  speedily  suppressed 
and  quenched :  and  it  edifieth  many  ways,  that  justice 
should  be  speedily  done ;  especially  it  promoteth  peace 
and  piety. 

Hence  it  is  meet,  that  Rulers  of  ten  appoint  one  day 
in  a  week,  solemnly  to  hear  and  determine  Causes,  and 
guide  the  common  Affairs  of  his  ten,  for  the  more  orderly, 
easie,  and  speedie  proceeding  of  justice  and  peace,  which 
are  facilitated  and  expedited,  by  a  stated  and  appointed 
time  (c).    • 

Again,  it  is  meet  that  the  Ruler  of  fifty  keep  the  Court 
of  six,  consisting  of  five  Rulers  of  ten,  and  himself  the 
Ruler  of  them,  once  in  a  moneth,  for  the  more  solemn  pro- 

(a)  Deot.  1. 15.    I  took  the  chief  of  your  Tribes,  and  made  them  heads  over  joa. 

(b)  Deut.  21.2,3.  Thy  Elders  and  Judges  shall  measure  unto  the  Cities  about, 
and  the  City  which  is  next  unto  the  slain  man.  Deut.  16. 18.  Judges  shalt  thoa 
make  in  all  thy  g^tes  throughout  thy  Tribes. 

(e)  Ezod.  18. 26.  They  judged  the  people  at  all  seaaoDs :  T\y  doth  frequently  in 
Seriptore  signifie  a  stated  time. 


150  The  Chmlian  Commonwealth. 

ceeding  of  Justice,  &  Appeals,  if  need  be:  because  the 
higher  Cases  ascend,  the  more  solemnity  is  in  them  (a)  ;  and 
need  the  more  time  and  deliberation. 

I  call  these  a  Court,  because  they  are  an  Assembly  of 
Judges,  among  whom  God  promiseth  to  stand  (6).  Six  is  the 
lowest  number  of  this  Court;  but  they  may  be  more,  ac- 
cording as  the  orders  of  ten  be  more  under  a  Ruler  of 
fifty  :  but  they  cannot  exceed  ten  ;  because  a  Ruler  of 
fifty  cannot  by  Gods  institution,  have  more  than  nine  or- 
ders of  ten  under  him. 

Again,  it  is  meet  that  the  Ruler  of  an  hundred  keep  the 
Court  of  three,  consisting  of  two  Rulers  of  fifty,  and  him- 
self the  Ruler  of  them,  four  times  in  the  year,  upon  the 
former  grounds. 

Three  is  the  lowest  number  of  this  Court,  and  it  can- 
not exceed  four ;  because  by  Gods  institution,  he  cannot 
have  more  than  three  orders  of  fifty  under  him. 

Again,  it  is  meet  that  the  Ruler  of  a  thousand  keep 
the  Court  of  eleven,  consisting  of  ten  Rulers  of  an  hun- 
dred, and  himself  the  Ruler  of  them,  twice  in  a  year ; 
and  here  judgement  runneth  with  greatest  Solemnity  and 
Majesty;  I  say  Greatest  in  the  single  platform. 

Eleven  is  the  lowest  number  of  this  Court ;  but  there 
may  be  more,  according  as  the  orders  of  an  hundred  under 
him  be  multiplied ;  but  they  cannot  exceed  twenty,  be- 
cause he  cannot  have  above  nineteen  orders  of  an  hundred 
under  him. 

It  is  necessary  that  every  Court  have  such  Officers  (c)  to 
attend,  as  are  necessary  to  accomplish  and  execute  those 
ends  for  which  the  Lord  hath  instituted  those  Courts: 
because  the  appointment  of  the  end,  doth  command  all 
means  requisite  for  the  attainment  of  that  end,  being  such 
as  accords  with  Justice  and  Prudence. 

Vide  Ainsworth  in  Loc. 

It  is  also  necessary  to  have  persons  (d),  and  all  other  In- 
struments, for  the  inflicting  of  all  kindes  of  PunishmentSi 
which  the  Law  of  God  appointeth. 


(a)  Exod.  18.  22.    Every  ffreat  matter  they  shall  hxiug  unto  thee. 

iP)  Psal.  82.  1. 

(e)  Deut.  16.  18.    Jad(|re8  and  Officers  shalt  thou  make. 

(d)  Lev.  24. 12.  Num.  15.  34.    They  put  him  in  ward. 


The  Christian  CommanvoeaMh.  151 

But  touching  the  several  Punishments  of  Cost,  Shame, 
or  Smart;  and  touching  the  several  ways  of  Putting  to 
Death,  by  Stoning,  Burning,  Strangling,  or  by  the  Sword; 
as  also  touching  Banishment,  1  am  here  silent.  They 
more  properly  appearing  in  the  handling  of  such  Laws 
which  do  inflict  several  punishments,  according  to  the  de- 
merit of  the  Sin,  or  use  of  terrour  unto  others,  proportion- 
ing them  to  the  Standard  in  the  holy  Scriptures. 


CHAP.    IV. 


Upon  the  forenamed  ^[rounds  of  speedy  Justice,  for  the 
establishing  of  firme  peace,  all  Causes  bewixt  man  and 
man,  pertaining  to  the  Cognizance  of  the  Ruler  of  ten, 
must  be  put  upon  Suit  or  Tryal,  within  the  space  of  one 
moneth  (a).  Cases  belonging  to  the  Court  of  six,  must  be 
put  upon  Suit  or  Tryal  within  the  space  of  three  moneths. 
Causes  belonging  to  the  Court  of  three,  must  be  put  upon 
Suit  or  Tryal,  within  the  space  of  nine  moneths.  Causes 
belonging  to  the  Court  of  Eleven,  must  be  put  upon  Suit 
or  Tryal,  in  the  space  of  one  year  and  half;  or  else  to  be 
frustrate,  and  lose  the  priviledge  of  receiving  judgement  by 
man  ;  unless  it  appear  that  the  providence  of  God  did  hin- 
der, or  that  the  Defendant  or  Delinquent  party  did  dis- 
appoint it:  in  those  cases  it  may  be  admitted  to  Tryal, 
and  receive  Judgement,  though  it  be  of  a  longer  standing. 

But  Criminal  Offences  are  to  be  judged,  at  the  time 
when,  and  in  the  place  where  they  be  discovered,  and  that 
with  the  most  speed  that  may  be. 

Such  Cases  as  are  difficult,  weighty,  and  worthy  such 
attendance,  and  cannot  attain  an  acceptable  issue  in  the 
Court  where  they  firstly  appertain,  may  ascend  from 
Court  to  C6urt,  either  by  Appeal,  or  by  Transmission 
to  the  Court  of  eleven.  And  whatsoever  Cause  of  weight 
cannot  receive  issue  there,  may  yet  ascend  either  by 
Appeal  or  Transmission  to  the  highest  Council  (6),  where  ' 

{a)  Lev.  19.  17.    Thou  shall  i^ot  suffer  sin  upon  him. 

lb)  Exod  18.  22.  Great  mntters  they  shall  bring  to  thee.  26.  Hard  matters  thejr 
brought  to  Moses.  Deut.  17.  8.  9.  If  there  arise  a  matter  too  hard  for  thee,  &c,  thoa 
shall  come  to  the  Priesti,  Levites  and  Judges  that  shall  be  in  those  days. 


162  The  Christian  Cammanwealth. 

by  Grods  appointment  it  must  receive  final  determina- 
tion (a). 

In  lesser  Commonwealths,  where  there  be  no  Rulers  or 
Courts  of  the  Superiour  order,  Cases  ascend  to  the  highest 
Council  from  the  Court  of  eleven :  but  where  there  be 
Rulers  and  Courts  of  the  Superiour  order,  there  the  Cause 
must  ascend  from  the  Court  of  eleven  in  the  single  Plat- 
form, to  the  Court  of  one  Myriade,  or  the  lowest  Court  in 
the  Superiour  order ;  and  so  proceed  until  it  come  to  the 
Supreme  Council. 

Every  Appeal  in  this  Platforfti  of  Government  which 
the  Lord  hath  instituted,  doth  ascend  to  an  higher  Court, 
and  to  other  Judges.  There  is  one  of  the  Judges  from 
whom  he  appealeth,  a  member  of  the  Court  to  whom  he 
doth  appeal,  truly  to  inform  the  Court  of  the  Reasons  of 
their  Judgement :  and  but  one,  lest  they  should  sway  over- 
much, and  the  Appealant  want  the  priviledge  of  new  and 
unprejudices  Judges. 

Whosoever  shall  trouble  the  free  passage  of  Justice  in 
the  ending  of  Causes,  through  a  perverse  will,  or  base 
ends,  or  captious  and  quarrelsome  wit,  besides  the  charges 
of  such  agitations,  he  is  worthy  of  some  other  medicine, 
as  may  most  effectually  do  him  good,  and  warn  others. 

In  all  Courts,  he  that  hath  power  to  call  the  Court,  hath 
a  double  Vote :  as  for  example,  in  the  Court  of  Three,  if 
the  Ruler  of  an  hundred  differ  from  the  two  Rulers  of 
fifty,  the  Court  is  equally  divided  :  if  there  be  three  Ru- 
lers of  fifty,  and  one  of  them  concur  with  the  Ruler  of  an 
hundred,  their  sentence  standeth. 

When  the  Court  is  equally  divided,  it  is  a'difficult  Case, 
and  must  ascend  to  the  Court  next  above  them  by  Trans- 
mission ;  or  if  the  lesser  part  of  the  Court  oppose  the  sen- 
tence of  the  Court,  as  judging  it  sinful,  then  it  must  as- 
cend by  Transmission. 

If  a  Judge  of  any  Court  shall  oppose  the  rest  in  point 
of  sin,  without  weighty  and  considerable  grounds,  in  the 
judgement  of  the  Court  whither  it  ascends  or  is  trans- 
mitted ;  his  first  offence  shall  be  corrected  with  the  charge 
of  such  transmission,  and  admonition  from  the  higher 
Court :  after,  offences  in  like  kind  are  to  be  considered 

(a)  And  thoa  thalt  do  according  to  the  Sentence,  &c.    Deut  17. 10. 


The  Christian  Commonwealth.  153 

and  judged,  bj  proportion  to  the  process  of  Christ  in  the 
Church,  even  unto  rejection  from  his  Place  and  Office. 

The  highest  Council  is  to  consist  of  a  convenient  num- 
ber of  the  most  holy  and  able  men  (a)  orderly  chosen  for 
that  purpose,  by  all  the  orders  of  (b)  men  under  their 
jurisdiction,  every  man  in  order  having  an  equal  voice 
therein,  from  among  all  the  Elders  of  the  people :  both  in 
the  Commonwealth,  and  in  the  Churches  (c),  the  biggest 
number  being  civil  Elders  (d). 

The  Lord  commanded  Moses  that  seventy  Elders  should 
stand  with  him  before  the  Lord ;  hence  there  were  seven- 
ty one  of  the  Council,  and  Moses  was  the  chief,  and  or- 
dained the  rest. 

According  to  which  patern,  the  people  are  to  chuse  their 
chief  Ruler  first :  who  being  installed  by  some,  instead  of 
the  whole  people,  must  instal  the  rest,  and  is  Chief  Ruler 
of  the  Supreme  Council,  who  must  call  and  manage  their 
Assemblies. 

As  the  overburdensomness  of  the  work  of  Government 
by  one  man,  was  the  ground  of  the  institution  of  the 
forenamed  orders  of  Government :  so  the  overburdensom- 
ness of  the  work  for  one  man  to  hear  all  hard  Cases, 
and  Appeals,  together  with  other  Cares  to  provide  for  the 
welfare  of  the  people,  was  the  ground  of  the  institution 
of  the  Supreme  Council  (e). 

(a)  Nam.  11.  1G.  Whom  thou  knowest,  to  be  Elders  of  the  people.  With  Exod. 
18.  21.     Able  men,  such  as  fear  God,  men  of  truth,  hating  covetousness. 

(b)  Deut.  1.  1.3.     Take  ye  wise  men. 

(c)  Deut.  17.  y.  And  thou  sh.ilt  come  to  the  Priests,  Invites,  and  Judi^es  that  shall 
be  in  those  days  and  enquire,  and  they  shall  shew  thee,  &c.  2  Chro.  19.  8.  Moreover, 
in  Jerusalem  did  Jehosaphat  set  of  the  Invites,  and  of  the  Priests,  and  of  the  chief  of 
the  fathers  in  Israel,  for  the  Judirenient  of  the  Lord,  and  for  controversie.  Deut.  21.  2. 
Then  thy  Klders  and  Judges  shall  come  forth,  and  shall  measure,  &c.  ver.  5.  And 
the  priests  the  sons  of  Levi  shall  come  neer,  and  by  their  word  shall  every  stroke  and 
every  controversie  be  tryed.  Deut.  ID.  17.  Both  the  men  between  whom  the  contro- 
versie is,  shall  stand  before  the  Lord,  before  the  Priests  and  Judges.  Ezek.  44.  24. 
And  in  controversie  they  shall  stand  in  judgement,  and  they  shalljudge  it  according 
to  my  judgement. 

{d)  Numb.  n.  16.  Gather  to  me  seventy  men  of  the  Elders  of  Israel.  VideAinsw. 
in  Loc.  .  Hence  the  Hebrews  gather,  that  they  were  chose  out  of  all  the  Tribes, 
and  therefore  there  was  not  less  than  five  of  a  Tribe,  and  so  many  of  Levi,  who  be- 
fore the  institutinn  of  the  Sanhedrim,  were  taken  of  God  instead  of  the  first  born,  to 
be  Priests  unto  God  :  for  they  were  taken  to  be  Priests  at  Sinai,  Numb.  3.  14.  And 
this  institution  was  at  Kibroth-hattaavah,  Numb.  11.  34.  with  Numb.  31.  15.  16.  17. 

(e)  Deut  1.9.  I  spake  to  you.  and  said,  1  am  not  able  to  bear  you  alone.  Numb. 
11.  I  L  ad  16.  ver.  11.  And  Moses  said  unto  the  Lord,  Wherefore  hast  thou  afflicted 
thy  servant,  and  wherefore  have  I  not  found  favour  in  thy  sight,  that  thou  layest  the 
burden  of  all  this  people  upon  me  ?  ver.  14.  I  am  not  able  to  bear  all  the  people 
alone,  because  it  is  too  heavy  for  me. 

▼OL.  IX.  20 


164  The  Christian  Commohvoealth. 

The  conveniency  of  the  number  of  this  high  Council,  is 
thus  to  be  measured,  and  judged  hy  Gods  Standard. 
Israel  had  at  least  three  Millions  of  people,  (though  not 
one  Million  of  men  in  order,  or  not  much  more :  tor  the 
Soutdiers  were  but  six  hundred  thousand)  now  their 
Supreme  Council  consisted  of  seventy  one ;  therefore  that 
is  the  highest  number  that  will  be  needed  among  men 
ordinarily  ;  yea,  though  a  people  should  be  much'sbigger, 
I  see  not  but  that  number  may  suffice :  But  that  number 
is  not  limitted ;  because  God  denyeth  not  this  Govern- 
ment to  fifty  who  are  the  least  Court,  and  a  lesser  number 
of  men  then  the  highest  Council  in  Israel  had,  by  Gods 
appointment ;  and  if  it  be  not  limited  on  the  one  side,  so 
nor  on  the  other. 

Again,  the  lowest  number  of  the  Supreme  Council  that 
may  be,  is  five ;  because  that  Council  must  consist  both  of 
Magistrates,  and  Elders  of  Churclies;  Elders  of  both  sorts, 
one  of  a  sort  sufficeth  not,  and  the  bigger  part  must  be 
Magistrates. 

This  Council  must  alwaies  be  in  being,  personally  or 
virtually,  to  give  answer  to  all  Cases  propounded,  touch- 
ing the  Law  of  God,  and  the  application  thereof,  to  any 
particular  Person  or  Cause,  and  to  take  care  for  the  gener- 
al Protection,  Provision,  and  Government  of  the  whole, 
in  truth,  holiness,  and  peace. 


CHAP.  V. 


The  duties  of  all  the  Rulers  of  the  civil  part  of  the 
Kingdom  of  (  hrist,  are  as  followeth. 

The  Office  and  Duty  of  ail  the  Rulers,  is  to  govern  the 
people  ifi  the  orderly  and  seasonable  practice  of  all  the 
Commanders  of  God,  in  actions  liable  to  Political  obser- 
vation, whether  of  piety  and  love  to  God,  or  of  justice, 
and  love  to  man  with  peace. 

Hence  they  are  keepers  of  both  Tables,  and  are  so  to 
look  that  all  the  Commandments  of  God  be  observed,  as  to 
compel  men  to  their  undoubted  duty,  and  punish  them  for 
their  undoubted  sins,  errours  and  transgressions. 


The  Christian  Cammanwealth.  165 

A  case,  a  Duty,  a  Sin,  is  said  then  to  be  undoubted, 
when  either  it  is  expresly,  or  by  general  approved  conse- 
quence, commanded  or  forbidden  in  the  Scriptures;  or 
when  it  hath  passed  the  circuit  of  Gods  Polity,  and  re- 
ceived its.  final  determination  according  to  the  Scriptures; 
unto  which  not  to  submit,  is  capital  presumption. 

Hence  again,  Rulers  are  eminently  concerned  to  main- 
tain the  purity  of  Religion,  with  all  care  and  power;  holi- 
ness, truth,  and  peace  being  much  concerned  herein. 

Hence  again,  all  Rulers  must  be  skilful  in  the  Scrip- 
tures ;  they  must  read  and  meditate  in  the  same  all  the 
daies  of  their  life,  that  thereby  they  may  be  enabled  to  do 
their  Office  faithfully,  and  religiously  so  long  as  they  live. 

Hence  again,  they  are  to  give  counsel  and  command  for 
the  well  ordering  of  all  the  Publick  Affairs  of  their  people; 
both  in  Education  of  Youth,  whether  in  Schools  or  other 
Occupations;  in  walking  in  their  Callings,  in  their  Neigh- 
bourhood, commerce  and  converse  with  men,  in  subjecting 
themselves  to  Government,  with  Religion,  Justice  and 
Peace. 


CHAP.    VI. 


The  Office  of  the  Ruler  of  ten,  is  to  see  all  his  people 
walk  as  becometh  Gods  people  in  their  several  places, 
furthering  the  same  upon  all  occasions.  And  at  appointed 
times  to  sit  alone  to  hear  and  determine  Causes  of  Jus- 
tice, and  of  evil  conversation ;  to  declare  Gods  sentence 
and  counsel  in  every  Case,  and  see  it  executed. 

Provided  it  be  with  the  consent  and  submission  of  the 
party  or  parties  concerned. 

All  difficult  Cases,  and  Appeals,  he  shall  binde  over  to 
the  Court  of  six ;  and  Capitals  in  life,  limb  or  banishment, 
to  the  Court  of  eleven. 

These  Rulers  are  next  the  people ;  hence  they  see  them 
*  most :  and  therefore  they  need  be  singularly  wise,  pa- 
tient, loving,  faithful,  and  zealously  holy  men.  So  great 
is  bis  work  and  charge,  that  it^had  need  extend  but  to  a 

*  Eaoh  oUier. 


156  The  Christian  Commonwealth. 

small  compass.    If  he  well  perform  his  Office,  it  doth  pre- 
vent much  trouble  to  Superiour  Courts. 

The  Office  of  the  Ruler  of  fifty,  is  to  see  that  all  the 
Rulers  of  ten  under  him,  be  faithful  in  their  Office  and 
Dutj ;  and  to  help  on  their  work,  in  all  Cases,  and  toward 
all  persons,  as  he  hath  occasion. 

As  also  to  call  and  keep  the  Court  of  six  in  their  sea- 
sons ;  where  all  Cases,  pertaining  to  the  publick  good  of 
all  his  order,  and  particular  Cases  betwixt  parties  of  the 
several  of  the  orders  of  ten  under  him,  are  nextly  (o  be 
tryed  and  determined,  together  with  Appeals  from  any  of 
the  Rulers  of  ten  under  him ;  and  difficult  Cases  trans- 
mitted from  them  to  this  Court. 

This  Court  hath  power  to  end  strifes,  judge  Causes,  de- 
clare and  pronounce  the  sentence  of  Gods  Word,  in 
mulcts,. and  punishments,  and  see  them  executed.  Diffi- 
cult Cases  they  shall  transmit ;  and  also  Appeals  they 
shall  bind  over,  unto  the  Court  of  three.  But  capitals  in 
life,  limb  or  banishment,  to  the  Court  of  eleven. 

The  Office  of  the  Ruler  of  an  hundred,  is  to  see  that 
the  Rulers  of  fifty  under  him,  do  perform  their  Office  and 
Duty  faithfully;  to  help  them  what  lieth  in  him,  in  any  of 
their  works  towards  their  Rulers  of  ten,  or  any  particular 
person  under  him.  Also  all  Causes  which  concern  the 
Publick  good  of  all  Orders  under  him,  are  in  his  charge. 
And  also  to  call  and  keep  the  Court  of  three,  where  Caus- 
es betwixt  parties  of  his  several  orders  of  fifty,  are  prop- 
erly to  be  tryed  and  determined  ;  with  Appeals  from  the 
Court  of  six,  and  such  difficult  Cases  as  that  Court  shall 
transmit  to  them. 

This  Court  hath  power  to  end  all  strifes,  judge  and  de- 
termine Causes,  declare  and  pronounce  the  sentence  of 
Gods  Word,  in  mulcts  and  punishments,  and  see  ihem 
executed.  Also  to  take  care  of  the  Publick  good  of  all 
their  Orders.  Appeals,  difficult  Cases,  and  capitals  in  life 
and  limb,  and  banishment,  they  shall  bind  over  and  trans- 
mit to  the  Court  of  eleven. 

The  Office  of  the  Ruler  of  a  thousand,  is  to  see  that 
all  the  Rulers  of  hundreds  under  him,  do  perform  their 
Office  and  duty  faithfully ;  to  help  them  what  lieth  in  him 
in  any  part  of  their  charge  toward  their  Rulers  of  fifties, 


The  Christian  Commonwealth.  167 

or  Rulers  of  ten,  or  any  person  under  him  ;  also  all  Cases 
which  concern  the  Publick  good  of  all  the  orders  under 
him,  are  in  his  care  and  charge.  As  also  to  call  and  keep 
the  Court  of  eleven,  where  all  Causes  betwixt  persons  in 
several  of  his  Hundreds,  are  properly  belonging ;  with 
Appeals  from  the  Court  of  three,  and  difficult  Cases  trans- 
mitted to  them.  Also  all  Cases  which  concern  the  Pub- 
lick  good  of  all  the  Orders  under  them. 

Also  all  Capital  Cases  of  life,  limb,  or  banishment,  be- 
long this  Court :  because  it  is  the  highest  and  most  solemn 
Judicatory  in  the  single  Platform,  and  fullest  of  Majesty. 
The  highest  punishment  is  litly  pronounced,  in  a  more 
solemn  Judicatory,  then  is  the  Court  of  six,  or  three;  un- 
less the  smalness  or  paucity  of  the  people  have  no  higher. 

Also  Cases  betwixt  parties  of  several  thousands  belong 
to  this  Court :  at  the  choice  of  the  Plaintiff  in  which 
Court  of  Eleven,  either  that  which  himself  doth  belong 
to,  or  that  which  his  Adversary  is  under,  fiut  this  con- 
sideration doth  belong  to  lesser  Commonwealths,  where 
they  have  no  Governour  of  the  Superiour  order,  and  yet 
more  then  one  Ruler  of  a  thousand. 

This  Court  hath  power  to  hear  and  judge  all  Causes 
brought  before  them ;  declare  and  pronounce  the  sentence 
of  Scripture,  in  all  mulcts  and  punishments,  even  death 
itself,  and  see  them  executed. 

Also  to  pronounce,  and  see  executed,  all  such  sentences 
as  the  Supreme  Council  doth  determine,  and  remit  unto 
them.  Namely,  thus  it  is  in  lesser  Commonwealths, 
where  there  be  no  Courts  of  the  Superiour  order,  difficult 
Cases  they  must  transmit  to  the  highest  Council,  and  bind 
over  Appeals  unto  them,  where  there  be  no  Courts  of  the 
Superiour  order,  betwixt  the  Supreme  Council  and  them. 

The  Office  of  the  Supreme  Council,  is  to  see  that  all 
the  Rulers  of  thousands,  yea,  all  Rulers  and  Officers,  of 
all  orders  and  degrees,  do  their  Office  and  Duty  faithfully; 
and  to  receive  difficult  Cases  and  Appeals,  from  the  Court 
of  eleven;  to  search  the  Scriptures  with  all  faithfulness, 
to  find  out  the  pure  mind  of  God,  impartially  and  sincere- 
ly to  apply  the  Cause  propounded  thereunto;  to  declare 
the  will  of  God  in  the  Case,  and  so  return  it  to  the  Court 
of  eleven,  whereto  it  appertaineth,  there  to  receive  judge- 


158  The  Christian  Commonwealth. 

ment  accordingly.  And  whosoever  will  do  presumptu- 
ously, and  not  hearken  unto  that  sentence,  shall  be  put  to 
death,  Deut.  17.  11.  12. 

In  the  single  Platform,  the  Court  of  eleven  is  next  to 
the  Supreme  Council,  for  transmission  and  remission  of 
Causes ;  but  where  there  be  Courts  of  the  Superiour  or- 
der, it  is  not  so. 

Also  they  are  to  declare  the  Counsel  and  Will  of  God, 
touching  War  and  Peace,  and  accordingly  transmit  the 
work  to  such  of  the  Rulers  as  they  judge  most  meet  to 
accomplish  the  same. 

Also  to  take  care  for,  and  provide  means  for  Publick 
welfare  and  subsistence,  by  Trading,  both  Foraign  and 
Domestick,  Fishing,  Tillage,  &c.  with  all  other  necessary 
and  useful  occupation. 

Especially  they  are  to  take  care  for  peace  and  truth  in 
Religion,  in  all  the  Churches,  and  among  all  the  people ; 
and  the  propagation  also  thereof.  As  also  the  furtherance 
of  all  good  learning  in  all  the  Liberal  Arts  and  Sciences. 

The  Supreme  Council,  and  all  Courts,  yea,  and  all  Rul- 
ers, have  power  to  bind  Offenders,  and  Persons  concerned, 
to  appear,  or  prosecute  in  due  order  and  season ;  punish 
for  offences  in  that  kind ;  and  if  need  be,  commit  to  prison 
for  security. 

If  Rulers  offend  either  morally  or  politically,  by  rigor, 
partiality  or  remisness,  his  or  their  next  Superiours  have 
power  to  correct  such  evils,  according  to  the  Word  of 
God ;  and  as  need  may  be,  the  Case  may  orderly  ascend, 
from  Court  to  Court,  even  to  the  highest  Council.  Heresie 
Blasphemy,  and  other  Gross  (especially  if  capital)  sins, 
are  just  cause,  in  due  order,  of  deposition  from  his  office, 
by  the  Supreme  Council ;  the  cause  coming  to  them  either 
by  orderly  ascent,  or  taken  in  immediately,  as  a  notorious 
scandal,  which  calleth  for  speedy  remedy. 


The  Christian  CammonweaUh.  169 


CHAP.  VII. 

So  much  for  the  single  Platform  of  Christ  his  Govern- 
ment :  now  followeth  the  Superiour,  arising  out  of  the  first. 

When  the  Lord  shall  bow  the  hearts  of  great  Nations, 
to  embrace  this  form  of  Government,  there  being  popu- 
lous Cities,  Provinces,  and  Countries,  where  the  Rulers 
of  thousands  will  be  greaily  multiplied,  and  Causes  fre- 
quently fall  out,  betwixt  parties  of  several  thousands  ;  yea, 
and  betwixt  the  Rulers  of  thousands  sometimes,  being  so 
numerous,  insomuch  that  the  Supreme  Council  will  be 
overburdened,  even  as  Moses  was. 

Hence  there  will  he  a  necessity  of  erecting  the  Superi- 
our platform  of  the  Lords  Government :  which  by  propor- 
tion unto  the  single  Platforme  (which  is  more  fully  exprest 
ID  Scripture)  doth  arise  from  it,  and  is  builded  upon  it. 

Namely,  that  every  ten  orders  of  thousands,  should 
chuse  a  Ruler  of  ten  thousand,  or  a  Myriade ;  and  five 
orders  of  Myriades,  a  ruler  of  fifty  thousand,  or  five 
Myriades ;  and  two  orders  of  five  Myriades  should  chuse 
a  Ruler  of  an  hundred  thousand,  or  ten  Myriades:  and 
ten  orders  of  an  hundred  thousands,  or  ten  Myriades, 
should  chuse  a  Ruler  of  a  thousand  thousand,  or  an  hun- 
dred Myriades,  or  a  Million. 

I  am  led  to*  believe,  that  this  Superiour  order  of  Rulers, 
is  a  Divine  institution,  not  only  by  cosequence  of  pro- 
portion to  the  single  Platform ;  but  lexpresly,  and  that  it 
was  practised  by  Moses  in  Israel:  namely,  that  ten  Rulers 
of  thousands  had  a  Ruler  over  them  of  ten  thousands,  or 
of  a  Myriade  ;  and  that  the*  order  of  Myriades  or  ten  thou- 
sands, were  as  duly  &  orderly  observed,  as  the  orders  of 
thousands  were.  For  Numb.  10.  36.  when  they  rested 
from  their  marching,  Moses  blessed  them,  and  said.  Re- 
turn O  Lord,  to  the  Myriades  of  the  thousands  of  Israel : 
therefore  there  were  orders  of  Myriades,  as  well  as  of 
thousands. 

Furthermore,  it  is  expresly  said,  by  Moses  in  his  song, 
Deut.  33.  2.  The  Lord  came  from  Sinai  (namely,  where 
the  order  of  Government  was  first  instituted)  and  he  came 
with  myriades  of  Saints.     Therefore  orders  of  Myriades 


160  The  Christian  Commonwealth. 

were  instituted  and  acted  from  the  first  foundation  of  this 
Government. 

Likewise,  Deut.  33.  17.  he  speaketh  of  the  orders  of 
Myriades  among  the  Tribes,  as  familiarly  observable,  as 
the  orders  of  thousands.  So  that  we  may  see  this  Supe- 
riour  order  and  platform  of  Government,  observed  in 
Israel,  and  express(*d  in  the  holy  Scriptures. 

The  Ruler  of  a  Myriade  hath  this  eminency,  above  a 
Ruler  of  ten  in  the  single  Platform,  that  all  his  ten  whom 
he  immediately  ruleth,  are  eminent  Rulers. 

Hence  they  are  an  Assembly  of  Judges,  and  a  Court, 
for  number  every  way  proportionable  to  the  Court  of  elev- 
en :  but  for  eminency  and  distinction  they  are  more 
properly  called  the  Court  of  one  Myriade. 

The  Ruler  of  fifty  thousand  or  five  Myriades  holdeth  a 
Court  for  number  proportionable  to  the  Court  of  six  in 
the  single  Platform  :  but  for  eminency  and  distincrtion, 
they  are  more  properly  called  the  Court  of  five  Myiiades. 

The  Ruler  of  an  hundred  thousand,  or  ten  Myriades, 
holdeth  a  Court  for  number  proportionable  to  the  Court  of 
three  in  the  single  Platform  :  but  for  eminency  and  dis- 
tinction, it  is  more  properly  called  the  Court  of  ten  Myri- 
ades. 

The  Ruler  of  a  thousand  thousand,  or  an  hundred  Myri- 
ades, holdeih  a  Court  for  number  proportionable  to  the 
Court  of  eleven  ;  but  for  eminency  and  distinction,  it  is 
more  properly  called  the  Court  of  one  hundred  Myriades. 

The  times  or  seasons,  Officers  or  other  means  for  the 
most  effectual  ordering  of  these  Courts,  will  be  most  fitly 
discerned,  and  agreed,  by  such  a  people  as  may  have  use 
of  them. 

The  Causes  which  most  properly  belong  to  the  Court  of 
one  Myriade,  are  such  as  fall  out  betwixt  parties  of  their 
several  thousands;  as  also  difficult  Cases  transmitted  from 
the  Court  of  eleven,  and  Appeals  from  them. 

Also  all  such  Cases  as  concern  the  Publick  good  of  all 
under  them. 

All  Courts  of  the  Superiour  order  have  power  to  judge 
all  capital  Cases  whatsoever. 

The  Court  of  one  Myriade  hath  also  power  to  Judge 
any  Cause  betwixt  the  Rulers  of  the  thousands  of  that 


The  Christian  Commonwealth.  161 

Myriade,  who  are  not  to  judge  in  the  Court  when  their  own 
Case  is  judged.  Difficult  Cases  they  transmit,  and  ap- 
peals they  bind  over  to  the  Court  of  five  Myriades,  if  there 
he  such  a  Court  betwixt  them  and  the  Supreme  Council: 
otherwise  they  transmit  them  to  the  Council. 

The  Causes  which  properly  belong  to  the  Court  of  five 
Myriades,  are  such  as  fall  out  betwixt  parties  of  the  sever- 
al Myriades  under  them. 

I  will  ascend  no  higher,  in  describing  t'le  Courts  of  the 
Superiour  order:  party  because  Gods  Method  is  plain,  and 
also  it  will  be  rarely  of  use  in  any  Commonvveahh ;  es- 
pecially considering  that  which  I  farther  propound. 

Namely,  seeing  God  himself  was  pleased  to  appoint  a 
Prince,  a  chief  Ruler,  over  every  Tribe  in  Israel,  who 
were  distinguished,  by  that  civil  distinction  of  Kin- 
dreds. 

By  proportion  thereunto,  in  populous  Nations,  where 
there  be  other  civil  distinctions  of  societies  and  cohabita- 
tions of  men,  viz.  by  Cities,  Provinces,  Countries,  &c. 
should  not  they  chuse  a  Prince,  a  chief  Ruler  of  those 
several  Precincts  of  civil  society  ? 

Whose  Office  is  chiefly  to  take  care  of  the  good  Govern- 
ment, firstly,  of  all  the  Superiour  Rulers  under  him :  as 
also  of  all  the  rest,  as  he  hath  opportunity,  that  the  Lord 
may  rule  among  them. 

Likewise  to  hold  a  Court,  consisting  either  of  the  Rul- 
ers of  Myriades,  or  of  five  Myriades,  or  of  ten  Myriades, 
or  of  an  hundred  Myriades  according  to  the  greatness  of 
the  people  in  his  Precincts. 

This  Court  to  be  called  the  Court  of  the  Prince,  or 
Lord,  or  Chief  Ruler  of  such  a  Precinct ;  and  to  be  next 
unto  the  Supreme  Council :  from  which  Court,  onely  diffi- 
cult Cases  and  Appeals  have  access  to  the  Supreme  Coun- 
cil, and  to  which  they  remit  the  determinations  of  the 
Cause,  to  receive  its  judgement :  Lest  the  Supreme  Coun- 
cil be  oppressed  with  business  from  so  many  Courts,  and 
thereby  the  people  with  delays  of  hearing  and  issue,  oc- 
casioned thereby. 

It  seemeth  to  be  right  Orders,  and  according  to  Gods 
institution,  that  these  Princes  of  the  several  Tribes  or 

VOL.   iz.  21 


162  TTie  OhrisHan  CkmmonweaUh. 

Societies  of  men  should  be  members  of  the  Supreme  Coun- 
cil :  The  whole  Uominiou  beintj  distributed  unto  the  Su- 
preme  Counsellours,  or  to  so  ninny  of  then)  as  may  be  meet. 
For  the  Princes  of  the  Tribes  of  Isrnel  (it  seeineth  to  ine) 
were  menibers  of  the  Sanhedrim  or  Supreme  Council ;  be- 
cause God  commanded  that  they  should  be  chosen  very  care- 
fully from  among  the  KIders  of  the  |)e()ple.  Hence  they 
will  chuse  the  most  choice  of  their  Elders  to  send  up  with 
Moses  to  stand  before  God.  Now  they  could  not  chuse 
better,  fitter,  and  men  more  acceptable  to  God,  out  of  all 
their  Elders,  then  those  whom  God  himself  had  chosen 
by  name,  to  be  Princes  of  the  Tribes. 

Besides,  it  is  exceedingly  harmonious,  in  the  frame  of 
this  Government,  that  it  should  be  so:  for  though  who- 
ever of  the  other  Elders,  whether  of  the  single  or  Supe- 
riour  Order,  be  chosen  to  the  Supreme  Council,  it  may 
seem  requisite,  they  should  leave  the  lower  station,  lest 
when  Appeals  have  passed  in  the  circuit  of  Gods  Govern- 
ment, and  come  to  the  highest  Council,  there  should  be 
sundry  of  them,  through  whose  judgement  the  Cause  had 
formerly  passed,  which  may  prove  prejudical  both  to  their 
j:ersons,  and  to  the  Cause. 

But  when  it  hath  lastly  passed  through  the  Court  of 
the  Prince  of  the  Tribe,  meet  it  is  that  one  of  the  last 
Court  through  which  it  passed,  should  be  present  in  the 
Supreme  Council,  to  give  true  information,  how  they  last- 
ly after  all  former  Tryals  did  find  the  Cause. 

But  this  is  to  be  observed  in  the  distribution  of  the 
whole  Dominion  to  the  several  Supreme  Counsellors, 
that  no  such  civil  Dominion  is  to  be  put  upon 'or  accepted 
by  such  Elders  of  Churches,  as  are  Members  of  the  high 
Council ;  as  being  such  whose  only  Office  and  Work  is  to 
search  the  holy  Scriptures,  and  give  all  attendance  to  de- 
clare the  Divine  Oracle  of  God  in  such  Cases  as  are  in 
hand,  of  what  nature  soever  they  be :  yea,  and  if  the 
Council  see  need,  to  call  Ecclesiastical  Councils,  greater 
or  lesser,  to  search  out  the  mind  of  Christ;  for  his  pres- 
ence and  blessing  is  in  every  Ordinance;  and  all  joyntlj 
conspire  the  advancement  of  his  Kingdom,  and  the  doing 
of  his  will. 

The  Election  of  all  Superior  Rulers,  is  to  be  after  the 


I%e  Christian  Commonwealth.  163 

isame  manner  as  in  the  single  form,  viz,  by  all  the  people,* 
over  whom  they  are  to  rule. 

Some  of  the  Princes  of  the  Tribes  of  Israel,  may  seem 
to  be  Rulers  of  fifty  thousands,  or  of  fives  Orders  of  Myri- 
ades:  yet  the  Office  of  the  Princes  was  not  onely  under 
that  noiion,  but  dUo  as  an  head  of  a  civil  society,  a  kin- 
dred, an  eminent  part,  a  division  of  the  Commonwealth : 
for  some  of  the  Tribes  had  but  four  Myriades,  and  some 
but  three,  and  therefore  could  not  in  that  way  and  order 
have  a  Ruler  of  five  Myriades.  Therefore  they  must 
needs  be  instituted  under  another  consideration,  viz,  as 
being  the  head  or  chief  Ruler  over  an  eminent  part,  or 
division  of  the  Commonwealth,  being  civilly  divided  into 
such  societies. 


CHAP.   VIII. 


So  much  for  the  Platform  of  the  Lords  Government. 
Now  it  remains  to  consider  of  the  Laws  by  w  hich  these 
Rulers  are  to  Govern  the  Lords  people.  The  written 
Word  of  God  is  the  perfect  Systeme  or  Frame  of  Laws, 
to  guide  all  the  Moral  actions  of  man,  either  towards  God 
or  man  :  the  Application  whereof  to  every  Case  according 
to  its  circumstances,  must  be  by  the  wisdom  and  discretion 
of  the  Judges,  guided  by  the  light  of  the  Scriptures,  and 
a  pure  Conscience. 

The  judgement  and  determination  of  a  Cause,  is  nothing 
.  else,  but  the  particular  application  of  the  Cause,  according 
to  all  its  circumstances,  unto  the  Rule  and  Standard  of 
Gods  Word. 

The  Records  of  which  judgements,  are  equivalent  to 
Humane  Laws.  Which  so  far  as  the  Case  with  all  its 
circumstances  considered  is  rightly  applyed  to  the  Rule  of 
the  Word,  is  a  deduct,  from  Scripture,  and  bindeth  the 
Consciences,  both  of  Judges  alvvay  so  to  judge  in  the  like 
case,  and  the  people  so  to  walk. 

Which  Records  to  order  wisely,  and  publish  for  common 

*  Or  orders  of  men. 


164  The  Chriitian  Cammanwealtk. 

instruction  and  edification,  is  a  work  of  great  wisdom,  and 
tendeth  much  to  Gods  glory,  the  good  of  the  people,  and 
the  facilitating  and  expediting  justice,  among  them.  All 
Strangers,  are  to  be  accounted  under  the  Government  of 
those  Orders  where  they  reside,  and  where  their  business 
lieth  ;  so  as  to  have  the  benefit  of  the  Government  of  the 
Lord,  as  our  own  people  have. 


FINIS< 


A  DISCOURSE 


PRONOUNCED  BEFORE  THE  SOCIETY,  OCTOBER  81, 1844}  ON  THE  COM- 
PLETION OF  FIFTY  YEARS  FROM  ITS  INCORPORATION. 


BY  JOHN   G.   PALFREY. 


Mr.  President  and  Gkntlimen  or  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Sociitt: 

The  completion  of  a  half  century  since  your  associa- 
tion was  incorporated  has  appeared  to  you  a  fit  occasion 
for  looking  back  to  its  origin  and  surveying  its  labors,  and 
you  have  been  pleased  to  direct  me,  as  one  of  the  least 
busy  of  your  number,  to  put  together  some  such  account 
of  its  designs  and  its  proceedings  as  the  short  time  allowed 
by  your  arrangements  would  permit.  I  undertake  the 
task  with  great  diffidence  of  my  ability  to  do  it  any  jus- 
tice, but  with  a  promptness  which  not  to  show  would  \  be 
to  prove  myself  a  very  unworthy  member  of  your  indus- 
trious brotherhood. 

Our  society  takes  its  date  from  the  year  1790.  The 
generation  immediately  preceding  that  then  upon  the  stage 
had  had  occasion  to  expend  its  energies  in  toils  far  different 
from  those  of  science.  The  close  of  the  Seven  Years' 
War,  in  which  the  New  England  colonies,  especially  Mas- 
sachusetts, had  borne  so  onerous  a  part,  was  scarcely  fol- 
lowed by  a  short  breathing  space  before  the  contest  of  the 
Revolution  began.  Eight  years  of  anxious  struggle  for 
iDdependence,  and  six  years  more  of  exhaustion  and  dis- 
order before  a  government  was  organized  under  the  Federal 
Constitution,  afforded  little  encouragement  to  pursuits  re- 
quiring quiet  and  leisure  for  their  votaries,  and  a  settled 
state  of  the  public  mind  for  their  due  appreciation  and 
patronage.  Two  learned  societies,  the  American  Pbilo* 
sophical   Society,   founded   in  1769,  and   the   American 


1 66  Semi-  Centennial  Discourse. 

Academy,  in  1780,  were  of  earlier  origin  ;  but  the  multi- 
plication of  such  institutions  was  not  to  be  looked  for  till 
more  tranquit  times,  and  especially  attention  was  more 
likely  to  be  turned  to  the  sources  of  the  history  of  the 
country,  from  the  period  when  it  had  vindicated  an  inde- 
pendent nationality,  and  had  won  a  place  for  its  history 
by  the  side  of  that  of  the  other  families  of  man. 

The  original  idea  of  this  society  has  been  attributed  to 
our  late  estimable  fellow-laborer,  Mr.  Thomas  Wallcut. 
It  appears,  however,  to  be  a  more  probable  account  which 
ascribes  the  first  movement  to  Dr.  Belknap  and  Judge 
Minot.*  Dr.  Belknap  had  removed  from  Dover,  New 
Hampshire,  to  Boston  three  years  before.  In  the  prepara- 
tion of  his  "  History  of  New  Hampshire,"  of  which  the  first 
volume  was  published  in  1784,  he  had  been  made  to  feel 
the  want  of  access  to  some  full  repository  of  materials  for 
recovering  the  story  of  our  early  times.  Judge  Minot, 
who,  by  his  "  History  of  the  Insurrections  in  Massachusetts," 
had  manifested  and  cultivated  his  ability  and  taste  for  this 
department  of  study,  —  Judge  Sullivan,  then  preparing  for 
his  "  History  of  Maine,"  —  and  Dr.  John  Eliot,  who  had 
been  long  laboring  on  the  collections  finally  incorporated 
into  his  **  Biographical  Dictionary," —  had  experienced  the 
same  need  of  a  more  sufficient  apparatus.  Mr.  James  Win- 
throp,  of  Cambridge,  and  Dr.  Peter  Thacher,  of  Boston,  had 
an  inclination  for  such  pursuits,  and  were  in  possession  of 
original  historical  materials,  thought  to  be  of  value.  Mr. 
Wallcut,  with  a  genuine  antiquarian  (piXonovia^  had  been 
in  the  habit  of  transcribing  important  ancient  papers,  to 
place  them  beyond  the  reach  of  accident  These  gentle- 
men, with  Dr.  James  Freeman  and  Judge  Tudor,  of  Bos- 
ton, and  the  Honorable  William  Baylies,  of  Dighton,  men 

*  These  statements  are  printed  as  they  were  delivered.  A  friend  has  since  called 
my  attention  to  an  obituary  notice  of  Dr.  Belknap,  published  in  the  Columbian 
Centinel  for  June  25,  1798,  and  understood  to  be  from  the  pen  of  Dr.  John  Eliot, 
who  could  not  have  failed  to  be  well  informed  upon  the  point  in  question.  The 
following  is  an  extract:  — "  The  Historicnl  Society  have  lost  their  most  laborious  and 

diliffent  member,  and  die  founder  of  their  institution He  frequently  met 

with  disappointment  from  the  loss  of  valuable  papers,  and  he  oAen  mentioned  to  his 
friends  in  New  Hampshire  and  Boston,  that  it  was  necessary  to  preserve  them  by 
multiplyinff  copies,  and  making  it  the  principal  duty  and  interest  of  an  association 
to  collect  them,  and  to  study  their  value.  The  proposals  of  Dr.  Belknap  met  with 
the  approbation  and  encouragement  of  several  gentlemen  in  this  town  and  its  enri* 
rons,  and  the  society  was  incorporated  in  1794. 


Send-  Centenniat  Discourse .  1 67 

of  a  kindred  love  of  antiquity  and  truth,  were  the  first 
associates.  At  a  meeting,  at  which  they  all  were  present, 
except  Judge  Minot  and  Mr.  Baylies,  oifr  society  was 
organized  on  the  24ih  day  of  January,  1791  ;  some  prelim- 
inary arrangements  having  been  made,  at  an  interview 
some  weeks  before,  between  Drs.  Belknap,  Thacher,  and 
Eliot,  and  Judges  Tudor  and  Winthrop.  Judge  Sullivan 
was  chosen  President;  Dr.  Belknap,  Corresponding  Sec- 
retary; Mr.  Wallcut,  Recording  Secretary;  Judge  Tudor, 
Treasurer ;  Dr.  Eliot,  Librarian ;  and  Dr.  Thacher,  Judge 
Minot,  and  Mr.  Winthrop,  the  Standing  Committee. 

The  objects  of  the  society  were  described  in  its  con- 
stitution to  be,  "  the  preservation  of  books,  pamphlets, 
manuscripts,  and  records,  containing  historical  facts,,  bi- 
ographical anecdotes,  temporary  projects,  and  beneficial 
speculations  "  ;  and  "  ia  collection  of  observations  and  de- 
scriptions in  natural  history  and  topography,  together  with 
specimens  of  natural  and  artificial  curiosities,  and  a  selec- 
tion of  every  thing  which  can  improve  and  promote  the 
historical  knowledge  of  our  country,  either  in  a  physical 
or  political  view."  The  society  was  to  consist  of  thirty 
resident  and  thirty  corresponding  members,  a  number 
afterwards  doubled  ;  *  and  stated  meetings  were  to  be  held 
in  each  quarter  of  the  year,  an  arrangement  subsequently 
changed  to  that  of  a  meeting  every  month. 

The  first  meetings  took  place  at  the  houses  of  Judge 
Tudor  and  Judge  Sullivan  ;  after  a  few  months,  the  society 
obtained  the  use  of  an  apartment  belonging  to  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bank,  in  a  building  erected  for  a  linen  factory, 
on  land  now  occupied  by  Hamilton  Place;  in  January, 
1794,  by  the  liberality  of  the  projectors  of  the  Tontine 
Crescent,  on  the  south  side  of  Franklin  Street,  they  were 
enabled  to  place  their  collections,  which  had  now  become 
considerable,  in  the  upper  chamber  of  the  centre  building 
of  that  structure.  The  society's  act  of  incorporation 
bears  the  date  of  the  19th  of  the  following  month.     Its 

•  The  members  are  chosen  by  ballot,  in  the  form  prescribed  by  the  society's  Tote 
or  August  21),  1815,  that,  *'  In  balloting  for  members,  and  in  taking  any  quevtions  by 
yeas  and  nays,  the  law  and  custom  of  our  forefathers  be  adopted,  as  it  stands  in  the 
Statute  of  Elections  1643,  mvtatis  mutandis^ — *  For  the  yearly  choosing  of  Assist- 
anu,  the  Freemen  shall  use  Indian  Corn  and  Beans,  the  Indian  Com  to  manifest  eleo- 
tion,  and  the  Beans  contrary.*  ** 


1 68  Send-  Ckntennial  Discawae. 

sessions  continued  to  be  held  in  that  place  till  the  present 
more  convenient  accommodations  were  provided,  at  the  cost 
of  some  of  iis  members,  and  of  other  public-spirited  citi- 
zens, in  the  year  1833. 

The  original  scheme  of  the  society  does  not  appear  to 
have  contemplated  any  thing  beyond  the  collection  and 

Preservation  of  objects  and  materials  of  history,  for  the 
enefit  of  posterity,  and  especially  of  students  and  writers 
in  that  department.  But,  before  long,  wid^r  views  of  use- 
fulness opened  themselves,  as  they  might  be  expected  to 
do  to  men  of  such  comprehensive  intelligence.  In  1792,* 
several  papers  which  had  come  into  the  possession  of  the 
society  were  published  on  an  extra  sheet  of  the  **  Ameri- 
can Apollo,''  a  magazine  issued  weekly.  These  papers 
now  constitute  the  first  volume  of  our  Collections.  The 
number  of  original  contributions  was  soon  largely  in- 
creased, in  consequence  of.  a  circular  letter  addressed  by 
the  corresponding  secretary  to  clergymen,  and  other  men 
of  letters,  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  soliciting  com- 
munications relating  to  local  history ;  and  a  series  of  pub- 
lications has  continued  to  be  made,  at  about  the  average 
rate  of  one  volume  in  two  years,  embracing  relics  of  the  an- 
cient times,  and  communications  of  contemporary  scholars* 
The  success  of  our  society,  in  respect  to  its  original  ob- 
ject, will  bear  lasting  witness  to  the  enlightened  zeal  with 
which  its  affairs  have  been  conducted  through  the  first 
half  century.  The  library  contains  at  present  about  six 
thousand  printed  books,  besides  a  great  mass  of  manu- 
scripts, arranged  in  a  hundred  volumes,  mostly  furnished 
with  tables  of  contents.  Gathered  as  they  have  been 
from  various  sources,  and  as  opportunity  permitted,  these 
books  and  papers  are  of  course  miscellaneous,  and  of  un- 
equal value.  But  many  are  of  great  interest  and  curiosity, 
and  together  they  make  a  collection  which  the  writer  on 
the  antiquities  of  the  United  States,  and  especially  of  New 
/England,  is  bound  diligently  to  use.  Most  of  the  manu- 
scripts, without  the  public-spirited  care  of  our  founders, 
would  probably  long  since  have   perished,  or  gone  out  of 

*  On  the  23d  of  October  of  this  year,  by  appointment  of  the  society,  a  diacoarve 
was  delivered  by  Dr.  Belknap,  in  the  church  In  Brattle  Square,  on  the  completion 
of  three  centuries  since  the  discovery  of  America  by  Christopher  Columbus. 


Semi"  Centennial  Discourse.  1 69 

sight,  and  with  them  wouldr  have  been  lost  much  of  the 
clear  light  which  has  been  thrown  on  the  course  of  our 
early  history,  —  a  history  incomparably  precious  to  the 
New  England  man,  as  being  that  of  his  own  great  race,  in- 
estimably precious  to  the  wise  of  every  lineage,  as  being 
full  of  rich  instruction  and  example. 

The  publications  of  our  society,  it  may  be  permitted 
to  one  who  has  never  had  any  part  in  them  to  say,  have 
been  models  in  their  kind.  The  fidelity  and  skill  of  the 
editorial  labor  expended  on  them  have  not  been,  if  they 
can  be,  surpassed.  The  judicious  selection  with  which 
many  of  the  venerable  fragments  of  old  time  have  been 
transferred  from  their  obscurity  to  an  honored  place  in  our 
libraries;  the  scrupulous  accuracy  with  which  the  copy 
has  been  made  to  represent  the  often  faded  and  hardly 
legible  original ;  the  erudite  exactness  of  the  notes ;  the 
luxurious  fulness  of  the  indexes,  sure  and  prompt  guides 
to  every  apartment,  and  shelf,  and  object  of  the  labyrinth- 
ine treasure-house,  —  are  worthy  of  all  praise.  With 
such  helps,  the  reader  finds  himself  on  the  paths  to  a  wide 
range  of  knowledge,  with  the  least  possible  pains  of  his 
own  in  exploring  the  way ;  and  he  goes  on  his  course 
rejoicing,  sure  that,  as  far  as  he  proceeds,  he  is  treading 
on  safe  and  firm  ground.  The  publications  of  set  treatises 
from  the  primitive  age,  like  Hubbard's  "  History,"  Johnson's 
"Wonder-working  Providence,"  Mourt's  and  Winslow's 
"  Relations,"  Josselyn's  "  Account  of  Two  Voyages," 
Gorges's  and  Smith's  **  Descriptions  of  New  England," 
and  others,  are  not  more  commendable  examples  of  an 
intelligent  pursuit  of  the  objects  of  the  association,  than 
those  of  Governor  Bradford's  letter-book,  the  extracts  from 
the  papers  of  Deputy-Governor  Danforth  and  Mr.  Pynchon, 
the  memoranda,  public  and  private,  relating  to  the  expe- 
dition against  Cape  Breton,  and  numerous  other  discon- 
nected and  fragmentary  documents  illustrative  of  different 
points  in  our  annals. 

To  our  founders  belongs  the  credit  of  an  example 
which  has  been  followed  to  similar  good  results  in  various 
parts  of  the  country.  The  other  States  of  New  England, 
except  Vermont,  and  the  States  of  New  York,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Virginia,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Illinois,  and 

VOL.  IX.  22 


1 70  Semi-  Centennial  Discourse. 

Michigan,  have  each  thefr  historical  society.  The  society 
of  New  York  has  published  five  volumes  of  transactions; 
those  of  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  and  Pennsylvania, 
each  four ;  those  of  Maine  and  Georgia,  each  two ;  and 
that  of  Ohio,  one.  The  plan  of  these  associations,  ^and 
of  the  publications  issued  by  them,  is  substantially  the 
same  with  that  of  the  Massachusetts  society.  The  Anti- 
quarian Society  at  Worcester,  an  institution  of  similar 
aims,  has  published  two  valuable  volumes,  and  possesses  a 
collection  of  rare  interest,  which  we  contemplate  with  such 
gratification  as  could  be  increased  only  by  seeing  it  united 
to  our  own,  so  that  the  student  might  have  access  at  once 
to  the  rich  stores  of  both. 

Of  those  whose  names  have  been  most  prominent  among 
the  efficient  and  useful  members  of  our  association,  many 
continue  their  enlightened  labors  for  its  service  and  that 
of  the  community.  Of  those  departed,  some  have  not 
been  ambitious  to  connect  their  fame  with  the  historical 
literature  of  the  country  in  any  other  way.  To  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  chief  office  in  our  society.  Governor 
Gore  and  Lieutenant-Governor  Winthrop  devoted,  each 
for  several  years,  the  eminent  qualities  which  won  for 
them  the  confidence  of  their  fellow-citizens  in  high  civil 
trusts  ;  and  while  the  dignity  of  their  public  stations  was 
thus  reflected  upon  these  favorite  studies,  their  coveted 
companionship  increased  the  enjoyment,  and  their  liberal 
example  animated  the  zeal,  of  their  associates.  In  the 
trust  of  recording  secretary,  Thomas  Wallcut,  the  Rev- 
erend Drs.  Freeman  and  McKean,  and  Gamaliel  Brad- 
ford the  younger;  in  that  of  treasurer,  Judge  Tudor; 
in  that  of  librarian,  the  Reverend  Drs.  Kirkland,  Alden, 
and  McKean,  William  S.  Shaw,  Elisha  Clap,  and  James 
Bowdoin;  in  that  of  cabinet- keeper,  Samuel  Turell, 
Redford  Webster,  and  the  Reverend  Drs.  Alden  and  Mc- 
Kean ;  in  that  of  the  standing  committee,  the  Reverend 
Drs.  Thacher,  Freeman,  and  Kirkland,  and  Mr.  Emerson, 
Judge  Tudor,  James  Winthrop,  Redford  Webster,  Sam- 
uel P.  Gardner,  and  James  Bowdoin,  have  entitled  them- 
selves to  a  grateful  remembrance  this  day  by  their  en- 
lightened, diligent,  and  valuable  labors.  All  these  eminent 
persons,  with  the  exception  of  Governor  Gore,  Dr.  Alden, 


Sem-  Centennial  Discourse.  171 

and  Messrs.  Wallcut,  Bradford,  Shaw,  Turell,  James  Win- 
throp,  and  Gardner,  have  been  engaged  in  the  superin- 
tendence of  one  or  more  volumes  of  our  society's  publi- 
cations ;  a  service  which  has  also  been  discharged  by  the 
Reverend  Dr.  Morse,  Judge  William  Wetmore,  Ur.  Aaron 
Dexter,  Dr.  William  Spooner,  and  .his  early  lost  and 
greatly  lamented  son.  To  none  of  our  deceased  associ- 
ates does  the  praise  of  the  extreme  skill,  diligence,  and 
learning  of  the  editorial  preparation  of  the  published  vol- 
umes more  belong,  than  to  the  Reverend  Dr.  Freeman, 
and  Mr.  James  Bowdoin  ;  the  latter  of  whom  has  left  no 
other  proof  of  a  love  of  historical  studies  and  a  sagacity 
and  exactness  of  mind  which  made  him  a  sort  of  oracle 
among  his  friends,  and  the  former  wrote  no  history  but  what 
is  found  in  occasional  contributions  to  these  Collections. 

On  the  other  hand,  our  roll  exhibits  the  names  of  writers 
whose  works  have  taken  a  permanent  place  in  this  de- 
partment of  letters ;  of  Belknap,  the  author  of  the  digni- 
fied and  faithful  "History  of  New  Hampshire,''  and  of  the 
two  instructive  volumes  of  "  American  Biography  "  ;  *  of 
Minot,  whose  "  History  of  the  Insurrections  in  Massachu- 
setts "  and  "  Continuation  of  Hutchinson's  History ''  are 
monuments  alike  of  the  fulness  of  his  knowledge,  the 
soundness  and  candor  of  his  judgment,  and  the  elegance  of 
his  taste;  t  of  Holmes,  whose  indefatigable  spirit  of  inquiry, 
and  exacting  and  fastidious  love  of  truth,  were  necessary 
to  make  so  copious  and  trustworthy  a  book  as  the  "  An- 
nals of  America '' ;  J  of  Sullivan,  whose  always  cheerful 
and  active  mind  could  find  time,  in  a  life  seemingly  crowd- 
ed full  of  public  cares,  for  the  spirited  sketch  of  the  his- 
tory of  Maine.^  John  Adams,  though  destined  to  be  more 
known  in  history  by  even  higher  titles,  has  taken  a  place 
among  historical  writers  by  his  "  Defence  of  the  American 

*  Dr.  Belkntp  was  correspondin^r  lecreUry  the  first  seven  years,  and  a  member 
of  the  committees  for  the  publication  of  Vols.  I.,  III.,  and  IV. 

t  Judge  Mioot  was  successively  cabinet-keeper,  recording  secretary,  librarian, 
and  treasurer.  He  also  served  on  the  standing  committee,  and  on  the  committees 
for  publishing  Vols.  I.,  IV.,  and  VI. 

X  Dr.  Holmes  was  a  member  of  the  standing  committee  two  years,  and  then,  from 
1813,  corresponding  secretary  twenty  years,  till  his  death.  He  was  also  a  member 
of  the  committees  for  publishing  Vols.  VII.,  X.,  Xll.,  XV.,  XVI.,  XVII ,  XVIII., 
and  XX. 

§  Governor  Sullivan  was  president  of  the  Society  the  6rst  fifteen  years  from  its 
institution,  and  served  on  the  committee  for  publishing  Vol.  II. 


172  Semi- Centennial  Discourse. 

ConstitutionSi"  his  ^^  Letters  on  the  American  Revolution," 
bis  "  History  of  the  Dispute  with  America,"  and  other 
treatises.  The  writings  of  John -Lowell  were  for  tempo- 
rary purposes,  but  the  abundance  and  aptness  of  the  illus- 
trations, from  the  experience  of  all  time,  with  which  their 
lessons  were  pointed,  showed  a  mind  familiar  with  the 
discipline  of  the  historic  muse.  Nathan  Dane's  ^^  Abridg- 
ment of  American  Law  "  is  a  crowded  storehouse  of  facts 
in  the  local  history  of  that  severe  science.  William  Sul- 
livan's fluent  and  graceful  pen  traced  the  series  of  "His- 
torical Causes  and  Effects  from  the  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire  to  the  Reformation."  *  While  numerous  others  of 
our  associates  —  as  the  Reverend  Dr.  Eliot,  in  his  "  Bio- 
graphical Dictionary  "  of  the  New  England  worthies  ;  t 
the  Reverend  Dr.  Harris,  in  his  "  Life  of  Oglethorpe  " ;  J 
Alden  Bradford,  in  his  "  Life  of  Mayhew,"  "  History  of 
Massachusetts,"  *'  History  of  the  Federal  Government," 
and  other  works ;  ^  William  Tudor,  in  his  "  Life  of  James 
Otis  "  ;  II  William  Lincoln,  in  his  edition  of  the  "  Journal 
of  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,"  and  others 
in  works  of  less  pretension — have  evinced  their  own  wise 
estimation  of  the  examples  and  instructions  of  earlier 
tiroes,  and  with  a  generous  forethought  have  reflected  the 
light,  gathered  from  the  past  into  their  own  minds,  for 
the  improvement  and  guidance  of  the  times  to  come. 

The  progress  of  our  society  has  been  coeval  with  the 
rise  of  a  historical  literature  in  the  country.  The  "  Jour- 
nal" of  Winthrop,  Morton's  "Memorial,"  and  other  docu- 
ments transmitted  from  the  primitive  age,  invaluable,  from 
their  authenticity,  as  materials  for  the  later  writer  of 
history,  of  course  do  not  come  into  the  account  of  speci- 
mens in  that  department  of  composition.  Hubbard,  as  by 
the  discovery  of  Winthrop's  manuscript  has  been   made 


*  William  Sullivan  wat  of  the  committee  for  publisbin^r  Vol.  VIII. 

t  Dr.  Eliot  was  librarian  the  fint  seven  years,  except  one  year  when  lie  wu  cabi- 
net-keeper. He  then  succeeded  Dr.  Belknap  as  corresponding  secretary  for  6fleeQ 
years,  till  his  death.  He  was  on  the  committees  of  publication  for  Vols.  I.,  IV.,  V., 
and  VUI. 

t  Dr.  Harris  was  librarian  fonr  years,  and  a  member  of  the  committees  for  pub- 
liflhine  Vols.  VII.,  X.,  XII.,  XXlfl.^and  XXVI. 

§  Mr.  Bradford  was  of  the  committees  for  publishin^^  Vols.  XI.,  XIII.,  and  XVIII. 

II  William  Tudor  was  four  years  a  member  of  the  standing  committee,  and  served 
on  the  committees  for  publishing  Vols.  XIV.,  XVII.,  and  XJX. 


Semi-Centennial  Discourse.  173 

manifest,  was  but  the  copyist  of  that  excellent  authority 
in  great  part  of  his  book,  and  deserves  little  credit  in  re- 
spect to  all  the  period  in  which  he  had  not  that  resource. 
The  historical  medley  of  Cotton  Mather,  in  the  next  age, 
is  beneath  criticism  in  any  point  of  view.  The  exact  and 
laborious  Prince  had  no  higher  aim  than  that  of  a  faithful 
annalist.  The  crude  and  petulant  sketches  of  Douglass 
are  the  work  of  a  traveller  and  essayist  rather  than  of  a 
historian.  The  only  formal  histories,  of  a  date  earlier 
than  that  of  the  origin  of  our  society,  were  those  of 
Hutchinson  and  Belknap,  of  the  latter  of  which  the  first 
volume  only  had  been  published. 

The  work  of  Hutchinson  claims  applause  for  almost 
every  merit,  except  what  the  position  of  its  writer  denied 
to  it.  A  dependent  colony  cannot  possess  a  generous  lit- 
erature ;  and  especially  a  good  history  of  itself  is  the  last 
thing  that  can  be  expected  to  proceed  from  it,  at  least 
till  it  has  reached  a  mental  independence  by  becoming  ripe 
for  a  change  in  its  political  condition.  With  all  his  emi- 
nent qualities  of  mind  and  character,  no  one  thinks  to  call 
Hutchinson  a  great  man.  Nature,  it  seems,  would  have 
had  him  one,  but  unpropitious  circumstances  would  not 
suffer  it.  A  native  of  one  country,  and  entitled  by  his 
parentage  to  a  liberal  share  in  its  patrimony  of  honor, 
yet  dwelling  in  it  as  the  public  servant  of  another,  the 
relations  he  sustained  were  too  incongruous  to  permit  his 
giving  a  whole  heart  to  its  service  and  its  glory.  To 
write  worthily  of  Massachusetts,  while  governing  it  for 
England,  was  a  task  beyond  his,  it  was  a  task  beyond 
the  reach  of  any,  genius.  The  representative  of  a  for- 
eign sovereignty  had  subjected  his  mind  to  a  treatment, 
which  no  mind  can  pass  through,  that  is  to  come  to 
any  rich  heritage  of  fame.  He  had  studied  what  he  un- 
dertook to  write  of,  with  a  sagacious  diligence ;  as  to  the 
events  preceding  his  own  times,  at  least,  he  will  not  be 
xharged  with  having  been  a  dishonest  narrator ;  all  the 
details  of  his  subject  were  vividly  before  him  ;  and  yet  he 
did  not  understand  his  subject.  The  minister  of  a  British 
ministry,  the  aspirant  after  a  British  peerage,  could  not 
comprehend  the  republican  spirit  of  his  fathers.  He  wrote 
of  earnest  controversies,  in  which  fundamental  principles 


1 76  Send"  Centetmial  Discourse. 

energies  than  any  other  passion  that  inspires  the  human 
breast,  —  very  little  does  it  effect  towards  this  end,  com- 
pared with  the  intense  remembrance  of  the  men  and 
measures,  the  exploits  and  the  sacrifices,  of  other  times, 
by  which  the  existing  social  system  has  been  reared.  By 
most  who  love  the  social  system  they  live  under,  it  is 
reverenced  and  will  be  guarded  as  a  sacred  thing,  not  so 
much  for  what  it  is,  but  for  the  glowing  memories  that 
trace  the  course  by  which  it  became  and  has  been  kept 
what  it  is.  For  one  Englishman  who  has  any  intelligent 
perception  of  any  benefit  he  has  derived  from  the  Great 
Charter,  how  many  thousands  would  have  gone  cheerfully 
in  its  defence  to  the  field  or  the  block,  moved  by  their 
sympathy  with  the  brave  struggle  that  extorted  it  from 
arbitrary  power  !  Had  English  history  not  been  written, 
how  far,  as  to  an  unconquerable  love  for  whatever  is  good 
in  their  government  and  laws,  would  the  mass  of  English- 
men have  differed  now  from  the  native  tribes  of  the  land 
we  dwell  upon,  without  national  character  or  enthusiasm, 
because  without  their  necessary  aliment  in  animating  rec- 
ords of  the  past  ? 

Gentlemen  of  the  Historical  Society,  your  studies  and 
those  of  your  predecessors  have  enlarged  and  diffused  the 
knowledge  of  the  history  of  these  United  States,  especially 
of  the  New  England  commonwealths,  and,  most  especially, 
of  that  State  in  which  you  have  labored,  and  from  which 
your  society  takes  its  name ;  and,  in  so  doing,  you  have 
performed  a  good  service  of  patriotism,  while  you  have 
illustrated  a  significant  chapter  in  the  experience  of  man. 
It  would  be  vain  to  say  that  the  history,  which  you  have 
done  so  much  to  fill  up,  can  in  all  its  parts  be  contem- 
plated with  equal  satisfaction  ;  but,  if  the  records  of  wis- 
dom and  virtue  deserve  to  be  perpetuated  and  cleared  from 
obscurity,  certainly  your  cares  have  not  been  bestowed  on 
an  undeserving  theme.  Let  other  men  love  and  praise 
other  countries  more  than  ours.  That  must  be,  because 
ours  is  not  theirs.  But  it  is  impossible  for  a  discerning 
man  to  turn  over  the  records  of  Massachusetts,  which  you 
have  collected  and  circulated,  and  not  find  delight  in  the 
exhibition  there  held  up  of  much  that  is  most  vigorous  and 
excellent  in  human  nature.     They  are  the  records  of  a 


Semi'  Centennial  Discourse.  1 77 

people  generally  prudent  and  clear-sighted  through  the 
whole  term  of  its  history  ;  but  which,  hasty  and  mistaken 
as  at  one  period,  or  sagacious  and  rightly  judging  as  at 
another,  has  been  always  firm  and  brave,  always  true  and 
loyal  to  the  convictions  ^f  the  time. 

Of  what  strain  of  the  history  of  Massachusetts  are  not 
these  qualities  the  key-note  ?  In  the  parent  country,  tKe 
country  peopled  by  the  great  race  of  modern  times,  a 
violent  fermentation  of  opinion  takes  place.  Views  in 
religion  and  politics,  for  which  a  preparation  of  centuries 
has  been  making,  at  length  have  gained  such  strength  and 
confidence  that  they  are  able  to  struggle  for  the  mastery ; 
but  the  contest  is  a  difficult,  and  is  destined  to  be  a  bloody 
one ;  and  numbers  feel,  that,  however  the  die  may  fall,  the 
large  liberty  they  sigh  for  must  still  be  a  distant  blessing. 
Country,  and  quiet,  and  an  easy  domestic  life,  are  dear  to 
them.  But  liberty  of  thought  and  conscience  are  dearer, 
and,  to  secure  the  greater  boon,  they  cheerfully  forego  the 
less.  They  set  sail  for  the  "  outside  of  the  world,"  and 
land  on  the  rock  of  Plymouth.  A  winter  as  dreary  as 
their  fortunes  buries  half  of  their  number  beneath  its 
snows.  But  the  half  that  survives  bates  no  jot  of  heart 
or  hope.  They  sicken  and  starve  through  ten  dismal 
years.  But  at  length  they  produce  food  enough  to  exist 
upon  ;  a  generation  is  growing  up,  that,  never  having  been 
used  to  any  thing  better,  can  the  more  readily  accommo- 
date itself  to  such  a  condition,  and  is  more  fruitful  in  ex- 
pedients for  improving  it ;  and  the  Old  Colony  begins  to 
breathe  a  healthy  and  stable  life.  The  enterprise  long 
attempted,  but  hitherto  always  foiled,  finds  success  at  last* 
What  political  ambition  and  commercial  cupidity  had  tried 
in  vain  is  accomplished  by  the  more  vigorous  impulses  of 
Christian  faith  and  the  passion  for  freedom ;  and  the 
British  race  has  fixed  a  home  upon  a  far  distant  continent, 
unknown,  as  much  as  another  planet,  till  within  little  more 
than  a  hundred  years. 

The  causes  that  drove  abroad  that  resolute  band  of 
exiles  have  continued  to  act.  England  has  become  even 
a  more  uncomfortable  home  for  men  worthy  to  be  reckoned 
of  its  lineage.  A  company  in  some  respects  more  compe- 
tent to  the  responsibility  of  founders  of  an  empire  soon 

VOL.  IX.  23 


178  Send'Ceniennial  Discourse. 

follows  in  the  path  that  has  been  opened.  Men  eminent 
in  learning,  and  experienced  in  public  affairs  at  home,  not 
at  all  such  cavaliers  as  built  up  the  great  southern  colony, 
but  genuine  representatives  of  the  conventional  dignity  of 
the  mother  country,  men  and  matrons*  of  its  gentle  and 
its  noble  blood,  come  with  the  band  that  plants  itself  on 
the  shore  of  Massachusetts  Bay ;  and  Plymouth,  always 
doing  worthily  its  secondary  part,  leans  henceforward  on 
a  sister  colony  as  magnanimous  as  itself  in  its  devotion  to 
truth  and  freedom.  The  troubles  of  the  time  prompt 
multitudes  of  the  more  generous  spirits  of  England  to 
cast  in  their  lot  with  the  fortunes  of  the  infant  state.  In 
fifteen  years  from  the  settlement  at  Salem,  more  than 
twenty  thousand  emigrants  have  come  over.  They  are 
the  germ  of  a  nation'.  The  face  of  affairs  changes  at 
home.  Dissent  has  its  triumph.  Puritanism  reigns  in 
England,  and  emigration  ceases.  A  people  has  taken  root 
here,  to  work  out  its  destiny  under  influences  mainly  from 
within  itself.  With  scarcely  exceptions  enough  to  deserve 
any  account  in  the  enumeration,  we  who  now  constitute 
the  States  of  New  England  are  descendants  of  English- 
men established  here  before  the  year  1643.t  We  and  our 
fathers  have  dwelt  here,  an  almost  unmixed  race,  for 
more  than  two  hundred  years,  a  quarter  of  the  time  since 
the  Norman  conquest. 

In  this  period  of  the  national  infancy,  terminating  with 
the  discontinuance  of  the  emigration,  our  fathers  have  done 
three  things  chiefly  noticeable  as  indicative  of  their  char- 
acter and  policy,  and  tending  to  determine  the  character 
and  policy  of  their  successors.  By  the  institution  of  their 
college,  and  of  the  common  school  system,  they  have 
provided  for  the  instruction  of  the  people.    By  the  requot 

*  E.  g.  the  wives  of  Isaac  Johnson  and  of  Deputy -Governor  Hamphrey,  dangh- 
ten  of  the  Earl  of  Lincoln  ;  of  Samuel  Whitney,  minister  of  Lynn,  daughter  of  Oliver 
8L  John  ;  of  John  Sherman,  minister  of  Watertown,  granddaughter  oi  Earl  RiTers. 

t  Hutchinson  represents  the  emigration  as  having  ceased  in  1640.  Hutory^  Vol. 
I.  p.  91.  But  the  statement  of  Johnson  is  probably  more  exact.  *'In  the  trans- 
portation of  these  armies  of  the  great  Jehovah,  for  fifteen  years*  space  to  the  year 
]643y  about  which  time  England  wgan  to  endeavour  after  reformation,  and  the  aol- 
diert  of  Christ  were  set  at  liberty  to  bide  his  battles  at  home,  for  whose  assistance 
•ome  of  the  chief  worthies  of  Christ  returned  back,  the  number  of  ships  that  trans- 
ported passengers  in  this  space  of  lime,  as  is  supposed,  is  two  hundred  and  ninety- 
eight.  Men,  women,  and  children  passing  over  this  wide  ocean,  as  near  as  at  present 
can  be  gathered,  is  also  supposed  to  be  twenty  thousand  and  two  hundred,  or  there* 
about*'  —  Wonder-working  Providenu,  §  31. 


0 

Send'  Centennial  Discourse.  1 79 

War  they  have  vindicated  for  themselves  a  permanent 
lodgment  on  the  soil.  By  pertinaciously  holding  on  to 
their  charter,  which  the  king  and  his  ministers  see  with 
amazement  converted,  under  their  hands,  from  a  grant  of 
commercial  privileges  into  a  constitution  of  government, 
and  by  the  interpretation  which  they  insist  on  putting 
upon  its  provisions,  they  have  constituted  their  community 
to  all  practical  purposes  an  independent  republic*     Here 


*  PoMibly  that  limitation  of  the  elective  franchise,  which  has  exposed  them  in 
these  latter  days  to  so  much  reproach,  is  to  be  considered  much  more  in  the  light  of  a 
political  calculation  than  of  a  sectarian  scruple.  "  We  wish,"  say  the  North  Ameri- 
can Reviewers  (Vol.  XLIV.,  pp.  521,  522),  **  we  could  make  our  countrymen  of 
other  portions  oi  the  Union  look  a  little  more  closely  than  they  have  done  at  sooio 
largo  relations  of  that  old  policy  of  New  England,  which  some  of  them  appear  to 
think  a  single  severe  paragraph  or  period  quite  sufficient  to  despatch.  It  is  a  great 
grief  and  ofience  to  ibem,  that  church-membership  was  made  a  qualification  for  the 
enjoyment  of  the  franchises  of  a  freeman  of  the  colony.  Let  them  chide,  if  they 
most.  But  we  can  tell  them,  that  they  would  have  had  to  wait  somewhat  longer  for 
their  independence,  if  it  had  not  been  for  this  intolerant  spirit  of  New  England 
legislation,  which  gives  them  so  much  disturbance.  Lord  Clarendon  tells  us,  that 
the  royal  commissioners,  sent  out  in  16C4,  found  the  northern  colonies  alreadv 
'  hardened  into  republics.'  They  had  been  a  short  time  hardening.  What  hard- 
ened them  so  fast  .**  Nothing  more  than  the  jealous  and  rigid  pertinacity  with  which 
they  adhered  to  their  theory  of  exclusion  from  political  power  of  all  who  might  have 
used  it  to  strangle  tbeir  embryo  commonwealth.  It  will  not  do  to  look  upon  the 
MaMaehusetts  fathers  as  a  set  of  heady  zealots,  careful  only  to  have  their  own  way 
in  religion  without  regard  to  consequences,  and  that  way  not  a  very  wise  one.  There 
were  cool  and  far-sighted  statesmen  at  the  helm.  King  or  Protector  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding,  they  meant  to  have  a  republic ;  and  Uiey  had  it  virtually  from  the 
first,  exercising  with  the  utmost  freedom  all  attributes  of  sovereignty,  though  avoid- 
ing all  ostentation  of  it  with  the  utmost  address.  They  were  not  so  unfit  for  their 
delicate  work,  as  to  be  willing  to  commit  power  to  any  who  would  have  used  it  to 
obstruct  tbeir  object,  or  even  who  would  not  sympathize  with  them  in  hearty  zeal  for 
its  accomplishment.  They  meant  that  no  man,  attached  to  the  monarchy  of  Eng- 
land through  attachment  to  its  church  (whether  that  should  turn  out  to  be  Papal  or 
Episcopal),  should  have  a  particle  of  power  to  annoy  them  in  the  prosecution  of 
their  great  work ;  and  therefore,  if  such  a  man  came  to  live  among  them,  they  would 
hare  it  that  he  should  come  as  the  subject,  not  as  the  sharer,  of  their  government. 
Dezterity  as  well  as  nerve  had  a  place  m  playing  so  critical  a  game,  and  little  fit 
would  they  have  been  to  win  it,  it  they  had  volunteered  to  show  their  hands  to  hie 
Majesty's  Privy  Council.  To  exclude  churchmen  from  power,  and  admit  to  it  other 
dissenters  from  their  own  communion,  would  have  been  to  aeprive  their  act  of  all 
color,  even  if  otherwise  it  would  have  perfectly  attained  their  end.  Taking  advan- 
tage of  their  reputation  abroad  for  acting  under  impulses  which  observers  less  saga^ 
nous  than  themselves  supposed  to  be  tlie  only  ones  that  had  power  over  their  minds, 
tbey  cut  off  indiscriminately  those  who  did  not  love  their  creeds  from  all  participation 
in  the  government,  and  were  quite  willing  that  others  should  be  stupid  enough  to 
ascribe  to  a  stupid  bigotry  of  theirs  a  measure  which,  had  it  been  seen  to  be  prompt- 
ed, as  it  was,  by  the  proioundest  policy,  would  have  brought  down  on  them,  too  soon, 
the  hard  and  heavy  hand  of  England.  So  they  had  their  own  way,  without  any  one 
in  their  own  midst  to  mar  it.  So  thev  consolidated  their  institutions,  till,  by  the 
time  when  the  second  generation  came  rorward,  they  had  '  hardened  into  renublioe.' 
So  they  kept  up  and  bequeathed  the  intense  and  constant  spirit  they  had  brought 
with  them.  So  they  stood  quietly  by  their  arms,  to  watch  tne  signs  of  the  timet, 
and  do  what,  from  one  time  to  another,  might  be  needful  for  the  keeping  of  the 
treasure  they  had  no  mind  to  part  with.  So  they  were  ready  to  depose  and  imprison 
a  king's  governor,  as  they  actually  did  in  Boston,  in  1688 ;  and  if  matters  haa  then 
gone  otherwise  in  England,  they  would  perhaps  have  antedated  the  Revolution  by 


1 80  Semi-  Centenmal  Discourse. 

are  the  three  heads  of  that  pregnant  chapter  of  their  his- 
tory, which  records  the  doings  of  the  first  fifteen  years  of 
Massachusetts. 

The  star  of  Cromwell  culminates,  and  all  is  fair  weather 
in  the  Puritan  colony.  He  urges  on  them  the  present  of 
Jamaica,  but  they  have  established  too  friendly  a  compan- 
ionship with  the  cutting  winds  of  the  Bay  to  be  won 
from  them  by  any  tropical  voluptuousness.  They  keep  up 
an  edifying  correspondence  with  the  Protector.  They  an- 
noy the  French  and  Dutch  to  his  good  content.  They 
accommodate  and  satisfy  him  in  every  thing  except  observ- 
ance of  his  Navigation  Laws.  These  they  do  not  so  read 
their  charter  as  to  feel  bound  by.  And  he  sees  in  them 
so  much  of  his  own  plausible  determination,  that  he  lets 
their  contumacy  pass,  choosing  not  to  seem  to  notice  what 
might  be  found  so  difficult  to  cure. 

But  "  the  king  enjoys  his  own  again,"  and  Popery  and 
despotism  once  more  shake  their  gory  locks  before  the 
aching  sight  of  the  Massachusetts  fathers.  Lord  Claren- 
don knows  all  about  the  charter,  and  he  means  that  no 
such  pretext  as  it  affords  shall  protect  the  too  ambitious 
spirit  of  transatlantic  liberty  in  afTrontiug  the  throne. 
•From  the  Restoration  till  1686,  twenty-four  years,  a  stub- 
born conflict  is  going  on  for  its  preservation.  It  is  de- 
fended with  a  boldness,  pertinacity,  and  address  that  de- 
serve a  better  fortune,  though  undoubtedly  its  interpretation 
had  been  stretched  with  a  most  questionable  freedom. 
Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  use  perhaps  a  wise  con- 
ciliation, at  all  events,  the  result  proves  it  to  be  a  fortu- 
nate one.  But  resolute  and  impracticable  Massachusetts 
cannot  make  up  her  mind  to  conciliate.  She  consents  to 
no  surrender  of  what  she  esteems  her  right ;  it  is  denied 
her,  and  she  waits  for  the  time  when  she  can  take  redress 
into  her  own  hands. 

The  contest  for  the  charter,  in  which  the  young  people 

nearlj  a  century.  So  they  bailt  firm  the  foundations  of  the  commonwealthi  which 
at  length  did  the  part  or  New  England,  were  that  little  or  much,  in  the  War  of 
Independence.  Blot  the  franchise  laws  of  the  Massachusetts  colonists  out  of  history, 
—  for  the  sake  of  getting  clear  of  the  diatribes  which  small  wits  indite  upon  their 
bigotry,  let  in  the  emissaries  of  Strafford  and  Laud  into  the  council-chambers  of  the 
New  England  Puritans,  and  we  do  not  like  to  say,  —  for  we  are  modest  Yankees,  no 
leia  than  well-affectioned,  —  we  do  not  like  to  hint,  how  differently,  by  this  time,  the 
hiatory,  not  only  of  one  continent,  but  of  the  other,  would  haye  read. 


Send-  Centennial  Dtscoune.  1 81 

takes  a  long  lesson  in  the  lore  of  independence,  makes 
one  of  thtf  great  features  of  the  period  between  the  dis» 
continoance  of  the  emigration  and  the  conrersion  of  the 
Colony  into  the  Province.  The  other  is  the  tremendous 
crisis  of  King  Philip's  War.  Before  it  is  finished,  there  is 
scarcely  a  family  in  Massachusetts  or  Plymouth,  but  has 
lost  a  father,  brother,  or  son.  Plymouth  has  incurred  a 
debt  estimated  to  be  equal  to  the  whole  personal  proper^ 
of  its  people.  The  sacrifice  of  life  and  property  in  Massa^ 
chusetts,  between  June,  1675,  and  October,  1676,  is  greater, 
in  proportion  to  her  population  and  wealth,  than  that  af- 
terwards sustained  by  her  in  the  whole  eight  years'  War 
of  Independence.  She  met  the  exhausting  demand  almost 
wholly  from  her  own  resources.  England  made  no  sucb 
costly  struggle  to  defeat  the  Spanish  invasion.  The 
Netherlands,  in  the  same  age,  made  no  efforts  at  all  ap- 
proaching such  a  disproportion  to  their  means.*  It  seems 
as  if  Massachusetts  was  disposed,  at  whatever  cost,  to 
avoid  receiving  any  thing  that  could  be  called  favor  from 
a  foreign  government,  whose  control  over  herself  she 
was  always  intent  on  limiting  as  far  as  possible.f  In  short, 
they  chose  to  take  care  of  themselves,  though  they  could 
ill  afford  it,  and  to  give  the  king  as  little  right  as  possible  • 
to  appeal  to  their  gratitude  when  they  should  be  disposed 
to  try  any  bolder  experiments  on  his  authority. 

The  next  period,  opening  characteristically  with  the 
insurrection  against  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  and  extending 
to  the  close  of  the  last  French  war,  exhibits  the  same 

*  HatchhifOD  speaks  of  it  as  "  certain,  that,  as  the  colony  was  at  first  settled,  so  U 
was  now  preserved  from  ruin,  without  any  charge  to  the  mother  country.  Nay,  as 
far  as  I  can  judge  from  the  materials  I  have,"  he  continues,  **  the  collections  mado 
in  the  colonj,  after  the  fire  of  Liondon,  for  the  relief  of  the  suffisrers  there,  and  on 
other  occasions,  for  the  relief  of  divers  of  the  plantations,  with  other  public  dona- 
tions, from  the  first  settlement  until  the  charter  was  vacated,  will  not  fall  much, 
if  may  thing,  short  of  the  whole  sum  that  was  bestowed  upon  the  colony  from  abroad, 
during  that  time." 

f  Soch  appears  to  be  the  intimation  in  a  letter  of  her  friend.  Lord  Angjesey,  in 
1676y  when  he  writes,  *'  I  must  chide  you,  and  that  whole  people  of  New  England* 
that,  as  if  you  were  independent  of  our  master's  crown,  needed  not  his  protection. 
or  bad  deserved  ill  of  him,  from  the  first  hour  of  God's  stretching  forth  his  hand 
against  you  to  this  time,  though  we  have  successive  and  frequent  tidings,  like  Job'a 
messengers,  of  the  great  devastations  and  spoils  that  are  made  by  fire  and  sword 
upon  those  plantations,  which  God  hath  so  signally  blessed  and  made  to  flourish  till 
now,  you  have  not  vet,  as  certainly  became  you,  made  your  addresses  to  the  kin|f'a 
majesty,  or  some  of  his  ministers,  for  his  perusal,  that  he  might  be  authentically  iD- 
fomea  both  of  your  enemies  and  your  condition,  by  what  means  yoa  are  brought  . 
low,  and  what  are  the  most  proper  and  hopeful  remedies  for  your  recovery." 


1 82  Send"  Centennial  Discourse. 

• 

character  of  the  people  ia  three  different  series  of  events, 
—  those  of  the  witchcraft  delusion,  the  protracted  conflict 
with  the  French  and  Indians,  and  the  disputes  with  the 
colonial  governors  touching  the  respective  limits  of  the 
royal  prerogative  and  of  the  liberties  of  New  England. 

The  provision  in  the  charter  of  William  and  Mary  for 
the  appointment  of  the  executive  government  by  the 
crown,  perhaps  the  only  provision  in  that  instrument  in 
which  it  was  not  better  adapted  than  the  old  charter  to 
the  actual  condition  of  the  colonists,  of  course  had  the 
effect  of  keeping  alive  the  jealousy  and  irritation  of  the 
people  against  supposed  encroachment,  and  of  carrying  on 
the  discipline  of  their  education  for  absolute  freedom; 
and  the  reader  easily  traces  in  this  succession  of  contro- 
versies the  process  which  formed  the  principles  and  men 
of  1775. 

As  to  the  witchcraft  madness,  it  was,  no  doubt,  a  dread- 
ful passage  in  a  majestic  movement  of  events.  He  who 
will  may  laugh  at  the  folly,  though  he  would  much  more  rea- 
sonably mourn  over  the  cruelty  and  the  sorrow.  But  even 
here  the  great  difference  between  the  people  of  Massachu- 
setts and  of  other  communities  whose  history  bears  no 
such  stain  is,  that  what  both  alike  professed  to  believe, 
the  former  more  consistently  and  honestly  acted  out. 
To  hold  an  opinion' entertained  by  Sir  Edward  Coke  and 
Sir  Matthew  Hale,  while  enjoying  no  better  opportunities 
for  correcting  that  opinion  than  they,  is  not  to  incur  the 
reproach  of  any  extraordinary  dulness  of  intellect.  The 
men  of  Massachusetts,  being  no  wiser  than  those  sages  of 
the  law,  sincerely  believed  in  the  reality  of  witchcraft 
(the  unquestionable  integrity  of  Sewall  confirms  for  us  in 
this  matter  the  more  suspicious  lionesty,  if  we  are  tempted 
to  esteem  it  such,  of  Mather  and  of  Stoughton)  ;  and 
whatever  opinions,  upon  facts  or  duties,  Massachusetts 
has  held,  her  habit  has  been,  whether  for  good  or  ill,  to 
follow  them  with  vigorous  action.  Deplore  as  we  may 
the  grievous  infatuation,  still,  more  even  than  we  lament 
and  condemn  that,  may  we  find  cause  to  applaud  the  brave 
and  constant  spirit  that  never  wopid  quail  before  the  awful 
delusion  that  possessed  it.  It  was  no  less  than  the  powers 
of  darkness  that  these  men  believed  to  be  their  assailants. 


Semi'  Centennial  Discourse.  1 83 

They  imagined  the  Prince  of  Hell,  with  his  legions,  to  be 
among  them,  the  Lord's  host,  seeking  among  them  whom 
be  might  devour ;  and  they  gave  place  to  him  for  subjec- 
tion, no,  not  for  an  hour.  Set  upon  by  invisible  and  super- 
natural foes,  they  thought  of  nothing  but  prompt  defiance, 
inflexible  resistance,  and  the  victory  which  God  would 
give  his  people.  They  would  have  made  bare  the  arm  of 
flesh  against  the  Serpent  in  bodily  presence,  could  he 
have  put  on  an  assailable  shape ;  as  it  was,  they  let  it  fall 
without  mercy  on  those  whom  they  understood  to  be  his 
emissaries. 

The  succession  of  French  and  Indian  wars  from  1675 
to  1763  made  another  long  trial  of  this  same  indomitable 
character.  While  the  other  colonies  doubled  their  popu- 
lation by  natural  increase  in  twenty-five  years,  Massachu- 
setts had  not  twice  as  many  inhabitants  in  1713  as  it 
contained  fifty  years  before.  Again  ;  between  1722  and 
1762  the  population  was  not  doubled ;  and  Hutchinson, 
in  recording  these  facts,  remarks,  ^^  It  is  probable  there 
would  have  been  two  hundred  thousand  souls  more  than 
there  are  at  this  time,  if  the  French  hlid  been  driven  from 
Canada  an  hundred  years  ago."  While  New  York,  im- 
becile, if  not  perfidious,  patches  up  a  paltry  truce  with 
the  Canadian  French  and  their  savage  allies,  and  so  leaves 
them  free  to  descend  from  the  Berkshire  hills  upon  our 
unprotected  outposts,  Massachusetts  never  deserts  her 
position  of  pertinacious  championship.  Stretching  herself 
across  the  path  of  the  invader,  Rhode  Island  and  Con- 
necticut repose  in  safety  beneath  her  shield.  She  makes 
the  weight  of  her  courage  felt  even  in  the  scale  of  foreign 
politics.  By  that  romantic,  one  is  half  tempted  to  say 
that  incredible  enterprise,  the  expedition  against  Louis- 
burg,  she  gives  peace  to  Europe  by  the  treaty  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  bringing  England  with  credit  out  of  a  four 
years'  war,  which  else  would  have  been  an  unbroken  suc- 
cesision  of  blunders  and  disasters.  She  sends  seven  thou- 
sand men,  between  two  and  three  times  as  many  as  are 
raised  by  all  the  other  colonies  together,  to  that  later  war 
which  for  ever  broke  down  the  power  of  France  on  this 
western  continent ;  and  Ticonderoga,  Lake  George,  Crown 
Point,  and  Quebec  all  have  their  story  to  tell  of  her  ad- 
venturous valor. 


184  Sem-Ckntennial  Discourse. 

To  meet  the  expenses  of  this  war,  the  Stamp  Act  b 
passed,  and  that  series  of  arbitrary  measures  is  entered 
upon,  which  make  up  the  issue  whether  British  Americans 
are  to  be  taxed  except  bj  their  own  representatives,  and 
result  in  the  independence  of  the  United  Colonies.  The 
contest  for  her  charter,  the  palladium  of  her  liberties,  has 
extended  through  the  whole  period  of  the  colonial  history 
of  Massachusetts,  and,  when  the  ^ime  comes  that  she 
must  either  forego  that  safeguard  or  defy  at  tremendous 
hazard  the  power  which  in  justice  should  have  respected 
it,  then  she  will  be  a  colony  no  longer.  She  publishes 
the  claims  of  freedom  in  the  arguments  of  her  jurists  and 
statesmen,  and  the  resolves  of  her  towns  and  representa- 
tive assemblies;  she  strikes  the  first  blow  for  it  on  the 
19th  of  April,  1775,  and  follows  it  up  with  another  and 
stronger,  two  months  after ;  and  she  furnishes  one  soldier 
in  every  three  to  the  armies  of  the  Revolution. 

The  peace  of  independence  finds  her  impoverished  and 
exhausted.  Patriotism  has  been  strained  to  its  utmost  of 
forbearance  and  sacrifice.  Want  tempts  to  disorder ;  and 
a  portion  of  her  citizens,  not  without  the  sympathy  and 
countenance  of  a  much  larger  number,  believed  to  extend 
to  not  less  than  a  third  of  her  population,  are  in  rebellious 
arms  against  her  authority.  But  she  is  not  used  to  truckle 
to  menaces  from  foreign  or  domestic  foe.  If  it  seems  to 
be  to  her  shame,  that  one  third  of  her  people,  under  strong 
distresses,  proved  mutinous  and  faithless,  it  is  proportion- 
ally to  her  praise,  that,  in  such  a  crisis,  she  could  keep  two 
thirds  on  the  right  side,  and  by  upright  counsels  and  reso- 
lute action  could  make  the  right  prevail.  She  looks  first 
to  the  vital  interest  of  the  maintenance  of  a  government 
for  the  common  protection,  and  pauses  not  for  any  other 
care  till  she  has  put  down  the  insurrection  by  the  strong 
arm,  and  delivered  its  leaders  to  the  last  penalty  of  the 
law  they  have  defied.  When  they  are  harmless  and  peni- 
tent, she  proves  herself  as  lenient  as  she  has  been  firm, 
and  dismisses  them  to  the  insignificance  which  her  ener- 
gy has  shown  must  always,  within  her  borders,  be  the 
doom  of  the  lawless  agitator. 

Thenceforth,  thanks  to  a  gracious  Providence,  her  char- 
acteristic vigor  is  mostly  exercised  in  the  arts  of  peace. 


Semicentennial  Discourse.  185 

The  privations  and  perils  of  the  settlement  are  matter  of 
old  history.  The  notes  of  Indian,  of  French  and  British 
war  have  died  in  the  distance.  Massachusetts  is  an  honor- 
ed member  of  a  confederacy  constituting  the  most  power- 
ful of  all  republics  since  the  fall  of  Rome.  In  the  course 
of  fifty  prosperous  years,  her  commerce  has  found  its  way 
to  every  mart  of  the  civilized  or  barbarous  world.  Her 
children  contentedly  till  the  earth,  as  did  their  fathers,  and 
find  the  means  of  making  it  yield  more  liberal  returns. 
Tenacious  of  old  habits,  she  seeks  no  untried  means  of 
gain.  But  the  will  of  others,  strangers  to  her  councils, 
determines,  that,  if  she  will  have  a  share  in  the  common 
prosperity,  her  activity  must  take  new  forms.  She  yields 
to  the  course  of  things,  and  her  ingenuity  and  industry 
enrich  her  through  the  labors  of  her  artisans.  She  is 
never  remiss  as  to  the  supply  of  the  sources  of  all  her 
past  prosperity,  in  the  institutions  of  religion  and  educa- 
tion. Her  ancient  spirit  of  enterprise,  assuming  peaceful 
forms,  aspires  to  literary  eminence,  and  excites  to  philan- 
thropic action.  She  sends  out  her  missionaries  to  distant 
continents  and  islands.  She  originates  the  astonishing 
movement  of  the  reformation  from  intemperance.  She 
speaks  a  deep-toned  remonstrance  against  the  wrongs  of 
the  slave.  The  means,  of  which,  governed  by  the  de- 
mands of  the  time,  she  was  wont  to  be  so  lavish  for  the 
harsh  uses  of  war,  she  distributes  now  with  even  a  freer 
hand  in  a  wise  application  to  the  relief  of  all  forms  of  hu- 
man calamity.  She  has  lived  down  the  detraction  of  igno- 
rance. By  the  ways  that  her  wealth  and  intelligence 
have  opened,  strangers  come  from  all  the  quarters  to  look 
at  her  prosperity,  and  own  in  it  the  natural  product  of  the 
virtues  and  the  lessons  of  the  Pilgrims. 

Since  the  institution  of  societies  similar  to  our  own  in 
different  parts  of  the  country,  and  the  endeavours  made 
in  other  ways  in  many  States  of  the  Union,  each  for  the 
completion  of  its  own  history,  it  may  be  expected,  Gentle- 
men, that  your  labors  will  henceforward  be  still  more  par- 
ticularly directed  to  what  has  always  engaged  a  great 
share  of  your  attention,  the  illustration  of  the  history  of 
this  Commonwealth.  May  the  task  in  all  future  times  be 
as  grateful  as  it  has  been,  in  being  devoted  to  the  record 

VOL.  IX.  24 


186  Send' Centennial  Discourse. 

of  a  virtuous  people  ;  and  may  they  who  are  to  carry  ou  the 
work  always  prosecute  it  in  the  enlightened  and  devoted 
spirit  of  those  predecessors  to  the  memory  of  whose  meri- 
torious exertions  we  have  consecrated  the  meeting  of  this 
day.  Our  native  country,  and  this  part  of  it  certainly  not 
less  than  any  other,  ought  to  have  its  history  the  most 
fully  told  of  any  nation  that  has  played  a  part  on  the  thea- 
tre of  time.  We  have  no  fabulous  age.  Our  origin  was 
at  a  period  when  means  of  record  and  of  communication 
were  ample ;  and  many  of  the  prominent  actors  in  our  affairs, 
from  age  to  age,  have,  in  their  several  ways,  been  copious 
writers.  No  doubt,  time  has  made  irrecoverable  spoil  of 
much  that  we  might  have  rejoiced  to  rescue.  Your  diligence 
has  made  rich  gleanings  in  the  now  silent  field ;  but  not  a 
little  of  its  precious  produce  must  still  remain  unnoticed, 
amply  deserving  your  care  to  collect  and  save.  You  have 
well  entitled  yourselves  to  the  confidence  of  the  community, 
and  to  such  encouragement  and  assistance  as  circum- 
stances may  permit  it  to  afibrd  to  your  public-spirited  ob- 
ject. 

In  respect  to  pecuniary  aid  from  the  public  whom  you 
serve,  your  claims,  to  judge  from  the  past,  are  likely  al- 
ways to  be  of  that  extreme  moderation,  which,  with  the 
sense  that  prevails  of  the  importance  of  their  object,  will 
not  permit  them  to  be  denied.  Your  faithfulness  in  the 
preservation,  and  your  judgment  and  diligence  in  the  use, 
of  the  stores  you  have  hitherto  gathered  have  been  ap- 
proved by  sufficient  trial ;  and  henceforward  it  is  not  un- 
reasonable to  anticipate  that  your  library  will  be  regarded, 
by  any  who  have  the  means  of  adding  to  its  wealth,  as  an 
eligible  place  of  deposit  for  materials  of  historical  illustra- 
tion, which,  remaining  in  private  hands,  will,  besides  being 
exposed  to  chances  of  loss,  be  generally  of  extremely 
small  value,  compared  with  what  they  will  assume  when 
committed  to  your  care. 

If  it  be  true  that  the  Commonwealth  is  the  safer  and 
more  virtuous  for  all  that  excites  its  citizens  to  an  emula- 
tion of  wise  and  virtuous  progenitors,  then  the  Common- 
wealth, as  a  body  politic,  stands  deeply  indebted  to  you  ; 
and  it  may  appear  just  for  you  to  look  to  it  for  a  ready 
patronage,  or  an  effective  cooperation,  in  such  of  your 


Send'Centennial  Discourse.  187 

undertakings  as  its  intervention  may  promote.  Your  pro* 
posal,  some  years  ago,  for  the  adoption  of  measures  on  its 
part  for  filling  up  certain  chasms  in  the  provincial  history, 
by  obtaining  copies  of  records  and  letters  from  the  English 
offices,  was  favorably  regarded,  and  suitable  legislative 
proceedings  were  had  for  the  accomplishment  of  your 
wishes.  Circumstances  incident  to  certain  relations  be* 
tween  the  two  countries  have  interfered  with  the  execu- 
tion of  the  plan.  But  these  have  now  passed  away.  The, 
time  seems  in  all  respects  propitious.  And  perhaps  there 
is  no  fitter  step  for  signalizing  the  commencement  of  your 
second  half  century,  than  by  an  efibrt  to  procure  transcripts 
of  the  public  documents  of  the  period  of  the  usurpation 
of  Andros;  of  the  Council  records  from  1692  to  1747; 
of  the  records  of  the  General  Court  for  ten  years  or  more, 
destroyed  in  the  fire  of  the  latter  year,  but  believed  to  be 
extant  in  a  duplicate  in  the  State  Paper  Office  in  Lon- 
don ;  and  of  such  papers  of  the  administrations  of  the 
last  English  governors  as  have  disappeared  from  the  pub- 
lic archives.* 

If  it  be  true.  Gentlemen,  that  the  community  should  be 
the  wiser  and  better  for  the  lessons  you  have  laid  before  it 
from  its  history,  it  seems  to  be  equally  so  that  the  history 
of  our  society,  to  which  the  occasion  has  invited  us  to 
look  back,  should  excite  us,  and  those  who  after  us  are  ta 
assume  the  maintenance  of  its  character,  to  a  sedulous 
emulation  of  those  who  before  us,  and  under  our  eyes, 
have  served  and  honored  it.  It  should  be  ours  to  justify 
it  in  saying,  — 

<*  While  I  remain  above  the  gproand,  yoa  shall 
Hear  from  me  still,  and  never  of  me  aught 
But  what  is  like  me  formerly.  —  That 's  worthily 
As  any  ear  can  hear." 

We  have  pursued  these  studies  in  company  which  any 
man  might  desire  to  enter:  At  our  meetings,  from  month 
to  month,  we  have  had  the  happiness  of  accosting  men  as 
worthy,  as  enlightened,  and  as  cultivated,  as  any  of  us 

*  The  Historical  Society  presented  a  memorial  on  this  subject  to  the  General  Court 
of  1845.  The  Court  passed  resolves  (1845,  chapters  3  and  118)  autliorizing  the 
governor  to  take  measures  accordingly.  The  Reverend  Joseph  B.  Felt,  long  a  useful 
member  of  this  society,  received  an  appointment  from  his  Excellency  to  make  ex- 
aminations and  procure  copies  in  the  English  offices,  and  Mr.  Benjamin  P.  Foore,  of 
Newbury,  in  the  French. 


188  SemU  Centennial  Discourse. 

have  known.  Some,  stealing  along  a  path  remote  from 
the  excitements  of  the  present,  seemed  to  find  the  great 
joy.  of  life  in  deepening  the  legends  on  the  tombstones  of 
the  fathers.  Some,  loaded  with  the  cares  of  preserving, 
for  the  present  and  the  future,  what  the  venerable  genera- 
tions gone  bequeathed,  and  keeping  the  salt  from  losing  its 
savor,  seemed  to  turn  from  their  dusty  paths  to  these  mossy 
wells  of  wholesome  instruction,  like  the  tired  heart  to 
the  water-brooks.  Happy  both,  in  having  learned  to  re- 
vere such  a  venerable  and  instructive  antiquity !  Happy 
both,  in  the  inclination  to  imbibe  and  enforce  such  lessons ! 
Happy  the  community,  which,  sympathizing  with  such 
minds,  trains  itself,  by  contemplation  of  the  simple  virtues 
of  former  weak  and  troubled  days,  to  use  prosperity  with- 
out giddiness,  and  power  without  rashness  or  pride !  The 
founders  of  New  England  left  a  rich  inheritance  to  their 
children,  but  in  nothing  so  precious  as  in  the  memory  of 
their  -wise  and  steady  virtue.  May  there  never  be  base- 
ness to  affront  that  memory!  May  there  never  be  in- 
difference to  lose  or  disregard  it !  May  its  ennobling  ap- 
peal never  fail  of  a  quick  Response  in  the  hearts  of  any 
generation  of  dwellers  on  this  honored  soil ! 


THE 

NEW  ENGLAND  CONFEDERACY  OF  MDCXLIII. 


A  DISCOURSE  DELIVERED  BEFORE  THE  SOCIETY,  ON  THE  TWENTY-NINTH 
OF  MAY,  1843;  IN  CELEBRATION  OF  THE  SECOND  CENTENNIAL  ANNI- 
VERSARY OF  THAT  EVENT. 


BY  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 


Mr  Brkthren  op  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Societt  : 
Fellow-citizens,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen:  — 

In  reviewing  the  history  of  this  confederated  Union, 
one  of  the  first  remarks  which  impresses  itself  on  the 
mind  of  the  philosophical  observer  is  the  heterogene- 
ous and  conflicting  primitive  elements  of  which  it  was 
composed.  It  has  been  said  that  the  most  essential  quali- 
fications for  a  historian  are  to  have  neither  religion  nor 
country.  And  if  religion  consisted  of  a  blind,  unquestion- 
ing zeal  in  support  of  speculative  dogmas  transmitted  from 
generation  to  generation,  under  the  seal  of  a  fisherman's 
ring,  and  the  infallible  dictate  of  a  fallible  man ;  if  patri- 
otism were  compounded  of  the  mere  impulse  of  passion 
to  support,  right  or  wrong,  the  purposes  of  the  land  in 
which  you  were  born,  or  the  community  to  which  you  be- 
long, —  then,  indeed,  the  devout  worshipper  and  the  ardent 
patriot  must  discard  all  the  emblems  of  his  religion  and 
his  country,  before  he  may  dare  to  assume  the  pen  of  the 
historian. 

History  is  the  record  of  the  transactions  of  human  beings 
associated  in  communities, —  not  of  all  their  transactions,  be- 
cause there  are  multitudes  of  human  actions  which  neither 
the  actor  nor  any  other  of  his  fellow-creatures  can  have  any 
possible  interest  in  remembering ;  and  other  greater  mul- 
titudes, which  the  interest  of  the  actor  and  of  all  othesr 


190        The  Mw  England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

requires  to  be  buried  in  oblivion.  But  whatever  in  the 
transactions  of  associated  man  bears  on  the  causes  and 
motives  of  their  congregation  into  communities,  and  on 
their  corporate  existence  and  well-being,  assumes  the 
character  of  a  material  for  history. 

The  history  of  the  United  States  of  America  com- 
menced with  a  bloody  revolution  and  a  seven  years'  war, 
which  separated  a  part  of  them  from  the  condition  of  col- 
onies, subject  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  crown  of  England, 
from  which  they  had  received  their  charters.  These  char- 
ters as  colonies  gave  them  no  right  either  to  dissolve  their 
allegiance  to  their  common  sovereign  beyond  the  seas  or 
to  form  any  confederation  or  alliance  between  themselves, 
much  less  to  constitute  themselves  one  people.  This  com- 
plicated and  transcendent  act  of  sovereignty  was,  and 
could  be,  performed  only  by  the  people  themselves,  through 
their  representatives.  As  representatives  of  the  colonies, 
they  could  have  no  right  to  dissolve  their  allegiance ;  as 
representatives  of  the  colonies,  they  could  exercise  only 
delegated  power,  and  the  colonies  themselves  had  no  pow- 
er either  to  dissolve  their  own  allegiance  or  to  form  a  new 
social  compact  constituting  a  new  sovereign  authority  over 
them  all.  By  the  dissolution  of  their  ties  and  oaths  of  al- 
legiance they  dissolved  also  their  connection  with  their 
country.  They  were  no  longer  British  subjects.  They  re- 
nounced all  claim  of  protection  from  the  government  of 
Great  Britain.  They  held,  and  declared  they  held,  the 
people  of  Great  Britain  no  longer  as  countrymen,  fellow- 
subjects,  or  fellow-citizens ;  but  as  the  rest  of  mankind, 
♦*  enemies  in  war,  in  peace  friends." 

Their  union  de  facto  had  existed  from  the  time  of  the 
first  meeting  of  the  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  in  Septem- 
ber, 1774;  but  that  union  had  been  formed,  not  by  char- 
tered rights,  but  by  the  primitive,  natural  rights  of  man, 
revolutionary  and  transcendental,  —  the  inalienable  right 
of  resistance  to  oppression,  —  the  right  bestowed  by  the 
God  of  nature,  preceding  all  human  association,  to  dis- 
solve a  government  which  fails  to  discharge  the  duties 
for  which  all  governments  are  instituted,  —  and  the  result- 
ing right  to  form  and  establish  a  new  government  to  sup- 
ply the  place  of  that  which  had  been  dissolved.     This 


The  Mw  England  Confederacy  of  1643.         191 

dissolution  of  allegiance  was  thus  proclaimed  by  the  whole 
people  of  these  North  American  colonies,  and,  with  the 
dissolution  of  the  common  allegiance,  they  declared  the 
colonies  free  and  independent  states.  They  thereby  re- 
conferred  upon  the  colonial  governments  all  the  author- 
ities which  by  the  charters  of  the  several  colonies  they 
had  possessed,  and,  without  forming  one  general  govern- 
ment for  the  whole  people,  left  to  the  people  of  each 
several  State  the  right  of  forming  for  themselves  a  State 
constitution,  and  proceeded  to  form  for  the  whole  a  con- 
federation of  separate  and  independent  States. 

The  revolutionary  union  still  continued.     The  people 
of  the  several  States  formed  and  established  their  separate 
State  constitutions.     Four  years  of  time  were  consumed 
in   the    painful  and  laborious   preparation,   by   the  joint 
agency  of  the  General  Congress  and  of  the  State  legisla- 
tures, of  a  confederation,  which,  when  adopted,  proved  to 
be  a  body  without  a  soul,  —  a  marble  statue,  without  Pro- 
methean fire.    The  whole  people  of  the  Union  were  taught 
by  severe  experience  that  what  they  wanted  was  a  com- 
mon government,  and  that  a  confederacy  is  not  a  govern- 
ment.    They  commenced  their  work  again  as  one  people, 
and  formed  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  —  a 
government  under  which  more  than  one  generation  of  men 
have  already  lived  and  passed  away ;  and  which,  with  the 
blessing  of  Divine  Providence,  we   may  yet   hope  will 
prove  a  bond  of  union  to  this  great  and  growing  nation,  *") 
for  untold  ages  yet  to  come,    ^t  this  time,  its  most  immi- 
nent dangers  arise  not  from  external  aggression,  but  from 
its  prospects  and  temptations  to  aggrandizement.     The 
territories  which  originally  constituted  the  domain  of  the 
North  American  Union,  already  so  extensive,  at  the  time 
when  the  constitution  was  under  the  consideration  of  the 
people,  as  to  constitute  one  of  the  most  formidable  objec- 
tions against  its  adoption,  have  since  that  period  been 
more  than  doubled  by  the  acquisition  and  annexation  of 
Louisiana  and  the  Floridas.     With  the  expansion  of  the 
surface  of  soil,  to  be  cultivated  and  replenished  by  the 
swarming  myriads  of  our  future  population,  men  of  other      / 
races,  the  children  of  other  blood,  bred  to  other  opinions,    / 
accustomed  to  other  institutions,   trained  to  other  preju- 


192        7%e  Mw  England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

dices,  and  disciplined  to  other  principles,  have  been  in- 
vested with  the  community  of  our  rights,  and  mingled 
with  the  tide  of  our  common  concerns.  It  was  bj  the 
accession  of  foreign  conquered  nations  to  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  Roman  citizens,  that  the  republic  degen- 
erated into  an  empire,  and  the  empire  itself  was  over- 
run and  extinguished  by  hordes  of  foreign  barbarians.  The 
people  of  the  United  States  themselves,  who  declared  and 
achieved  their  independence,  were  not  all  of  one  com- 
mon origin.  The  United  Netherlands,  Sweden,  Germany, 
the  refugees  from  religious  persecution  in  France,  had  con- 
tributed to  the  still  scanty  streams  of  population  covering 
the  broad  surface  of  the  thirteen  colonies  at  the  time  of 

/  their  political  revolution.  In  the  origin  of  the  colonies 
which  united  to  achieve  their  independence,  the  most  op- 
posite and  discordant  elements  were  combined.     All  the 

/  parties,  religious  and  political,  which  for  more  than  two 
centuries  had  convulsed  and  desolated  the  mother  coun- 
try, were  now  united  in  harmony  against  her.  The  cava- 
lier of  the  court  of  James  the  First  had  begun  the  settle- 
ment of  Virginia,  though  the  name  of  the  colony  dated 
back  to  the  romantic  age  of  Elizabeth.  The  rigid  Ro- 
man Catholic  nobleman  of  Ireland  formed  the  adjoining 
settlement  to  that  of  Virginia;  while,  at  a  later  period, 
the  aristocratic  republic  of  John  Locke  at  the  south,  and 
the  hereditary  Quaker  monarchy  of  William  Penn  at  the 
north,  bordered  upon  the  settlements  of  Virginia  and 
Maryland.  Next  to  these,  Sweden,  in  the  days  of  Chris- 
tina, and  the  United  Netherlands,  emancipated  from  the 
dominion  of  Spain,  had  commenced  establishments  des- 
tined to  fall  at  an  early  day,  by  the  right  of  conquest,  in- 
to the  hands  of  the  Anglo-Saxon.  The  spirit  of  adventure 
in  France  had  already  penetrated  to  those  mediterranean 
seas  which  seem  to  be  but  the  overflowing  of  the  river 
St.  Lawrence,  and  to  the  hyperborean  skies  of  Acadia. 

The  first  English  colony  u[>on  this  continent  had  re- 
ceived from  the  Virgin  Queen,  even  before  its  birth,  the 
name,  now  so  illustrious,  of  Virginia.  By  her  immediate 
successor,  James  the  First,  there  was  granted  a  territory, 
from  the  thirtieth  to  the  forty-eighth  degree  of  latitude,  to 
two  companies  of  merchants,  one  residing  in  London  and 


7%e  Mu>  Enghmd  Car^ederacy  of  164S.         193 

the  other  at  Plymouth,  so  that  the  benefits  of  the  trade 
for  which  those  companies  were  incorporated  might  be 
shared  alike  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  east  and  west  of 
.  England.     The  London  company,  by  its  location  in  the 
metropolis  of  the  kingdom,  possessed  of  course  more  means 
and  larger  resources,  and  obtained,  in  point  of  settlement, 
the  start  of  the  other.    But  the  same  John  Smith,  who  had 
been  so  distinguished  in  the  settlement  of  Virginia,  had, 
in  1614,  visited,  for  purposes  of  trade,  the  northern  division 
of  the  territory,  and  gave,  on  his  return  to  England,^  so 
flattering  an  account  of  the  country,   that  Charles  the 
First,  then  Prince  of  Wales,  gave  to  it,  as  a  token  of  his 
favor,  the  name  of  New  England^  which  thenceforward 
superseded  that  of  Virginia ;  —  New  England,  a  name  still 
dear  to  our  remembrance  as  a  link  of  connection  with  the 
land  of  our  forefathers,  and  of  which,  I  trust,  neither  we 
nor  our  successors  to  the  latest  generation  will  ever  have 
reason  to  be  ashamed.     It  is  a  name  peculiarly  appropri- 
ate to  that  portion  of  the  territory  of  this  Union  which 
yet  bears  it,  and  to   the  people  by  whom  it  is  inhabit- 
ed.    The  name  of  Yankee^  sometimes  given  to  them  in 
derision,  was,  in  its  origin,  but  the  Indian  pronunc'ation 
of  the  word  English^  and,  whoever  may  at  any  time  in- 
cline to  couple  it  with  a  sarcasm  or  a  sneer,  it  is  the  genu- 
ine representative  of  many  of  the  noblest  qualities  that 
elevate  and  adorn  the  human  character.    As  citizens  of 
the  great  community,  we  may  cordially  greet  as  fellow- 
citizens  all  whom  the  constitution  and  the  laws  entitle,  of 
whatever  lineage  or  descent,  and  whether  entitled  to  them 
by  birth  or  by  adoption ;  but  the  name  of  New  England 
carries  with  it  a  code  of  moral  and  religious  principles, 
imbedded  in  the  seminal  institutions  of  our  Pilgrim  fath- 
ers of  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts,  pure  from  the  foun- 
tain of   human  rights,  gathered  from  the    intermingling 
streams  oT  English  liberty,  and  as  yet  uncontaminated  by 
any  the  remotest  taint  of  slavery.     New  England  is  the 
child  of  that  Puritan  race,  whom  David  Hume,  with  ex- 
torted reluctance,  acknowledges  to  have  been  the  foun- 
ders of  all  the  liberties  of  the  English  nation.    "  So  power- 
ful," says  Dr.  Robertson,*  "  is  the  attraction  of  our  native 

*  History  of  America^  Book  IX. 

VOL.  IX.  35 


194         The  Mw  England  Ckmfederacy  of  164S. 

soil,  and  such  our  fortunate  partiality  to  the  laws  and  man- 
ners of  our  own  country,  that  men  seldom  choose  to  aban- 
don it,  unless  they  be  driven  away  by  oppression,  or 
allured  by  vast  projects  of  sudden  wealth " ;  and  again, 
^^  Something  more  than  the  prospect  of  distant  gain  to 
themselves,  or  of  future  advantages  to  their  country,  was 
requisite  in  order  to  induce  men  to  abandon  the  place  of 
their  nativity,  to  migrate  to  another  quarter  of  the  globe, 
and  endure  innumerable  hardships  under  an  untried  cli- 
mate, and  in  an  uncultivated  land  covered  with  woods,  or 
occupied  by  fierce  and  hostile  tribes  of  savages.  But 
what  mere  attention  to  private  emolument  or  to  national 
utility  could  not  effect  was  accomplished  by  the  opera- 
tion of  a  higher  principle.  Religion  had  gradually  ex- 
cited, among  a  great  body  of  the  people,  a  spirit  that  fitted 
them  remarkably  for  encountering  the  dangers  and  sur- 
mounting the  obstacles  which  had  previously  rendered 
abortive  the  schemes  of  colonization  in  that  part  of 
America  allotted  to  the  company  of  Plymouth."  He  pro- 
ceeds to  remark,  that  the  various  settlements  in  New 
England  are  indebted  for  their  origin  to  this  spirit,  and 
that  in  the  course  of  his  narrative  would  be  discerned  its 
influence,  mingling  in  all  their  transactions,  giving  a  pecu- 
liar tincture  to  the  character  of  the  people,  as  well  as  to 
•their  institutions,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical. 

The  primary  cause,  then,  of  the  various  settlements  of 
New  England  was  religion.  It  was  not  the  search  for 
gold,  —  it  was  not  the  pursuit  of  wealth,  —  it  was  not  the 
spirit  of  adventure.  It  was  not  the  martial  spirit  of  con- 
quest, which  animated  our  English  forefathers  to  plant 
themselves  here  in  a  desert  and  barren  wilderness,  to  lay 
the  foundations  of  the  mightiest  empire  that  the  world 
ever  saw.  It  was  religion.  It  was  the  Christian  religion, 
purified  and  refined  from  its  corruptions  by  the  fires  of 
persecution.  The  first  colonists  were,  indeed,  of  that  class 
of  emigrants  from  their  native  land  driven  away  by  op- 
pression ;  but  in  the  settlements  of  Plymouth  and  of  Massa- 
chusetts, the  stern  and  severe  impulses  of  religion  were 
tempered  by  the  tenderest  and  most  attractive  sympathies 
of  English  patriotism.  The  Plymouth  colonists  bad  been 
fugitives  from  the  North  of  England,  who  from  time  to 


7%i  Jyew  England  Confederacy  of  164S.        196 

time  had  escaped  by  crossing  the  North  Sea  to  Holland, 
in  numbers  sufficient  to  form  an  English  church  at  Lej- 
den.  Thej  had  fled  from  their  country  for  the  enjoyment 
of  religious  liberty  in  peace.  But  with  that  religion  was 
inseparably  connected  the  code  of  Christian  morals  in  its 
simplicity  and  in  its  purity,  —  a  code,  above  all  others, 
resting  upon  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  natural 
equality  of  mankind.  The  English  Puritan  found  in  Hol- 
land a  refuge  from  the  persecution  of  his  own  country- 
men, but  he  found  not  his  English  home,  he  found  not  the 
same  system  of  pure  morals  to  which  his  soul  was  bound. 
In  the  lapse  of  time,  he  found  that  his  children  were 
leaving  him  and  Ipsing  the  name  of  Englishmen ;  and 
notwithstanding  all  that  he  had  suffered  froqa  the  injustice 
of  his  countrymen,  so  intense  was  his  attachment  to  the 
name  of  England,  that,  interdicted  as  he  was  from  return- 
ing to  her  bosom,  he  determined  to  seek,  beyond  the  At- 
lantic Ocean,  at  the  distance  of  three  thousand  miles,  in 
the  most  desolate  region  of  the  new  hemisphere,  a  spot 
of  earth  where  he  could  make  for  himself  an  EngHsh 
home,  and  find  or  create  in  the  wilderness  a  new  Eng- 
land, as  the  only  consolation  accessible  to  his  heart  for 
the  loss  of  the  old.  The  same  spirit  is  breathed  in  the 
address  from  the  company  of  the  Massachusetts  colony, 
dated  at  Yarmouth,  on  the  7th  of  April,  1630,  on  boar4 
of  the  Arbella.  In  the  fervent  spirit  at  once  of  piety  and 
of  patriotism,  they  earnestly  beseech  their  countrymen 
whom  they  leave  behind  to  consider  them  as  their  breth- 
ren, needing  their  prayers  for  the  successful  accomplish- 
ment of  their  great  and  arduous  undertaking ;  professing 
not  to  be  of  those  that  dream  of  perfection  in  this  world, 
they  yet  desire  their  countrymen  to  take  notice  of  the 
principals  and  body  of  their  company,  as  those  who  es- 
teem it  their  honor  to  call  the  church  of  England,  from 
whence  they  rose,  their  dear  mother,  and  could  not  part 
from  their  native  country,  where  she  especially  resided, 
without  much  sadness  of  heart  and  many  tears  in  their 
eyes.  In  these  recorded  monuments  of  the  motives  which 
prompted  the  Pilgrims,  both  of  the  Plymouth  and  of  the 
Massachusetts  colonies,  in  their  emigration  to  this  hemi- 
sphere, may  we  not  clearly  discern  the  peculiar  propriety 


/ 


196         Tie  Mw  Enghmd  Canfederaey  of  1643; 

with  which  the  name  of  New  England  was  given  to  the 
land  which  they  were  to  inhabit?  The  profound  sense  of 
their  duty  to  God^  -«-  the  tender  tie  of  affection  for  their 
native  land,  —  the  Puritan  moral  principle  of  equal  and 
inalienable  rights,  -«-  the  secret,  pungent,  and  only  spur  to 
their  secession  from  that  dear  mother  church  whom  they 
so  dearly  loved,  and  yet  from  whom  with  such  agonizing 
tears  they  were  compelled  to  part!  O,  how  was  it 
possible  that  this  combination  of  elementary  principles^ 
swelling  with  an  irresistible  impulse  to  action  in  the  bo- 
soms  of  our  patriarchal  forefathers,  could  be  so  signally 
manifested  and  so  deeply  rooted  in  the  hearts  of  all  their 
posterity,  and  in  the  memory  of  all  mankind,  as  by  adopt- 
ing for  their  country  in  the  new  world  the  name  of  that 
which  had  been  the  centre  of  all  their  affections  in  the 
old  ? 

In  all  the  colonial  establishments  of  the  European  world 
in  this  hemisphere,  there  was  a  question  of  right  by  the 
laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God,  which  met  the  Euro- 
pean adventurer  as  he  landed  upon  the  shore,  —  the  pro- 
prietary right  of  the  prior  occupant.  By  the  law  of 
nature,  independent  of  all  revelation,  and  by  the  concur- 
rent testimony  of  holy  writ  in  the  narrative  of  the  crea- 
tion, the  earth  was  given  by  the  Creator  to  the  family  of 
man  for  the  purpose  of  improving  the  condition  of  its 
possessor,  and  power  was  given  them  over  the  lives  of 
all  other  animals  on  the  surface  or  in  the  bowels  of  the 
earth,  in  the  bosom  of  the  waters,  or  suspended  in  the 
sky.  The  Scripture  says  tbey  were  all  given  to  man  as 
articles  of  food,  —  but  no  such  power  was  given  over  his 
brother  man.  As  the  exclusive  possession  of  the  portion 
of  the  earth  occupied  by  man  for  tillage  must  be  held  by 
the  occupant,  at  least  for  a  season,  the  right  of  exclusive 
property  becomes  vested,  —  by  the  law  of  nature  the  right 
of  the  first  occupant ;  and  by  the  continuous  labor  of  til- 
lage from  season  to  season,  that  exclusive  proprietary  right 
becomes  permanent,  and  includes  the  right  of  inclosure 
and  of  exclusion  of  all  other  occupants.  Unoccupied 
earth  may  be  used  by  man  for  the  pursuit  of  those  ani- 
mals given  him  by  the  Creator,  for  food  or  for  pastime ; 
but  the  earth  cannot  be  used  at  once  for  the  purposes  of 


TImMw  England  Confederacy  of  16491        197 

the  chase  and  of  tillage^  which  cannot  be  commenced 
on  any  giren  portion  of  earth,  nntil  the  animal  occupants 
of  its  soil  have  been  expelled.  The  European  settlers 
on  the  territories  included  within  the  bounds  of  New- 
England  came  from  their  Transatlantic  homes  as  tiDers 
of  the  earth.  They  came  to  hold  the  earth  for  tillage, 
and  of  course  for  exclusive  possession.  They  found  the 
country  occupied  by  tribes  of  wandering  savages,  without 
permanent  habitation,  without  exclusive  occupation,  using* 
the  ground  not  for  tillage,  but  for  hunting,  and  having^ 
therefore  no  exclusive  right  to  the  soil.  The  Indian  sav- 
age used  the  earth  only  to  range  over  its  surface  in  searcb 
of  prey.  The  European  settler  needed  it  for  permanent 
and  exclusive  possession  by  tillage.  These  rights  could 
not  subsist  together.  By  the  law  of  nature,  the  right  of 
each  party  was  subject  to  the  condition  of  operating  no 
wrong  to  the  other.  The  Indian  savage  was  bound  to 
renounce  his  right  of  hunting  on  so  much  of  the  ground 
as  was  necessary  to  the  European  settler  for  tillage,  and 
the  European  was  bound  to  make  a  reasonable  compen- 
sation to  the  Indian  for  the  extinction  for  ever  of  his 
right  of  hunting  on  those  identical  grounds.  But  the 
Indian  hunter  had  no  permanent  right  to  the  soil  to  re- 
nounce, and  the  European  settler  did  him  no  wrong  by 
assuming,  after  compensating  him  for  his  right  of  hunting 
there,  exclusive  possession  of  the  soil  to  himself.  Of  the 
European  settlers  on  the  American  continent,  the  coIo* 
nists  of  New  England  were  the  first  who  ever  held  them.- 
selves  bound  to  respect  the  right  of  prior  occupancy  of 
the  Indian  savage,  and  to  purchase  it  of  him  for  an  equiv- 
alent. But  the  Indian  could  grant  no  more  than  he  pos- 
sessed, and  with  the  exception  of  his  wigwam,  which 
had  no  permanent  location,  his  only  right  was  to  hunt 
and  fish  \^ithin  certain  determinate  metes  and  bounds. 
The  whole  territory  of  New  England  was  thus  purchased 
for  valuable  consideration  by  the  new-comers,  and  the  . 
Indian  title  was  extinguished  by  compact  fulfilling  the  ^^ 
law  of  justice  between  man  and  man.  The  most  emi- 
nent writer  on  the  law  of  nations,  of  modern  times, 
Yattel,  has  paid  a  worthy  tribute  of  respect  to  our  fore- 
fathers, for  their  rigid  observance,  in  this  respect,  of  the 


198         7%e  Mw  England  Canfedemey  of  1645. 

natural  rights  of  the  indigenous  natives  of  the  country. 
It  is  from  the  example  of  the  New  England  Puritans  that 
he  draws  the  preceptive  rule,  and  he  awards  to  them 
merited  honor  for  having  established  il. 

My  Brethren  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
the  reputation  of  our  forefathers  is  the  choicest  inherit- 
ance and  the  richest  possession  they  have  left  us.  The 
preservation  of  their  good  name  from  those  slanders  with 
which  they  were  so  bitterly  persecuted  and  so  pertina- 
ciously assailed  in  their  own  time,  and  which,  passing 
from  age  to  age,  with  a  perseverance  of  envy  and  detrac- 
tion, are  yet  showered  upon  them,  is  one  of  the  preemi- 
nent duties  of  our  society.  If  justice  rules  the  ball,  if 
communities  are  accessible  to  the  chastisements  of  future 
retribution,  there  is  a  fearful  account  of  wrong,  of  which 
the  civilized  white  European  will  be  responsible  here- 
after to  the  Indian  races  of  this  hemisphere  for  the  bal- 
ance. Nor  is  the  account  yet  closed.  We  ourselves,  as- 
sembled here,  are  jet  witnessing,  in  silent  acquiescence,  a 
treatment  of  the  Indian  tribes  cursed  with  our  protection 
by  the  government  of  our  national  Union,  —  a  treatment 
marked  with  perfidy  as  faithless,  with  oppression  as  griev- 
ous, with  tyranny  as  inexorable,  as  ever  presided  over  the 
conquests  of  Cortes  or  Pizarro.  The  history  of  our  ne- 
gotiations for  the  last  ten  or  twelve  years  with  the  Indian 
tribes,  and  their  result,  present  in  sad  relief  the  expulsion 
of  the  Southern  tribes,  not  only  from  their  hunting-grounds, 
but  from  their  own  domain ;  from  the  possession  of  the 
soil  acquired  by  their  conversion,  at  our  instance  and  under 
our  persuasion,  from  the  hunter  to  the  agricultural  state. 
From  their  planted  lands,  from  their  comfortable  dwell- 
ings, from  their  domestic  hearths,  and  the  sepulchres 
of  their  fathers,  pledged  by  solemn  treaties  to  their  per- 
petual possession,  they  have  been  expelled  by  the  rude 
hand  of  violence,  and  driven,  like  herds  of  cattle,  to  a 
common  receptacle  beyond  the  Mississippi,  whence  they 
are  already  threatened  again  with  expulsion  by  their 
neighbours  of  Arkansas  and  Missouri. 

It  is  not  for  us,  therefore,  to  charge  with  injustice  or 
cruelty  towards  the  original  inhabitants  of  this  continent 
the  Puritan  English  colonists  of  the  seventeenth  century. 


Tie  J>rew  England  Confederacy  of  164S.        199 

The  transition  of  an  extensive  region  of  the  globe  from 
a  land  of  hunters  to  a  land  of  planters  is  the  metamor- 
phosis of  a  wilderness  into  a  garden.  How  pleasing  to 
the  imagination  is  the  scene,  —  and  jet  how  afflicting  to 
the  sense  of  humanity  the  processj  of  the  operation ! 
The  tenant  of  the  wilderness  must  be  dispossessed  or 
withdraw;  the  game,  which  furnishes  at  once  his  sub- 
sistence and  the  occupation  of  his  life,  must  be  extermi- 
nated ;  flocks  and  herds  of  tame  animals  must  take  the 
place  of  the  beaver,  the  buffalo,  and  the  deer;  and  the 
tassels  of  the  maize,  the  waving  grass,  the  bean-pole  and 
the  pea-vine,  must  open  their  ripening  fruits  to  the  sun,  on 
ground  hidden  even  from  the  face  of  the  hunter  by  tan- 
gled thickets,  and  gnarled  oaks,  and  enormous  hemlocks 
in  thick  array,  standing  as  if  in  defiance  of  the  genial  in- 
fluence of  the  sky.  Yet,  by  some  mysterious  law  of  na- 
ture, man  the  hunter  becomes,  in  the  process  of  time,  so 
attached  to  his  condition,  that  he  inflexibly  refuses  to 
change  it ;  he*  perseveres  in  his  roving  pursuits  of  the 
chase ;  he  refuses  to  erect  for  himself  a  permanent  habi- 
tation ;  he  neither  tills  the  ground,  nor  attempts  to  tame 
the  beasts  of  the  field,  or  the  fowls  of  the  air,  for  his 
use ;  he  has  no  genius  for  the  mechanic  arts ;  he  has  no 
relish  for  sedentary  labors ;  he  borrows  occasionally  from 
the  civilized  man  a  blacksmith  to  sharpen  his  tools,  and 
exchanges  his  prey  from  the  chase  for  the  rifle,  the  pow- 
der, and  the  ball,  more  expeditious  for  his  own  work  of 
destruction  than  his  bow  and  arrow.  He  is  formed  for 
the  wilderness,  and  the  wilderness  is  formed  for  him. 

The  confederation,  of  which  this  day  is  selected  as  the 
two-hundredth  anniversary,  was  formed  between  the  four 
New  England  colonies  of  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  Con- 
necticut, and  New  Haven.  Th^  date  of  the  act  of  con- 
federation itself  is  the  19th  of  May,  1643;  it  was  then 
subscribed  at  Boston,  where  it  had  been  negotiated,  by  in- 
crease Howell,  Secretary  of  the  General  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts, by  John  Haynes  and  Edward  Hopkins,  com- 
missioners from  Connecticut,  and  by  Theophilus  Eaton 
and  Thomas  Gregson  from  New  Haven.  The  commis- 
sioners from  Plymouth  were  Edward  Winslow  and  Wil- 
liam Collier;  but  although  the  confederation  itself  had 


2CX)        The  Mw  England  Confederacy  of  164S. 

originated  in  that  colony,  and  had  been  first  proposed  by 
her,  she  had  not  aathorized  her  commissioners  to  con- 
dude,  without  reference  back  to  her  own  General  Court, 
which  was  done,  and  at  the  second  meeting  of  the  com- 
missioners, held  at  Boston  in  September  of  the  same  year, 
the  commissioners  from  Plymouth  presented  an  order  of 
their  General  Court  of  29th  August,  1643,  attesting 
that  the  articles  of  confederation  were  read,  approved, 
and  confirmed  by  the  said  court  and  all  their  townships, 
and  their  commissioners  authorized  to  ratify  them  by  their 
subscriptions,  which  they  accordingly  did  on  the  7th  of 
September,  1643. 

The  parties  to  this  confederacy  were  the  colonies, 
1st,  of  Plymouth ;  2d,  of  Massachusetts ;  3d,  of  Connect- 
icut; 4th,  of  New  Haven.  1st,  The  Plymouth  Colony  is 
remarkable  for  having  furnished  the  first  example  in  mod- 
ern times  of  a  social  compact  or  system  of  government 
instituted  by  voluntary  agreement,  conformably  to  the 
laws  of  nature,  by  men  of  equal  rights,  and  about  to  es- 
tablish their  permanent  habitation  as  a  community  in  a 
new  country.  Upon  their  landing  at  Plymouth,  in  the 
dead  of  winter,  they  had  no  charter  from  their  king  and 
no  right  to  the  soil  upon  which  they  landed. 

The  grants  of  rights  and  powers  for  the  exercise  of 
colonial  governments  in  the  colonies  were  in  that  age 
exercised  by  the  kings  of  England.  It  was  a  branch  of  the 
royal  prerogative,  assumed,  but  never  legalized.  The  right 
of  conquering  distant  lands  inhabited  by  infidels  had 
grown  an  absurd  and  unnatural  excrescence  from  the  con- 
version of  Constantino  to  the  Christian  faith.  The  words 
he  had  heard  in  his  nightly  vision  of  a  crucifix  surrounded 
with  celestial  splendors  were,  'Ev  xovxm  vixuj —  In  this  con- 
quer;—  and  the  imposture  itself  of  that  pretended  miracle 
affords  evidence  superabundantly  that  the  impulse  of  Con- 
stantine  to  embrace  the  Christian  religion  was  not  the 
adorable  doctrines  and  heavenly  precepts  of  the  meek  and 
lowly  Jesus,  but  worldly  grandeur,  imperial  power,  and 
dominion  on  the  earth.  The  despotism  of  imperial  Rome, 
engrafted  upon  the  hierarchy  of  the  church,  formed  the 
system  substituted  for  that  of  human  rightSj  under  which 
mankind  has  groaned  from  the  age  of  the  Caesars  to  this 


Uie  Mw  England  Confederacy  ef  1648.       201 

daj.  Jesus  Christ  had  said  to  the  Apostle  Peter,  -—  <^Thou 
art  a  rock,  and  upon  this  rock  1  will  build  my  church,  and 
the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.  And  I  will 
give  unto  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven :  and 
whatsoever  thou  shalt  bind  on  earth  shall  be  bound  in  heav- 
en ;  and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose  on  earth  shall  be  loosed 
in  heaven/'  Whatever  power  was  conferred  upon  Peter 
bj  these  words,  it  is  subject  to  two  restrictive  conditions. 
First,  the  kingdom,  the  keys  of  which  were  promised  to 
Peter,  was  not  of  this  world.  It  was  no  grant  of  tem^ 
poral  power.  And  secondly,  it  was  a  grant  exclusively  to 
Peter,  without  any  authority  to  him  to  devolve  the  same 
upon  any  other  person,  much  less  authorizing  others  to 
confer  it  upon  his  successors.  Yet  upon  this  airy  founda* 
tion  the  church  of  Rome  erected  the  most  stupendous  and 
unlimited  engine  of  power,  spiritual  and  temporal,  that 
ever  weighed  upon  the  family  of  man.  For  the  succes- 
sors of  Saint  Peter  assumed  that  all  the  kingdoms  of  the 
earth  were  to  be  made  kingdoms  of  heaven,  and  that  the 
persons  and  property  of  all  nations  not  already  subjected 
to  Christianity  were,  by  this  donation  of  Jesus  to  Peter, 
placed  at  their  absolute  and  arbitrary  disposal.  One  of 
the  most  prominent  exercises  of  this  power  was  the  bull 
of  Alexander,  the  6th  of  May,  1494.  granting  to  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella  of  Spain  all  the  lands  west  of  a  line 
drawn  from  the  south  pole  one  hundred  leagues  west  of 
the  Azores  and  Cape  de  Verd  Islands. 

When  the  kings  of  England  seceded  from  the  authority 
of  the  church  of  Rome,  they  substituted  themselves  as 
heads  of  the  church,  and  assumed  all  the  authority  over 
foreign  and  barbarous  nations,  for  the  purpose  of  convert- 
ing them  to  Christianity,  which  had  been  assumed  at  any 
time  by  the  bishops  of  Rome.  They  also  granted  the  lands 
of  foreign  and  barbarous  nations  (as  were  all  those  of  the 
western  hemisphere),  without  any  restriction  whatever  in 
the  exercise  of  power  over  their  persons  or  their  property. 
They  held  their  own  subjects  engaged  in  such  enterprises 
always  and  everywhere  inalienably  bound  in  allegiance  to 
them,  and  declared  them  always  and  everywere  entitled 
to  their  sovereign  protection.  None  of  these  transcenden-' 
tal  and  elementary  questions  of  relative  right  and  power 

VOL.  IX.  26 


202        The  Mw  England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

between  the  sovereign  and  the  subject,  and  between  the 
European  adventurer  and  the  indigenous  native  of  Ameri- 
ca, appear  to  have  arisen  in  the  formation  of  any  other 
colonies  than  those  of  New  England. 

The  Pilgrims  of  Plymouth  landed  on  a  desert  within 
the  boundaries  assigned  by  the  charter  of  Charles  the 
First  to  the  Plymouth  company ;  but  they  came  not  with 
license  from  the  company  itself.  They  came  not  even 
as  English  subjects,  but  as  strangers,  long  exiled  from 
her  borders  by  the  tyranny  of  her  laws,  seeking  a  place 
of  refuge  under  the  protection  of  another  sovereign,  but 
cast  again  by  an  accident,  over  which  they  had  no  control, 
upon  the  tender  mercies  of  that  ecclesiastical  power  from 
which  they  had  already  found  no  salvation  but  by  es- 
caping from  their  country.  Without  the  shadow  of  blame 
upon  themselves,  and  in  the  exercise  of  the  purest  ener- 
gies that  can  direct  and  guide  the  conduct  of  men,  they 
were  outlawed  both  from  England  and  from  the  Nether- 
lands ;  and  the  social  compact,  signed  on  the  deck  of  the 
Mayflower  before  their  landing,  was  the  necessary  result 
of  their  situation  as  men  in  a  state  of  nature,  subject  to  ' 
no  law  but  that  which  they  consented  to  impose  upon 
themselves. 

In  the  establishment  of  the  Massachusetts  colony,  an 
incident  had  occurred,  which,  whether  intended  by  those 
who  proposed  and  accomplished  it,  or  merely  projected 
for  the  special  convenience  of  the  emigrants,  and  after- 
wards accommodating  itself  to  their  condition  and  wants 
so  as  silently  to  efiect  a  revolution,  did  certainly  change 
the  whole  system  of  English  colonization,  and,  by  bestow- 
ing upon  the  colonies  themselves  an  organization  perpetu- 
ally tending  to  independence,  gradually  predisposed  the 
minds  and  measures  of  men  to  that  final  separation  from 
the  parent  stock  which  it  was  impossible  not  to  foresee 
must,  in  the  lapse  of  ages,  prove  unavoidable.  I  speak 
of  the  transfer  of  the  charter  itself  to  America.  Certain- 
ly nothing  like  this  could  have  been  contemplated  in  the 
original  establishment  of  the  company.  That  was  in- 
stituted for  purposes  of  trade,  and  of  which  the  adven- 
turers who  furnished  the  funds  would  naturally  choose  to 
retain  the  management  in  their  own  hands.    The  charter 


TTie  JWto  England  Confederacy  of  1643.      il03 

transferred  to  America  was  a  constitution  of  governmenti 
and  as  such  was  always  considered.  It  left  the  liberties 
and  the  actions  of  the  settlers  in  the  new  country  entire- 
ly under  their  own  control,  released  from  the  humors  and 
prejudices  of  a  court  of  directors  in  London.  Under  that 
management,  it  would  necessarily  have  followed  that  all 
the  measures  of  the  corporation  would  have  been  taken 
with  final  reference  to  the  interests  of  the  undertakers  at 
home.  It  would  have  been  a  company  to  be  enriched, 
and  not  a  people  to  be  governed.  The  change  was  a  total 
one,  a  democratic  revolution.  By  the  transfer  of  the  char- 
ter to  America,  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  a  joint- 
stock  trading  company  by  its  members  was  changed  into 
the  government  of  a  people,  —  a  pure  democracy;  and 
in  the  space  of  four  years  after  the  landing  of  John  Win- 
throp  and  his  company  with  the  charter,  the  numbers  of 
the  colony  had  so  much  increased  and  their  settlements 
had  so  expanded,  that  the  natural  result  of  a  representative 
democracy  forced  itself  upon  them. 

"  Notice  being  sent  out,"  says  Winthrop's  Journal 
♦  (Savage's  Winthrop,  I.  128),  "of  the  General  Court  to  be 
held  the  14th  day  of  the  third  month,  called  May  (1634), 
the  freemen  deputed  two  of  each  town  to  meet  and  con- 
sider of  such  matters  as  they  were  to  take  order  in  at  the 
same  General  Court ;  who,  having  met,  desired  a  sight  of 
the  patent^  and  conceiving  thereby  that  all  their  laws 
should  be  made  at  the  General  Court,  repaired  to  the 
governor  to  advise  with  him  about  it.  He  told  them,  that, 
when  the  patent  was  granted,  the  number  of  freemen  wa^ 
supposed  to  be  (as  in  like  corporations)  so  few,  as  th^y 
might  well  join  in  making  laws ;  but  now  they  were 
grown  to  so  a  great  body,  as  it  was  not  possible  for  them 
to  make  or  execute  laws,  but  they  must  choose  others  for 
that  purpose;  and  that  howsoever  it  would  be  necessary 
hereafter  to  have  a  select  company  to  intend  that  work, 
yet  for  the  present  they  were  not  furnished  with  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  men  qualified  for  such  a  business,  neither 
could  the  commonwealth  bear  the  loss  of  time  of  so  many 
as  must  intend  it.  Yet  this  they  might  do  at  present, 
viz.,  they  might  at  the  General  Court  make  an  order 
that  once  in  the  year  a  certain  niunber  should  be  ap- 


204        The  Mw  England  Qmfederacy  of  1643. 

pointed  (upon  summons  from  the  governor)  to  revise  all 
laws  and  to  reform  what  thej  found  amiss  therein;  but 
not  to  make  any  new  laws,  but  prefer  their  grievances 
to  the  court  of  assistants ;  and  that  no  assessment  should 
be  laid  upon  the  country  without  the  consent  of  such  a 
committee,  nor  any  lands  disposed  of." 

To  the  remark  upon  this  passage  of  the  last  editor  of 
Governor  "Winthrop's  Journal,  that  no  country  on  earth 
can  afford  the  perfect  history  of  any  event  more  interest- 
ing to  its  own  inhabitants  than  that  which  is  here  related, 
I  will  only  add  that  in  this  transaction,  following,  as  by 
the  providential  agency  of  a  law  of  nature,  the  transfer 
of  the  charter  of  Massachusetts  to  this  country,  are  to  be 
found  the  primordia  rerum,  the  first  elements  of  that 
great  republican,  democratic,  confederated  republic,  des- 
tined to  gather  under  the  shadow  of  its  wings,  in  its  ap- 
pointed time,  perhaps  the  whole  continents  of  North  and 
South  America. 

The  settlement  of  Connecticut  was  commenced  in  1636 
by  Mr.  Hooker,  with  detachments  from  the  inhabitants 
of  Newtown,  Dorchester,  Watertown,  and  Roxbury.  They  < 
went  out  from  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  and  with 
some  informal  warrant  from  its  magistrates,  but  their  loca- 
tion was  without  the  bounds  of  its  charter.  In  1631,  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  had  obtained  from  Charles  the  First 
a  grant  of  forty  leagues  of  seacoast  westward  from  the 
mouth  of  Narraganset  River,  which  had  been  assigned  to 
Lord  Say  and  Seal,  Lord  Brook,  and  others,  among  whom 
were  John  Pym  and  John  Hampden  ;  and  in  1635,  a  grant 
of  sixty  leagues  of  territory,  including  the  Connecticut 
River,  had  been  made  by  the  council  at  Plymouth  to  James, 
Marquis  of  Hamilton;  but  in  1638,  on  the  14th  of  Janu- 
ary, the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  of  Hartford,  Weathers- 
field,  and  Windsor  resorted  to  the  usual  expedient,  of 
which  the  Plymouth  pilgrims  had  set  the  first  example, 
and  formed  among  themselves  a  compact  or  constitution 
of  government ;  "  and  well  knowing  where  a  people  are 
gathered  together,  the  word  of  God  requires,  that,  to  main- 
tain the  peace  and  union  of  such  a  people,  there  should  be 
an  orderly  and  decent  government  established  according  to 
God,  to  order  and  dispose  of  the  affairs  of  the  people  at 


Tk€  jyew  England  Confederacy  of  1643.       206 

all  seasons,  as  occasion  should  require,"  —  thej  did  there- 
fore ^^  associate  and  conjoin  themselves  to  be  as  one  pub- 
lic estate  or  commonwealth,  and  did  for  themselves  and 
successors,  and  such  as  should  be  adjoined  to  them  at 
any  time  thereafter,  enter  into  combination  and  confedera- 
tion together  to  maintain  and  preserve  the  liberty  and 
purity  of  the  gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  which  they 
professed,  and  also  the  discipline  of  the  church  of  Christy 
according  to  the  truth  of  said  gospel  as  then  preached 
among  them;  as  also,  in  civil  affairs,  to  be  guided  and 
governed  according  to  such  laws,  rules,  orders,  and  decrees 
as  should  be  made,  ordered,  and  decreed,  as  prescribed  in 
the  contract " ;  —  that  is,  that  two  courts  or  assemblies 
should  be  held  every  year,  at  one  of  which  election  should 
be  made  of  deputies  and  magistrates,  and  a  governor  to 
serve  for  a  single  year. 

The  colony  of  New  Haven  was  settled  by  a  company 
who  came  over  from  England  to  Boston  in  1637.  Its 
most  prominent  members  were  Theophilus  Eaton  and 
Edward  Hopkins,  merchants  of  London,  and  John  Daven- 
port, a  minister,  who,  says  Neal,  came  over  with  a  very 
great  retinue  of  acquaintances  and  followers.  They  would 
have  formed  a  precious  acquisition  of  strength  to  the 
Massachusetts  colony,  the  General  Court  of  which  offered 
them  a  grant  of  any  spot  within  their  jurisdiction,  upon 
which  they  could  fix  their  choice.  But  the  spirit  of  in- 
dependence and  self-government,  so  transcendent  over 
all  others  among  the  Puritans  of  that  age,  and  stimulated 
perhaps  by  personal  aspirations  of  relative  dignity  and 
consideration,  in  the  bosoms  of  the  leading  laymen,  or  of 
their  spiritual  guide,  prompted  them  purposely  to  step  be- 
yond the  jurisdiction  of  any  charter,  and  to  plant  them- 
selves in  a  valley  where  they  might  exercise  the  sover- 
eignty of  nature  and  establish  a  constitution  of  govern- 
ment founded  on  the  solemnly  settled  principle,  that  the 
Holy  Scriptures  are  the  perfect  rule  of  a  commonwealth, 
and  that  the  exercise  of  all  the  powers  of  government 
should  be  exclusively  committed  to  the  members  of  the 
church.  Such  a  government  they  did  accordingly  insti- 
tute. 

These  were  the  four  colonies  of  New  England  united 


206        Uie  Mw  England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

in  the  confederacy  of  1643.  The  existence  of  four  dis- 
tinct communities  of  men,  associated  together,  each  by  a 
separate  primitive  compact,  settled  on  a  territory  so  small 
as  that  of  New  England,  and  all  consisting  of  one  small 
religious  sect  of  Christians,  seceders.  from  the  church  of 
England,  may  well  lead  an  impartial  observer  of  another 
age  to  conclude,  that,  if  the  spirit,  under  the  impulse  of 
which  they  all  acted,  was  conscientious,  it  was  also  con- 
tentious, —  contentious  far  beyond  the  bounds  of  Christian 
charity.  But  there  was  yet  another,  a  fifth  New  England 
colony,  denied  admission  into  the  union,  and  furnishing, 
in  its  broadest  latitude,  the  demonstration  of  that  conscien- 
tious, contentious  spirit  which  so  signally  characterized  the 
English  Puritans  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  founders 
of  New  England,  of  all  the  liberties  of  the  British  nation, 
and  of  the  ultimate  universal  freedom  of  the  race  of  man. 
The  founder  of  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island  was  Roger 
Williams,  a  man  who  may  be  considered  the  very  imper- 
sonation of  this  combined  conscientious,  contentious  spirit. 
Born  in  the  land  of  Sir  Hugh  Evans  and  Captain  Fluel- 
len,  educated  at  the  University  of  Oxford,  at  the  very 
'"period  when  the  monarchical,  episcopal  church  of  Eng- 
land was  purging  herself  as  by  fire  from  the  corruptions 
of  the  despotic  and  soul-degrading  church  of  Rome,  he 
arrived  at  Boston  in  February,  1630,  about  half  a  year 
after  the  landing  of  the  Massachusetts  colony  of  Governor 
Winthrop.  He  was  an  eloquent  preacher,  —  stiff  and 
self-confident  in  his  opinions,  ingenious,  powerful,  and  com- 
manding in  impressing  them  upon  others,  inflexible  in  his 
adherence  to  them,  and,  by  an  inconsistency  peculiar  to 
religious  enthusiasts,  combining  the  most  amiable  and 
affectionate  sympathies  of  the  heart  with  the  most  re- 
pulsive and  inexorable  exclusions  of  conciliation,  compli- 
ance, or  intercourse  with  his  adversaries  in  opinion.  On 
his  first  arrival,  he  went  to  Salem,  and  there  soon  made 
himself  so  acceptable  by  his  preaching,  that  the  people 
of  Mr.  Skelton's  church  invited  him  to  settle  with  them 
as  his  colleague.  But  he  had  broached  and  made  no 
hesitation  in  maintaining  two  opinions  imminently  dan- 
gerous to  the  very  existence  of  the  Massachusetts  colony, 
and  certainly  not  remarkable  for  that  spirit  of  charity,  or 


The  Mw  England  Confederacy  of  1643.        207 

toleration,  upon  which  he  afterwards  founded  his  own 
government,  and  which  now,  in  after  ages,  constitutes  his 
brightest  title  to  renown.  The  first  of  these  opinions 
was  that  the  royal  charter  to  the  colony  of  Massachusetts 
was  a  nullity,  —  because  the  king  of  England  had  no  right 
to  grant  lands  in  foreign  countries  which  belonged  of 
right  to  their  native  inhabitants.  This  opinion  struck  di- 
rectly at  all  right  of  property  held  under  the  authority  of 
the  royal  charter,  and,  followed  to  its  logical  conclusions, 
would  have  proved  the  utter  impotence  of  the^royal  char- 
ter to  confer  powers  of  government  any  more  than  it 
could  convey  property  in  the  soil.  The  other  opinion  was 
that  the  church  of  Boston  was  criminal,  for  having  omit- 
ted to  make  a  public  declaration  of  repentance  for  having 
held  communion  with  the  church  of  England  before  their 
emigration  ;  and  upon  that  ground  he  had  refused  to  join 
in  communion  with  the  church  at  Boston. 

Other  opinions,  not  less  extreme,  and  shaking  the  foun- 
dations of  human  society,  were  laid  to  his  charge,  and 
were  by  him  neither  disproved  nor  disavowed.  It  cannot 
be  surprising,  therefore,  that,  at  that  period,  the  interfer- 
ence of  Governor  Wintbrop  and  his  assistants,  by  remon- 
strance or  advice  to  the  church  of  Salem,  should  have  pre- 
vented his  settlement  there.  He  went  to  Plymouth,  and 
was  soon  settled  in  the  church  at  that  place.  They  had 
not  the  crime  of  communion  with  the  church  of  England, 
before  their  emigration,  to  repent  of  in  sackcloth  and 
ashes ;  and  they  had  no  charter  the  constitutional  validity 
of  which  could  be  contested.  But  extreme  opinions  on 
principles  of  morals  and  radical  abstractions  affecting  the 
origin  and  right  of  property  are  seldom  solitary.  Para- 
doxes are  of  a  prolific  breed ;  and  Mr.  Williams,  popular 
as  he  always  made  himself  in  the  pulpit,  in  the  course  of 
two  or  three  years  held  forth  doctrines  producing  dissen- 
sion and  discord  in  his  Plymouth  fiock,  from  which  he 
solicited  a  dismission  to  the  church  of  Salem,  and  it  was 
granted. 

Abstract  truth,  when  coming  into  collision  with  human 
institutions,  and  asserted  with  eloquent  lips,  never  fails 
to  make  its  way  to  the  heart  of  man.  In  the  interval  of 
Williams's  residence  at  Plymouth,  Mr.  Skelton  had  died, 


208         The  Mw  England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

and  his  people,  now  in  defiance  of  the  remonstrances  of 
the  colonial  magistrates,  elected  Williams  for  their  teach- 
er. His  hostility  to  the  foundations  of  the  Massachusetts 
colony  was  neither  confined  to  speculation  nor  merely 
defensive.  It  was  altogether  revolutionary.  He  denied 
utterly  the  validity  of  the  colonial  charter.  He  refused  to 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and,  in  retaliation  of  the  re- 
monstrances of  the  Massachusetts  magistrates  against  his 
election,  and  of  their  withholding  a  grant  of  a  lot  of  land, 
for  which  liis  church  at  Salem  had  petitioned,  he  pre- 
vailed on  that  church  to  write  letters  of  admonition  and 
accusation  against  the  magistrates  to  the  churches  of 
which  they  were  members.  This,  in  the  temper  of  the 
times,  could  be  considered  in  no  other  light  than  instiga- 
tion to  rebellion.  At  the  next  General  Court,  Salem  was 
disfranchised  till  an  apology  should  be  made.  This  brought 
to  a  crisis  the  continued  existence  of  the  Massachusetts 
colonial  government  itself.  The  people  of  Salem  sub- 
mitted, apologized,  and  returned  to  their  allegiance.  The 
insurrection  was  subdued,  tranquillity  restored,  —  all  was 
quiet,  ^^pmter  atrocem  animum  Catonis.^^ 

Williams  had,  by  the  subtlety  and  vehemence  of  his 
persuasive  powers,  prevailed  upon  Endicott  to  look  upon 
the  cross  of  St.  George  in  the  banners  of  England  as  a 
badge  of  idolatry,  and  to  cause  it  actually  to  be  cut  out 
of  the  fiag  floating  at  the  fort  in  Salem.  The  red  cross 
of  St.  George  in  the  national  banners  of  England  was  a 
grievous  and  odious  eyesore  to  multitudes,  probably  to  a 
great  majority,  of  the  Massachusetts  colonists ;  but  in  the 
eyes  of  the  government  of  the  colony,  it  was  the  sacred 
badge  of  allegiance  to  the  monarchy  at  home,  already 
deeply  jealous  of  the  purposes  and  designs  of  the  Puritan 
colony.  The  charter  itself  was  in  imminent  and  daily 
danger  of  revocation,  under  the  influence  of  Laud;  and 
nothing  could  be  more  clearly  indicative  of  a  spirit  of 
total  independence  than  the  exclusion  of  the  cross  from 
the  colonial  standard.  At  the  next  ensuing  election, 
Endicott  was  left  out  of  the  magistracy,  called  to  account 
before  the  General  Court,  and  sentenced  as  for  a  great 
offence,  —  admonished  and  disabled  for  one  year  from 
bearing  any  public  office ;  his  judges  declining  any  heavier 


7%e  JVhr  England  Confederacy  of  1643.       209 

sentence,  because  they  were  persuaded  he  did  it  out  of 
tenderness  of  conscience,  and  not  of  any  evil  intent. 

Mr.  Williams  now,  in  the  further  indulgence  of  his  con- 
scientious contention,  required  his  church  to  breath  off 
from  communion  with  all  the  churches,  not  only  of  Old^ 
but  of  New  England.  They  were  all  unregenerate,  and 
all  communion  of  the  regenerate  with  the  unregenerate 
man  was  sin.  His  church  staggered  and  paused.  He 
gave  them  warning,  that,  if  they  would  not  separate  from 
all  contaminating  communion  with  the  unregenerate,  he 
would  separate  himself  from  them ;  and  the  deed  followed 
the  word.  He  opened  a  conventicle  in  his  own  house, 
not  unattended  with  followers,  and  quarrelled  with  his 
wife  for  persevering  to  worship  with  that  church  which 
he  had  excommunicated  as  unregenerate.  Can  we  blan^e 
the  founders  of  the  Massachusetts  colony  for  banishing 
him  from  within  their  jurisdiction?  In  the  annals  of  re- 
ligious persecution,  is  there  to  be  found  a  martyr  more 
gently  dealt  with  by  those  against  whom  he  began  the 
war  of  intolerance,  —  whose  authority  he  persisted,  even 
after  professions  of  penitence  and  submission,  in  defying, 
till  deserted  even  by  the  wife  of  his  bosom,  —  and  whose 
utmost  severity  of  punishment  upon  him  was  only  an  or-p 
der  for  his  removal,  as  a  nuisance,  from  among  them.*^ 
They  would  have  sent  him  to  England  for  a  trial  far 
otherwise  severe ;  but  he  escaped  from  their  pursuit,  and, 
after  wandering  a  winter  long  among  the  Indian  savages, 
whom  he  had  attached  to  him  by  his  reverence  for  their 
rights,  he  attempted  first  to  make  a  settlement  at  See- 
konk,  but,  finding  that  within  the  Plymouth  jurisdiction, 
finally  alighted  at  a  spring  at  the  head  of  a  creek  beyond 
all  the  chartered  grasp  of  civilized  man,  and  called  it 
Providence. 

And  here  it  was  that  he  finally  obtained,  by  means  of 
grants  of  lands  from  the  Indians  in  that  region  and  in 
the  neighbouring  island  of  Aquidneck,  and  lastly  of  a 
charter  from  the  monarch  of  England,  the  occasion  of 
establishing  a  colony  upon  his  own  darling  principles  of 
religious  toleration  and  political  democracy. 

From  the  moment  they  were  delivered  of  his  presence, 
there  appears  never  in  the  Massachusetts  colony  the  slight- 

voL.  IX.  27 


210        T%e  JVltw  England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

est  disposition  to  persecute  or  molest  him.  It  was  by  the 
advice  of  Governor  Winthrop,  given  in  a  private  letter, 
and  encouraging  him  from  the  freeness  of  the  place  from 
English  claims  or  patents,  that  he  steered  his  course  to 
the  Narraganset  Bay.  Winslow,  from  the  Plymouth  colo- 
ny, visited  him,  and  put  a  piece  of  gold  into  the  hands 
of  his  wife  for  their  supply.  And  in  the  Pequot  war  of 
1637,  the  English  of  Massachusetts  employed  him  to  make 
a  league,  offensive  and  defensive,  with  the  Narraganset 
Indians,  which  he  accomplished. 

The  settlement  of  Roger  Williams  at  Providence  was 
made  in  1636.  The  deed  of  the  sachems,  Canonicus, 
and  MiantoQomy,  of  his  lands,  was  dated  two  years  later, 
and  contemporaneous  with  it  to  a  day  was  their  grant  to 
William  Ccddington  and  his  friends  of  the  island  of 
Aquidneck,  afterwards,  now,  and  for  all  future  time, 
known  by  the  honorable  name  of  Rhode  Island ;  the 
joint  government  of  which,  under  the  form  of  a  perfect 
modern  democracy,  and  by  the  name  of  the  colony  of 
Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  was  first  char- 
tered by  the  usurped  authority  of  the  Long  Parliament, 
then  deeply  tinged  with  aristocracy  by  a  charter  from  the 
restored  Stuart,  Charles  the  Second,  and  recently,  by  a 
fearful  political  convulsion,  reinvested  by  her  own  people 
in  the  attributes  of  democracy,  modified  by  her  more  en- 
larged existence  as  a  member  of  this  great  North  Ameri- 
can Union. 

At  the  formation  of  the  New  England  union,  this  col- 
ony solicited  admission  to  the  same,  which  was  refused 
unless  they  would  submit  themselves  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Plymouth  colony,  which  they  declined. 

The  union  then  consisted  of  four  separate,  independ- 
ent communities,  in  a  great  measure  self-formed ;  the 
vital  principle  common  to  them  all  being  religious  con- 
tention, —  and  the  quickening  spirit,  equal  rights,  free- 
dom of  thought  and  action;  and  personal  independence. 

On  the  formation  within  our  own  times  of  the  present 
North  American  confederacy,  the  Commonwealth  of  Penn- 
sylvania assumed,  as  the  motto  to  her  arms,  the  words, 
"  Virtue,  Liberty,  and  Independence."  Her  neighbouring 
sister,  New  York,  under  a  prophetic  transport,  prouder,  if 


The  Mw  England  Confederacy  of  1643.       211 

not  more  sublime,  assumed,  as  the  emblem  of  her  futurity, 
with  the  image  of  the  rising  sun,  the  aspiring,  solitary 
word,  Excelsior.  Massachusetts,  as  if  mindful  of  the 
whole  history  of  her  existence,  from  the  tempest-tossed 
trials  and  dangers  of  the  Mayflower  Pilgrims  till  the  con- 
summation of  her  own  social  compact  in  her  State  consti- 
tution, borrowed  from  Algernon  Sidney  the  profound 
thought,  that  the  only  end  worthy  of  the  nature  of  man, 
of  a  struggle  for  liberty,  is  the  enjoyment  of  peace  and 
quiet,  and  taught  her  sons  to  be  ever  ready  to  draw  the 
sword  in  her  defence. 

The  New  England  confederation  originated  in  the 
Plymouth  colony,  and  was  probably  suggested  to  them 
by  the  example  which  they  had  witnessed,  and  under 
which  they  had  lived  several  years,  in  the  United  Nether- 
lands. Edmund  Burke  has  called  the  Puritan  spirit  the 
Protestantism  of  the  Protestant  religion.  Set  aside  the 
contentious  element  in  the  religious  fervor  of  the  Puri- 
tans, and  you  perceive  no  more  adequate  motive  for  Mr. 
Hooker  and  his  little  flock  to  seek  an  independent  sub- 
sovereignty  beyond  the  Massachusetts  charter  at  Hart- 
ford, nor  for  Mr.  Theophilus  Eaton  and  Mr.  Davenport 
to  step  again  beyond  the  bounds  of  the  Connecticut  set- 
tlement to  erect  a  new  commonwealth  at  New  Haven, 
than  there  was  for  Roger  Williams  to  set  up  his  standard 
of  free  thought  and  democracy  at  Providence.  One  col- 
ony would,  for  all  purposes  except  that  of  religious  con- 
troversy, have  been  amply  sufficient  to  cover  the  whole 
surface  of  New  England  ;  and  far  more  efficient  for  self- 
defence  against  the  formidable  and  ferocious  enemies  by 
whom  they  were  surrounded.  For  at  the  north  they  had 
to  contend  with  the  pretensions  of  a  French  settlement 
of  Acadia,  and  at  the  west  with  that  of  Canada,  under 
grant  from  the  kings  of  France ;  while  at  the  south,  in 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  Connecticut  River,  the  Dutch 
settlers  of  the  Manhadoes  were  already  contesting  the 
possession  of  it  with  them. 

The  Plymouth  Pilgrims,  from  the  time  of  their  landing, 
lived  for  years  in  peace  and  harmony  with  the  neighbour- 
ing Indians.  The  spot  on  which  they  built  their  town 
was,  with  regard  to  any  right  of  occupancy  or  possession 


212       The  JWto  England  Confederacy  of  164S. 

bj  the  Indians,  a  derelict.  It  was  found  a  perfect  soli- 
tude. The  first  Indian  chief  who  came  among  them,  in 
March,  after  their  landing,  Samoset,  told  them,  says  the 
relation  of  Mourt,  that  the  place  where  they  lived  was 
called  Patuxet,  and  that,  about  four  years  before,  all  the 
inhabitants  had  died  of  an  extraordinary  plague ;  and 
there  was  neither  man,  woman,  nor  child  remaining;  so 
that  there  was  none  to  hinder  their  possession  or  lay  claim 
to  it.  With  the  nearest  neighbouring  chieftain  or  sachem 
they  shortly  afterwards  had  friendly  intercourse,  and 
formed  a  league  of  amity.  This  was  Massasoit,  the  chief- 
tain of  Massachusetts,  with  whom  they  continued  in  friend- 
ship throughout  his  life,  and  from  him  received  the  grants 
of  lands  as  the  borders  of  their  settlements  were  en- 
larged. In  the  course  of  the  first  year  of  the  colony, 
nine  of  the  chiefs  subordinate  to  Massasoit  came  in  and 
acknowledged  themselves  to  be  the  subjects  of  King 
James ;  but  among  them  were  at  least  some  whose  ideas 
of  subjection  were  not  very  accurately  defined,  or  whose 
principles  of  good  faith  were  not  very  deeply  seated  in 
their  souls. 

The  Plymouth  Pilgrims  had  no  ambition  of  conquest, 
and  no  purpose  of  injustice  to  the  natives  of  this  hemi- 
sphere mingled  up  with  their  migration  for  settlement. 
But  the  seeds  of  jealousy,  hatred,  and  war  between  them 
had  already  been  sown  befpre  their  arrival.  There  had 
been,  for  several  years,  transient  intercourse  between  the 
two  races  by  the  occasional  visitation  and  landing  of  trad- 
ing adventurers,  French  as  well  as  English ;  and  scenes 
of  fraud,  violence,  and  even  bloodshed  had  embittered  the 
passions  of  the  Indians  against  the  intruder  upon  his  na- 
tive soil.  The  country  was  besprinkled,  it  could  not  be 
said  peopled,  by  scattered  tribes  almost  always  at  war 
with  one  another.  There  were  probably  not  thirty  thou- 
sand of  them  dotting  a  surface  of  territory  which  at  this 
day  maintains  a  population  exceeding  two  millions. 

Of  their  numerous  tribes  of  smaller  account,  whose 
names  have  scarcely  been  preserved,  there  were,  besides 
those  ranging  over  the  domain  of  Massasoit,  three,  ever 
arrayed  in  hostility  for  mutual  destruction,  and  whose 
existence,  and  combinations,  and  oppositions  were  equally 


Tke  JTew  England  Confederacy  of  1643.       213 

g)rtentous  of  destruction  to  the  infant  colonies  from 
urope,- — the  Pequots,  the  Mohegans,  and  the  Narra- 
gansets. 

The  first  exterminating  conflict  of  the  races  was  with 
the  Pequots  inhabiting  that  portion  of  Connecticut  where 
now  stands  New  London,  and  along  the  borders  of  the 
Thames.  The  aggression  and  the  first  act  of  warfare  came 
from  them.  The  design  of  exterminating  all  the  English 
settlements  in  New  England  was  .first  conceived  and 
matured  by  them. 

In  1634,  the  master  and  crew  of  a  trading  bark  from 
Massachusetts  had  been  treacherously  murdered  by  men 
of  this  tribe  on  the  Connecticut  River.  They  averted 
war  to  avenge  this  act,  by  alleging  that  it  had  been  in 
self-defence,  and  by  a  deputation  with  presents  and 
promises  to  deliver  up  the  murderers.  In  1637,  after  an 
abortive-  expedition  under  the  command  of  Endicott,  and 
the  murder  of  John  Oldham  near  Block  Island,  a  joint 
force  from  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts,  in  one  short 
campaign,  by  fire  and  sword,  exterminated  the  Pequot 
nation,  leaving  scarcely  a  solitary  remnant  of  them  to  teU 
the  tale. 

Such  was  the  result  of  the  first  war  between  the  colo- 
nists of  New  England  with  the  Indians  included  within 
their  borders.  Its  origin  had  been  by  the  murder  of 
individuals  belonging  to  the  Connecticut  settlement.  Its 
termination  had  been  accomplished  by  the  means  of  aux- 
iliary force  levied  by  the  principal  colony  of  Massachu- 
setts. One  tribe  was  exterminated.  But  all  the  colo- 
nies were  surrounded  and  intermingled  with  others  be- 
tween whom  and  their  people  collisions  of  temper  and 
of  property  were  continually  occurring,  which  threatened 
the  existence  of  each  of  the  separate  colonies,  and  were 
daily  maturing  to  a  general  conspiracy  of  the  Indian  tribes 
for  the  total  destruction  of  all  the  colonies. 

The  course  of  events  in  the  Pequot  war  had  brought 
home  to  the  feelings  of  the  colonists,  in  the  several  estab- 
lishments, the  necessity  of  an  organized  union  for  the 
common  defence  against  their  numerous  enemies,  civi- 
lized and  savage.  When  the  first  expedition  under  Endi- 
cott was  despatched   from  the  Massachusetts  colony  in 


214        The  JTetr  England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

1637,  Winslow  was  sent  from  the  governor  and  council 
of  Plymouth  to  treat  with  them  about  joining  in  it.  The 
obvious  and  urgent  motives  to  the  union,  and  the  difficul- 
ties to  be  adjusted  in  its  formation,  were  then  fully  dis- 
cussed ;  there  was  mutual  apology  and  explanation  to 
account  for  the  fact,  that  there  had  not  been  earlier  move- 
ments towards  united  exertions  to  meet  the  emergency 
of  the  time.  Winslow  had  been  instructed  to  propose 
that  the  parties  should  engage  to  aid  each  other  in  all 
their  occasions^  &c.,  which  was  declined  for  the  present, — 
the  government  of  Massachusetts  preferring  to  reserve  to 
themselves  the  right  to  judge  the  reasons  of  any  such  oc- 
casion as  might  fall  out.  They  urged,  however,  immedi- 
ate considerations  to  induce  the  Plymouth  colony  to  fur- 
nish present  aid,  which  the  speedy  conclusion  of  the  war, 
however,  rendered  unnecessary ;  and  as  to  the  proffer  of  a 
permanent  and  general  confederacy,  they  concluded  to 
write  further  to  them  after  the  next  Genercil  Court. 

The  extermination  of  the  Pequot  tribe  struck  such  ter- 
ror over  all  other  Indian  nations  of  New  England,  that 
several  years  passed  away  without  further  molestation  from 
them.  The  region  within  the  domain  of  Massasoit  re- 
mained faithful  to  his  engagements,  and  his  followers 
never  joined  in  any  of  the  projects  hostile  to  \}\%  colonial 
settlements.  But  the  tribes  in  more  immediate  proximity 
to  the  Pequots,  the  Mohegans  and  the  Narragansets,  con- 
tinued in  a  state  of  convulsive  agitation.  Tney  had  long 
been,  with  occasional  intervals  of  quiet,  at  war  with  each 
other;  there  was  a  rancorous  feeling  of  mutual  hostility 
of  long  standing  always  stimulating  them  to  war.  Uncas, 
sachem  of  the  Mohegans,  had  attached  himself  warmly,  and 
as  faithfully  as  the  fickle  character  of  Indian  fidelity  would 
admit,  to  the  interests  of  the  English  colonists ;  and  Ca- 
nonicus,  sachem  of  the  Narragansets,  from  motives  of  poli- 
cy, as  well  as  from  impulses  of  a  better  nature,  though 
unable  to  preserve  the  peace  between  his  tribe  and  the 
Mohegans,  had,  by  concessions  and  submissions,  averted 
the  fatal  enmity  of  the  strangers  from  beyond  the  seas. 
His  nephew,  Miantonomy,  repeatedly  summoned  to  Bos- 
ton to  account  for  movements  of  ill-repressed  hostility, 
and  bound   by  acknowledgments  of  subjection  and    by 


The  JVWo  England  Confederacy  of  1643.       216 

Stipulations  of  peace  with  the  Mohegans,  under  the 
umpirage  and  guaranty  of  the  colonists,  finished  by  a 
sudden  and  treacherous  attack  upon  Uncas,  in  which^ 
however,  he  was  defeated,  taken  prisoner,  and  put  to 
death. 

The  confederation  of  the  New  England  colonies  was 
formed.  The  motives  for  its  formation  are  thus  explicitly 
declared  in  the  preamble  to  the  eleven  articles  of  which 
it  is  composed.  ^'  Whereas  we  all  came  into  these  parts 
of  America  with  one  and  the  same  end  and  ainij  namely, 
to  advance  the  kingdom  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  to 
enjoy  the  liberties  of  the  gospel  in  purity ^  with  peace; 
and  whereas,  in  our  settling  (by  the  wise  providence  of 
God),  we  are  further  dispersed  upon  the  seacoasts  and 
rivers  than  was  first  intended,  so  that  we  cannot,  accord- 
ing to  our  desire,  with  convenience  communicate  in  one 
government  and  jurisdiction ;  and  whereas  we  live  encom- 
passed with  people  of  several  nations  and  strange  lan- 
guages, which  may  hereafter  prove  injurious  to  us  and 
our  posterity ;  and  forasmuch  as  the  natives  have  for- 
merly committed  sundry  insolencies  and  outrages  upon 
several  plantations  of  the  English,  and  have  of  late  com- 
bined themselves  against  us ;  and  seeing  by  reason  of 
the  sad  distractions  in  England,  which  they  have  heard 
of,  and  by  which  they  know  we  are  hindered  both  from 
that  humble  way  of  seeking  advice  and  reaping  those 
comfortable  fruits  of  protection  which  at  other  times  we 
might  well  expect:  We  therefore  do  conceive  it  our 
bounden  duty,  without  delay,  to  enter  into  a  present  con- 
sociation^ amongst  ourselves,  for  our  mutual  help  and 
strength  in  all  our  future  concernments ;  that,  as  in  nation 
and  religion^  so  in  other  respects,  we  be  and  continue  one^ 
according  to  the  tenor  and  true  meaning  of  the  ensuing 
articles. 

"  I.  Wherefore  it  is  fully  agreed  and  concluded  by  and 
between  the  parties  or  jurisdictions  above  named  (Mas- 
sachusetts, Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  New  Haven),  and 
they  do  jointly  and  severally  by  these  presents  agree  and 
conclude,  that  they  all  be,  and  henceforth  be  called  by  the 
name  of,  the  United  Colonies  of  JSTew  England.^^ 

And  now  comes  the  act  of  sovereign  power.     "  2.  The 


216       The  Mw  England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

said  United  Colonies,  for  themselves  and  their  posterities, 
do  jointly  and  severally  hereby  enter  into  a  firm  and  per- 
petual  league  of  friendship  and  amity  for  offence  and  de-* 
fence,  mutual  advice  and  succour  upon  all  just  occasions, 
both  for  preserving  and  propagating  the  truth  and  liber* 
ties  of  the  gospel,  and  for  their  own  mutual  safety  and 
welfare." 

The  third  article  is  a  mutual  guaranty  to  each  jfum- 
diction  of  all  the  settlements  within  its  own  limits,  with 
a  stipulation  against  the  admission  of  any  other  jurisdic-* 
tion,  or  the  union  of  any  two  of  the  jurisdictions  in  one, 
without  the  consent  of  the  rest. 

The  fourth  provides  that  the  charge  of  all  just  wars 
shall  be  borne  in  proportion  to  the  numbers  of  male  {top* 
ulation  from  sixteen  to  sixty  years  of  age,  inhabitants  of 
each  jurisdiction.  The  commissioners  for  each  jurisdic- 
tion were  to  bring  in  returns  of  their  numbers  and  ac- 
counts of  the  charges  of  war,  whether  by  service  of  men 
or  otherwise ;  each  jurisdiction  or  plantation  to  rate 
itself  for  the  payment  without  the  interference  of  the 
confederation ;  and  the  advantage  of  the  war,  whether  in 
lands,  goods,  or  persons,  were  to  be  divided  among  the 
confederates  in  the  same  proportions. 

The  fifth  stipulates  the  manner  of  claiming  and  obtain- 
ing aid  by  each  jurisdiction  from  the  others,  when  in- 
vaded by  any  enemy  whomsoever.  Upon  the  notice  and 
request  of  any  three  magistrates  of  the  invaded  jurisdic- 
tion, the  rest  of  the  confederates  were  forthwith  to  send 
aid  in  the  proportion  of  one  hundred  men  for  Massachu- 
setts to  forty-five  of  each  of  the  other  confederates; 
the  men  to  be  armed  and  provided  for  the  service  and 
journey  by  their  own  jurisdiction,  and,  on  their  return,  to 
be  victualled,  and  supplied  with  powder  and  shot,  by  the 
jurisdiction  which  sent  for  them.  Each  jurisdiction  might 
furnish  voluntary  aid  to  its  next  neighbour  in  completing 
their  respective  quotas;  and  at  the  first  meeting  of  the 
commissioners,  the  cause  of  the  war  was  to  be  duly  con- 
sidered, and  if  it  appeared  that  the  fault  lay  in  the  in- 
vaded jurisdiction  or  plantation,  the  whole  charge  of  the 
war  and  of  making  satisfaction  to  the  invaders  was  to  be 
borne  by  the  wrong-doers  themselves. 


The  JVhjD  England  Confederacy  of  1643.       217 

In  the  event  of  a  threatened  invasion,  anj  three  magis- 
trates, or  two,  if  there  were  no  more  in  the  jurisdiction, 
might  summon  a  meeting  of.  the  commissioners  at  any 
convenient  place,  whence  they  might  remove  to  any 
other  place  at  their  discretion,  to  consider  and  provide 
against  the  threatened  danger. 

The  sixth  article  was  the  constitution  of  the  commis* 
sion  ;  two  members  from  each  of  the  four  jurisdictions,  all 
io  church  fellowship,  with  full  powers  from  their  several 
general  courts  respectively  to  hear,  examine,  weigh,  and 
DETERMINE  all  affairs  of  war  or  peace,  leagues,  aids, 
charges,  and  numbers  of  men  for  war,  division  of  spoils, 
or  whatsoever  is  gotten  by  conquest,  receiving  of  more 
confederates  or  plantations  into  combination  with  any 
of  these  confederates,  and  all  things  of  like  nature,  which 
are  the  proper  concomitants  or  consequences  of  such  a 
confederation  for  amity,  offence,  or  defence ;  not  inter- 
meddling with  the  government  of  any  of  the  jurisdic- 
tions, which  by  the  third  article  is  preserved  entirely  to 
themselves.  The  agreement  of  the  eight  commissioners 
was  sufiScient  for  the  carrying  into  execution  any  proposed 
measure ;  but  the  agreement  of  six  required  a  reference  to 
the  four  general  courts;  the  unanimous  concurrence  of 
which  was  required  for  the  prosecution  of  the  measure 
by  all  the  confederates.  The  commissioners  were  to  meet 
once  every  year,  the  first  Thursday  in  September,  besides, 
extraordinary  meetings,  according  to  the  fifth  article.  The 
meetings  to  be  held  alternately  at  Boston,  Hartford, 
New  Haven,  and  Plymouth,  but  twice  in  succession  at 
Boston.  Some  middle  place,  convenient  for  all  the  juris- 
dictions, might  be  afterwards  substituted. 

Article  7.  The  commissioners,  or  any  six  of  them, 
were  authorized  at  each  meeting  to  choose  from  among 
themselves  a  president,  whose  office  and  work  should  be 
to  take  care  and  direct  for  order  and  a  comely  carrying 
on  of  all  proceedings  at  the  present  meeting.  But  he 
had  no  power  to  hinder  the  propounding  or  progress  of 
any  business,  or  to  cast  the  scales,  otherwise  than  as  above 
agreed. 

The  eighth  article  provides,  first,  that  the  commissioners 
shall  endeavour  to  frame  an(||MtabIish  agreements  and  or- 

VOL.  IX.  28       ^^ 


218        The  JTew  England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

ders  in  general  cases  of  a  civil  nature,  wherein  all  the 
plantations  are  interested  for  preserving  peace  amongst 
themselves  and  preventing  (as  much  as  might  be)  all 
occasions  of  war,  or  diflferences  with  others,  —  as  about  the 
free  and  speedy  passage  of  justice  in  each  jurisdiction, 
to  all  the  confederates  equally  as  to  their  own ;  receiving 
those  that  remove  from  one  plantation  to  another  with- 
out due  certificate ;  how  all  this  jurisdictions  might  carry 
it  towards  the  Indians,  that  they  neither  grow  insolent, 
nor  be  injured  without  due  satisfaction,  lest  war  break  in 
upon  the  confederates  through  such  miscarriage.  And 
secondly,  there  was  a  double  provision  for  the  delivery 
up  of  a  fugitive  servant,  upon  the  certificate  of  one  magis- 
trate, or  other  due  proof,  and  of  criminal  fugitives  from 
justice,  on  the  certificate  of  two  magistrates;  and  if 
help  should  be  required  for  the  safe  returning  of  any 
offender,  it  was  to  be  granted  to  him  that  craved  the 
same,  he  paying  the  charges  thereof. 

The  ninth  article  cautiously  guarded  against  the  involv- 
ments  of  the  confederacy  in  any  hasty  or  inconsiderate 
wars,  by  a  positive  stipulation  that  neither  of  the  four 
confederates  should  begin,  undertake,  or  engage  them- 
selves or  the  confederation,  or  any  part  thereof  (sudden 
exigents,  to  be  moderated  as  much  as  the  case  would  per- 
mit,  excepted),  in  any  war  whatsoever,  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  commissioners,  or  of  at  least  six  of  them. 
And  no  charge  was  to  be  required  of  any  of  the  confeder- 
ates, in  case  of  a  defensive  war,  till  the  commissioners 
should  have  met  and  approved  the  justice  of  the  war,  and 
have  agreed  upon  the  sum  of  money  to  be  levied,  which 
was  then  to  be  paid  by  the  several  confederates  according 
to  the  established  proportion. 

By  the  tenth  article  it  was  agreed,  that,  in  extraordi- 
nary occasions  of  meetings  of  commissioners  summoned  by 
the  due  number  of  magistrates,  if  any  of  the  members  of 
the  commission  should  fail  to  attend,  four  of  them  should 
have  power  to  direct  a  war  which  could  not  be  delayed, 
and  to  send  for  due  proportions  of  men  out  of  each  juris- 
diction, as  six  might  do  if  all  were  present,  —  but  not 
less  than  six  should  determine  the  justice  of  the  war,  or 
allow  the  demands  or  billsjg^  charges,  or  cause  any  levies 
to  be  made  for  the  same.  ^^ 


I 


The  Jfew  England  Confederacy  of  1643.       219 

And  finally,  it  was  agreed  that  the  confederacy  should 
be  perpetual,  and  that,  if  any  of  the  confederates  should 
break  any  of  these  articles,  or  be  any  other  way  injurious 
to  any  one  of  the  other  jurisdictions,  such  breach  of  agree- 
ment or  injury  should  be  duly  considered  and  ordered  by 
the  commissioners  for  the  other  jurisdictions,  so  that 
both  peace  and  "the  confederation  might  be  entirely  pre- 
served without  violation. 

In  the  analysis  of  this  institution,  we  perceive,  first,  the 
exercise  of  sovereign  power  in  its  highest  attributes.  It 
is  a  league  offensive  and  defensive  between  four  separate 
communities,  independent  of  each  other,  for  the  manage- 
ment of  their  common  concerns,  involving  peace  and  war, 
and  all  those  relations  of  intercourse  in  peace  with  other 
tribes  or  communities  in  which  the  interest  of  all  the  con- 
federates was  concerned.  Every  other  object  of  govern- 
ment was  reserved  exclusively  to  the  separate  jurisdic- 
tions. The  distribution  of  power  between  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  whole  confederacy  and  the  separate  govern- 
ments of  the  colonies  was  made  upon  the  same  identical 
principles  with  those  which  gathered  and  united  the  thir- 
teen English  colonies,  as  the  prelude  to  the  revolution 
which  severed  them  for  ever  from  their  national  connection 
with  Great  Britain.  The  New  England  confederacy  of 
1643  was  the  model  and  prototype  of  the  North  American 
confederacy  of  1774.  In  neither  of  the  two  cases  was 
the  measure  authorized  or  sanctioned  by  the  charters  of 
the  several  colonies  parties  to  the  compact.  In  both  cases 
it  was  the  great  law  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God,  —  the 
law  of  self-preservation  and  self-defence,  which  invested 
the  parties,  as  separate  communities,  with  power  to  pledge 
their  mutual  faith  for  the  common  defence  and  general 
welfare  of  all.  The  New  England  colonists,  conscious 
of  this  self-assumed  sovereignty,  expressly  allege  the  sad 
distractions  of  their  mother  country,  depriving  them  of  her 
protection,  and  encouraging  their  enemies  to  combine  for 
their  destruction,  as  concurring  with  the  other  causes  to 
impose  upon  them  the  duty  of  rallying  all  their  Energies 
for  their  own  defence.  The  North  American  colonies,  for 
the  same  assumption  of  sovereign  power,  appealed  to 
their  chartered  rights  as  Britons,  —  and,  finding  that  appeal 


220        7%e  JViw  England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

fruitless  and  vain,  to  their  natural  rights  as  men,  bestowed 
upon  them  hy  their  Creator  at  their  birth,  and  unextin- 
guishabie  by  human  hands  or  human  institutions.  The 
compact  of  the  New  England  colonies,  without  the  sanc- 
tion of  their  sovereign,  was  yet  not  against  him.  The 
union  of  the  North  American  colonies  turned  the  artil- 
lery of  sovereignty  against  the  sovereign  himself,  and 
demolished  the  throne  of  the  oppressor  with  ordnance 
drawn  from  his  own  arsenals. 

The  first  of  the  reasons  assigned  by  the  parties  to  the 
New  England  confederacy  for  their  consociation  is  the 
common  purpose  of  their  emigration  from  Europe  and 
settlement  in  this  hemisphere, — to  advance  the  kingdom 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  to  enjoy  the  liberties  of 
the  gospel  in  purity ^  with  peace.  This  purpose  was  two- 
fold, and  necessarily  imported  a  system  of  national  poli- 
cy,—  the  propagation  of  the  gospel,  bearing  upon  their 
relations  with  the  aboriginal  natives  of  the  country,  — 
and  the  enjoyment  of  their  religious  liberties,  regulating 
their  domestic  relations  among  themselves,  and  their  de- 
pendent condition  on  their  sovereign  and  their  country 
beyond  the  seas. 

Neither  of  these  purposes  formed  any  part  of  the 
motives  for  the  North  American  union  of  1774.  The 
propagation  of  the  gospel  in  JVew  England  had,  in  the 
interval  of  more  than  a  century,  been  consummated,  so 
far  as  it  was  consistent  with  the  wise  purposes  of  Divine 
^Providence  that  it  ever  should  be  consummated,  partly 
by  the  conversion,  but  far  more  by  the  extinction,  of  the 
Indian  race.  In  other  and  distant  parts  of  our  Union, 
we  still  continue  to  exterminate,  under  the  semblance  of 
civilizing  and  Christianizing  the  hapless  remnants  of  the 
American  hunters,  of  whom,  within  the  compass  of  one 
more  century,  probably  nothing  will  remain  but  a  tradition. 

The  other  object  of  the  Puritan  pilgrims,  in  departing 
from  the  land  of  their  nativity  and  their  forefathers  to 
populate  a  wilderness,  the  free  enjoyment  of  their  reli- 
gion, was  fully  and  successfully  accomplished  before  the 
occasion  for  the  North  American  union  arose.  Religion 
had  ceased  to  be  the  cause  or  even  the  pretext  for  wars 
between  Christian  nations;  and  the  contentious  spirit  of 


The  JVew  England  Confederacy  of  1643.        221 

metaphysical  casuistry  no  longer  sharpened  the  discord- 
ant passions  of  man,  when  they  turned  to  the  primitive 
rights  of  man  antecedent  to  all  human  association,  and 
to  the  harmonious  adjustment  of  the  rights  of  persons 
and  of  property  granted  by  the  God  of  nature  to  his  crea- 
ture endowed  with  an  immortal  soul,  perishable  on  earth, 
but  destined  to  a  purified  nature  and  a  more  exalted 
world. 

The  New  England  confederacy  was  confined  to  the 
Puritan  emigration  from  England.  Its  elements  were  all 
homogeneous  in  their  nature,  and  its  professed  design 
to  continue  them  one  in  political  organization,  as  they 
were  in  nation  and  religion,  was  of  no  difiicult  achieve- 
ment. 

Yet  the  New  England  confederacy  was  destined  to  a 
life  of  less  than  forty  years'  duration.  Its  history,  like 
that  of  other  confederacies,  presents  a  record  of  inces- 
sant discord,  —  of  encroachments  by  the  most  powerful 
party  upon  the  weaker  members,  and  of  disregard,  by  all 
the  separate  members,  of  the  conclusions  adopted  by  the 
whole  body.  Still,  the  main  purpose  of  the  union  was 
accomplished.  The  concerted  organization  of  the  In- 
dian tribes  was  counteracted  and  defeated  for  the  space 
of  at  least  thirty  years,  during  which  period  the  united 
colonies  had  been  growing  in  strength,  which  brought 
them  triumphant  out  of  the  fiery  ordeal  of  Philip's  war. 
Nearly  contemporaneous  with  that  event  was  the  disso- 
lution of  the  New  England  union.  In  the  progress  to- 
wards that  issue,  the  condition  of  the  parties  to  the  con- 
federacy had  materially  changed.  The  colony  of  New 
Haven  had  been  voluntarily  merged  in  that  of  Connect- 
icut, —  the  high  contracting  parties  had  sunk  one  of 
their  number.  The  commissioners  were  only  six,  instead 
of  eight ;  and  for  the  last  twenty  years,  their  meetings, 
instead  of  being  annual,  were  held  only  once  in  three 
years.  The  final  dissolution  of  the  confederacy  was  effect- 
ed by  the  tyranny  of  James  the  Second,  in  seizing  and 
vacating  the  charter  of.  the  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth 
colonies;  but  even  before  that  act,  it  would  seem,  that,  for 
six  or  seven  years,  not  even  the  triennial  meetings  had  been 
held.    The  last  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  as  appears 


222       The  J^ew  England  Confederacy  of  1643. 

in  Mr.  Hazard's  excellent  collection  of  their  records,  bears 
date  in  March,  1678. 

Of  the  North  American  confederacy,  self-constituted  in 
the  progress  of  the  revolution  which  converted  the  thir- 
teen English  colonies  into  independent  states.  New  Eng- 
land forms  a  constituent  part,  —  at  that  time,  perhaps, 
transcending  in  power  and  importance  all  the  rest,  but,  in 
the  gradual  lapse  of  time,  by  the  relative  rapidity  in 
growth  of  other  parts  of  the  Union,  and  especially  by  the 
accession  of  new  members  of  different  origin,  now  greatly 
reduced  and  daily  declining  in  her  influence  as  a  com- 
ponent part  of  the  Union.  She  has,  indeed,  in  a  great 
degree,  insensibly  lost  her  distinctive  character;  divided 
intp  six  separate  States,  and  covering  a  surface  of  territory 
and  an  amount  of  population  scarcely  equal  to  that  of  the 
single  State  of  New  York,  the  connection  of  her  States 
has  no  closer  cement  of  institution  or  of  intimacy  than 
with  the  other  States  of  the  whole  Union.  The  intensely 
religious  feelings  and  prejudices  of  her  infancy  have  given 
way  to  universal  toleration,  and  a  liberality  of  doctrine 
bordering  upon  the  other  extreme  of  a  faltering  faith. 
New  England,  as  a  community,  has,  by  her  incorporation 
in  the  North  American  Union,  lost  her  distinctive  charac- 
ter, and,  to  a  superficial  observer,  little  remains  of  her  but 
the  name.  As  a  portion  of  the  great  community  of  the 
North  American  Union,  the  unity  and  simplicity  of  her 
character,  without  being  totally  extinguished,  have  been 
transformed  into  one  component  part  of  a  stupendous  re- 
publican empire,  —  an  empire  already  bounded  only  by  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans,  and,  to  the  eye  of  prophetic 
inspiration,  to  be  hereafter  bounded  only  by  the  eternal 
ice  of  the  northern  and  southern  pole. 

My  Brethren  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
we  have  been  told  that  it  was  a  day-dream  of  our  Puritan 
forefathers,  the  first  settlers  of  New  England,  that  they 
were  destined  to  be  the  founders  of  such  an  empire. 
The  foundation  upon  which  they  held  this  edifice  was  to  be 
erected  was  the  natural  equality  of  mankind,  and  the  two 
eternal  pillars  upon  which  it  was  to  stand  were  civil  and 
religious  liberty.  The  natural  equality  of  mankind,  a  doc- 
trine which  thev  imbibed  from  the  sacred  fountain  of  the 


The  Jfew  England  Confederacy  of  1643.        223 

Scriptures,  taught  in  the  history  of  the  creation,  and  form- 
ing the  foundation  of  the  religion  of  Jesus,  settled  it  for 
ever  that  this  empire  must  be  that  kingdom  of  Christ 
against  which  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail.  For 
this  foundation,  the  natural  equality  of  mankind,  —  and  for 
these  two  pillars,  civil  and  religious  liberty,  —  the  North 
American  Union,  to  whatever  extent  of  dominion  and 
whatever  succession  of  ages  destined  to  endure,  will  be 
for  ever  indebted  to  the  Puritan  fathers  of  New  England. 
Let  our  prayer  ascend  to  Heaven,  and  our  energies  on 
earth  be  applied,  to  improve  and  perpetuate  the  blessings 
left  by  them  as  our  inheritance 


"To  the  last  syllable  of  recorded  time. 


» 


MEMOIR  OF  JAMES  BOWDOIN. 


The  publication  of  the  Winthrop  Papers,  which  con- 
stitute a  considerable  portion  of  the  present  volume, 
furnishes  a  fit  opportunity  for  paying  a  brief  tribute  to 
the  memory  of  a  gentleman  who,  for  many  years,  was 
among  the  most  active  and  valuable  members  of  our 
society.  These  Papers  were  most  carefully  and  labori- 
ously copied,  and  prepared  for  the  press,  by  Mr.  James 
Bowdoin,  and,  since  his  death,  have  been  communicated 
for  the  society's  Collections  by  his  brother,  Mr.  Robert 
C.  Winthrop. 

Mr.  Bowdoin  was  the  second  son  of  the  late  president 
of  this  society,  Lieutenant-Governor  Winthrop.  He  was 
bom  in  Boston,  on  the  23d  of  July,  1794;  and  after  re- 
ceiving his  preparatory  education,  partly  at  the  public  Latin 
School  in  this  city,  and  partly  at  Phillips  Academy  in 
Andover,  was  graduated  at  Bowdoin  College  in  1814. 

Mr.  Bowdoin  was  a  lawyer  by  profession,  having  pur- 
sued his  le^l  studies  under  the  direction  of  the  late 
Honorable  William  Prescott.  Having  received  a  compe- 
tent fortune,  however,  from  the  relative  whose  name  he 
bore,  he  soon  relinquished  the  practice  of  the  law,  and 
devoted  himself  to  pursuits  of  literature  and  science.  He 
was  particularly  inclined  to  historical  studies,  and  his  pri- 
vate library  was  a  rich  storehouse  of  antiquarian  and  his- 
torical learning.'' 

He  was  a  man  of  retired  habits  and  disposition,  and 
shrunk  from  any  public  display  of  the  rich  qualities  of 
mind  and  accomplishment  which  he  unquestionably  pos- 
sessed.    As  a  member  of  the  State  legislature  for  several 


Mewurir  ^  Jamet  Bawdom.  225 

successiTe  years ;  as  the  secretary  of  the  Prorident  Insti- 
tution for  Sayings,  as  a  director  of  the  Asylum  for  Indi- 
gent Boys,  and  as  a  member  of  the  school  committee  of 
Boston,  he  rendered  raluable  services  to  the  cause  of 
education,  charity,  and  sound  legislation. 

But  he  devoted  himself  more  especially  to  objects  con- 
nected with  the  design  of  this  association,  and  our  Col- 
lections bear  repeated  testimony  to  the  diligence  and  dis- 
crimination of  his  researches.  No  labor  was  too  dry  or  too 
severe  for  his  unwearied  assiduity.  The  chronological 
index  to  the  ten  volumes  of  the  second  series  of  our  Col- 
lections was  wholly  his  work,  and  the  general  index  of 
the  last  four  volumes  of  the  series  was  prepared  by  him  in 
connection  with  a  friend.  He  furnbhed  to  the  second  vol- 
ume of  the  third  series  an  elaborate  account  of  some  Par- 
liamentary Journals  which  had  long  been  the  subject  of 
interesting  speculation  in  New  York,  in  an  article  which 
affords  an  admirable  illustration  of  the  patience  and  thor- 
oughness of  his  investigations. 

Mr.  Bowdoin  had  laid  out  many  plans  of  literary  and 
historical  labor  for  enriching  future  volumes  of  our  Col- 
lections. But  disease  and  death  arrested  their  execution. 
In  the  winter  of  1832,  he  was  ^compelled  to  abandon  his 
pursuits  and  his  home,  and  to  seek  relief  from  pulmonary 
affections  in  a  milder  climate.  This  relief,  however,  he 
was  not  destined  to  realize.  A  tropical  air  seemed  only 
to  develope  his  disease,  and  he  died  in  Havana  on  the  6th 
of  March,  1833,  a  few  months  only  after  leaving  his  na- 
tive country. 

Mr.  Bowdoin  died  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight  years ;  but 
he  had  accumulated  stores  of  learning  which  would  have 
done  credit  to  a  long  life ;  and  he  will  be  remembered  by 
many  friends  as  a  scholar,  a  Christian,  and  a  philanthro- 
pist. 


VOL.  IX.  29 


THE  WINTHROP  PAPERS. 


I. 

Rev.  William  Leigh  to  John  Winthrop. 

To  the  worshipfull  his  most  loving  Patron  John  Winthropp, 
Esq™  Ijing  at  the  King's  head  neare  the  Conduit  in 
fleete  streete,  in  London. 

Good  Sir,  it  hath  pleased  God  in  his  abundant  mer- 
cie  to  make  glad  my  heart  with  my  wives  safe  deliverance, 
and  with  the  gift  of  a  son ;  who  was  born  into  this  world 
the  second  day  of  this  month,  and  was  baptised  the  last 
Sabbath  day,  being  named  John.  My  father  Raye,  and  my 
brother  Leigh  being  Godfathers,  and  M"  Winthrop,  your 
wife,  godmother — Of  which  mercie  of  God  to  me,  I  doe 
most  joyfullie  and  as  speedilie  as  I  can,  acquaint  you ;  be- 
cause I  know  you  have  laboured  the  Lord  for  me  in 
prayer,  for  this  blessing,  and  I  yet  praye  you  to  help  for- 
ward the  joye  of  my  heart  in  giving  thanks  to  God  for 
soe  great  a  mercie.  My  wife  is  not  so  soare  weakned 
of  this  child  as  she  was  on  the  last  (blessed  be  God)  but 
as  yet  she  is  not  able  to  feele  *  her  leggs  to  step  from  her 
couch  to.  her  bedd,  but  with  help  of  others. 

I  prayse  God  all  ar^  in  good  health  with  us,  that  I 
know  of,  save  only  the  young  goodwife  Cole  who  still  in- 
creases in  weakness;  her  payne  that  was  lower  in  her 
bodie  now  running  into  her  neck,  and  shoulders  with  verie 
great  paynfullnes  to  her;  and  she  is  brought  verie  lowe  in 
her  bodie. 

*  Thii  word  looks  like  "seele,"  —  and  an  old  word  **  seel  **  means,  to  lean  on  one, 
side.  —  J.  B. 


Tie  mmtknf  Ptpen.  227 

Tbe  Lord  bless  tymi  in  all  roar  a&Tres.  and  make  rou 
retaine  prosperoos :  And  I  entreat  jrou  to  hare  me  com* 
mended  to  M'  John  voor  sonn.  and  to  be  kindk  remeoH 
bered  to  toot  brotlier  and  sister  Downing  and  to  vour  brotli- 
erand  sister  Phones  [/oii^f]«  with  thankes  for  their  special 
counesies  offered  me  when  I  was  last  att  London.  Mt 
brother  and  sister  hare  bene  Tour  ^ests  ail  this  time  of 
their  aboad  att  Groton — for  the  which  faTOur,  as  for  manie 
other,  I  desire  to  thanke  tou>  and  they  both  do  desire  to 
be  kindlT  remember'd  to  tou,  when  I  should  first  write  to 

TOO. 

The  Lord  ^Te  us  to  heare  comfortablie  of  the  dis- 
solving of  the  Parliament  in  this  first  session  of  it.  The 
Lord  alsoe  follow  us  with  his  grace  in  Christ  —  and  soe  I 
rest 

Your  loving  friend  in  the  Lord, 

WiLLiH  Leigh. 

From  Groton— Maye  la  1628. 


IL 


John  Wintkrop  to  Sir  WUliam  Springe,  Knight,  in  Suffolk. 

Worthy  Sir,  and  to  me  a  most  sweet  friend. 

I  know  not  how  to  frame  my  affections  to  write  to 
you.  I  received  your  letter,  nay,  merum  mel  non  epistolam 
a  te  accepi.  I  am  in  suspense,  whether  I  should  submit 
my  thoughts  in  tbe  sweetness  of  your  love,  or  sit  down 
sorrowful  in  the  conciousness  of  mine  own  infirmity,  as 
having  nothing  precious  in  me,  or  any  way  worth  such 
love  or  esteem ;  — But  that  which  I  have  found  from  your- 
self, and  some  others;  whose  Constance,  and  good  trust 
hath  made  me  some  time  proud  of  their  respects,  gives 
me  occasion  to  look  up  to  a  higher  Cause,  and  to  ac- 
knowledge the  free  favour  and  goodness  of  my  God,  who 
is  pleased  to  put  this  honour  upon  me  (a  poor  worm 
and  raised  but  yesterday  out  of  the  dust)  to  be  desired  of 
his  choicest  servants :  I  see  his  delight  is,  to  shew  the 


228  The  Winthrap  Papers. 

greatest  bounty  where  he  finds  the  least  desert,  there- 
fore he  justifies  the  ungodly,  and  spreads  the  skirt  of  his 
love  upon  us,  when  he  finds  us  in  our  blood  unswathed, 
unwashed,  unseasoned  —  that  he  might  shew  forth  the 
glory  of  his  mercy,  and  that  we  might  know  how  he  can 
love  a  Creature. 

(Sweet  Sir)  You  seek  fruit  from  a  barren  tree,  you 
would  gather  knowledge,  where  it  never  grew:  If  to 
satisfy  your  desire,  I  should  bundle  up  all,  that  reading 
and  observation  hath  put  into  me,  they  will  afford  but 
these  few  considerations  —  1.  Joshua's  (his)  best  piece  of 
policy  was,  that  he  chose  to  serve  the  ablest  master; 
Mary's,  that  she  would  make  sure  of  the  best  part ;  and 
Solomon's,  that  he  would  have  wisdom,  rather  than  riches, 
or  life  :  2.  The  clear  and  veriest  desire  of  these,  was  never 
severed  from  the  fruition  of  them  :  the  reason  is  clear, 
the  Lord  holds  us  always  in  his  lap,  as  the  loving  mother 
doth  her  froward  child,  watching  when  it  will  open  the 
mouth,  and  presently  she  thrusts  in  the  teat,  or  the  spoon : 
Open  thy  mouth  wide  (saith  the  Lord)  and  I  will  fill  thee. 
O !  that  Israel  would  have  hearkened  to  me,  I  would  have 
filled  them  &c.  O !  that  there  were  in  this  people 
an  heart  &c.  O !  Jerusalem,  Jerusalem,  how  often 
would  I  have  gathered  thee  &c.  He  filleth  the  hungry 
soul  with  good  things.  3.  even  our  Grace  hath  its  per- 
fection begun  in  this  life :  All  true  colours  are  good,  yet 
the  colour  in  grain  is  in  best  esteem,  and  of  most  worth : 
meekness  of  wisdom,  poverty  of  spirit,  pure  love,  sim- 
plicity in  Christ  &c :  are  Grace  in  Grain :  4.  for  all  out- 
ward good  things,  they  are  to  a  Christian  as  the  bird  to 
the  fowler,  if  he  goes  directly  upon  her,  he  is  sure  to  miss 
her :  riches  takes  her  to  her  wings  (saith  Solomon)  when 
a  man  pursues  her:  he  that  will  speed  of  this  game, 
must  seek  them  quasi  aliud  agens,  or  (more  freely)  aliud 
cogitans.  I  have  known  when  3,  or  4  have  beat  the 
bushes  a  whole  day,  with  as  many  dogs  waiting  on  them, 
and  have  come  home  weary,  empty  and  discontented,  when 
one  poor  man  going  to  market,  hath  in  an  hour  or  2  dis- 
patched his  business,  and  returned  home  merry,  with  a 
hare  at  his  back :  Of  all  outward  things  life  hath  no  peer, 
yet  the  way  to  save  this,  is  to  lose  it ;  for  he   that   will 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  229 

save  his  life  shall  lose  it.  Where  is  now  the  glory  and  great- 
ness of  the  times  past?  even  yesterday?  Queen  Eliz: 
King  James  &c  —  in  their  time,  who  but  they?  Happy 
he  who  could  get  their  favour:  Now  they  are  in  the  dusi^ 
and  none  desire  their  company,  neither  have  themselves 
one  mite  of  all  they  possessed  —  only  the  good  which  that 
Queen  did  for  the  Church  hath  stamped  an  eternal  sun- 
lustre  upon  her  name,  so  as  the  Londoners  do  still  erect 
triumphant  monuments  of  her  in  their  churches  —  If  we 
look  at  persons  of  inferior  quality,  how  many  have  there 
been,  who  have  adventured  (if  not  sold)  their  souls,  to 
raise  those  houses,  which  are  now  possessed  by  strangers? 
If  it  be  enough  for  ourselves,  that  we  have  food  and 
raiment,  why  should  we  covet  more  for  our  posterity? 
It  IS  with  us  as  with  one  in  a  fever,  the  more  nourishment 
we  give  him,  the  longer  and  sharper  are  his  jfits :  So  the 
more  we  cloy  our  posterity  with  riches  (above  compe- 
tency) the  more  matter  will  there  be  for  affliction  to  work 
upon :  It  were  happy  for  many  if  their  parents  had  left 
them  only  such  a  legacy  as  our  modern  spirit  of  poetry 
makes  his  motto,  ut  nee  habeant,  nee  careant,  nee  curent. 
I  am  so  straightened  in  time,  and  my  thoughts  so  taken 
up  with  business,  as  indeed  I  am  unfit  to  write  of  these 
things.  It  is  your  exceeding  love,  hath  drawn  these  from 
me,  and  that  love  must  cover  all  infirmities.  I  loved  you 
truly  before  I  could  think  that  you  took  any  notice  of  me ; 
but  now  I  embrace  you  and  rest  in  your  love;  and  delight 
to  solace  my  first  thoughts  in  these  sweet  aflfections  of  so 
dear  a  friend.  The  apprehension  of  your  love  and  worth 
together  hath  overcome  my  heart,  and  removed  the  veil  of 
modesty,  that  I  must  needs  tell  you,  my  soul  is  knit  to 
you,  as  the  soul  of  Jonathan  to  David :  Were  I  now  with 
you,  I  should  bedew  that  sweet  bosom  with  the  tears  of 
aflfection.  O !  what  a  pinch  will  it  be  to  me,  to  part  with 
such  a  friend?  If  any  Emblem  may  express  our  condition 
in  heaven,  it  is  this  Communion  in  love.  I  could,  (nay  I 
shall  envy  the  happiness  of  your  dear  brother  B.  that  he 
shall  enjoy  what  I  desire  —  nay  (I  will  even  let  love 
drive  me  into  extacy)  I  must  repine  at  the  felicity  of  that 
good  Lady  (to  whom  in  all  love  and  due  respect  I  desire  to 
be  remembered)  as  one  that  should  have  more  part  than 


230  TTie  Winthrop  Papers. 

myself  in  that  honest  heart  of  my  dear  friend.  But  I 
must  leave  you  all :  our  farewells  usually  are  pleasant 
passages,  mine  must  be  sorrowful;  this  addition  of,  for- 
ever, is  a  sad  close ;  yet  there  is  some  comfort  in  it  —  bit- 
ter pills  help  to  procure  sound  health :  God  will  have  it 
thus  and  blessed  be  his  holy  name  —  let  him  be  pleased 
to  light  up  the  light  of  his  countenance  upon  us,  and  we 
have  enough — We  shall  meet  in  heaven,  and  while  we  live, 
our  prayers  and  afTectious  shall  hold  an  intercourse  of  friend- 
ship and  represent  us  often,  with  the  Idea  of  each  others 
countenance.  .  .  Your  earnest  desire  to  see  me,  makes 
me  long  as  much  to  meet  you:    If  my  leisure  would  have 

rrmitted  me,  I  would  have  prevented  your  travel ;  but 
must  now  (against  mine  own  disposition)  only  tell  you 
where  you  may  find  me  upon  Thursday  &c.  It  is  time 
to  conclude,  but  I  know  not  how  to  leave  you,  yet  since 
I  must,  I  will  put  my  beloved  into  his  arms,  who  loves 
him  best,  and  is  a  faithful  keeper  of  all  that  is  committed 
to  him.  Now  thou  the  hope  of  Israel,  and  the  sure  help 
of  all  that  come  to  thee,  knit  the  hearts  of  thy  servants 
to  thyself,  in  faith  and  purity — Draw  us  with  the  sweet- 
ness of  thine  odours,  that  we  may  run  after  thee  —  al- 
lure us,  and  speak  kindly  to  thy  servants,  that  thou  mayest 
possess  us  as  thine  own,  in  the  kindness  of  youth,  and  the 
love  of  marriage —  Seal  us  up,  by  that  holy  spirit  of  prom- 
ise, that  we  may  not  fear  to  trust  in  thee  —  Carry  us  into 
thy  garden,  that  we  may  eat  and  be  filled  with  those  pleas- 
ures, which  the  world  knows  not  —  Let  us  hear  that  sweet 
voice  of  thine,  my  love,  my  dove,  my  undefiled  — Spread  thy 
skirt  over  us,  and  cover  our  deformity — make  us  sick  with 
thy  love  —  Let  us  sleep  in  thine  arms,  and  awake  in  thy 
kingdom  —  The  souls  of  thy  servants,  thus  united  to  thee, 
make  us  one  in  the  bonds  of  brotherly  affection — Let  not 
distance  weaken  it,  nor  time  waste  it,  nor  changes  dissolve 
it,  nor  self-love  eat  it  out ;  but  when  all  means  of  other 
Communion  shall  fail,  let  us  delight  to  pray  each  for  other : 
And  so  let  thy  unworthy  servant  prosper  in  the  love  of 
his  friends,  as  he  truly  loves  thy  good  servants  S.*  and  B. 


*  Refers  to  Springe,  to  whom  the  letter  b  addresied.    B.  was  Springe's  brother  B., 
mentioned  on  the  preceding  page.^*  J.  B. 


The  Wirdhrop  Papers.  231 

and  wishes  true  happiness  to  them  and  to  all  theirs  — 
Amen.  J.  W. 

London  Feb^  8.  1629. 

[Endorsed,  **  Copy  of  a  letter  to  Sir  W"  Springe,"  in  Governor 
Winthrop's  hand.  This  probably  the  rough  draf^,  or  he  .was  unable 
to  send  it,  and  wrote  another.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Gov.  W. 
expected  daily  to  sail  for  New  England,  and  had  taken  his  final  adiea 
of  this  friend  and  all  others  in  Suffolk.  Thursday,  near  the  close,  I 
suspect,  refers  to  the  day  of  sailing  for  Cowes.  Vide  another  letter  of 
Gov.  W.  to  his  son.  — J.  B.] 


III. 

Rev.  Henry  Paynter  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  my  worthily  respected  son  M'  John  Winthrop  at  the 
house  of  M'  Emanuel  Downinge  at  the  sign  of  the 
Bishop,  in  Peterborovv  Court  neer  fleet  conduit  — 
these. 

Worthy  Sir  and  my  dear  Son  —  I  am  very  thankful  un- 
to you  for  your  kind  letter  this  week ;  but  the  news  of 
your  so  sudden  going  away,  makes  us  all  sad  for  the 
present  because  we  cannot  be  certain  that  we  shall  be 
able  to  get  up  unto  you,  that  we  might  comfort  our  hearts 
together  in  one  meeting  again  before  your  departure. 

Yet  write  once  more  I  pray  you,  when  and  at  what  very 
time  (if  it  be  possible)  you  take  shipping :  and  when  our 
worthy  sister  and  you  shall  be  in  London — who  knoweth 
how  the  Lord  in  his  good  providence  may  dispose  of  our 
occasions,  and  guide  our  journey  that  way. 

I  am  not  a  little  troubled  that  my  hudled,  hasty  lines 
were  so  broken  and  obscure  to  occasion  your  mistakings  in 
so  many  particulars.  1.  It  was  much  against  mind  to  be 
altogether  so  troublesome  unto  you  about  the  Lady  Modye 
[ilfoocfy],  and  now  your  business  is  multiplied,  I  desire  but 
only  what  standeth  with  your  leisure  —  and  I  thought  a 
word  from  you  might  the  rather  move  her:  You  know 
there  is  a  bond  for  ?S!"  [?]  upon  my  wife  in  your  hand  about 
it:  and  this  was  the  money  I  meant  in  my  letter — And 
the  2.  mistake  —  I  am  very  sorry  you  are  not  paid.  We 
have   both  of  us  now  written  very  effectually  unto  her. 


232  The  Winthrap  Papers. 

She  made  a  kind  of  promise  to  Edward  Searle  and  there- 
fore should  be  willing  he  might  go  to  her  again :  But 
I  would  not  include  the  letters  in  his  but  in  yours.  I 
should  hope  you  might  intreat  M'  White  of  White  friars 
out  of  term  to  speak  to  her,  seeing  her  house  is  but  in 
fetter  lane,  as  I  have  desired  him  by  letter  and  shall  again 
by  the  next.  And  3.  I  mentioned  not  that  money  as  if 
I  doubted  of  the  disposal  —  for  125^*  of  was  adventured — 
the  rest  bestowed  in  corn  and  sent  with  particular  direc- 
tions for  the  disposing  of  it:  neither  shall  we  in  these 
parts  be  backward  to  further  the  plantation  in  any  thing 
we  may  as  opportunity  may  be  offered  hereafter  (I  know 
no  one  place  better  affected  towards  it)  but  used  it  only 
as  a  rash  inducement  to  get  some  more  particular  infor- 
mations from  you  touching  the  state  of  the  place  —  The 
rather  because  I  intend  God  willing  to  write  by  you,  and 
hereafter  to  write  you,  and  who  knoweth  who  may  also 
come  at  length  unto  you.  But  now  I  will  not  be  over 
troublesome  but  content  me  with  my  daughter  Winthrop's 
general  report  in  her  letter  that  you  have  very  good  news 
from  thence,  and  your  resolution  for  the  journey  assureth 
me.  The  Lord  in  mercy  keep  you  and  my  good  daughter, 
with  all  your  company,  our  dear  friends,  and  bring  you  safe 
to  that  place,  and  prosper  you  in  it.  I  shall  be  ready  to 
return  you  answer  to  your  next  letter,  and  so  write  to 
your  good  mother.  We  are  in  health,  and  intreat  your 
prayers  for  us  all  and  namely  for. 
Your  father  unfeignedly  affected  towards  you, 

Henry  Paynter.* 

[Without  date.]  , 


IV. 

John  Hximfrey  to  John  Winthropj  Jr. 

To  his  worthily  respected  and  assufed  loving  friend  M^ 
John  Winthrop  at  the  Dolphin  M'  Humfries  house  in 
Sandwich. 

Deare  Sir  — 
It  much  troubled  mee  I  came  away  so  hastilie  and  un- 

*  Mr.  Paynter  was  one  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  of  DWines.    See  Calaroj.  — 
J.  B. 


JJie  Winthrap  Papers.  233 

happilie  finding  no  so  great  cause  at  home  my  wife  yet 
holding  up.  I  much  desired  to  see  M^  Pierce  and  you 
aboard  but  the  will  of  the  Lord  bee  done  as  it  is.  I  pray 
you  remember  mee  in  the  most  respective  manner  to  your 
good  mother  your  wife  and  Sister,  I  hope  I  shall  in  no 
lesse  tender  manner  remember  you  to  God,  then  I  desire  to 
bee  remembred  by  you.  I  beiseech  you  rowle  yourselves 
and  your  burthens  and  cares  on  him,  the  more  you  trust 
him  and  impose  in  an  humble  faithfulnes  upon  him  the 
more  you  glorifie  him  and  the  greater  glorie  shall  you  re- 
ceave  from  him.  I  wish  and  hope  you  will  have  aboundant 
experience  of  the  inlargment  of  his  grace  in  you  and  to 
you,  in  which  I  shall  have  as  much  matter  of  thankefulnes 
as  now  of  request  on  your  behalfe.  I  must  cast  myselfe 
and  mine  in  an  especial  manner  under  him  upon  yourselfe 
for  directing  and  disposing  of  my  servants  and  estate  as- 
suring myselfe  of  the  reciprocation  of  that  kind  respect 
which  in  the  most  unfeigned  manner  I  beare  and  owe 
unto  you.  I  pray  you  let  it  not  bee  burthensome  or  greiv- 
ous  to  you  to  doe  for  him  as  for  your  selfe  who  will  bee 
readie  to  praefer  you  in  anie  thing  within  his  power  before 
himselfe.  I  must  contract  myselfe  now  unto  you,  desir- 
ing so  much  the  more  to  inlarge  myselfe  unto  the  God  of 
all  grace  for  you  in  whome  with  my  most  kind  respects 
and  love  unto  you  I  rest 

Yours,  trulie  assured  and  loving 

P  HUMFREY. 

London  Jlugust  18'*  1631. 

M'  Downing  advizes  by  all  meanes  you  should  carrie 
good  store  of  garlicke  to  physicke  your  cowes. 

[This  was  written  under  the  seal.  —  J.  B.] 


V. 

John  Humfrey  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  worthy  and  much  beloved  M'  Jo :  Winthrop  Junior 
at  Boston. 

Deare  Sir  — 

True  love  will  fasten  upon   a  small  occasion  and  the 

VOL.   IX.  30 


234  The  Winthrap  Papers. 

least   opportunitie    to   have   such    fruition   of  the    partie 
loved  as  our  distance  will  affoord,  so  that  I  doe  and  may 
well    want    a   head  and   time  sutable    to   the  affections 
and  heartie  desire  I  have  to  powre  out  my  selfe  unto  you. 
Though  wee  yet  cannot  in  possibilitie  heare  of  your  com- 
fortable arrival  yet  I  waite  upon  the  God  of  all  mercie  and 
comfort,  and  kiss  and  embrace  the  comfort  thereof  afar  of. 
The  mercie  I  know  will  bee  so  apprehended  by  you,  yours 
and  all  of  us  that  must  challenge  a  share  and  interest  in  you 
that  (I  hope)  it  will  engage  us  and  manie  more  in  improving 
such  means  further  to  improve  ourselves  time  and  talents  to 
his  glorie  who  strengtheneth  us  (by  so  greatly  desired 
favours)  in  our  rejoycings  to  his  service,  and  the  sincere 
obedience    of  his  will  in  all  thinges.     Sir,  I   presume  I 
neede  not  so  much  excite  you  to  a  zealous  contending 
to  improve  your  pace,  and  reachings  out  to  perfection,  by  the 
mercies  you  have  receaved,  as  I  neede  (by  touching  a  lit- 
tle upon  the  mercies  in  and  to  you  and  by  you  to  others)  to 
raise  up  some  affections  and  expressions  answerable  to  my 
true  desires.     And  great  neede  I   find  hereof,  having  so 
much  experience  of  my  flashie  hart,  that  some  times  1  am 
enforced  directly,  sometimes  by  way  of  reflection  to  trie 
whether  I  can  helpe  my  spirit  in  this  duty,  as  now.     It  is 
a  well  knowne  truth  (oh  that  I  could  know  it  effective  in 
meliorem  partem)  that  those  mercies  to  ourselves  or  ours 
which  leave  us  not  better,  they  certainly  doe  much  worse, 
for  as  a  christian  cannot  stand  at  a  stay  (for   non  pro- 
gredi  est  regredi)  so  there  is  besides  other  sinnes,  the 
capital  guilt  Isesse  majestatis  in  not  walking  answerable  to 
favours  receaved.     The   smart  of  this,   Hezekiah  David 
and  manie  others  of  Gods  dearest  servants  have  found  with 
the  sad  experience  of.     And  indeedewhat  follie  is  it  for  a 
man  to  bee  so  injurious  to  himselfe,  that  when  hee  knowes 
thankefulnes  and    fruitefulnes  under  mercies  receayed  as 
they  open  Gods  hand  more  largely  towards  him,  so  they 
qualifie  him  more  to  a  disposednes  to  receave  and  still  to 
get  more  sweete  in  receaving  (for  there  is  an  influence  and 
sap   in   everie    mercie  which  if  the  lord   withhold,  it   is 
but  the  huske,  or  as  the  sedement  of  the  mercie  wee  en- 
joy the  spirit  and  the  quintescence  thereof  being  of  infinite- 
ly greater  vertue  and  vigour.     And  againe  in  deliverances 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  235 

what  is  it  to  scape  the  beare  and  to  fall  into  the  paw  of  the 
lion,  what  to  avoide  the  snare  and  to  sinke  into  the  pit,  what 
is  it  to  enjoy  the  utmost  that  created  nature  can  aflfoord 
in  this  world,  and  to  loose  (by  resting  herein)  the  creator 
of  nature  and  of  all  comforts  (For  saith  hee  I  the  lord 
create  the  fruite  of  the  lip"  &c  thence  flowe'  peace  to 
him  that  is  far  of  and  to  him  that  is  neare.  Hee  can  reach 
us  at  what  distance  soever  yea  and  will,  in  riches  of  mer- 
cie  to  accept  our  least  (if  sincere)  services  and  to  fetch  us 
in,  if  belonging  to  his  election  of  grace  how  far  remote 
soever;  and  on  the  other  side  his  hand  can  easilie  find  out 
his  enemies  where  ever  they  thinke  vainely  to  shrowde 
themselves  under  anie  false  refuges.  But  oh  the  depthes 
of  his  wisdome  and  goodnes  unto  us  whome  by  faith  hee 
hath  made  heires  of  the  promise,  what  hath  hee  scene  in 
us  that  he  should  deigne  an  eye  to  behold  us ;  but  that 
he  who  hath  the  treasures  of  all  happines  in  himselfe 
should  account  us  his  peculiar  treasure,  tender  us  as  the 
apple  of  his  eye,  should  make  us  his  owne,  and  provide  for 
us  all  good  thinges  (grace  and  glorie)  and  (as  an  overplus 
those  inferiour  comforts  of  this  life,  what  hart  can  con- 
ceave  or  tounge  of  men  or  angels  expresse  the  vastnes 
of  this  unlimited  depth  of  love  and  goodnes  which  is  with- 
out bottome  or  bancke.  Soe  that  wee  may  well  sit  downe 
in  a  holie  amasement,  and  wonder,  and  then  out  of  the  im- 
pressions of  his  goodnes  cast  about  and  thinke  what  shall 
wee  render  to  the  Lord  for  all  his  goodnes  unto  us.  Tru- 
lie  these  thoughts  had  neede  to  take  up  our  best  inten- 
tion, not  onely  as  they  are  the  best  and  chiefest  fruite 
of  saving  grace  in  us,  but  as  they  are  (as  I  said  before) 
the  shortest  and  most  expedite  way  and  meanes  of  elevating 
us  into  a  higher  degree  of  grace  glorie  and  all  manner  of 
happines  here  and  hereafter.  Wee  manitimes  groape  after 
happines  in  manie  yea  anie  other  wayes,  which  is  to 
seeke  the  living  among  the  dead,  these  fresh  springing 
waters  (which  onely  flow  from  under  the  sanctuarie)  in 
dead  and  standing  puddles.  Wee  exceedingly  abuse  our- 
selves, yea  and  abase  our  noble  condition  to  stoope  in  a 
beggerly  manner  to  borrow  or  seeke  anie  comfort  in  these 
sublunarie  vanities  with  the  neglect  of  that  fountaine 
which  puts  what  ever  fulnes  there  is  in  these  cisterne  or 


236  The  mnthrop  Papers. 

broken  pit  comforts ;  God  is  our  roote,  our  foundation,  our 
father,  our  fountaine  rocke  and  magazine  of  all  precious 
thinges,  and  how  much  to  blame  are  wee  when  wee  seeke 
to  build  upon  a  weeker  foundation,  that  have  one  so 
firme;  to  draw  sap  from  brambles  that  may  from  him; 
to  come  with  cap  and  knee  to  the  servant  whereas  his 
master  is  our  father,  to  drinke  of  corrupted  streames  that 
may  have  immediate  accesse  to  the  well  head,  and  to  patch 
up  a  few  comforts  which  yet  (though  wee  prostrate  our- 
selves to  manie)  will  not  make  a  garment  large  enough  to 
cover  the  nakednes  of  the  least  part  of  our  manie  defects 
and  our  large-spreading  indigencie.  When  as  in  him 
alone  wee  may  have  infinitely  more  then  all  that  is  con- 
tained within  the  circumference  of  the  creature  can  afibord. 
Let  us  then  resolutely  conclude  with  the  Prophet  it  is 
good  to  drawe  neare  to  God,  yea  so  to  draw  neare  as  by 
our  communion  with  him  to  draw  all  from  him,  to  be 
wholie  unto  hinn,  to  acknowledge  him  in  all  our  waye'  as 
the  great  reward  of  good  and  rewarder  of  evill  that  so  ac- 
cording to  his  never  failing  promise  he  may  establish  all. 
But  it  is  time  to  recall  myselfe  least  these  meditations 
carrie  mee  beyond  my  time,  and  make  mee  and  themselves 
burthensome  unto  you.  I  desire  a  little  bout  with  you  and 
I  conceave  I  could  not  have  it  more  profitablie  then  by 
helping  my  selfe  up  the  Mount  with  you.  Now  the  good 
Lord  reveale  himselfe  everie  way  unto  you,  shine  upon 
you  with  a  loving  countenance,  breath  a  blessing  upon  all 
your  holy  endeavours,  sanctifie  you  throughout  in  your 
whole  soule  bodie  and  spirit,  continue  you  a  blessing  with 
your  familie  to  this  worke  of  God,  and  at  the  end  crowne 
all  your  holie  and  faithfull  labours  with  himselfe  who  is  the 
fulnes  of  glorie.  .  To  his  grace  I  commend  you  and  all 
yours,  wife  mother  sister*  all,  to  whome  I  desire  in  partic- 
ular to  be  remembred  in  the  bowels  of  the  tenderest  af- 
fection in  Christ  Jesus  in  whome  I  am 

Your  most  assured  and  trulie  desir[tng-] 

Jo:    HUMFREY. 

London  JVov"^  4. ' 

If  in  anie  thing  my  people   have  neede  of  your  love 
and  you  can  steede  them' and  mee  by  your  direction  and 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  237 

helpe  I  doe  not  so   much  desire   as  upon  jou 

though  I  doe  both. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  John  Humfrey,  (rec'd  May  1632.)" 
Upon  the  back  of  this  letter  is  the  following  memorandum  in  the 
handwriting  of  John  Winthrop,  first  governor  of  Connecticut :  — 
•*  M'  Vassell  —  Cozen  Forth  —  M'  Humphrey  —  M'  Kirby  — My  uncle 
Downing — Aunt  Downing  —  Cozen  Clarke  —  M'  Howes  —  Uncle 
Gostlin  —  S'Archisden  —  M"^  Gurdon  —  M'  Jacye  —  M' Rob*  Gurdon 
—  M'  Richard  Saltonstall  —  Father  Painter  — M'  Chambers  —  Sir 
Hen  :  Mildmay  —  D'  Wright  —  Rob*  Geldston  —  Cozen  Mary  Down- 

S'  before  Mr.  Archisden's  name  refers  to  his  degree  of  A.  B.,  I  be- 
lieve. There  is  a  peculiarity  in  this  letter;  instead  of  writing  the  plural 
$  as  is  usual,  Mr.  Humfrey' places  it  thus,  'Mip*"  instead  of  "lips." 
Sometimes  he  does  so  with  the  singular  of  a  verb,  as  "flowe"'  for 
"  flowes."    I  have  spelt  as  he  has  throughout. — J.  B.] 


VI. 


Francis  Kirby  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

To  his  very  lovinge  and  much  respected  friend  M"^  John 
Winthrop  Junior  this  deliver  in  Nova  Anglia  —  in  Charl- 
ton [viz.  Charlestotcn]  per  a  friend  whom  God  pre- 
serve. 

Latis  Deo  —  in  London  26**  106m  [December]  1631. 

My  very  lovinge  and  no  lesse  loved  friend :  harty  salu- 
tations to  your  selfe  and  seconde  selfe  with  my  respects  to 
your  good  Father  and  mother  for  whom  as  also  for  the 
rest  of  your  company  I  do  and  shall  daily  implore  the  aid 
of  the  Almighty:  We  have  taken  notice  of  very  boister- 
ous winds  we  had  immediately  after  your  departure  from 
our  Coaste  (res  est  soliciti  plena  timoris  amor)  We  have 
no  hope  to  hear  from  you  untill  the  returne  of  M^  Pierce 
from  Virginia  whom  we  expecte  siccis  faucibus. 

I  desire  to  acquaint  you  with  such  occurrants  as  may 
be  newes  to  you  whether  forreine  or  domesticall.  I  re- 
ceived a  letter  dated  in  August  last  from  Newfound  Land 
in  the  Bay  of  Bulls  aboord  the  William  and  Thomas  ride- 
inge  there  to  take  in  fish  and  is  bound  for  Genoa — my 
friend  writeth  that  the  ships  company  goinge  on  shore  to 


238  The  Winlhrap  Papers. 

cut  timber  did  accidentally  set  that  woody  country  on  fire 
which  had  then  burnt  20  miles  alonge  and  that  they  had 
no  likely  hood  to  quench  it  untill  rayny  weather  come. 

Captain  Bruton  who  was  imployed  by  my  cozen  Moris 
Thomson  and  company  for  the  trade  of  bever  in  the  river 
of  Canada  is  now  arrived  heer  haveinge  been  since  at 
St.  Christophers  for  a  freight  of  tobacco,  he  hath  brought 
in  heer  about  3000^**  weight  of  bever,  and  they  are  now 
hasteninge  to  set  forth  a  small  ship  only  for  that'  river 
hopinge  to  be  there  before  Captain  Kerke  whom  (I  hear) 
is  to  fetch  his  men  from  Quibeck  and  yield  up  the  Castle 
againe  to  the  French  this  next '  somer.  For  German 
newes,  you  shall  understand  that  Swedens  kinge  hath 
been  very  succesfull.  The  duke  of  Saxon  who  all  this 
while  hath  been  a  neuter  is  now  forced  to  take  up 
armes  and  crave  the  aid  of  Sweden  ;  for  Tilly  did  set  upon 
his  choise  towne  called  Lypswicke  [^Leipsic  f]  and  tooke  it, 
but  kept  it  not  many  daies  before  he  with  the  helpe  of  the 
kinge  regained  it  and  gave  him  battle  about  2  english 
miles  from  Lipswicke,  slew  about  15000  of  the  imperialists 
tooke  much  munition  and  with  the  losse  of  about  6000  of 
their  owne,  since  that  he  hath  taken  Norenberghe  and 
Frankford  and  lefte  soldiers  in  them  both.  We  hope  that 
God  will  make  Sweden  an  instrument  for  the  fall  of  Anty- 
christ.  I  find  noted  in  the  margin  by  the  Geneva  trans- 
laters  Revel"*;  17.  16.  that  divers  nations  as  the  Gothes, 
Vandals  and  Hungarians  who  were  subject  to  Rome  shall 
rise  up  to  destrpy  the  whore  —  Sweden  is  kinge  of  Gothes 
and  Vandals.^  A  little  of  Greenland  newes  because  it  may 
make  some  what  for  your  encouragement  who  may  some- 
time possibly  adventure  upon  discovery  where  bread  is  not 
alwaies  to  be  had,  for  therin  you  may  see  it  is  possible  to 
live  without  bread  by  Gods  blessinge  upon  the  fleshe  of 
beares  and  foxes  &c.  8  English  men  wintered  there  in  the 
latitude  of  77y  and  are  returned  home  all  in  good  likeingei 
they  lived  from  August  untill  June  without  bread  or  other 
provisions  then  what  they  killed  and  the  fritters  or  rather 
fragments  of  the  whales  out  of  which  they  had  tried  oile 
and  cast  them  to  the  dunghill  the  somer  before.  They 
lost  there  passage  by  reason  of  misty  weather.    /^ 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  239 

Thus  with  our  earnest  praiers  to  the  Almighty  for  you 
ally  I  rest 

Your  ever  loving  friend 

Fra:  Kirby. 

[Labelled,  "  rec"*  June  1632."] 


VII. 

Rev.  Thomas  Archisden  to  Edward  Howes. 

To  his  much  deserving  friend  M'  Edward  Howes  at  M' 
Downing's  in  fleet  street  by  the  Conduit  these  dl. 

It  was  the  29^**  day  of  this  month  before  I  arrived  at 
Cambridge  haven  and  I  am  again  bound  for  Suff :  within 
this  day  or  two — the  occasion  of  it  is  this.  M^  Jacy  who 
is  ]Vr  Gurdon's  chaplain  unexpectedly  was  sent  for  into 
his  own  country  and  it  will  be  about  six  or  seven  weeks 
before  he  returns  whereupon  I  being  then  in  Suff.  was 
earnestly  requested  to  supply  his  place  whereunto  I  did 
assent.  I  knew  it  would  be  some  trouble  to  me  but  being 
in  some  respects  obliged  to  them  I  dared  not  to  shew 
myself  so  disrespective  of  them  as  to  give  a  denial  —  M' 
Gostlin  with  all  his  family  are  in  good  health.  I  preach- 
ed at  Groton  the  last  Lord's  day  being  overswayed  with 
their  entreaties  —  I  preached  also  at  Waldingfield  parva 
the  same  day,  but  at  night  having  been  unaccustomed 
to  such  exercises  I  was  almost  quite  tired.  I  received 
your  letter :  I  am  glad  to  hear  of  that  news  whereof  you* 
writ  unto  me.  I  have  not  heard  as  yet  from  Anthony. 
If  you  please  the  intercourse  of  our  writing  need  not  be 
hindered  —  there  is  one  goodman  GifTord  who  cometh 
weekly  to  spread  Eagle  —  it  is  not  far  from  the  Bull  — 
he  useth  to  come  by  M"^  Gurdon's :  Our  College  is  now 
about  enlarging  our  College  with  the  addition  of  a  new 
building  —  the  charges  of  it  will  come  to  a  1000"  —  they 
have  the  money  out  the  College  treasury :  I  pray  remem- 
ber my  service  to  M'  and  M"  Downing  —  give  them 
many  thanks  from  me  for  their  kindnesses  to  me :  remem- 
ber \my  entire  affection  to  M"  Mary*']^  my  hearty  love  to 

•  Thia  is  erased  by  a  more  modern  pen. — J,  B. 


240  The  WinOtrop  Papers. 

all  the  rest  —  Thus  also  not  forgetting  my  obgement  to 
yourself,  I  alway  remain,  v 

in  all  readiness  to  gratify  your  kindni>^. 

T.  A.  [Ths.  Archisden.] 

From  Cambridge  Jan^  30.  1631. 

[Upon  the  outside  are  these  words  in  the  handwriting  of  Ed.  Howes : 
—  **  This  letter  is  from  M'  Archisden  I  pray  view  the  other  and  if  you 
think  good  seal  it  up  and  deliver  it  according  to  the  superscription  of  it ; 
otherwise  lacerate  or  inflame  it  as  you  please.*'  It  evidently  refers  to 
the  above  erasure,  which  is  made  with  the  same  ink,  I  believe,  as  this 
note  of  £.  Howes.  The  letter  to  which  E.  H.  refers  was  possibly,  I 
guess,  an  offer  of  hand  and  heart  to  Mrs.  Mary.  Bvi  who  wtu  $he? 
Perhaps  John^s  sister,  who  married  Samuel  Dudley,  and  had  come  over 
with  her  mother  and  brother.  —  J.  B.] 


VIII. 

Edward  Howes  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

To   his   very   loving   friend  M"^  John   Winthrop   at    the 
Governour's  house  these  dl  in  Mattachusetts  Bay  in  New 
England 
mitte  mihi  litteram  per  primu  nuntiu  quseso. 

Gaudium  meae  vitse 

As  the  fear  and  love  of  God  is  the  beginning  of  true 
wisdom ;  so  the  virtue  derived  from  that  wisdom  maketb 
love  eternal,  which  virtue  in  you  hath  kindled  such  a 
,fire  of  true  love  in  me,  that  the  great  Western  Ocean 
cannot  quench,  but  maugre  all  oppsition  it  shall  be  with 
you  wheresoever  you  are,  while  the  possessor  thereof  hath 
being :  I  am  and  must  be  yet  confined  within  the  limits 
of  my  native  soil,  because  God's  time  is  not  yet,  but 
when  the  time  is  accomplished  that  I  must  depart,  who 
shall  resist  his  will  ?  M'  Arkisden  and  I  do  now  and  then 
intertchange  letters.  He  in  his  last  promised  to  send  let- 
ters for  New  England  but  I  have  not  heard  of  him  this 
three  weeks.  M'  Lee  is  come  from  St.  Christophers 
very  poor  —  He  hath  lost  all  his  time  and  voyage,  I 
hear  he  hath  a  desire  to  go  for  New  Eng*^  —  his  wife 
and  he  are  come  from  Groton.  Common  Garden  near 
the  strand  is  converted  to  a  market  Town  with  a  church 


The  Winthrap  Papers.  241 

in  It  —  about  60  brick  houses  are  built  already  —  A  won- 
der that  a  plantation  should  be  made  between  the  Court  and 
the  City  that  should  extend  itself  to  the  skirts  of  either — I 
hear  it  must  be  called  Bedford  Berry,  it  looks  more  like  Ba 
Bell,  I  pray  God  it  prove  to  Be  Better :  I  could  say  more ; 
but  here  is  enough  to  contemplate  on — Never  was  known 
more  building  of  houses  and  repairing  of  Churches,  yet 
weekly  some  poor  or  other  die  starved  in  the  streets  — 
Here  hath  been  some  lately  executed  for  Quoyninge  [coin- 
ing]  silver  and  gold.^  Other  newes  I  have  not  instant,  but 
there  is  expected  great  good  or  evil  this  summer  in  these 
parts  of  the  world  :  God  will  have  his  work  done  by  us, 
or  upon  us ;  I  have  not  yet  attained  to  the  perfection  of 
the  medicine,  I  do  much  want  my  beloved  friend's  help 
and  company  ;  she  hath  more  patience  than  I,  and  a  more 
quick  apprehension  to  discern ;  I  cannot  express  the  strange 
condition  I  have  been  in  since  I  lost  both  your  companies ; 
and  had  it  not  been  for  the  good  of  the  Plantation,  and  for 
your  sake,  I  should  have  used  my  best  rhetoric  to  have 
persuaded  her  to  stay  here  —  I  thank  God  I  am  yet  and 
I  hope  to  continue  (for  many  years)  a  single  man,  untill  I 
may  enjoy  her,  whom  my  heart  may  love  as  itself:  Thus 
desiring  you  to  remember  my  humble  service  unto  your 
father  and  mother  my  much  honoured  friends,  with  my 
respective  love  to  yourself,  your  wife,  your  sisters  both,  not 
forgetting  my  quondam  bedfellow  James,*  with  the  rest 
of  my  loving  friends ;  I  rest 

Yours  till  death         E.  H. 

T  Martij.  1631. 

I  pray  tell  "  gooddy  "  Scarlets  son  the  letter  he  sent  his 
mother,  I  found  lately  in  our  house,  which  I  intend  God 
willing  to  get  conveyed  this  week  to  Karsey  by  some 
clothier. 


Jamei  Downing.  —  J.  B. 


VOL.    IX.  81 


242  The  Winthrop  Papers. 


IX. 


Edward  Howes  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  worthy  friend  M"^  John  Winthrop  the  younger  at 
Boston  in  Mattachusetts  Bay  or  elsewhere  these  dl  in 
New  England. 

Salus  in  Salvatore  nostro  — 
Optatissime  Amice  optame 

I  cannot  but  upon  all  occasions  salute  you  with  mine 
indeared  love  and  respects ;  these  letters  from  M'  Arkis- 
den  I  received  very  lately.  I  was  afraid  they  would 
have  been  left  behind.  According  to  your  appointment 
and  upon  my  desire,  I  thought  good  to  entreat  you  to 
acquaint  me  with  some  particulars  of  your  country ;  viz* 
how  far  into  the  country  your  planters  have  discovered,  2. 
what  rivers,  lakes,  or  salt- waters  westward,  3  how  far  you 
are  from  Hudson's  river  and  from  Canada  by  land,  4  what 
are  the  most  useful  commodities  to  send  over  to  traffick 
with  the  Indians  or  amonge  yourselves ;  5.  what  ikind  of 
English  grain  thrives  with  you  and  what  not ;  and  what 
other  things  you  please ;  daring  not  to  trespass  any 
farther  upon  your  gentle  disposition,  only  be  pleased  to 
send  a  map  or  some  description  of  your  land  discoveries— 
For  you  know  well  the  cause  of  my  desire  to  know  New 
England  and  all  the  new  world,  and  also  to  be  known  there, 
yet  not  I  but  Christ,  in  whom  I  live  and  move  and  have 
my  being.  My  Master  hath  sent  my  most  honoured  friend 
your  father,  a  sword  in  a  walking  staff,  which  he  forgat 
to  mention  in  his  letters.  M'  Winslowe  hath  it ;  who  1 
doubt  not  will  deliver  it.  Thus  concluding  with  our  last 
and  freshest  news  here  inclosed  which  my  M^  sends  to 
your  father,  I  take  my  leave  to  rest 

Yours  and  ever  yours 

E.  Howes. 

26^  Martij  1632. 

[This,  written  nineteen  days  after  the  foregoing  letter,  came  by  the 
tne  ship.     Labelled,  **  Edw.  Howes  rec**  Jun.  1632."] 


same 


TTie  Winthrop  Papers.  243 

X. 

Edward  Howes  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  worthy  friend  M'  John  Winthrop  the  younger  at 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  These  d'  in  New  England. 

Such  is  the  force  and  effect  of  true  love  (my  beloved 
freind)  that  it  accounteth  noe  paines  too  much,  and  all 
tyme  too  little,  in  performinge  the  offices,  and  duties,  of 
deserved  respect :  I  havinge  sent  some  bookes  to  James 
Downinge  with  a  letter  dated  the  3  of  Aprill,  beinge  in- 
cited thereunto  by  his  father ;  your  demerritt  claimed 
parte  of  my  paines,  and  soe  greate  a  parte,  that  had  I  not 
written  by  M'  Wilson  unto  you  my  selfe  would  have  ex- 
claimed against  my  selfe,  and  at  the  barre  of  conscience 
have  adjudged  me  a  traytor  to  the  bond  of  amitie ;  and  ly- 
able  to  the  livinge  death  of  a  Turtles  solitariness  that 
hath  lost  her  mate ;  I  know  not  of  M'  Wilsons  going  over 
till  within  this  two  daycs,  soe  that  I  had  delivered  a  packett 
of  letters  unto  M'  Humfries  to  be  sent  by  this  ship  unto 
you,  one  whereof  was  a  letter  unto  your  selfe,  another  to 
your  beloved  wife,  another  to  your  sister  Eliza  ;  and  two  to 
James — with  your  oyle  of  vitriole  you  left  with  me  ;  I  hope 
God  will  send  all  in  safety  unto  you  ;  and  retorne  unto  us 
joyful  newes  of  your  recovery  ;  and  of  your  perfect  health ; 
In  James  letter  I  mentioned  2  or  3  thonges  of  a  horse 
hide  that  I  sent  you  I  pray  you  contemne  not  the  meanesse 
of  my  conceit  but  consider  that  I  hearinge  your  father 
writt  for  shoemakers  thridd,  I  sent  you  those  for  a  tryall, 
therefore  let  not  the  servilenes  of  the  worke  prejudice  your 
good  opinion  of  me,  but  knowe  my  aimes  is  and  ever  was 
at  the  generall  good  of  your  whole  plantation  ;  which  I 
hope  to  live  to  see,  and  see  to  flourish  and  to  remaine  till 
tyme  shall  have  an  end  with  me  — 

Your  assured         E.  Howes. 

3''  April  1632.    12"  hor :  noctis. 

I  sent  your  honored  father  a  booke  of  bookes  among 
those  to  J.  D  :  if  he  have  them  alreadie,  yet  my  good-will 
is  nere  the  loser,  if  they  should  not  be  soe  welcome  as  I 
desire  I  beseech  him  to  excuse  my  boldnes,  for  my  heart 


244  The  IVinthrap  Papers. 

is  still  as  upright  to  your  worke  as  ever,  as  sue  till  death 
shall  continue  (Deo  juvante).  I  have  heard  diverse  com- 
plaints against  the  severitie  of  your  Government  especially 
M'  Indicutts,  and  that  he  shalbe  sent  for  over,  about  cut- 
tinge  off  the  Lunatick  mans  eares,  and  other  grievances; 
well,  I  would  and  doe  desire  all  things  might  goe  well  with 
you  all  —  but  certainly  you  endeavour  in  all  mildnesse  to 
doe  Gods  worke,  he  will  preserve  you  from  all  the  ene- 
mies of  his  truth ;  though  there  are  here  a  thousand  eyes 
watchinge  over  you  to  pick  a  hole  in  your  coats,  yet  feare 
not,  there  are  more  with  you  than  against  you,  for  you 
have  God  and  his  promises  which  if  you  stick  to,  be  sure 
all  things  shall  worke  together  for  the  best,  when  you  have 
leasure  spare  me  two  or  3  wordes  of  your  minde  in  what 
Caracter  you  please,  that  I  may  solace  myselfe  with  your 
contentation,  or  helpe  to  beare  the  burthen,  if  not  redresse 
your  grievances,  and  soe  1  leave  you  to  God,  with  my  re- 
spective salutations  to  all  my  friends. 

My  father  mother  and  sister  desired  to  be  remembered 
unto  you. 

[Labelled,  *'  rec-*  June  1632."] 


XI. 

Edward  Howes  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  my  much  esteemed  friend  M'  John  Winthrop  the 
younger  at  the  Massachusetts  Bay  these  d"^  New  Eng- 
land. 

Noble  Friend  — 

I  havinge  the  14^**  of  this  Aprill  received  of  M'  Barker 
a  letter  from  your  sister  myne  approved  friend,  and  M' 
Drake  calling  this  morninge  to  see  if  I  had  any  letters, 
(he  preparinge  to  goe  for  Pascatawa  and  for  you)  I  thought 
good  to  let  you  understand  hereby  that  God  hath  still  lent 
me  life  and  health,  the  same  I  hope  of  you.  I  pray  you 
thanke  your  sister  for  her  remembringe  of  me  (M'  Arkis- 
den  thinks  you  have  all  forgotten  him)  and  tell  your  sister 
I  shall  endeavour  to  observe  and  performe  those  good  in* 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  ^iA6 

I 

structions  she  sent  me.     I  accidentally  this  morninge  or 
rather  bj  Providence  lighted  upon  my  bookes  of  the  or- 
dringe  of  silkworm^s  which  I  could  wish  with  you,^  for  I 
heare  you  have  store  of  mulberie  trees  —  Doe  but  send 
for  them  if  they  wilbe  any  way  prof&table  or  desirable  t 
will  with  all  convenient  speede  send  them :  I  have  lately 
come  to  my  hands  (made  by  an  excellent  scholler  and  lin- 
guist)* an  English  written  Accidence  and  grammer  of 
such  a  rare  method  that  it  is  admirable  to  conceive,  which 
hath  beene  in  obscuritie  at  least  this  14  yeares ;  and  by 
a  speciall  providence  come  to  my  hands  i  hope  for  the 
good  of  New  England,  and  the  speedy  bringinge  of  Eng- 
lish  and  Indians   to  the   perfect  understandinge  of  our 
tonge  and  writinge  truely,  and  speaking  elegantly,  alsoe  I 
have  of  the  same  mans  invention  a  booke  of  Characters, 
grounded  upon  infallible  rules  of  syntax  and  Rhetorick. 
I  would  gladly  print  them  that  they  might  be  the  better 
dispersed  amonge  my  friends  with  you,  but  that  I  doubt 
the  mallice  of  some  evely  minded  may  hinder,  or  take 
them  from  me.     If  you  thinke  good  I  will  send  you  some 
of  the  chiefest  grounds  and  rules  for  a  tryall ;  I  conceive 
it  sufficient  to  teach  the  Indian  children   only  to   read 
English  and  to  knowe  none  other,  because  they  may  not 
imagine  there  is  the  same  confusion  of  tongues  amonge 
Christians  as  there  is  amonge  them.    M'  Drake  stayes  soe 
that  I  cannot  enlarge.     Thus  with  my  continued  respects 
and  love  to  you  and  all  my  friends  till  death,  I  remaine, . 
Your  lovinge  friend  till  death  E.  Howes. 

Peterborough  Court  2(y*  JpriU  1632. 

[Labelled,  "  rec'd  by  M'  Drake  August  1632."] 


XII. 

John  Humfrey  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  worthily  respected  good  freind  M'  John  Winthrop 
junior  at  Boston  or  elsewhere  in  Mattachusets  Bay. 

Deare  Sir  —  I  sent  you  a  "  wavd'e  "  Sword  as  a  pledge 

*  A  prophet  hath  imall  honoor  in  hii  owne  contrie. 


246  The  Winihrop  Papers. 

of  my  love  by  goodman  Greene  passenger  with  M"^  Grant. 
I  pray  you  doe  mee  such  loving  offices  as  occasion  may 
inable^ou  further  to  oblige  your  ^11  readie  engaged  freind 
especiallie  put  your  father  in  mind  to  answer  two  particu- 
lars of  his  letter  from  mee,  which  you  may  see  and  so 
know  how  to  bee  helpeful  to  mee  therein.  I  pray  you 
commend  my  kind  respect  to  your  good  wife  mother  and 
sister  —  So  leaving  newes  and  busines  to  other  letters 
which  I  know  are  full  of  satisfaction  in  that  kind  with 
much  respect  I  rest  your  trulie  loving  and  much  desiring 

Jo  :    HUMFREY. 

London  June  2V^  1632, 

[Labelled,  *«  M'  Humfries  —  rec**  Sepf  17.  p.  M;  Peirse.  "] 


XIII. 

Francis  Kirby  to  John  Winthropj  Jr. 

To  his  very  kind  and  much  respected  frend  M"^  John  Wyn- 
throp  the  younger  at  the  M attachusets  in  New  England, 
this  deliver  —  per  M'  Pierce  whom  God  preserve. 

Laus  deo  in  London  22°  Junji.  1632. 

My  kind  and  much  respected  freind,  I  hartily  salute  you 
hopinge  of  your  good  health  the  recovery  whereof  I  de- 
sire siccis  faucibus  to  hear  of.  You  shall  God  willinge 
receive  per  this  bearer  M"^  Pierce  2  great  drie  fats  marked 
as  in  the  margin  [I.  W.]  At  the  motion  of  my  brother 
Downeinge  I  willinly  condescended  (if  not  boldly  in- 
truded) myselfe  to  be  a  third  partner  with  him  and  you  in 
this  parcell  of  goods,  which  is  such  wares  as  your  father 
gave  advise  for  and  I  have  endeavoured  to  get  good  and  as 
good  cheap  as  I  could.  The  cloth  was  provided  by  my 
brother  Downeinge  and  M'  Smith  the  tayler,  and  it  is  such 
as  Master  Winslow  did  buy  heer  to  trucke  with  the  na- 
tives —  for  the  rest  of  the  wares  if  they  be  not  well 
bought  I  only  must  be  blamed.  You  shall  find  in  one 
of  the  fats  a  book  sent  by  my  brother  Downeinge  to  his 
son  for  his  divertion  to  keep  a  marchant's  booke  and  there- 
in also  some  letters  you  shall  find,  and  2  paper  bookes  for 


The  Wintkrop  Papers.  24,7 

the  keepinge  of  this  partable  account,  the  lesser  for  a 
memoriall  wherein  jou  may  write  as  you  shall  buy  sell  or 
barter,  and  the  broader  may  serve  to  post  it  into  by  the  way 
of  debitor  and  creditor  if  you  be  so  skilfull,  but  for  my  part 
I  shall  be  carefull  to  keepe  all  things  right  and  straight  heer 
though  in  a  more  rude  and  playne  method,  for  want  of  skill. 
The  Commodity  to  make  returne  of  I  suppose  will  be 
bever,  it  beinge  almost  the  only  Commodity  of  that  Con- 
try  and  therein  your  skill  may  be  lesse  then  mine,  a  word 
therefore  of  direction  will  be  requisite.  Note  that  there  is 
great  difference  in  bever  although  it  be  all  new  skins,  for 
some  is  very  thicke  of  lether  and  thin  of  wool  which  is 
best  discovered  by  layinge  your  fingers  on  the  middle  or 
backe  of  the  skin,  1  pound  of  deep  wooled  skins  may  be 
worth  2  pound  thin  wooled  skins  —  M'  Pierce  brought 
a  parcell  for  his  owne  account  which  was  much  of  it  of 
that  bad  sort  he  offered  it  to  mee  for  12sh.  per  lb  and  I 
hear  he  hath  now  sold  it  for  llsh  or  11  sh.  6d  at  most 
—  Also  note  that  the  old  Coates  are  better  by  a  third  part 
then  new  skins  are,  partly  forv  that  they  generally  dresse 
the  best  skins  for  that  purpose,  partly  for  that  the  lether  is 
thinner  and  so  consequently  lighter  by  dressinge,  and  partly 
for  that  the  coarse  haire  is  partly  worne  of  from  the  wool, 
but  I  pray  be  carefull  that  you  take  not  old  worn  otter 
skins  or  coates  for  bever,  for  they  are  nothing  worth  if  they 
be  so  much  worne  that  the  glossy  top  haires  are  decayed, 
but  there  are  some  good  otter  skins  in  Cotes  5  or  6  skins 
in  a  Cote,  which  are  sowed  together  with  the  tailes  on  and 
beinge  not  perceived  to  have  been  worne  but  by  the 
soylinge  of  the  lether  and  beinge  very  black  and  glossy  may 
be  worth  50sh.  per  Coate  or  lOsh.  per  skin.  You  may 
know  the  otter  skin  from  the  bever  partly  by  the  fabricke, 
for  the  otter  is  more  longe  though  the  tayle  be  of,  and  the 
wooll  is  more  short  and  of  even  haire,  the  glossy  haire  not 
much  exceedinge  the  wooll  in  length,  but  the  coarse  glos- 
sy haire  of  the  bever  doth  more  over-top  the  wooll  and  is 
more  stragleinge  and  more  wild.  I  have  sent  you  some 
paternes  of  old  otters  for  your  better  information. 

For  newes,  the  most  is  of  the  successfull  kinge  of 
Sweden  who  hath  now  taken  all  Bavaria.  Ingelstad  did 
hold  out  the  longest  but  is  now  lately  taken.     Also  the 


248  The  fVinthrop  Papers. 

prince  of  Orange  hath  gotten  a  stronge  towne  in  Gelder- 
lant  called  Vanlo,  a  towne  of  great  consequence  for  that 
through  it  the  Spaniard  did  convey  all  his  provisions  up 
into  Germany.  Also  he  hath  taken  the  halfe  of  a  towne 
in  Clevelant  called  Mastich,  but  not  the  other  halfe  it 
beinge  divided  (as  it  seemeth)  by  a  river,  and  this  taken 
with  some  difficulty  for  Grave  Ernste  was  slayne  there  and 
some  other  Commanders  of  the  Hollanders.  I  earnestly 
desire  to  receive  a  letter  from  you  of  the  Contry  and  your 
condition  there,  which  I  shall  receive  I  hope  per  M' 
Pierce,  if  not  before.  I  pray  remember  mee  to  your  second 
selfe  your  good  father  and  mother  your  sisters  brethren  my 
Cosen  James  with  all  the  rest  of  mine  and  your  friends. 
We  must  intreat  you  take  care  of  these  goods  and  dispose 
of  them.  You  may  employ  my  Cosen  James  in  it  so  far 
as  you  thinke  fit,  but  as  yet  I  thinke  he  is  unfit  to  take 
the  sole  charge  of  them.  I  pray  make  no  bad  debts,  but 
rather  keep  them  till  you  can  have  mony  or  comodity 
for  them. 

The  2  drie  fats  containe  as  followeth. 

400  paire  of  shoes  cost  2*^  4^*  per  paire  is 

but  the  shoemaker  abated  in  the  whole 

so  we  paid  for  them  .... 

18''  shoe  thrid  at  l'**  per  pound  did  cost 
5000  large  hobnailes  at  k'^  per  thousand  cost 
10,000  midle  sort  at  18'^  per  thousand  cost 
10,000  small  sort  at  T^  per  thousand  cost 
16  peeces  of  cloth  whereof  1  is  white  and  15  coloured 

cost  all 51     0  0 

they  contain  13  yeards  in  a  peice  and  is  about  3"  4*'' 
per  peice  or  5*^  per  yard. 
20"  of  Browne  thrid  and  black  at  S**"  per  li.  cost  .         .      02     0  0 

2  payre  bookes  cost 00  02  0 

2  fats  with  nailes  to  head  them  cost  .         .         .         .      00  15  S 

paid  for  cartage  to  the  water  side        .         .         .         .  00  01  2 

paid  for  freight  to  M'  Pierce 06  00  0 

108  09  9 
[Labelled,  **  rec'd  per  M'  Pierce  Sept'  17.  1632." 
Memorandum  on  letter,  —  **  Sandever,  or  sal  alcali  —  barrells.  a  bar- 
rel! of  sope-ashes.     JlOO  of  tinne  :  JlOO  copper."] 


li      8h    d 

46  13  4 

0  15  0 

li      8h     d 

.         . 

45  18  4 

■         •         • 

00  18  0 

•         • 

00  10  0 

.         .         • 

00  15  0 

.         • 

00  10  0 

The  Winthrop  Papers.  249 

XIV. 

Francis  Kirby  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  much  respected  frend  M'  John  Winthrop  the  young- 
er at  the  Massachusets  in  New  England  this  deliver. 

London  this  26'*  of  jyovember:  1632. 
Good  Sir 

1  received  your  longe  expected  and  very  welcome  let- 
ters (dated  the  2**  July)  about  the  last  of  August.  I 
am  glad  to  heare  of  your  safe  arrival!,  your  health,  and 
good  likeinge  of  the  Contrie.  I  wrote  you  per  M' 
Pierce  who  departed  this  Coast  in  July  last  by  whom  I 
shipped  to  you  2  drifats  of  goods  to  the  value  of  llOli. 
br  thereabout  as  per  those  letters  will  appear.  It  was  par- 
table  between  my  brother  Downeinge,  your  selfe  atid  my 
selfe  most  of  it  was  goods  and  coarse  cloth  to  trucke,  such 
as  my  brother  Downeinge  had  advise  for.  I  hope  you 
have  received  them  ere  this  time — We  expect  M' Aler- 
ton  shortly  by  whome  we  hope  to  heare  of  M'  Pierce  his 
arrivall  with  you. 

I  have  shipped  in  this  ship  called  the  William  M' 
Tryvore  beinge  Master  and  M'  Hatherly  cheef  Marchant, 
2  square  cases  of  deale  with  the  glasses  accordinge 
to  your  direction,  together  with  2  hogsheads  and  1  bar- 
ell  of  your  fathers  with  such  goods  as  your  father  wrote 
for  as  per  my  brother  Downeing's  letters,  to  him  will 
appear.  The  glasses  whose  cases  cost  in  all  Hi.  16sh.  lid 
the  freight  will  make  them  dear  to  you,  if  the  freight 
be  paid  hear  it  shall  all  be  put  together  upon  your  fathers 
account  and  you  may  allow  it  unto  him,  1  doubt  not  but 
you  will  agree  upon  the  division  of  it.  For  the  Cata- 
logue of  bookes  from  Frankfort  I  have  sent  you  that  of 
Autumnall  mart  1631.  the  next  is  not  to  be  had  the 
third  not  yet  come  by  reason  of  Contrary  wind,  but  I 
shall  send  it  God  willinge  by  the  next  ship,  and  so  like- 
wise herafter — for  your  mony  of  Edward  Howes  I  have 
received  part  and  the  rest  he  saith  he  will  pay  to  mee 
shortly.  I  heare  not  any  thinge  of  that  from  M'  Goslin 
yet  —  I  should  be  glad  to  heare  that  these  glasses  come 
VOL.  IX.  32 


260  The  fVinthrop  Papers. 

M^hole  and  safe  to  your  hands,  I  have  written  glasses  on  the 
outside  of  the  Cases  that  they  in  the  ship  may  be  the 
more  carefull  of  them  sed  quales  sunt  nemini  dixi.  I 
pray  let  me  receive  a  letter  from  you  by  every  ship,  al- 
though it  be  but  2  lines  it  will  be  very  acceptable. 

Postscript  28''  I  have  now  received  all  your  mony  of  Ed- 
ward Howes  which  maketh  in  all  4li.  12sh.  for  the  bookes 
and  carriage  of  them.  It  is  now  generally  reported  that  the 
Kinge  of  Sweden  is  slayne,  we  have  little  other  newes, 
what  is  I  doubt  not  but  you  have  it  at  large  per  my  broth- 
er Downeings  letters  and  Ed.  Howes.  M'  Hatherley 
telleth  mee  that  I  must  pay  the  whole  freight  before  hand 
and  that  he  will  have  for  the  2  Cases  as  much  as  13  hogs- 
heads which  at  41i.  per  ton  is  3li.  if  you  will  not  have  the 
freight  put  all  together  upon  your  fathers  account  and  the 
charge  of  shippinge  it  (which  can  not  be  knowne  soone 
enough  for  my  brother  Downeinge  to  send  account  of  it 
per  this  ship)  then  I  pray  write  me  your  mind  per  the 
first  and  I  will  divide  it  and  put  to  your  particular  account. 
I  pray  remember  me  to  your  good  father  and  mother,  your 
good  bedfellow,  your  sisters,  brethren,  James  Downinge 
and  the  rest,  whom  all  I  commit  to  the  protection  of  the 
Almighty  and  rest 

Yours  at  Command 

Fr:  Kirby. 

[Labelled,  '*  rec'd  Feb' 23'^  1633."] 


XV. 

Francis  Kirby  to  John  IVinthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  very  lovinge  and  much  respected  frend  M'  John 
Winthrop  the  younger  this  deliver  at  Boston  in  the  Mas- 
sachusets  bay  in  New  England. 

Laus  Deo  in  London  2T  %ris  [November]  1632. 

My  good  frend,  harty  salutations  &c  :  These  may  let 
you  understand  that  I  have  shipped  in  the  William  of 
London  per  M'  Hatherley  5  peeces  of  goods  that  is  to  say 
2  hogsheads  and  1  barrell  with  goods  of  your  fathers  as  per 


7%«  Winthrop  Papers.  251 

my  brother  Downeings  letters  will  appeare  and  2  short 
cases  of  deale  boards  accordinge  to  your  direction  with 
glasses.  Of  which  I  have  also  written  you  more  at  large 
in  another  letter  per  this  same  ship.  We  desire  to  heare 
of  M^  Pierce  his  arrivall  with  you  per  whom  I  also  ship- 
ped to  you  2  great  drifats  of  goods  to  the  value  of  100" 
and  upwards.  1  have  received  yours  only  of  the  2  July. 
I  have  little  newes  to  write,  only  a  great  battell  fought 
between  the  kinge  of  Sweden  and  the  imperialists  neer 
Leipswich,  greater  then  that  there  about  12  months  since, 
for  divers  have  written  that  were  slayne  of  the  imperial- 
ists about  40,000  and  of  the  Kings  about  20,000,  but 
some  write  that  the  Kinge  is  slayne  in  the  battell,  others 
that  he  is  sore  wounded  and  that  Walestein  is  fled  and 
Pacxenham  slayne.  When  I  knowe  more  certainly  I 
will  write  you  per  the  first  opportunity  —  in  the  mean 
time  let  us  hope  the  best.  To  your  good  father,  mother, 
your  second  selfe,  sisters,  brothers,  and  to  my  Cosen  James 
Downeinge  salutem  meis  verbis  die.  Thus  with  my 
barty  praiers  to  Almighty  God  for  the  continuance  of  his 
favours  to  you  all  I  rest 

tuus  dum  suus  —  Fra  :  Kirbt. 

[Labelled,  '*  rec'd  feb''  23."] 


XVI. 


Francis  Kirby  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

To  his  good  frend  M'  John  Winthrop  junior  this  deliver. 

London  this  3  of  \Ober  [December]  1632. 

Kind  Sir :  Yours  of  the  19th  7ber  \^September']  per  M' 
Fogg  I  received  wherby  I  understand  of  M'  Pierce  his  ar- 
rival! (deo  gratias).  As  for  the  returne  of  that  comodity 
per  M^  Pierce  we  do  not  expect  it  so  sodenly,  sat  cito  si  sat 
bene,  and  whether  the  profit  shall  be  more  or  lesse  it  shall 
give  content  to  the  new  marchants,  when  it  cometh ;  the 
successe  whereof  we  must  commit  to  the  providence  of  the 
almighty.     Your   inclosed   I    delivered  to  M'  Chambers; 


252  The  Winlhrop  Papers. 

also  those  into  flit  street.  I  have  written  you  more  at 
large  per  M'  Hatherley  who  his  now  redy  to  go  to  Graves- 
end.  With  this'  I  enclose  the  Catalogue  of  the  last 
vernall  mart,*  the  last  autumnall  is  not  yet  to  be  had. 
Thus  with  mine  my  wives  my  brother  and  sister  Hills  harty 
salutations  to  yours  I  rest  in  hast    Yours 

Fba:  Kirbt. 

[Labelled,  "  rec'd  Feb'  SS**."] 


XVII. 

John  Humfrey  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 
To  his  worthyly  respected  M'  John  Winthrop  Junior. 

Deare  and  Desired  Sir 

I  cannot  but  write  though  I  can  but  barely  tell  you  I 
am  thankeful  for  you,  and  trulie  these  newes  of  all  occur- 
rences and  the  sad  turning  of  thinges  I  know  you  have 
from  abler  handes.  In  a  word  I  beeseech  you  pardon  and 
accept  my  unfaigned  affection  in  this  hastie  Salute,  You 
have  my  hart  to  which  I  set  my  hand 

Yours,  lovingly  obliged 

Jo :  Humfrey. 

Lond:  Dec:  3:  1632. 

In  consideration  of  my  short  letter  I  hope  my  brother 
Gunner  hath  paide  you  with  2  long. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  John  Humfrey  (rec'd  Feb.  23.)"] 


XVIII. 

Edward  Howes  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

Worthy  Sir 

Your  letters  by  M'  Allerton  and  M'  Pierse  I  received : 
as  for  the  cement  I  know  none  as  yet  worth  sending 
the   receipt   unto   you  —  The   letter   I    received    by   M' 

*  Thif  refen  to  the  Lefpiic  fair  of  bookf .    Vide  a  preceding  letter.  —  J.  B. 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  253 

Pierse  was  soe  rinsed  with  sea  water  I  had  much  adoe 
to  reed  it:  1  thanke  you  heartilie  for  them;  and  that 
in  the  midest  of  your  greate'  ym  ploy  men  ts  you  wilbe 
pleased  to  remember  your  poore  and  unworthie  friend. 
Sir  I  am  glad  and  exceedingly  rejoyce  at  your  prosperities 
and  the  prosperitie  of  the  whole  colonic,  and  that  it  hath 
pleased  God  to  shewe  his  power  and  mercie  upon  you 
all,  in  a  wonderfull  manner,  beyond  the  expectation  of  the 
greate  one  of  this  land,  in  deliveringe  you  not  from  a 
Spanish  pouder  plott,  nor  an  accounted  invincible  Armado; 
but  from  a  Spanish  like  French  Infection,*  which  was  like 
to  have  tainted  the  haylest  and  best  man  amongst  you  yea 
all  of  you,  as  may  appeare  by  the  writtings  and  letters 
written  with  myne  own  hand,  and  sent  to  your  father  my 
honored  friend.  In  briefe  I  hope  herein  the  Divell  hath 
vented  all  or  most  of  his  mallice  against  your  state :  Oh 
the  goodness  of  our  Lord  God  that  hath  wrought  such 
goodnes  as  you  shall  enjoye,  out  of  so  apparent  evills  as 
you  had  like  to  have  felt ;  f  but  I  leave  to  comment  upon 
this  subject  (though  I  could  a  longe  tyme)  leavinge  it  for 
you  who  I  knowe  will  not  spare  whole  dayes  and  nights  / 
to  meditate  thereof.  Sir  I  am  the  more  sensible  hereof, 
in  regard  I  was  a  daylie  and  hourly  auditor  and  spectation 
of  all  the  passages,  which  hath  caused  me  to  take  it  into 
consideration,  that  your  plantation  hath  need  of  some 
hartie  and  able  friends  to  back  you  upon  all  occasions, 
which  must  remaine  here ;  and  have  friends  a  Courte ;  I 
though  not  soe  able  as  I  could  wish  (if  God  sawe  it  good) 
yet  as  hartie  as  the  best,  consideringe  M'  Humfries  prep- 
aration for  departure,  and  my  masters  |  desire  and  resolution 
to  be  with  you,  have  betaken  my  selfe  now  at  last  to  the 
studie  of  the  Lawes,  and  to  that  purpose  have  admitted  my 
selfe  as  a  student  of  Cliffords  Inn  by  St.  Dunstons  Church 
in  fleete  streete,  and  am  about  to  purchase  a  chamber  there. 
Not  that  I  meane  absolutely  or  presently  to  leave  my  M' 
but  to  enable  myselfe  to  leave  when  he  is  gone,  and  to  re- 

*  Are  those  infectora  like  to  escape  the  like  shame  and  panishment.  Noe  we  hope 
to  pendere  Gardiner  ere  long  &c.     Vide,  tace. 

t  Tou  had  bin  utterly  overthrown  had  not  God,  as  it  were  wrought  a  miraculous 
deliverance ;  for  it  is  in  diverse  mouths  that  you  are  ;  and  your  plantation  and  planters 
bath  oflen  lately  bin  preached  against  at  Paul's  Crosse  &c  —  Vide,  tace. 

%  Qaere,  Herbert  Pelham  ?  —  J.  S. 


254  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

tire  my  selfe  in  the  vacation  tyme  to  my  studie  which 
shall  ever  tend  to  the  utmost  of  my  poore  abillitie  to  the 
good  and  welfare  of  your  plantation  and  state. 

I  have  since  heard,  that  some  of  your  noble  and  best 
friends  desire,  that  you  might  have  a  Councell  here  estab- 
lished of  some  choyce  friends,  to  stand  an  answere  for  you 
upon  all  occasions.  It  becomes  you  nowe  to  knowe  your 
selves  to  be  statesmen ;  and  to  studie  state  policie,  which 
consists  principally  in  Prevention  of  evills  and  inconvenien- 
cies :  if  it  please  you  to  peruse  any  bookes  of  that  sub- 
ject, I  shall  endeavour  to  fitt  your  turne  and  send  them  by 
the  next  ship  after.* 

I  have  heard  by  M'  Higinbotham  and  others  that  your 
ministers  preach  one  against  anothers  doctrine  ;  which  I 
conceive  to  be  a  great  scandall  to  your  Societies,  and  if  not 
reformed  in  tyme,  may  prove  as  fatall  as  the  Congrega- 
tions of  Ainsworth  and  Johnson,  which  in  their  owne  dayes 
begann,  flourisht,  and  came  to  nothinge ;  but  I  am  persuaded 
better  things  of  you  ;  and  hope  your  differences  are  but 
ceremoniall  matters.  1  besich  you  Sir  to  excuse  me  (if 
out  of  the  aboundance  of  my  hartie  affections  for  your  wel- 
fares, I  transgresse  the  bounds  of  ordinary  matter.  You 
knowe  God  is  a  jealous  God  ;  and  desires  integritie  of 
harte  ;  he  is  a  spirit,  and  wilbe  worshipt  in  spirit  and  truth : 
I  would  have  you  feare  nothinge  more  then  securitie,  and 
carnall  confidence ;  I  meane  the  most  parte  of  you.  I 
have  heard  of  many  of  your  Collony,  that  saye  with  the 
Pharasie  Stand  further  off  I  am  more  holy  then  thou : 
Gardiners  relation  too  much,  but  not  all  that  I  have  heard 
—  They  cannot  be  content  to  talk  largely,  but  write  t  to 
their  utter  ruine  (if  they  take  not  heed)  for  tyme  to  come, 
for  let  them  be  assured,  theire  letters  will  come  to  light 
that  write  against  our  state  civill  or  ecclesiasticall,  and  the 
star-chamber  hath  punishments  for  such  lybellers,  and  a  long 
arme  to  reach  them,  and  God  will  not  defend  them  that  re- 
sist the  higher  powers  J  :  Sir  1  verilie  perswade  my  selfe 

*  God  ^ives  as  the  mcanes  to  work  bj  ;  if  we  reject  the  meanes,  we  reject  the  food 
will  of  God  &c. 

\  A  letter  hath  bin  seene  from  one  of  your  planters,  who  wameth  England  to  be 
babill  and  Sodoine,  and  that  it  should  shortly  fall ;  &c  I  am  furnished  coppies  of  2  or 
3  of  such  letters ;  which  1  intend  to  send  you,  thatyou  may  beleive  it;  and  inflict  some 
punishment  on  the  offenders ;  that  others  may  beware. 

I  Exempli  gratia  Rochell.    Vide,  tace. 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  "Zbb 

you  have  many  of  weake  Judgments  amongst  you,  on 
whom  it  were  good  your  ministers  tooke  a  little  paines, 
that  they  might  be  rectified ;  I  sawe  lately  a  sentence 
of  your  owne  writinge  viz^  Canis  dum  capiat  &c  *  which 
may  not  unfitly  be  applyed  to  them,  whoe  medlinge  with 
shadowes  to  them,  other  mens  matters,  nay  state  matters, 
loose  their  substances  ;  and  sometimes  drowne  themselves 
irrecoverablie ;  As  the  dog  did. 

I  have  not  heard  from  M'  Eustace  the  Germaine  since 
he  went  hence  I  feare  much  he  is  slayne  in  the  last  great 
Battell  with  the  King  of  Sweden.  I  shewed  him  many 
kindnesses  to  win  him  to  returne  but  he  said  he  would  not 
retorne  except  he  sawe  a  letter  from  the  Governors  owne 
hand,  with  promise  of  increase  of  his  wages.  1  have 
sent  M'  Samford  the  Instrument  and  sight  ruler  the  Ger- 
maine bespoke  for  him,  together  with  a  booke  to  teach 
the  use  thereof,  namely  Smyths  Arte  of  Gunnery  at 
folio  68  there  the  same  Instrument  is  to  be  scene ;  I  have 
likewise  sent  him  Nortons  Practise  of  Artillerie  chosen 
by  the  Germaine  for  him ;  and  alsoe  diverse  platformes  of 
the  latest  invented  forts  and  fortifications  :  For  new  bookes 
I  writt  to  you  of  D'  Fludds  works  and  sent  you  a  catta- 
logue  of  them  by  M^  Hetherley ;  there  is  a  booke  lately 
come  out  of  mathematicall  conclusion  and  recreations,  which 
I  bought  purposely  for  you,  but  M'  Saltonstall  hath  bor- 
rowed it,  and  is  now  at  M'  Gurdons  to  marrie  M"Merriall ; 
albeit  I  have  sent  you  two  other  bookes  viz^  Malthus  Fire- 
works, and  the  Horizontall  Quadrant  full  of  new  de- 
vices ;  which  I  present  to  your  kind  acceptance ;  and 
because  I  knowe  you  are  tam  Marte  quam  Mercurio  :  I 
have  sent  you  a  short  weapon,  you  may  call  it  an  Irish 
Skeyne  or  knife  or  what  you  will  t ;  together  with  a  small 
sawe  and  Steele  hammer,  and  a  bodkyn  and  a  forke  all  in 
one  case :  the  usefull  applycation  of  each  I  leave  to  your 
discretion. 

]Vr  Arkisden  is  at  M'  Gurdons  —  he  presents  his  service 
to  you,  but  hath  written  soe  lately  to  you  and  being  con- 
strained to  be  very  studious  at  this  tyme  he  desires  ex- 

*  Fabula  at  vera. 

t  Thej  are  bound  up  with  halfe  a  dozen  knives  for  M'  Samford,  in  M"*  Maries 
chest. 


256  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

cuse  :  yet  I  have  made  bold  to  send  you  here  enclosed 
his  last  letter  written  to  me,  that  you  may  perceive  he  is 
both  well  and  thrives  in  his  studies  &.c.  We  keepe  the 
strictest  Lent  that  ever  was ;  we  have  not  one  bitt  of 
flesh  in  the  house  as  your  Cosen  Mary  Dow  can  informe 
you.  I  thought  good  to  advertise  you  of  a  discourse  I 
lately  heard,  that  the  Leprosie  is  caused  by  eating  too 
much  fresh  fish  ;  for  in  Scotland  where  they  eate  much  fish 
there  is  more  Leapers  then  in  all  Europ  besides,  as  is  said. 
We  have  a  Mountebanke  does  strange  feats  and  cures  here 
openly  on  Tower  hill  upon  a  stage,  and  in  Comon  Garden, 
and  in  St.  Bartholomews.  I  bought  pence  worth  of  his 
stuffs  for  the  Master  of  the  Wards ;  and  alsoe  a  paper  or 
two  more  for  your  good  father  viz^  his  antidotes  against 

royson  &.C.*  which  you  shall  receive  of  your  Cosen  Mary, 
pray  present  them  unto  him  as  a  small  testimonie  of  my 
humble  service  and  willing  mind  to  appeare  before  him  in  a 
greater  good ;  as  God  shall  fitt  and  enable  me. 

Remember  my  humble  service  likewise  to  M"  Winthrop 
your  good  mother:  M^  Audley  of  the  Courte  of  Wards 
desired  me  to  remember  him  to  M'  Governor  Winthrop  and 
often  asketh  me  how  he  doth ;  I  should  be  glad  to  bringe 
the  old  Batchelor  to  bestowe  1000£  or  2  on  your  planta- 
tion for  he  can  very  well  spare  it :  I  perceive  he  hath  a 
mind  to  doe  good,  but  it  must  be  in  a  course  wherein  he 
may  have  some  certaine  profitt  in  recompense  of  his  costs: 
M'  Fabian  M'  Paise  and  M'  Windover,  alsoe  desire  to  be 
remembred  and  aske  me  often  howe  your  father  and  his 
companie  thrives  :  generally  all  that  knowes  him  wishes  him 
well ;  and  the  most  prophanest  that  I  heare  speake  of  him, 
doe  but  pittie  him  ;  for  selling  soe  good  an  estate  here ;  for 
want  and  penurie  in  New  England  :  t  It  is  the  opinion  of  all 
straingers  that  knowe  you  not,  that  the  most  of  ye  are 
starved,  and  the  rest  are  cominge  home  againe :  I  have 
my  mothers  good  will  nowe  to  goe  over  when  I  will ;  J  My 
father  and  she  and  my  sisters  desire  to  have  their  kindest 
loves  remembred  unto  you  and  to  your  good  wife  and  sister 
Feaks —  soe  doth  the  scribe,  as  alsoe  to  your  sister  Dudley, 
and  her  husband,  your  two  Brothers  and  M'  James  Dow; 

*  There  is  a  paper  aboat  every  one  to  ihew  the  use  of  them. 

t  None  wishes  him  evil,  but  all  well.  t  It  was  since  my  admittance. 


The  Wtnthrop  Papers.  267 

and  all  other  lovinge  Friends  I  commit  you  to  the  Lord 
almighties  tuition  and  rest 

Yours  ever  assured 

Edward  Howes. 
[Ed.  F.  Howes?] 
18  Martii  1632. 

I  conceive  you  were  best  to  direct  your  letters  for  me 
to  my  Masters  or  at  my  Fathers  house  neere  Lincolnes 
Inne  in  Chancery  laine  ;  for  my  Master  is  about  to  remove 
his  dweHino:e  very  shortly  into  the  strand  neere  the  Mas- 
ter of  the  Wards.     Vale  in  Christo,  Vide  et  tace. 

[From  this  letter,  it  seems  Mr.  Howes  was  a  student  in  Mr.  Hum- 
fircj's  office  (?)  — J.  B.] 


XIX. 


Edward  Howes  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  my  approved  lovinge  friend  M^  John  Winthrop  the 
younger  at  Boston  these  d'  in  Mattachusetts  Bay. 

London  March  25.  1633.  post  horam  lO"'^  noctis. 

Sir 

Although  I  have  bin  very  large  in  my  letters  dated  the 
18**"  of  this  instant,  yet  can  I  not  chuse  but  let  love 
breake  forth  a  little  more,  even  nowe  when  the  ship  is 
under  sayle.  Yours  of  the  29^**  of  September  I  received 
per  M'  Allerton  and  the  other  of  the  24  of  October  1632  I 
rec'd  per  M'  Pierse.  Your  cosen  Mary  sent  away  her 
Trunke  a  fortnight  agone,  to  the  shipp  without  my  knowl- 
edge, soe  that  I  am  much  straightned  for  place  to  stowe 
the  things  1  intended  to  have  sent  over  ;  1  lent  her  my 
sea  chest  to  put  her  other  things  in,  but  can  hardly  have 
roome  to  putt  in  my  letters,  The  chest  I  desire  M'  Samford 
may  keepe  for  me  untill  I  come  over.  There  are  honest 
men  about  to  buye  out  the  Bristoll  mens  plantation  in 
Pascataque,  and  doe  purpose  to  plant  there  500  good  peo- 
ple before  Michelmas  next — C.  Wiggen  is  the  chiefe  Agent 
therein.  There  was  presented  to  the  Lords  lately,  about 
22  of  C.  Indicutts  lawes :  You  have  bin  at  the  He  of  Rae 

TOL.    IX.  33 


258  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

[/?e],  and  at  Rochelle,  a  poore  people  that  lye  nowe  in 
the  dust,  had  they  bin  alive  nowe,  their  harts  would  have 
leapt  within  them  to  see  howe  theire  kinge  favours  the 
Protestants.     Faelix  quern  faciunt  aliena  pericula  &c. 

Ad  Popuium|  God  is  the  God  of  love,  and  love  is  pa- 
tient—  be  not  too  hastie,  a  slowe  pace  goes  farre :  I  could 
wish  myselfe  with  you  but  for  i-  an  houre,  to  expresse 
my  mind,  my  feare  I  meane,  but  the  only  wise  God  I  har- 
tilie  and  humblie  beseich,  make  you  wise  in  all  things, 
that  you  may  joy  the  QP  of 

Yourever  vowed         E.  H. 

I  have  sent  you  a  booke  of  the  lawes  established  for 
Virginia  (by  your  Cosen  Mary.)  I  pray  you  present  it  to  the 
view  and  perusal  of  my  most  honored  friend  your  noble  fa- 
ther, together  with  my  humble  service  to  him  and  your  good 
mother.  Sir,  I  pray  present  my  loving  respects  to  my 
reverend  and  worthy  friends  M^  Wilson  and  M^  Welles  [or 
Wellds]  And  excuse  me  to  your  Sister  Feakes  my  loving 
friend  that  I  wrilt  not  unto  her ;  I  pray  thanke  her  for  the 
letters  she  sent  me  dated  the  4  of  July  1632.  I  had  not 
a  letter  by  M'  Pierse  from  any  one  but  from  you  and  that 
hardly  to  be  read  :  I  pray  sent  me  a  description  of  the  dis- 
cordy  of  Patowneck  if  you  have  it,  and  what  other  novel- 
ties you  shall  thinke  fit. 

M'  Rich:  Saltonstall  is  returned  unmarried.  I  saw  him 
by  chance  last  night  at  Sir  Richards.     Vale  in  Christo. 

26  Martii.  1633. 

E.  H. 

[Labelled,  "  per  M'  Rose  rec'd  June  1G33."] 


XX. 


Francis  Kirby  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  very  lovinge  and  much  respected  frend  M'  John 
Winthrop  junior  this  deliver  at  Boston  in  New  England. 

Laus  deo  in  London  2&'  Marlij  1633. 
Most  lovinge  frend,   yours  of  the  24  October  per  M^ 
Pierce  I   received  but  it  havinge  suffered  shipvvrack  on 
the  coast  of  Virginia  it  Was  hardly  legible.     I  am  very 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  259 

glad  to  hear  of  jour  welfare  with  the  recovery  of  your 
second  selfe  from  her  late  sharp  fit  of  sicknes.  I  under- 
stand how  you  have  dealt  with  M'  Pinchen  for  the  cloth 
which  bargain  is  not  amisse,  but  may  produce  reasonable 
profit  if  he  deall  well  with  you  in  the  condition  of  the 
bever  that  he  shall  deliver  to  you,  which  you  shall  easily 
discerne  if  you  remember  my  instructions  in  those  letters 
to  you  per  M^  Pierce.  For  the  shoes  your  father  wrote  to 
my  brother  Downeinge  that  they  are  most  of  them  Calves 
lether  —  sure  1  am  that  I  paid  for  neats  lether  and  they 
were  waranted  to  mee  for  such  and  still  he  doth  stand  to 
justifie  the  same  still  and  saith  if  I  can  procure  a  certificate 
under  the  hands  of  RP  Cottington  and  IVPNowell  that  they 
were  not  all  neats  lether  I  shall  have  recompence  to  my 
content,  therfore  I  pray  let  them  be  viewed  by  some  that 
have  skill.  His  name  of  whom  I  bought  them  is  M'  Jo : 
Hodson  [or  Rodson']  in  Gracechurch  street.  I  hope  ere 
this  time  you  received  the  2  great  glasses  per  M'  Hatherley 
in  the  William  who  went  hence  in  December.  I  received 
the  4^'  12sh.  of  Ed.  Howes,  also  now  5"  of  M'  Gosslyn,  I 
received  none  of  my  brother  Downeinge,  for  you,  neither 
had  I  any  occasion  for  it  seing  I  cannot  find  all  the  things 
you  wrote  for.  Sope  ashes  are  not  to  be  had,  for  there  are 
none  come  of  late  yeares  out  of  the  East,  they  beinge  now 
out  of  use  with  the  sopeboylers  who  use  only  pot  ashes,  I 
have  sent  in  a  paper  a  little  pot  ashes  for  a  paterne.  For 
old  musket  barrels  I  can  find  none  that  will  be  sold  by 
weight  unles  it  be  some  very  smal  and  short  peeces  and 
of  that  there  is  no  quantity  to  be  had,  for  other  that  are 
past  use  they  peece  them  up  againe  and  make  them  sale- 
able and  will  not  sell  them  by  waight.  I  have  enquired 
concerninge  ruffe  barils  unbored  —  musket  bore  rufTe  un- 
bored  may  be  had  for  8sh  per  barill  4  foot  longe  of  two 
inche  bore  4  foot  long  ruffe  and  unbored  16sh.  or  thereabout. 
I  perceive  it  is  not  usuall  with  them  to  forge  any  so  big 
which  causeth  to  aske  so  dear,  for  they  must  make  or  al- 
ter some  tooles  for  the  purpose  and  so  must  be  paid  extra- 
ordinary unles  they  make  a  great  many ;  I  pray  if  you 
send  for  any  write  me  justly  what  length  and  in  every  re- 
spect your  minde  very  playne,  least  I  do  you  a  displeasure 
against  my  will.     I   pray  excuse  me  if  I  have  mistaken 


260  The  Wintkrop  Papers. 

any  thinge  in  this  your  commission  for  the  incke  is  washed 
of  in  many  places  of  your  letter,  so  that  I  do  but  guesse 
at  your  meaninge,  and  if  I  have  erred  in  buyinge  what  you 
intended  not  it  is  error  amoris,  non  amor  erroris.  I  hear 
there  is  one  at  Wappinge  that  can  forge  barils  of  3  inch 
bore  but  I  have  not  yet  spoken  with  him,  and  he  forgeth 
small  ordnance.  1  have  sent  you  heer  inclosed  the  Cata- 
logue of  the  Autumnall  mart  1632.  all  the  former  I  have 
sent  before.  I  have  no  newes  to  write  you.  There  hath 
not  been  any  great  exploits  done  in  Germany  since  the 
death  of  the  kinge  of  Sweden.  How  it  fareth  with  our  re- 
publique  and  of  the  occurrents  in  Court  and  Contry  is  safer 
to  be  related  by  those  that  come  to  you  then  to  be  com- 
mitted to  paper.  Your  frends  heer  who  are  members  of 
your  plantation  have  had  much  to  do  to  answer  the  unjust 
complaints  made  to  the  kinge  and  Councell  of  your  govern- 
ment there.  I  understand  that  you  are  an  Assistant  and  so 
have  a  voice  in  the  weighty  affaires  of  that  Commonwealth. 
I  know  I  shall  not  need  to  advise  you  that  the  prayinge 
for  our  kinge  be  not  neglected  in  any  of  your  publique 
meetings,  and  I  desire  that  you  differ  no  more  from  us  in 
church  government,  then  you  shall  find  that  we  differ 
from  the  prescript  rule  of  Gfods  word,  and  further  I  meddle 
not.  I  have  sent  you  in  this  ship  (wherein  my  Cosen 
Mary  Downeinge  and  Susan  and  M'  Cottington  are)  all  the 
thinges  you  wrote  for,  except  old  musket  barils  and  sope 
ashes,  if  I  be  not  mistaken  in  readinge  your  letter.  The 
particulars  you  shall  find  on  the  other  page,  they  are  pack- 
ed with  other  goods  which  I  bought  for  your  father  at  my 
brother  Downeings  instance,  in  one  great  long  chist  and 
one  little  barrill,  also  there  are  directed  to  your  father  2 
tronkes  and  a  little  trusse  which  my  Cosen  Mary  Downe- 
inge knoweth  how  to  dispose  of.  M^  Pierce  will  be  redy 
about  the  last  of  may  as  I  suppose  per  whom  I  intend  to 
write  although  I  have  no  business  more  then  si  vales  bene 
vales.  I  desire  to  be  remembered  to  your  second  selfe, 
your  father,  mother,  brethren  and  sister,  also  to  M"  Feake 
and  thus  for  this  present  I  commit  you  to  the  Almighty 
his  protection  and  shall  ever  rest. 

Your  assured  lovinge  frend 

FrA.    KlRBT. 


The  fVinthrap  Papers.  261 

li     s        d 

31L  and  Soda  8lL  .056 

Stooe  blewinge  14]i.  .                                        .               0  10    0 

brimstoDe  Hi.  weight  •                                      .13    4 

Copper  ^c.  .                                                    1  10    4 

Tin  Jc.                                .  .                         ..180 

Canarie  seeds  3  pintes  0  *0    9 

4  17  11 

paid  before  for  the  glasses  and  the  charge  of  packinge  them 

and  for  3  Catalogues  of  bookes  1   18    5 

6  16    4 

Received  in  all  9  12    0 

paid  in  all  .         6  16     4 

2  15    8 

Tou  shall  receive  for  your  father  in  the  same  chist  and 
barrells,  which  my  brother  Downeinge  will  put  to  his  ac- 
count 

2  dosen  howes — 20^*  white  coperas — 6  shorlinge  sheep 
skins  —  30  lamb  skins  —  1  dosen  sithes,  1  hatchell  for 
hemp,  with  2  othel*  little  tooles  of  iron  used  about  the 
streighteninge  of  the  teeth  when  they  are  bowed  and 
driveinge  them  out,  other  tooles  are  none  used  about  dress- 
inge  hemp  unles  some  beetles  of  wood  or  such  like  which 
to  send  from  hence  were  but  to  charge  you  with  unneces- 
sary freight,  every  contry  houswife  can  direct  your  car- 
penter to  make  them. 

1  hatchell  for  flaxe  with  2  brushes,  6  felling  axes,  20 
sutes  of  Canvas,  20  sutes  of  Cotton,  10  dosen  Irish  stock- 
ings. 

[Labelled,  "  rec'd  June  1633.  per  M'  Rose  his  ship  (mony  to  M' 
Howes  —  otter  skins)."} 


XXI. 

Francis  Kirby  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

To  his  much  respected  frehd  M'  John  Winthrop  junior, 
this  deliver. 

March  26.  1633. 

Most  loving  frend    I  received  your  letter  (which  had 


262  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

first  been  washed  in  the  sea)  per  M""  Pierce  whom  it  pleas- 
ed God  to  preserve  though  with  the  losse  of  the  ship  and 
all  the  goods  on  the  Coast  of  Virginia.  I  have  sent  you 
in  this  ship  such  thinges  as  you  wrote  for  packed  with 
other  goods  of  your  fathers  marked  as  in  the  Margent  in 
one  great  long  chist  and  I  little  barill,  also  there  are  2 
trunkes  and  1  little  trusse  of  Canvas  directed  to  your  fa- 
ther, of  which  my  Cosen  Mary  Downeinge  will  give  fur- 
ther direction.  I  have  written  you  in  another  letter  of  the 
same  date  and  in  the  same  ship  more  at  large  of  many  par- 
ticulars ;  what  the  occurrents  are  heer  you  shall  under- 
stand per  your  friend  M'  Cottington  who  cometh  in  this 
ship.  The  old  musket  barrills  are  not  to  be  had,  neither 
sope  ashes.  I  have  sent  the  sandiver,  soda,  stone  blew- 
inge,  brimstone,  copper,  Tin  and  Canary  seeds.  The  quan- 
tity, price  and  account  you  shall  have  in  my  other  letter 
of  this  date  more  at  large  specified.  I  desire  to  be  remem- 
bred  to  your  consors  tori,  and  to  your  good  father  and 
mother  and  the  rest,  for  whom  as  for  myselfe  1  shall  daily 
pray  for  both  temporall  and  eternall  felicity  and  Thus  in 
hast  I  rest 

Your  ever  lovinge  frend, 

Franc  :  Kirbt. 

[Labelled,  **  per  M'  Rose  his  ship."] 


XXII. 

William  HUlon  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  the  worshipful   M'  John  Winthrope  the   younger  at 

Agawam  give  these. 

Pascataque  Aprill  18.  1633. 
Ser  — 

There  arrived  a  fishing  ship  at  Pascataque  about  the 
15  of  this  present  moneth  wherein  is  one  Richard  Fox- 
well,  who  hath  formerly  lived  in  this  Cuntery  —  he  bringeth 
nuse  [wet(?s]  that  there  were  tow  [2]  shipes  making  ready 
at  Barnstaple  whoe  are  to  bring  passengers  and  catell  for  to 
plant  in  the  Bay  he  hath  leters  for  M'  Wearom  [War- 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  263 

hain\  and  divers  others  at  Dorchester,  which  he  intends  to 
bring  in  to  the  bay  so  soone  as  possible  he  can  —  likewise 
he  heard  from  M'  Alerton,  whoe  was  making  ready  at 
BristoU  for  to  come  for  this  cuntery  —  other  nuse  he 
bringeth  not  that  I  can  heare  of  onely  M'  Borowes  pur- 
poseth  to  come  for  this  cuntery  from  London  and  so  de- 
siring you  to  convey  thes  leters  into  the  bay  with 
what  conveniency  you  can  beseching  the  Lord  to 
bless  you  in  your  lawfull  designes  I  humbly  rest 

Your  worships  assured  to  command 

William  Hilton. 

Ser — I  purpoe  eare  [erel  long  be  if  the  Lord  will  to 
see  you  —  The  masters  name  of  the  shipe  is  John  Corbin 
of  Plimouth. 


XXIIL 

Francis  Kirhy  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  very  kind  frend  M'  John  Wynthrop  the  younger  at 
Agawam  or  elsewher  this  deliver  in  New  England,  this 
deliver. 

London  this  26th  ofFeb^  1633. 

Lovinge  frend  M'  Winthrop.  Yours  per  M'  Graves 
with  220"  of  bever  and  the  2  otter  skins  (1  for  my  sister 
Downeinge  and  1  for  Ed.  Howes)  I  received  accordinge 
to  your  letter.  The  bever  is  a  pretty  good  sort  of  bever. 
There  was  a  sort  of  thin  lethered  skins  very  light  and  yet 
full  of  wool  which  were  the  best  of  all  and  they  were  in  the 
hogshead,  but  there  were  3  or  4  very  small  and  younge 
bever  skins  which  we  call  bever  cubs  those  were  the  worst 
of  all  for  although  they  be  light  of  lether  yet  they  have  little 
wool  and  that  very  bad,  the  bever  hat  maker  calleth  it  faint 
stufTe.  So  thus  much  for  instruction,  now  for  the  matter 
of  the  returne  of  your  third  part  thereof  accordinge  to  your 
desire  in  your  latter  letters  of  the  20^^  September.  You 
shall  understand  that  the  market  is  bad  for  bever,  so  that 


264  The  fVinthrop  Papers. 

I  have  forborne  to  sell  it  in  hope  of  better,  for  the  Ply- 
mouth marchants  great  parcel!  hath  brought  downe  the 
prices.  Yet  I  desirous  to  follow  your  commission  have 
sent  you  such  comodities  as  you  wrote  for,  and  I  thinke  the 
full  value  of  your  -J-  part.  If  it  be  more  or  les  you  ^re  like 
to  hear  of  it.  I  have  disbursed  mony  till  the  bever  be 
sold,  and  I  thinke  the  things  are  well  bought     My  wife  and 

1  have  done  our  endeavour  therein.  I  have  followed  your 
directions  as  neer  as  I  could.  I  could  not  find  any  Bridge- 
water  cloth  of  any  colour  but  red,  so  that  all  the  coates 
are  red  lined  with  blew,  and  lace  sutable  which  red  as  M^ 
Pinchins  note  saith  is  the  choise  colour  of  all  —  for  Rugs 
there  are  no  tawny  or  mury  to  be  had  so  priced  as  12sh. 
or  therabout  —  I  have  bought  some  mingle  coloured 
cheekered  rugs  partly  tawny,  but  the  most  are  wholly  red 
and  of  sundry  prices  as  I  shall  particularize  to  you  —  Such 
broad  cloth  blankets  as  I  sent  last  yeare  are  not  to  be  had 
unles  bespoken,  but  I  have  sent  you  some  brodecloth  and 
some  blew  blankets.  I  had  bespoken  lOOli:  worth  of  col- 
oured cloth  accordinge  to  your  directions  in  your  former 
letters  and  could  very  hardly  refuse  it  upon  your  later.  I 
did  conceive  well  of  your  intended  trade  with  the  Natives 
at  Agawam  but  I  perceive  your  minde  is  altered.  If  not  I 
should  not  have  counselled  you  to  hazard  your  person 
amonge  the  Natives  after  I  heard  of  that  pitifull  accident 
of  Captain  Bruton.  Who  lost  his  life  the  last  Somer  on  the 
North  part  of  your  American  Continent,  where  he  had 
bought  of  the  indians  an  Unicorn  horn  and  under  a  frendly 
pretence  to  trucke  further  with  him  for  seahorse  teeth  and 
such  like  they  treacherously  killed  him.     He  had  spent  the 

2  Somers  abopt  that  place  chiefly  to  discover  a  Northwest 
passage  to  India  but  hath  not  discovered  any  thinge  to 
purpose.  For  your  new  trade  of  fishinge  which  you  say 
is  hopefull,  I  should  be  glad  to  further  so  good  a  thinge.  If 
you  shall  see  a  manifest  way  of  doeinge  profit  therby  and 
my  brother  Downeinge  also  shall  by  his  letters  give  you 
to  understand  his  willingnes  to  adventure  therin  then  you 
shall  presume  that  I  will  adventure  halfe  so  much  as  my 
brother,  so  that  my  halfe  may  not  exceed  forty  or  fifty 
pounds  at  the  most.  In  yours  of  the  13^*"  June  you  write 
that  some  of  the  things  you  received  you  did  not  know 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  ^         265 

from  other  beinge  written  upon  which  I  confesse  was  my 
fault  for  I  did  presume  you  knew  them  but  as  I  remember 
I  did  write  you  how  much  of  every  several!  thinge  by 
waight,  the  hardest  to  be  knowne  I  suppose  was  the  soda 
and  sandiver — it  was  8li:  soda  and  21i:  sandiver,  all  things 
else  are  well  known  to  most  men.  I  paid  £d:  Howes 
21i:  I5sh.  2d.  beinge  all  that  remained  of  the  91i:  12sh.  I 
received  for  you.  for  the  twigs  of  quodlin  tree  I  did  make 
use  of  my  brother  Joseph  Downinge  to  provide  them  for 
mee  and  he  saith,  he  hath  delivered  them  to  one  of  his  neigh- 
bours a  gardener  of  Mcssinge  who  will  pack  them  up  care- 
fully with  some  100  young  apple  and  pear  trees  which  he 
is  about  to  send  to  your  father  and  some  other  speciall 
fronds  per  M'  Graves  per  whom  also  I  send  your  goods 
beinge  in  one  great  drifat  and  one  hogshead  marked  with 
your  marke.     I  have  2  dosen  of  short  wooled  sheep  skins 

Erovided  by  former  advice  from  your  father  in  my  brother 
)owneinges  letters  and  although  I  have  now  advice  to  the 
contrary  yet  I  shall  send  them  by  the  next  opportunity  if  I 
can  not  sell  them  heer,  they  cost  but  18sh.  You  shall 
find  in  the  fat  a  little  booke  written  by  Doctor  Prideaux 
against  the  morality  of  the  4^^  commandment.  I  desire  to 
be  remembered  to  your  second  selfe  my  cosen  Mary  and 
James  and  the  rest  and  so  I  comit  you  to  God  and  shall 
ever  reste, 

Yours  at  command 

Fra.  Kirbv. 

The  wares  which  I  send  you  are  as  followeth. 

S  mixt  Rugs  at  lOsh.  per  Rug  is                                    .110  0 

S  mixt  Rugs  at  8s.  8d  per  Rug  is  .                         .               1     06  0 

4  mixt  Rugs  at  lOsh  6d.  p.  Rug                          .             .        2     02  0 

5  Red  Rugs  at  ISsh.  8d.  p.  Rug  .                                         118  0 

5  Red  Rugs  at  11  sh.  6d.  p.  Rug  .  1     03    0 

2  Red  Rugs  at  lOsh.  6d.  p  Rug       .  1010 

3  Red  Rugs  at  ISsh.  6d.  p  Rug  .  117     6 

20 

1  paire  blankets  at  1 1  sh.  p.  paire 
3  paire  blankets  at  ISsh  p.  paire 
1  pajre  blankets  at  lOsh  p.  paire 
1  paire  blankets  at  ISsh.  p.  paire 

6  .  3     10    0 
VOL.   IX.                          34 


11.       a. 


10 

17 

6 

0 

11 

0 

1 

16 

0 

0 

10 

0 

0 

13 

0 

266  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

15  yards  i  of  broad  cloth,  for  blankets  at  Ssh.  3d  yard 
12  yards  i  broad  cloth  at  Ssh.  lid  per  yard 

16  yards  ^  broad  cloth  at  Ssh.  8d.  p.  yard 

17  yards  i  broad  cloth  at  2sh.  8d  p.  yard 

61|  will  be  12  paire  long  blankets  at  the  least 

for  the  coates 
85|  yards  red  Bridgwater  at  2sh.  Id  per  yard 
72^  y:  blew  cotton  to  line  the  coates  at  15d  p.  yard    . 
15  dosen  of  statute  lace  at  Id  per  yard 
S  groce  \  of  thrid  buttons         .... 
porterage  of  the  clothe       .... 
paid  the  tailer  for  makeing  24  coates 


p*d  for  a  drifat  and  hoops  nailes  and  cartage 


2 

08 

2 

1 

15 

8 

2 

04 

0 

2 

07 

4 

8 

15 

2 

8 

18 

2 

4 

10 

6 

0 

15 

0 

0 

02 

6 

0 

00 

7 

2 

00 

0 

16 

06 

9 

0 

10 

8 

10 

17 

6 

03 

10 

0 

40    00    5 

The  coates  stand  you  in  about  13sh.  7d  p.  coate  heer 
besides  the  charges.  Other  things  you  shall  find  a  paper 
upon  every  severall  peice  his  price. 

Postscriptum.  8*"  Martii.  I  had  provided  your  goods  to' 
send  per  M^  Graves  and  it  hath  been  in  the  warejiouse  at 
the  waterside  for  him  this  10  daies  but  he  saith  he  can 
not  take  it  in  so  that  by  his  advise  I  now  send  it  per  M^ 
Crowther  I  have  not  yet  paid  the  freight  nor  received  bills 
of  ladeinge  but  I  will  do  both  so  soone  as  I  can  speake  with 
M'  Crowther  and  will  send  a  bill  of  ladeinge  to  your  father. 


XXIV. 

Francis  Kirby  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  much  respected  frend  M^  John  Winthrop  the 
younger  at  Agawam  or  elsewhere  in  New  England  This 
deliver  —  Per  amicum  quern  Deus  conservat. 

London  this  11'*  ofjprill  1634. 

Lovinge  and  kind  frend  M'  Winthrop.  I  wrote  at  large 
lately  per  M^  Graves  of  1  fat  and  1  hogshead  shipped  in 
M'  Crowther  the  Jonas  per  M^  Graves  his  advice  himselfe 
being  not  able  (as  he  said)  to  take  it  in  unles  he  should 


7%e  fVinthrop  Papers.  267 

leave  out  some  of  his  passengers  goods.  I  |iave  inclosed 
bils  of  ladeinge  to  your  father,  since  the  date  of  those  your 
letters  I  have  paid  the  freight  primage  avarage  and  all  other 
charges.  The  freight  being  3**  15sh.  at  3"  per  tun  prime 
and  avarage  3sh.  6d.  I  have  lefte  nothinge  for  you  to  pay. 
I  pray  forget  not  to  put  to  account  what  charge  you  have 
been  at  w^ith  the  tripartable  goods.  I  thinke  I  have  sent 
you  very  neer  the  value  of  your  third  of  the  bever  that 
you  sent  in  returne.  I  have  now  sold  it  but  the  mony 
will  not  be  due  before  michaelmas  next,  about  which  time 
I  hope  we  shall  receive  some  more  bever  from  you  for  the 
partable  account.  I  do  not  perceive  my  brother  Downe- 
inge  to  be  forward  to  joine  with  you  in  the  fishinge  trade. 
I  have  intreated  him  to  write  you  a  resolved  answer  which 
I  have  not  from  him  yet,  and  as  I  wrote  you  before,  my 
resolution  depends  upon  him,  without  him  nothinge  there- 
in, with  him  halfe  so  much  as  hee  so  that  my  part  may 
not  exceed  40  or  60li.  at  the  most,  I  have  disbursed  for 
this  goods  with  the  freight  and  other  charges  441i.  4s 
3d  if  I  mistake  not.  You  shall  find  every  particular  men- 
tioned in  my  letters  per  M'  Graves,  also  every  severall  rug 
and  paire  of  blankets  hath  his  price  written  upon  it.  The 
24  coates  cost  you  about  13sh  7d  per  coat,  besides  the 
charge  upon  them.  I  and  my  wife,  my  brother  and  sister 
Hill  desire  to  be  remembered  to  your  second  selfe,  your 
father  and  mother,  my  Cosen  James,  Mary  and  Susan 
Dovvninge  and  the  rest  yours  and  my  frends.  The  bear- 
er herof  M'  William  Alford,  Skinner,  is  an  honest  man 
well  knowne  to  mee  and  also  to  M'  Cotton  of  Boston,  I 
desire  you  to  be  acquainted  with  him  and  to  shew  him 
what  kindness  you  can  without  prejudice  to  your  selfe.  He 
is  come  with  his  family  to  plant  amongst  you.  Thus  for 
this  time  I  Commit  you  to  God  and  rest  — 

Your  lovinge  frend 

Franc  :  Kirby. 

My  brother  Downeinge  sendeth  part  of  his  estate  in 
Catle  this  year  videlicet^  sheep  and  Cowes.  I  thinke  it 
were  not  amisse  for  you  to  take  some  of  his  Cattle  upon 
such  termes  as  M^  Dilingham  hath  done,  seeinge  you  have 
other  imployment  for  your  stocke. 


268  The  Wmthrop  Paper g. 


XXV. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  fVtnthrop^  Jr. 

For  bis  honoured  kind  Friend  M^  John  Wintbrop  at  Pe- 
qut  —  These  — 

JVar.  22.  4-  46  (socalPd).    [Narraganset,  22  June,  1645.] 

Sir :  Best  salutacions  &c  W"*  Cheesbrough  now  come 
in  shall  be  readily  assisted  for  your  and  his  owne  sake. 
Major  Bourne  is  come  in:  I. have  (by  Providence)  scene 
divers  papers  (returning  now  yours  thanckfully)  which  are 
snatcht  from  me  againe  1  have  therefore  bene  bold  to  send 
you  the  Medulla  and  the  Magnalia  Dei  —  Pardon  me  if  I 
request  you  in  my  name  to  transferr  the  paper  to  Capt. 
Mason  who  saith  he  loves  me :  God  is  love  in  him  only 
I  desire  to  be  yours  ever  Roger  Williams. 

Loving  Salutes  to  your  dearest  and  kind  sister.  I  have 
bene  very  sick  of  cold  and  feaver  but  God  hath  bene  gra- 
cious to  me  :  I  am  not  yet  resolved  of  a  course  for  my 
daughter :  If  youre  powder  (with  directions)  might  be 
sent  without  trouble  I  shduld  first  wait  upon  God  in  that 
way:  however  'tis  best  to  wait  on  him.  If  the  Ingredi- 
ents be  costly  I  shall  thanckfully  account.  I  have  books 
that  prescribe  powders  &c  but  yours  is  probatum  in  this 
Countrey. 

XXVI. 

Roger  fVilliams  to  John  Wintkrop^  Jr. 

For  the  worshipfull  and  his  much  honoured   kind  friend 
M'  John  Winthrop  at  Nameug  —  These. 

Cawcawmsqussick  28.  3.  47  {so  calld). 

Worthy  Sir  —  Loving  respects  and  salutacions  to  your 
kind  self  and  your  kindest  Companion :  somewhile  since 
you  desired  a  word  of  direction  about  the  hay  seed.  I 
desired  my  brother  to  collect  his  own  and  other  neigh- 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  269 

hour's   observations  about  it,   which   (with   his  respects 
presented  amounts  to  this  — 

First  —  usually  3  bushells  seede  to  one  Acre  land. 

2.  It  hath  bene  knowne  to  spread  to  mat  &c  the  Indian 
hills  being  only  scrapt  or  leveld. 

3.  This  may  be  done  at  any  time  of  the  yeare  (but  the 
sooner  the  better). 

4.  It  is  best  to  sow  upon  a  rayne  preceding. 

5.  Some  say  let  the  ripe  grasse  stand  untill  it  seede  and 
the  wind  disperse  it  (susque  deque)  up  and  downe  for  it  is 
of  that  thriving  and  homogeneall  nature  with  the  earth  that 
the  very  dung  of  cattell  that  feeds  on  it  will  produce  the 
grasse. 

6.  The  offs  which  can  hardly  be  severed  from  the  seede 
hath  the  same  productive  facultie. 

7.  Sow  it  not  in  an  Orchard  neere  fruit  trees  for  it  will 
steale  and  rob  the  trees  &c. 

Sir  —  concerning  Indian  affaires — Reports  are  various: 
Lyes  are  frequent —  Private  interests  (both  with  Indians  and 
English  are  many  —  Yet  these  things  You  may  and  must 
doe :  First  kiss  Truth  where  You  evidently  upon  youre 
soul  see  it:  2.  advance  justice,  (though  upon  a  childs 
eyes)  3  seeke  and  make  peace  if  possible  with  all  men  — 
4  secure  youre  owne  Life  from  a  revengefuU  malicious 
arrow  or  hatchet :  I  have  bene  in  danger  of  them  and  de- 
livered yet  from  them  Blessed  be  his  holy  name  in  whome 
I  desire  to  be 

Youre  Worships  in  all  unfayned  respects  and  love 

Roger  Williams. 

[Labelled,  *'  M'  Williams  about  Hay-seed  sowing  received  May  29."] 


XXVIL 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthropj  Jr. 

Cawcawmsqussick  20.  6.  47  so  called. 

Sir,  due  respects  presented  &c :  I  am  importund  by 
Nen6knnat,  in  expresse  words  to  present  his  respects  and 
love  to  your  honoured  Father  and  to  the  honoured  President 
of  the  Commissioners  giving  great  thanckes  for  the  great 


270  TTic  Wintkrop  Papers. 

favour  and  kindnes  shewed  him :  Withall  he  prajes  jou 
earnestly  to  present  his  humUe  suit  that  since  he  by  rea- 
son of  his  travell  and  illnes  can  as  yet  get  no  further  to- 
ward his  owne  home,  and  finds  he  must  have  much  worke 
with  the  Natives  of  these  parts  before  he  repaire  home, 
and  time  to  spend  exceeding  fast ;  it  may  be  accounted 
no  breach  of  faythfullnes  of  his  promise  if  he  finish  the 
contribucion  he  is  now  about  within  a  few  dayes  after 
the  punctuall  time.  The  other  Sachims  upon  Agitations 
have  promised  their  utmost  concurrence  to  finish  ail  with- 
in a  month  from  the  day  of  his  promise,  which  time  he 
earnestly  requests  may  be  assented  to,  hoping  to  make 
payment  before,  but  not  questioning  by  the  expiration  of 
that  time.  By  this  bearer  he  humbly  prayes  a  word  of 
answer  that  with  the  more  cheerful  concurrence  of  the 
other  Sachims  (who  joine  with  him  in  this  request)  he  may 
be  the  more  cheerefull  in  the  worke.  Sir  I  discerne  noth- 
ing but  realitie  and  reason  in  his  request  otherwise  I  should 
not  dare  to  molest  you  or  those  honoured  persons  whome 
it  concernes  to  whome,  with  my  humble  respects,  and  to 
youre  selfe  presented,  beseeching  the  most  High  to  be 
your  portion  I  rest  your  worships  unworthy 

Roger  Williams. 

Pesickosh  desired  me  to  present  his  great  thancks  for  his 
child.  Sir  your  man  is  with  me  at  present  writing,  well, 
this  last  of  the  weeke  and  will  be  going  instantly  :  Hum- 
ble thanckes  for  the  sight  of  papers  from  England  :  The 
Sea  will  be  the  Sea  till  it  be  no  (more)  Revelations  21  — 
*  My  respects  to  your  dearest. 

[The  superscription  seems  this  :  —  **  For  the  Governour  I  have  sent 
these  lines."  —  J.  B.] 


xxvni. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Wintkrop^  Jr. 

For  my  much  honoured  kind  friend  M' John  Winthrop  at  his 
howse  at  Nameug  —  These. 

Cavcaumsqussick  23.  7.  48  (so  calTd) 

Kind  Sir  —  Best  salutacions  to  your  deare  selves  and 


The  WirUhrop  Papers.  271 

lo\ring  sister  I  am  bold  and  yet  glad  to  trouble  jou,  that  by 
this  occasion  I  may  heare  of  your  wellfare :  Capt.  Mason 
lately  requested  me  to  forbid  the  Narigansetts  to  hunt  at 
Pequt,  and  to  assure  them  of  his  visiting  of  them  if  they  so 
did  :  I  have  written  now  an  answer  which  I  am  bold  fo 
request  you  to  send  at  your  next  opportunitie :  2  dayes 
since  I  was  at  Providence  and  then  M^  Browne  was  not  re- 
turned, only  he  had  writ  home  some  angry  passage  against 
the  Nariggansets  who  are  now  in  expectation  of  some  as- 
sault from  the  English  Sir  whether  please  God  to  visit  us 
with  peace  or  Warr,  in  life  and  death  I  desire  to  be 

Yours  ever  in  Christ  Jesus 

Roger  Williams. 

Sir  our  Neighbour  M'  Coddington  and  Capt  Patridge 
10  dayes  since  returned  from  Plymmouth  with  propositions 
for  Rode  Hand  to  subject  to  Plymmouth  to  which  himselfe 
and  Portsmouth  incline  —  our  other  3  townes  decline  and 
M'  Holden  and  M'  Warner  of  Warwick  came  from  thence 
allso,  and  they  say  gave  satisfaction  why  they  dare  not  (the 
other  3  Townes)  depart  from  the  Charter :  Sir  in  this  di- 
vision of  our  Neighbours  I  have  kept  myselfe  uningaged  and 
presented  motions  of  pacification  amongst  which  I  was 
bold  to  propose  a  reference  to  your  worthy  selfe  and  some 
other  friend  to  be  chosen:  our  Towne  yealds  to  it  and  M' 
Boston  (though  opposite)  and  possibly  you  may  have  the 
trouble  and  honour  of  a  peace-maker. 

Sir  pray  scale  the  inclosed. 

[Labelled,  *' rec'd  Sept' 27.  1648."] 


XXIX. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

For  his  much  honoured  and  beloved  M'  John  Winthrop 
at  Nam6ug. 

•    Caucaumsquissick  10.  8.  48  (so  calPd). 

Sir  —  Best  salutacions  to  your  deare  selves  and  loving 
sister :    In  my  last  I  intimated  a  promise  of  presenting 


272  The  WifUhrop  Papers. 

you  with  what  here  passetb :  Captaine  Atherton  Captaine 
rrichard  Richard  Wood  and  Strong  Tucnell  have  bene  with 
me  (as  allso  W"  Arnold  instead  o7  his  Sonn  Benedict,  who 
withdrew  himselfe  though  sent  unto)  these  6  or  7  dajes : 
They  were  at  Nayantiaquct  2  nights ;  Capt.  Atherton 
purposed  to  visit  you,  but  they  appointing  their  meeting 
with  all  the  Sachims  at  my  bowse  they  came  back,  and  this 
morning  (the  4^*"  day  of  the  weeke)  they  are  departed 
with  good  content  toward  the  Bay.  From  the  Commis- 
sioners they  brought  severall  articles  but  the  maine  were  3. 
Concerning  the  Mauquawogs  et — 2.  The  payment:  3  On- 
cas  future  safetie.  To  the  first  they  sent  answer  (and 
that  they  confirmed  with  many  asseverations  that  and  one 
of  them  voluntarily  tooke  the  Englishmans  God  to  witnes) 
that  they  gave  not  a  peny  to  hire  the  Mauquawogs  against 
the  Monhiggins,  but  that  it  was  wholy  wrought  by  Wus- 
soonkquassin  (which  they  discovered  as  a  secret)  who 
being  bound  by  Onkas :  and  Wuttouwuttaurum  Onkas  his 
cozen  having  attempted  to  shoote  a  Mauquaw  Sachim  at 
that  time,  resolved  with  the  Mauquawogs  (to  whome  he 
allso  gave  Peag)  to  take  revenge  upon  Onkas :  Wussoonk- 
qudssin  sent  them  word  and  desired  Peag  of  them  in  the 
spring  but  they  professe  they  consented  not  nor  sent  not 
a  peny,  afterwards  they  sent  Waupinhommin  up  to  en- 
quire to  Paucomtuckqut  and  however  they  have  given  some 
of  the  Mauquawogs  peag  this  yeare  (as  they  have  allwayes 
done)  yet  they  say  they  are  cleare  from  giving  a  peny  in 
hire  &c :  They  confesse  their  enmitie  against  Onkas  and 
they  (to  the  2^)  will  not  rest  untill  they  have  finished  their 
payments  that  they  may  presente  their  complaints  against 
Onkas,  who  (they  say)  and  others  Indians  within  these  3 
yeare  have  committed  13  murthers  impune  being  out  of 
their  reach  in  the  English  protection :  This  last  yeare 
they  pleaded  they  were  neer  starved  and  therefore  sent  but 
a  small  quantity  :  Now  they  promise  upon  returne  of  their 
men  from  hunting  this  winter  to  make  a  contribution,  the 
next  spring  another  and  so  according  as  they  can  draw  the 
people  to  it  will  not  cease  to  furnish,  and  if  they  die  their 
children  shall  fullfill,  and  that  it  is  their  sore  griefe  &c.  with 
much  to  this  purpose :  For  Onkas  they  professe  neither 
directly  nor  indirectly  to  have  to  doe  with  him,  yet  hope 


J%e  IVinthrap  Papers.  273 

the  English  will  Hot  deale  partially  with  him  :   They  de- 
sired the  English  receit  of  their  peag :  I  produced  the 
Note  you  sent  n>e,  which  because  it  was  not  signed  with 
your  Fathers  hand  or  the  Treasurers  &c  the  Messengers 
promised  to  send  them  one  from  the  Bay     Nenekunat  made 
great  lamentation  that  you  had  entertained  hard  thoughts 
of  him  in  this  busines,  and  all  the  Sachims  here  profest  their 
sorrow  and  that  you  had  hearkened  to  Wequasbcuck,  who 
they  say  never  contriboted  nor  joined  in  the  Pequt  wars, 
and   now  flatters  to  draw  his  neck  out  of  the  payments 
to  the  English  :  They  hope  you  will  not  countenance  him 
to  rob  Nenekunat  of  those  hunting  places  which  the  Com- 
missioners gave  him  leave  to  make  use  of  and  he  with  the 
English  had  fought  for  with  the  expense  of  much  treasure 
and  hazard  of  his  life  :  They  desire  that  he  may  and  Causa- 
senamon  and  the  rest  of  the  Pequts  be  as  youre  litle  dogs 
but  not  as  youre  confederates  w^hich  they  say  is  unworthy 
youreselfe  &;c.     Sir  I  perceave  the  English  about  the  Bay 
enquire   after    new   places :    Capt.  Atherton    prayes    me 
shortly  to  convey  a  letter  to  you :  I  forgot  one  passage 
that  the  Sachims  discovered  that  Wussoonckqiiassin  gave 
peag  to  the  Mauqua^ogs  to  retreat :     It  seemes  they  are 
(Switzer  like)   mercenary;   and   were   hired   on  and  of: 
These  Sachims  1  believe  desire  cordially  to  hould  friend- 
ship with  both  the  English  and  the  Mauquai^ogs  together : 
1  am  confident  (whether  they  lye  or  not  about  Wussoonck- 
quassin)  that  they  never  intended  hurt  against  the  Eng- 
lish nor  yourselfe  and  yourse  especially  to  whome  they 
professe  great  respect  and  jointly  they  desire  that  We- 
quashcuck    may    come    back   to    Quawnecontafikit    from 
whence  he  went  for  if  he  joyne  with  Onkas  they  suspect 
he  will  secretly    be  a  means  of  some  of  their   Deaths. 
Lastly  whereas  they  heard  that  the  women  with  you  were 
something  fearfuU  Nenekunat  prayes  M"  Winthrop  to  be 
assured   that  there  never  was   nor  never  shall   be  to  his 
knowledge  the  least  offence  given  to  her  or  her  neigh- 
bours by  any  of  his  (though  he  hath  learnt  it  partly  by 
your  just  abhorring  of  Onkas  his  outragious  carriage  among 
you  and  of  which  I  have  not  softly  told  these  Messengers 
and  the  admired  partialitie  in  the  case)     For  a  token  of 
his  fideletie  to  M"  Winthrop  Nenekunat  he  prays  me   to 
VOL.  IX.  35 


274  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

write  that  all  the  women  of  his  towne  shall  present  M" 
Winthrop  with  a  present  of  come  at  Pwacatuck  if  she 
please  to  send  in  any  conveyance  to  twouacatuck  for  it: 
Sir  to  gratifie  them  I  am  that  bold  with  you  and  desiring 
your  aeteruall  peace  I  rest  your  worships  unworthy 

Roger  Williams. 
Sir 

I  formerly  writ  to  you  and  now  still  crave  your  help 
with  Wequashcuick  who  keepes  basely  from  me  for  5  or 
6  coats  and  can  neither  get  Peag  nor  cloth. 

[Labelled,  '•  RecM  Oct'  16.  1648."] 


XXX. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  fVinthrop,  Jr. 

For  his  much  honoured  and  beloved  M'  John  Winthrop  at 
Nameug. 

Caucaumsqussick  7.  9.  48  : 

Kind  Sir —  best  salutacions  &c.  I  am  requested  by  letter 
of  Captaine  Atherton  to  certifie  what  I  can  advise  about 
Block  Hand  whether  it  might  be  had  of  the  Natives,  for 
divers  of  the  English  (it  seemes  to  my  conjecture)  Upon 
some  agitations  the  last  court  have  thoughts  this  way  Sir 
Because  God  hath  pitcht  youre  tent  these  wayes  and 
you  know  much  among  the  Natives  of  these  parts  I  judged 
it  not  unfit  to  pray  you  helpe  me  with  a  word  of  youre 
information,  before  1  write  what  otherwise  I  can,  from 
the  Barbarians.  The  Councells  of  the  most  High  are  deepe 
concerning  us  poore  grasshoppers,  hopping  and  skipping 
from  branch  to  twig  in  this  vale  of  teares.  W"*  Peacock 
hath  had  a  very  heavie  task  in  carying  Joseph  with  Cat- 
tell  from  you  —  6  or  7  dayes  and  nights  the  poore  fellow 
was  seeking  them  (being  lost  and  scattered  from  Nayan- 
taquist)  then  he  brought  6  to  my  howse  4  being  finally  lost : 
1  tooke  what  paines  1  could  to  get  them  sought  againe  and 
three  I  heare  are  found  :  After  which  W"*  Peacock  is  now 
out;  and  I  looke  for  him  this  night  with  those  3:  Nene- 
kunat  did  his  part  honestly  but  the  youths  and  boys  there- 
abouts (by  some  occasion   hollowing)  the  cattail   thence 


The  WifUhrop  Papers.  276 

took  the  woods :  Joseph  Wild  hath  writ  to  me  and  I  ac- 
quaint him  with  the  cause  that  one  man  alone  can  not 
well  drive  cattell  amongst  barbarians  especially  without  an 
Indian  guide  —  It  were  exceeding  well  that  3  or  4  pole 
were  enclosed  at  Nayantaquist  to  keep  cattell  there  at 
night  for  if  God  vouchsafe  peace  and  plantations  (prosperi- 
ty) there  is  great  needs  of  it  —  Sir  I  desire  to  be 

Your  worships  unfaigned 

Roger  Williams. 

[Labelled,  "  recM  Nov'  9.  1648."] 


XXXI. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Wxnthrop^  Jr. 

JSTar. 

Sir,  Loving  respects  to  yourselfe  and  dearest  and  M" 
Lake  premised :  2  dayes  since  Nenekunat  came  to  me 
and  requested  me  to  write  2  letters ;  the  one  in  answere 
to  Capt.  Athertons  motion  for  some  English  planting  on 
Block  Hand  and  on  a  neck  at  Nayantuqiqt ;  the  other  to 
your  selfe  in  which  protesting  his  Inocencie  as  to  the 
death  of  his  son  in  law,  with  which  Oukas/and  the  Pe- 
quts  charge  him  :  He  prays  you  (as  of  yourselfe)  to  signifie 
(as  much  as  you  can)  Items  to  the  Pequts  that  they  be  quiet 
and  attempt  nothing  (at  least  treacherously)  against  him, 
which  he  suspects,  from  words  from  Onkas,  that  it  will  be 
pleasing  to  the  English :  He  prayes  you  allso  to  be  mind- 
full  of  endeavouring  to  remove  Wequashcuik,  so  constant 
a  provocation  before  him ;  and  at  present  he  prayes  you  to 
send  for  some  skins,  which  lately  as  Lord  of  the  place  he 
hath  receaved :  I  hope  the  English  Sachims  as  I  tell  him 
in  the  spring  will  heare  and  gratifie  him  in  his  just  desires 
the  want  of  which  I  guess  is  the  cause  that  he  is  not  free 
as  yet  for  Block  Hand  &c  but  expresseth  much  if  the 
English  doe  him  justice  against  his  enemies :  Oh  Sir  how 
far  from  nature  is  the  spirit  of  Christ  Jesus  that  loves  and 

{)ities,  prayes  for  and  doth  good   to  enemies  ?     Sir  it  is 
ike  he  will  request  a  line  of  answer,  which,  if  you  please 
to  give,  I  pray  Sir  write  when  either  of  those  ships  you 


276  Tie  WwOnp  Papers. 

write  of  are  for  England,  and  by  which  you  write  your 
selfe :  Aliso  where  M'  Throgmorton  is,  and  whether  he 
desires  I  should  trouble  you  with  the  Peag  of  which  I 
wrote,  which  I  purpose  if  God  please  (uules  counter- 
tnanded  by  either  of  you)  to  send  immediately  upon  hear- 
ing from  you  :  Sir  yours  R.  W. 

Sir,  Since  I  writ  this,  it  pleased  God  to  send  a  Dutchman 
for  an  old  debt  and  the  same  night  M'  Goodyeare  also, 
to  whom  and  his  wife  (for  her  former  husband)  I  am  in- 
debted, and  so  was  necessitated  to  make  satisfaction  to 
M'  Goodyeare  allso.  These  providences  of  God  so  fall- 
ing will  necessarily  cause  me  to  be  preparing  some  few 
dayes  more  that  Peag  for  M'  Throgmorton :  But  most 
certainly  it  (God  please  I  live)  notwithstanding  wayes 
and  weather  shall  be  sent  —  this  I  write  that  although 
M'  Throckmorton  should  depart  or  come  home  yet  he  may 
presume  on  youre  faithfullnes  and  love  to  dispose  of  it  as 
he  requesteth  :  Sir  youre  unworthy  —  R.  W. 

Capt.  Underbill  now  here  in  a  Dutch  vessell  presents 
loving  respects. 

[''  No  date  "  —  ao  old  endorsement.  —  J.  B.] 


XXXI  I. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthropj  Jr. 

For  the  worshipful!^ M^  John  Winthrop  at  Nameug  These. 

Sir  Respective  salutacions  to  you  both  and  sister  Lake : 
At  this  instant  (the  first  of  the  weeke  toward  noone)  I 
receave  yourse  and  shall  be  glad  (if  God  will)  you  may 
gaine  a  seasonable  passage  by  us  before  the  hardest  of 
winter,  although  I  cannot  advice  you  (but  to  pray  against 
winter  flights  and  journeyes)  yet  if  the  necessitie  of  Gods 
providence  so  cast  it  I  shall  be  glad  that  we  might  have 
you  Prisoner  in  these  parts  yet  once  in  a  few  dayes  (though 
in  deepe  snow)  here  is  a  beaten  path  &c  Sir  Nenekunat 
againe  importunes  me  to  write  to  youre  Father  and  youre 


Tbe  fVinthrop  Papen.  TTJ 

selfe  about  his  and  hunting  at  Pequt,  that  you  would  allso 
be  pleased  to  write  to  youre  Father  I  have  endeavoured 
to  satisfie  him  what  I  can,  and  shall,  yet  I  am  willing  at 
present  to  write  to  you,  not  so  much  conceaving  that  you 
can  further  gratifie  him  at  this  time,  but  that  I  may  by 
this  opportunitie  salute  you  with  the  tidings  from  the  Bay 
the  last  night.  Skipper  Isaack  and  Moline  are  come  into 
the  Bay  with  a  Dutch  ship  and  (as  it  is  said)  have  brought 
Letters  from  the  States  to  call  home  this  present  Dutch 
Governoure  to  answer  many  complaints  both  from  Dutch 
and  English  against  him :  In  this  ship  are  come  English 
passengers  and  bring  word  of  the  great  Trialls  it  pleaseth 
the  Most  High  and  only  Wise  to  exercise  both  oure  native 
England  and  these  parts  allso. 

The  Prince  is  said  to  be  strong  at  sea  and  among  other 
mischiefes,  hath  taken  M^  Trerice  his  ship  which  went 
from  hence,  and  sent  it  for  France  it  seemes  their  Rende- 
vouz. 

It  is  said  that  after  Cromwell  had  discomfited  the  Welsh, 
with  6000  he  was  forced  to  incounter  19  thousand  Scots 
of  whome  he  tooke  9000  prisoners  &c  —  great  store  of 
Scots  and  Wellsh  are  sent  and  sold  as  slaves  into  other 
parts :  Cromwell  wrote  to  the  Parliament,  that  he  hoped 
to  be  at  Edinburg  in  few  dayes.  A  commission  was  sent 
from  the  Parliament  to  try  the  King  in  the  He  of  Wight, 
lately  prevented  from  escape. 

The  Prince  of  Orenge  and  the  States  are  falling  if  not 
already  fallen  into  Warrs  which  makes  some  of  the  States 
to  tender  M unnddoes  as  place  of  Retreat. 

Sir  to  him  in  whose  favour  is  Life  I  leave  you,  desir- 
ing in  him  to  be     Youre  Worships  unworthy 

Roger  Williams. 

John  prayes  you  to  be  earnest  with  M^  Hollet  about  his 
howse  hoping  to  be  back  in  a  fortnight. 

[Labelled,  "  rec'd  dec' "—undoubtedly  1648.  —  J.  B.] 


278  The  fVinthrop  Papers. 


XXXIII. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

For  his  much  honoured  kind  friend  M'  John  Winthrop,  at 
his  hovvse  at  Nameug  These. 

Cawcaumsqussick. 

Sir 

Best  salutacions  presented  to  jou  both  with  humble 
desires  that  since  it  pleaseth  God  to  hinder  youre  pres- 
ence this  way  he  may  please  for  his  infinite  mercy  sake 
in  his  sons  blood  to  further  oure  eternall  meeting  in  the 
presence  of  him  that  sits  upon  the  Throne  and  the  Lambe 
for  ever  and  that  the  hope  thereof  may  be  living  and  bring 
forth  the  fruits  of  love  where  it's  possible  and  of  lament- 
ing for  obstructions.  Sir  —  the  affaires  of  oure  Countrey 
(Vaderland,  as  the  Dutch  speak)  would  have  affoorded  us 
much  conference  :  the  mercifull  Lord  helpe  us  to  make  up 
in  prayer  to  his  holy  Majestie  &c  Sir — for  this  Land: 
oure  poor  Colonic  is  in  civill  dissention,  their  last  meetings 
(at  which  I  have  not  bene)  have  fallen  into  factions  —  M' 
Cottington  and  Capt.  Partridge  &c  the  heads  of  the  one 
and  Capt.  Clarke,  M'  Easton  &c  the  heads  of  the  other 
faction  —  I  receave  letters  from  both  inviting  me  &c  but  I 
resolve  (if  the  Lord  please)  not  to  ingage  unles  with  great 
hopes  of  peace  making,  the  peace  makers  are  Sons  of  God : 
Our  Neighboures  the  Narigansetts  are  now  consulting  and 
making  Peag  to  carie  within  a  few  weekes  another  pay- 
ment :  Sir  about  a  month  since  one  William  Badger  a  Sea- 
man and  now  a  planter  at  W"*  Fields  farme  neere  Provi- 
dence past  by  me  travelling  to  the  Sea  broke  I  have  re- 
ceaved  letters  since  from  Capt.  Mason  (to  whome  I  wrote 
by  him)  and  heare  nothing  of  him  I  feare  he  miscaried 
for  he  was  alone  without  a  guide  :  and  since  I  mention 
Capt.  Mason  (worthy  Sir)  I  humbly  beg  of  the  Father 
of  Lights  to  guide  you  in  youre  converse  and  neighboure- 
hood  with  him  :  In  his  letters  to  me  he  tells  me  of  some  ex- 
traordinary lifts  against  Onkas  and  that  he  will  favoure  him, 
but  no  more  then  religion  and  reason  bids  him,  he  promiseth 
to  visit  me  in  his  passage  this  summer  Eastward  (I  quere  he 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  279 

meanes  toward  Plymmouth)  I  shall  then  argue  (if  God 
will  many  things  and  how  it  stands  with  religion  and  rea- 
son that  such  a  monstrous  hurrie  and  afTrightment  should 
be  offered  to  an  English  towne  either  by  Indians  or  Eng- 
lish, unpunished.  Sir  you  have  scene  many  parts  of  this 
Worlds  snow  ball  and  never  found  ought  but  vanitie  and 
vexation,  at  Nameug  shall  you  find  no  more  except  in  the 
Fountaine  of  living  waters  :  Sir  heape  coales  of  fire  on 
Capt.  Masons  head,  conquer  eviKwith  good  but  be  not 
cowardly  and  overcome  with  any  evill.  If  you  have  by 
you  the  Triall  of  wits  at  convenience  spare  it  me  a  few 
dayes  :  however,  studie(  as  the  Lord  commands  your  quiet- 
nes  for  which  I  shall  ever  pray  and  endeavoure  : 

Youre  Worships  unfayned '        Roger  Williams. 


XXXIV. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

For  his  honoured  kind  friend  M'  John  Winthrop  at  Na- 
meug. 

Caucaumqussick  29.  11.  48  (so  calld). 

Sir  best  salutacions  and  wishes  to  the  Father  of  mercies 
for  youre  worthy  selfe,  Yoakfellow,  Sister  &c. :  It  must  be 
so  in  this  worlds  sea —  Sicut  fiuctus  fiuctum  sic  luctus  luc- 
tum  sequitur:  And  every  day  hath  his  sufBciencie  or  ful- 
nes  of  evill  to  all  the  children  of  the  first  sinfull  man  :  No 
persons,  no  places  exempted  from  the  reach  of  the  first 
curse.  My  humble  desire  is  to  the  most  righteous  and 
only  wise  Judge,  that  the  wood  of  Christs  Gallowes  (as 
in  Moses  act)  may  be  cast  into  all  youre  and  our  bitter 
waters,  that  they  be  sweete  and  wholesome  instructours 
of  the  fruits  of  sin,  the  sorrowes  of  others  abroad  (in  our. 
Englands  Aheldama)  our  owne  deservings  to  feele  upon  our 
selves  bodies  and  soules  (wives  and  children  allso)  not  by 
barbarians  but  devilis  and  that  eternally,  sorrowes  unexpres- 
sible  inconceavible,  and  yet  (if  Christs  religion  be  true)  un- 
avoidable, but  by  the  blood  of  a  Saviour  &c.     Sir  pardon 


280  T%e  WifOkrop  Papers. 

me,  this  is  not  the  matter.  Sir  youre  letters  I  speedilj 
dispatcht  by  a  messenger  on  purpose  :  For  a  place  I  knovr 
indeede  of  one  in  Plymmouth  claime  and  would  specific 
but  that  youre  spirit  being  troubled  countermanded  it 
againe  in  youre  postcript  concerning  Elderkin,  wbome  I  will 
(if  God  will)  effectually  labour  with  and  write  the  issue 
with  s[)eede :  All  our  neighbours  the  barbarians,  and  run 
up  and  downe  and  consult ;  partly  suspecting  like  deal- 
ings: Partly  ready  to  fall  upon  the  Monhiggins  at  your 
word,  and  a  world  of  foolish  agitations  I  could  trouble  yoa 
with  but  I  tould  the  Chiefest  yesterday  that  it  is  not  our 
manner  to  be  rash  and  that  you  will  be  silent  till  youre 
Father  and  other  ancient  Sachims  speak  first  &c.  Sir  con- 
cerning the  bags  of  oare  It  is  of  Rode  Hand  where  is  cer- 
tainly affirmed  to  be  both  Gold  and  silver  oare  upon  tri- 
all :  M'  Codington  went  to  the  Bay  with  his  daughter  for 
England  and  left  Captaine  Partridge  in  trust  withall  the 
last  weeke  at  New  Port  George  Wright  (alias  Captaine 
Wright)  stabt  with  a  pike  Walter  Lattice  at  Newport,  and 
is  in  prison  the  other  (if  not  dead)  not  like  to  live :  Sir 
yourse  ever  in  all  unfeyned  respect  &c 

Roger  Williams, 

I  want  wax  to  scale  otherwayes  I  would  have  exprest 
something  which  I  reserve  till  another  season  (if  the  Lord 
will. 


XXXV. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthropy  Jr. 

jyar. 

Sir  best  salutacions  to  youre  worthy  selfe  and  yourse 
premised. 

I  am  glad  for  youre  sake,  that  it  hath  pleased  God  to 
prevent  youre  winter  travell :  though  I  gladly  allso  this  last 
weeke  expected  youre  passage  and  being  at  Providence 
hastned  purposely  to  attend  you  here :  Our  candle  burnes 
out  day  and  night  we  neede  not  hasten  its  end  (by  sw^N 
ing)  in  unnecessary  miseries :  Unles  God  call  us  for  him  to 


Tke  mnthrop  Papers.  281 

suffer  whose  oure  breath  is,  and  hath  promised  to  such  as 
bate  life  for  him,  an  aeternall.  Sir  this  last  weeke  I  read 
an  Ordinance  of  both  howses  (dated  3'  Mon,  May  last) 
decreeing  Death  to  some  consciences,  but  imprisonment  to 
farr  more,  even  (upon  the  point)  to  all  but  presbyterian : 
We  have  a  sound,  that  Fairfax  and  Cromwell  are  proclaim- 
ed Traitours,  but  I  rather  credit  that  report,  that  Cromwell 
only  was  sent  for  by  the  Parliament  which  it  seemes  in- 
clines with  the  King,  and  the  City  all  against  the  Army : 
The  Earl  of  Warwick  was  gone  for  Holland  with  22  ships 
pursuing;  the  Prince :  RP  Foot  and  others  went  to  Holland 
(whether  M' Trerice  his  ship  was  caried)  and  were  offered 
the  ship  for  2  thousand  pound  but  I  cannot  heare  of  their 
agreement.  About  40  from  the  Parliament  went  to  the 
King  to  the  He  of  Wight  (who  was  lately  and  strangely 
prevented  of  escape)  to  treat,  but  could  not  agree  upon 
the  first  viz :  that  the  King  should  acknowledge  the  be- 
ginning of  the-  war  to  be  his :  Sir  this  is  the  chiefe  of 
matters  told  me  few  dayes  since  by  M'  Throckmorton  who 
came  10  dayes  since  from  the  Bay  and  came  well  in  a  full 
laden  vessell  to  anchor  by  Saconet  rocks  but  it  pleased 
God  his  new  Cabell  was  cut  by  the  rocks  and  he  drove 
upon  Rode  Hand  shoare,  where  it  is  feard  the  vessell  is 
spoild  but  (through  Gods  mercy)  he  saved  his  goods  :  Sir 
M'  Bruster  (by  letter)  requests  me  to  conveigh  three  let- 
ters and  bnirs  of  mettall  to  you.  I  wish  they  may  have 
Worth  in  them  especially  to  draw  us  up  to  dig  into  the 
Heavens  for  true  treasure  :  Sir  (though  M"^  Brewster  write 
me  not  word  of  it)  yet  in  private  I  am  bold  to  tell  you 
that  I  heare  it  hath  pleased  God  greatly  to  afliet  him  in 
the  thornes  of  this  life:  He  was  intended  for  Virginia,  his 
creditours  in  the  Bay  came  to  PortsmoCith  and  unhung  his 
rudder  carried  him  to  the  Bay  where  he  was  forced  to 
make  over  all  house  land  cattell  and  part  with  all  to  his 
chest :  Oh  how  sweet  is  a  drie  morsell  and  an  handful! 
with  quietnes  from  earth  and  Heaven  :  Sane  nescio  de  quo 
scribis  furti  suspecto ;  John  Jones  is  thought  here  to  be 
false  or  faultie  ;  He  said  he  was  youre  servant  that  you 
gave  him  lOsh.  in  Peag  to  beare  his  charges,  which  being 
stole  out  of  his  pocket  he  borowed  so  much  of  me  here  in 
youre  name  promising  to  pay  me  at  his  returne  being  to 
VOL.  IX.  36 


282  The  Wintkrop  Papers. 

receave  mony  for  you  in  the  Bay ;  he  had  allso  lOsh. 
more  to  buy  for  me  2  or  3  necessaries ;  He  took  27sh  6d. 
of  Valentine  M'  Smiths  man  —  my  neighboure  at  the 
trading  howse  for  a  drum  which  he  said  he  left  at  my 
howse  at  Providence  which  drum  cost  him  48sh.  and  he 
promised  to  send  it  by  an  Indian  but  refused  and  ofierd 
to  sell  it  againe  at  Providence :  It  is  now  attached.  M' 
Brewster  requested  me  to  pay  the  Bag  carriers  which  I 
have  thus  orderd  that  6  awie  blades  I  pay  to  a  Native  to 
cary  to  Nenekunats  and  pray  you  to  pay  6  more  to  him 
that  brings  them  to  you :  I  am  sorry  you  had  no  more 
corne  from  Nenekunat  yet  glad  you  had  so  much  for  I  am 
forced  to  pay  4sh,  the  bushell  for  all  I  spend :  Sir  I  have 
not  knowne  the  like  of  Indian  madnes :  The  Father  of 
Lights  cause  us  to  blesse  him  for  and  with  oure  reason, 
remem bring  Nabuchadnezzar. 

Sir  I  desire  to  be  yourse  ever  in  Christ  Jesus 

Roger  Williams. 

[Probably  written  in  February,  or  early  in  March,  1648-9.  —  J.  S.] 


XXXVI. 

Roger '  Williams  to  John  IVinthrop^  Jr. 

For  the  worshipfull  his  kind  friend  M'  John  Winthrop  at 
Nameug. 

Caucaiimsqussick  1 .  48  (so  calPd). 

Sir,  Best  respects  and  love  presented,  and  thanks  hearty 
for  your  letters  former  and  latter  all  now  receaved :  I  am 
againe  importun'd  by  our  neighbour  Sachims  (having  heard 
of  Wequashcucks  carying  of  Peag  to  Capt.  Mason)  to  pray 
you  to  informe  them  whether  that  Peag  be  part  of  the 
payment ;  because  Wequashcuck  and  his  company  refuse 
to  pay.  They  desire  me  allso  to  write  to  the  Bay  about  it, 
which  I  deferr  to  do  untill  their  payments  goe,  which  are 
something  delay'd  because  of  the  death  of  Nenekunats 
wives  mother  which  is  the  same  you  write  of,  Wequash- 
cucks mother,  and  it  is  now  Qunndntacaun,  that  is  Lam- 


The  Winthrap  Papers.  283 

entation.  Sir,  since  I  wrote  to  you  our  4  townes  met 
.by  Deputies  6  out  of  a  Towne:  This  Court  last  weeke 
wrote  to  me  Infourmacion  of  their  choice  of  my  selfe  Dep : 
President  in  the  Absence  of  the  President,  who,  whether 
they  have  fixed  on  yourselfe,  or  JVP  Coddingtons  faction 
praevaile  to  keepe  his  name  in  (now  gone  for  England)  I 
can  not  yet  learne)  but  I  have  excused  my  selfe  for  some 
Reasons  and  1  hope  they  have  chosen  better :  1  wrote  to 
them  about  an  Act  of  Oblivion  which  (blessed  be  the  God 
of  Peace)  they  have  past,  and  have  appointed  a  Court  of 
Election  in  the  3*^  month  at  Warwick :  Sir,  I  am  exceed- 
inge  glad  of  you^e  beginnings  at  Pwockatuck —  I  pray  faile 
not  to  enquire  whether  there  or  from  Monhiggin  or  Qunnih- 
ticut  you  can  helpe  me  to  100  bushels  of  Indian  Come:  To 
youre  deare  yoakfellow  and  sister  respective  salutacion : 
The  Sun  of  Righteousnes  graciously  shine  on  you  I  de- 
sire unfaignedly  to  be  youre  worships  unfayned  in  love  — 

The  Sachims  pray  you  to  tell  them  whether  their  Peag 
will  be  sold  at  underrates  as  Pumhommin  comming  2  dayes 
since  from  the  Bay  informes  them  viz :  that  they  must  pay 
great  black  at  13  to  the  peny  and  small  black  at  15 :  and 
white  8  to  the  peny — I  tell  them  the  last  yeare  it  was 
measured  and  so  word  was  sent  to  me  they  should  pay  it 
by  measure. 

[labelled,  **  rec*d  March  23.  1648.'*] 


XXXVIL 

Roger  IVilliams  to  John  Winlhrop^  Jr. 

For  his  honoured  kind  friend  M'  John  Winthrop  at  Pequt. 

Sir  I  am  the  more  easily  perswaded  by  this  barbarian 
Prince  Nenekunat  to  trouble  you  so  often  that  I  may  the 
oftener  heare  of  youre  wellfare  and  at  present  how  it  pleas- 
ed God  to  bring  you  home  to  yourse  againe :  Upon  youre 
word,  Nen6kunat  prayes  you  to  send  him  word,  when 
within  10  dayes  (of  this  5*  of  the  weeke  present)  you  will 


284  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

please  to  meete  him  at  Wequatuckqut :  so  it  be  when  M^ 
Stanton  is  present :  He  would  confer  about  M^  Eliots  letter, 
and  coate,  about  Wequshcucks  usurping  at  Pwoakatuck, 
about  his  present  hunting,  about  the  present  disposall  of 
the  Pequt  fields,  about  his  letters  to  the  Bay,  which  (in 
youre  name)  1  have  almost  perswaded  to  suspend  untill 
the  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  at  Boston  :  Here  is  now 
a  great  hurrie  made  l)y  Auqiiontis  one  of  those  pettie  Sa- 
chims  of  whome  M'  Eliot  wrote  to  you  and  me :  He  hath 
ofTerd  great  abuse  to  one  of  the  chiefe  and  Nenekunat  is 
now  going  to  Qunminnagut  about  him  I  perswade  not  to 
engage  themselves  but  send  him  to  the  Bay  with  my  let- 
ter :  Sir  Loving  respects  to  M"  Winthrop  M"  Lake  whome 
God  graciously  with  youre  loving  selfe  and  yourse  bind  up 
in  the  bundle  of  that  life,  which  is  eternall  in  Christ  Jesus, 
in  whome  I  desire  to  be 

Yourse  ever       _Roger  Williams. 

[No  date.] 


XXXVI H. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 
For  the  worshipfull  M'  John  Winthrop  at  Pequt. 

JVTjr :  9.  3.  49  {so  calld). 

Sir :  Best  salutations  and  wishes  presented  to  your  dear- 
est with  your  self  &c :  These  inclosed  cam6  to  my  hand 
in  2  severall  letters  from  the  Bay  inclosed,  your  brother  in 
a  letter  from  him  requesting  my  helpe  &c  I  have  there- 
fore speeded  them  by  the  Sachims  who  will  therefore  ex- 
pect some  word  of  tidings  from  the  Bay,  which  you  may 
please  to  signifie  in  one  line  to  me  whatever  you  heare  or 
can  [uDcUl  collect  will  be  any  word  of  tidings  and  by  which 
occasion  (if  you  have  occasion)  you  may  well  rescribe : 
Benedict  was  desired  by  the  Mayisstrates  in  the  Bay  to 
take  [spcciall]  care  to  charge  Wequashcuck  concerning 
jyenekunat^.  he  hath  requested  this  taske  from  me  which 
this  morning]  I  purpose  to  doe  (with  Gods  helpe)  carefully: 


The  Winlhrop  Papers.  285 

Sir  —  2  dayes  since  (my  boate  not  being  fitted)  comroing 
from  Providence  I  was  (in  Articulo  temporis)  snatcht 
by  a  mercifull  and  some  say  a  miraculous  hand  from  the 
Jawes  of  Death :  The  Canow  being  over  set  some  goods 
to  some  valew  were  sunck,  some  whereof  I  hope  (if  God 
please  to  recover)  however,  Blessed  be  God,  and  blessed 
are  such  whome  he  correcteth  and  teacheth  in  him. 
Yours  he  graciously  make  me,  though  unworthy 

Roger  Williams. 

[An  old  endorsement,  "  May  1 1.  1649  or  1650,"  —  probably  the  date 
of  its  receipt. 

This  letter  is  much  torn.  Such  words  as  are  supplied  by  the  pres- 
ent interpreter  are  printed  in  Italic  and  included  in  brackets.  —  J.  B.] 


XXXIX. 

Roger  fHUiams  to  John  JVinthrop,  Jr. 

To  my  much  respected  friend  M'  John  Winthrop  at  Ptqut. 

13.  3.  49  so  caWcL 

Sir  —  :  Salutacions  &c : 

Youre  last  letter  (which  you  mention  I  sent  by  the  way 
of  the  English  since  I  came  hither  from  Providence  :  I 
know  of  no  letter  of  yours  that  came  back  as  you  write  : 
one  of  mine  to  yourself  (when  you  were  in  the  Bay)  was 
met  by  the  Peag  Messengers  from  the  Bay  and  brought 
by  them  againe  to  my  hand  because  (as  they  conceavcd) 
the  whole  about  Onkas  his  wounding  was  not  yet  (as 
then)  knowne  which  at  your  comming  hither  (by  the 
English  Relation)  was  perfected ;  tidings  from  Onkas  is 
that  the  English  come  from  the  Bay  to  Hartford  about 
Onkas  and  are  appointed  to  take  this  way  and  to  take 
Nenekunat  with  them :  Aquawoce  (Wepiteammock)  is 
at  the  point  of  death  :  expectat  nos  mors  ubique  cur  non 
DOS  mortem :  In  life  and  death  the  Soqn  of  God  shine  on 
us,  in  him 

Yourse  I  desire  to  be  ever  unfaigned  — 

Roger  Williams. 


286  The  Winthrop  Papers. 


XL. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

For  his  honoured  kind  friend  M'  John  Winthrop  at  Na- 
meug  —  These. 

jYar:  26.  3.  49.  (so  calld). 

Sir:  Loving  respects  to  your  deare  selfe  and  dearest 
&c  :  This  last  of  the  weeke  in  the  morning  your  man  and 
all  his  charge  are  come  just  now  to  me  in  safetie  :  I  my 
selfe  allso  came  hither  late  last  night  and  wet  from  War- 
wick where  this  Colony  met,  and  upon  discharge  of  my 
service  we  chose  M'  Jo.  Smith  of  Warwick  (the  Marchant 
or  Shop  keeper  that  lived  at  Boston  for  thisyeare  President) 
Some  were  bold  (though  Capt.  Clark  was  gone  to  the  Bay 
and  absent)  to  use  your  name,  and  generally  applauded 
and  earnestly  desired  in  case  of  any  possible  stretching  our 
bounds  to  you,  or  your  drawing  neare  to  us  though  but  to 
Pwocatuck :  One  law  past  that  the  Natives  should  no 
longer  abuse  us  but  that  their  black  should  goe  with  us  as 
with  themselves  at  4  p  peny.  All  wines  and  strong  waters 
forbidden  the  natives  througout  the  Colonic  only  a  privi- 
ledge  betrusted  in  my  hand  to  spare  a  little  for  necessities 
&c.  Sir  tidings  are  high  from  England  many  ships  from 
many  parts  say  and  a  Bristoll  ship  come  to  the  He  of 
Shoales  within  few  dayes  confirme  that  the  King  and  many 
great  Lords  and  Parliament  men  are  beheaded ;  London 
was  shut  up  on  the  day  of  Execution  not  a  dore  to  be  opened 
&c :  The  States  of  Holland  and  the  Prince  of  Orange 
(forced  by  them)  consented  to  proceedings  :  It  is  said  M' 
Peters  preached  (after  the  fashion  of  England  the  funeral 
sermon  to  the  King  after  sentence  out  of  the  terrible  de- 
nunciation to  the  King  of  Babilon  Esa  14.  18.  &c:  Your 
letter  to  your  brother  I  delivered  to  M'  Gold  (going  to 
Boston)  this  weather  I  presume  hinders :  M'  Andrewes  a 
gentleman  of  Warwick  tould  me  that  he  came  from  the 
Bay  where  he  heard  that  the  Bay  had  proclaimed  war  with 
the  Narigansetts :  I  hope  it  is  but  mistaken  :  And  yet  all 
under  and  while  we  are  under  the  Sunn  nothing  but  vani- 


The  WirUhrap  Papers.  287 

tie  and  vexation :  The  most  glorious  Son  of  Righteousness 
shine  gratiouslj  on  us  in  him  I  desire  to  be  Sir  ever  yours 

Roger  Williams. 

[The  old  endorsement  is,  "  M'  Williams  of  the  high  newes  about 
the  king."] 


XLI. 


Roger  IVilliams  to  John  Winthropj  Jr. 

Caucumsquissick  13.  4.  49  (jso  calPd). 

Sir  best  salutacions  &c.  The  last  night  one  of  We- 
qudshcucks  Pequts  brought  me  very  privatly  letters  from 
Capt.  Mason  (and  as  he  said  from  Onkas  and  Wequash- 
cucks)  the  letters  are  kind  to  myself  acknowledging  loving 
letters  (and  tokens  which  upon  the  burning  of  his  howse) 
he  had  received  from  me  &c  But  terrible  to  ail  these 
natives  especially  to  the  Sachims  and  most  of  all  to  Nene- 
kunat :  The  purport  of  the  letters  and  concurrence  of  cir- 
cumstances seem  to  me  to  imply  some  present  conclusions 
(from  Qunnihticut)  of  hostilitie,  and  I  question  whether 
or  no  present  and  speedie  before  the  meeting  of  Commis- 
sioners, which  I  saw  lately  from  the  Court  under  M^  Now- 
elPs  hand  not  to  be  till  the  7'*"  month :  The  murthring  of 
Onkas  is  alleadged  by  stabbing  and  since  attempted  by 
witches  &c.  The  conclusion  is  therefore  Ruine  —  The 
words  of  the  letter  are  :  If  nothing  but  blood  will  satisfie 
them  I  doubt  not  but  they  may  have  their  fill :  And  again 
I  perceave  such  an  obstinate  willfullness  joined  with  des- 
perate malicious  practices  that  I  thinck  and  believe  they 
are  sealed  to  destruction  :  Sir  there  are  many  devices  in 
a  mans  heart  but  the  councell  of  Jehovah  shall  stand#  If 
he  have  a  holy  and  ris:hteous  purpose  to  make  us  drinck 
of  our  mothers  cup  :  The  holynes  nor  power  nor  policie  of 
New  England  can  stop  his  hand :  He  be  pleased  to  pre- 
vent it  if  not  to  sweeten  it:  Sir  I  pray  if  you  heare  ought, 
signifie  in  a  line,  and  you  shall  not  faile  of  my  poore  pa- 
pers and  prayers. 

Yours  unfavned —         R.  W. 


288  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

Your  letters  and  friends  were  here  some  dajes  with 
me :  This  last  choice  at  Warwick  (according  to  my  soules 
wish  and  endeavour)  hath  given  me  rest  others  are  chos- 
en, M'  John  Clark  at  New  Port  to  whome  and  all  my 
friends  on  the  Hand  I  wrote  effectually,  thether  they  went 
I  heare  nothing  since  :  If  power  had  heene  with  me  such 
a  worc'k  of  mercy  (although  to  strangers)  I  hope,  by  the 
Lords  assistance  shall  not  escape  me  :  and  I  have  promis- 
ed my  assistance  to  M'  Clarke  and  others  at  Newport,  if 
any  blame  or  dammage  befall  them  from  the  Colony  or 
elswhere.  Sir  I  forgot  to  thanck  you  for  the  pamphlets 
although  (not  having  bene  lately  at  Providence)  I  have 
them  not :  but  I  have  sent  for  them :  I  have  here  now  with 
me  my  eldest  daughter,  of  17  Her  younger  sister  of  13 
hath  had  natures  cource  before  her  which  she  wanting,  a 
fluxe  of  reume  hath  much  affected  her  head  and  right  eye, 
she  hath  taken  much  physick  and  bene  let  blood  but  yet 
no  change,  she  is  advised  by  some  to  the  Bay  :  I  pray  ad- 
vize me  to  whome  you  judge  fittest  to  addresse  unto  of 
the  Bayes  Phycitians : 

Sir  —  I  heare  a  smith  of  youre  towne  hath  left  you  and 
saith  I  sent  for  him  'tis  most  untrue  though  we  want  one 
at  Providence,  yet  I  should  condemne  in  myself  or  any  to 
invite  any  convenience  or  commoditie  from  our  friends :  I 
know  him  not  nor  ever  spake  (to  my  knowledge  about 
him.  Ar  Throckmorton  hath  lately  brought  in  some 
come  from  Hemstead  and  those  parts  but  extraordinarie 
deare  I  pay  him  6sh.  for  Indian  and  8sh.  for  wheat. 
These  raines  if  God  please  to  give  peace  promise  hopes  of 
plenty. 

Two  dayes  since  letters  from  my  brother:  he  saith  a 
ship  was  come  to  the  Bay  from  England  :  She  was  not 
come  yet  in  the  River :  a  loyter  went  aboord,  brought  the 
con  jrmation  of  the  Kings  death  but  no  other  particulars. 
The  ever  living  King  of  Kings  shine  on  us  &c. 

[Labelled,  **  Rec'd  June  15.  1649."] 


The  Wmthrop  Papers.        "  289 

XUI. 

John  JVinthropy  Jr.y  to  Roger  Williams. 
To  my  much  respected  friend  JVr  Roger  Williams. 

Pequol  Odob:  7.  60. 

Sir  This  afternoone  2  Indians  came  to  me  who  said  they 
were  sent  by  Nenekunnath  to  informe  me  that  there  were 
an  100  Englishmen  at  Webetummacks  where  also  your 
selfe  and  all  the  Narygansetts  Sachems  were,  that  Nenek: 
and  the  Sachems  were  bound  by  the  English  which  al- 
though I  doe  not  believe,  yet  they  affirming  confidently 
that  your  selfe  are  at  Webetummacks,  I  thought  it  fitt 
(they  desiring  also  a  letter)  to  request  a  word  or  2  from 
you  what  the  matter  is.  I  have  not  heard  what  hath  beene 
determined  by  the  Commissioners,  in  any  particular,  but 
these  indians  hasty  coming  and  as  hasty  returning,  makes 
me  thinke  there  is  eyther  some  message  to  the  Indians  by 
some  considerable  number  of  persons,  or  they  have  heard 
some  reports  which  makes  them  feare  something  to  be 
done :  because  I  am  wholy  ignorant  of  matters  I  desire 
to  know  the  truth  and  so  with  niylove  remembred  I  rest 

Your  loving  friend 

John  Winthrop. 

I  pray  informe  what  English  men,  what  number,  whom 
chief. 


XLIII. 

Roger  fVilliams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

JVar:  9.  8.  50  (so  calld.) 

S'  best  respects  and  love  presented  to  your  selfe  and 
dearest.  My  howse  is  now  filled  with  souldiers  and  there- 
fore in  hast  I  write  in  an  Indian  house :  It  hath  pleased 
God  to  give  me,  and  the  English,  and  the  Natives  that 
were  met  togeather  and  the  whole  land  I  believe  a  gracious 
deliverance  from  the  plauge  of  warr :  On  the  last  day 
last  came   to  my  howse   Capt.  Atherton  with   above  20 

souldiers  and  3  horse :    The  Capt.  requested  me  presently 
VOL.  IX.  37 


290  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

to  travell  to  the  Sachims  (met  togeather  in  mourning  for 
Wepiteammocks  dead  son  within  3  or  4  mile  of  my 
house)  and  to  demand  the  rest  of  the  pay  308  fath :  and 
200  more  for  these  charges  &c.  I  went  alone  and  drew 
them  out  of  the  mourning  howse  who  answered  they  were 
ever  resolved  to  pay  but  they  were  distracted  by  that 
peace  broke  by  the  Monhiggins  in  that  Hostilitie  begun 
upon  them  at  Pequt  which  they  answerd  not  because  of 
the  English ;  but  expected  satisfaction,  but  receave  none 
&c  Yet  they  refused  not  to  pay :  I  returned  and  the  Capt. 
with  me  went  to  them  and  2  or  3  souldiers  as  was  agreed 
and  after  a  litle  discourse  We  agreed  in  the  same  place  to 
meete  on  the  second  day :  We  did  and  all  day  till  night, 
the  Capt.  demanded  the  peag  or  two  Sachims  the  Na- 
tives promised  peag  within  a  litle  time :  the  Capt.  would 
have  1  or  2  present  and  in  the  evening  drew  up  his  men 
(unknowne  to  me  sent  for)  round  about  the  Sachims  in  a 
hole  and  the  Indians  (20  for  one  of  us)  armed  and  ready 
with  guns  and  bowes  about  us  the  Capt.  desired  me  to 
tell  the  Sachims  he  would  take  by  force  Nenekunat  and 
Pesiccosh  then  I  protested  to  the  Capt.  before  Indians  and 
English  I  was  betraid  for  first  I  would  not  have  hazarded 
life  or  blood  for  a  litle*  money :  2  if  my  cause  and  call 
were  right  I  would  not  be  desperate  with  so  few  men  to 
assault  Kings  in  the  midst  of  such  guards  about  us,  and 
I  had  not  so  much  as  knife  or  stick  about  me :  After  long 
Agitacions  upon  the  ticklish  point  of  a  great  slaughter  (as 
all  the  souldiers  now  confesse)  the  God  of  mercy  ap- 
peared. I  perswaded  the  Capt.  to  stay  at  my  howse  4 
dayes  and  the  natives  within  4  dayes  to  bring  in  the  peag 
and  I  would  lay  downe  10  fath :  (as  formerly  I  had  done 
20  (God  knowes  beyond  my  Abilitie). 

Sir  to  morrow  the  peag  is  to  come  I  hope  such  a  quan- 
titie  as  will  stop  proceedings  :  I  tould  the  Capt :  he  had 
desperatly  betraid  me  and  him  selfe  :  he  tells  me  he  will 
give  me  good  satisfaction  before  he  depart :  I  presume  he 
feares  God  in  the  maine  but  feare  he  can  never  satisfie 
me  nor  his  owne  conscience,  which  I  hope  the  Lord  will 
shew  him  and  shew  the  Countrey  what  dangerous  Coun- 
cells  the  Commissioners  produce :  which  makes  me  fearc 
God  is  preparing  a  Warr  in  the  Countrey.    Just  now  a 


The  Winthrqp  Papers.  291 

letter  from  Rode  Ilaod  comes  for  my  voyage  for  Engl : 
but  as  yet  I  resolve  not    God  graciously  be  pleased  to  set 
our  Affections  on  another  Countrey  and  him  selfe  above  in 
'his  deare  Son. 

Sir  yours  in  him  I  desire  to  be  unfaigned 

R:  W. 

[Labelled,  "M'  Williams  8.  9.  49."    There  seems  to  be  a  mistake 
in  this  date.     Mr.  Williams  calls  it  1650.  ^  J.  B.] 


XLIV. 

John  Wiuthrop^  Jr.j  to  Roger  fVilliams. 

PequotJrov'  10.  1650. 
Sir 

I  received  your  letter  this  morning  and  must  write  back 
in  hast,  the  messengers  being  hastily  to  returne,  thanking 
you  for  the  intelligence  of  this  matter,  which  neyther  from 
the  Commissioners  or  from  any  of  the  Government  or  any 
other  way  I  have  had  the  least  intimation  either  by  mes- 
sage, or  letter.  I  thanke  you  chiefly  for  your  endeavours 
of  bringing  the  Indians  to  a  peaceable  conclusion  of  mat- 
ters. The  whole  countrey  are  much  obliged  to  you  for 
your  care  herein,  as  formerly  for  your  labours  and  travailes 
in  this  kind,  which  they  cannot  be  so  sensible  of,  who 
doe  not  fully  understand  the  nature  and  manner  of  the 
Indians  who  are  brought  to  a  right  [cet.  desunt.^ 

[This  fragment  seems  to  be  the  answer  of  Governor  Winthrop 
to  the  preceding  letter.  Upon  the  back  in  Governor  W.'s  hand,  — 
'*  Copy  of  my  letter  to  M^  Williams  in  answer  to  his  of  8.  9.  49."  It 
should  be  remarked  that  Governor  W.  makes  the  same  mistake,  as  re- 
gards the  date,  as  in  his  endorsement  on  Mr.  Williams's  letter.  — J.  B.] 


XLV. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

Sir  Loving  respects  to  you  both  with  M"  Lake  and 
yours :  By  this  opportunitie  I  am  bold  to  inform  you  that 
from  the  Bay  I  heare  of  the  sentence  on  M'  Clarke,  to  be 
whipt  or  pay  20£:  Obadiah  Holmes  whipt  or  30£ ;  on 
John  Crandall  whipt  or  5jE  :     This  bearer  heares  of  no 


292  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

payment  nor  execution  but  rather  a  Demurr,  and  some 
kind  of  conference  :  The  Father  of  lihts  graciously  guide 
them  and  us  in  such  paths  for  other  succour  then  that  (in  his 
mouth)  Christ  Jesus  ware  not  among  the  Churches  neve- 
lat:  1.)  Sir  upon  those  provocations  that  lately  (as  in 
my  last  I  hinted  Auquontis  gave  the  Sachims,  Nenekunat 
Wepitammock  and  Pesiccosh  went  in  person  to  their 
towne  (Chaubatick)  and  upon  Pummakommins  telling  the 
Sachims  that  he  was  as  great  a  Sachim  as  they,  they  all 
fell  togeaiher  by  the  eares :  yet  no  blood  spilt :  The 
Chaubatick  Indians  send  to  the  Bay  :  They  say  Auquontis 
is  sent  for  and  Neneskunat,  but  I  know  no  certaine  other 
then  messengers  passing  to  and  againe  from  Chaubatick 
to  the  Bay.  Here  was  last  weeke  M'  Sellick  of  Boston 
and  IVP  Gardiner  a  young  Merchant  to  fetch  my  corne  and 
more' from  M'  Paine  of  Secunck  they  are  bound  to  the 
French,  unles  diverted  :  They  tell  me  of  a  ship  of  300, 
come  from  Barbados,  ]VP  Wall  the  Master  stood  upon  his 
guard  while  he  staid  there,  he  brought  some  passengers 
former  Inhabitants  from  London  whose  case  was  sad  there 
because  of  the  posture  of  the  Hand  (where  as  I  have  by 
letter  from  a  Godly  friend  there,  they  force  all  to  sweare 
to  Religion  and  lavves :  This  M'  Wall  hath  a  new  and 
great  designe  viz :  from  hence  to  the  East  Indies :  The 
Frigots  designed  for  Barbados  were  ordered  for  Silly 
which  they  assaulted  and  tooke  Forts  and  Ordinance  and 
Frigots  and  drove  the  Governoure  into  his  last  Fort.  It 
hath  pleased  God  to  bring  youre  ancient  acquaintance  and 
mine  M'  Coddington  in  M'  Carwithy  his  ship  of  500 : 
He  is  made  Governour  of  this  Colonic  for  his  life :  Gen* 
Cromwell  was  not  wounded  nor  defeated  (as  is  said)  but 
sick  of  flux  and  feavcr  and  mending  and  had  a  victorie  over 
the  Scots:  Sir  this  world  passeth  away  and  the  (axifia) 
fashion,  shape  and  forme  [of]  it  only  the  word  of  Jehovah 
remaines,  that  word  Literall  is  sweete  as  it  is  the  field 
where  the  mistocall  word  or  treasure  Christ  Jesus  lies 
hid.    In  him  I  hope  to  be 

Youres  R.  W. 

Sir  to  M'  Blindman  loving  salutations. 

[No  date  nor  envelope.    Lastof  July  or  first  of  August,  1651.  —  J.  S.] 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  293 

XLVI. 

Roga'  JVilliams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

For  his  honoured  kind  friend  M'  John  Winthrop  at  Pequt. 

Sir  Loving  respects  &c  Yourse  receaved  and  the  lOsh' 
from  youre  neighboure  Elderkin,  and  letters  which  shall 
carefully  be  sent :  I  came  from.  Providence  last  night  and 
was  able  by  Gods  Mercifull  Providence  so  to  order  it  that , 
I  was  their  Pilot  to  my  howse  here  from  whence  I  have 
provided  a  Native  who  with  Jo  Foss^ker  I  hope  will  bring 
them  safe  to  you :  The  Mercifull  Lord  heipe  you  and 
me  to  say  as  Salomon  All  that  comes  is  vanitie ;  All  cat- 
tell,  all  goods,  all  friends,  all  children  &c.  I  met  M' 
John  Clarke  at  Providence  recens  e  carcere.  There  was 
great  hammering  about  the  disputation  but  they  could  not 
hit,  and  although  (my  much  lamented  friend)  the  Gover- 
iiour  told  him  that  he  was  worthy  to  be  hanged  &c  Yet 
he  was  as  good  as  thrust  out  without  pay  or  whipping 
&c  But  Obadiah  Holmes  remaines :  M'  Carwithy  is 
gone  with  his  Ship  to  the  Eastward  for  Masts  and  returnes 
3  weekes  hence  to  set  saile  for  England  :  Sir  I  have  a 
great  suit  to  you,  that  at  your  leasure,  you  would  (it  and 
send  something  that  you  find  suitable  to  these  Indian 
bodies  in  way  of  purge  or  vomit;  as  allso  some  drawing 
plaister  and  if  the  charge  rise  to  one  or  two  crownes  I 
shall  thankfully  send  it  and  commending  you  and  yourse 
to  the  only  great  and  good  Phycitian  desire  Sir  to  be  ever 
yourse  in  hipfi  R.  W. 

[No  date.     Probably  August  or  September,  1651.  —  J.  S.] 


XLVII. 

Roger  fVilliams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

For  my  honoured  kind  friend  M'  John  Winthrop  at.  Pequt. 

Jfar.  6.  8.  61  (so  called). 
Sir  —  Once  more  my  loving  and  deare  respects  presented 


294  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

to  you  both  and  M"  Lake :  being  now  bound  resolvedly 
(if  the  Lord  please)  for  our  Native  Countrey:  I  am  not 
certaine  whether  by  the  way  of  the  English  (you  know 
the  reason)  or  by  the  way  of  the  Dutch :  My  Neighbours 
of  Providence  and  Warwick  (whom  I  also  lately  denied) 
with  importunities  have  over  come  me  to  endeavour  the 
renewing  of  their  liberties  upon  the  occasion  of  M'  Cod- 
dington's  late  grant.  Upon  this  occasion  I  have  bene 
advised  to  sell  and  have  sold  this  howse  to  M'  Smith  my 
neighbour,  who  also  may  possibly  be  yours,  for  I  heare  he 
is  like  to  have  M"  Chester:  Sir  I  humbly  thanck  you  for 
all  your  loving  kindnesses  to  me  and  mine  unworthy  — 
The  Father  of  mercies  graciously  reward  you  guide  you 
preserve  you  save  sanctifie  and  glorifie  you  in  the  blood 
of  his  deare  Son :  In  whom  I  mourn  I  am  no  more  and 
desire  to  be  yours  unfeignedly  eternally 

Roger  Williams. 

This  bearer  comming  now  from  England  will  acquaint 
you  &c. 

To  all  yours  and  all  my  friends  my  loving  salutations  — 
M^  Sands  of  Boston  and  John  Hazell  of  Secunck  are  gone 
before  us. 


XLVIII. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  Honoured  freind  John  Winthrop  Esq"^  these  pre- 
sent in  Pequot. 

Worthily  Honourd  Sir, 

Upon  frequent  reports  of  Gods  gracious  blessing  your 
labours  with  good  success,  in  sundry  cures,  I  was  desirous 
to  have  made  a  journey  to  Pequot,  to  confer  with  you 
about  the  state  of  my  body,  and  desired  brother  Andrewes 
to  sigmfie  the  same  unto  you,  by  whom  I  understand  that 
there  is  no  conveniencie  for  myne  and  my  wifes  and  my 
sonnes  lodging  and  other  accomodacons  there,  and  that 
your  selfe  are  upon  a  journey  shortly  per  the  Baye.     I  have 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  295 

therefore  hjred  this  Indian  to  be  the  bearer  of  these  lines, 
and  pray  you  to  returne  by  him  your  advise,  not  concern- 
ing my  distemper,  which  I  cannot  so  fully  declare,  by 
wrighting,  to  your  satisfaction,  and  myne  owne,  as  is 
meete,  but  concerning  my  way.  My  wife  inclineth  to  our 
travayling  with  you  to  Boston,  if  you  judge  that  a  place 
and  time  fitt  lor  me  to  entet  into  any  course  of  physick, 
but  I  heare  th(i  apothecary  wants  supplyes  of  things,  unles 
Carwithy  be  come.  I  heare  that  M'  Lyng  etc  newly  re- 
turned froui  the  Baye  saw  a  vessel  at  sea  about  200  tunne 
coming  toward  Boston,  and  I  feare  that  your  buisenesses 
there  will  not  permit  liberty  for  that,  and  that  my  body 
and  the  season  will  not  suite  it :  yet  if  you  advize  it,  as 
convenient,  I  shall  consider  what  you  propound.  If  not ; 
my  desire  is  to  know,  when  you  purpose  to  returne,  if  God 
please.  I  was  glad  when  he  told  me  that  you  had  some 
purpose  of  coming  into  these  parts,  and  shall  be  more  glad, 
if  I  may  understand  from  yourselfe,  that  you  continue  that 
resolution,  and  will  be  pleased  to  put  it  into  execution,  at 
your  returne  from  the  Baye,  and  to  accept  of  my  house 
for  your  entertainment,  during  your  abode  in  these  parts, 
there  to  refresh  yourselfe,  with  as- 

surance that  you  shall  be  most  heartily  wellcooi  to  us. 
If  you  require  it,  for  the  preparing  of  directions  suitable 
to  my  case,  that  I  give  you  notice  of  it  particularly,  before 
hand,  I  shall,  by  the  next  opportunity,  answer  yoxxx  de- 
sire, upon  notice  when  my  letter  may  probably  finde  you 
at  home:  or,  if  you  incourage  us  to  come  to  pequot,  after 
your  returne,  we  shall  attend  you  there.  But,  if  you  can 
aflfoard  me  some  liberty  of  discourse  with  you  here  before 
your  journey  to  the  Baye,  I  thincke,  that  would  be  best : 
and  I  should  be  very  much  obliged  unto  you  for  that  your 
labour  of  love  However :  let  me  receive  such  answer  as 
you  can,  by  this  bearer,  present  my  true  Respects  to  M™ 
Winthrop,  with  loving  salutacons  to  M'  BIyndman.  The 
Lord  Jesus  dwell  with  you  in  peace  !     In  whom  I  rest. 

Sir,  yours  assured 

John  Davenporte. 

JVewhaven  this  20"^  d  of  the  6'*  m.  1653. 


296  The  Wudhrap  Papers. 


XLIX. 

Edward  fVigglesworth  to  John  fVinthropj  Jr. 

To  the  much  honoured,  M'  John  Winthrop  at  bis  bouse 
in  Pequot,  these  present  — 

Much  honoured  Sir 

The  great  incouragemont  which  I  found  from  mv  Sous 
being  with  jou,  declaring  }our  willingnes  to  have  come 
visited  nice,  had  not  occasions  prevented  doth  embolden 
nice  to  pn^sent  to  your  godly  and  wise  consideration  a  de- 
scription of  my  weak  and  feeble  state  of  my  body.  Winter 
was  12  y cares  being  very  hot  U[)on  a  cold  day,  I  tooke  a 
lift  and  strain'd  my  selfe,  as  I  thought  in  the  small  of  my 
back,  and  tooke  cold  upon  it :  but  felt  no  paine  ;  but 
weaknes  presently  appeared  there  and  ever  since.  The 
eflect  of  this  appeared  betimes  in  the  spring  in  my  head ; 
when  I  looked  upwards  being  ready  to  fall  backward,  and 
when  I  looked  downward,  to  fall  forward.  And  in  my 
legs  and  feet  benummcdnes,  as  if  they  were  asleep  by 
lying  double  under  mee.  My  body  was  much  as  it  had 
been  by  the  scurvy  a  yeare  or  two  before,  and  therefore 
thinking  it  had  been  the  scurvy,  I  neglected  the  use  of  any 
meanes  that  spring :  But  finding  that  Summer  I  grew 
w^orse,  I  applyed  myselfe  in  the  Autumne  to  what  meanes 
God  presented;  as  namely  hot  artificial  bathes,  I  think  16. 
At  the  spring  following  oiles,  ointments,  plaisters,  but  all 
effbcted  nothing,  but  I  grew  worse  upon  them.  By  this 
time  I  was  scarce  able  to  goe  without  a  staffe,  my  weak- 
nes holding  mee  most  in  my  lower  parts  first ;  which  hath 
gathered  upward  by  little  and  little,  that  now  it  is  come 
up  to  the  head,  in  so  much  that  I  have  ndt  ability  to  move 
one  joint  in  my  body,  save  only  my  neck  a  little,  but  tho' 
all  motion  is  quite  gone  yet  sense  remaineth  quick  in  every 
part :  And  thorou»h  the  goodnes  of  God,  my  understand- 
ing, memory,  with  my  eyesight  and  hearing,  remaine  un- 
touched :  neither  is  my  stomach  apt  to  be  ofTended  with 
food,  but  a  small  quantity  suitable  to  my  weaknes  it  can 
close  with.    I  do  not  find  any  sicknes  within  save  onely  the 


Tfc€  JVinlhrop  Papers.  297 

paine  of  weariaes  thorough  setting  and  lying.  I  am  not 
sensible  of  any  obstruction  in  my  inward  parts.  My  flesh 
IS  much  fallen  which  began  first  in  my  lower  parts  and 
now  is  in  my  upper  parts ;  but  my  complexion  rtMiiaineth 
pretty  ruddy  in  my  face.     My  age  is  about  49  yeares. 

Now  Honoured  Sir,  my  request  to  you  is  that  you  would 
seriously  consider  this  my  condition,  and  if  it  shall  please 
God  to  discover  to  you  any  cranny  of  hope  of  any  degree 
of  cure ;  that  you  would  be  pleased  to  send  me  your 
thoughts  in  a  few  lines  ;  whether  you  would  advise  mee  to 
come  to  your  plantation ;  and  if  so ;  at  what  time  may  bee 
most  seasonable  ;  and  whether  I  may  have  a  suitable  room 
for  one  in  my  condition,  for  myselfe,  wife  and  daughter 
to  sojourn  in,  and  whether  your  plantation  be  provided 
with  supplies  of  provision  for  pay,  or  whether  I  must  bring 
with  mee  for  the  supply  of  my  family.  If  the  bearer 
hereof,  my  trusty  and  beloved  friend  M'  Benjamin  Ling, 
ishall  abide  with  you  any  time,  so  as  you  can  issue  your 
thoughts,  then  I  should  leave  it  to  your  godly  wisedome 
whether  to  write  by  him,  though  by  the  Bay  or  any  other 
way  that  may  be  probably  more  speedy.  Thus  having 
used  great  libertie  and  boldnes  with  you,  I  commend  you, 
and  the  guidance  of  you  in  this  and  all  other  your  aflaires 
to  the  good  spirit  of  God. 

and  Rest 

your  poor  afflicted  Brother  in  Ch^ 

Edward  Wiggleswortii. 

JVeW'haven.  July  18.     [No  year  given.] 


L. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

s  To  his  Honoured  friend  John  Winthrop  Esq'  these  present 
at  Hartford. 

Honoured  Sir, 

After  Brother  Molthrops  return,  I  sent  another  letter  to 
you  by  the  way  of  Gillford  dated  the  22^*  of  y"  6'**  where- 
in  I  propounded  my  apprehension  touching  the  months 

VOL.  IX.  38 


298  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

of  October  aud  9ber  and  desired  your  serious  thoughts 
whether  that  might  not  be  a  tolerable  and  hopeful!  season 
for  our  transportation  to  England  which  I  still  desire  and 
now  the  rather  because,  probably  that  will  be  the  time  for 
the  fleet  to  be  upon  theyre  voyadge  thitherward :  and  then 
in  an  ordinary  way  the  michaelmas  storms  will  be  over 
and  the  cold  of  winter  avoided.  Also  to  your  quseries 
about  an  house  and  convenient  transportation  of  yours 
hither  from  Pequot,  I  wrote  what  our  Governor  suggested  » 
and  undertooke,  with  whom  you  will  now  have  opportu- 
nity of  satisfying  your  selfe  by  orall  discourse.  I  conclud- 
ed those  lines  thus,  though  it  pleaSeth  you  to  insist  in  the 
difficulties  formerly  alleadged  concerning  my  case  as  still 
deterring  you  from  giving  me  such  encouragement  as  I 
desire,  and  as  you  see  my  case  requireth  ;  yet,  if  you  will 
but  in  two  or  three  words,  say  thus  much  to  me,  that  I 
may  venture  to  stay  here  this  winter,  (and  neglecting  the 
opportunity  of  this  passage  in  the  8^**  or  9'**  months)  with- 
out manifest  danger  of  rendering  myself  incurable  by  de- 
lates, and  that  you  will  apply  such  means  as  you  conceive 
to  be  suitable  to  my  condition ;  I  will  willingly,  upon  such 
encouragement  from  you  stay,  this  winter,  wayting  upon 
God  for  his  blessing  whereunto  I  shall  now  add  the  rea- 
son of  my  desiring  such  encouragement  from  you,  which 
is,  for  the  satisfaction  of  my  conscience,  because  of  the  6^^ 
comandment,  that  I  have  not  of  myne  owne  head  or  with- 
out a  justifiable  ground,  waved  such  a  season  as  Gods 
providence  seemeth  to  present  unto  me  by  the  fleete 
wherein  Brother  Martin  is  M'  of  a  speciall  good  ship 
where  good  accomodations  may  be  rationally  expected,  if 
he  hath  seasonable  notice  of  my  purpose.  Also  I  find  this 
clause  in  your  last  letter  (If  upon  further  thoughts,  you  can 
consider  anything  that  may  be  usefull  for  the  stopping  of 
my  distemper,  that  may  be  had,  you  will  wrighte  further) 
and  if  you  can  find  meanes  to  prepare  any  special  arcanum, 
that  may  probably  doe  me  good,  for  the  stopping  the  pro- 
ceeding thereof,  you  will  not  neglect  to  indeavour)  this 
clause  i  look  at  as  a  full  expression  of  your  love  and  desire 
of  procuring  my  recovery,  by  the  blessing  of  God  and  as  a 
strong  obligation  unto  me  to  returne  many  hearty  thanks 
to  you  for  such  a  favor.     Nor  can  I  omit  to  intreate  your 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  299 

efiectuall  prosecution  of  that  your  purpose  towards  me, 
and  some  notice  from  you  whether  you  have  considered 
and  found  accordingly,  to  your  own  satisfaction ;  and 
whether  I  may  expect,  with  relyance  upon  you,  any  helpe 
from  you,  this  Autumn  y®  season  now  beginning  to  suite 
the  use  of  means,  pardon  (Worthy  Sir)  this  boldness  and 
interruption  of  your  more  weighty  affairs  and  be  pleased 
to  return  speedily  as  cleare  and  satisfying  an  answer  as 
you  can,  that  I  may  understand  my  way,  by  the  will  of 
God,  upon  whom  I  waite  desiring  to  be  found  always  in 
his  way,  as  one  wholly  unbyassed  to  any  way  of  my  owne 
choosing.  Farewell,  Honored  Sir,  in  our  Lord  Jesus  in 
whom  I  rest 

your  very  much  obliged  friend  to  serve  you 

John  Davenport. 

JVewhaven  y*  1 1'*  day  of4he  T^  month.  64. 


LI. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthrop. 

JVew  Providence  this  1 5'*  of  the  6'. 
Sir, 

For  the  captives  and  bootie  I  never  heard  any  of  these 
Natives  question  the  Acts  of  the  English,  only  that  Native 
who  brought  letters  to  you  from  Capt.  Patrick  and  was 
twice  at  Boston  related  so  much  as  I  wrote  of  in  my 
former,  at  his  return  to  the  Nanhiggansick,  viz.  that  your- 
selfe  should  be  angry  with  the  English  &c.  I  met  since 
with  him  and  he  sayth,  he  had  it  not  from  yourselfe  but 
an  English  man  at  Roxbury.  I  thought  good  to  cleare 
your  name  and  remoove  suspicions  from  M'  Stoughton  &c. 

Wequash  is  alive  so  is  also  the  other  like  to  recover  of 
his  wound.  I  never  heard  that  Miantunnomu  was  dis- 
pleased with  Wequash  for  any  service  to  the  English,  but 
that  Wequash  was  suspected  to  deale  falsely  when  he 
went  to  hunt  for  the  Pequts  at  the  rivers  mouth.  Tis 
true  there  is  no  feare  of  God  before  their  eye  and  all  the 
cords  that  ever  bound  the  barbarous  to  forreiners  were 
made  of  selfe  and  covetousnes.     Yet  if  I  mistake  not,  I 


300  The  Winlhrop  Papers. 

observe  in  Miantunnoniu  some  sparkes  of  true  friendship. 
Could  it  be  deepely  imprinted  into  him  that  the  English 
never  intended  to  despoile  him  of  the  country,  I  probably 
conjecture  his  friendship  would  appear  in  attending  of  us 
with  500  men  (in  case)  against  any  forreigne  Enemie. 

The  Neepmucks  are  returned  with  3  heads  of  the  Wun- 
nashoatuckoogs.  They  slue  6,  wounded  many,  and  brought 
home  20  Captives. 

Those  Inlanders  are  fled  up  toward  the  Mowhauogs. 
So  they  say  is  Sasacous.  Our  friends  at  Qunnihticut  are 
to  cast  a  jealous  eye  at  that  people.  They  say  (unles 
they  are  belied)  that  they  icish  to  warr  with  the  English 
&c. 

Truely,  Sir,  to  speake  my  thoughts  in  your  eare  frely, 
I  blesse  the  Lord  for  your  mercifull  dealing  &c.  but  feare 
that  some  innocent  blood  cryes  at  Qunnihticut.  Many 
things  may  be  spoken  to  prove  the  Lords  perpetuall 
warr  with  Amalek  extraordinary  and  misticall :  but  the  2 
Kings  14.  5.  6  is  a  bright  light  discovering  the  ordinary 
path  wherein  to  walke  and  please  him.  If  the  Pequts 
were  murtherers  (though  pretending  revenge  for  Sasacous 
his  fathers  death,  which  the  Dutch  affirmed  was  from  M' 
Governor)  yet  not  comparable  to  those  treacherous  ser- 
vants that  slue  their  Lord  and  King  Joash  K.  of  Judah 
and  tipe  of  Jesus,  yet  the  fathers  only  perish  in  their  sinn, 
in  the  place  quoted  &c.  The  blessed  Lambe  of  God  wash 
away  Iniquitie  and  receave  us  graciously.  Thus  with 
best  salutes  to  your  honored  selfe  and  yours,  M'  Deputie, 
M'  Bellingham  and  other  honored  friends  with  them  and 
dayly  cryes  to  the  Father  of  mercies  for  you 

I  rest  your  worships  unfaigned 

Roger  Williams. 
Postscript) 

Sir,  to  yours  brought  by  Juanemo  on  the  Lords  day. 
I  could  have  little  speech  with  him ;  but  concerning  Mian- 
tunnoniu, I  have  not  heard  as  yet  of  any  unfaythfullnes 
towards  us.  I  know  they  bely  each  other,  and  I  observe 
our  countrymen  have  allmost  quite  forgotten  our  great  pre- 
tences to  King  and  State  and  all  the  world  concerning  their 
soules  &:c.  I  shall  desire  to  attend  with  my  poore  helpe 
to  discover  any  perfidious  dealing,  and  shall  desire  the  re- 


The  Wintkrop  Papers.  301 

venge  of  it  for  a  common  good  and  peace,  though  my  selfe 
and  mine  should  perish  by  it.  ,  Yet  I  feare  the  Lords  quar- 
rell  is  not  ended,  for  which  the  warr  began,  viz.  the  litle 
sence  (I  speak  for  the  generall)  (that  I  can  heare  of)  of 
their  soules  condition  and  our  large  protestations  that  way 
&c.  The  generall  speech  is,  all  must  be  rooted  out  &c. 
The  body  of  the  Pequin  men  yet  live,  and  are  only  removed 
from  their  dens.  The  good  Lord  grant,  that  the  Mow- 
haugs  and  they  and  the  tohole  at  the  last  unite  not.  For 
mine  owneipart  I  cannot  be  without  suspicions  of  it. 

Sir,  I  thankfully  expect  a  litle  of  your  helpe  (in  a  way 
of  justice  and  sequitie)  concerning  another  un[just]  debtor 
of  mine,  M*^  Ludlow,  from  whom  allso  (in  mine  absence) 
I  [have]  much  suffered.  The  good  Lord  smile  upon  you 
and  yours  in  the  face  of  his  annointed.' 

Your  worships  unworthy 

R.  W. 

[In  transcribing  the  foregoing  letter,  much  uncertainty  was  felt,  at 
leveral  passages,  from  the  failure  of  the  texture  of  Che  paper  and  the 
disappearance  of  the  ink.  But  confidence  is  felt  in  the  copy  of  every 
word,  except  the  Italicized  ones.  A  small  part  of  the  paper  is  lost, 
where  was,  probably,  given  what  is  here  inserted  in  [  ]. 

The  well  known  hand  of  the  first  Governor  Winthrop,  to  whom,  with- 
out possibility  of  doubt,  the  letter  was  addressed,  has  labelled  it,  —  "  M' 
W"'  about  Wequash  and  the  Neipnetts." 

For  the  year  of  writing,  we  may  find  adequate  proof  in  favor  of  1637.  , 
It  is  seen  that  the  date  is  15*^  of  5^^  month,  or  July.  That  day  was 
Saturday.  We  learn  from  Winthrop's  History,  I.  232,  that  Juane- 
mo  (or  Ayanemo,  as  he  spells  the  name)  had  in  that  year  come  to 
Boston,  and  made  certain  propositions,  to  which  answer  was  promised 
on  the  next  day.  The  first  day  mentioned  was  12  of  5,  which  was  Wed- 
nesday. Difficulties  occurring  on  the  assigned  day,  the  Sachem  was 
not  dismissed,  lovingly,  until  Friday,  and  then  with  written  instruc- 
tions to  our  friends  in  the  neighbouring  colony  how  to  treat  him.  He 
could  not,  therefore,  before  Sunday,  well  deliver  his  despatches  to  Wil- 
liams, whose  reply  to  the  instructions,  given  in  the  postscript,  was 
written  on  Monday,  probably,  though  the  date  of  this  part  of  the  letter 
is  not  given. 

Both  Wequash  and  Juanemo  were  unfriends,  if  not  open  enemies, 
of  Miantnnnomu.  —  2*.] 


Note.  —  This  letter  ii  not  amon^  the  papers  of  the  Winthrop  family,  but  in  the 
Library  of  the  Historicnl  Society,  and  was  received  too  late  to  be  inserted  in  its  place. 
The  remainder  of  the  Winthrop  Papers  will  be  published  in  the  next  volume. 


OFFICERS 


or   THE 


MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


EL£CT£D  APRIL  24,  1845. 


PRESIDENT. 

Hon.  JAMES  SAVAGE,  LL.  D. 

BECOEDINO   SECRETABY. 

JOSEPH  WILLARD,  Esq. 

COREESFONDINO   SECRETARY. 

Rev.  CHARLES  LOWELL,  D.  D. 

LIBRARIAN. 

Rev.   JOSEPH  B.   FELT. 

ASSISTANT   LIBRARIAN. 

Rev.  LUCIUS  R.   PAIGE. 

TREASUBEB. 

PELEG  W.   CHANDLER,  Esq. 

CAB1NET-KEEPEB. 

ISAAC  P.  DAVIS,  Esq. 

STANDING  COMMITTEE. 

Hon.  FRANCIS  C.  GRAY,   LL.  D. 
Rev.   CONVERS  FRANCIS,  D.  D. 
Rev.   ALEXANDER  YOUNG. 
GEORGE  TICKNOR,  Esq. 
JOSEPH   WILLARD,  Esq. 


• 


RESIDENT   MExMBERS, 


IN  THE  ORDER  OF  THEIR  ELECTION. 


Hon.  John  Davis,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  JosiAH  QuiNCY,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  John  Quincy  Adams,  LL.  D. 
Rev.  John  Pierce,  D.  D. 
Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  James  Savage,  LL.  D. 
Rev.  Charles  Lowell,  D.  D. 
Hon.  Francis  C.  Gray,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  John  Pickering,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  Nahvm  Mitchell. 
Benjamin  R.  Nichols,  Esq. 
Hon.  Nathan  Hale. 
Rev.  Samuel  Ripley. 
Hon.  Edward  Everett,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  James  C.  Merrill. 
Rev.  William  Jenks,  D.  D. 
Rev.  John  G.  Palfrey,  D.  D. 
Jared  Sparks,  LL.  D. 
Benjamin  Merrill,  LL.  D. 
Joseph  E.  Worcester,  Esq. 
Joseph  Willard,  Esq. 
Lemuel  Shattuck,  Esq. 
Isaac  P.  Davis,  Esq. 
Rev.  Joseph  B.  Felt. 
Hon.  Lemuel  Shaw,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  James  T.  Austin,  LL.  D. 
Rev.  Convers  Francis,  D.  D. 
Hon.  John  Welles. 
Rev.  Charles  W.  Upham. 
George  Ticknor,  Esq. 


Rev.  John  Codman,  D.  D. 

Hon.  George  Bancroft,  LL.  D. 

Hon.  Nathan  Appleton. 

Hon.  RuFus  Choate,  LL.  D. 

Hon.  John  G.  King. 

Rev.  Alexander  Young. 

Hon.  Daniel  A.  White,  LL.  D. 

William  Gibbs,  Esq. 

Josiah  Bartlett,  M.  D. 

Hon.  Simon  Greenleaf,  LL.  D. 

Hon.  Francis  Baylies. 

William  H.  Prescott,  LL.  D. 

Hon.  Robert  C.  Winthrop. 

Rev.  Alvan  Lamson,  D.  D. 

Hon.  Nathaniel  Morton  Davis. 

Hon.  Charles  P^rancis  Adams. 

Hon.  Samuel  Hoar,  LL.  D. 

Rev.  William  P.  Lunt. 

Rev.  George  E.  Ellis. 

Hon.  John  C.  Gray. 

Rev.  Nathaniel  Frothingham,  D.  D. 

George  S.  Hillard,  Esq. 

Hon.  William  Mindt. 

Peleg  W.  Chandler,  fisq. 

Rev.  George  W.  Blagden. 

Rev.  Lucius  R.  Paige. 

Hon.  Solomon  Lincoln. 

Rev.  Chandler  Robbins. 

Francis  Bowen,  Esq. 

Rev.  John  L.  Sibley. 


COLLECTIONS 


OF   THK 


MASSACHUSETTS 


HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


VOL.    X. 
OF    THE    THIRD    SERIES. 


BOSTON: 
PUBLISHED     BY    THE    SOCIETY 

1849. 


CAMBRIDGE: 

MKTCALr  AND  COMPANY, 

PH1NTBR8  TU  TU8  UMlVKRhlTT. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

The  Winthrop  P&pers 1 

More  GleaniDgs  for  New  England  History,  by  James  Savage     .  127 

Suffolk  Emigrants,  by  Joseph  Hunter 147 

Lion  Gardiner 173 

Memoir  of  Hon.  John  Davis,  LL.  D.,  by  Con  vers  Francis               .  186 

Memoir  of  Hon.  John  Pickering,  LL.  D.,  by  William  H.  Prescott  204 

Memoir  of  William  Lincoln,  by  Joseph  Willard  225 

Resident  Members «  236 

General  Table  of  Contents  of  the  Ten  Volumes  of  the  Third  Series, 

methodically  arranged 237 

Index  of  Authors 244 

A  Chronological  Table  of  the  Most  Remarkable  Events  recorded 

in  the  Ten  Volumes 248 

General  Index  to  the  Ten  Volumes  of  the  Third  Series         .         .  265 

Officers  of  the  Society    ........  358 

Resident  Members '       .         .  359 


COMMITTEE     OF     PUBLICATION. 

Hon.  FRANCIS  C.  GRAY,  LL.  D. 

Hon.  ROBERT  C.  WINTHROP,  LL.  D. 

Hon.  CHARLES   F.  ADAMS. 

Rev.  NATHANIEL  L.  FROTHINGHAM,  S.  T.  D. 


HISTORICAL    COLLECTIONS. 


THE    WINTHROP   PAPERS. 


LII. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

For  my  much   honored  kind  friend  M'  John  Winthrop  at 
Pequt. 

Providence  July  12.  54  (so  call'd). 

Sir,  I  was  humbly  bold  to  salute  you  from  our  native 
countrey  and  now  by  the  gracious  hand  of  the  Lord  once 
more  saluting  this  wildemes  I  crave  your  wonted  Patience 
to  my  wonted  Boldnes,  who  ever  honored  and  loved  and 
ever  shall  the  Roote  and  Branches  of  youre  deare  name. 
How  joyfull  therefore  was  I  to  heare  of  youre  abode  as  a 
Stake  and  Pillar  in  these  parts  and  of  youre  healths,  youre 
owne,  M"  Winthrop  and  youre  branches,  although  some  sad 
mixtures  we  have  had  from  the  sad  tidings  (if  true)  of  youre 
late  losse  and  cutting  off  of  one  of  them. 

Sir,  I  was  lately  upon  the  wing  to  have  waited  on  you  at 
youre  house:  I  had  disposed  all  for  my  journey,  and  my 
staff  was  in  my  hand,  but  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  interpose 
some  impediments,  so  that  I  am  compelled  to  a  suspension 
for  a  season  and  choose  at  present  thus  to  visit  you.  I  had 
no  letters  for  you  :  but  yours  were  well.  I  was  at  the  lodg- 
ings of  Major  Winthrop  and  M'  Peters,  but  I  mist  them : 
Youre  brother  flourisheth  in  good  esteeme,  and  is  eminent  for 
maintaining  the  Freedome  of  the  Conscience  as  to  matters 

VOL.   X.  1 


2  The  Wintkrop  Papers. 

of  Beliefe,  Religion  and  Worship.  Youre  Father  Peters, 
preacheth  the  same  Doctrine  though  not  so  zealously  as 
some  yeares  since  yet  cries  out  against  New  English  Rigid- 
ities and  Persecutions;  their  civil  injuries  and  wrongs  to 
himselfe,  and  their  unchristian  dealing  with  him  in  excom- 
municating his  distracted  wife :  All  this  he  tould  me  in  his 
lodgings  at  Whitehall,  those  lodgings  which  I  was  tould 
were  Canterburies,  but  he  himselfe  tould  me  that  that  Li- 
brary, wherein  we  were  together,  was  Canterburies  and 
given  him  by  the  Parliament :  His  wife  lives  from  him  not 
wholy  but  much  distracted.  He  tells  me  he  had  but  200 
a  yeare,  and  he  allowed  her  4  score  per  annum  of  it :  Surely 
Sir  the  most  holy  Lord  is  most  wise  in  all  the  trialls  he  exer- 
ciseth  his  people  with.  He  tould  me  that  his  affliction  from 
his  wife  stird  him  up  to  Action  abroad,  and  when  successe 
tempted  him  to  Pride,  the  Bitternes  in  his  bozome  comforts 
was  a  Cooler  and  a  Bridle  to  him. 

Surely  Sir  youre  Father  and  all  the  people  of  God  in 
England,  formerly  called  Puritanus  ^nglicanuSj  of  late 
Roundheads^  now  the  Sectarians  (as  more  or  lesse  cut  of 
from  the  Parishes)  they  are  now  in  the  sadle  and  at  the 
helme,  so  high  that  non  datur  descensus  nisi  cadendo: 
Some  cheere  up  their  spirits  with  the  impossibilitie  of  an- 
other fall  or  tume,  so  doth  Major  G.  Harrison  (and  M'  Feake 
and  ]Vr  John  Simson  now  in  Winsor  Castle  for  preaching 
against  this  last  change  and  against  the  Protectour  as  an 
Usurper  Richard  3.  &c:  So  did  many  thinck  of  the  last 
Pariiament  who  were  of  the  vote  of  56  against  Priests  and 
Tithes,  opposite  to  the  vote  of  the  54  who  were  for  them 
at  least  for  a  while :  Major  G.  Harrison  was  the  2*^  in  the 
nation  of  late  when  the  Lord  Gen^  and  himselfe  joined  against 
the  former  long  Parliament  and  dissolved  them :  but  now 
being  the  head  of  the  56  Partie  he  was  confined  by  the 
Protector  and  Councell  within  5  mile  of  his  Fathers  house 
in  Staffordshire :  That  sentence  he  not  obeying  he  tould 
me  (the  day  before  my  leaving  London)  he  was  to  be  sent 
prisoner  into  Harfordshire :  Surely  Sir  he  is  a  verj'  gallant 
most  deserving  heavenly  man,  but  most  high  flowne  for  the 
Kingdome  of  the  Saints,  and  the  5'^  Monarchic  now  risen, 
and  their  sun  never  to  set  againe  &c.  Others  as  to  my 
knowledge  the  Protector :   Lord  President  Lawrence  and 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  3 

others  at  helme,  with  Sir  Henry  Vane  (retired  into  Lincoln- 
shire yet  dayly  mist  and  courted  for  his  assistance,)  they  are 
not  so  full  of  that  faith  of  miracles,  but  still  imagine  changes 
and  persecutions  and  the  very  slaughter  of  the  witnesses 
before  that  glorious  morning  so  much  desired  of  a  worldly 
kingdome,  if  ever  such  a  kingdome  (as  literally  it  is  by  so 
many  expounded)  be  to  arise  in  this  present  world  and  dis- 
pensation. Sir  I  know  not  how  far  youre  judgment  hath 
concur'd  with  the  designe  against  the  Dutch.  I  must  ac- 
knowledge my  mourning  for  it,  and  when  I  heard  of  it  at 
Portsmouth,  1  confesse  I  wrote  letters  to  the  Protector  and 
President  from  thence  as  against  a  most  uningenuous  and 
unchristian  designe  at  such  a  time  when  the  world  stood 
gazing  at  the  so  famous  treatie  for  Peace,  which  was  then 
between  the  2  states  and  neere  finished  when  we  set  saile : 
Much  I  can  tell  you  of  the  answere  1  had  from  Court  and 
I  thinck  of  the  answers  1  had  from  heaven  viz  :  that  the 
Lord  w^ould  graciously  retard  us  untill  the  tidings  of  Peace 
might  (from  England)  quench  the  fire  in  the  kindling  of  it. 
Sir  I  mourne  that  any  of  our  parts  were  so  madly  inju- 
rious to  trouble  yours :  I  pitie  poore  Sabando  :  I  yet  have 
hopes  in  God  that  we  shall  be  more  loving  and  peaceable 
neighbours.  I  had  word  from  the  Lord  President  to  Ports- 
mouth that  the  Councell  had  past  3  letters  as  to  our  busi- 
ness. First  to  incourage  us :  2  to  our  neighboure  colonies 
not  to  molest  us :  3  in  exposition  of  that  word  Dominion  in 
the  late  frame  of  the  Government  of  England  viz  :  that  lib- 
ertie  of  conscience  should  be  maintained  in  all  American 
Plantations  &c.  Sir  a  great  man  in  America  tould  me  that 
he  thought  New  England  would  not  beare  it :  I  hope  bet- 
ter and  that  not  only  the  Necessitie  but  the  Equitie  Pietie 
and  Christianitie  of  that  freedome  will  more  and  more  shine 
forth :  not  to  licentiousnes  (as  all  mercies  are  apt  to  be 
abused)  but  to  the  beautie  of  Christianitie  and  the  lustre  of 
true  faith  in  God  and  love  to  poore  mankind  &c. 

Sir  I  have  desires  of  keeping  home.  I  have  long  had 
scruples  of  selling  the  Natives  ought  but  what  may  bring  or 
tend  to  civilizing :  I  therefore  neither  brought  nor  shall  sell 
them  loose  coats  nor  breeches :  It  pleased  the  Lord  to  call 
me  for  some  time  and  with  some  persons  to  practice  the 
Hebrew,  the  Greeke,  Latine,  French  and  Dutch:     The 


4  The  WifUhrop  Papers. 

Secretarie  of  the  Councell,  (M'  Milton)  for  my  Dutch  I  read 
him,  read  me  many  more  Languages  :  Grammar  rules  be- 
gin to  be  esteemd  a  Tyrannie.  I  taught  2  young  Gentle- 
men a  Parliament  mans  sons  (as  we  teach  our  children 
English)  by  words  phrazes  and  constant  talke  &c.  I  have 
begun  with  mine  owne  3  boys  (who  laboure  besides)  oth- 
ers are  coming  to  me :  Sir  I  shall  rejoice  to  receave  a  word 
of  youre  heaUhs  —  of  the  Indian  wars,  and  to  be  ever  youres 

R  W. 
Sir  I  pray  seale  and  send  the  inclosed. 


LIIL 

Roger  IVUliams  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

For  his  much  honored  kind  friend  M'  Winthrop  at  Pequt 
—  these. 

Providence  9.  8.  54  (so  calld). 

Sir  I  was  lately  sadded  to  heare  of  some  barbarous  deal- 
ing to  youre  prejudice  on  youre  Hand :  I  am  againe  sadded 
with  the  tidings  of  weakenes  in  youre  Family,  and  I  hope 
you  are  sadded  with  me  at  this  Fire  which  now  is  kindling, 
the  fire  of  Gods  wrath  and  jealousie,  which  if  God  gra- 
ciously quench  not,  may  burne  to  the  foundacions  both  of 
Indians  and  English  together.  I  have  (upon  the  first  sound 
of  this  Fire)  presented  considerations  to  the  General  Court 
of  Massachusets  Major  Willyard  tells  me,  he  saw  them  not 
(the  Court  not  yet  setting)  therefore  I  have  presented  him 
with  a  copie  of  them,  which  (upon  opportunitie  and  desire) 
I  presume  you  may  command  the  sight  of:  I  have  therein 
had  occasion  to  mencion  youre  Precious  Peacemaking 
Father :  Sir  some  of  the  souldiers  said  here  that  tis  true 
the  Narigansetts  had  yet  killd  no  English  but  they  had 
killd  200  of  M'  Winthrops  goats,  and  that  it  was  read  in 
Boston  meeting  house  that  M'  Winthrop  was  robd  and  un- 
done and  flying  from  the  place  unles  succour  were  sent  him  : 
I  hope  to  heare  otherwise,  and  that  notwithstanding  any 
private  losse,  yet  that  noble  spirit  of  youre  Father  still  lives 
in  you  and  will  still  worck  (if  possible)  to  quench  this  de- 


I%e  Winlkrap  Papers.  5 

vouring  fire  in  the  kindling:  I  am  not  yet  without  hopes 
but  it  may  please  the  God  of  Peace  and  Father  of  mercies 
to  create  peace  for  us,  and  by  this  flame  to  inflame  our 
hearts  more  with  love  to  him  and  foelicities  in  him  which 
neither  sword  nor  famine  nor  pestilence  can  take  from  us, 
which  (however  otherwise  he  deale  with  us)  will  abundant- 
ly compensate  all  their  shakings  below  though  '(seemingly 
great  and  fundamentall  to  us :  Sir  with  my  cordiall  respects 
to  you  both  —  I  am  yourse  in  all  service  of  Love  unfained 

R  W. 


LIV. 

Sir  Kenelme  Digby  to  John  fVinthrop,  Jr. 

To  my  honored  frind  John  Wintrop  Esq'  In  new  Eng- 
land. 

Most  honored  Sir, 

Meeting  w'*"  so  good  a  meanes  of  writing  to  you  as  by 
the  fauourable  conueyance  of  M'  Downing,  I  would  not 
lett  it  escape  me  without  saluting  you,  to  reuiue  me  in  y'  re- 
membrance, and  to  wittnesse  to  you  that  j  retaine  faithfully 
the  respects  j  haue  euer  had  for  you  since  j  haue  had  the 
happinesse  to  be  acquainted  w^*"  y'  great  worth.  I  hoped 
that  att  my  coming  into  England,  j  should  haue  had  the 
comfort  of  finding  you  here :  w""**  j  assure  you  would  haue 
swelled  in  a  very  high  measure  all  the  other  blessinges  that 
God  Almighty  hath  welcomed  me  home  withall.  I  hope  it 
will  not  be  long  before  this  Hand,  y'  natiue  country,  do 
enioy  y'  much  desired  presence.  I  pray  for  it  hartily. 
And  j  am  confident  that  y'  great  iudgem^  and  noble  desire 
of  doing  the  most  good  to  mankinde  that  you  may  (w*"*"  is 
the  high  principle  that  ought  to  goueme  our  outward  ac- 
tions) will  prompt  you  to  make  as  much  hast  hither  as  you 
can.  Where  you  are,  is  too  scanty  a  stage  for  you  to  re- 
maine  too  long  vpon.  It  was  a  well  chosen  one,  when  there 
were  inconueniencies  for  y'  fixing  vpon  this.  But  now  that 
all  is  here  as  you  could  wish ;  all  that  know  you,  do  expect 
of  you  that  you  should  exercise  your  vertues  where  they 


6  The  Winlhrop  Papers. 

may  be  of  most  aduantage  to  the  world,  and  where  you  may 
do  most  good  to  most  men.  If  j  durst  be  so  bold,  j  would 
adde  my  earaest  prayres  to  the  other  stronger  considera- 
tions, and  beg  of  you  to  delay  no  further  time  in  making 
y""  owne  country  happy  by  returning  to  it.  I  craue  pardon 
of  you  for  this  boldnesse ;  w'^  my  great  affection  to  you, 
(and  indeed,  loue  of  myselfe)  hath  made  me  venture  vpon. 
Beleeue  j  beseech  you  Sir,  that  j  am,  w'''  all  sincerity  and 
reality 

Honored  Sir 

Y'  most  humble  and  most  faithfull  seruant 

Kenelme  Digby. 
London  the  last  of  January  165*. 

[Labelled,  "  S'  Kenelme  Digby."] 


LV. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  Honor^  freind  John  Winthrop  Esq'  these  present  at 
Pequot. 

Hon^  Sir) 

Your  welcome  lines,  dat"*  Jan^  16,  I  received,  by  this  In- 
dian, and  read,  with  gladnes,  giving  thancks  to  God  and 
you.  To  God  ;  for  your  health,  and  the  health  of  your  fam- 
ily, and  towne.  To  you  ;  for  your  loving  remembrance  of 
me,  and  myne,  and  for  your  mindfullnes  to  prepare  for  us 
against  the  fitt  season,  as  also  for  my  brother  Hooke,  who 
returneth,  by  my  pen,  hearty  thancks  for  your  respects 
towards  him,  which  I  signifyed  unto  him.  The  winter  hath 
bene  extraordinarily  long,  and  sharpe,  and  sickly  among  us. 
Sundry  have  bene  afflicted  with  paine  in  theyre  heads,  and 
sides,  and  stoppings  at  theyre  breasts ;  some  were  taken 
with  greate  cold  and  shyvering :  others  with  sweating,  but 
most  with  inward  cold.  Some  are  taken  away,  by  death, 
viz.  4  of  this  church,  and  some  of  the  Towne,  besides  chil- 
dren :  bat  most  are  restored  to  health  againe,  though  slow- 
ly. Your  presence  with  us,  this  winter,  might  have  bene, 
by  the  providence  of  God,  a  greate  blessing  to  the  whole 
towne.     I  hope,  the  season  will  shortly  be  altered,  and  then 


The  fVinlhrap  Papers.  7 

I  desire  that  we  may  proceed  unto  further  use  of  ineanes, 
for  the  perfecting  of  what  remaines  to  be  attended,  in  order 
to  my  health,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  whereby  I  found  some 
good,  as  I  apprehend,  in  the  strengthning  of  my  spirits  for 
performance  of  my  ministerial  worke,  this  winter,  with  some 
abatement  of  one  cause  of  my  weaknes,  whereof  I  gave  you 
notice,  though  it  still  abideth  with  me,  in  some  degree.  My 
familye  hath  bene  kept  from  the  comon  sicknes  in  this 
towne,  by  the  goodnes  and  mercy  of  Grod,  this  winter,  onely 
Edmund,  my  man  servant,  hath  bene  exercised  with  it, 
neare  unto  death,  but  he  is  now,  through  the  mercy  of  (Jod, 
in  an  hopefuU  way  of  recovery.  I  have  received  some  let- 
ters from  England,  in  Trumbolls  vessel,  whereby  I  perceive 
that  things  are  there  in  a  doubtfull  state,  and,  because  I 
should  be  too  taedious,  if  I  should  relate  particulars,  I  send 
you,  by  this  bearer,  such  books  of  Intelligence,  as  were 
sent  me,  and  in  the  same  you  will  find  inclosed  some  notes 
of  the  cases  of  some  among  us,  who  desire  to  improve  this 
opportunity  to  crave  your  advice  and  helpe.  It  is  a  singu- 
lar fruit  of  Gods  favour  to  you  that  he  is  pleased  to  make 
you  his  instrument  in  doing  good  to  many.  Yet  I  would 
not  that  your  family  should  be  indammaged  thereby,  which 
cannot  be  without  guilt  of  unthanckfullnes  in  them,  who 
retume  not  according  to  the  benefit  received.  The  fleete 
IS  gone  from  England  for  Hispaniola,  M^  Winslow  is  one  of 
the  councell,  not  governour  for  aught  I  can  leame.  The 
small  poxe  hath  bene  the  death  of  many  in  England,  and 
the  spotted  Feaver.  Capt.  Astwood  of  Millford  is  there 
dead  having  first  taken  a  great  cold,  after  his  arrival,  where- 
upon he  was  smitten  with  a  dead  palsey,  on  one  side,  of 
which  he  dyed.  I  hope,  we  shall  injoy  your  much  desired 
company,  with  M"  Winthrop,  at  our  house,  sometime  this 
moneth,  where  you  may  be  assured  of  hearty  welcom,  as 
the  best  part  of  your  entertainment.  The  Lond  Jesus  dwell 
with  you  in  peace,  and  loving  kindnes !  to  whose  grace  I 
recommend  you  and  yours  affectionately,  with  respective 
salutacons  of  youselfe  and  M"  Winthrop  and  M"  Lake  in 
boath  our  names.    I  rest  in  him 

Ypurs  obliged  John  Davenporte. 

M"  Disborough,  and  good  man  Jones  of  Gillford,  dyed  of 
the  small  poxe  in  England  or  Scottland. 


8  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

M"  Bressey,  a  member  of  this  church,  hath  buryed  3 
children,  in  a  moneth,  of  the  small  poxe,  in  England,  yet, 
its  thought,  by  some,  that  the  3^  child  dyed  of  the  plague, 
as  M"  Evance  informeth  me,  but  M"  Bressey,  in  her  letter 
to  me,  saith,  they  all  dyed  of  the  small  poxe.  I  find  my 
selfe  somewhat  weaker,  in  my  spirits,  and  in  my  backe, 
since  our  last  fast,  which  was  10  dales  ago. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Davenport"     No  date.     March  10,  165f] 


LVI. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  the  Right  worship"  his  worthily  much  Honourd  freind 
John  Winthrop  Esq'  these  present  in  [Pequod]. 

Honour'^  Sir) 

It  troubled  me,  not  a  lide,  that  the  want  of  a  pillion  to 
carry  my  wife,  and  of  horses  to  bring  us  back  from  brother 
Molethrops,  and  some  buisenes  to  be  attended,  by  ap- 
pointm',  at  3  a  clock  that  afternoone,  in  the  towne,  com- 
pelled us  to  part  from  you,  at  the  water-side,  whom  we  pur- 
posed to  accompany  unto  his  farme.  But  I  hope  the  Lord 
brought  you  safe  and  well  to  your  family,  and  there  com- 
forted you  with  the  effects  of  his  good  providence,  towards 
yours,  in  theyre  wellfare.  M'  Samuell  Eaton  and  his  wife 
returned  lately  from  Hartford,  where  they  were  boath  ill : 
they  say,  its  thought  that  aire  is  infected,  at  present.  Sun- 
dry have  bene  exercised  with  a  distemper  like  to  that  which 
prevailed  here,  the  last  winter,  but  they  are  in  an  hopefull 
way  of  recovery :  and  Captaine  Conant  is  better,  they  have 
putt  such  houshold  stuffe  as  they  shall  have  use  of,  into 
a  vessel  bound  hitherward,  purposing  to  keepe  house  here. 
The  3  weekes  during  which  you  purposed  to  be  absent  from 
us,  are  now  expired :  therefore  here  is  now  a  general  ex- 
pectation of  your  returne  :  for  which  cause  brother  Mole- 
throp  is  sent,  to  waite  upon  you,  or  to  know  the  precise 
time  thereof,  that  horses  may  be  seasonably  sent,  to  meete 
you,  at  the  Rivers  mouth  (so  many  as  may  suite  your  fam- 


The  Winthrap  Papers.  9 

fly)  and  that  something  may  be  done  towards  the  fitting  of 
youre  house  for  theyre  entertainm'.  My  earaest  and  hearty 
desire  is  that  you  would  be  pleased  to  accept  this  Townes 
offer,  and  to  settle  your  habitacon  among  us,  though  you 
should  dwell  here  but  some  part  of  the  yeare,  and  another 
part  of  it  at  Pequod,  or  wheresoever  else  your  occasions 
may  invite  you  to  be.  My  wife  joyneth  with  me  in  that 
request,  and  in  presenting  respective  and  affectionate  salu- 
tacons  to  your  selfe,  with  M"  Winthrop  and  M"  Lake,  and 
she  prayeth  you  to  be  assured  that  any  thing  we  have  shall 
be  at  your  service.  Sister  Glover  newly  returned  from  Long 
Island  puts  us  in  feare  that  you  are  in  some  thoughts  about 
transporting  your  family  to  the  Baye,  or  to  Connectacut,  but 
I  cannot  believe  either,  though  I  believe  you  may  be  invited 
to  boath.  I  hope  that  this  messenger  will  put  a  period  to 
all  such  intimacons,  either  by  your  personal  retume  with 
him  hither,  or  by  some  letter  from  you  certifying  the  deter- 
mined time,  when  we  may  expect  you.  For  you  freely 
promised  to  stay  with  us,  at  least,  a  moneth  or  6  weekes, 
this  spring,  for  the  carrying  on  further  what  you  have  begun 
m  my  case  and  M"  Hopkinses  &c.  Then  we  shall  have 
opportunity  of  conferring,  de  futuris.  In  the  meane  time, 
and  ever,  the  good  Lord  recompence  all  your  labour  of  love 
an  100  fold  unto  you,  and  your  family,  and  make  your  jour- 
ney to  us  speedy  and  prosperous !     In  whom  I  rest 

Your  obliged  and  thanckfuU  freind  and  servant 
in  any  office  of  love  John  Davenporte. 

Newhaven  this  14'*  day  of  f  2^  m.  1655. 

M'  Pell,  they  say,  reports  at   Millford   that  the  Dutch 
Governo''  is  slaine  by  Spaniards,  sed  ubi,  quomodo,  quando, 
quare,  nondum  constat, 
verte  folium. 

Postscript  —  upon  a  confident  report  that  you  was  gone 
to  the  Baye,  bro.  Molethrop  staid,  and  so  my  letter,  though 
sealed,  was  not  sent.  Yesterday,  another  report  said  that 
a  pinnas  was  sent  from  the  Baye  to  fetch  you,  but  you 
could  not  goe,  being  hindred  by  sicknes.  This  report  ex- 
cited me  to  speake  with  our  Governo'  that  one  might  be 
sent  speedily,  and,  I  hope,  bro :  Molethrop  will  be  pro- 
cured to  be  our  messenger,  also  it  occasioned  my  opening 

VOL.   X.  2 


10  The  Wintkrop  Papers. 

of  ray  letter  againe,  and  adding  this  postscript  to  certifye 
you  that  I  both  pray  and  long  to  heare  of  your  recovery, 
and  have  good  hope,  through  the  mercy  of  God  in  Christ 
Jesus,  that  you  shall  live  to  doe  him  much  more  service  in 
the  land  of  the  living.  Onely  let  us  know  how  it  is  with 
you  speedily,  and  when  we  shall  expect  you  and  what  you 
will  have  done  about  the  house  and  lot,  and  be  assured 
that  you  are  in  our  hearts  and  in  my  prayers  that  your  sod 
may  be  bound  up  in  the  bundle  of  life  with  the  Lord  our 
God,  in  Jesus  Christ,  your  Lord  and  ours,  in  whom  I  rest. 

This  19'*  d.  of  the  2^  m.  1655. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Davenport"] 


LVII. 

Roger  Williams  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

To  my  honoured  kmd  friend  M'  Winthrop  at  Pequt  —  these 
present. 

Providence  the  26.  2. 55  (so  calld). 

Sir  Loving  respects  to  you  both  presented  wishing  you  a 
joyfull  spring,  after  all  youre  sad  and  gloomie,  sharpe  and 
bitter  winter  blasts  and  snowes  :  Sir  one  of  youre  friends 
among  the  Nariganset  Sachims,  Meiksah  sends  this  mes- 
senger unto  me  and  prayes  me  to  write  to  you  for  youre 
heipe  about  a  gun  which  Kittdtteash  Onchas  his  son  hath 
lately  taken  from  this  bearer  Ahanausquatuck  out  of  his 
howse  at  Pawchauquet :  He  will  not  owne  any  offence  he 
gave  him,  but  that  he  is  subject  to  Meiksah  though  possibly 
Kittateash  may  alleadge  other  causes  yea  and  true  allso : 
I  doubt  not  of  your  loving  eye  on  the  matter,  as  God  shall 
please  to  give  you  opportunitie :  Sir  the  last  first  day  di- 
vers of  Boston  (merchants)  were  with  me  (about  Sear- 
geant  Halsey  run  from  Boston  hither  and  a  woman  after 
him  who  layes  her  great  belly  to  him)  They  tell  me  that 
by  a  barke  come  from  Virginia  they  are  informed  of  Gods 
mercifull  hand  in  the  safe  arrivall  of  Major  Sedgwick  and 
that  fleete   from   the  West  of  England,  and  that  Gen: 


The  fVinthrap  Papers.  1 1 

Pen  was  not  yet  gone  out  but  riding  (all  things  ready)  in 
Tor  Bay,  waiting  for  the  word,  and  by  letters  from  good 
and  great  friends  in  England  I  understand  there  are  like  to 
be  great  agitacions  in  this  countrie  if  that  fleete  succeede. 

Sir  a  hue  and  crie  come  to  my  hand  lately  from  the  Grov- 
emoure  at  Boston  after  2  youths  one  runn  from  Captaine 
Oliver  whorae  I  lighted  on  and  have  returned,  another  from 
James  Bill  of  Boston  who  I  heare  past  through  our  towne 
and  said  he  was  bound  for  Pequt,  his  name  is  James  Pitnie, 
he  hath  on  a  blackish  coate  and  hat  and  a  pair  of  greenish 
breeches  and  greene  knit  stockins :  I  would  now  (with 
very  many  thanks)  have  returned  you  youre  Jesuits  maxims 
but  I  was  loath  to  trust  them  in  so  wild  a  hand,  nor  some 
tidings  which  I  have  from  England  :  These  merchants  tell 
me  that  Blake  was  gone  againest  the  Duke  of  Legome  and 
had  sent  for  1 0  frigots  more :  Sir  the  God  of  peace  fill 
youre  soule  with  that  strange  kind  of  peace  which  passeth 
all  understandinge    So  prayes  Sir 

Youre  unworthy  R.  W. 


LVIIL 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthropj  Jr. 

To  the  R*  Worship"  his  much  Honoured  freind  John  Win- 
throp  Esq'  these  present  in  Pequot. 

Sir, 

Joseph  Alsop  being  now  returned  from  the  Baye,  we 
have  taken  the  1"^  opportunity  of  sending  him,  with  his  ves- 
sel, to  accomodate  youre  much  desired  transportacon,  with 
your  family,  unto  us.  Be  pleased  to  accept  this  as  a  testi- 
mony of  the  reality  and  fervency  of  our  desire  to  enjoy  your 
much  longed  for,  and  worthily  much  esteemed  presence  with 
us,  and  to  favour  us  with  a  suitable  answer,  in  assurance  that 
none  can  be  more  welcom  hither,  than  you  and  yours,  nor 
can  you  and  they  be  more  welcom  to  any  then  to  us*  Sir, 
I  have  received  from  England  almost  all  the  particulars  you 
appointed  me  to  wright  for,  which  I  desire  you  may  see 
and  dispose  of  as  you  shall  find  best    Salute  M"  Winthrop 


12  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

and  M"  Lake  affectionately  in  boath  our  names.  My  sonne 
presents  his  humble  service  to  you.  The  good  Lord  rec- 
ompence  all  your  labours  of  love  towards  me  an  100  fold, 
and  make  your  passage  safe,  speedy  and  comfortable  !  In 
whom  I  rest 

Sir,  yours  to  honour  and  serve  you  in  the  Lord 

John  Davenport. 

JSTewhaven  the  &^  day  of  the  b  month  1 655. 

My  wife  hath  not  bene  well,  but  weake  and  feeble-spirit- 
ed this  weeke. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Davenport."] 


LIX. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

To  his  Honoured  freind  John  Winthrop,  Esq™,  these  pre- 
sent, in  Pequot. 

Hon'^  Sir  —  We  did  earnestly  expect  your  coming  hither, 
with  M"  Winthrop  and  your  familie,  the  last  light  moone, 
according  to  your  purpose  signified  to  us,  having  also  intel- 
ligence that  a  vessel  wayted  upon  you,  at  Pequot,  for  that 
end,  and  were  thereby  encouraged  to  provide  your  house, 
that  it  might  be  fitted,  in  some  measure,  for  your  comforta- 
ble dwelling  in  it,  this  winter. 

My  wife  was  not  wanting  in  her  endeavours  to  set  all 
wheeles  on  going,  all  hands,  that  she  could  procure,  on 
worke,  that  you  might  finde  all  things  to  your  satisfaction. 
Though  she  could  not  accomplish  her  desires,  to  the  full ; 
yet  she  proceeded  as  farr  as  she  could ;  whereby  many 
things  are  done,  viz.  the  house  made  warme,  the  well 
cleansed,  the  pumpe  fitted  for  your  use,  some  provision  of 
wood  is  layed  in,  and  20  loades  will  be  ready,  whensoever 
you  come :  and  sundry,  who  have  received  helpe  from  you 
have,  by  my  wife's  instigation,  prepared  30  bush,  of  wheate 
for  the  present  and  sister  Glover  hath  12fc  of  candles  ready 
for  you.    My  wife  hath  also  procured  a  maid-servant  for 


The  Winthrap  Papers.  13 

you,  who  is  reported  to  be  cleanly,  and  saving,  her  mother 
is  of  the  Church,  and  she  is  kept  from  a  place  m  Connecta- 
cut  (where  she  was  much  desired)  to  serve  you.  At  last 
Joseph  Alsop  arrived  here,  in  safety,  on  the  Lords  day, 
and,  in  the  Assembly,  gave  thancks  for  his  comfortable  pas- 
sage. By  him  I  received  (instead  of  yourselfe  and  yours, 
whose  presence  was  heartily  desired  by  us  aU)  a  letter  from 
you,  dated  on  the  day  before  his  arrival),  whereby  I  under- 
stood that  some  providences  intercurring  hindred  and  dis- 
appointed your  reall  Intentions  of  coming,  with  your  family, 
to  us,  both  before,  and  by  him.  The  hazzard  and  danger 
suspected,  you  now  see,  was  more  in  ungrounded  imagina- 
cons  of  those  who  laboured  to  hinder  your  proceeding, 
then  in  the  reality  and  trueth  of  the  cause  praetended  by 
them.  Yet  we  have  hope  that,  by  another  vessel  (I 
heare,  M'  Yongs,  ni  fallor)  you  will  be  accomodated,  for 
transportation  of  your  familve,  and  what  you  purpose  to 
bring  hither,  and  that  you  mcUne  to  improve  that  oppor- 
tunity—  whereof  I  am  glad.  Many  hands  are  daily  at 
worke  for  the  iron-buisnes :  onely  your  presence  is  want- 
ing, to  sett  all  things  in  a  right  course.  If  M"  Win- 
throp  knew  how  wellcome  she  will  be  to  us,  she  would,  I 
believe,  neglect  whatsoever  others  doe,  or  may  be  forward 
to  suggest,  for  her  discouragement.  Salute  her,  with  due 
respect,  in  my  name  and  my  wifes,  most  affectionately,  to- 
gether with  M"  Lake.  The  Lord  Jesus  pave  your  waye, 
and  make  your  journey  to  us  speedy  and  prosperous !  In 
whom  I  rest.  Sir, 

Yours  exceedingly  obliged, 

John  Davenport. 

Jfewhaven  this  22  of  the  9*  65. 

My  wife  had  a  man  in  pursuite  that  would  be  very  fitt  to 
manadge  your  Island,  and  the  motion  proceedes  in  an  hope- 
full  way,  if  a  marriage,  which  he  is  about,  dotb  not  hinder. 
My  Sonne  presents  his  humble  service  to  yourselfe  and 
M"  Winthrope. 

Sir  William  Constable,  and  M'  Tillinghast  are  taken 
away  by  death  in  England,  boath  buryed ;  the  one,  in  Lon- 
don ;  the  other,  in  Norfolke  with  great  honour.  Also  Capt. 
Fen  is  dead  at  Barbadoes,  and  BfNowel,  at  Chanes 


14  The  Wintkrop  Papers. 

Towne.  M'  Leverets  wifes  violent  aversenes  from  his  set- 
tling in  the  Colledge,  he  saith,  causeth  him  to  desist  from 
that  buisenes.  So,  that  worke  must  waite  for  a  better 
season. 

My  wife  complaineth  of  a  paine  in  the  soles  of  her  feete, 
especially  in  the  evening,  sometimes  it  bumes.  Yet  in  the 
day,  and  jafter  she  hath  bene  a  while  in  bed,  it  doth  not 
trouble  her. 

Sir)  I  thanck  you  for  the  2  bookes  you  sent  me  to  pe- 
ruse, which  I  am  reading  dilligeutly. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Davenport."] 


LX. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  worthily  much  Honoured  freind  John  Winthrope 
Esq"  these  present  in  Pequot. 

Hon^Sir) 

By  Joseph  Alsop  we  did  expect  your  arrivall,  with  your 
family,  here,  and  your  abode  with  us,  this  winter.  But,  in- 
stead of  yourselfe,  I  received  your  lines,  whereby  1  under- 
stood that  your  real  purpose  of  transporting  your  familie  was, 
contrary  to  your  expectations  wholly  dissappointed.  If  you 
knew  how  much  our  hopes  of  injoying  you  with  us  com- 
forted us,  you  would  easily  apprehend  how  much  the  frus- 
tration of  them  damped  us.  And,  if  M"  Winthrop  knew 
how  welcome  she  would  be  unto  us,  she  would  neglect 
whatsoever  others  may  suggest  to  discourage  her  from 
coming  to  us.  And,  because  I  understood,  by  Joseph  Al- 
sop, how  boysterously  some  of  your  plantation  opposed  your 
voyadge,  with  your  familie,  to  us  ward,  and  intimated  that 
the  vessel  was  rotten  and  your  lives  would  be  endangered 
by  the  voyage,  I  signified  in  a  letter  which  I  sent  to  you,  by 
Higby,  that,  on  the  Lords  day,  after  his  departure  from  Pe- 
quot, which  was  the  next  day  after  the  date  of  your  letter 
to  me,  as  I  remember,  Joseph  Alsop  gave  publick  thancks, 
in  the  Congregacon,  for  his  safe  and  comfortable  passaga 
And,  that  you  might  know  what  preparacon  was  made  for 


The  fVinthrap  Papers.  15 

your  comfortable  being  in  your  house,  this  winter,  I  shewed, 
in  the  same  letter,  how  carefull  and  active  my  wife  hath  bene 
to  procure  hands  to  prepare  your  house,  whereby  your  well 
is  cleansed,  and  a  new  pumpe  set  up,  and  the  rooms 
are  made  warme,  and  tables  with  some  chayres  are  pro- 
vided. The  20  loads  of  wood,  you  mentioned,  are  ready, 
and  some  already  laid  in.  The  rest  waite  but  for  your 
coming.  Also  30  bush,  of  wheate,  and  some  candles,  which 
together  with  other  things,  I  signify^d,  that  you  may  see, 
and  M"  Winthrop  also,  how  earnestly  your  coming  to  us  is 
expected  and  desired.  You  will  now  receive  some  further 
intelligence  from  M'  Groodyeare  concerning  the  iron-worke, 
unto  which  there  is  a  greate  forwardnes  in  the  people  gen* 
erally,  which,  it  seemes,  is  somewhat  checked  by  your  ab- 
sence, at  this  time.  Sir)  I  thanck  you  for  the  bookes  you 
sent  me  to  reade,  which  I  am  dilligently  perusing.  My  wife 
tooke  care  of  your  apples,  that  they  may  be  kept  safe  from 
the  frost,  that  M"  Winthrop  might  have  the  benefit  of  them. 
Now  the  Lord  pave  your  way  to  us,  and  make  your  journey 
safe  comfortable  and  prosperous !    In  whom  I  rest 

Yours  exceedingly  obliged 

JoHic  Davenporte. 
JVIewhaven  tf  last  of  j/'Q^  55. 

Sir)  I  forgate  to  give  you  notice,  that  my  wife  hath  pro- 
vided for  M"  Winthrop  a  cleanly  thrifty  maide-servant,  sis- 
ter Becklyes  daughter,  whom  she  kept  from  a  service  at 
Connectacute,  where  she  was  much  desired ;  in  expectation 
of  your  coming. 

[Labelled, "  M'  Davenport"] 


LXI. 

SHr  Kenelme  Digby  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

Paris  26.  Jan.  1656.  new  stile. 
Worthy  Sir, 

Y'  most  welcome  letter  of  the  4.  7^  last,  was  sent  me 
by  M '  Peters,  the  same  day  j  went  out  of  London  to  come 
to  this  towne :  w^**  made  me  lament  the  lesse  the  necessity 


16  The  mntkrop  Papers. 

of  those  affaires  that  call  me  hither  for  a  little  while ;  since 
j  leame  by  it  that  yoo  are  not  as  yet  minded  to  make  our 
country  happy  w'^  y'  presence.     I  pray  Grod  you  may  so 
alter  y'  resolutions  that  by  the  retume  of  the  shippes  j  may 
meete  you  att  London*     For  j  can  not  subscribe  to  y'  rea- 
sons ;  the  maine  of  w^^  is,  res  angusta  domi  to  a  num^Dus 
Bsunily*    For  wheresoeuer  you  are,  j  am  sure  you  can  not 
want.    My  restitution  to  my  country  and  estate,  j  owe 
wholy  to  my  lord  Protectors  goodnesse  and  iustice;  who 
hath  proceeded  so  nobly  w^  me,  that  whiles  j  liue  j  will 
serue  him  w^^  all  j  haue,  and  w^^  my  life  also  whensoeuer 
there  shall  be  occasion.    I  beseech  you  present  my  most 
humble  thankes  to  the  President  and  fellowes  of  y'  college 
for  the  obliging  Letter  they  haue  bin  pleased  to  send  me. 
So  small  a  present  as  j  presumed  to  make  them,  deserued 
not  so  large  a  retume ;  w"^^  j  may  iusdy  call  a  large  one, 
since  it  hath  putt  me  exceedingly  in  their  debt :  out  ojf 
w***  j  will  endeauour  to  come  att  my  retume  into  England. 
That  w*"**  you  sent  me  formerly,  j  neuer  heard  of.    I  meane, 
your  or  the  Presidents  letter  or  certificate.    As  for  the  ca- 
lamita  della  Luce ;  this  is  the  nature  of  it ;  that  after  it  hath 
bin  some  months  out  of  the  earth,  it  looseth  its  attractiue 
force  of  light.    There  is  much  of  it  about  Bologna;  and  j 
brought  much  of  it  into  France  to  satisfy  the  curiosities  of 
some  particular  frindes  :  but  before  it  came  to  their  handes, 
it  had  lost  its  magnetike  vertue.     I  haue  searched  all  Paris 
for  Blaise  Viginere  des  Chiffres.     I  had  it  in  my  library  in 
England  :     But  att  the  plundering  of  ray  house,  j   lost  it 
w'**  many  other  good  bookes.    I  haue  layed  out  in  all  places 
for  it :  and  when  j  gett  it,  it  shall  be  for  you  by  the  first 
conueniency  of  sending  it  to  you.     It  is  a  long  time  since  j 
heard  any  thing  of  doctor  Hauersfield ;  but  some  that  haue 
come  lately  from  Holland,  haue  told  me  they  thought  he  is 
dead.     Neither  do  j   know  where  the  Kefflers  are.     The 
doctor  told  me  long  since,  that  his  water  to  be  taken  in- 
wardly for  vlcers,  was  made  of  5 .     I  had  from  him  a  bottle 
of  it  for  one  that  had  the  kinges  euill ;  but  it  did  not  cure 
them ;  and  it  was  so  nauseous  to  the  stomake,  after  2.  or  3. 
takinges  (though  it  looked  and  tasted  but  like  fau^  water) 
that  patients  would  rather  resolue  to  continue  their  vlcers 
then  take  that  medicine.    If  euer  j  meete  w*^  Kefifer,  j 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  17 

doubt  not  but  he  will  teach  it  me  if  he  knowes  it ;  and  j 
will  send  it  you.  In  the  meanetime  lett  me  tell  you  an  easy 
medicine  of  mine  owne  that  j  haue  seene  do  miraculous  cures 
in  all  sortes  of  vlcers,  and  in  knitting  soddainly  broken 
bones :  w*'^  j  conceiue  it  doth,  by  carrying  away  by  vrine 
the  ichorous  matter  that  iqfesteth  such  maladies ;  and  then, 
nature  healeth  and  knitteth  apace,  when  nothing  hindereth 
her.  It  is  this.  Beate  to  subtile  pouder  one  ounce  of 
crabbes  eyes  (in  latin,  called  Oculi  cancrorum)  then  putt 
vpon  it  in  a  high  glasse  (because  of  the  ebullition)  foure 
ounces  of  strong  wine-vinegar.  It  will  instantly  boyle  vp 
extremly;  lett  it  stand  till  all  be  quiett;  then  straine  it 
through  a  fine  linon ;  and  of  this  liquor  (w*"^  will  then  tast 
like  dead  beere ;  without  any  sharpenesse)  giue  two 
spoonefuls  att  a  time  to  drinke,  three  times  a  day  :  and  you 
shall  see  a  strange  effect  in  a  weeke  or  two.  For  all  sortes 
of  agewes,  j  haue  of  late  tryed  the  following  magneticall 
experiment  w^*"  infallible  successe.  Pare  the  patients  nayles 
when  the  fitt  is  coming  on :  and  putt  the  paringes  into  a 
litle  bagge  of  fine  linon  or  sarsenet ;  and  tye  that  about  a 
liue  eeles  necke,  in  a  tubbe  of  water.  The  eele  will  dye, 
and  the  patient  will  recouer.  And  if  a  dog  or  hog  eate 
that  eele,  they  will  also  dye.  I  haue  made  knowne  (and 
now  it  is  famous)  in  these  partes,  a  barke  of  a  tree  that  in- 
fallibly cureth  all  intermittent  feauours.  It  cometh  from 
Peru ;  and  is  the  barke  of  a  tree  called  by  the  Spaniardes 
Kinkina;  the  patient  must  take  2  drammes  of  it  in  subtile 
pouder;  infuse  it  all  night  in  white  wine,  and  drinke  all 
(both  pouder  and  wine)  when  you  feele  the  fitt  approcbing. 
It  worketh  no  sensible  effect,  but  that  you  are  cured. 
S'  John  Heydon  is  dead.  It  is  pitty  that  Dreble  dyed  be- 
fore he  had  perfected  the  Telescopium.  All  the  addition  to 
it  that  j  heare  of,  is ;  that  insteed  of  an  acute  or  concaue 
glasse,  they  vse  two  conuexes  or  lenses  besides  the  chiefe 
one  att  the  further  end.  This  maketh  the  obiect  to  be  easily 
found  out;  and  one  seeth  much  att  a  time :  But  it  seem- 
eth  to  me,  not  so  exact  as  the  other  old  way.  I  haue 
knowne  one  that  cured  all  deliriums  and  frensies  whatso- 
euer,  and  att  once  taking,  w*^  an  Elixir  made  of  dew,  noth- ' 
ing  but  dew,  purifyed,  and  nipped  vp  in  a  glasse,  and  di- 
gested 15.  months,  till  all  of  it  was  become  a  gray  pouder^ 

VOL.   X.  3 


18  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

not  one  droppe  of  humidity  remaining.  This  j  know  to  be 
true ;  and  that  first  it  was  as  blacke  as  inke ;  then  greene ; 
then  gray ;  and  att  22.  months  end,  it  was  as  white  and  lus- 
trous as  any  orientall  perle.  But  it  cured  manias  at  15. 
months  end.  He  dyed  that  wrought  it,  when  he  intended 
to  ferment  it  w'**  ©.  Other  Elixir  j  neuer  saw ;  And  they 
that  know  it,  j  beleeue  are  very  cautious  to  hide  it.  The 
famousest  author  for  physike  and  hermeticall  Philosofy  now, 
is  Helmont,  who  is  dead ;  but  his  booke  hath  rsdsed  a  new 
sect  of  philosophers  and  physitians.  I  was  the  first  that 
brought  the  sympathetike  pouder  mto  England  and  France ; 
36.  yeares  agone.  King  James  made  tryall  of  it  from 
my  instruction.  And  the  cure  of  M'  James  Howell  (whom 
j  beleeue  you  know)  was  famous.  All  vitriol  is  alike; 
onely  the  best,  worketh  most  efficaciously.  And  the  oth- 
er additions  to  it,  are  but  to  make  the  thing  the  more  mys- 
terious. Such  medicines  (in  any  kind)  as  you  shall  thinke 
fitt  to  impart  to  me,  j  shall  receiue  as  singular  fauours  :  And 
in  what  so  euer  you  shall  iudge  me  capable  to  seme  you, 
comand  me  freely ;  for  j  am,  with  all  my  heart 

T'  most  affectionate  and  humble  seruant 

Kenelme  Digbt. 


LXII. 
Roger  fViUiams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  his  much  honoured  kind  friend^  M'  John  Wmthrop  at 
Pequt  or  elsewhere  —  these  presents. 

Providence  21.  12  |  t^  (so  calld). 

Sir  this  opportunitie  makes  me  venture  this  salutacion 
though  we  heare  question  of  youre  being  at  Pequt  These 
friends  can  say  more  of  Affaires  then  I  can  write.  I  have 
letters  from  England  of  proceedings  there  which  yet  are 
not  come :  Some  I  have  received  which  tell  me  that  the 
Lord  hath  yet  created  peace  although  the  sword  is  yet  forct 
(by  Garrisons)  to  enforce  it  I  cannot  heare  of  open  warrs 
with  France,  but  only  with  Spaine,  and  that  the  prosecu- 
tion  of  that  West  Indie  expedition  is  still  with  all  possible 


The  Winthrap  Papers.  19 

vigour  on  both  sides  intended  :  This  diversion  against  the 
Spaniard  hath  tumd  the  face  and  thoughts  of  many  Eng- 
lish :  So  that  the  saying  of  thousands  now  is  crowne  the 
Protector  with  gould,  though  the  sullen  yet  cry  crowne  him 
with  thomes :  The  former  2  or  3  yeares  with  plentie  un- 
thanckfully  receaved  in  England  :  The  Lord  sent  abound- 
ance  of  waters  this  last  summer  which  spoild  theire  come 
over  most  parts  of  the  Land :  Sir  Henry  Vane  being  retired 
to  his  owne  private  in  Lincolnshire  hath  now  published  his 
observations  as  to  religion,  he  hath  sent  me  one  of  his 
books  (though  yet  at  Boston)  his  father  is  —  dead  and  the 
inheritance  falls  to  him,  and  10  or  12000  more  then  should 
if  his  father  had  lived  but  a  month  longer  —  but  though  his 
father  cast  him  of  yet,  he  hath  not  lost  in  temporalis,  by 
being  cast  of  for  God :  Our  Acquaintance  Major  Sedg- 
wick is  said  to  be  successoure  to  unsuccessful  Venables 
cast  into  the  towre  —  Youre  brother  Stephen  succeedes 
Major  Gen*  Harrison  :  The  Pope  endeavours  the  uniting 
of  all  his  slaves  for  his  guard,  fearing  the  Hereticks  :  The 
Lord  knowes  whether  Archer  (upon  the  reigne  of  Christ) 
said  true  *  that  yet  the  Pope  before  his  downefall  must  recov- 
er England ;  and  the  protestant  countries  revolted  from 
him/  Sir  we  are  sure  All  flesh  is  grasse  and  only  the 
word  of  the  Lord  endures  forever:  Sir  you  once  kindly 
intended  to  quench  a  fire  betweene  M'  Coddington  and 
others,  but  now  it  is  come  to  publicke  triall :  We  heare 
the  Dutch  fire  is  not  quench t :  I  feare  this  yeare  will  be 
stormie ;  only  may  the  most  gracious  Lord  by  all  drive  and 
draw  us  to  himselfe  in  whome  Sir  I  desire  to  be  ever 

Yourse  R,  W, 


Lxm. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Wtnthrop,  Jr. 

To  the  Right  Worship"  John  Winthrope  Esq'  these  present 
in  Hartford. 

Honour^  Sir) 

A  report,  that  you  was  gone  to  the  Baye,  put  me  Irom 
my  purpose  of  sending  the  mclosed,  til  I  might  certainely 


20  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

know  where  my  letter  might  finde  you.  I  have  now  re- 
ceived intelligence,  by  John  Thomas,  that  you  are  at  Hart- 
ford, and  that  M"  Winthrope  hath  bene  very  ill,  and  in 
greate  danger  of  her  life,  but  is  now,  by  the  mercy  of  God, 
recovered.  Blessed  be  his  name  for  this  mercy  to  her,  and 
to  your  selfe  and  yours  in  her  recovery !  But  withall  he 
saith  that  your  selfe  are  very  ill,  and  have  taken  physick, 
this  day,  and  that  he  stayed  3  houres  to  understand  how  it 
wrought,  and  is  informed  that  it  wrought  well.  This  giv- 
eth  us  some  ground  of  hope,  that  Grod  will  graciously  bless 
the  meanes  for  restoring  your  health,  whose  Ufe  we  account 
exceeding  precious,  and  a  blessing  to  many.  He  who  hath 
given  you  a  merciful  heart  to  others,  in  theyre  sicknesses, 
hath  promised  that  you  also  shall  obteyne  mercy.  We  are 
not  wanting  to  you  in  our  prayers,  since  we  heard  of  your 
state,  which  was  but  this  night,  nor  shall  we  cease  from 
praying  for  your  life  and  health,  til  we  heare  that  our  peti- 
tion is  answered  for  your  good.  Be  pleased  to  let  us  heare 
from  you  by  the  P  opportunity,  how  it  is  with  you.  My 
wife  desireth  to  send  something  suitable  to  your  present 
condition,  but  knoweth  not  what,  til  she  heare  further  con- 
cerning you.  At  present  she  sends  you  a  few  fresh  ray- 
sons,  and  a  litle  liquorish,  and  your  owne  unicornes  home, 
which  she  hath  kept  safe  for  you,  since  you  sent  it  for  M" 
Eaton.  My  wife  is  ashamed  to  send  so  few  raysons,  but 
she  hath  no  more  so  good.  Were  it  not  that  I  am  loath 
to  trouble  you  with  many  lines  I  should  wright  much  more 
concerning  other  matters,  and  particularly  to  returne  thancks 
for  your  mindfulness  of  me  for  a  vent  for  some  of  my 
horses,  by  M'  Adis,  concerning  which  I  hope  to  have  an 
opportunity  of  speaking  with  you  ere  long.  The  Lord  Je- 
sus be  with  you  and  blesse  meanes  for  your  recovery !  with 
presenting  my  service  and  my  wifes,  and  sons,  to  M"  Win- 
thrope, with  your  selfe,  and  our  love  to  yours,  I  rest 

Sir,  yours  much  obliged 

John  Davenporte. 

JVewhaven  the  20'*  d.  of  f  5'*  m.  1 658. 

[Labelled,  "M'  Davenport"] 


the  Wmthrop  Papers.  21 


LXIV. 
Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  JVinthrop,  Jr. 


Right  worship" ohn   Winthrop  Esq' 

these  present  in  Hartford. 

Honoured  Sir  — 

We  have  with  longing  desires  long  expected  your  re- 
tume,  with  your  familie,  to  your  owne  babitacon,  at  New- 
haven,  as  accounting  your  dwelling  among  us  a  special  fa- 
vour from  God,  and  a  comon  good  to  all  the  people,  es- 
pecially in  this  sickly  time  when  many  are  afflictively  exer- 
cised, with  grypings,  vomitmgs,  fluxes,  agues  and  feavers, 
though  more  moderately  in  this  Towne,  by  the  mercy  of 
Grod,  then  at  Norwalke  and  Fairefield.  Young  M'  Allerton 
who  lately  came  from  the  Dutch,  saith,  they  are  much  more 
sorely  visited  there,  then  these  parts  are.  It  is  said,  that  at 
Mastipeag  the  inhabitants  are  generally  so  ill  that  they  are 
likely  to  lose  theyre  harvest,  through  want  of  ability  to  reape 
it  M'  Harbert  of  South  Hold  is  so  ill,  at  Manatoes,  that 
there  is  litle,  if  any,  hope  of  his  life  —  Brother  Alsop  is  come 
from  the  Dutch,  with  a  purpose  to  have  bene  gone  to  the 
Baye,  before  this  time,  but  the  afflicting  hand  of  the  Lord 
hath  stayed  him,  by  great  illnes,  accompanied  with  a  giddi- 
nes  in  his  head,  and  much  sleepynes,  and  burning.  It 
comes  by  fitts,  every  other  day.  My  wife  givetb  him,  this 
day;  a  portion  of  your  powder,  whereof  the  supply e  that 
you  left  in  her  hand  is  spent.  The  extremities  of  people 
have  caused  her  to  part  with  what  she  reserved  for  our  owne 
family,  if  need  should  require.  It  bath  pleased  the  Lord 
to  spare  us  hitherto,  yet  my  wife  hath  bene,  diverse  times, 
this  sumer,  and  stil  is,  valetudinarious,  faint,  thirsty,  of  litle 
appetite,  and  indisposed,  sundry  times,  yet  goes  about  and 
is  betweene  times,  better,  and  cheerful,  yet  ordinarily,  in  the 
mornings,  shee  feeles  a  paine  in  the  bottom  of  her  backe. 
Edmund  is  not  wel,  yet  goes  about  The  good  Lord  pre- 
pare us  for  all  changes,  that  under  all  changes  of  provi- 
dence, we  may  have  suitable  changes  of  spirit,  to  honour, 
serve,  ahd  please  God  therem  I    Amen. 


22  7%«  Winthrop  Papers. 

m 

Sir)  I  will  not  hide  from  you  what  is  here  reported,  though 
I  cannot  easily  beleive  it,  because  1  received  no  such  intelli- 
gence, at  any  time,  from  your  selfe.  Timothy  Nash  saith, 
He  cannot  understand,  from  your  selfe,  or  from  M"  Win- 
throp, or  from  the  people  at  Hartford,  that  you  have  any 
purpose  of  ever  returning  hither  to  dwell  here  —  And  Nath. 
Kimerly  saith,  from  your  owne  words,  that  you  thought  to 
have  come  to  Newhaven,  but  now  you  thinck,  you  shall  not 
see  us,  this  yeare.  If  it  be  so ;  we  have  cause  to  be  sensi- 
ble of  a  great  loss  to  us,  who  have  long  comforted  our  selves 
in  hopes  of  enjoying  you  in  a  way  of  dwelling  here :  not 
onely  for  the  good  that  many  may  receive  by  Gods  blessing 
upon  your  endeavours  for  theyre  health,  but  for  your  com- 

fiany,  which  for  itselfe,  is  precious  and  contentful  unto  us. 
f  you  would  please  to  stock  your  Farme  and  to  give  order 
to  have  your  land  at  Newhaven  improved,  you  might  live 
comfortably  upon  that  which  is  your  owne,  in  this  place. 
The  people  here  also  would  be  ready  to  serve  you  with 
theyre  labours,  and  to  take  hold  of  all  good  occasions  of 
declaring  theyre  thanckfulnes,  really,  as  they  are  bound  to 
doe,  for  your  large  and  liberal  helpefulnes  to  them :  in  dis- 
tributing whereof  my  wife  is  but  your  hand,  who  neither 
receiveth,  nor  expecteth  any  recompence  for  that,  but  de- 
sireth  that  all  acknowledgements  and  retributions  may  be 
returned  to  yourselfe. 

Sir)  It  pleased  you,  when  I  was  exercised  with  that 
swiming  disiness,  to  send  me  a  paper,  Feb.  20**"  57,  contain- 
ing in  it  certaine  portions  of  powder,  which  I  never  opened, 
til  this  day,  because  it  pleased  God  to  release  me  from  that 
distemper,  without  it.  And  in  perusing  the  letter  you  then 
sent,  I  find  it  comended  as  also  useful  for  my  other  dis- 
temper in  regard  of  the  Magisterium  of  Corall,  which  is  in 
it  Hereupon,  I  desire  to  know,  whether  you  will  advise 
me  to  make  use  of  it  for  that,  though  the  disiness,  through 
God's  mercy,  hath  not  troubled  me,  since  the  spring  began, 
unto  this  day.  Edward  Preston  came  lately  from  Long 
Island,  and  saith,  many  Indians  there  are  very  sick,  and  12 
were  dead  before  his  coming  thence.  My  wife  and  son 
joyne  with  me  in  presenting  our  service  to  yourselfe  and 
M**  Winthrope,  and  our  loving  salutacons  to  your  children. 


ne  Winthrap  Papers.  23 

The  Lord  Jesus  dwel  with  you  in  peace  and  loving  kmde- 
nesses !    In  whom  I  rest 

Sir)  your  exceedingly  obliged 

John  Day£Nporte. 

JVewhaven  tf  A"^  d.  of  tf  &^  m.  58. 

Sir,  My  wife  desires  a  word  or  2  of  advice  from  you, 
what  is  best  to  be  done  for  those  grypings,  and  agues  and 
feavours ;  but  she  is  loath  to  be  too  troublesom.  Tet  as 
the  cases  are  weighty  so  she  desires  to  goe  upon  y*  surest 
ground,  and  to  take  the  safest  courses,  and  knoweth  none 
whose  judgm^  she  can  so  rest  in  as  in  yours. 

[Superscription  in  part  gone.] 


LXV. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

To  his  Honoured  freind  John  Winthrop  Esq'  these  present 
in  Hartford. 

Honour^  Sir) 

Though  I  have,  together  with  the  rest  intrusted  by  you, 
subscribed  our  comon  letter,  yet  I  shall  add  a  few  lines,  as 
myne  owne  letter  to  your  selfe,  to  whom  I  am  so  par- 
ticularly obliged,  that  I  cannot  omit  to  present  my  re- 
spectfull  salutacons  to  your  selfe  and  M"  Winthrop,  with 
many  thancks  for  the  intelligence  I  have  received  from 
you,  in  several  letters,  and  for  the  powders  you  sent  to  my 
wife,  and  for  the  Almanack,  which  I  had  not  scene  be- 
hrBj  though,  since  my  receite  of  yours,  the  president  of  the 
CoUedge  sent  me  one.  The  Author  of  it  is  wholly  un- 
knowne  to  me,  save  by  his  name  in  the  title  page.  In  the 
next  page,  speaking  of  4  ecclipses,  this  yeare,  he  may  seeme 
to  some  to  be  willing  to  be  accounted  sapientum  octavus, 
utpote  qui  terram  planetarum  octavum  animo  suo  fingit, 
contra  comunem  Astronomorum  sententiam.  For  he  saith, 
Twice  shall  this  planet,  whereon  we  live  and  its  concomi- 
tant the  moone,  widdow  each  other  of  theyre  sunderived 
histre.  Now,  the  place,  whereon  we  live,  is  the  earth. 
The  place,  I  say^  not  the  planet.    But  he  is  not  willing  so- 


24  The  Winthrap  Papers. 

lus  sapere.  Therefore  for  his  4  proposicons  he  produceth, 
in  his  last  page,  sundry  authors,  who,  he  saith,  have  an- 
swered the  objections  from  Scripture  against  this  opinion. 
I  have  not  read  theyre  answers.  But,  if  that  be  the  breife 
or  summe  of  them,  which  he  notes,  it  will  not  be  found, 
upon  an  exact  search,  to  be  satisfying.  However  it  be,  let 
him  injoy  his  opinion ;  and  I  shall  rest  in  what  I  have 
learnd,  til  more  cogent  arguments  be  produced  then  I  have 
hitherto  met  with.  Sir,  Your  motion  about  letting  your 
house  to  N.  IC  etc.  came  to  me  wholly  beyond  my  expec- 
tacon.  I  did,  indeed,  expect  (according  to  your  promise, 
as  I  understood  it)  to  heare  from  you,  upon  your  retume 
from  the  Baye,  the  result  of  your  thoughts  and  purposes 
w.  your  resolucon,  whether  to  returne  to  inhabit  it  with  your 
familye,  and  when,  or  to  sell  it  to  the  Towne,  who  bought 
it,  that  they  might  freely  give  it  to  your  selfe,  or  put  it  into 
your  power,  as  your  owne,  upon  what  termes  you  propound- 
ed (seing  you  would  not  accept  it  upon  free  gift,  because  you 
would  preserve  your  liberty,  to  dwell  in  it,  as  your  occasions 
would  permit).  But  what  they  then  did,  and  others  stirred 
them  up  unto,  I  assure  you,  was  in  respect  to  the  comon 
good,  which  was  hoped  for  and  expected  by  us  all  from 
your  selfe,  dwelling  among  us  with  your  familie.  Nor  would 
they  have  taken  such  pay  for  it  from  any  man  in  the  coun- 
trey,  but  your  selfe.  Which  I  note  that  you  may  see  theyre 
love  to  you,  and  desire  of  injoying  you  among  us.  There 
are  few  houses  vacant  in  the  Towne,  that  are  so  fit  as  that 
for  entertainment  of  persons  of  publick  usefullnes.  Such 
men  the  Towne  wants.  If  yourselfe  and  yours  dwell  in  it, 
it  will  fully  satisfye  all,  none  will  desire  any  other,  and  my 
selfe,  and  myne,  will  most  rejoyce  therein.  But,  if  your 
other  occasions  will  not  permit  that,  this  way  of  letting  it 
unto  such  men  will  not  be  for  your  proffit,  nor  for  the 
Townes  satisfaction.  Yoiu*  house  and  lot  hath  suffered 
much  hurt  already,  and  will  more,  in  this  way,  and  this 
Towne  will  lose  theyre  end.  for  they  would  never  have  let 
it  pass  out  of  theyre  hands,  but  in  hope  of  injoying  your 
selfe,  which  if  they  cannot  obtaine,  I  perceive,  it  will,  in  the 
next  place,  best  satisfie  them,  if  you  please  to  give  them 
leave  to  buy  it  of  you.  I  thought  it  my  duety  to  signifie 
thus  much  to  your  selfe,  and  shall  add  onely  this,  to  prevent 


7%e  Winthrop  Papers.  26 

missinterpretacoQS,  that,  as  the  house  is  your  owne,  so  all 
doe  grant  that  it  is  in  your  owne  power  to  doe  with  it  as 
you  please.  If  you  please  to  let  it  to  N.  K.  etc.  you  may. 
onely  you  may  be  pleased  to  reminde  that  this  is  not  that 
use  of  that  house,  which  will  answer  the  Townes-mens 
ends,  and  the  townes  expectacon,  and  necessities.  With 
myne,  my  wifes  and  sons  respectful  and  affectionate  saluta- 
cons  and  service  presented  to  your  selfe,  and  M""  Winthrop, 
and  your  branches,  I  rest,  Sir 

Yours  obliged  John  Davenport. 

Jfewhaven  tf  \S  d.  of  tf  \^  m.  1651. 

[Labelled, ''  M'  Davenport  about  selling  the  house/^] 


LXVI. 
Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  the  Honourd  John  Wmthrop  Esq  Governor  of  Connec- 
tacute  Colonic,  these  present  at  New  London. 

Honoured  Sir) 

Your  quick  departure  fr:  Hartford,  after  my  son^s  re- 
tume  home  from  thence,  denied  me  an  opportunity  of 
expressing  our  due  thancks  for  your  loving  entertainment 
of  so  bold  a  visitour,  whereof  he  speaketh  much,  and 
yet  is  not  satisfied  with  what  he  hath  spoken,  thincking 
It  falles  shorte  of  what  he  should  speake  to  express  your 
and  M"  Winthropes  kindness  to  him.  Sir,  you  know,  the 
affections  of  parents  are  apte  to  sympathize  with  theyre 
children,  and  to  take  contentment  in  what  they  finde  to  be 
justly  pleasing  and  comfortable  to  them.  Hence  it  is  that  I 
desire  to  take  this  first  overture  for  conveyance  of  these  few 
lines,  in  way  of  thanckfulnes,  from  us  boath,  to  your  selfe 
(as  I  have  already  done  to  M"  Winthrop,  by  I.  Latimer) 
for  the  same.  And  to  let  you  know  that  I  have  received  a 
large  letter  fr:  M'  Blinman  date^  Aug.  22.  whereby  I  under- 
stand that  God  hath  brought  him  and  his  to  Newfoundland, 
in  safety  and  health,  and  maketh  his  ministry  acceptable  to 
all  the  people  there,  except  some  Quakers,  and  much  de- 
sired and  flocked  unto,  and  he  hath  made  choise  of  a  ship 
for  Barnstaple,  to  his  Content  the  Master  being  Godly. 

VOL.    X.  4 


26  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

After  these  passages  and  his  notifying  to  me  the  Lady 
Kircks  respectful  and  loving  mention  of  me  whom  she  saith, 
she  hath  heard  in  London,  he  addeth  to  what  I  had  heard 
fr:  England  that  a  fine  of  5-^  is  put  upon  any  that  shall 
name  the  last  protector.  2.  that  the  Lord  Henry  is  sent 
for  out  of  Ireland  and  outed  of  his  place.  3.  that  4  are 
sent  fr.  England  and  4  fr:  France  and  4  fr.  the  States,  to 
see  whether  they  can  compose  matters  between  Sweade  and 
Dane.  4.  that  30,000  £  is  demanded  for  the  old  Protec- 
tors funeral,  which  the  Parliament  refuse  to  pay.  some 
urged  that  those  that  had  the  mourning  cloaths  should  pay 
for  them,  that  the  Commons  might  not  be  charged.  5.  that 
the  last  Protector  was  like  to  be  apprehended  for  the  debt, 
but  withdrew:  Whereupon  the  Parliament  gave  him  6 
months  liberty  to  come  to  termes  with  Creditors.  6.  that 
M'  Hugh  Peters  is  distracted  and  under  sore  horrors  of  con- 
science, crying  out  of  himself  as  damned,  and  confessing 
haynous  actings.  He  concludes,  for  the  truth  hereof  sit 
fides  penes  auctorem.  7.  that  there  is  an  Ambassador 
gone  for  Spaine.  Lastly  that  the  fleet  in  the  West  Indies 
have  taken  almost  an  incredible  mass  of  treasure  in  some 
Spanish  Townes  there.  Reported  by  a  ship  m  that  har- 
bour where  M'  Blinman  lyes,  that  met  a  frygot  at  sea  going 
home  Soe  I  shall  not  add,  at  present  but  my  desires  for 
your  safe  journey  to  the  Baye  and  speedy  retume  to  your 
Family  and  then  to  Newhaven  and  my  wifes,  with  our  sons 
respectful  and  most  affectionate  salutacons  and  humble  ser- 
vice Yours  exceedingly  obliged 

John  Davenporte. 
JVewhaven  the  28'*  d.  of  the  T^  m.  1659. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Davenport  —  of  7ber  1659."] 


LXVII. 

Roger  TVilUams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  my  honored  kind  friend  M'  John  Winthrop  Govemour 

at  Hartford  on  Qunnihticut. 

Providence  6.  12  \-%h 

Sir    Loving  respects  to  youre  selfe  and  M"  Winthrop  &c 
Tour  loving  lines  in  this  cold  dead  season  were  as  a  cup 


The  Winlhrop  Papers.  27 

of  youre  Conecticut  cydar  (which  we  are  glad  to  heare 
abounds  with  you)  or  of  that  Westerne  metheglyn,  which 
you  and  I  have  drunck  at  Bristow  togeather  &c.  Indeede 
It  is  the  wonderfull  power  and  goodnes  of  Grod  that  we  are 
praeserved  in  our  dispersions  among  these  wild  barbarous 
wretches.  I  heare  not  of  their  excursions  this  winter  and 
should  rejoice  (if  as  you  hint)  Onkas  and  his  brother  were 
removed  to  Long  Hand  (or  any  where)  or  els  (as  I  have 
sometimes  motioned)  a  truce  for  some  good  tearme  of  yeares 
might  be  obteined  amongst  them :  But  how  should  we 
expect  that  the  streames  of  bloud  should  stop  among  the 
dregs  of  mankind,  when  the  bloudie  issues  flow  so  fresh  and 
fearfully  among  the  finest  and  most  refined  sons  .of  men 
and  sons  of  God.  We  have  not  only  heard  of  the  4 
Northerne  nations  Dania  Swecia  Anglia  and  Belgium,  all 
Protestants  (Hereticks  and  dogs  with  the  Pope  &c)  last 
yeare,  tearing  and  devouring  one  another  in  the  Narrow 
Streights  and  eminent  high  passages  and  tumes  of  the  sea 
and  world  :  but  we  allso  have  a  sound  of  the  Presbyterians 
rage  new  burst  out  into  flames  of  war  from  Scotland,  and 
the  independant  and  sectarian  army  provoked  againe  to  New 
Appeales  to  God  and  engagements  against  them:  Thus 
while  this  last  Pope  hath  ply'd  with  sailes  and  oares  and 
brought  all  his  Popish  sons  to  peace  (except  Portugal)  and 
brought  in  his  grand  ingineers  the  Jesuits  againe  to  Venice 
after  their  long  just  banishment :  We  Protestants  are  wo- 
fully  disposed  to  row  backward  and  bring  our  sailes  a  back 
stayes,  and  provoke  the  holy  jealous  Lord  who  is  a  con- 
suming fire,  to  kindle  againe  those  fires  from  Rome  and 
Hell  which  formerly  consumed  (in  Protestant  Countries)  so 
many  precious  servants  of  God  —  The  late  renowned  Oli- 
ver confest  to  me  in  close  discourse  abbut  the  Protestants 
afiaires  &c.  that  he  yet  feard  great  persecutions  to  the  prot- 
estants  from  the  Romanists  before  the  downfall  of  the  Pa- 
pacie.  The  histories  of  our  Fathers  before  us  tell  us  what 
huge  bowles  of  the  bloud  of  the  Saints  that  great  whore 
hath  bene  drunck  with  in  (now)  Protestant  dominions: 
Sure  her  judgment  will  ring  through  the  world,  and  it  is 
hoped  it  is  not  far  from  the  dore.  Sir  you  were  not  long 
since  the  son  of  2  noble  Fathers  M'  John  Winthrop  and 
M'  H.  Peters  —  it  is  said  they  are   both  extmgwished: 


28  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

Surely  I  did  ever  fh)m  my  soule  honour  and  love  them 
even  when  their  judgments  lead  them  to  afflict  me  :  Yet 
the  Father  of  Spirits  spares  us  breath  and  I  rejoice  Sir  that 
youre  name  (amongst  the  New  England  magistrates  printed, 
to  the  Parliament  and  army  by  H.  Nort :  Rous  &c)  is  not 
blurd  but  rather  honourd  for  your  prudent  and  moderate 
hand  in  these  late  (Quakers)  trials  amongst  us.  And  it  is 
said  that  in  the  late  Parliament  yourselfe  were  one  of  the 
three  in  nomination  for  Gen :  Govemour  over  New  England, 
which  how  ever  that  designe  ripend  not  yet  youre  name 
keepes  up  an  high  esteeme  &c.  I  have  seene  youre  hand  to 
a  letter  to  this  Colony  (as  to  youre  late  purchase  of  some 
land  at  Nariganset :)  The  sight  of  youre  hand  hath  quieted 
some  jealousies  amongst  us  that  the  Bay  (by  this  purchase) 
designed  some  prejudice  to  the  Libertie  of  Conscience 
amongst  us :  We  are  in  consultations  how  to  answere  that 
letter,  and  my  endeavoure  shall  be  (with  Grods  helpe)  to 
wellcome  with  both  our  hands  and  armes,  youre  interest  in 
these  parts,  though  we  have  no  hope  to  enjoy  youre  per- 
sonall  residence  amongst  us.  I  rejoice  to  beare  that  you 
gaine  (by  new  plantations  upon  this  Willdernes :  I  feare 
th^t  many  precious  souls  will  be  glad  to  hide  their  heads 
(shortly)  in  these  parts.  Youre  candle  (and  mine)  drawes 
towards  its  end :  The  Lord  graciously  helpe  us  to  shine 
in  light  and  love  (universally  to  all  that  feare  his  name)  with- 
out that  monopolie  of  the  affection  to  such  of  our  owne  per- 
suasion only ;  for  the  common  enemie  (the  Romish  wolfe) 
is  very  high  in  resolution  and  hope  and  advantage  to  make 
a  prey  on  all  (of  all  sorts)  that  desire  to  feare  God :  Di- 
vers of  our  Neighbours  thankfully  resalute  you  :  We  have 
buried  this  winter  M'  Olnies  son  who  formerly  you  heard  to 
be  afflicted  with  an  Lithargie,  he  lay  2  or  3  dayes  wholy 
senceles,  untill  his  last  groanes  :  My  youngest  son  Joseph 
was  troubled  with  a  spice  of  an  epilepsie  :  We  used  some 
remedies  but  it  hath  pleased  God  by  his  taking  of  tobacco 
perfectly  (as  we  hope)  to  cure  him  :  Good  M'  Parker  of 
Boston  (passing  from  Prudence  Hand)  at  his  comming  on 
shoare  on  Secunck  land,  trod  awry  upon  a  stone  or  stick 
and  fell  downe  and  brake  the  small  bone  of  his  leg :  he 
hath  layen  by  of  it  all  this  winter,  and  the  last  weeke  was 
caried  to  Boston  in  a  horse  litter :    Some  feares  there  were 


The  fVinlhrop  Papers.  29 

of  a  GangreDe.    But  Sir  I  use  too  much  boldnes  and  pro- 
lixitie.    I  shall  now  only  subscrie  my  selfe 

Youre  unworthy  friend  R.  W. 

Sir  my  loving  respects  to  M'  Stone,  M'  Lord,  M'  Allen 
M'  Webster  and  other  Lovmg  Friends, 


LXVIII. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

To  the  Right  Worship"  John  Winthrope  Esq'  Govemo'  of 
Connectacute  these  present  in  Hartford. 

Honoured  Sir) 

John  Palmer  is  not  yet  gone,  whereby  I  have  liberty 
to  add  a  postcript  to  my  former  letter,  upon  new  intelli- 
gence from  Nichols  of  Boston,  from  Virginia,  which  I  re- 
ceived after  the  inclosed  was  sealed.  He  saith  that  he  came 
from  Virginia,  the  23*^  of  Jan.  that  there  are  70  ships  from 
England,  which  raiseth  the  price  of  Tobacco  to  12**  p.  pound 
that  a  few  dales,  before  he  came  thence,  there  arrived  some 
shipps  from  England,  which  came  from  thence,  6  weekes 
before,  that  is,^in  the  beginning  of  10**'.  These  shipps  bring 
word  that  the  Parliament  was  then  sitting,  and  matters  in 
England  were  in  peace.  There  is  some  confirmation  of  the 
report  of  the  Lord  Lamberts  going  forth  with  20000  to  meet 
Greneral  M onck  from  Scotland  with  20000.  The  storie  runs 
thus,  in  Sir  Henry  Moodies  report  sent  in  his  letter  from 
Virginia  to  an  Englishman,  a  captaine  at  Manatoes.  The 
presbyterians,  in  Scotland  and  England,  fiock  much  to 
General  Munck,  who  now  engageth  himselfe  for  them,  and 
theire  interesse,  and  is  come  forth,  upon  that  account,  with 
the  Aforementioned  army,  as  farre  as  Worcester,  whither 
General  Lambert  is  gone,  with  his  armie,  to  stopp  his  pro- 
ceedings. General  Mountigue,  it  is  said,  is  come  to  London, 
and  complyeth  well  with  the  Parliament.    Farewel. 

This  aftemoone  the  Captaine  hath  bene  with  the  (Jov- 
emo',  to  excuse  his  not  appearing  at  the  Court  of  Magis- 
trates, by  his  former  illnes  in  body,  having  a  kxwenes,  with 


30  The  fVinthrop  Papers. 

vomiting  blood ;  and  his  not  sending  his  Attumey,  by  his 
want  of  one,  his  surgion  would  not,  Phillip  Scot  would  not, 
but  he  conceales  that  he  who  tooke  the  prize  was  in  his 
ship,  who  was  most  fit  to  have  bene  sent  to  the  Courte,  and 
forgets  to  excuse  his  refusal  to  yeeld  to  a  sequestration  of 
M'  Raymonds  goodes,  til  the  cause  were  tryed,  though  the 
Governo^  sent  the  Marshall  to  him  with  a  warrant,  for  that 
end,  and  sundry  other  things.  The  Governo'  is  almost 
overcome  with  his  faire  words.  But  he  speekes  not  a  word 
of  submitting  his  cause  to  theyre  tryal,  yet  seemes  willing 
to  leave  M'  Raymunds  vessel,  and  goodes  in  the  courts 
hands,  for  part  of  security,  and  to  binde  his  12'*"  part  in  the 
ship,  for  the  other  part  of  security  (which  is  as  none,  be- 
cause it  is  not  standing  security)  that  he  will  have  it  tryed 
in  England,  within  12  moneths,  if  M'  Raymund  be  bound 
and  give  security  to  prosecute  against  him  —  What  the  issue 
will  be,  a  litle  time  will  shew.  In  the  meane  time,  his 
spirit  is  somewhat  lower,  in  shew,  then  it  was.  Againe 
farewel. 

The  22''' d.  of  y  12'^  tw.  59. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Davenport  rec*"  Fel/  24."     There  is  no  signature  to 
this  letter,  which  was  only  an  envelope  to  another.  —  J.  B.] 


LXIX. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  fVinthropf  Jr. 

To  the  Right  Worship"  and  worthily  much  Honoured  John 
Winthrope  Esq^  Govemo'^  of  Connectacute  these  p'sent 
in  Hartford. 

Honoured  Sir) 

Yours,  dat^  y*  27'^  of  this  moneth,  I  received,  by  one 
of  Farefield,  whose  name  I  know  not,  and  in  it  an  Alma- 
nack inclosed,  for  boath  which  I  retume  many  thancks,  and 
send  inclosed  a  copie  of  a  wrighting,  which  M'  Atwater 
brought  from  the  Baye,  which  I  read  with  joy  and  thancks- 
giving  unto  Grod,  beleiving  it  to  be  a  true  Narration  of  the 
state  of  things  in  England,  and  the  last  that  is  come  to  our 


,  The  Winthrop  Papers.  3 1 

hands.  So  that  the  other  reports  of  Naylers  being  Gov- 
ernour  of  Bristow,  and  of  the  fight  betweene  General 
Munck  and  Lambert  etc.  I  looke  at  as  misreports.  I  hope 
also  that  the  fight  reported  to  have  bene  in  London  will  not 
be  found  true,  in  all  particulars,  at  least.  I  am  sorry  for 
your  loss  of  M'  Talcot,  of  whose  decease  I  heard,  but  not 
how  his  diseases  were  found  to  be  incurable,  til  I  read  your 
letter,  whereby  it  is  most  cleare  to  me  that  no  art  of  man 
could  cure  him.  I  hope  now  that  you  will  either  receive 
your  son  safely  arrived,  in  the  next  ship,  from  London,  at 
Boston,  or  good  newes  from  him.  By  this  time  I  am  apt  to 
thinck  that  a  Parliament  is  assembled  for  the  establishment 
of  that  great  Comonw.^*^'^^^  upon  sure  foundacons  of  trueth 
and  righteousnes,  by  ihe  blessing  of  the  most  High,  to 
whose  grace,  in  Jesus  Christ,  with  myne,  my  wifes,  and 
sons  humble  services  presented  to  you  boath  and  affection- 
ate salutations  to  your  daughters,  I  heartily  comend  your 
selfe,  and  all  yours,  resting  in  him 

yours  ever  obliged 

John  Davenporte. 

JVewhaven  y'  29'^^  of  if  \"  m.  1660. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Davenport."] 


LXX. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  the  Right  Worship"  John  Winthrope  Esq'  Govemo'  of 
Connectacute  Colonie  these  present  in  Hartford, . 

Honour^^Sir) 

Yesterday,  M'  Gilbert,  and  Deacon  Myles,  brought  unto 
me  a  letter,  written  by  yourselfe  to  Sargeant  Whitehead, 
about  your  house,  which,  it  seemes,  was  an  answer  to  a  letter 
sent,  by  I  know  not  whom,  nor  when,  to  yourselfe,  in  the 
name  of  the  Townsmen,  and  with  theyre  consent,  that  they 
might  purchase  the  house,  for  the  use  of  the  Towne.  From 
brother  Herrymans  discourse  with  my  wife  I  understand 
that  himselfe  and  brother  Wakeman  had  speech  with  you,  to 


32  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

promove  that  motion.  All  this  was  done,  and  written,  with- 
out my  knowledge  and  my  wifes  and  sonnes  ;  they  did  not, 
nor  any  from,  or  for  them,  make  it  knowne  unto  me,  in  the 
least,  that  such  a  letter  or  message  should  be  sent  unto 
you.  Two  of  the  brethren,  who  were  not  Townsmen  spake 
with  me  formerly  about  theyre  feare  of  losing  the  Gov- 
erno',  for  want  of  an  house ;  and  propounded  yours,  con- 
cluding, from  your  owne  wordes,  that  you  would  not  dwell 
here,  though  if  there  had  bene  any  ground  of  hope  of  the 
contrary,  they  would  not  have  propounded  it.  This  I  add, 
that  I  may  doe  them  right.  My  advise  was  that  they 
would  not  send  to  you  about  it,  and,  to  stay  them  from  so 
doing,  I  told  them  that  I  heard  you  purposed  to  come  hith- 
er shortly  (For  so  Daniel  your  man  had  reported)  and  did 
thinck  that  they  would  waite  for  that.  These  things  I  thus 
particularly  relate,  that  you  may  see  that  I  had  not  the  least 
hand  in  what  they  have  done,  nor  consent  to  it,  nor  knowl- 
edge of  it.  When  the  'forenamed  shewed  me  your  letter,  and 
enquired  what  I  would  doe,  in  reference  to  the  power  and 
trust  you  was  pleased  to  comit  to  me,  about  alienating  your 
house ;  I  told  them  as  I  had  said  unto  yourselfe  before,  that 
I  must  desire  to  be  excused  from  acting  in  that  buisenes,  and 
did  refuse  it,  and  doe  stil  pray  you  to  wave  me  in  that  im- 
ploym^  who  shall  in  other  things  denie  you  nothing  that  I  am 
fit  to  doe,  if  I  may  really  pleasure  you  thereby.  My  son  also 
hath  refused  to  act  in  that  matter.  Had  a  letter  bene 
brought  to  us  to  subscribe  for  inviting  you  to  bring  your 
familie,  when  you  shall  finde  a  convenient  time  to  come  and 
dwell  in  your  house,  and  the  sooner  the  wellcomer  et.  we 
should  have  signed  that  with  boath  our  handes.  What  is 
done  I  have  not  yet  heard,  therefore  cannot  give  you  ac- 
count of  it.  While  I  pawsed  a  lide,  having  written  thus 
farr,  I  heare  that  the  two  mentioned  in  the  first  line  have 
alienated  your  house.  If  it  be  so ;  I  am  heartily  sorry,  that 
what  we  have  so  many  yeares  desired  and  hoped  for,  we 
shall  be  thus  deprived  of,  viz  your  neighbourhood,  which 
we  doe  highly  value  and  therefore  cannot  but  looke  at  our 
loss  as  exceeding  greate.  My  wife  received  M"  Win- 
thropes  loving  token,  the  sugar  loafe  she  was  pleased  to 
send  her,  for  which  she  retumeth  her  many  thanckes,  yet 
is  sorry  to  have  it  from  her,  to  whom  she  accounteth  her- 


7%6  WifUhr^  Paper$.  3S 

selfe  obliged  otherwise  rather  to  send  unto  her  With  m  jme, 
my  wifes  and  sonnes  humble  services  to  you  boatbt  aind  re- 
spectful! and  affectionate  salutations  to  your  daughters, 
comending  you  boath  and  yours  unto  the  everiasting  armes, 
I  rest,  Sir,  yours  exceedingly  obliged 

JOHK   DAVfiflfPOBTB. 

The  S'^d.of  9/^2^ m.  1660. 

We  de^re  to  receive  some  intelligence  of  your  and  M" 
Winthropes,  etc.  purpose  of  coming  to  us,  whose  house  shall 
be  as  your  owne,  and  you  will  much  cheare  us,  if  you  say 
we  shall  injoy  you  here  shortly. 

[Labelled,  '*  M'  Davenport  about  the  sale  of  the  house.^^] 


LXXI. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Wmthrop^  Jr. 

Honour^  Sir) 

I  received  yours,  by  brother  Benham,  whom  God  pre- 
served from  being  drowned,  m  his  journey  homeward.  The 
River  by  M'  Tales  farme,  was  swobe  high,  his  wife  was 
fearfull  of  riding  through  it.  God  provided  an  helpe  for  her^ 
at  the  instant,  by  a  passenger,  who  travailed  from  Windsor 
to  Branford,  to  M '  Cranes,  whose  daughter  he  had  marrred  : 
he  helped  Sister  Benham  over  a  tree.  But  her  husband 
adventuring  to  ride  through,  a  foote  of  his  horse  sljrpped, 
so  he  fell  into  the  water,  and  his  horse,  as  he  thincketh,  fell 
upon  him,  or  struck  him  with  bis  foote ;  for  he  had  a  blow 
on  his  head.  But,  through  the  mercy  df  God,  is  now  well 
This  day,  M'  Attwater,  being  at  our  Lecture,  speakes  of  a 
letter  newly  received  from  his  wifc^  who  wri^htes  her  feares 
that  she  shall  never  see  him  againe,  doubting  that  he  was 
cast  away,  the  last  storme,  whereby,  she  saith,  sundry  ves- 
sels about  Boston  have  sufired  much  hurt ;  and  some  per- 
sons are  cast  away,  and  a  ship  also^  if  I  mistake  not,  at 
Cape  Cod.  But  God  ordered  things  so,  by  his  good  prov- 
idence, that  M'  Atwater  was  then  at  New  London,  in  a  safe 
harbour.    Even  now,  Capt  HawUieme^  and  M'  Bkhards^ 

TOL.  z.  5 


34  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

are  come  from  the  Dutch.  They  are  gone  into  the  Towne, 
to  dispatch  some  buisenes,  but  will  retume  to  supp  and  lodge 
at  my  house.  I  doe  not  yet  know  whether  they  purpose  to 
retume  to  Boston,  by  land,  or  sea,  yet  prepare  these  lines, 
in  omnem  eventum,  to  send  by  them,  if  they  goc  by  land, 
or  by  some  other  conveyance,  if  I  can  heare  of  any.  Sir,  I 
thanck  you  for  my  sight  of  M'  Knowles  his  letter  to  M' Joanes. 
That  which  he  speakes  of  a  Parliament  in  Scotland,  I  can- 
not receive.  For,  I  suppose  England  will  not  suffer  it.  I 
stil  hope,  that  things  in  England  are  in  an  hopeful  way. 
The  Lord  Jesus  dwell  with  you  in  peace!  Myne,  my 
wifes  and  sons  humble  services  are  affectionately  presented 
to  yourselfe  and  M"  Winthrope,  with  our  salutations  to  your 
daughters.  Having  other  letters  to  wright,  in  answer  to 
freinds  m  the  Bay,  I  am  compelled  to  take  oflF  my  pen ; 
but  shall  alwaies  remaine 

Sir,  yours  exceedingly  obliged 

John  Davenporte. 

JVewhaven  y'  13'*  of  y  2^  1660. 

M'  Price  of  Salem,  and  his  wife,  present  theyre  services 
to  yourselfe  and  M"  Winthrope,  in  a  letter  brought  to  me 
by  Major  Hawtheme.  They  are  importunately  desirous  to 
stay  M'  Higgenson  with  them  at  Salem  for  continuance, 
and  in  way  of  office. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Davenport."     Superscription  gone.] 


LXXIL 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  the  Right  Worship"  John  Winthrope  Esq""  Governo"^  of 
Connectacute- Colonic  these  present  in  Hartford. 

Honoured  Sir) 

This  is  the  first  opportunity  presented  to  me  of  returning 
an  answer  to  the  2  last  letters  I  received  from  you.  Broth- 
er Benham  indeed  (whose  good,  and  sweete  spirited  wife, 
the  Lord  hath  taken  from  him,  since  his  retume,  and  a 


7%f  Winthrqp  Papers.  35 

young  childe  of  one  of  his  sons  is  since  dead,  in  bis  house, 
where  also  one  of  his  sons  wife  lyeth  very  weake)  he  went 
to  Hartford,  but  gave  me  no  notice  of  it  before,  that  I  might 
prepare  a  letter  for  him.  Brother  Myles,  at  his  retume  from 
the  Baye,  comforted  us  with  hopes  of  your  recovering 
strength.  For  he  told  us  that  you  looked  better,  when  he 
returned,  then  you  did,  when  he  went  to  the  Baye.  Our 
desire  is  fervent  to  see  you  and  M"  Winthrope  here,  by  the 
will  of  God,  as  soone  as  may  be.  I  hope,  the  change  of 
aire  would  hasten  your  recovery,  and  the  perfecting  of  your 
strength,  by  the  blessing  of  Ood.  For  we  are  by  the  sea* 
side,  and  my  house  shadl  be  as  your  owne,  for  your  i)se. 
And  to  us  it  will  be  a  singular  refreshment  and  content- 
ment to  injoy  your  presence  and  abode  with  us,  as  long  as 
your  occasions  will  permit.  Be  pleased  to  accept  this 
serious  and  hearty  invitation,  and  to  answer  it  really,  in 
coming  to  us,  and  staying  with  us,  that  you  may  be  re- 
freshed with  the  sea  aire,  and  we  with  your  sweete  and 
much  desired  fellowship.  If  you  feare  that  you  shall  bur- 
then us ;  be  assured  of  the  contrary,  that  we  shall  looke  at 
it  as  a  real  testimony  of  your  love  and  confidence  in  us  and 
in  our  love,  which  is  unfeigned  toward  you  boath,  and  all 
yours,  and  as  a  most  acceptable  gratification  of  our  earnest 
desire  to  injoy  you  with  us  as  long  as  we  may.  My  selfe, 
my  wife,  and  son  had  bene  with  you,  before  this  time,  if  I 
durst  have  adventured  upon  such  a  journey,  which  yet  I 
should  have  done,  though  with  some  hazzard,  if  my  com- 
ing might  have  bene  of  any  necessary  beneficial  use  to  you. 
One  day,  in  the  spring,.!  rode  forth  with  our  Governor,  to 
stirr  my  body  and  take  the  airo,  but  when  I  returned  home, 
though  we  had  bene  out  but  an  houre  or  two,  my  urine 
grew  so  high  coloured,  that  my  wife  thought  it  was  bloody, 
and  hath  ever  since  continued  very  high  coloured,  and  many 
times  she  observes  a  black  settlement  in  it.  I  have  bene, 
for  above  a  fourtnigbt,  costive,  though  not  wholly  without 
stooles,  but  once  in  2  dales,  at  least,  and,  of  late,  once  ev- 
ery day  I  doe  some  what  at  the  stoole  —  Dejectio  quidem 
pauca  est,  et  cum  difficultate  quandoque  etiam  cum  mani 
conatu  egerendi  quam  tenesimum  nuncupant  medici.  I  am 
daily,  at  least  every  morning,  til  I  have  breakfasted,  troubled 
with  a  paine  at  the  bottom  of  my  belly,  most  usually  on  the 


36  The  fVinthrap  Papen. 

left  side,  and  at  other  times  also,  after  walking,  jet  my  ap- 
petite and  digestion  are  good,  considering  the  season.  For 
hot  weather  weakens,  and  almost  prostrates  my  spirits, 
when  it  is  extreme.  My  wife  also  hath  bene  weake  in 
her  spirits,  and  weake  stomached.  Yesterday,  about  an 
boure  before  sunset,  she  tooke  6  grains  of  the  rubila,  and 
had  3  vomits  and  one  stoole,  and  both  is  better  and  lookes 
better,  this  day,  by  Oods  blessing  upon  the  meanes.  Yet 
she  spitteth,  all  this  day,  more  then  formerly,  white  fix)thy 
matter,  and  is  weakish  in  her  spirits  and  not  weD  in  her 
head,  and  hath  bene  very  thirsty  the  most  part  of  this  day. 
ShQ  had  an  earnest  desire  to  have  made  a  journey  to  visit 
you,  but  could  not  effect  it.  Sir,  I  humbly  thanck  you  for 
liie  Intelligence  I  received  in  your  letters,  and  for  the  2 
weekly  Intelligences,  which  Brother  Myles  brought  me,  I 
thinck,  ffx)m  your  selfe,  and  which  I  retume  inclosed,  by  this 
bearer,  with  many  thancks.  I  did  hope  that  we  might  have 
received  our  letters  by  Capt.  Pierse,  before  this  time.  But 
we  have  no  newes  lately  from  the  JBaye.  Brother  Rutter- 
ford,  and  Brother  Alsup  are  boath  there,  so  also  is  our 
Teacher,  M'  Streete.  The  2  former, ,  I  hope,  will  retume, 
some  time  the  next  weeke.  Then  probably  we  shall  have 
some  further  newes.  The  Lord  fitt  us  to  receive  it,  as  we 
ought,  what  ever  it  may  be ! 

Sir)  I  long  to  leame  of  your  perfect  recovery  of  health 
and  strength,  and  to  understand  from  you,  that  your  pur- 
pose is  to  be  with  us  shortly,  and  when  we  may  expect 
your  coming  to  us,  with  M"  Winthrope  etc 

In  the  meane  time,  and  ever,  the  Lord  Jesus  dwell  with 
you,  in  mercy,  and  peace,  and  loving  kindnesses  !  In  whom 
I  rest 

Sir)  yours  exceedingly  obliged 

John  Davenport. 
JSTewhavm  tf  20'*  of  tf  6'*  1660. 

[LabelJed,  "  M'  Davenport  July  20."  The  "  weekly  Intelligences " 
spoken  of  above  are  probably  the  London  Intelligencer,  a  Parliamentary 
paper,  of  which  a  copy  for  a  year  is  in  the  Athenseum.  —  J.  B.] 


The  mrUhrap  Papers.  37 

LXXIII. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  the  Right  Worship"  John  Winthrope  Esq'  Governo'  of 
Conectacute,  these  present  at  Hartford. 

Honoured  Sir) 

I  received  a  former  letter  from  you,  by  M'  Bishop,  who, 
in  his  returne  from  your  parts  hitherward,  tooke  a  wrong 
path  twise  and  was  so  bewildred  that  he  lost  his  way,  from 
Wethersfield,  and  lay  in  the  woods,  in  a  very  cold  night, 
and  came  not  to  us,  til  the  last  day  of  the  weeke  towards 
noone.  But,  I  hope,  he  hath  no  hurte,  but  is  returned  in 
safety  and  health,  by  the  mercy  of  God  to  his  family.  I 
will  not  now  trouble  you  with  the  reasons  of  my  returning 
those  papers  unto  you,  but  accept,  thanckfuUy  your  freindly 
admonition,  for  the  future,  not  to  erre  againe,  on  that  hand. 
We  boath  pray  you  to  accept  our  hearty  thancks  for  your 
supplies  of  Rubila,  both  then,  and  now  againe,  by  this 
bearer.  The  report  is  true  which  you  have  heard  of  much 
sicknes  in  this  towne  and  the  Farmes  about  it.  The  Lord 
be  merciful  to  his  people  and  rebuke  our  distempers,  and 
sanctiBe  his  afflicting  hand  to  them  and  us  all.  It  is  true 
also  that  M'  Pierse  is  come.  Brother  Rutterford  also  and 
Brother  Alsop  are  come  to  us,  and  have  brought  with  them 
our  Teacher  whose  deare  wife,  and  our  much  beloved  sister 
the  most  High  hath  taken  to  himselfe,  both  from  him  and 
us.  She  was  buried  the  day  before  his  arrival.  They  have 
also  brought  M'  Joanes,  and  his  wife,  M"  Hannah  Eaton, 
and  her  infant,  with  2  sons  of  his,  by  a  former  wife,  and  2 
servants  &c.  They  have  declared  themselves  to  be  unsat- 
isfyed  with  brother  Yales  selling  away  sundry  thmgs  in  the 
house,  and  with  his  agreement  with  M'  Hill  about  the  di- 
vision made  of  M'  Eatons  estate.  Some  discouragement 
seemes  to  be  upon  theyre  spirits  concerning  theyre  settling 
here,  yet  they  are  buisyed  about  disposing  the  goods  they 
have  brought  with  them  and  accomodating  theyre  dwell- 
mg  in  the  house.  Time  will  shew  what  theyre  future  res- 
olution will  be.  Edmond  is  come,  who  presenteth  his 
humble  service  to  your  selfe  and  to  M"  Winthrope.    He 


38  2%e  fVinthrop  Papers. 

found  out  your  son,  who  is  Captaine  of  a  Troope  of  horse 
in  Colonel  Reades  regiment,  whom  he  also  saw,  upon  the 
Exchange.  Your  son  is  well  recovered,  by  the  mercy  of 
God,  from  the  small  poxe.  He  was  with  him  againe,  the 
day  before  his  coming  away,  by  his  bed  side,  and  brought 
letters  from  him  to  your  selfe  &c  which  he  gave  to  M'  Amos 
Richardson,  at  his  desire,  purposing,  as  he  said,  a  journey 
to  New  London,  where  he  was  to  meete  with  you.  But, 
when  Edmund  saw  that  he  went  not,  but  stayed  above  a 
weeke,  Edmond,  being  to  come  for  N.  Haven,  desired  him 
to  lett  him  have  the  letters  againe,  that  he  might  bring  them 
unto  you  more  speedily  then,  he  suspected,  they  would  be 
handed  to  you,  by  M'  A,  R.  But  he  utterly  refused  to  let 
Edm.  have  them.  So  they  remaine  stil  in  his  hands.  Con- 
cerning M'  Peters  I  heare  lide,  onely  from  brother  Hooke, 
that  the  lord  Craven  waytes  hopefully  for  the  restitucon  of 
his  lands,  wherein,  he  saith,  M'  Peters  hath  a  share,  he  is 
of  kine  to  Monck,  and  sometimes  dineth  with  him.  Your 
son  told  Edmond  that  he  purposeth  to  retume  for  N.  E.  the 
next  yeare.  My  brother  Hooke  is  valetudinarious,  having 
bene  afflicted  with  a  very  greate  fluxe  of  Rheume,  accom- 
panied with  an  Erisipilus  unto  danger  of  death ;  he  hath 
stil  an  ill  stomach,  and  spleenish  distempers.  His  wife  also 
hath  her  bodily  infirmities.  He  hath  prevailed  with  a  kins- 
man of  yours  to  wright  unto  you  the  story  of  these  late 
years  in  Engl,  whom  he  comends  for  a  great  wit,  parts,  and 
copious  language,  and  choise  for  Intelligence  &c.  His  let- 
ter I  send  inclosed,  with  some  others,  and  one  from  M' 
Hartlib,  who  thinckes  you  live  in  this  plantacon,  and  hath 
sent  a  large  wrighting  unsealed,  that  I  might  peruse  it, 
which  though  I  want  time  to  read  over,  I  choose  rather 
to  send  it  to  you,  then  to  detaine  it.  He  hath  sent  also 
sundry  wrightings,  and  bookes,  some  to  your  selfe,  some  to 
me.  But  I  cannot  heare  of  them,  in  the  pinnases,  which 
makes  me  doubt,  they  are  stayed  in  the  Bay,  at  M'  Ushers, 
which  I  the  rather  suspect,  because  M'  Hartlib,  and  brother 
Hooke  certifie  me  that  M'  Drury  also  hath  sent  some  papers 
and  bookes  to  the  2  Teaching  Elders  at  Boston,  and  to  me. 
If  it  shall  please  you  to  employ  M'  A.  R.  therein,  he  will  in- 
quire of  M'  Usher,  and  procure  them  to  be  conveyed  to 
your  selfe,  and  myne,  by  your  helpe,  to  me.    Many  things 


•  7%e  Winthrap  Papers.  ^ 

I  might  add,  which  it  would  be  too  taedious  to  wright,  and 
would  be  more  fittly  comunicated  to  you,  if  we  might  injoy 
your  much  desired  presence  here.  The  2  gentlemen  of 
greate  qualitie  arrived  in  the  Baye,  are  Colonel  Whaley,  and 
his  son  in  law,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Goffe.  I  hope  to  see 
them  here,  after  the  Comissioners  are  gone,  if  not  before. 
I  might  hope  to  see  them  before,  upon  my  letter,  but  I 
defer  that,  on  purpose,  that  your  chamber  may  be  free  for 
your  reception  and  M"  Wintbropes,  when  the  Comissioners 
meete.  I  must  now  breake  off,  rather  than  conclude,  with 
myne,  my  wifes,  and  .sons  humble  services  presented  to 
yourselfe  and  M"  Winthrope,  and  our  prayers  for  all  good 
to  you  boath  and  yours,  remayning 

Sir,  yours  exceeding  obliged 

JoHir  Davekporte. 

Mwhaven  \f  11'*  i.  of  the  6^^  m.  1660. 

[On  a  little  piece  of  paper  watered  to  the  side  of  the  letter,  Mr.  Dav- 
enport adds  this  note :  -*] 

Sir,  I  mistooke,  in  my  letter,  when  I  said.  Colonel  Wha- 
lye  was  one  of  the  gentlemen  &c.  It  is  Comissary  Oen- 
erall  Whaley,  sister  Hookes  brother,  and  his  son  in  law  who 
is  with  him,  is  Colonel  Goffe ;  boath  godly  men,  and  es- 
caped pursute  in  EngL  narrowly. 

Etiam  atque  etiam  vale. 

[Endorsed  by  (xovemor  Winthrop,  ^M' Davenport  Aug.  11.  1660. 
Papers  from  AT  Hardib  dec.  and  the  papers  about  Wethersfeild  church.'^] 


LXXIV. 

Roger  WURams  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  my  honoured  kind  friend  M'  Winthrop  Govemour  of  Co- 
necticut  —  these  presents. 

Providence  8 :  7.  60  (so  calld). 

Sir  —  A  sudden  warning  gives  me  but  time  of  this  ab* 
rapt  salutation  to  youre  kind  selfe  and  M"  Winthrop,  wish* 
ing  you  peace.    I  promised  to  a  Neighbour,  a  former  ser* 


40  TU  Winthrop  Pofers. 

vant  of  your  Fathers,  (Joshua  Windsor)  to  write  a  Ime  on 
his  behalfe,  and  at  his  desire,  unto  you :  His  prayer  to  you 
is  that  when  you  travell  toward  Boston  you  would  please 
to  come  by  Providence,  and  spare  one  houre  to  heale  an  old 
sore,  a  controversie  betweene  him  and  most  of  his  neigh- 
bours (in  which  I  am  apt  to  thinck  he  hath  suffered  some 
wrong  :  He  hath  promised  to  submit  to  youre  sentence : 
His  opposite,  one  James  Ashton  (being  desired  by  me  to 
nommate  allso)  he  resolves  allso  to  submit  to  youre  sen- 
tence, which  will  conceme  more  trt//  and  stomach  then 
dammage,  for  the  matter  only  concemes  a  few  poles  of 
ground  wherein  Joshua  hath  cried  out  of  wrong  these  many 
yeares :  I  hope  Sir  the  blessed  Lord  will  make  you  a 
blessed  instrument  of  chiding  the  winds  and  seas  and  I 
shall  rejoice  in  youre  presence  amongst  us.  There  are 
^ater  ulcers  in  my  thoughts  at  present,  which  I  feare  are 
mcurable,  and  that  it  hath  pleased  the  most  wise  and  most 
High  to  passe  an  irrevocable  sentence  of  amputations  and 
cauterizations  upon  the  poore  Protestant  partie :  the  clouds 
gather  mighty  fast  and  thick  upon  our  heads  from  all  the 
popish  quarters:  It  hath  pleased  the  Lord  to  glad  the 
Romish  conclave  with  the  departure  of  those  2  mighty  bul- 
warks of  the  protestant  Oliver  and  Gustavus;  to  unite  (I 
thinck  by  this  time)  all  the  Catholike  Kings  and  Princes, 
for  Portugal  was  like  very  like  of  late  to  retume  to  the 
yoake  of  Spaine,  whose  treasure  from  the  Indies,  it  hath 
pleased  Grod  to  send  home,  so  wonderfully  great  and  rich 
this  yeare,  that  I  cannot  but  feare  the  Lord  hath  some 
mighty  worck  to  effect  with  it :  We  know  the  Catholick 
King  was  in  debt,  but  he  now  over  flowes  with  millions 
which  God  is  most  like  to  expend  against  the  protestants 
or  the  Turks  the  2  great  enemies  (the  sword  fish  and  the 
thrasher)  against  the  popish  Leviathan:  The  presbiteri- 
an  party  in  England  and  Scotland  is  yet  very  like  to  make 
some  strugle  against  the  popish  invasions  and  yet  in  the 
end  I  feare  (as  long  I  have  feared  and  long  since  told  Oli- 
ver, to  which  he  much  inclined)  the  bloudie  whore  is  not 
yet  drunck  enough  with  the  bloud  of  the  Saintes  and  wit- 
Besses  of  Jesus :  One  Cordiall  is  (amongst  so  many  the 
mercifuU  Lord  hath  provided)  that  that  whore  will  sbordy 
appeare  so  extreamely  k)athsome,  in    ber  drunckeones, 


The  Winlhrop  Paper t.  41 

bestialities  &c  that  her  bewitched  paramours  will  teare  her 
flesh  and  burne  her  with  fire  unquenchable :  Here  is  a 
sound  that  Fairfax  and  about  200  of  the  House  with  him, 
differ  with  the  King :  the  merciful!  Lord  fit  us  to  heare  and 
feele  more :  It  is  a  very  thick  and  dreadful!  mist  and 
swampe,  with  which  the  Lord  hath  a  great  while  suffered 
us  to  laboure  in,  as  hoping  to  wade  out,  breal^e  through  and 
escape  shipwraclc :  Iii  Richard  Protector's  parliament 
they  fell  into  3  factions  presently,  Royalists,  Protectorians 
(which  were  most  Presbiterian  and  carried  it)  and  com- 
monwealths men.  The  Presbiterians  (when  Gen*  Monck 
brought  in  the  secluded  members  caried  it  againe  (of  late) 
clearly  (and  so  vigourously  against  the  Papists  that  stricter 
lawes  then  ever)  there  must  surely  then  be  great  flames 
before  the  King  can  accomplish  his  engagements  to  the 
popish  parde. 

You  know  well  Sir  at  sea,  the  first  entertainment  of  a 
storme  is,  with,  downe  with  top  sailes  :  The  Lord  merci- 
fully helpe  us  to  loare,  and  mike  us  truly  more  and  more 
low,  humble,  contented,  thanckful!  for  the  least  crums  of 
mercie :  But  the  storme  increaseth,  and  trying  with  our 
mainsayles  and  misens  will  not  doe,  we  must  therefore 
humbly  beg  patience  from  the  Father  of  lights  and  God  of 
all  mercies  to  lye  at  hull,  in  hope  :  It  was  a  motto  in  one 
of  the  late  parliaments  ^Cornets,  under  a  show'r  of  bloud, 
Transibit.  Sir  my  Neignbour  M"  Scot  is  come  from  Eng- 
land and  what  the  whip  at  Boston  could  not  doe,  converse 
with  friends  in  England  and  their  arguments  have  in  a  great 
measure  drawne  her  from  the  Quakers,  and  wholy  from 
their  meetings :  Try  the  spirits ;  there  are  many  abroad,  and 
must  be,  but  the  Lord  will  be  glorious  in  plucking  up, 
whatever  his  holy  hand  hath  not  planted :  My  brother 
runs  strongly  to  Origens  notion  of  Universall  mercy  at  last, 
against  an  eternal!  sentence  —  Our  times  will  call  upon  us 
for  through  discussions  :  the  fire  is  like  to  try  us  :  It  is  a 
wonderfull  mercy  the  Barbarians  are  yet  so  quiet :  A 
partie  ojf  our  neighboures  are  just  now  come  home,  rd  in- 
fect&  :  The  Monhiggins  would  not  sallie  and  the  Nanhigg 
would  not  spoile  the  come,  for  feare  of  offending  the  Eng- 
lish :  The  Lord  mercifully  guide  the  councells  of  the  Com- 
missioners :    M'  Arnold,  M'  Brenton  and  others  strugle 

VOL.   X.  6 


42  The  mnthrop  Paperi. 

agamst  your  interest  at  Narriganset ;  but  I  hope  your  pres 
ence  might  doe  much  good  amongst  us  in  a  few  dayes  — 
Sir  I  am 

Unworthy,  yours  R.  W. 

[Labelled,  "  Rec"  Oct'  2.  1660."] 


LXXV. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrap^  Jr. 

To  the  Right  Worship"  John  Wmthrope  Esq'  Govemour  of 
Connectacute  Colonie,  these  present  at  Hartford. 

Honour^  Sir) 

Though  I  am,  at  present,  in  preparacon  for  the  lecture, 
to  morrow,  yet  having  newly  received  a  letter  fix)m  Capt 
Clarke,  and  hearing  that  one  at  the  ordinary  purposeth  a 
journey  towards  the  Baye,  in  the  morning,  who,  I  suppose, 
will  goe  by  Hartford,  I  make  bold  to  send  you  the  Intelligence 
which  I  receive  from  England,  by  way  of  Newfoundland, 
to  the  middle  of  July,  which  informes,  that  those  who  were 
of  the  High  Court  of  justice  and  condemned  the  forma* 
Kmg,  theyre  estates  are  confisca^,  20  of  them  imprisoned, 
three  of  them  like  to  die,  viz,  Jones,  Harrison,  and  Say  (if 
I  doe  not  misreade)  and  that  D'  Goodwm,  M'  Nie,  and 
M'  Peters,  are  in  prison,  and  likely  to  lose  thejrre  lives,  and 
that  there  is  a  consultacon  to  settle  church  discipline,  in  a 
way  of  joyning  Episcopacy  and  Presbytery,  by  agreement 
that  each  Bishop  in  his  Diocess  shall  have  a  select  number 
of  presbyters  joyned  with  him,  the  comon  prayer  to  be  es- 
tablished, but  with  some  alteracons  :  some  ceremonies  to  be 
left  indifferent ;  as  bowing  at  the  name  of  Jesus,  the  sur- 
pliss,  cross  in  Baptisme  &c.  That  good  men  are  under 
some  sufferings,  many  being  turned  out  of  theyre  places : 
but  greater  things  feared:  Spaine  like  to  make  peace: 
France  like  to  differ.  The  good  Lord  prepare  his  people, 
in  Old  England,  and  New,  for  what  they  and  we  may  ex- 
pect, and,  in  the  meane  time,  give  us  hearts  to  sympathize 
with  afflicted  Joseph !  We,  at  Newhaven,  are  stil  under 
Gods  afflicting  hand.    The  good  Lord  sanctifie  it,  to  us  all ! 


TTu  Winthrop  Papers.  43 

Our  Governo'  stil  continues  very  weake,  eates  litle,  and  ill 
digests  what  he  eates,  is  ill  after  it,  yet,  til  he  takes  some* 
thing,  findes  a  gnawing  at  his  stomach,  is  comonly  coldish. 
Once  he  tooke  the  Rubila,  but  finding  himself  suhdrie  times 
ready  to  faint  away,  hath  not  bene  willing  to  take  it  againe, 
nor  his  wife  that  he  should,  though  we  perswaded  and  en- 
couraged him  thereunta  I  feare  what  the  issue  may  be,  if 
some  better  course  be  not  taken  for  his  recovery  then 
[M' Augur*]  prescribes.  Also  our  Teacher  is  very  sick. 
The  last  lecture  day,  he  purposed  to  preach,  though  he 
found  an  Aguish  distemper,  the  day  before,  and  continued 
in  that  purpose  til  the  2^  drume,  but  then  was  compelled  to 
take  his  bed.  So  there  was  no  sermon.  Afterward  he 
hoped  that  it  would  be  a  quotidian,  and  leave  him  at  the 
4^*^  fitt,  as  it  did  here,  in  the  spring,  and,  once  before,  at 
Milford.  But  it  is  plainly  the  disease,  and  he  hath  after  his 
cold  a  burning,  without  sweate,  and  was  very  ill  with  it,  this 
day.  He  is  also  troubled  with  detention  of  his  urine,  and 
when  he  voided  it,  it  was  sharpe  and  hot.  I  much  feare 
what  the  issue  will  be.  I  persuaded  him,  what  I  could,  to 
take  the  Rubila,  but  doe  not  finde  him  inclinable,  though 
he  is  burthened  in  his  stomach.  He  slept  not,  the  last 
night,  and  had  a  burning  fit,  this  aftemoone,  he  takes  very 
fitle  of  any  thing,  and  desires  litle  or  nothing.  My  wife 
made  some  things,  for  him,  he  tooke  a  litle  of  it.  Upon 
drincking  some  beere  from  the  ordinary  which  was  harsh  and 
soure,  he  fell  into  a  vomiting,  which  brought  up  much  yel- 
k>w  stuffe,  yesterday.  The  good  Lord  direct  to  the  meanes, 
which  he  will  bless  for  his  recovery  !  M'  Jones  tooke  the 
Rubila  4  times  and  followed  your  other  directions,  and  is, 
by  the  blessing  of  God,  in  an  hopefuU  way.  His  fittes,  he 
thincks,  have  left  him,  though  some  grudgings  he  findes 
hanging  about  him  he  doth  not  know  of  my  wrighting,  at 
this  time.  I  believe,  M'^  Jones  himselfe  will  wright  to  you, 
when  he  findes  himselfe  able.  And  I  am  persuaded  that 
your  advise  will  prevaile  with  our  Govemour  to  take  what 
course  you  may  please  to  prescribe.  He  knoweth  not  of 
my  wrighting  at  this  time,  because  my  letter  is  now  to  be 
sent  away,  the  messenger  being  to  be  gone,  betimes,  in  the 

*  EnMd  by  Gorernor  Winthrop.— I.  B. 


44  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

morning.  The  Lord  Jesus  dwell  with  you  and  yours  in 
mercy  and  peace  and  loving  kindnesses !  With  our  humble 
service  to  yourselfe  and  M"  Winthrope,  and  our  loving  sal- 
utations to  all  your  branches,  my  wife,  and  son  joyning  with 
me  therein,  I  rest 

Yours  exceedingly  obliged 

John  Davenporte. 

Jfewhaven  y'  1 7'^  d.  of  y'  8'*  m.  1 660. 

We  heare  that  M'  Paine  and  M '  Web  are  boath  dead. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Davenport  —  Oct'  17.  1660."] 


LXXVI. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  the  Right  Worshipfull    John  Winthrop  Esq'  Governor 
of  Connectacute  Colonic,  these  present  in * 

Hon**  Sir  —  I  perceive,  you  have  received  from  others 
the  sad  intelligence  of  the  decease  of  our  Hon"*  Governor,! 
my  very  deare  and  precious  freind.  We  hoped  that  he  was 
in  a  good  way  of  recovery  from  his  former  sicknes,  and 
were  comforted  with  his  presence  in  the  publick  Assembly, 
2  Lords  dales,  and  at  one  meeting  of  the  church  one  a 
weeke  day,  without  any  sensible  inconvenience.  And  on 
the  morning  of  the  day  of  publick  Thanksgiving,  he  found 
himselfe  encouraged  to  come  to  the  publick  Assembly. 
But,  after  the  morning  sermon,  he  told  me  that  he  found 
himselfe  exceeding  cold  from  head  to  toe,  yet,  havmg  dined, 
he  was  refreshed,  and  came  to  the  meeting  againe,  in  the 
afternoone,  the  day  continuing  very  cold.  That  night  he 
was  very  ill,  yet  he  did  not  complaine  of  any  relapse  into 
his  former  disease,  but  of  inward  cold,  which*  he  and  we 
hoped  might  be  removed  by  his  keeping  warme  and  using 
other  suitable  meanes.  I  believe,  be  did  not  thinck  that 
the  time  of  his  departure  was  so  neare,  or  that  he  should 

*  Torn  oflf,  but  Hartford  is  supplied  below.  — J.  B. 
t  Governor  Francis  Newman.  —  J.  B. 


The  WirUkrop  Papers  45 

die  of  this  distemper,  tho'  he  was  alwaies  prepared  for  his 
greate  change.  The  last  day  of  the  weake,  he  desired  my 
SOD  to  come  to  him  the  next  morning,  to  wright  a  bill  for  him 
to  be  praied  for,  according  to  his  direction  my  son  went 
to  him,  after  the  beating  of  the  first  drum,  but  finding  him- 
selfe  not  fit  to  speake  much,  he  praied  him  to  wright  for 
him  what  he  thought  fit  When  the  2^  drum  beate,  I  was 
sent  for  to  him.  But,  before  I  came,  tho'  I  made  hast,  his 
precious  immortal  soul  was  departed,  from  its  house  of  clay, 
unto  the  souls  of  just  men  made  perfect  We  were  not  wor- 
thy of  him,  a  true  Nathaniel,  an  Israelite  indeed ;  who  served 
God,  in  Christ,  in  sincerity  and  trueth.  He  honored  Ood 
in  his  personal  conversacon,  and  in  his  Administration  of 
Cheif  Magistrate  in  this  Colonie.  And  God  hath  given 
him  honour  in  the  hearts  of  his  people.  My  losse  and  my 
sons,  who  tooke  great  contentment  in  his  company,  as  he 
also  did  in  his,  is  very  great,  and  our  greife  answerable. 
But  the  publick  losse  is  fan*  greater,  and  answerably  it  is 
generally  bewailed,  God  recompensing  his  faithfuhes  with 
his  living  desired  and  dying  lamented.  It  becomes  us  to  lay 
our  hands  upon  our  mouthes,  yea,  to  put  our  mouthes  in 
the  dust,  remembring  whose  doing  this  is,  yet,  in  respect 
of  meanes,  I  could  wish  2  things.  1.  that,  in  his  former 
sicknes,  he  had  wholly  and  onely  followed  your  directions. 
2.  that,  he  had  forborne  coming  forth,  that  cold  day.  But 
Gods  counsailes  shall  stand,  whose  will  is  the  1"^  and  best 
cause  of  all  things,  and  the  very  errours  of  men  shall  serve 
to  accomplish  his  purposes,  who  is  holy  in  all  his  waies,  and 
righteous  in  all  his  workes.  Sir,  what  I  wrote,  in  my 
former,  concerning  M"  Coghen,  I  had  from  Anth.  Elcock, 
who  received  it  in  the  Baye,  viz.  that  she  was  discontented 
that  she  had  no  suitours,  and  that  she  had  encouraged  her 
Farmer,  a  meane  man,  to  make  a  motion  to  her  for  mar- 
riage, which  accordingly  he  propounded,  prosecuted  and 
proceeded  in  it  so  fan*  that,  afterwards,  when  she  reflected 
upon  what  she  had  done,  and  what  a  change  of  her  out- 
ward condition  she  was  bringing  herselfe  into,  she  grew 
discontented,  despaired,  and  tooke  a  great  quantity  of  ratts 
bane,  and  so  died:  Fides  sit  penes  Authorem.  Sir,  I 
humbly  thanck  you  for  the  intelligence  you  was  pleased  to 
give  me  of  an  opportunity  of  transmitting  a  letter  for  Lon- 


46  JTie  fFinthrop  Papers. 

don,  which  is  a  thing  that  I  earnestly  desire,  and  doe  make 
bold  to  commit  it  to  your  owne  care,  seing  you  are  pleased 
to  give  me  that  liberty,  and  hearing  that  the  vessel  is  yet  at 
Hartford.  The  letter  is  of  greate  importance,  the  safe  and 
speedy  handing  of  it  to  M'  Robb.  Newman  will  be  a  reall 
advantage  to  me,  and  the  miscarrying  of  it,  no  small  disad- 
vantage. In  which  respect,  if  you  conceive,  it  will  be  more 
speedily  and  certainly  conveyed  to  him  by  this  way  then  by 
the  ship  at  Boston ;  I  desire  it  may  be  sent  accordingly 
with  the  more  strong  engagement  for  committing  it  to  a  sure 
Iiand  at  Barbadoes,  to  be  delivered  to  M^  Newman,  in  Lon- 
don, as  the  matter  is  of  more  consequence ;  that  an  answer 
may  be  returned  from  him  by  the  1*^  ship  from  London  to 
Boston,  in  the  Spring.  Having  thus  opened  the  case,  I 
crave  leave  to  commit  it  wholly  to  yourselfe  to  take  that 
course  with  it,  which  you  shall  judge  most  suitable.  I  shall 
not  adde,  but  myne,  my  wifes,  and  sons  humble  services  to 
yourselfe  and  M"  Winthrope,  with  our  respectful  and  aflFec- 
tionate  salutacon  to  your  son  and  daughters,  praying  the 
Lord  to  continue  your  life  unto  them,  and  theyres  unto  you, 
and  to  multiplye  his  favours  and  blessings  upon  you  and 
them,  through  Jesus  Christ !     In  whom  I  rest, 

Sir,  yours  ever  obliged 

John  Davewporte. 

JVewhaven  %f  27'*  i.  of  \f  ^'^  m.  1 660. 

The  miscarriage  of  a  letter,  which  I  formerly  sent  to  Lon- 
don, by  way  of  Barbadoes  makes  me  so  desirous  that  this 
may  not  miscarry. 

My  wife  heares  by  one,  in  this  Towne,  that  a  D'  of  physic 
in  England  saith  that  conserve  of  Rue  will  hinder  propaga- 
con  of  children  —  She  desires  to  understand  your  judge- 
ment concemmg  it. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Davenport  about  M'  Newman's  death  —  rcc*  Novem- 
ber 28.  1660."  ] 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  47 


LXXVII. 

Henry  Oldenburg  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

For  his  much  honored  friend  M'  John  Winthorp  Gouemor 
of  Connectecuty  recommended  to  M^  John  Richards  at 
Boston  marchand,  or  M^  Amos  Richardson  marchand,  or 
M'  Hezekia  Usher  Bookseller  in  New  England,  at  Bos- 
ton. 

Sir, 

I  am  herew'*"  to  acquamt  you,  y*  ye  Royall  Society,  where- 
of you  are  so  worthy  a  member,  Judging  it  very  conduciue  to 
their  dessein,  to  bespeake  and  engage  all  sorts  of  intelligent 
and  publike-spirited  men,  to  contribute,  what  they  can,  to 
so  Noble  and  Usefull  a  Work,  as  they  haue  vndertaken : 
And  it  being  a  great  part  of  theu*  Province,  to  make  Celes- 
tiall  Observaons,  for  ye  perfecting  of  Astronomy,  Cosmog- 
raphy and  Navigaon  ;  and  there  being,  among  other  Astro- 
nomicall  Desiderata,  wanting  accurate  Tables  of  ye  Motions 
of  Mercury ;  ye  s"^  Society  bath  thought  good  to  recom- 
mend to  ye  Virtuosi  of  ye  severall  parts  of  ye  World  y*  Ob- 
servaoh  of  ye  s"*  Planets  Conjunction  w^*"  ye  Sun,  w***, 
according  to  our  best  Calculadn,  will  happen  here  in  Eng- 
land about  London  on  ye  25^^  Octob.  of  thb  present  year, 
m  its  central  Ingresse  hot.  4  32^ ;  True  Conjunction,  hor. 
7.  6^;  Midle,  h.  7.  11^^;  CentraU  Egresse  h.  9.  A9\'.  So 
y*  ye  whole  duration  of  the  Center  of  ^  w^4n  the  visible 
Periphery  of  ye  0  b  hor.  6.  17'.  and  ye  distance  of  their 
Centers  at  ye  midle  of  ye  Eclipse  3'.  3F^  according  to 
M'  Street. 

The  R.  Society  being  persuaded  both  of  y'  ability  and 
willingnes  to  make  such  Observaons,  and  not  doubting,  but 
y*  you  are  fumisht  w'**  instrum''  necessary  for  it,  haue  com- 
manded me  to  desire  you,  to  obserue  w^^  all  possible  exact- 
nesse  the  mention'd  Conjunction,  and  to  acquaint  them  w^^ 
y'  performances  therem. 

If  y'  Generousnes  invite  you  to  adde  hereunto,  what  in 
and  about  y^  Contry  occurrs  considerable  for  the  Inriching 
of  ye  History  of  Nature  (whose  Composure  is  one  of  ye 
maine  things,  they  haue  in  their  Eye)  it  will  be  a  good  ser- 


48  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

vice  to  ye  Commonwealth  of  learning,  and  a  thing  highly 
acceptable  to  ye  Society ;  who  haue  lately  receiued  an  ex- 
cellent account  from  ye  East-Indies  upon  such  Queries,  as 
they  formerly  sent  thither,  together  w'**  a  Noble  present  of 
some  of  ye  rarest  curiosities  of  y'  part  of  ye  world  ;  amongst 
w*^**  there  are,  a  skin  of  a  young  Rinoceros,  and  the  strange 
teeth  of  an  old  Rinoceros ;  as  also  a  very  precious  stone, 
taken  out  of  ye  head  of  a  snake,  said  positively  by  ye  Pre- 
senter himselfe  (w^**  is  S'  Philiberto  Vernatti,  residing  at 
Batavia)  y^  being  laid  vpon  ye  wound,  made  by  any  ven- 
omous creature,  draws  out  ye  poison,  and  being  cast  into 
milk  turnes  it  blew  by  discharging  its  poison  therein ; 
whereupon  it  is  to  be  applyed  again  to  ye  wound,  so  long 
and  often,  till  it  be  cleansed.  Besides,  there  is  a  very 
odde  piece  of  wood,  naturally  smelling  like  human  £x- 
cremt,  used  by  ye  Natiues  agst  evill  Spirits  and  Incantaons ; 
and  w'^'all  some  oyle  like  oyle  of  Camphir  in  smell  and 
taste,  but  drawne  out  of  ye  root  of  a  Cinamon-tree.  I  passe 
by  ye  Petra  di  porco,  celebrated  to  be  better  than  ye  •  best 
Bezoar ;  it.  Cochin-china  Birds-nests  etc.  because  I  should 
be  too  prolixe,  if  I  should  particularize  and  enlarge  vpon 
^  all.  You  see  hereby.  Sir,  y^  our  Society  hath  gotten  a 
'  name  and  interest  in  ye  remote  East-Indies ;  I  doubt  not, 
but  by  your  means  they  will  root  y^selves  likewise  in  a 
great  part  of  ye  West-Indies,  and  receiue  by  y'  procuremt 
ye  chief  rarities,  w*^**  those  part  can  afford ;  and  in  confi- 
dence hereof  I  remaine 

Sir  Y^  humble  and  most  affectionat  Servant 

H.  Oldenburg  Soc.  Reg.  Seer. 

London  Aug.  3.  1664. 

S^  Remember,  I  intreat  you,  ye  History  of  New  Eng- 
land, begun  by  y'.  worthy  Father,  and  continued  by  y'self; 
and  forget  by  no  means  the  matter  of  mines,  of  Tydes,  ol' 
Currents  of  ye  Seas,  of  making  Salt  in  y'  compendious  and 
cheap  way.  These  things  well  accounted  of  to  our  Society, 
will  set  you  very  high  in  their  esteem,  to  my  knowledge. 

[Labelled,  "  M^  Henry  Oldenburg— rec**  Decemb:  12  1664."] 


7%e  Winthrop  Papers.  49 

LXXVin. 
Samuel  Hutchinson  to  John  fVinthrop,  Jr. 

■ 

To  John  Wintrop  Esq'  att  New  Lond*  In  New  England. 

M'  John  Wintrop 

Sir  —  Having  this  opertuny ty  by  way  of  New  Yorke,  in 
a  ship  of  S.  George  Cartrets  bound  for  New  Jersy  how 
carys  Capt.  Cartret  the  Governor,  I  know  yor  wonted 
costom  to  all  strangers,  not  to  let  them  lacke  any  Asistance 
or  Advice  you  cane  give  them,  Yor  experyance  in  those 
parts  being  much,  may  doe  him  servis  and  yor  selfe  noe 
predgedis.  Butt  as  you  will  heare,  thar  will  be  a  greater 
obligatyon  then  ordenary,  to  the  Honerab^  Sir  Georg  Cart- 
rett  and  Capt.  Phillip  Cartret  now  Govemer  of  New  Jersy. 
As  I  shall  tell  you,  Conseming  the  Irons  for  the  salt  work 
you  may  rember  you  went  out  of  England  soe  sodingly 
and  my  self  being  in  the  Contry  tooke  noe  leave  of  you, 
nor  came  to  any  Conclutyon  aboutt  the  worcke,  I  ondly 
promasing  that  if  I  made  use  of  that  way  you  shold  be 
consemed  with  me.  I  think  you  will  find  I  have  fuly  per- 
formed my  word,  And  the  ffirenes  of  S'  Geoi^  and  the 
Capt.  in  the  same  is  worth  tacking  notes  of,  Altho  I  doe 
not  qestyon  your  deserts  may  meritt  more,  you  will  find 
what  your  proportyon  b  by  the  enclosed  Copey  of  Artickles, 
for  my  part  I  have  not  prompt  upon  the  consemed  with  any 
great  hopes  of  such  exterordenstry  advantegis,  as  youer  and 
my  resons  did  lead  us  to  beleve  or  conseve,  this  I  have 
onldly  asured  them  as  in  the  artickels  you  will  find  that  if 
Capt  Cartrett  mislickes  after  he  coms  into  the  contry  I 
will  tacke  them  of  at  the  same  rate,  this  I  shall  tell  you  as 
to  mater  of  the  Irons,  I  have  twise  the  encorigement  sens  I 
had  them  home  then  I  had  before  when  we  ondly  discorsed 
of  them.  My  other  letters  with  the  Irons  will  sone  folow 
thes,     Soe  I  remaine. 

Yours  to  Comand 

Sam  Hutchii<9son. 

London  14  ffebrye  1664  |  ent  (4). 

[Labelled,  '*  M"  Sam.  Hutebenson  —  rec'  July  4.  1605.*"] 
VOL.   X.  7 


60  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

LXXIX. 

Samuel  Hutchinson  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 
To  M'  John  Wintrop  att  New  London  thes  pst 

London  20  of  Febry  1 664. 

Sir  —  In  my  last  I  left  out  the  pertickelars  of  what  I 
have  observed  more  in  the  uese  of  the  Irons  for  the  salt 
worke.  I  doe  not  meane  the  long  Irons  you  so  ihuch  de- 
sired for  the  evaporating,  those  you  know  the  best  way  of 
uesing  but  I  shall  give  you  my  opinion  as  to  that  also,  that 
I  observed  is  of  the  fouer  quarter  congeling  panes,  that  we 
entending  to  joyne  to  gether  with  plates  of  Iron,  which 
wold  have  bin  trubelsom  and  chargabell,  neather  cold  they 
have  bin  made  soe  large,  as  this  way  I  ame  about  to  tel  you, 
ferst  observe  thare  hath  bin  many  boyling  vesels,  the  uper 
worke  made  of  wood,  then  you  have  some  brewers  colers 
made  of  woode  and  kepe  very  thite,  if  you  emagin  the 
heate  of  the  iron  will  borne  the  wood  I  conseve  not  as  long 
as  any  water  is  in  them,  you  may  chose  whether  you  lett 
the  woode  tuch  or  not,  you  may  joyne  them  with  som  kind 
of  sement  that  will  enduer  water,  thare  is  a  good  sement 
made  with  pich  new  worte  and  sand,  lett  the  pich  be  meltid 
then  pore  in  sand  by  degres,  tell  it  be  very  thick,  the  way 
of  laying  it  one  or  stopin  holes  must  be  with  a  hott  iron, 
but  you  may  not  nead  any  of  this  if  you  macke  a  good  bead 
of  clay,  what  thicknes  you  thinck  fitt  that  you  may  have 
rome  for  the  fier  to  play  under  the  irons  Lett  the  clay  be 
well  stamped  and  beate  together,  then  place  your  irons  at 
the  fouer  comers  at  what  distance  you  please  the  frame  of 
planck  in  the  midell  made  as  thite  as  you  cane  stamped 
downe  in  the  clay,  then  yor  worcke  is  done,  it  cannot  leake 
much  throw  the  clay  and  the  liquer  is  not  soe  presious,  but 
I  beleve  you  may  kepe  it  from  leacking  at  all. 

If  you  sett  the  quarters  at  very  greate  distance,  I  sopose 
you  will  want  fier  to  be  made  under  all  the  Irons,  but  when 
thay  are  up  you  may  trey  if  macking  fier  ondly  at  the  two 
cros  corners,  wold  not  be  heate  sufishant,  if  soe  then  you 
may  make  the  other  two  comers  up  with  wood,    Soe  that 


ITie  fVinthrop  Papers.  51 

two  Irons,  will  make  one  pane,  I  have  also  sent  som  plain 
irons  that  ondly  are  for  the  midell  and  all  the  sides  and 
tother  part  of  the  botom  to  be  made  of  woode,  I  questyon 
not  but  you  will  find  out  the  most  convenyant  for  them 
I  ondly  give  you  my  one  judgment. 

As  for  the  preparing  of  the  brine  I  conseve  if  dige  holes 
or  pondes  in  the  grownd  for  the  water  to  stand  in  —  In  the 
somer  it  will  evaporat  more  then  upon  the  irons  —  Capt 
Cartret  hath  brought  over  sondry  ffrench  men  that  know  the 
making  of  salt  in  ffrance,  Soe  suerly  if  they  make  salt  in 
that  fashin,  we  may  make  brine  that  waye. 

I  ame  pretey  well  satisfyed  that  thare  may  be  good  done 
in  the  salt  busines,  therfor  as  I  have  provided  for  you  in 
this,  if  you  goe  forward  yor  self  or  sett  any  other  person 
upon  it  you  wold  doe  the  licke  for  me,  if  you  goe  yo'  self 
to  New  Jersy,  I  desier  you  to  view  the  plantatyons  and  if 
you  pich  upon  a  good  track  of  Land,  send  me  word  how 
it  leyes,  for  Sir  George  promasis  me  what  in  reson  I  can 
desier  thare,  and  advise  the  salt  worke  to  be  set  up  in  that 
place  if  convenyant,  if  you  provide  wht  ocke  [white  oak]  pip 
staves  I  doe  conseve  thay  may  be  a  comodety  in  New 
England  sondry  ships  will  com  to  Lode  stave  for  Canarys 
and  other  Hands,  I  shall  not  omit  other  opertunytys  but  re- 
mane  Sam  Hutchinson. 

Note  the  woode  uese  must  be  sesoned  and  without  sap. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Sara.  Hutchinson  —  rec*  July  4.  1666."] 


LXXX. 
Philip  Carteret  to  John  Winthropj  Jr. 

For  my  honoured  ffreind  John  Winthropp  Esq'  at  New 
London  New  England. 

JVewportes  neweSf  Virginia^  13""  Junij  1666. 
Honoi^  Sir  — 

Findeing  the  opportunity  by  this  vessell  bound  for  New 
Yorke,  to  send  you  some  letters  which  I  brought  out  of 


52  The  Wintkrop  Papers. 

England,  I  thought  it  convenient  to  send  them  to  you  knowe- 
ing  the  sooner  they  come  to  your  hands  the  better :  I 
suppose  that  by  them  you  will  understand  that  M'  Hutchin- 
son hath  sould  unto  Sir  George  Carteret  and  mysefe  i^  of  a 
salt  worke  and  pottash  worke  which  was  formerly  contrived 
by  you.  Allso  it  is  agreed  by  M'  Hutchinson  and  us  that 
for  the  care  you  tooke  then  and  the  advice  you  will  please 
to  lend  us  for  the  future,  that  you  shall  the  ^^  parte  of  the 
proffitt,  for  I  hope  they  are  arrived  ere  this  time  being  shipt 
aboard  of  a  shipp  that  was  to  come  to  Pescadoe  for  masts 
for  the  King.  This  being  all  at  present  hopeing  (winde  and 
weather  permitting)  to  be  at  New  Yorke  in  5  or  six  dayes 
hence,  I  am 

Sir,  your  humble  servant 

Ph  Carteret. 

Sir  —  If  you  please  to  doe  me  the  favour  to  let  mee  heare 
from  you  direct  your  Letter  to  Cap"  James  BuUaigne  in 
New  Yorke. 

[Labelled,  "  Capt.  Philip  Carteret  rec**  July  4.  1665."  Under  the  su- 
perscription are  the  words,  ^^  recM  June  20 "  ;  probably  written  by  the 
person  who  forwarded  the  letter  from  New  York.  — J.  B.] 


LXXXI. 

John  Winthropj  Jr.,  to  Philip  Carteret. 

To  Capt  Phillip  Carteret  at  New  York. 

Hartford  July  18.  1665. 
Hon^  Sir  — 

I  had  the  favour  of  your  conveyance  of  some  letters  from 
M'  Samuel  Hutchinson  in  a  letter  of  June  13.  from  Virginia 
declaring  a  purpose  of  coming  for  New  York  within  a  short 
time  after,  and  have  thither  directed  these  for  that  time  to 
congratulate  your  arrival  there.  In  your  letter,  there  is 
mention  of  t"*'  of  a  salt  work  sold  by  M'  Hutchinson  I 
suppose  it  may  be  meant  and  some  cast  irons  that  should  be 
used  about  such  a  worke,  for  I  heare  that  such  ircHis  were 


JU  Winthrop  Papers.  53 

sent  by  bim  m  a  ship  tbat  came  for  masts  and  were  landed 
at  Boston :  and  M'  Hutcbinson,  in  those  his  letters  mentions 
irons  but  no  particulars  If  he  means  those  be  bad  cast  in 
England  before  I  came  thence^  if  there  be  only  those  they 
are  not  ynough  by  much  for  a  worke  that  should  produce 
quantity  worth  considering.  They  should  have  served  for 
a  trial  of  a  new  invention  in  England,  which  had  been 

necessary  before  any  great  charges was  way  but 

time  and  opportunity  failed,  and  such  stock,  as  should  have 
been  for  expenses  in  the  trial  of  it  could  not  then  be  pro- 
cured. I  knew  nothing  of  any  intention  of  IVr  Hutchinson 
to  set  up  such  works  in  these  parts  of  the  world  —  He  men- 
tions now  New  Jarsy,  which  is  a  place  I  know  not  nor  have 
ever  heard  where  it  is  —  it  would  be  good  to  consider  the 
convenience  of  the  place  for  tbat  commodity  and  for  the 
vending  of  it  before  expenses  be  laid  out  —  They  bring 
great  quantities  of  salt  from  the  isle  of  May  Sal  Salt  Turtu- 
gas  and  many  places  in  West  Indies  where  they  have  it  for 
nothing  but  the  gathering  it  up,  and  most  vessels  must  re- 
turn empty  if  they  did  not  brmg  off  salt,  and  when  they 
have  brought  it  they  must  sell  it  though  very  cheap  for  it  is 

the  charge  of  transporting  to  any  place I  understand 

by  M'  Hutchinsons  letters  that  there  are  not  sent  over,  with 
the  cast  irons  such  hammer'd  plates  as  are  necessary  for 
the  composing  of  them,  which  should  have  been  ordered 
there  of  just  dimensions  fitted  to  the  cast  quarters  —  with- 
out which  these  cast  pieces  cannot  possibly  be  made  useful. 
He  writes  very  confidently  that  his  opmion  is  they  may  be 
composed  without  those  plates,  with  plankes  and  clay  or 
cement,  and  that  therefore  he  sends  no  plates  as  being 
not  needfuU,  but  I  know  not  that  way,  I  understand  not  how 
it  can  be  so  done,  nor  do  I  believe  that  they  can  be  made 
use  of  that  way.  I  suppose  I  may  have  occasion  to  go  to 
Boston  shortly  and,  there  may  view  those  irons  and  upon 
further  consideration  thereupon  there  may  be  opportunity  to 
give  you  my  further  apprehensions  about  that  business  ^om 

Your  h««  serv*  J.  W. 

[Labelled,  "  Copy  of  letter  to  Capt  Philip  Carteret  at  New  York.''  — 
A  rough  draft.  — J.  B.] 


54  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

LXXXIL 

John  Winthrop^  Jr.^  to  Col.  Richard  JSItcolls. 

To  the  Right  Hon^^«  Col :  Richard  Nicolls  Gov^  at  N.  York. 

Fishers  Hand  ^vg.  1 4.  1 665. 
Right  Hon'^^^ 

I  received  lately  here  yours  of  Aug.  2.  and  am  sending 
over  to  the  magistrates  at  Hartford,  that  they  would  without 
delay  promote  that  business  with  the  Indians  of  the  North- 
ern partie  which  your  honor  moveth  about  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  the  Mowhawkes,  and  hope  to  follow  myself  for  the  fur- 
therance thereof  as  speedily  as  may  be,  but  I  know  they 
must  have  time  of  consideration  and  speaking  together,  and 
with  all  the  most  considerable  parties  that  are  engaged 
which  are  many  and  remote,  and  therefore  the  sooner  they 
have  the  motion  renewed  to  them  (it  was  mentioned  upon 
occasion  formerly,  and  not  wholly  rejected ;  but  would 
speak  with  their  friends  &c)  the  sooner  their  mind  may  be 
known  :  I  intend  to  speak  with  some  Indians  of  these 
parts  that  are  neutrals,  but  have  some  acquaintance  with 
some  of  the  other  Indians.  I  hope  on  the  morrow  to  speak 
with  some  of  them  — I  know  they  may  much  further  hav- 
ing some  kindred  amongst  them  —  [yet  I  asked  a  principal 
man  amongst  them  lately  whether  he  thought  they  would 
hearken  to  terms  of  peace  —  he  said  he  thought  they  must 
fight  a  litde  longer  first  —  I  fully  concur  with  your  honors 
apprehensions  about  the  promoting  that  business  and  shall 
not  be  wanting  with  my  endeavours  to  further  it  —  This 
business  is  all  the  necessity  of  the  time  of  hastning  away 
these  and  letters  to  Conn^  and  will  permit  me  to  mention 
only]  *  In  reference  to  what  your  honor  writes  about  the  ex- 
ecuting those  2  Indians  in  prison,  I  never  heard  any  thing 
of  their  being  in  prison  nor  of  their  killing  of  any  Dutch- 
men, till  now  by  this  your  letter,  and  therefore  not  knowing 
the  circumstances,  nor  any  other  matter  about  it,  I  am  unfit 
to  write  any  thing  concerning  it :  but  whether  the  speedy 
executing  of  them  or  delaying  thereof  for  any  time  shorter, 

*  All  between  the  bracket!  [   ]  in  thii  letter  is  erased  in  the  original.  —  i.  B. 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  65 

or  longer  be  best,  I  doubt  not  but  your  Honor  and  councell 
will  find  what  is  best  to  be  done  in  that  case  :  Whether 
the  hastening  of  it  may  not  hasten  their  war  upon  the  English, 
before  they  can  be  so  fitted  for  it,  especially  some  places 
that  may  not  have  notice  of  it  —  Whereas  the  delaying  may 
cause  such  hope  in  them  of  their  redemption  (though  fruit- 
less hope)  that  may  cause  a  fofbearance  of  such  hostility 
for  a  time  as  may  prevent  the  destruction  of  divers  dutch 
or  English  of  the  hither  parts,  or  Marilanders  &c.  by  some 
sudden  act,  whether  also  delay  may  not  encourage  such 
barbarous  brutes  to  more  murthers  &c.  or  whether  the  con- 
clusion of  matters  with  the  Mowhawks  be  not  considerable 
to  be  first  attended.  Many  other  considerations  are  in  your 
observance;  grounded  upon  the  more  full  comprehension 
of  the  whole  case  :  I  make  bold  to  suggest  only  one  thing 
more  in  reference  to  that  which  your  honor  is  pleased  to 
mention  [That  it  cannot  be  imagined  you  can  stand  alone 
in  the  opposition]  I  humbly  propose  whether  your  honor 
may  not  see  cause  to  have  it  moved  to  the  Commissioners 
of  the  Colonies,  some  of  them  are  to  meet  at  Boston  the 
first  Thursday  in  September  [whose  usual  meeting  should 
be  in  September  next  but  being  this  year  to  meet  but  part 
of  them  at  Boston  about  the  business  of  the  corporation  for 
the  Indians,  there  must  be  a  particular  notice  given  for  meet- 
ing of  all  of  them,  if  any  special  business  require  it  and 
those  matters  of  general  concernment  about  the  Indians  will 
most  properly  fall  under  their  cognizance  according  to 
former  custom  and  agreement  of  the  Colonies  and  them- 
selves for  mutuall  assistance  in  such  cases  of  danger  from 
those  barbarians]  What  your  honor  shall  direct  in  that 
case  for  their  consideration  about  these  matters  shall  be  en- 
deavoured to  be  promoted  seriously  by 

My  lord  Your  most  humble  servant 

J  Winthrop. 

However  that  Dutchman  may  hyperbolize  in  his  narration, 
I  cannot  imagine  how  De  Ruiter  could  be  fitted  to  hold  out 
so  long  there. 

[Labelled,  "  The  substance  of  my  letter  to  Gen^  Nicolls."] 


56  The  Wifdhrap  Papers. 

LXXXIIL 

Samuel  Willis  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

These  ffor  the  much  Hon^  John  Winthrope  Esq'  Gov'  of 
His  Majestys  Colony  of  Connecticott  —  present  att  N. 
London. 

Much  Hon'^  Sir  — 

Sir  —  I  was  hartyly  glad  to  heare  of  y*  Welfaire  of  you 
and  yours  by  Capt  Winthrope  :  Sir,  my  Mother  self  and 
Wife  and  Sister  tender  theire  reall  respects  to  your  self 
and  deare  Consort  and  the  rest  of  your  dear  ones,  hop- 
inge  that  your  sudaine  departure  will  yet  issue  in  a  season- 
able returne  and  aboade  with  us,  but  conceiving  that  your 
waighty  concernments  may  call  you  speedily  to  the  Bay 
Now  you  are  at  the  N.  London  your  journey  that  way  will 
be  most  easy,  and  comfortable,  nor  should  I  any  way  retrard 
your  motion  that  way,  especially  consideringe  of  what  im- 
portance it  will  be  to  you  to  get  some  better  security  for 
M'  Paines  debt  of  which  I  made  bould  to  suggest  my  opin- 
ion to  yourself  before  you  went  hence. 

Sir  —  I  conceive  it  will  be  requisite  that  we  heare  some- 
thing of  your  purpose  herein,  for  if  your  self  please  to  goe 
there  will  not  need  any  other  to  goe  as  a  Commissioner 
from  these  parts,  for  one  from  Connecticott  will  fully  answer. 
The  Agreement  made  the  last  yeare  for  the  attendinge  of 
the  Corporation  businisse  which  will  be  but  short,  I  suppose 
two  or  three  days  worke,  will  finish  it.  And  yourself  being 
soe  well  acquainted  with  M'  Boile  *  may  bee  instrumental  to 
keepe  that  affaire  in  the  hands  of  the  Commissioners  off  the 
Collonys  which  I  suppose  may  bee  best  for  the  Country  — 
besides  if  one  Commissioner  goe  not  from  this  Jurisdiction, 
it  is  feared  the  odium  of  breakinge  the  Confederation  may 
bee  cast  upon  us.  And  it  is  thought  that  it  will  bee  more 
inexpedient  for  M'  Leet  to  goe  at  this  time  in  divers  re- 
spects. And  in  speciall  lest  some  old  matters  should  be 
revived   thereby.     Sir  —  If  you   please   to   intimate  your 

•  "  Mr.  Boile  "  above  referred  to  is  doubtlesn  the  Hon  Robert  Boyle,  who  was  Pres- 
ident of  the  Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel  amons  the  Indians  in  New  England, 
and  with  whom  GoTernor  Winthrop  was  intiroate.  —  j.  B. 


The  WkOhrop  Papers.  57 

pleasure  in  the  premises  it  may  be  a  direction  to  the  Magis- 
trates what  to  doe,  which  is  the  request  off  Sir 
Your  much  obliged  freind,  and  humble  servant 

Samuel  Willys. 
Hartford  August  14. 1665. 

Sir  —  there  is  noe  newes  of  any  ship  lately  arrived  from 
England  which  makes  a  fammin  of  certame  newes  from 
Europe  at  present. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Sam.  Willis—  Rec*  21."] 


LXXXIV. 

Joh.  Plumme  his  descript.  of  the  Stella  cadens  which  he  saw* 

Seabrok  October  1665  — this  I  testifi 
that  in  October  last  about  too  of  the  clok 
in  the  nit  I  sawe  a  star  fly  into  the  West 
wich  in  his  first  braking  gave  a  flashe 
uppon  the  water  as  if  it  had  bin  litning 
wich  cased  me  to  lok  oup  I  being  then 
rouing  m  my  bote  toe  groton :  ond  it  com 
in  to  the  shop  at  opik  [shape  of  aptkel  ond 
so  continewed  the  spas  of  haf  a  quorter  of 
an  our  or  ther  abouts 


then  it  turned  in  to  this  shap  as  her  you  se 
ond  about  the  spas  of  haf  a  quorter  thus  it 
continued 


and  then  it  turned  as  thus  in  to  half  a  sur- 
kell  as  it  war  with  both  ends  oupvards  and 
contineued  a  smal  tim  and  then  wastted 
quit  away 

as  witnes  my  bond 

JoHir  Plumbe. 

*  Indonamentbj  GofwoorWintfan^. 
VOL.  X.  8 


68  7%«  mnihrop  Papers. 

LXXXV. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthropj  Jr. 

To  his  Honor"**  freind  John  Winthrope  Esq'  Governo'  of 
Connectecute  these  present  in  Hartford. 

Honor*'^^  Sir) 

To  your  motion  concerning  my  preaching  the  Election 
sermon,  at  Hartford,  the  10^^  of  the  next  moneth,  though 
my  unfitnes  for  such  a  journey,  is  of  itselfe  a  sufficient  plea 
for  excuse  of  my  Negative  Answer ;  yet  I  have  sundry 
other  weighty  reasons,  whereby  I  am  strongly  and  neces- 
sarily hindred  from  that  service,  which  may  more  conven- 
iently be  given  by  word  of  mouth  to  your  Honoured  Selfe, 
then  expressed  by  wrighting.  Be  pleased  to  favour  me 
with  your  acceptance  of  my  Negative  Answer,  upon  so  Co- 
gent reasons.  Which  I  hasten,  with  all  possible  speed,  that 
some  other,  whom  you  may  please  to  call  unto  that  worke, 
may  have  convenient  time  for  preparacon.  Also  I  make 
bold  to  present  unto  your  view  the  inclosed  paper,  not 
knowing  that  you  have  seene  it  —  onely  be  pleased,  after 
you  have  made  your  use  of  it,  to  retume  it  unto  mee,  that 
I  may  send  an  Answer  to  Boston,  by  brother  Alsup,  who 
purposeth  a  voiage  thither,  toward  the  latter  end  of  the 
next  weeke,  or  the  beginning  of  the  following  weeke.  And 
with  him,  our  Teacher  intendeth  to  goe,  which  will  be  an- 
other impediment  of  my  accepting  and  complying  with  your 
prajmised  motion,  through  our  Churches  want  of  his  helpe 
at  home.  I  retume  many  thancks  for  my  sight  of  the 
scheme  of  3  suns  and  4  rainbowes,  seene  at  New  Yorke, 
and  drawne  by  General  Nicols  his  procurement  my  son 
will  be  careful  to  retume  it  unto  you  by  the  1"*  opportunity, 
which  he  hath  wanted  hitherto.  No  more,  at  present,  but 
my  service  and  my  wifes  to  yourselfe  and  M"  Winthrope, 
together  with  our  affectionate  respects  to  yours,  being  pre- 
sented, I  rest  in  Jesus  Christ 

Sir)    Your  worships  obliged,  assured 

John  Davenporte. 

Jfewh.  \f  W  day  of  tf  2*^  m.  1666.  in  which  day  I  re- 
ceived yours  dated  y*  6**"  d.  of  y*  same  moneth. 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  59 

Postcript,  The  reason,  which  it  pleased  you  to  give, 
why  I  was  not  formerly  desired  to  preach  at  the  Election, 
holdeth  as  strong  against  my  being  invited  thereunto  now. 
For  we  are  not  yet  fully  joyned,  by  the  Courts  refusal  of 
our  Freemen  to  vote,  in  the  last  Election,  when  they  came 
thither,  to  that  end,  in  obedience  to  theire  absolute  sumons, 
and  about  20  of  ours  were  sent  home,  as  repudiated,  after 
they  had  suffered  the  difficulties  and  hazzards  of  an  uncom- 
fortable and  unsafe  journey,  in  that  wett  season.  I  shall 
crave  leave  to  add  my  experience  of  my  weaknes  since  y" 
date  of  my  letter.  The  1 1  '*"  day  was  somewhat  hot  here, 
and  accordingly  I  found  my  spirits  very  faint  and  listles 
unto  action.  This  day,  being  the  12'**  is  a  litle  more  mod- 
erate, and  I  find  my  spirits  a  litle  more  revived,  but  stil 
feeble,  and  my  stomack  weake.  Whence  I  infer  that  in 
hotter  weather  I  shall  be  unfit  for  such  a  journey  and  for 
that  worke.  Therefore,  I  pray,  desist  from  that  motion  to 
mee,  and  urge  it  upon  some  fitter  minister  and  dwelling 
nearer  to  the  place  of  the  Election-Courte. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Davenport,  Paslor."] 


LXXXVI. 

Rev.  John  Davenport  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  the  Hon^*"  John  Winthrope  Govemour  of  Connectecute 
Colonic,  these  present  at  Hartford. 

Honour^^  Sir  — 

Many  hearty  thancks  being  praemised,  to  God,  and  you ; 
to  God  as  to  the  principal  efficient,  who  stirred  up  your 
heart,  and  guided  your  minde  to  pitch  upon  such  meanes 
as  his  blessing  made  effectual ;  and  to  yourselfe,  as  to  a 
blessed  Instrument  in  God^s  hand,  for  our  recovery,  my 
sons  especially,  from  that  weaknes,  and  those  great  paines, 
wherewith  he  was  lately  and  long  afflicted,  unto  this  meas- 
ure of  strength,  whereby  he  was  enabled  to  come  into  the 
publick  assembly,  the  last  Lords  day,  to  bless  God  the  Au- 
thour  of  all  blessings  upon  your  endeavours  :  which,  I  pray, 
may  be  stil  continued,  for  the  good  of  many ! 


60  The  Winihrop  Papers. 

Yet,  in  the  midst  of  our  familie-comforts,  I  feele  at  my 
heart  no  small  sorrow  for  the  publick  divisions  and  distrac- 
tions at  Hartford.  Were  M'  Hooker  now  in  vivis  ;  it  would 
be  as  a  sword  in  his  bones,  that  the  Churchy  which  he  had 
planted  there,  should  be  thus  disturbed,  by  innovacons, 
brought  in  and  urged  so  Vehemently,  by  his  young  sue- 
cessour  in  office,  not  in  his  spirit :  who  was  so  far  from 
these  laxe  waies  that  he  opposed  the  baptizing  of  grand- 
children, by  their  grandfathers  right :  much  more  would  he 
have  decryed  the  baptising  of  Adopted  children,  by  their 
Adoptants  right :  most  of  all,  the  baptising  of  servants, 
borne  in  the  house,  or  bought  with  monie,  qua  tales,  unles 
they  had  a  spiritual  right,  by  being  regularly  joyned  to  the 
Church,  according  to  Gospel-rules.  But  he  is  at  rest :  and 
the  people  there  gro  woefully  divided,  and  the  better  sorte 
are  exceedingly  greived,  while  the  looser  and  worser  party 
insult,  hoping  that  it  will  be  as  they  would  have  i^  viz, 
that  the  plantacons  shall  be  brought  into  a  parish-way, 
against  which  M'  Hooker  hath  openly  borne  a  strong  Testi- 
monie  in  print.  The  most  of  the  churches,  in  this  juris- 
dicon,  are  professedly  against  this  new  way,  both  m  judg- 
ment and  practise,  upon  Gospel  grounds,  n,  Newhaven, 
Milford,  Stratford,  Brandford,  Gillford,  Norwalke,  Stamford, 
and  those  nearer  to  Hartford,  n,  Farmington,  and  the 
sounder  parte  of  Windsor,  together  with  their  Reverend 
Pastor,  M'  Warham,  and,  I  thinck,  M'  Fitch,  and  his  church 
also.  Nor  may  it  be  thought  that  we  all  are  mere  specta- 
tours,  or  that  we  shall  be  allwaies  silent,  as  persons  not  con- 
cerned. It  is  the  cause  of  Christ,  for  which  we  must 
pleade :  it  is  no  slight  matter,  as  de  lansi  caprinSi,  that  is 
now  agitated,  but  that  which  concemes  the  preserving  of 
Christian  Churches  in  p)eace,  and  Gospel -ordinances  in 
purity :  it  is  the  faith  and  order  of  the  Churches  of 
Christ,  which  we  are  called  to  contend  for,  that  they  may 
be  preserved  intyre  and  corrupted,  when  the  Bay-Synod 
published  theire  booke :  I  saw  where  their  Temptation  lay, 
and  printed  my  answer  to  it :  whereunto,  when  a  seeming 
reply  was  made,  I  declared  and  proved  the  insufficiency  of 
it,  and  sent  my  M SS.  to  the  Baye,  where  it  lyeth,  in  friends 
hands  unprinted,  til  further  occasion  shall  obstetricate  it : 
Sed  quorsum  haec  1     1  shall  breifly  suggest  unto  you  what 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  61 

I  have  heard,  viz.  that  before  the  last  lecture-day,  when  it 
was  yong  M'  Heynes  his  turne  to  preach,  he  sent  3  of  his 
partie  to  tell  M'  Whiting,  that,  the  nexte  Lecture-day,  he 
would  preach  about  his  way  of  baptizing,  and  would  begin 
the  practising  of  it,  on  that  day.  Accordingly  he  preached, 
and  water  was  prepared  for  Baptisme  (which,  I  suppose, 
was  never  administred,  in  a  weeke  day,  in  that  Church,  be- 
fore) But  M'  Whiting,  as  his  place  and  duty  required,  tes- 
tifyed  against  it,  and  refused  to  consent  to  it.  Much  was 
spoken,  to  lide  purpose,  by  some  of  M'  Heynes  his  partie. 
But,  when  M'  Warham  began  to  speake,  one  of  the  Church 
rudely  hindered  him,  saying,  to  this  purpose,  What  hath 
M'  Warham  to  do  to  speake  in  our  Church  matters  ?  This 
check  stopped  M'  Warhams  proceeding,  at  that  time.  The 
objectour  considered  not  that  this  matter  was  not  res  pro- 
pria to  that  church  alone,  but  res  communis,  it  being  of 
common  concernment  to  all  the  churches  in  these  parts, 
and  to  the  Teaching  Officers  of  them,  and  to  M'  Warham 
more  especially ;  For  tum  sua  res  agitur  paries  cum  proxi- 
mus  ardet,  which  he  might  have  answered.  But  we  live  in 
times  and  places,  where  the  faces  of  the  Elders  are  not 
duely  honoured  ;  and  therefore  its  justly  to  be  feared  that 
God  will  soone  take  away  the  most  Godly  and  judicious 
Leaders  from  so  unthanckfull  and  unworthy  people,  and  leave 
them  to  be  mislead  by  superficial  verbalists.  Yourselfe  pru- 
dently concluded  that,  that  day  was  not  a  fit  season  to  Begin 
theire  purposed  practise,  seeing  it  was  not  consented  to. 
But  opposed.  And  so  it  ceased,  for  that  time.  But  M' 
Heynes  urged  for  a  dispute  about  it  with  M'  Whiting,  the 
next  Lecture  day,  which  will  be  the  20'**  day  of  this  month, 
which  also,  they  say,  is  agreed  upon.  But  cui  bono  ?  No 
good  issue  can  rationally  be  expected  of  a  verbal  dispute, 
at  that  time,  and  in  that  place,  where  so  many  are  likely 
to  disturbe  the  buisenes  with  interruptions  and  clamours, 
and  to  prepare  a  sufficient  number  to  overvote  the  better 
party  for  establishment  of  the  worser  way.  So  Trueth 
shall  be  dethroned  and  errour  set  up  in  the  throne.  What 
then  is  to  be  done,  in  this  Case  ?  Let  M'  Heynes  give  in 
wrighting  to  M'  Whiting,  his  position,  and  his  Arguments 
to  prove  it :  and  let  M'  Whiting  have  a  convenient  time  to 
retume  his  Answer  in  wrighting.    This  is  the  most  suitable 


62  The  Winlhrop  Papers. 

way  for  a  peaceable  issuing  of  the  dispute,  with  solid  judg- 
ment, and  with  due  moderation  and  satisfaction :  and  let  all 
practise  of  M'  Heynes  his  opinion  be  forborne,  til  the  trueth 
be  cleared.  But  if  M'  Heynes  refuseth  this  way ;  I  shall 
suspect  that  he  more  confides  in  the  clamours  of  his  party, 
then  in  the  goodnes  of  his  cause  or  in  the  strength  of  his 
Arguments,  or  in  his  ability  for  disputacon.  These  things 
I  make  bold  to  present  to  your  serious  consideracon,  that, 
by  your  wisdom  and  care  of  the  publick  good  and  common 
peace,  according  to  the  duety  of  your  place,  the  fire  alreadie 
kindled  may  be  speedily  quenched,  and  the  banckes  may 
be  seasonably  strengthened,  to  prevent  the  irruption  of 
waters,  that  may  cause  an  inundation,  not  to  be  stopped 
afterward. 

Our  servicfe  to  yourselfe  and  M"  Winthrope,  with  our  af- 
fectionate salutacons  to  all  yours,  being  presented,  I  rest,  in 
Jesus  Christ 

Yours  obliged,  assured 

John  Davenporte  Senior 

JV.  H.  the  14'*  d.  of  the  4'*  m.  1666. 

Poster.  My  Rev^  brother,  M'  Street,  being  with  me,  and 
hearing  this  letter  read,  earnestly  desired  me,  once  and 
againe,  to  declare  unto  you,  his  full  consent  to  the  contents 
thereof:  so  that  you  may  take  it  as  from  us  boath.  He 
also  thincks  that  a  Synod  of  the  Elders  and  Messengers  of 
the  churches,  on  this  side  of  the  countrey,  i.  e.  of  this 
jurisdiction,  might  be  a  suitable  expedient  motos  componere 
fluctus.  But  that  I  leave  to  further  consideracon.  In  the 
meane  time,  it  will  be  operae  praemium  that  you  interpose 
your  Authority  and  wisdom  to  stop  all  further  proceedings 
and  actings  in  this  irregular  and  tumultuous  way. 

[Labelled,  "M'  Davenport,  Senior  —  received  Junij  19.  1666.*'] 


The  Wtnthrap  Papers.  63 


LXXXVII. 

The  Governor  and  Council  of  Connecticut  to  the  Governor 

of  Massachusetts. 

To  the  Right  Worshipfull  Rich.  Bellingham  Esq'  Gov'  of 
his  Ma^~  Colony  of  the  Massathusets  at  Boston  y'  dd. 

Hartford  July  10'*  1666. 
Hon«-  Sir — 

Yesternight  we  had  a  letter  from  the  Governor  of  New 
York,  who  certifieth  that  about  an  hour  before  his  writing 
there  came  a  sloope  from  Albany,  by  which  he  was  informed 
that  for  certain  the  firench  from  Canada  are  marching 
towards  those  parts ;  having  sent  a  Girdle  of  Wampum  to 
the  Mowhawkes,  to  invite  them  (under  the  style  of  re- 
nowned soldiers)  to  attend  their  arriv$il  at  their  forts,  and 
to  give  them  battle  —  Hereof  the  Mohawkes  and  the 
Oneiades  have  given  assured  notice;  insomuch  that  he 
takes  it  for  a  truth  —  Whereupon  he  hath  sent  orders  to 
the  Garrison  at  Sopus  to  strengthen  the  Grarrison  at  Albany : 
He  writes  also  that  he  hath  encouraged  the  Mohawkes  to 
maintain  the  war  with  the  ffrench  who  are  about  seven  hun- 
dred men,  as  the  Indians  report.  He  thinks  it  would  be  a 
good  opportunity  to  stress  the  french  after  so  long  a  march, 
with  a  few  fresh  men,  and  therefore  propoundeth  upon  this 
opportunity  a  business  of  that  high  consequence,  thereby  to 
cut  off  the  whole  strength  of  Canada  at  Once,  to  have  help 
of  some  horse  from  hence  We  are  sensible  ynough  of  the 
danger  that  may  be  to  all  the  English  plantations  and  mostly 
in  these  parts,  and  as  much  as  any  to  those  above  on  the 
river  of  your  Colony,  if  the  french  should  settle  themselves 
in  those  parts  —  therefore  if  you  please  to  give  order  and 
power  to  some  of  those  plantations  to  join  with  ours  upon 
such  occasion  as  may  fall  out  for  the  preventing  of  the  com- 
mon danger  and  provide  for  the  common  safety,  we  shall  be 
ready  to  consider  with  them  for  commwiication  in  such 
ways  and  means  for  the  promoting  of  the  same  till  there 
may  be  more  full  assistance  from  yourselves  and  the  other 
colonies. 

We  thought  good  to  acquaint  yoa  herewith  and  leave  it 


64  The  fVinthrop  Papers. 

to  your  speedy  consideration,  and  with  our  loving  remem- 
brance we  take  leave  and  rest  your  loving  freinds  and  con- 
federates the  Governor  and  Councill  of  Conecticutt. 

Signed  per  order  ^  me 

J.  Allyn. 

[Labelled,  "  Copy  of  letter  fr.  the  Magistrates  to  the  Govemo'  at  Bos- 
ton." The  above  is  a  rough  draft  in  Governor  Winthrop's  hand,  except- 
ing a  few  words  from  "  We  thought,"  &c.  It  is  regularly  certified  by 
Mr.  Allyn,  and  he  wrote  the  few  words  referred  to,  as  also  the  copy  of 
the  superscription.  —  J.  B.] 


LXXXVIII. 

George  Denison  to  John  Winthropj  Jr. 

To  the  Worshipfull  and  his  much  honored  freind  John  Win- 
throp^  Esq"  Grovemor  of  the  Collonye  of  Coneticot  thes 
d.  dd  in  Hartford. 

Honored  Sir 

it  is  no  small  trouble  to  me  that  I  have  this  ocation  to 
Wright,  haveing  formerly  weried  your  patience  upon  the 
same  subject  but  my  faith  to  my  trust,  and  the  Honor  of 
God  and  the  authority  I  am  under  (as  I  conceive)  being 
Conserned  :  together  with  the  presing  and  opresing  nesses- 
ity  of  the  poor  Indians  :  who  can  find  no  resting  place  for 
the  sole  of  there  feet,  not  with  standing  the  many  ingadge- 
ments,  orders  and  grants  thay  have  (by  your  helpe)  ob- 
tained, and  have  relyed  upon,  yet  as  it  seems  all  in  vame, 
for  as  I  and  the  Indians  are  informed  (by  what  means  I 
know  not)  for  none  ware  imployed  by  the  towne)  there  is 
this  Court  in  your  worships  absenc  an  order,  makeing  voyd 
all  the  former  orders  and  that  the  Indians  must  be  removed 
next  Aprill  of  from  Cosattuck,  not  with  standing  the  last 
order  by  the  Commette,  which  was  to  content  of  all  par- 
tyes  as  is  expressed  in  the  said  order  or  grant,  now  how 
that  order  can  be  made  voyde,  and  the  Indians  dispossesse, 
and  no  man  imployed  by  the  towne  to  act  in  the  besines, 
nor  the  Indians  have  liberty  or  warning  to  speake  for  them- 
selves nor  any  for  them :  I  can  not  but  wonder :     I  wish  it 


7%0  Winthrap  Papers.  65 

doe  not  too  much  intrensh  upon  the  honor  of  God  and  the 
Collony  and  our  common  interests  for  if  our  grant  or  order 
may  be  made  voyd  upon  the  mischievous  clammors  or  com- 
plaint of  any  pertecular  persons  with  out  a  due  hearimg  of  both 
EartyeSy  I  feare  all  our  intrests  stand  upon  tickell  terms : 
ut  I  doubt  not  but  your  wisdome  will  deseme  and  be 
throughly  sencable  of  the  mconveniences  wherefore  I  am 
bould  (at  the  request  of  the  Indians)  only  to  give  you  a 
hint  of  the  thing,  in  there  behalves  beseching  you  to  put 
forth  your  authority  for  the  maintaineing  of  there  just  rights 
so  often  confirmed  by  all  our  authorityes  and  that  you  would 
be  pleased  to  give  out  sum  spetiall  order  at  lest  for  the  res- 
peting  the  execution  of  this  last  order  at  least  untill  next 
Generall  Court  in  May  :  when  thay  may  have  an  oportunity 
to  speake  for  them  selves,  and  that  thay  may  not  bee  put  of 
from  there  improvements  and  the  land  which  thay  have  (by 
order)  broken  up  for  there  lively  hud,  for  it  will  be  all  one 
to  them  to  cut  of  there  heades  as  to  take  away  the  means 
of  there  subsistanc  — the  very  hearing  and  fearing  what  will 
bee  is  almost  a  distroying  thing  unto  them,  and  ocations 
great  morning  amongst  them,  who  have  labered  hard  to  get 
food. 

And  I  wish  thay  had  not  cans  to  reproch  the  faith  or 
truth  of  the  English,  I  can  not  inlarge,  but  shall  re&r  you 
to  the  messenger  who  can  more  fully  mforme  you  of  there 
condetion,  I  pray  Sir  doe  sume  thing  which  may  bee  effectu- 
all  for  there  relefe,  that  there  lives  and  comforts  may  not  bee 
oflfred  in  sacrifise  to  the  wills  of  men :  Excuse  my  bouldnes 
as  being  the  effect  of  an  eamist  desire  after  truth  and  right- 
eousnes,  which  if  obtained  I  have  my  desired  eand,  i  our 
pleashure  manifested  in  a  lyne  or  too  shall  command  my 
observanc,  not  elc  to  trouble  you  at  present  with  due  re- 
spects and  service  to  your  self  and  M"  Winthrop  I  rest, 

Yours  to  his  poor  power 

Georos  Denison. 
Stonington—  Octob.  27.  1666. 

[UbeUed, "  Capt.  Dcniaon— rec*  Oct  81.  1666.''] 
VOL.*  X.  9 


66  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

LXXXIX. 

Charles  HUl  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  the  Hono^  John  Winthrop  Esq'  Govern'  of  his  Majes- 
ties Collonyof  Connetticott — humbly  present — Hartford. 

J^ew  London  the  1 6'*  of  January  ^f . 
Hon^  Sir, 

Hopeing  there  might  bee  some  oppertunity  att  Hartford 
for  the  convayance  of  the  incloased  for  New  Yorke,  have 
made  bould  to  trouble  your  Hon'  with  this  my  humble  request, 
that  if  oppertunity  for  convayance  should  present  you  would 
bee  plased  to  send  the  incloased  thither :  Wee  arived  att 
New  London  tenn  days  agoe,  but  the  greatest  part  of  what 
was  loaden  on  board  us  was  consigned  for  New  Yorke, 
whereof  the  incloased  is  for  advice  :  the  hard  weather  keep- 
ing us  for  present  prisoners  heare,  and  judge  it  some  thing 
dangerous  for  a  while  to  goe  through  the  Sound.  The  Sad 
newse  wee  brought  from  Barbadoes  was  unknowne  heare  at 
our  arrivall,  and  not  knowing  whether  your  Hon'  have  ac- 
count of  the  same  thought  good  to  advise  the  lamentable 
losse  that  was  reported  from  England  by  tooe  many  good 
hands,  about  the  third  of  September  last  a  fire  begunne 
in  the  Citty  of  London,  on  pudding  lane  neare  Tower 
Streete,  which  continnued,  and  was  stregthned  by  a  strong 
South-East  wind  for  fower  dayes  together,  which  hath  ut- 
terly destroyed  the  greatest  part  of  the  Citty  within  the 
walls.  From  the  Tower  of  London  to  Temple  Barre  by 
the  Thames  side  not  a  howse  standing,  nor  Church,  nor 
Hall  in  ninety  parrishes ;  S"*^  Pauls,  and  the  Royall  Ex- 
chang  burnt,  the  fire  stopped  in  Fanchurch  streete, 
came  up  to  Leadenhall,  and  stopt  there,  Cornhill,  Cheap- 
side,  Fleete  streete,  and  all  back  streets  to  the  Thames 
burnt  —  Ludgate  and  Newgate  and  Christ  church  hospital 
and  downe  to  Alldersgate  all  consumed,  what  remaynes 
within  the  walls  is  downe  Fanchurch  Streete  to  AUgate, 
Leadenhall  Streete,  and  the  wayy  to  Bushops  gate,  and 
some  small  part  twixt  that  inwards  to  Cripplegate,  the  rest 
of  that  glorious  Citty  is  bocome  a  heape  of  ashes.     The 


The  Wintkrop  Papers.  67 

English  Fleet  was  att  Porchmouth  and  there  about  and  the 
duch  and  French  reported  to  bee  joyned  together.  Sir  I 
have  not  further  to  adde  craving  pardon  for  this  trouble 
crave  leave  to  subscribe  my  self 

Your  Honour's  most  humble  Servant  to  Comand 

Charles  Hill. 


XC. 

James  JVdyes  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

Stonington.  March  25  166f. 
Honoured  Sir, 

Sometime  since  I  received  a  large  letter  from  you  in 
answer  to  a  letter  I  sent  and  in  your  letter  there  was 
physick  inclosed,  for  which  I  most  humbly  thank  you,  I 
nave  sent  the  physick  with  other  letters  to  Newbury  and 
dayly  waite  for  a  return.  But  the  special  occasion  of  my 
now  writing  is  a  paper  that  a  pequit  indian  hath  brought  to 
the  Constable,  Signed  by  the  Secretary  M"^  Daniel  Clark 
as  from  your  self  and  several  others  the  assistants  wherein 
I  am  especialy  concerned,  and  therefore,  this  evenmg,  (un- 
derstanding Capt  Winthrop  is  going  fon  Hartford)  I  have 
wrote  largely  to  the  Secretary,  desireing  him  to  spedily  co- 
rounicate  the  same  to  yourself  &c  Also  I  have  inclosed 
attested  Coppies  of  the  actions  and  orders  of  Leu^  Griswell, 
Ensigne  Tracey  &c.  All  which  I  hope  may  give  your  wor- 
ship much  satisfaction  concerning  our  actions  with  those 
Pequots  at  Causattuk  Also  if  you  please  to  call  to  mind 
you  will  remember,  that  in  a  letter  in  the  wmter,  I  sent 
somewhat  a  large  account  concerning  our  proceedings  step 
by  step,  using  all  perswasions  and  means  to  satisfie  the 
said  Indians.  It  is  now  about  eleven  of  the  clock  at  night, 
and  I  am  much  .wearied  with  writing  already  and  therefore 
I  shall  not  write  much,  onely  in  breife,  these  maye  certifie 
you,  that  I  have  both  advised  with  several  in  the  towne 
and  well  weighed  your  lines,  And  find  it  will  occasion  you 
and  us  much  trouble,  and  be  but  greatly  prejudicial  both  to 
me  and  the  indeans,  if  they  plant,  this  sumer  at  Causattuck. 
Because  we  have  beene  at  a    great   deale  of  trouble, 


68  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

paines,  charge  already,  at  Court,  measuring  our  town,  the 
Causattuk  land,  and  2  pound  and  17  shilling  we  paye 
Leu^  Griswell  &c  for  theire  worke,  And  have  provided 
them  speciall  good  land  to  plant  on.  And  the  indeans  are 
now  upon  breaking  up  more  ground,  otherwise  they  cannot 
live,  for  what  is  ten  acers  to  live  on,  5  or  6  families  which 
is  about  the  quantitie  that  is  now  broke  up.  And  this  will 
be  aditionarie  to  what  is  alreadie  and  so  we  shall  have  all 
our  worke  to  doe  againe,  and  new  charge,  or  else  they 
will  pleade  in  justice.  And  I  know  the  towne  will  spend 
halfe  what  they  have  before  they  shall  live  where  they  are. 
Tis  about  a  twentie  pound  rate,  the  rate  of  charges  con- 
cerning this  buisness  made  this  yeare,  and  how  will  the 
towne  groane  under  the  padment  when  they  se  not  theire 
ends  attained.  Besides  I  have  agreed  with  men  to  sow  and 
plant  there  and  have  often  tendred  paye  to  the  indeans  be- 
fore witness  this  wmter,  but  Capt  Denison  they  saye  will 
not  let  them  receive  it.  I  have  both  Come  and  trucking 
cloth  ready  and  have  had  all  this  winter.  And  that  I  might 
have  indean  come  I  bought  and  gave  thre  shilling  a  bushell. 
Also  there  was  great  complaint  of  the  indeans  last  sumer 
bringing  downe  the  young  catle  upon  the  towne  by  reason 
the  indeans  come  was  not  fenced,  and  the  catle  were  poore 
and  much  spoile  done  in  the  English  feild.  The  come  I 
shall  paye  will  be  a  considerable  releife,  also  they  maye 
have  broke  up  land  enough  elsewhere  to  plant  with  the 
English.  As  concerning  claimes  to  Pauchaug  land,  you  will 
find  it  is  pequit  land,  and  far  enough  out  of  the  ]?rovince, 
wherefore  we  doubt  not  to  satisfie  the  General  Court  that 
we  shall  attend  theire  orders  in  removing  and  paiyng  them, 
when  they  will  take  it  and  that  we  have  provided  and 
dealt  well  with  them.  If  they  should  have  wrong  what 
reason  is  there  our  little  town,  should  right  them  with  our 
land  and  estates  I  praye  consider,  that  we  maye  not  be  op- 
pressed and  endlesly  troubled  in  such  a  cleare  case  as  this 
seems  to  me  to  be.  I  beleive  we  had  had  litle  or  no  trouble 
had  they  not  been  encouraged  by  this  paper,  when  we 
should  have  come  to  plant,  but  they  would  have  tooke 
theire  paye.  Tis  but  a  very  few  that  are  so  dissatisfied,  or 
live  there ;  farre  the  greater  part  of  Harmon  Garrets  men 
live  elsewhere.    Thus  not  farther  to  trouble  you,  hoping 


7%e  fVttahrap  Papers.  69 

you  will  in  time  receive  full  satisfaction,  and  by  experience 
find  that  I  and  my  friends  of  Stonington  are  most  ready  to 
serve  you  or  yours  to  our  power,  with  my  real  service  pre- 
sented to  yourself  and  M"  Winthrop  and  the  rest  of  your 
highly  respected  family  I  rest  raptim. 

Yours  very  servant  gready  obliged 

James  Notes. 

Postscript 

M'  and  M"  Stanton,  M'  Chesbrough  and  M'  Richardson 
present  their  services  to  you  and  M"  Winthrop  and  yours. 

[Labelled, «« M*  James  Nob.'*] 


XCL 

Rev.  jSbraham  Pierson  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

flfor  the  hon***  John  Winthrop,  Esq"*,  Governor  of  the  Col- 
ony of  Connecticut  these  present. 

Hon^  Sir 

Our  bounden  cordiall  respects  to  yourselfe  and  M"  Win- 
throp presented.  I  do  acknowledge  your  great  kindenes, 
to  mee,  and  mme,  for  a  long  space  and  contmuance  of  tyme. 
I  have  had  great  proof  of  your  love  and  singular  kindenes, 
yea  bounty,  and  liberality.  I  desire  you  may  have  an  exceed- 
mg  great  retribution  from  Him  that  is  abundant  in  Goodnes 
and  Truth.  You  have  cast  much  bread  upon  the  waters  after 
many  dayes  you  shall  find  it  againe  with  a  great  increase.  I 
am  upon  my  remove  (if  god  grant  health  and  life)  The  Lord 
grant  to  you  an  abundant  Entrance  into  his  everlasdng  King- 
dom and  to  be  yet  more  zealous  and  couragious  for  his  glorie, 
the  Rebuke  of  the  Insolent  and  incoura^ement  of  the  meeke 
and  honour  and  crown  you  and  yours  with  his  loving  Kinde- 
nes and  speciall  favour    So  prayes 

Sir  yours  gready  ingaged  in  the  Lord 

Abraham  Pierson. 

Bramford  Sept :  27.  67. 

[Labelled,  ^  M'  Peinon  at  hie  lemovaU.''} 


70  The  Wintkrop  Papers. 

XCII. 

Robert  Morris  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

For  M'  John  Winthropp  thes  in  New  Eingland,  present. 

Honored  Cussen 

Sir  I  having  bin  informed  that  you  have  great  store  of 
horses  and  mares  which  you  make  little  youse  of:  If 
you  please  to  doe  mee  the  ffavor  to  seend  mee  tow 
of  your  largest  well  spred  young  mares  ffor  Breeders  by 
M'  Will  Gard  or  aney  other  bound  ffor  Wey  River  in 
Mary-land  I  shall  order  you  your  pay  heare  in  the  hands  of 
M'  Will  Corsey  or  If  you  please  to  charge  mee  with  ye 
valew  of  them  in  money  starling  shall  pay  your  bills  at 
home  in  Eingland  and  y"  above  said  Corsey  will  pay  y"  M' 
the  fraight  heare  in  Marey  land  (Sir  the  occasion  is  that  I 
want  them  for  my  plantation)  If  you  charge  bills  I  live 
wheare  you  know  in  Radcliffe  over  against  the  stone  taveme 
Brother  Gostlin  was  verey  eill  when  I  went  ffrom  home  and 
his  good  wiffe  is  dead  and  I  ffeare  the  children  will  not 
find  him  have  so  great  an  estate  as  wos  thought  ffor  all 
men  that  he  hath  to  doe  with  cheate  him.  Sir  I  have  not 
ellce  but  humble  servis  and  please  to  command  mee  as 
much  heare  or  in  Eingland  and  I  shall  be  glad  of  opertu- 
nitey  to  serve  you  and  am  Sir  your  assured  Loving  Kinds- 
man 

RoB^  Morris. 

Wey  River  in  Marey  Land  this  8  of  ffebb  :  166i. 

[Labelled,  "  Capt  Rob.  Morris    Rec*  Mar:  14.  1667."] 


XCIII. 
Rev.  Thomas  Shepard  to  John  Wintkrop^  Jr. 

These  For  the  Right  Worshipfull  John  Winthrop,  Govern- 
•   our  of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut. 

Charkstoum.  March.  8.  6f : 
Worshipful  and  much  honoured  in  the  Lord  — 
Your  manifold  and  great  respect  unto  myself  most  un- 


The  Winikrop  Papers.  71 

worthy  thereof  doth  deservedly  challenge  from  me  more 
than  ordinary  thanks  unto  you,  and  I  cannot  without  much 
shame  look  back  upon  (not  my  incapacity  of  requital  for 
that  must  be  left  in  the  predicament  of  Impossibles  and 
which  things  receive  a  check  in  the  very  attempt ;  but)  my 
great  unsuitablenesse  as  to  that  acknowledgement  of  your 
favour  which  hath  been  my  duty.  I  humbly  thank  your 
Worship  for  your  last  present,  viz*^  those  printed  papers  of 
Intelligence  referring  to  the  philosophical  transactions  of  the 
Royall  Society  of  the  Virtuosi :  I  did  according  to  your 
order  to  me  acquaint  M'  Danforth  of  Roxbury  and  others 
with  them ;  the  communication  thereof  renders  us  all,  but 
especially  myself  greatly  indebted  unto  your  Honour.  It  is 
doubtlesse  a  noble  Designe  in  that  Famous  Society  to  make 
such  scrutiny  for  the  investigation  of  those  curious  secrets 
of  nature :  and  it  is  no  small  part  of  our  great  unhappinesse 
who  dwell  in  these  out-skirts  of  the  earth  that  we  are  so 
little  acquainted  with  those  Excellent  things  that  are  done, 
and  found  out  in  the  worid  and  discoursed  of  by  those 
learned  and  worthy  personages.  Sir,  I  was  very  desirous 
to  have  seen  you,  when  you  were  last  in  these  parts; 
but  did  hardly  know  of  your  being  come  untill  I  heard  of 
your  being  gone  again ;  and  when  first  I  heard  thereof  I 
sought  an  oppertunity  to  have  waited  upon  your  worship  a 
while,  but  could  not  obtain  it     We  had,  since  your  de- 

Earture,  a  very  strange  phaenomenon ;  the  like  hath  not  been 
nown  (I  suppose)  in  any  age,  viz* :  upon  the  20***  day  of 
November  last,  Venus  was  seen  to  have  a  central  conjunc- 
tion with  Luna;  and  as  many  Eye-witnesses  do  testify 
(Captain  Allen,  and  M' Jno.  Long  of  our  town,  with  both 
whom  I  have  spoken  about  this  matter  who  standing  to- 
gether that  morning  viewed  it  with  wonderment:  besides 
divers  others  in  other  townes)  She  was  seen  on  this  side  of 
the  moon  :  One  while  was  Venus  in  the  illuminated  part 
of  the  moon,  afterward  (in  it6  continued  motion)  passing 
through  the  dark  part  thereof  (Luna  being  about  3  dales 
off  her  Change :  a  very  strange  beauty-spot  methinks  in 
Luna's  blackface :  to  be  thus  eclypsed  with  Brightnesse, 
even  with  the  beauty  of  Venus'  face  is  very  remarkable : 
whether  it  were  by  any  Refraction  (unwonted)  or  caused 
by  some  new  platonick  revolution,  which  no  ancient  Expe-^ 


72  The  Wintkrap  Papers. 

rience  can  give  us  any  record  of:  or  what  else  is  the  mat- 
ter that  Lucifer  comes  to  fall  so  low  I  determine  not :  but 
only  take  the  boldnesse  to  communicate  unto  your  Worship 
this  account  thereof  for  your  consideratbn  whether  really 
so  a  sublunary  planet  for  a  time  is  not  meet  for  me  to  say, 
but  in  appearance  so  I  may  assure  you  thereof,  if  humane 
testimony  may  be  credited.  I  begg  an  excuse  for  this 
trouble  I  have  given  you,  and  crave  that  still  I  may  be  rec- 
oned  among 

Your  Worship's  very  obliged  to  serve  you  — 

Thomas  Shepard. 

[Labelled,  ^'  M'  Thomas  Sheperd  about  the  Coojunction  of  the  Moooe 
and  Venus  —  rec'*  March  14.  1668."] 


XCIV. 

Mary  Gold  to  John  fVinthrop,  Jr. 

Ten  hiles  23  of  1  mo.  166i. 
Honored  Sir 

With  my  humble  service  to  your  selfe  and  M"  Winthrope 
these  are  to  let  you  understand  that  it  is  intended  to  straine 
for  your  contribution  which  they  say  is  27^  which  had  bene 
done  before  this  time  had  I  not  promised  the  Treasurer  that 
I  would  write  to  your  selfe  aboute  it,  therefore  I  desu-e  you 
would  be  pleased  to  thinke  of  it  for  they  have  allready 
taken  from  me  19*  in  barly  and  mault  for  our  owne  per- 
tickeler  when  my  husband  was  in  prison,  Wee  are  all  at 
present  in  som  measure  in  health  through  god's  goodnes, 
thus  desiring  at  present  not  further  to  trouble  you  I  rest 
desiring  your  praires  for  mee  1  am  yet  under  great  exercise 
my  husband  hath  beene  at  home  a  little  while,  but  M'  Dan- 
forth  hath  sent  out  his  warrants  and  I  am  expecting  every 
houre  his  going  to  prison,  my  husband  presents  his  service  to 
your  selfe  and  M"  Wintrope,  with  our  Respects  to  yours, 

Yours  to  command 

Mary  Gold. 

[Labelled,  "  Mary  Gold." — This  letter,  from  the  wife  of  one  of  the 
persecuted  Baptists,  seems  to  prove  that  the  husband  was  a  tenant  of 


The  Winthrap  Papers.  73 

WJDthrop.  In  April  preceding,  a  dispute  had  been  publicly  held  in  Bos- 
ton, by  several  of  the  ablest  of  the  clergy  in  Massachusetts,  with  these 
dissenters,  who  had  not  yet  formed  themselves  into  a  society.  Deputy- 
Governor  Danforth  seems  to  have  been  dissatisfied  with  the  obstinacy  of 
the  new  sect  in  resisting  conviction.— J.  S.] 


xcv. 

Bryan  Rosseter  to  John  Wintkrop^  Jr. 

For  the  Honorable  John  Winthrop  Esq"  Governor  these  in 
Harford. 

WorshipfuHSir  — 

Meeting  with  some  new  troubles  from  our  neighbours,  I 
make  bold  to  present  to  your  Honors  serious  consideration, 
the  eases,  for  your  Honors  advise  or  mediation  for  some 
rationall  or  legall  issue  of  them,  which  will  require  exspedi- 
tion  before  the  provocation  grows  to  high,  and  discapaci- 
tates  for  freindly  advise  to  eyther  party  :  At  the  County 
Court  of  N.  Haven  Octob :  last  I  was  summoned  to  ap- 
peare,  I  refused  to  obey  the  summons  but  sent  my  reasons 
in  writing  soe  that  they  appeared  and  answered,  and  re- 
fered  myselfe  by  way  of  appeale  to  the  Generall  Assembly 
in  May  last ;  expecting  the  Courts  information,  and  sum- 
mons from  the  leaders  of  the  Assembly,  viz :  your  Honors 
order,  which  I  suppose  had  bene  most  legall ;  But  that 
fayling  I  was  intended  and  prepared  to  have  presented  my 
complaynt  agaynst  the  said  County  Court  for  male  adminis- 
tration, and  had  done  it  had  I  not  bene  prevented,  by  the 
Assemblyes  fuUnes  of  troublesome  concernments  in  refer- 
ence to  churches  &c. 

The  reasons  that  I  have  for  refusing  the  summons  (such 
as  it  was)  were  in  summe 

1 .  Because  the  members  of  the  County  were  never  for- 
mally matriculated  ffi*eemen. 

2.  The  Charter  orders  Governor,  Deputy  Grov',  and  As- 
sistants all  to  be  chosen  out  of  the  body  of  the  ffreemep. 

3.  Because  they  had  not  taken  the  oath  which  the  Gov- 
ernor tooke  before  the  M"^  of  Chancery,  who  confessed  be- 
fore the  Generall  Assembly,  was  the  oath  of  Supremacy;  nor 

VOL.   X.  10 


74  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

yet  at  their  comming  into  the  Corporation  (who  had  long 
refused  to  come  in  before  they  submitted)  and  the  Patent 
required  that  in  express  words  then. 

Another  reason  was  because  it  was  against  reason  and 
law  that  partyes  should  sitt  judges,  much  more  adversaries, 
which  they  were,  proved  by  2  witnesses ;  as  false  impris- 
onment and  the  ryot. 

Another  reason  was  the  case  for  which  I  was  prorcest, 
was  most  of  it  compounded,  to  which  the  witnesses  were 
M'  Mathew  Allyn,  and  M'  Samuel  Willis ;  and  the  sum- 
mons served  3  days  after  M'  Willis  was  gone  to  Boston, 
for  England,  and  therefore  I  desyred  a  respite  (which  is 
according  to  law)  untill  the  witnesses  could  conveniently  be 
procured  :  Severall  other  reasons  were  alleadged,  which 
did  more  properly  respect  the  case  itself:  Yet  thoe  I  did 
not  appeare,  and  thoe  I  gave  in  all  those  reasons,  the  Jury 
proceeded  to  a  verdict,  the  Court  to  a  Judgment,  and  Exe- 
cution granted,  and  served,  and  this  very  day  they  came  to 
appoynt  a  time  to  finish  the  execution ;  I  tendred  land  be- 
cause I  was  unwilling  they  should  ransack  an  estate,  that 
could  not  be  found  agayne  (thoe  it  prove  a  disappoyntment 
at  present. 

The  case  which  was  for  beginning  all,  was  as  cleare, 
and  fayre:  I  did  from  my  first  comming  to  Guilford,  deny 
to  pay  rates  for  my  person  and  horse  (which  was  the  lead- 
ing cause  to  my  imprisoning)  and  the  reasons  that  I  gave 
them  wherefore  I  refused  were  then  in  sumrae. 

!•  Because  I  was  an  allowed  practitioner  of  Phisic  by  the 
Generall  Court  at  Connecticott,  when  M'  Heynes,  M'  Hop- 
kins, and  the  rest  of  those  gentlemen  were  of  the  bench 
being  first  tryed,  and  approved  by  M'  Hooker,  M'  Stone, 
and  old  M'  Smith  of  Wethersfeild  in  the  face  of  the  said 
Court. 

2.  As  a  practitioner  of  phisick  I  was  desyred  by  RP 
Leete,  and  the  rest  of  the  Cheife  of  Guilford  to  purchase 
and  inhabit  with  them,  and  they  indented  with  mee  what  to 
give  for  a  visit. 

3.  The  lawes  of  Nations  exempt  allowed  phisitians  from 
personall  services,  and  there  estates  from  rates  and  assess- 
ments. 

The  Bay  allso,  and  New  Haven  the  fFrench  Doctor  and 
JVP  Pell,  and  M'  Davenport  preacht  for  it  allso. 


ITu  Winthrqp  Papers.  75 

4.  That  allowed  pbisitians  ar  often  necessitated  to  more 
charity  than  a  whole  towne,  and  if  it  be  not  allowed  fcH* 
some  must  perish  (that  ar  poore)  in  there  extremities,  these 
reasons  were  pleaded ;  and  an  agreement  in  presence  of  M' 
Allyn,  and  M'  Willis  witnesses. 

6.  And  I  was  never  rated  for  my  head  whilest  I  li?ed  at 
Connecticott  after  soe  approved. 

These  matters  lay  dormant  untill  our  seasyde  townes 
submitted  to  the  Corporation,  and  then  when  Guilford  gave 
in  a  list  of  there  estates  (at  first  unknowne  to  mee)  they 
put  in  my  head,  and  horse  which  I  kept  for  suddent  occa^ 
sions  being  sent  for,  as  I  was  often,  untill  differences  grew 
high,  since  (by  some  insinuation)  seldomer :  But  our  con- 
test now  was  for  what  was  before  my  imprisonment  then 
issued.  Other  reasons  for  some  small  summs  were  given 
in,  which  have  as  much  wright ;  and  I  am  wilUng  before 
any  indifferent  hearing  to  [Jeade  them,  and  charge  injustice, 
and  prove.  I  pray  Sir  seriously  consider,  advice,  and  doe, 
your  Honor  thereby  may  be  a  healer  of  breaches,  and  pre- 
vent worse  inconveniences. 

Your  Honor  knowes  that  the  Patent  allowes  all  his 
Majesties  subjects  a  liberty  to  pleade  and  be  impleaded,  to 
defend  and  to  be  defended,  to  answer  and  to  be  answered 
unto  in  all  matters  actions  cases  and  quarrells  whatsoever 
and  not  before  parties  and  adversaries  as  judges. 

Another  reason  to  all  the  former  is  the  determination  of 
the  Committee  chosen  by  the  Grenerall  Assembly  in  May 
1666.,  at  the  conclusion  of  it,  these  ar  the  very  words  at- 
tested by  the  Secretary  — 

And  we  doe  allso  determine  and  prohibit  utterly  and  for- 
ever, M'  Leete  and  any  other  person  and  persons  in  any  of 
those  farre  townes,  to  make  any  Complaynts,  or  cause  far- 
ther troubles,  eyther  to  M'  Rosseter  or  those  of  Guilford 
concerned  with  him  about  any  matter  referring  to  former 
Administration  of  Government,  excepting  such  things  ai$ 
have  bene  stated  by  this  Generall  Assembly :  It  is  a  re- 
straynt  on  there  liberty  as  much  as  of  mine  or  any  othem 
concerned  with  mee ;  and  some  others  ar  aggreeved  as  w^ 
as  my  selfe,  and  will  joyne  issue  foi;  male  administration  t 
which  now  I  with  others  complayne  of  to  your  Honor^  ma 
crave  notice  to  be  given  to  them  to  prepare  to  Aiuiwer  tihtf 
next  Assembly. 


76  The  fVinthrop  Papers. 

Much  more  have  I  to  express,  alleadge  and  plead  which 
at  a  convenient  time  and  an  indifferent  hearing  I  shall  at- 
tend. I  am  sorry  that  I  shall  be  necessitated  to  improve 
all  meanes  and  ffreinds  within  my  compass  to  procure  a  true 
interpretation  of  the  charter  in  reference  to  the  oath  of  Su- 
premacy, I  suppose  some  amongst  yourselves  have  not  taken 
it,  soe  that  Generall  Nichols  may  misapprehend  the  infor- 
mation, justices  in  England  take  it  in  the  face  of  the  Court, 
and  parliament  men  in  the  face  of  the  Parliament,  and  mil- 
itary officers  in  the  head  of  the  Army,  and  Trayne  bands : 
And  as  for  rates  for  my  head  and  Horse  I  hope  your  Honor 
soe  honors  that  antient  phisitian  jEsculapius  &c.  that  my 
name  being  approved  may  be  cancelled  in  the  treasurers 
list,  that  very  thing  I  suppose  hath  bred  all  this  trouble,  and 
a  declared  ffredom  may  yet  silence  much  of  it.  'tis  with 
your- Honor  and  none  else  to  prevent  much  trouble. 

I  purpose  to  attend  your  desyre  as  soone  as  I  can  peruse 
authors  concerning  apparitions. 

I  feare  I  have  bene  too  taedious  but  craving  pardon  at 
present  I  take  my  leave  and  rest 

Your  Honors  to  serve 

Bryan  Rosseter. 

GuUford.  June  2&''  1669. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Rosseter—  rec'*  June  30.  1669." 


XCVI. 

George  Heathcote  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  John  Wintrop  Grov'  of  Conettecott  Fattant  these,  pre- 
sent In  Newe  England. 

Loveing  freind  — 

These  are  to  desire  the  to  doe  me  the  favour  to  leve  me 
some  thmgs  to  stop  the  groweth  of  a  consumption  which 
now  I  judge  I  am  in  —  my  mother  told  me  I  was  in  one 
when  I  was  at  Antego,  but  I  could  not  beleve  it,  beinge  in- 
formed to  the  contrary  by  a  doctor  —  I  am  much  trobled 
with  a  thin  sharp  salt  youmer  that  settles  uppon  me  longes 


JTu  Winthrop  Papers.  77 

and  causes  me  to  spitt  much  and  sume  time  cough)  but 
seldom  —  that  pouder  I  had  of  the  for  my  spittiuge  did  me 
much  good  —  if  thou  shoud  be  at  harford  when  this  comes 
to  thy  hand  I  desire  Sir  to  send  me  sume  thinge  Eather  to 
be  left  at  Humphra  Hodges  in  boston,  nere  Person  Mathers 
or  to  Benaniwell  Bowers,  by  Cambridge,  I  desire  the  to 
doe  thy  indever  for  me  in  this  my  request  for  I  have  present 
occasion  for  sume  helpe  to  prevent  it  and  desire  thou  would 
please  to  leve  derection  how  I  should  take  it  and  what  way 
may  be  convenient  as  for  my  diet  or  otherwayes,  soe  that 
the  cause  and  ground  of  the  consumption  may  be  taken 
away  if  the  Lord  see  good,  I  sent  this  before  me  in  hopes 
it  may  find  the  at  boston  or  thereabouts  before  thou  takes 
thy  jurney  to  harford  —  I  could  wish  I  had  sume  good 
newes  to  send  the  conseminge  thy  cozen  Benjamin,  but  it 
is  such  that  I  was  trobled  to  here  it  from  a  man  that 
knewe  him  well,  here  is  noe  strange  newes  they  doe  dayly 
expect  the  arivell  of  William  Willughby  he  beinge  the  old 
mans  sonn  that  did  leve  the  goverment  of  thb  Iland  to  one 
Christopher  Cuddrington  the  last  yeare  —  he  comes  as  gov- 
emour  —  this  with  my  reall  love  is  all 

Att  present  from  Thy  freind 

Geo  :  Heathcoti:. 

Prom  Barbadus  7%e  19"  d  5  ^  1669. 

[Labelled,  m  Governor  Winthrop^s  hand,  ^^  George  Heatbcott**] 


XCVII. 

William  Jones  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

15  March  1669. 
Hono^Sir)  .         _ 

Yours  of  ffebr'^  4^**  reced  with  the  mclosed  to  my  wife 
from  M'  Jo"  Davenport  —  I  thank  you  for  the  news  of  Libty 
to  good  people  in  England,  and  sbold  be  glad  to  heare  the 
certainty  of  it.  There  is  little  news  sterring  in  these  parts 
but  what  I  suppose  you  have.  His  Highes  the  Duke  of 
York  has  prohibited  any  more  Dutch  strips  from  coming 
to  New  York,  contrary  to  a  repealed  graunt  for  som  yeares 


78  The  fVinthrop  Papers. 

the  Governor  of  York  hath  published  by  proclamation  his 
highnes  pleasure,  And  hath  graunted  free  trade  to  the 
Merchants  at  N.  York  and  taken  of  the  wonted  recognicon 
—  this  will  encourage  trade  there  And  what  the  Oenerall 
Court  of  the  Bay  Colony  have  don  (if  true)  will  further  it, 
for  in  severall  letters  from  Boston  tis  said  they  have  laid 
20*  per  cent  on  goods  exported  and  provisions  imported. 
But  since  we  heare  tis  25*  per  cent  on  provisions  imported 
the  1*  time,  y*  one  halfe  forfet  the  2**  time  and  all  the  3^ 
I  know  not  what  to  believe  tis  soe  incredible  and  Strang 
therefor  shalbe  fearing  to  speak  any  thoughts  till  I  heare 
the  certainty  if  any  such  thing  be  :  if  our  side  the  Countrey 
should  be  soe  unwise  as  to  send  ther  provisions  on  such 
tearmes,  twere  well  a  law  were  made  to  prohibit  the  export 
that  way  and  to  tume  our  trade  another  way.  1  suppose 
you  have  heard  of  the  great  ship  that  was  cast  away  neare 
ffishers  Iseland  on  the  rocks,  and  thence  being  deserted  was 
driven  on  Long  Iseland  shore :  the  Govemour  of  N.  York 
sent  his  secretary  to  prevent  the  people  seizing  of  the  goods 
&c.  and  tis  said  afterwards  went  himselfe  to  take  order  that 
noe  wrong  might  be  •  don  to  the  owners  of  the  ship  and 
goods  which  shews  a  generous  mind  and  noble. 

there  hath  bin  a  prodigious  creature  that  brought  forth 
in  this  place  on  the  23^  of  ffebr.  last  viz*  a  calfe  with  2  per- 
fect heads  joined  to  one  neck  and  body  —  the  heads  come- 
ly and  well  shaped  in  all  parts,  but  one  head  standing  to 
the  one  side  and  the  other  head  to  the  other  side  soe  that 
two  cheeks  or  sides  of  the  heads  lookt  forward  and  the  con- 
trary cheeks  back  behind  :  which  2  heads  were  soe  joined 
together  the  hinder  parts  and  downwards  —  theire  jaws  al- 
most to  theire  mouths  that  the  4  eares  stood  in  theire  proper 
places  a  top  of  the  heads  in  a  due  distance  the  heads 
were  well  haired  as  of  a  calfe  a  month  old,  the  neck  was 
joined  to  the  heads  soe  siding,  as  right  on  the  middle,  as  if 
they  had  bin  but  one,  the  neck  and  body  in  all  other  parts 
as  another  Calfe :  in  the  bringing  forth  of  this  monster  the 
hinder  part  cam  out  first  and  soe  stuck  that  6  men  could 
not  draw  it  out :  but  were  forct  to  draw  at  a  horse :  the 
beads  so  standing,  but  the  Cow  quickly  died  :  and  it  is  like 
that  the  violence  they  were  forct  to  use  was  caus  of  the 
death  of  both  cow  and  calfe    tis  said  a  child  was  borne  at 


The  Winthrap  Papers.  79 

Brandford  a  week  before  this  having  6  toes  on  each  foot, 
and  more  then  ordinary  on  the  bands.  But  my  Brother 
Yale  can  better  informe  you  I  suppose  of  that  which  with 
my  humble  service  presented  to  your  selfe  and  honoured 
M"  Winthrop  and  your^, 

Rests  your  servant  to  his  power 

W"  Joirss. 

[Labelled,  ''  M'  /ones  about  the  Calfe  with  2  heads,  of  March  15. 
1669."] 


xcvni. 

Francis  Lovelace  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

For  the  Honora****  John  Wintrop  Esq'  Governor  of  the  Col- 
ony of  Conettecut  at  Hartford. 

Deare  Sir  — 

I  receaved  2  letters  from  you  by  M'  Plumbe  which  I  be- 
leeve  will  now  reasonably  ballance  the  Accompt  of  core- 
spondency,  both  of  them  beeing  of  one  Tenure,  I  beg  that 
you  would  accept  one  answer  to  both,  it  seemes  the  case 
is  not  rightly  aprehended  by  the  Indians,  who  seeme  dis- 
trustfuU  that  the  intentions  of  the  Maquases  are  not  genu- 
ine, as  not  beeing  attended  with  those  customary  formale- 
tyes,  by  which  Indeans  converse  on  such  affaires,  and  truly 
had  this  motion  of  peace  wholy  proceeded  from  theire  desires 
to  it,  then  the  circumstances  migh  have  beene  disputable, 
but  the  Treaty  (and  as  I  hope  the  Peace,  proceeding  in  a 
greate  mesure  from  my  instigation  who  am  very  zealous  to 
promote  a  tranquilety  amongst  all,  whereby  Trade,  and 
Commerce  may  not  receave  any  mterruption,  tis  I  therefore 
have  undertaken  that  cause  and  for  wnich  (as  I  formerly 
intimated  to  you)  doe  offer  to  be  responsable,  well  knowing 
that  if  the  same  ingagement  bee  undertaken  by  you,  on  the 
behalfe  of  your  Indians,  thes  hopes  of  an  insuing  peace 
will  bee  more  strong  and  lasting :  it  will  bee  needlesse  to 
represent  all  arguments  for  it,  that  beeing  too  greate  a  sub- 
ject to  be  comprised  in  the  narrow  volume  of  a  letter,  I  shall 
therefore  suspend  it  till  a  &ire  opertunety  give  mee  tli€  \i%^ 


80  7%«  Winthrop  Papers. 

pynesse  of  kissing  your  hands,  which  I  fully  purpose  to  doe 
if  your  affaires  in  not  beeing  at  Hartford  interrupt  mee  not. 
I  shall  finde  an  oportunety  to  tell  you  the  precise  tyme 
which  at  this  tyme  I  am  not  able  for  the  retume  of  my  ship 
(I  built  heere)  from  Virginea  requires  my  assistance  to  for- 
ward her  voyage  for  Europe,  I  hope  to  perfect  it  all  m  this 
month  and  by  the  scantling  of  tyme,  you  likewise  may  make 
a  neare  estimate  if  your  private  affaire  can  corespond  with 
my  resolutions,  which  when  you  have  pitcht  them,  I  desire 
hartely  to  be  satisfy'd  from  you  that  so  I  may  the  better 
steere  my  course  which  according  to  my  present  determi- 
nation is  to  waite  on  you  at  Hartford  within  or  neare  that 
compasse  of  tyme  before  mentioned  I  have  no  more  in  the 
interim  but  to  wish  you  all  health  and  happinesse  and  a 
beleefe  that  I  am 

Sir,  your  most  afectionate  humble  servant 

Fran:  Louelace. 

Fort  Jeames  the  2^  of  May  —  1670. 

Newes  heere  is  litle  onely  a  greate  aprehention  of  a  rup- 
ture betweene  France  and  Holland  a  catch  which  came 
heere  from  the  Caribaeys  beeing  boarded  by  a  French  man 
of  warre  who  was  so  piquant  agains  the  Dutch,  that  if  hee 
had  found  but  the  least  good  belonging  to  the  Dutch  hee , 
protested  hee  would  have  mad  prise  of  hen 

[Labelled,  "  Gov'  Lovelace."] 


XCIX. 

Francis  Lovelace  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  the  Hon**^*  John  Winthrop  Esq"  Govern'  of  his  Maj*'** 
Colony  of  Conecticott  These  Att  Hartford. 

Deare  Sir — 

Having  desir'd  liberty  to  retume  (for  somme  season)  for 
England  which  I  hope  will  bee  graunted)  and  not  knowing 
how  both  the  Publiqq  and  my  private  affaires  will  stand,  I 
have  taken  oportunety  to  meete  you  thus  farre,  that  so  wee 
may  have  the  benifitt  to  discourse  all  affiadres  that  may  tend 


The  WirUkrap  Papern.  81 

to  the  mutuall  convenience  of  each  other,  which  otherwise 
would  proove  too  volumenous  to  be  transmitted  by  letters ; 
I  shall  therefore  attend  your  presence  (if  no  accidents  of 
nature  or  other  contingencyes)  prevent  you,  at  Milfourd, 
where  I  hartely  expect  you  as  one  who  has  receav'd  greate 
endeerements  from  you,  so  he  would  be  glad  to  pay  somme 
parts  of  an  acknowledgment  in  the  confession  of  beeing  T 
Sir,  your  very  affectionate  humble  servant 

Frax:  Louslace. 

Milfard  the  9**  of  December  1670. 

Heere  are  severall  of  your  servants  as  M'  Delavall  M' 
Nicolls  M'  Lawrence  and  my  brother  who  all  klsse  your 
hands. 

[Labelled,  "  Gov'  Lovelace— rec**  Dec:  9  1670."] 


John  fVinthropj  Jr.^  to  Francis  Lovelace. 

Hon"*  Sir  — 

It  was  my  unhappinesse  to  be  at  that  time  in  an  incapacity 
to  wait  upon  you  at  Milford,  when  you  were  pleased  to  fa- 
vour these  parts  with  so  near  an  approach :  but  it  so  fell 
out  and  could  not  be  otherwise.  I  was  engaged  to  a  dear 
friend,  not  long  before  who  was  at  the  very  agony  of  death 
(as  was  feared  by  all  then  present  there)  not  to  be  absent 
till  an  apparent  recovery,  which  then  was  doubtfull,  but  now 
(God  be  praised)  is  in  a  good  measure  attained ;  but  there 
were  reasons  to  think  it  might  not  have  been  so,  if  I  had 
been  from  home.  I  had  before  hand,  from  some  passages 
in  your  letter,  the  confidence  of  your  favourable  excuse  in 
such  a  case  as  this,  as  such  an  accident,  or  contingency,  you 
were  pleased  to  point  at,  which  might  prevent  that  which 
was  mutually  desired,  and  should  otherwise  with  my  great- 
est care  been  endeavoured,  and  I  must  hope  for  the  like 
excuse  that  I  made  bold  to  motion  your  coming  up  hither, 
when  the  season  for  your  self  might  not  seem  suitable  for 
such   a  journey,    iMy  desire  was  great  to  have  enjoyed 

VOL.   X.  11 


82  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

your  presence  here,  and  all  those  honoured  gentlemen,  my 
worthy  friends.  But  your  occasions  not  permitting  and  the 
season  possibly  discouraging,  your  pleasure  therein  is  my 
good  content.  My  presumption  of  a  probability  of  your 
coming  up  (not  without  some  good  grounds  of  hopes  there- 
of enforced  also  from  a  report  passing,  as  if  such  a  thing 
would  be  (facile  credimus  quae  volumus)  tho'  possibly  from 
some  supposition  only,  if  the  bottom  of  it  could  have  been 
better  examined)  filled  this  place  with  such  joyfuU  expecta- 
tion thereof,  so  that  some  gentlemen  deferred  for  a  few  days, 
a  journey  to  Milford,  and  the  rather  that  I  might  have  their 
necessary  assistance,  at  such  a  time  :  And  the  report  com- 
ing of  your  being  upon  a  sudden  return  discouraged  their 
after  proceeding ;  but  I  hope  such  accidents  will  not  dis- 
courage from  your  visit  to  these  parts,  when  it  may  be  a 
time  most  seasonable  to  your  self,  which  will  be  most  ac- 
ceptable to  your  servants  here,  together  with 

Your  most  humble  servant 

J.  Winthrop. 
Hartford  Dec'  28.  1 670. 

[Labelled,  "  Copy  of  letter  to  Gov'  Lovelace."] 


CI. 


The  Governor  and  Council  of  Rhode  Island  to  the  Governor 

and  Council  of  Connecticut. 

These  for  the  Hon**  John  Winthrop  Esq"^  Grovemour  of  the 
CoUony  of  Conecticott  —  To  be  alsoe  communicated  to 
the  rest  of  the  Hon^  Counsell  of  that  CoUony. 

Honoured  Gentlemen  — 

Wee  lately  received  from  the  Massachussetts  Collony 
copies  of  two  letters  of  his  Majestic,  Directed  to  be  com- 
municated to  the  other  Collonys,  with  his  Majesties  Dec- 
laration of  Warr  against  the  States  General  of  the  Unitted 
provinces,  and  accordingly  wee  have  proceeded  therin : 
And  further  in  pursuance  therof,  and  in  obediance  to  his 
Majesties  commands  wee  have  thought  fitt  and  doe  hereby 


7%e  Winthrap  Papers.  83 

recommend  unto  you  our  desires  joyndy  with  your  selves 
to  consider  of  the  condition  and  state  of  affaires  in  genera], 
there  appearing  times  of  danger,  and  with  what  speede  may 
bee  to  provide  for  the  safety  and  defence  of  the  whole 
&C,  as  may  be  judged  most  requissitt  and  convenient  by 
your  selves  and  our  neighbour  Collonys  with  us  to  whome 
wee  have  lickewise  writt  to  the  same  efect,  And  to  that 
end  wee  desire  yow  will  please  to  make  a  returne  to  us  by 
way  of  advice  in  the  premisses,  which  wee  shall  loveingly  and 
freely  embrace  and  from  time  to  time  attend  to  what  may 
be  adjudged  necessary  and  commodious  by  the  whole  for 
the  publick  good  and  defence  therof.  Thus  with  our 
hearty  respects  wee  subscribe 

Gentlemen  your  affectionate  freinds  and  neighbours, 
signed  by  order  of  the  Gov"^  and  Counsell  of  his 
Majesties  Collony  of  Rhod  Island  and  provi- 
dence plantacons  &c  sittinge  the  25^^  day  of 
June  1672 

John  Sanfobd  Secretary. 

[Labelled,  ^'  Lietter  from  the  Councill  of  Road  bland,  received  Aug. 
9.  1672.'*] 


cn- 


John  fVinthropf  Jr.,  to  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Rhode 

Island. 

Hon^  Gent"  I  rec'd  the  end  of  this  weeke  a  letter  sub- 
scribed by  M'  John  Sanford  by  order  from  yourselves; 
And  have  according  to  your  desh*es  communicated  it  to  the 
Magistrates  here ;  who  are  all  desirous  of  your  safety  and 
wellfare,  and  should  be  glad  we  could  contribute  thereunto. 
That  letter  from  your  councill  was  dated  the  25^'''  of  June, 
but  it  is  but  now  come  to  our  hands,  and  there  being  a 
meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the  Collonies  the  begin- 
ning of  the  next  month,  appointed  to  be  at  Plimoth.  We 
think  it  may  be  the  most  seasonable  opportunity  then  for 
considering  of  ways  and  expedients  for  the  safety  of  all  the 
Colonies,  and  do  recommend  unto  your  conaideradon, 
whether  that  tune  would  not  be  convenient  for  yourselves 


84  The  Wintkrop  Papers. 

to  send  some  fit  person,  or  more  to  that  meeting,  whereby 
you  may  be  much  more  satisfied  in  what  your  letter  im- 
ports, by  obtaining  the  united  advice  for  the  publick  defence 
and  safety  of  all  his  Majesty s  colonies  in  these  parts  — 
which  is  all  at  present  besides  most  cordial  salutations 
firom 

Your  affectionate  friend 

J,    WiNTHROP. 

Hartford  Aug.  15.  1672. 


cm. 


Samuel  fVUlis  and  John  Wintkrop^  Jr.^  to  Sir  George  Car- 

teret. 

Right  Honourable 

There  having  divers  persons  of  good  repute  and  ap- 
proved integrity  who  were  formerly  improved  in  publicke 
oflSses  in  this  Colony,  viz  :  M'  Jaspar  Crane,  M'  John 
Odgden,  M'  Robert  Bond,  M'  Abraham  Peirson,  M '  Brewen 
with  many  of  their  Lovinge  Neighbours  and  freinds,  wel 
disposed  men,  of  sober,  and  peacable,  conversation  did 
Transplant  them  selves  And  famalys  into  your  Honours 
Province,  who  beinge  persons  well  known  to  us.  But  stran- 
gers to  your  Honour  desired  us  to  give  you  our  carracter 
of  them.  That  soe  they  might  not  bee  misrepresented, 
whose  presence  in  this  Colony  was  both  acceptable,  and 
usefull,  and  theire  retume  To  us  would  bee  very  gratfulL 
But  that  wee  would  promote  in  your  Honours  Colony  that 
good  worke  of  subdueing  the  Earth,  and  replenishinge  of  it. 
which  in  this  remote,  desert  part  of  the  world  never  For- 
merly inhabitted  nor  Cultivated  is  A  very  diffecult  worke, 
and  requires  much  hard  Labour,  to  subdue  so  Rufi*  and 
woody  A  wildernesse,  In  this  Cold  clymat  where  cbthinge 
is  very  Deare,  beinge  soe  far  distant  From  the  Market. 
Soe  that  the  people  will  need  the  more  encouragment 
which  we  doubt  not  upon  all  occasions  will  bee  afforded 
them. 

Upon  which  the  progresse  And  prosperity  of  your  prov- 
mce  doth  depend. 


The  fVinthrop  Papers.  85 

In  order  to  which  we  would  further  make  bould  to  sug- 
gest unto  your  Honours  Wisdome,  and  prudence,  As  very 
expedient,  that  your  Colony  be  Branched  out  into  Conven- 
ient Tow^nshipps,  which  we  finde  Best  Conducinge  to  Saf- 
ty,  and  the  advansinge  of  Civill  Sociatys. 

Thus  wishinge  your  Honour  all  prosperity  in  the  well- 
settlement  of  this  your  American  Province  —  wee  are, 

[Labelled,  "  Copy  ["  drawne  "  is  here  erased]  to  Sir  George  Carteret : 
transcribed  by  M'  Willis  out  of  his  draft  — July  2.  1673.'*] 


CIV. 


John  Winthropj  Jr.^  to  John  Berry. 

For  the  Wor"  Captaine  John  Berry  Dep^^  Govemour  of 
the  Colony  of  New  Jarsy  —  dd. 

Honored  Sir  — 

Such  misinformations  which  upon  reading  your  letter  I 
might  apprehend  you  had  received,  I  have  desired  Capt : 
Nicolls  to  discourse  with  you  concerning  my  answer  to 
them,  being  not  in  a  capacity  of  writing  largely  at  present, 
and  have  shewed  him  the  copy  of  that  letter,  wherein  I 
Joyned  with  M'  Samuell  Willis  to  Sir  George  Carterett, 
whereof  you  may  please  to  peruse  a  transcript,  which  he 
hath  taken  with  him :  And*  desire  you  to  be  assured,  that 
it  hath  beene  very  farr  from  my  acting  or  intentions,  to  in- 
courage,  or  invite  any  one  to  a  removall  thence  —  I  have 
often,  at  their  first  beginning  there  and  since,  as  I  had  occa- 
sion, incouraged  that  good  pubUcke  designe  of  planting  that 
place,  and  am  alwaies  desirous  to  promote  the  prosperous 
increase  of  those  plantations  and  therein,  and  all  other  good 
respects  to  be  ever 

Your  very  reall  servant 

John  Winthrop. 
Hartford  July  29.  1673. 

[Labelled, ''  Copy  to  Capt  John  Berry.''] 


86  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

CV. 

Francis  Lovelace  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

An  extract  of  a  letter  from  Col.  Lovelace  directed  to  Gov' 
Winthrop:  Dated  Thursday  at  10  of  the  Clock  being  the 
31'^  of  July  as  followeth. 

Deare  Sir  —  At  Newhaven  I  received  the  unwelcome 
newes  of  the  Dutch  approach  before  New  York,  I  call  it 
unwelcome  in  regard  I  was  not  in  the  place,  they  appeared 
at  first  with  10  sayle  afterwards  17:  Yesterday  about  5 
or  6  of  the  clock  they  stormed  it,  a  hot  dispute  (it  seemes 
it  was)  how  the  success  was  I  cannot  as  yet  learne  :  they 
I  understand  have  breakfasted  on  all  my  sheep  and  Cattle 
at  Staten  Island,  I  am  hastening  as  fast  as  I  can  to  make 
one,  God  spare  me  but  to  get  in  and  I  doubt  not  but  to 
give  a  good  account  of  it  Your  Gentlemen  have  formed  a 
post  from  M'  Richbels  to  you  pray  let  it  be  continued  for 
intelligence,  it  will  be  necessary  to  forme  a  militia,  for  if  it 
should  miscarry  they  must  not  radicate  long  I  am  yet  out  of 
their  power  and  am  hastening  now  over  to  Long  Island  to 
rayse  the  militia  there,  you  shall  heare  of  my  motion,  pray 
despatch  away  to  Boston.  I  have  no  more  God  Almighty 
preserve  you,  and  send  us  a  happy  meeting  if  not  heere  yet 
hereafter  which  is  much  better,  I  am  your  aflfectionate  fremd 

Francis  Lovelace. 

[This  is  a  copy  i  by  whom  made  I  am  not  certain.  It  looks  like  Mr. 
Willis's  hand.  It  is  labelled,  in  the  same  hand  as  the  copy,  "  Coll.  Love- 
laces letter  to  the  Gov'  at  Hartford  July  31''  1673."  —J.  B.] 


CVL 

The  Southampton  Declaration. 

South  Hampton  August  the  29'*  1 673, 

To  All  or  Any  of  his  Majestys  subjects  in  either  the  Colonjes 
of  the  Massachusetts  or  Hartford  or  Plymouth  or  else- 
where. 

Wee  the  Inhabitants  of  the  sayd  Towne  doe  hereby  in  all 
respective  wise,  shew  and  declare  that  the   Monhatoes 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  87 

called  New  York  when  under  the  Government  of  his  Royall 
Hignes  the  Duke  of  Yorke  being  lately  and  suddainly  taken 
by  the  Dutch  flSeet  and  this  our  Towne  amongst  the  rest  sum- 
moned by  their  power  at  6  or  7  dayes  warning  to  submitt 
to  their  Government  to  take  the  oath  of  AUeagiance  unto  the 
Prince  of  Orange  to  choose  officers  under  them  and  to  de- 
liver up  to  them  the  badge  of  Civil  and  Millitary  power ; 
namely  the  Constables  staflfe,  and  the  Colonels ;  upon  our 
observation  of  which  Command  they  promise  to  us  in  their 
sajd  declaration  or  summons  —  equall  priviledge  with  their 
owne  nation :  but  uppon  our  refusall  or  default  therein,  they 
threaten  by  force  of  Armes  to  subdue  us  to  the  sajd  obedj- 
ence,  when  the  sajd  conditions  should  not  be  granted  to 
us  :  —  Whereupon  our  poore  Towne  being  strucke  with 
amazement  in  our  extreame  exigency  sent  a  messenger 
forth,  to  Hartford  to  his  Majestys  Authority  there,  for  their 
advice  or  helpe,  but  received  no  Incouragement  to  stand  out 
of  our  selves  — -  although  they  favored  us  so  farr  as  to  con- 
sider our  Condition ;  and  sent  two  messengers  to  New 
Yorke  to  know  the  Generalls  intent  concerning  the  five 
eastern  Townes  on  Long  Island,  our  messengers  meeting 
with  theirs  from  Hartford  at  New  Yorke,  after  they  had 
spake  with  the  Dutch  Generall  at  the  very  expiration  of  the 
time  they  allowed  us  in  their  sumons,  and  most  earnestly 
requesting  advice  of  them  they  were  shye,  and  cautious 
then  to  give  advice  to  our  messengers  but  referred  them 
to  Capt.  Sylvester  w^ho  came  from  Hartford  with  them,  and 
he  advised  our  messengers  by  all  meanes,  our  Towne 
should  submitt  to  the  Dutch  Government  our  sajd  messen- 
gers returning  and  acquainting  the  Towne  therewith,  who 
duely  weighed  these  following  considerations  —  first  that  by 
good  Information  there  came  to  New  Yorke  23  shipps 
whereof  were  Seven  men  of  warr  with  a  fire-ship. 
2^^^  The.  fTort  and  Citty  which  was  our  head  quarters  was 
taken  as  Aforesajd  and  surrendered  without  capittulation  or 
Articles. 

3^'^.  Our  Governour  Lovelace  although  upon  Long  Isl- 
and sent  us  no  word  of  comand  or  advice,  what  wee  should 
doe  or  how  wee  should  Act. 

4.  Wee  perceive  by  good  IntelTigence  that  all  the  Planta- 
tions west  of  Oyster  Bay  on  the  Island  with  the  adjacent 


88  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

Townes  of  N :  Jarsey  had  submitted  to  the  Dutch  Govern- 
ment. 

5.  By  Creddible  Information,  the  aforesajd  flfleete  con- 
sists of  Statesmen  of  warre,  and  privateers  who  having  no 
purchas  are  to  have  no  pay,  and  are  dayly  solicitous  for 
comissions  to  Plunder  and  spoyle  either  us  or  any  of  his 
Majestyes  subjects, 

6.  Not  only  the  Townes  on  the  West  end  of  the  Island 
but  also  the  other  foure  Townes  on  this  east  end  sometimes 
combined  with  us  seeing  no  way  open  to  secure  themselves 
from  the  violence  of  the  adversarv  did  submitt  themselves 
to  the  Dutch  Government  upon  some  termes,  whereupon, 
wee  a  lone  Plantation  destitute  of  help  from  abroad  and  few 
in  number  of  our  selves,  and  being  prevented  of  suitable 
suppljes  of  ammunition  wee  could  not  but  conceive  that 
wee  must  of  necessity  follow  our  neighbour  Townes  in  Sub- 
mitting to  the  Dutch  Goverment  and  this  wee  thought  meet 
to  write  as  a  true  and  just  accompt  of  the  procedure  in  this 
concerne ;  to  take  of  an  aspertion  cast  upon  us  as  though 
wee  should  freely  submitt  to  this  forreigne  Government. 

flfurthermore  whiles  these  presents  lay  open  upon  signing 
came  in  a  known  Indian,  and  Informed  that  the  Dutch  have 
furnished  their  Plantations  of  the  Indians  at  the  West  End 
arms  and  powder  and  shott  to  make  freinds  with  them. 

John  Howell  Daniel  Sayer  Henry  Peirson 

hit  mark  Obadiah  Rogers  Thomas  Halsey 

JOHN   <-^     essu  j^^^  Laughton  Samuel  Clarke 

Joseph  Retnor  Zerubbabel  Phillips  John  Mefdam 

John  Davis  Thomas  Cooper  Thomas  Goldsmith 

Thomas  Halsey,  Jun*  Joseph  Barnes  John  Biishop 

Ffrancis  Saver  Christopher  Lupton  Robert  Wolley 

Job  Sayer  Jonathan  Tapping  Thomas  Reeves 

Samuell  Tokers  Joseph  Wildman  Jonathan  Reyner. 
W"  Russell 

That  this  is  a  true  copie  Rec'^  6,  September  73  with  the 
letter  from  South -Hampton  by  M'  Copor  [Brought?]  hith- 
er.   Attest 

Edward  Rawson  Secret, 

[Labelled,  *'  Southamton  declaration  sent  to  Boston  1673."  This  is 
in  the  handwriting  of  Governor  Winthrop ;  the  remainder  in  that  of  Sec- 
retary RawsoD,  I  think.  -— /.  B.] 


The  WirUhrap  Papers.  89 

cvn. 

John  Winthropf  Jr.^  to  the  Council  of  Connecticut. 

For  the  honored  Samuel  Willis  Esq**  and  the  other  Gentle- 
men of  the  CounceU  of  his  Majestys  Colony  of  Connect- 
icutt  at  Hartford  dd. 

Gentlemen, 

Having  seriously  considered  the  present  state  of  matters 
with  reference  to  the  good  people,  his  Majestys  subjects 
our  dear  countrymen  upon  Long  Island  their  further  mo- 
tion for  assistance  and  the  late  attempts  of  their  enemy  the 
Dutch  upon  them  I  cannot  but  judge  it  necessary  to  send 
over  a  suflScient  number  of  men  for  their  helpe,  and  desire 
your  speedy  concurrence  therein,  that  this  opportunity  may 
not  be  overslipped  for  the  effecting  thereof  by  a  ready 
meanes  of  transportation  in  M'  Lord's  vessel,  or  others  now 
in  this  river,  and  for  the  charge  of  those  that  should  be  now 
thought  needfuU  to  be  for  that  service :  I  doe  heartily  in- 
gage  for  due  satisfaction  thereof  that  there  may  be  no  det- 
riment for  want  of  such  addition  means  capable  for  that 
supply  —  by  which  upon  necessity  and  many  weighty  and 
pregnant  reasons  is  recommended  to  your  most  serious  con- 
sideration 

From  your  affectionate  friend  J.  W. 

[Labelled,  ''  Copy  to  the  CounceU.''    A  rough  draft.  —  J.  B.] 


CVIIL 

^  Samuel  Epps  to  FUz-John  fVinthrop. 

To  Gaptaine  Fitz-John  Winthrop  at  New  London. 

Boston  Dec'  5.  1673. 
Worthy  Sir  — 

After  due  salutations  tendered ;  by  these  you  may  be 
pleased  to  know  that  your  unworthy  relation  Epps  is  ac- 
cording to  M'  Harlackenden  Symonds  his  apborisme  compos 

VOL.   X.  12 


90  The  Wintkrop  Papers. 

mentis,  tho  now  between  sleeping  and  wakeing,  it  being  ac- 
cording to  the  Bell-man,  near  thirteen  of  the  clock  alias 
towards  morning ;  and  so,  much  indisposed  to  scrible ;  yet 
cant  omit  such  an  opportunity  to  testify  my  unfeigned  re- 
spect to  your  honor,  and  my  thankfuU  remembrance  of  your 
multiplyed  undeserved  favours;  the  retaliateing  of  those 
courtesyes  by  which  I  am  obliged  in  the  strictest  bondes  of 
amity  and  reall  respect  unto  you,  I  must  defer  till  my  poor 
ability  is  raised  and  my  capacity  heightend  a  peg  or  two 
higher  then  at  present  they  are :  true  it  is  I  was  long  enough 
in  your  company  to  have  received  some  beams  of  ingenuity 
ftt  least  by  reflection  from  sudi  an  illustrious  a  sun  and  de- 
rived some  streams  of  eloquence  from  soe  plentifuU  a  foun- 
taine;  and  so  bate  payed  you  in  your  own  coine,  have 
served  you  in  your  kinde ;  but  my  cloudy  cerebrosity  my 
dttli  and  stupid  sconce  like  ould  muddy -pated  Damaetas  is 
as  dark  and  over  cast  with  grosse  ignorance  as  ever ;  I 
have  almost  forgotten  to  speak  much  more  to  write  to  such 
a  master  of  language,  discretion  adviseth  to  silence,  civility 
commands  to  say  something  though  Pie  cofifesse  it  be  noth- 
ing to  the  purpose :  Sir  as  for  newes  the  bearer's  will  soon 
out  doe  my  pen,  only  ieast  he  forget  it,  Unde  Lack  is  come 
over  in  bis  own  person  as  little  varying  from  himself  as  most 
-that  have  travelled  the  worid  as  he  hath  done,  hath  as  high 
an  apprehension  of  his  own  prowesse  valour  activity,  inge- 
nuity understanding,  wit  and  memory  as  any  in  old  or  New 
England  can  have  of  him ;  he  saith  he  went  out  with  noth- 
ing, spent  100"**-  there,  and  is  100"^  better  then  when  he 
left  New  England ;  his  relations  have  sent  him  over  to  lay 
in  for  an  heir  (to  bear  the  name  of  John)  to  possesse  the 
inheritance  :  a  relation  of  particular  passages  and  his  de- 
portment among  Lords,  Ladyes  &c*  would  lengthen  my 
Epistle  from  hence  to  Niantick  therefore  if  you'l  excusa- 
tion  me  thus  far  Pie  molestation  you  no  further  —  but  rest 
—  Remaining,  noble  Sir,  your  cordiall,  unfeigned  affection- 
ate fremd  and  servant  as  sure  as  a  Clubb 

Samuell  Epps. 

Sir,  my  place  of  residence  at  present  is  at  M'  John  Pin- 
chons  house  in  Boston  (whose  pretty  wife  is  grown  preg- 
tiant,  but  when  she  looks  her  I  know  not)  and  to  speake 


lie  Winihrop  Papers.  9 1 

in  the  sight  and  sence  of  my  own  imbecility  if  such  an  in- 
considerable fellow  might  promise  himself  so  much  hon- 
our and  happinesse  as  to  receive  a  line  or  two  from  your 
hands  by  the  next  occasion ;  it  would  turn  (verte  fol :) 
my  melanchoUy  into  merriment,  and  make  me  as  happy  as 
can  be  imagined  I  should  be,  liveing  at  so  uncomfortable  a 
distance  from  yourselfe ;  whose  amiable  society  (credit  me)  I 
as  greatly  delight  in  as  in  any  mortall  whatsoeve,  not  except- 
ing those  pretty  she  creatures jhat  live  round  about  me; 
whose  attractive  beauty  were  enough  to  overcome  a  more 
abstemious  person  then  myselfe  and  draw  me  out  of  the 
Bachelours  Row,  had  I  not  such  an  example  of  temperance 
and  sobriety  as  yours  is,  to  be  guided  by ;  whose  judgment 
as  to  the  conveniency  and  bettemesse  of  a  single  life  I  have 
not  hitherto  contradicted ;  though  haply  wee  shall  both  of 
us  be  better  advised  as  wee  grow  oulder.  Your  friend 
and  relations  here  are  all  through  favour  in  good  condition.  * 

Vale. 

[This  Samuel  Epps  (as  he  spells  his  name)  was  graduated  at  Harvard 
lege  in  the  year  1669  (see  College  Catalogue),  —  so  I  guess.    It  seems 
that  QBLptain  PitzJohn  Wiothrop  was  yet  a  bachelor  in  December,  167S. 


CIX. 

FitZ'John  Winthrop  to  John  Mlyn. 

The  copye  of  a  letter  to  Capt  John  AUyn  Secretary  of  the 
Colony  of  Connecticutt 

Honored  Sir  —  I  have  not  time  to  give  you  ^n  account 
of  the  particular  transactions  (as  they  have  passed)  that 
faapned  since  last  I  had  the  favour  to  kiss  your  hands, 
and  hope  I  may  be  excused  if  I  can  but  just  men- 
tion %my  obedience  to  the  command  I  received,  from  the 
Governour  and  Council,  at  Hartford,  and  that  in  attend- 
ance  thereunto  I  immediately  raised  those  forces  they  were 
pleased  to  command  and  had  the  ready  assistance  of  the 
Authority  of  New  London  and  Stonington  for  speedy  dis- 

Eatch  in  order  to  the  prosecution  of  my  commission,  and 
y  good  Providence  had  the  opportunity  of  a  fair  wind  to 


92  Jlie  Winthrop  Papers. 

Shelter  Island,  where  I  stopt  a  few  hours  for  intelligence, 
but  met  with  nothing  considerable^  to  our  purpose  —  but 
Capt.  Sylvester's  great  civility  to  myself  and  company,  as 
we  were  servants  to  the  Colony,  which  he  so  much  hon- 
ours:  And  I  believe  (if  my  experience  therein  upon  former 
publiq  :  occasions  may  give  a  judraent  of  his  generous  en- 
tertainment) no  particular  interest  has  out  done  him :  but 
to  pass  these  engagements,  which  are  fit  only  a  colonies 
acknowledgment,  I  must  add,  that  after  a  little  discourse 
with  him  we  set  sail  for  South  hold,  and  had  no  sooner  re- 
ceived the  welcome  of  those  people  but  I  had  intelligence 
by  a  post  directed  to  Capt :  Younge  from  Seatakot,  that  the 
ship  Snow,  with  1  ketch  and  2  sloopes,  were  anchored  at 
the  White  Stone,  waiting  a  fair  wind  for  this  place,  and  that 
a  person  from  New  York  of  credible  intelligence  added  this 
information,  that  they  were  bound  hither  with  great  resolu- 
tion to  reduce  or  destroy  the  townes  on  the  East  end  of 
Long  Hand :  Upon  which  intelligence  I  immediately  de- 
spatched an  express  to  Capt.  Howell  at  Southampton,  and 
the  chief  officer  at  East  Hampton  to  give  them  notice  there- 
of and  that  I  desired  their  company  here  to  consider  the 
best  way  for  the  preservation  of  these  towns  :  And  in  few 
hours  I  had  the  opportunity  of  consultation  with  them  ;  and 
in  particular  did  consider  how  far  we  might  act  in  defend- 
ing the  provisions  which  they  expected  at  Shelter  Hand, 
but  upon  good  consideration  amongst  us  viz  :  M'  Hubbard, 
the  minister  of  Boston,  M'  Richard  Smith  and  M'  Brinly,  it 
was  thought  most  expedient  to  take  no  notice  of  the  ene- 
my in  that  particular,  but  to  apply  all  our  force  in  securing 
the  town:  This  being  Saturday,  and  having  considered 
what  might  most  conduce  to  our  present  security,  I  gave 
order  to  Capt  Howell  to  raise  40  soldiers  out  of  the  trained 
band  of  Southampton  to  be  ready  at  an  hour's  warning  under 
the  command  of  his  Lieutenant,  and  orders  to  the  Lieut : 
of  East  Hampton  to  raise  20  to  be  commanded  by  his  el- 
dest sergeant ;  and  hoped  that  we  might  thereby  be  in  a 
condition  to  receive  the  enemy.  These  officers  being  re- 
turned, and  a  good  watch  kept  at  the  best  places  to  discov- 
er any  vessel  that  might  be  in  the  Sound,  and  the  Wind 
being  that  night  fair  for  them,  we  were  ready  every  minute 
to  receive  news  of  their  commg,  which  being  expected 


The  fVinthrop  Papers.  93 

would  be  no  great  surprise  to  us.  On  Sabaoth  day  morn- 
ing about  7  of  the  clock,  I  had  intelligence  that  the  ship 
with  1  ketch  and  2  sloops  were  shot  within  plumme  gut 
having  then  the  wind  and  the  tide  faire  to  bring  them  up, 
which  at  first  did  something  startle  the  people,  but  they  soon 
recovered  of  that  fear,  and  thought  it  was  then  time  to  look 
about  us,  and  provide  for  our  defence.  In  order  whereunto, 
I  immediately  despatched  an  express  to  Capt.  Howell  for 
those  soldiers  at  Southampton,  and  East  Hampton,  who 
were  with  me  sooner  than  I  could  expect,  with  great  reso- 
lution to  assist  then*  neighbours  —  but  the  ship  stopping  at 
Shelter  Hand,  and  demanding  the  provision  of  Capt.  Syl- 
vester, who  finding  himself  in  no  condition  to  resist  them, 
therefore  with  the  advice  of  the  ofl[icers  the  day  before, 
thought  it  might  be  most  for  his  safety,  and  the  peace  of  his 
family,  being  then  at  the  mercy  of  an  enemy  (they  having 
landed  50  armed  men)  to  comply  with  their  demands,  and 
by  their  order  was  forced  to  deliver  the  provision  the  same 
hour,  which  they  imnjediately  shipped :  But  before  they 
could  despatch  (the  tide  being  spent)  they  anchored  there 
that  night,  and  in  the  morning  set  sail  having  an  easy  gale, 
and  the  advantage  of  the  tide  were  soon  up  against  the 
town,  where  he  placed  his  squadron  in  an  handsome  order, 
and  whilst  he  was  preparing  to  land  his  men,  and  bringing  all 
his  great  guns  to  bear  upon  us  :  Capt.  Sylvester  being  then 
on  board  endeavouring  to  divert  his  hostility,  and  prevent 
the  shedding  of  blood,  was  desired  by  the  Commander  to 
deliver  their  demand  to  myself,  which  he  was  willing  to  do, 
and  it  was  in  these  words  as  neer  as  I  can  remember,  that 
he  was  come  there  to  demand  subjection  to  the  high  and 
mighty  States  General,  and  his  Serene  Highness,  the  Prince 
of  Orange,  and  that  upon  their  surrender,  they  should  enjoy 
the  same  privileges  that  were  confirmed  to  the  rest  of  the 
towns,  but  upon  refusal  he  would  destroy  them  with  fire 
and  sword :  As  soon  as  I  received  this  message  I  in- 
formed the  oflScers  and  soldiers  thereof,  who  unanimously 
resolved  to  oppose  them  to  the  utmost  hazard  of  their  Jives 
—  whereupon  I  returned  this  answer  to  the  Commander  in 
Cheif —  Sir,  yours  by  Capt.  Sylvester  I  have  received,  and 
in  return  thereunto  I  give  you  this  answer,  That  I  am  here 
appomted  by  the  authority  of  his  Majesty's  colony  of  Con- 


94  The  Winlkrop  Papers. 

necticutt,  to  secure  these  people  in  obedience  to  his  Majes- 
ty, and  by  God's  assistance,  1  hope  to  give  a  good  account 
thereof,  and  you  may  assure  yourself,  that  I  will  receive  you 
in  the  same  condition,  as  a  person  that  disturbs  his  Majes- 
ty's subjects :  After  they  had  received  this  answer  and 
Capt.  Sylvester  being  returned  to  his  Hand,  they  filled  their 
sloops  with  men,  and  made  all  preparations  to  land ;  which 
we  easily  perceived,  and  were  ready  to  entertain  them  with 
50  men,  which  I  placed  a  forlorn-hope.  His  sloops  being 
ready  to  put  off,  dnd  all  things  fit,  he  fired  one  of  his  great 
guns  upon  us ;  but  the  shot  grazing  by  the  disadvantage 
of  the  ground  did  no  hurt  to  our  men.  Having  received  his 
Idndness  I  gave  order  to  return  him  thanks  by  firing  a 
piece  of  ordnance  up)on  him ;  but  the  shot  falling  at  his 
fore  foot  did  him  no  hurt  —  whereupon  he  fired  2  more 
great  guns,  and  his  small  shot,  which  fell  thick  but  did  us 
no  hurt  —  We  then  presently  answered  with  our  forlorn 
and  another  shot  fi-om  our  ordnance  :  Many  of  our  small 
siiot  hitting  the  ship  as  we  could  perceive,  but  know  not  of 
any  hurt  done  him  — ^  Whereupon  ne  presently  weighed 
^nd  set  sail,  and  being  little  wind,  we  had  opportunity  to 
observe  his  motion  so  far  as  "  Plumme  Gutt "  —  Since 
when  our  scouts  have  not  discovered  any  of  them  in  the 
sound  —  But  I  suppose  he  will  convey  the  provisions  neer 
their  quarters,  and  then  return  to  do  us  what  mischief  he 
can,  as  he  told  Capt.  Sylvester.  Sir,  I  hope  your  goodness 
will  excuse  this  rude  relation,  being  hurried  in  contriving  for 
our  security,  and  I  am  doubtfull  unless  the  council  will  yet 
fovour  these  towns  with  their  continued  assistance,  that  they 
may  be  unhappily  surprised :  I  have  now  humbly  to  en- 
treat some  orders  and  directions  for  myself,  and  hope  the 
Councill  will  please  to  consider  of  some  fitter  person  to 
manage  this  great  affair,  which  I  find  too  heavy  for  me : 
This  is  all  I  have  time  to  present  at  present,  but  my  humble 
entreaties  to  the  Councill  for  their  speedy  direction ;  to 
whom  be  pleased  to  present  my  duty ;  and  I  hope  that  you 
will  please  to  believe  that  I  am 

Hon*^  Sir,  your  faithful  humble  servant 

J.  Wmtthrofw 
South  hold  Feb.  ^b'""  1673. 

[Labelled,  **  Copy  to  Capt.  Allyn,  from  South  hold.''] 


Jhi  WmthfUp  Papen.  dS 

ex. 

The  Governor  and  Council  of  Connecticut  to  Fitz-John 

H^thrap. 

These  For  the  Honot^  Major  John  Winthrop  at  South 
Hampton,  East  hampton,  or  South  hold  This. 

Hartford  March  2.  167i. 
Major  Winthrop 

Sir  —  By  an  expresse  from  Major  Palmes  last  night  we 
received  the  inteligence  of  your  proceedings  at  Long  Isl- 
and, by  a  relation  thereof  in  writeing,  and  by  your  letter  to 
our  Secretary,  and  doe  rejoyce  in  Uie  good  band  of  God 
upon  your  endeavoures  for  the  preservation  of  those  people 
in  their  obedience  to  his  Majestic,  and  doe  hereby  retume 
you  and  your  whole  company  our  thankes  for  your  good 
service  therein,  and  hope  we  shall  be  ready  to  render  a 
suitable  reward  for  your  good  service  as  we  shall  be  able. 

And  for  our  farther  directions  to  your  selfe  for  future  ac*- 
tions  —  What  we  can  say  at  present  is,  that  it  is  our  de- 
sire that  your  selfe  would  be  pleased  with  those  with  you  to 
t^ontinue  your  aboade  upon  the  Island  for  the  present  to  as- 
sis<t  and  defend  the  people  there  till  at  least  these  present 
motions  of  the  Dutch  be  over.  We  have  sent  to  the  Bay  bit 
^  man  of  warr,  to  cleare  the  coasts  which  we  speedilv  ex- 
pect, at  her  arrivall  we  hope  the  people  on  the  Island  may 
oe  more  secure,  and  then  you  may  have  the  more  liberty  to 
idsit  the  mayne  We  suppose  the  Dutch  in  their  last  expe- 
dition took  what  strength  they  could  spare  for  the  designe, 
and  prosecuted  the  same  with  their  best  courage,  and  being 
so  bravely  repulsed  by  the  resolute  and  couragious  opposi** 
tion  of  your  selfe  and  company,  we  hope  they  will  not 
venture  agayne.  However  your  continuance  and  coui^ 
agious  management  of  the  militia  there  we  hope  may  suffice 
to  Quell  the  Dutch  in  their  farther  proceedings  untill  they 
receive  more  forraine  Assistance,  which  we  hope  may  be 
prevented  by  some  English  recruits,  which  we  heare  may 
dayly  be  expected  —  We  have  not  to  ad  but  our  respects 
and  that  we  are  your  affectionate  friends  the  Govemour  and 
Council!  — 

Signed  ^  their  order  p  me 

John  Aixirn  ^ecrbV^. 


96  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

Sir  possible  you  may  heare  from  us  ^  M'  Lord  next 
weeke. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  AUyn  Sec'  March  2.  167J."  Capt  Sprague  and  Capt 
Mosely  were  sent  to  clear  the  Sound  of  the  Dutch ; — see  letters  of  Goy- 
eroor  Leverett  and  Secretary  Sawson,  March  30.  —  J.  B.] 


CXI. 

John  Leverett  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

These  for  the  Hon"*  John  Winthrop  Esq"  (Jovemour  of 
Connectecot  Jurisdiction,  present  at  Hartford. 

Hon"^  Sir  — 

Yours  signed  by  your  Secretary  from  your  selfe  and 
counseil  came  not  to  my  hands  untill  the  29^*"  of  the  last 
month,  w''**  I  communicated  to  the  Magistrates  mett  at  Court 
together  with  a  narative  I  received  from  M'  Hubbard  of  the 
action  of  the  Dutch  at  Southhold  the  23*^  day,  and  allthough 
I  cannot  answere  your  just  expectation  and  desire  I  cannot 
be  wholy  sylent  least  I  should  render  myselfe  negligent  of 
that  respect  I  owe  unto  you  and  your  Counseil :  truth  is  the 
generall  voague  of  the  averseness  of  the  people  to  ingage 
in  any  acts  of  hostility  agamst  the  dutch,  occations  retard- 
mg  of  comeing  to  any  conclusion  tending  thereto :  and  the 
nigh  approach  of  the  Generall  Courts  meeting  is  urgent  to 
suspend  answere  to  yours  untill  that  time:  I  am  sorry 
that  our  Counsells  are  so  tedious  and  not  more  conjunct, 
what  the  Lords  meanemg  may  be  in  it  wheither  for  Judg- 
ment or  mercy  time  must  manefest.  I  may  be  acounted  by 
some  too  forward  to  take  to  armes  and  by  some  too  back- 
ward, I  doe  write  it  for  truth  I  doe  not  delight  in  warr,  and 
must  likewise  say  I  am  against  delays  in  dangers,  and 
fore  slowing  oppertunitys,  and  giveing  advantage  to  the  en- 
imy  that  insults,  upon  pretences  that  will  not  lye  square  at 
all  times  upon  any  ground  :  I  feare  God  is  bringing  upon 
us  what  we  would  endeavour  to  avoide,  by  our  neglect  of 
what  we  might  have  done  and  God  calls  u^  to  (I  wish  I  be 
mistaken).  Sir  I  really  pitty  the  townes  of  East  End  of 
Long  Island,  and  will  not  be  wanting  to  apply  myselfe  to 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  97 

endeavour  their  reliefe  and  am  not  without  hopes  that  the 
next  weeke  upon  the  Courts  comeing  together  we  may  doe 
some  thing,  according  to  our  capassity  for  that  end  we  haye 
no  late  intelligence  out  of  Europe,  therefore  cannot  commu-  , 
nicate  any .  thing  worthy  your  notice  :  this  winter  severall 
Aged  persons,  god  hath  taken  from  the  Evill  to  come 
amongst  others  M"  Colbom,  and  lately  Thomas  Gold :    At 

E resent  we  are  in  a  good  measure  of  health  blessed  be  the 
lOrd :  with  the  giveing  my  true  respects  to  your  selfe  and 
the  Magistrates  I  commend  you  to  the  Lord  and  remame 

Sir  your  humble  serv* 

JoHir:  Leverett. 
Boston  3  March  1674. 

The  mclosed  I  received  this  mstant  and  by  these  present 
them  to  you  for  your  use  the  composuer  was  by  the  rev- 
erend M'  John  Sherman  of  Water  towne. 

[Labelled, ''  Gov'  Leveret  of  Maich  3.  1673,''  in  Governor  Winthrop's 
handwriting.] 


CXII. 

The  Governor  and  Council  of  Massachusetts  to  the  Qav- 

emor  and  Council  of  Connecticut. 

These  for  the  Right  WorshipfuU  John  Winthrop  Esq"  Gov' 
of  his  Majestys  Colony  on  Connectecot  present  To  be 
communicated  to  the  Generall  Court,  or  Councill  there. 

Gentlemen  — 

After  many  agitations  and  considerations  of  our  present 
state  in  refTerence  to  the  late  and  present  actings  of  the 
Dutch  in  the  Sound,  and  confidence  and  assurance  of  your 
compljance  with  us  according  to  our  articles,  and  your  last 
invitations  and  incouragements ;  our  Generall  Court  have 
ordered  two  vessels  to  be  forthwith  equipped  as  men  of 
warr,  to  secure  the  passage  through  the  Sound  and  to  re- 
press the  present  insolency  of  the  Dutch  ;  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Honor  and  reputation  of  our  Nation  and  the 
assurance  and  incouragement  of  our  flfriends  and  allyes ; 

VOL.   X.  13 


98  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

• 

not  doubting  but  a  few  dayes  will  furnish  us  with  such  intel- 
ligence as  may  direct  our  future  counsells  and  actings; 
which  wee  shall  with  all  diligence  impart  unto  you  ;  wee 
.  are  now  endeavoring  with  all  expedition  to  put  the  Generall 
Courts  order  in  execution ;  and  wee  doubt  not  but  before 
or  soon  after  these  come  to  your  hand  you  will  be  sattisfied 
of  the  well  accomplishment  thereof:  Commending  this  af- 
faire, yourselves  and  all  Counsels  thereabouts  to  the  speciall 
guidance  and  blessing  of  the  Almighty ;  wee  remaine, 

Gent',  By  order  of  the  Gov'  and  Council  of  the 
Massachusets  in  New  Eng^  your  assured  lov- 
ing ffnends  and  confederates 

Edward  Rawson  Secrete 

Boston  14'^  March  167|. 

Post  script. 

Sir,  Our  Generall  Court  have  ordered  and  appointed 
the  26  Instant  March,  to  be  kept  as  a  day  of  Humiliation 
throout  our  Colony  to  humble  our  selves  before  him  un- 
der the  senc  of  our  being  exercised  with  various  difficul- 
ties and  trialls  particularly  the  breaking  forth  of  notorious 
and  scandalous  sins  among  us :  many  persons  straitned 
with  respect  to  scarcity  of  Graine  &c  danger  of  Warr 
threatning  us,  the  condition  of  our  native  country,  and  the 
people  of  God  elsewhere  in  Europe :  respecting  the  warr, 
and  other  troubles ;  and  to  seek  the  Lord's  speciall  favour 
and  blessing  on  the  Country'  endeavours  and  the  labours  of 
the  people  the  yeare  ensuing. 

One  Benjamin  Goad  a  youth  of  17  or  18  is  condemned 
to  dye  on  the  2^  of  Aprill  for  his  comitting  that  abhord  sin 
of  Bestiality  on  a  mare  in  the  road :  between  Milton  and 
Roxbury  fully  evident  and  by  him  since  fully  confest  that 
he  lived  in  that  sin  this  12  months. 

With  my  service  to  you  subscribe 

Your  humble  servant 

Edw.  Rawson  Sec. 

[Labelled,  "M'  Rawson  rec'»  March  24."] 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  ^     99 

CXIII. 

Matthias  J)ftcoUs  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

These,  To  the  Hon^**  John  Winthrop  Esq"  Governour-  of 
his  Majesties  Colony  of  Connecticott  —  present  —  At 
Hartford. 

Hon"«  Sir  — 

Although  now  some  months  of  my  Retirement  have  past, 
since  I  have  given  myselfe  the  honour  or  you  the  trouble 
of  my  unpolisht  lynes,  yet  in  the  midst  of  my  solitudes,  I 
have  not  beene  forgetfull  as  of  my  duty  to  enquire  after, 
and  pray  for  your  good  health  and  prosperity,  so  upon  occa- 
sion of  presenting  you  my  best  Respects,  The  last  opper- 
tunity  of  both  which  was  lately  by  M'  Willis,  by  whom  I 
thought  to  have  writte,  but  his  haste  prevented  mee  t 

Having  now  this  next  oppertunity  by  one  of  Wethers- 
field,  I  was  not  willing  to  keepe  silence  any  longer,  as  if 
with  the  winter  season  my  pen  and  senses  were  still  con- 
gealed, but  in  immitacon  of  the  approaching  spring,  which 
begins  to  set  forth  her  buds  and  sproutes,  so  I  can  doe  no 
lesse  then  renew  my  gratefuU  Acknowledgments  for  the 
many  Civilityes  and  favours  your  honour  hath  beene  pleased 
to  vouchsafe  unto  mee,  the  which  hath  layne  greater  obli- 
gacons  on  mee  then  I  can  expresse. 

Wee  have  here  our  share  of  the  various  Rumours  and 
Reports  as  well  from  Boston  and  those  parts  Eastward,  as 
Virginia  and  Maryland  westward,  both  which  seeme  ta 
agree,  in  that  some  ships  are  designed  by  his  Majesty  for 
the  Reducement  of  New  Yorke,  the  certainty  whereof  a 
litle  time  will  discover.  In  mean  time  I  feare  the  exercise 
of  the  Virtue  of  Patience  will  bee  requisite :  However 
while  there  life  some  hope  remaines. 

S'  I  did  with  great  satisfaction  read  your  honours  noble 
son  Major  Winthrops  letter,  which  M'  Willis  was  pleased 
to  shew  mee,  relating  the  late  passages  at  the  East  End  of 
Long  Island,  when  the  Dutch  Comanders  went  away, 
without  the  cheife^part  of  their  Errand,  for  their  carrying 
of  the  Provisions  from  Shelter  Island,  was  (it  may  bee)  but 
the  least  part  of  it :    I  question  whether  the  Inhabitants 


100  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

there,  doe  not  owe  their  present  safety  and  freedome  from 
the  Dutch  yoake,to  that  Gentlemans  presence  amongst  them, 
whose  well  temperd  Resolucon  (as  it  put  life  in  them  then, 
so  upon  a  greater  occasion  may  prove  alike  successefull. 

I  could  heartily  wish  the  United  Colonyes  here  would 
agree  to  anticipate  the  Expectacons  from  Europe,  in  which 
as  there  would  bee  great  honour,  so  the  attempt  need  not 
feare  successe,  if  backt  with  speedy  Resolucon,  for  there  is 
a  great  dampe  at  present  upon  most  of  the  spirits  of  the 
Ennemy  at  New  Yorke  : 

Worthy  Sir  —  I  have  humbly  beg  your  honours  pardon 
for  this  presumptive  discourse  and  that  you'l  please  to  put  a 
favourable  Construction  thereon,  and  with  all  continue  mee  in 
some  measure  in  your  good  Grace,  which  you  have  hitherto 
so  kindely  shewne  unto 
Hon»»^  Sir 

Your  honours  most  obedient  humble  servant 

Matthias  :  Nicolls. 

Stratford.  March.  16**  167f, 

[Labelled, '« Capt :  Nicolls  rec**  about  March  19.''] 


CXIV. 

The  Governor  and  Council  of  Massachusetts  to  the  Governor 

and  Council  of  Connecticut. 

These  for  the  Right  Worshipfull  John  Wmthrop  Esq**  Gov' 
of  his  Majestjes  Colony  of  Conecticott,  present  with 
speed  —  To  be  communicated  to  the  Council  there. 

Boston  30'*  March  1674. 
Sir  — 

I  am  required  by  our  Honoured  Govemour  and  Council 
sitting  in  Boston  on  their  adjournment ;  to  inform  you,  that 
the  2  Vessels  m  my  last  mentioned ;  the  Swallow  of  Salem 
a  Catch  of  Sixty  tunns,  which  carry s  12  gunns  with  60 
men  whereof  Richard  Sprague  is  Captaine  and  Command- 
er in  cheife ;  and  the  Catch  Salisbury  of  neere  the  like 
burthen,  with  8  gunns  and  forty  men,  whereof  Samuel 


T. 
1 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  101 

Mosely  is  Captaine ;  both  fitted  and  furnished  with  Ammui- 
tion  and  provissions,  are  now  ready  to  saile  and  cruise  up 
and  downe  the  Sound  on  the  service  of  the  Colonjes ;  ac- 
cording to  the  order  of  our  last  General  Court.  Commend- 
mg  you  and  this  affaire  to  the  speciall  Guidance  and  bless- 
ing of  the  Almighty  remajne 

Gentlemen  By  order  of  the  Govemour  and  Coun- 
cil of  the  Massachusetts  your  affectionate  friends 
and  confederates 

Edward  Rawson  Sec^et^ 

Sir,  In  case  the  sayd  Capts  and  Vessells  should  stay 
and  be  longer  in  those  parts  than  is  expected  —  It  is  de- 
sired that  you  would  give  order  to  your  officers  in  the  Sea- 
port towns  withm  your  limitts  to  accomodate  them  with 
men  or  provisions  if  they  neede  and  desire  the  same  on  the 
Colony's  account  takmg  their  receipts. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  Rawson  from  Gov'  aad  Council  rec**  April  7.  1674.'T 


cxv. 

John  Leverett  to  John  fVinthrop,  Jr. 

Honourable  Sir  — 

'  by  my  last  I  advised  that  I  was  not  hopeless  but  that 
upon  the  meeting  of  the  General  Court  there  would  be 
provission  made  for  the  securing  the  Collonyes  Navigation 
m  the  Sound,  the  conclusion  whereof  I  doubt  not  but  by 
the  Secretary  you  have  receyved  an  account  we  are  upon 
the  dispatch  of  two  vessels  one  of  twelve  and  one  other  of 
Eight  Gunns.  in  both  100  men  or  thereabouts  Capt 
Sprage  and  Capt  Mosley  Commanders,  the  23^  of  this 
month  I  receyved  by  way  of  Virginia  a  letter  of  the  28* 
October  from  London  which  sayth  that  yesterday  the  Par- 
liament mett,  under  the  Speakers  chayre  was  an  wodden 
shoe  and  a  Crocifix  with  somethmg  in  writing,  his  Majesty 
desyred  then  to  rayse  him  monney  also  take  in  to  consid- 
eration the  monney  due  to  the  bankers ;  Letters  advise 
the  Prince  of  Orange  is  joyned  with  the  Emperour  the 


102  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

dutch  suppose  that  if  our  Kyng  doe  not  come  in  the  Span- 
yard  wil  declare  warr  against  him  they  report  the  Emperial- 
ists  have  burned  several  places  and  rainged,  doeing  mis- 
cheif  within  foure  myles  of  Collen ;  the  ffrench  accompts 
himself  sure  that  the  Sweed  wil  joyne  with  him;  at  pres- 
ent heare  of  noe  ships  for  New  Yorke;  the  Chanell  doe 
and  are  like  to  abound  with  Capers  A  Spanish,  and  Dutch 
Ambassadour  are  expected  over  in  a  little  tyme ;  from  the 
Governour  of  Jamaica  I  receyved  a  letter  the  2T^  this 
'moneth  whoe  gives  me  inteligence  that  the  Governour  of 
ffrench  Tertugas  upon  pretence  of  dissattisfaction  about  the 
ship  cald  the  flying  devill  had  plundered  one  of  our  ships 
Thomas  Edwards  takeing  out  his  porke  and  other  provis- 
sions  for  which  he  wrote  him  a  complemental  letter  by  way 
of  apollogy  upon  which  the  Governour  of  Jamaca  sent  a 
vessel  and  some  persons  on  purpose  to  demand  other  sat- 
tisfaction  and  withal  to  let  him  knowe  he  cannot  alow  that 
any  of  the  Kyngs  subjects  to  be  plundered  by  pretences 
or  Portugal  letters  of  Mart,  and  that  the  loss  fals  on  the 
Island  and  the  Kyngs  service  because  those  provissions 
weare  for  his  ships  wherefore  he  might  expect  that  he 
should  send  men  of  warr  on  that  coast  to  defend  the  mar- 
chants  that  pass  by  it ;  he  sayth  they  have  had  noe  -ship 
nor  newes  from  England  of  ten  monthes  that  reports  among 
them  is  that  Sir  Thomas  Modiford  is  out  of  the  Tower  and 
that  he  with  Genral  Morgan  is  comeing  to  Jamaca  to  that 
Government  with  Eight  fregates  and  twoe  thousand  men  to 
make  warr  upon  the  Spanyard ;  through  mercy  we  are 
Genrally  in  good  health  blessed  be  God  onely  ould  M" 
Clarke  D'  Clarkes  widdow  is  lately  taken  sicke  I  hope 
your  strength  is  returned  to  you  since  my  first  and  last  fitt 
of  the  stone  I  have  had  good  health  blessed  be  God,  my 
kynde  respects  presented  to  your  selfe  and  magistrates  of 
your  Councel  I  commend  you  to  the  Lord  and  remayne 
Sir  your  humble  servant 

John  :  Leverett. 
Boston  30  March  1674. 

[The  superscription  is  gone.  —  J.  B.] 


The  WirUhrop  Papers.  1 03 

CXVI. 

Matthias  JSicoUs  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

These  To  the  hon**^*'  John  Winthrop  Esq'  Goveraour  of  his 
Majesties  Colony  of  Conecticott,  present  In  Hartford. 

Stratford  JprU  \V   1674. 
Hon^^«  Sir  — 

I  am  obliged  to  your  honour  for  yours  of  the  17'*"  March 
wherein  you  were  pleased  to  signify  the  Report  you  had 
by  a  Gentleman  from  Boston,  of  the  taking  of  a  Dutch  Ves- 
sell  a  litle  before  Winter  by  the  Plymouth  Frygott  supposed 
to  bee  bound  for  New  Yorke,  the  which  her  loading  and 
provision  seemes  to  make  it  very  probable :  I  have  since 
heard  her  taking  confirmed  by  one  that  came  over  in  M' 
Greenoes  ship,  the  Dutchman  being  a  Flushinger  and 
brought  in  a  prize  into  Plymputh  whilst  their  ship  rid 
there  :  It  may  bee  taken  notice  of  and  lookt  upon  as  a 
seconding  Providence  to  that  of  the  frustrating  M'  Van 
Ruyvens  intended  voyage  lor  Holland,  the  ship  hee  he  was 
in  being  not  able  to  get  off,  but  was  still  driven  back  upon 
the  Coast,  till  shee  became  a  wreck  in  a  manner,  which  was 
no  small  disappointment  to  the  Dutch  Interest  in  these 
parts  :  Wee  must  acknowledge  all  things  to  bee  at  the 
disposall  of  the  Almighty,  and  may  hope  that  as  many 
things  did  concurre  and  contribute  to  the  losse  of  New 
Yorke  the  last  yeare  from  the  English  in  favour  of  the 
Dutch,  the  same  over-ruling  power  may  blesse  the  meanes 
for  its  Recovery,  and  with-hold  their  expected  succours, 
whose  arrivall  would  render  the  reducement  more  difficult. 
I  humbly  thanke  your  honour  for  the  kind  advertisement  you 
are  pleased  to  give  mee,  of  concealing  hereafter  the  name 
of  any  friend  that  shall  give  advice  of  newes  from  amongst 
the  Dutch,  I  acknowledge  my  errour  in  that  to  M'  Willis, 
which  I  did  suppose  would  goe  noe  further  then  himselfe 
or  a  friend  or  two  of  his,  however  I  shall  bee  more  cautious 
for  the  future :  Mee  thinkes  its  strange  there  hath  beene 
no  further  confirmacon  of  the  Newes  from  Maryland  or  Vir- 
ginia, the  Alarum  whereof  was  at  first  so  hot,  in  some  short 


104  Jlte  Winthrop  Papers. 

9 

time  wee  may  have  I  hope  better  satisfaction.  Wee  have 
of  late  had  Intelligence  by  the  way  of  Roade  Island  of  great 
hopes  of  Peace,  how  true  wee  must  expect  with  Patience, 
I  retume  your  honour  hearty  thankes  for  your  care  in  con- 
veying my  letter  this  way,  as  also  for  your  Courteous  re- 
membrance of  mee  by  M'  Martin  and  in  M^  Chancy's  letter, 
whose  occasions  carrying  him  your  way,  hee  hath  promised 
to  doe  mee  the'  favour  to  deliver  this  to  your  hands :  I 
have  not  further,  but  the  tender  of  mine  and  my  wives  best 
and  dutifull  respects  to  your  honour,  so  I  take  leave  being 
Hon^***  Sir,  your  most  obliged  humble  servant 

Matthias  :  Nicolls. 

[Ubelled,  "  Capt  Nicolls  rec"  April  15.  1674."] 


CXVII. 

John  Leverett  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

These  for  the  Hon^"  John  Wiathrop,  Esq"  Governour  of 
the  Collony  of  Connectecott,  present  at  Hartford. 

Boston  8.  may.  1674. 
Honourable  Sir  — 

Yesterday  arived  a  vessel  belonging  to  Charlestowne 
from  Scotland  had  a  months  passage  brings  newes  of  the 
confirmation  of  peace  betweene  England  and  Holland. 
The  Articles  are  that  imediately  al  hostility  shal  cease  on 
both  sydes;  after  twelve  dayes  publication,  noe  hostility 
from  the  soundings  to  the  Naz  in  Norway  nor  after  the 
terme  of  six  weekes  betwixt  the  soundings  and  Tanger  nor 
after  ten  weekes  from  Tanger  to  the  ^Equator  neither  in 
the  ocean  mediteranian  or  elswhere,  nor  after  the  terme  of 
eight  monthes  in  any  part  of  the  world  the  publication  of 
peace  in  London  was  the  28  feb^  last. 

The  states  General  to  give  due  acknowledgement  of  the 
fflag  whether  singl  or  in  ffleets  in  any  of  the  seas  from 
Cape  ffinister  to  the  midle  poynt  of  the  Land  Van  Staten 
in  Norway  to  any  ship  or  vessell,  belonging  to  his  majesty 
of  Greate  Briitaine  whether  single  or  greater  Nomber  if  they 
carry  his  majestyes  fflag  or  Jacke. 


The  Winthrop  Paper$.  105 

Provision  for  the  Collony  of  Surinam  for  the  English  to 
take  off  sell  or  dispose  theyr  estates  and  slaves. 

What  ever  places  have  beene  taken  by  ey ther  party  fixMni 
each  other  since  the  begining  of  this  unhappy  warr  whether 
in  Urope  or  els  where  and  before  the  expiration  of  the 
tymes  limitted  for  hostility  be  restored  to  the  former  owner 
in  the  same  condition  it  shalbe  in  at  the  tyme  of  the  publi- 
cation of  the  peace. 

That  the  Treaty  of  Braeda  made  m  y""  year  1667  as  all 
other  Treatyes  confirmed  by  the  said  Treaty  remdn  in  full 
force  and  vigour  so  far  forth  as  they  contradict  nothing  in 
this  present  Treaty. 

That  the  mame  Treaty  made  at  the  Hague  betweene  the 
twoe  parties  in  the  yeare  1668  be  continued  for  nine  months 
after  the  publication  of  this  present  treaty  unless  othewayes 
agreed  on  by  a  subsequent  Treaty,  in  the  meane  tyme  the 
consideration  of  a  new  one  to  be  referd  to  the  same  Com- 
missioners to  whome  the  Trade  in  the  East  jndyes  is  referd. 

That  a  just  regulation  of  Trade  and  particulariy  in  the 
East  Indyes    That  be  referd.  and 

That  the  States  Generall  promise  to  pay  800,000  palacons 
one  fourth  on  the  Rattification  of  the  Treaty  the  rest  in  three 
ensueing  yeares  by  aequal  portions  upon  the  24  of  feb^  the' 
parliament  was  prorogued  by  the  Lord  Keeper  by  his  Majes- 
tyes  command  until  the  10  of  November;  the  members  of  the, 
house  of  Comons  much  displeased  sayd  to  continue  m  and 
about  London,  the  Ejng  intends  to  keep  Court  at  Winsor 
Castl  this  summer  in  order  to  repayre  the  Court  at  whythal. 

the  Dutch  and  ffrench  are  vigorous  m  theyr  preparations 
for  the  summers  action  the  Dutch  equip  60  ships  of  warr 
besydes  fyer  ships,  and  it  is  sayde  intend  to  ship  10,000 
men  to  land  in  some  part  of  ffrance.  the  Emperour  hye  in 
preparations  the  princes  of  the  Empyer  al  betakeing  them- 
selves to  armes. 

Sir  there  is  some  of  our  neighbours  comeing  up  to  attend 
your  Courts  order  for  to  make  sute  to  your  justice  for  theyr 
rights  in  the  Lands  formerly  taken  from  the  pecotts  and  di- 
vided by  consent,  I  doubt  not  but  your  justice  wil  manifest 
a  constant  desyer  of  a  close  keepeing  to  the  articles  of  con- 
federation that  none  shal  have  cause  to  complaine  in  'respect 
of  theyr  perticular  mterests  and  that  the  groweing  reproach, 

VOL.    X.  14 


106  11^  Winthrop  Papers. 

upon  us  as  if  wee  had  outlived  the  honesty  simplicity  and 
integrety  of  our  progenitors  maybe  wiped  off  by  justice 
haveing  free  passage  amongst  us  for  justice  sake  and  that 
wee  may  not  for  wildemes  land  quarrel  one  with  another 
until  some  third  or  fourth  may  take  all.  Could  we  attend 
our  Lord  and  masters  rule  in  the  case  to  beware  of  covet- 
ousnes  it  would  make  Answers  easy  to  several  questions  in 
those  cases  I  have  noe  perticuler  conceme  in  the  matter 
its  the  publique  good  and  tranquility  of  the  whole  in  the 
several  and  every  part  I  earnestley  desyer  and  shall  indev- 
our,  God  helping.  Sir  I  hope  the  Lord  hath  renewed  and 
continues  strength  to  you  as  through  his  rich  mercy  it  is 
with  us  at  present  blessed  be  his  Name,  with  my  humble 
service  to  you 

I  remayne  Sir  your  humble  servant 

John  :  Leverett. 

There  is  a  fregate  sayde  to  be  comeing  with  foure  other 
ships  to  bring  a  Governour  to  New  Yorke  I  cannot  leame 
the  Name  of  the  Governour.  Coll.  Morgan  Dep^  Grov'  to 
Jamaca  the  Lord  Carlile  haveing  the  Government.  Sir 
Henry  Chisley  goeing  Dep*  Governour  and  Leiftenant  Gen- 
eral of  the  fforces  in  Virginia  under  Sir  W"  Berkley. 

[The  hand  of  the  original  is  quite  tremulous.  Labelled,  */  Gov'  Lev- 
erett rec**  May  15."  —J.  B.] 


\ 


CXVIIL 

WiUiam  Coddington  to  John  Leverett. 

To  John  Leveritt  Governour  of  the  Massachuts  in  Boston 
present  Hast  post  hast  for  his  Majesties  speciall  service 
by  Nicho :  Easton  Jun'. 

Worthy  Sir  — 

Yesterday  beeing  the  8^*"  day  of  the  instant,  Capt.  Fleet 
sayled  from  our  harbour  towards  Huntington  one  Long  Isl- 
and (where  his  abode  is)  having  as  aforesaid  sayled  neare 
so  farre,  as  Blocke  IsknciC  espied  a  sayle  Westward  which 


The  mnthrap  Papers.  107 

sudenly  hee  perceved  came  towards  bim  upon  which  hee 
was  in  feare  and  made  for  point  Jude  by  which  time  the 
aforsaid  vessell  was  within  3  miles  of  him,  the  afforesaid 
Fleet  made  sayle  for  our  harbour  who  was  chased  within 
the  point  called  Connonicut  point,  then  brought  her  tacks 
aboard  and  stood  of  to  sea  with  her  Antient  out  hee  judges 
that  shee  was  a  man  of  warre,  and  that  frigat  called  the 
Snow  shee  chasing  him  with  studding  sailes  had  no  head 
no  missen  mast  her  forsailes  out  of  proportion  with  her  after 
sayles,  And  this  day  wee  heard  divers  gunns,  at  sea,  which 
makes  us  thinke  they  are  chasing  vesells  upon  this  coast, 
this  wee  thought  good  to  informe  you  that  you  may  if  pos- 
sible prevent  dammage  to  the  shipping.  Thus  with  my 
lovmg  salutations  presented  to  thyselfe  and  assistants  es- 
pecially to  such  as  have  knowne  mee  before  persecution 
was  when  I  was  on  of  you  which  is  all  at  present  from 

Tour  antient  and  assured  freind 

William  Coddinoton  Gov'. 

Road  Island  9'*  of  3  mo  1674. 

*  Hon**  Sir  Since  my  writtmg  of  the  abovesaid  certeine 
Intelligence  is  comed  to  us  that  the  shooting  Abovessdc^ 
hard  by  us  for  three  houres  were  in  the  pursute  of  a  sloope, 
called  by  the  name  of  John  Dicksy  sloope  (so  called)  which 
was  chased  from  point  Jude  up  Narragansett  Bay  making 
many  sbotts  at  them,  at  last  tooke  them  within  6  miles  of 
Swansy  in  the  sight  of  many  witnesses,  one  small  sloop  of 
ours  being  within  a  mile  of  them  when  the  said  sloope  was 
taken  they  carried  them  away  with  them,  the  same  way 
out  they  came  in  and  so  remaines  in  sight  of  our  Island  wee 
have  hasted  a  post  on  purpose  to  give  this  true  information 
that  you  may  prevent  what  damage  you  cann    Idem 

W.  C. 
JVetoport  Road  Island  10^  of  3  mo.  1674. 

Jlbout  \0  of  the  clock)   Wee  have  given  inteUigence  her- 
of  to  Plimouth  and  "  Martins  Vinyard.**    W.  C. 

To  be  sent  to  Gov'  and  hon^  Councill  at  Connecticott. 
That  what  is  above  written  is  a  true  Copje  compared  widi 


108  'ne  Winthrop  Papers. 

the  originall  receavd  by  our  honored  Gov'  and  read  in  the 
Magistrates  presence  being  on  file 

Attest  Edward  Rawson  Secrete 

[Labelled,  "  Gov'  Coddington  to  Gov'  Leveret  sent  by  him  to  Hart- 
ford and  rec*  there  May  15,"  in  Gov.  Winthrop's  handwriting.  — J.  B.] 


CXIX. 

John  Sharpe  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

To  the  hon""  John  Winthrop  Esq"*  Govemour  of  his  Majes- 
ties CoUony  of  Conecticutt    Per  M'  Halley  Q.  D.  G. 

J^Utford  \2'^  May  1674. 

Honoured  Sir  — 

This  craves  pardon  for  my  rude  departure  from  hartford 
without  paying  my  respects  to  you  and  kissing  your  hon- 
ours hand  but  it  was  occasioned  by  your  absence,  when  I 
was  to  visit  your  honour  and  brought  your  letters,  the  ac- 
count of  the  Tyranicall  Reigne  and  Govemement  of  oar 
Dutch  Lord  Van  Colfe,  who  after  I  sent  him  a  petition  to 
usher  or  prolongue  my  admission  to  my  wife  children  and 
habitation,  by  y"  hand  of  my  unfaithfuU  Judasly  and  treach- 
erous travailour  Isack  Molyne,  who  at  his  arrivall  found  the 
Govemour  at  the  Bridge,  concealed  the  surrender  of  New 
Yorke  and  only  discovered  the  newes  of  Peace,  the  Gov- 
emour sent  to  my  wife  to  informe  mee  I  might  come  in 
and  returne  with  freedome  gave  mee  incouragement  boldly 
to  goe  in  I  delivered  what  letters  I  had  for  the  inhabitants 
in  those  parts  to  his  honours,  who  broke  them  opin,  and 
read  them  after  enquired  more  newes.  which  I  satisfyed,  by 
two  Coppyes,  of  what  was  extant  at  Boston  —  which  I  tooke 
from  the  originalls  sent  from  England,  hee  thereupon  com- 
manded mee  to  conceale  the  surrender  of  New  York  &c. 
and  only  to  communicate  the  newes  of  Peace  which  I 
punctually  observed  this  Molyne  repayring  to  his  house  a 
multitude  of  his  countrymen  resorted  to  him  thither  being 
hungry  after  newes  from  our  Northerne  parts :  Said  Mo- 
lyne ragingly  tells  them  they  had  slaved  and  wrought  too 
hard  and  too  long  for  the  King  of  England,  for  that  the 


JTie  Winthrop  Papers.  109 

States  of  Holland  by  articles  of  peace  had  agreed  to  sur- 
render N.  Yorke  to  the  King  of  England  which  newes 
struck  the  townes  inhabitants,  I  meane  Duch»  into  such  a 
distracted  rage  and  Passion ;  that  they  cry'd  wee'l  fyre  the 
Towne,  Pluck  downe  the  ffortifications  and  teare  out  the 
Governours  throats,  who  had  compelled  them  to  slave  soe 
contrary  to  their  native  priveledges  in  the  mommg  the  Gov- 
emour  hearing  hereof  sent  for  said  Molyne  —  Who  cold 
not  deny  what  was  aleaged  imediately  was  committed  Pris- 
ner  to  the  Dungeon  in  the  fort  with  warning  to  fitt  and 
prepare  himselfe  for  death  for  in  2  dayes  hee  should  dye,  by 
the  french  man  who  hanged  in  Chaines  on  the  Gallowes, 
after  said  Molynes  had  bine  soe  confined  one  day  and 
night,  hee  got  penn  Inck  and  paper,  and  with  an  excuse 
for  himselfe  and  information  against  mee,  aleaging  I  shewed 
and  strowed  about  the  whole  Country  the  newes,  and  gave 
coppies  thereof  to  all  persons  who  desyred  them  and  that  I 
should  say  his  Reigne  was  short,  his  government  at  an  end, 
with  much  more  such  like  lyes,  and  that  I  had  brought  a 
letter  from  Capt  Nicolls  to  M'  Mirviele  a  french  merchaot, 
there,  without  shewing  it  to  him,  according  to  a  Law  of 
75-^  fine  made  to  that  purpose,  I  was  thereupon  sent  fon 
after  examination  not  permitting  mee  to  speaike  or  pleads 
my  owne  defence ;  committed  mee  to  the  inner  and  nether- 
most Dungeon.  Cousin  german  to  the  Stygeon  Lake,  where 
I  continued  without  light  or  sight  of  friend  or  relations, 
from  Wensday  noone,  untill  Saturday  at  12.  then  called 
before  his  Iraperiall  Court  consisting  of  M'  Cornelius  Sten- 
wick,  M'  Van  Ruyven  the  Fiscall  Knife  and  M'  Nicolas 
Bayard,  his  Secretary,  and  without  permition  of  defensive 
plea  for  myselfe.  past  sentence  againist  mee  that  I  was 
imediately  to  bee  banished  out  of  that  jurisdiction  and  not 
returne  on  payne  of  death  for  the  terme  of  10  yeares. 
would  not  permitt  mee  to  goe  into  my  house  to  take  leave 
of  my  wife  and  children  nor  fetch  my  bootes  or  a  shirt,  but 
commanded  the  fiscall  to  see  mee  imbarqt  in  a  Canew  soe 
soone  as  my  Sentence  was  publisht,  which  was  with  great 
solemnity  ringing  the  towne  house  bell  3  tymes.  and  the 
major  part  of  the  towne  congregated  together  to  heare  it, 
on  a  purpose  to  infuse  into  the  beleife  of  the  people  a  be- 
leife  the  States  of  Holland  would  never  part  with  such  an 


110  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

invincible  strong  hold  or  fort.  Molynes  sentence  was,  to 
worke  from  morning  to  night  every  day  untill  the  workes 
were  fully  compleated  (which  I  imagine  will  not  bee  this  three 
moneths  hee  dayly  projecting  more  and  new  inventions  to 
fortefy  and  imploy  the  people,  on  purpose  to  keepe  them 
out  of  idlenesse  —  the  foundation  and  principle  author  of 
Sedition  and  Rebellion,  with  as  much  vigour  and  eagerness, 
as  against  the  coming  of  the  New  England  army.  The 
comonalty  not  by  this  meanes  crediting  any  such  thing, 
yet  belch  forth  their  curses  and  execrations  against  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  States  of  Holland,  the  Duch  Admi- 
ralls  who  tooke  it,  and  their  taskmaster  the  Govemour  say- 
ing, they  will  not  on  demand,  and  by  authority  of  the  States 
or  Prince,  surrender,  but  keepe  it  by  fighting  soe  long  as 
they  can  stand  with  one  Legg  and  fight  with  one  hand, 
which  resolution  will  create  (I  feare,  further  trouble  to  both 
nations.  Pray  Sir  excuse  my  prolix  lynes  but  I  could  not 
in  duty  doe  less,  then  give  your  honour  a  particular  account, 
of  these  afFayres :  amongst  the  rest  I  omitted  to  give  you 
an  account,  they  have  mounted  190  ordnance  in  the  fort 
and  about  the  towne.  I  have  noe  more,  to  trouble  your 
honour  at  present  but  humbly  take  leave  and  subscribe  my 
selfe    Sir 

your  honours  oblidged  faithfuU  and  humble  servant 

John  Sharpe. 

My  humble  service  and  respects  to  your  honour,  both 
Gentlemen  your  Sonns,  and  Ladyes  your  daughters. 

[Labelled,  "  M' Sharpe— rec**  (May)  13."] 


cxx. 

John  Winthrop^  Jr.,  to  Robert  Boyle. 

To  the  Right  Hon*^'*  Robert  Boyle  Esq"*  Governour  of  the 
Corporation  for  the  carrying  on  the  Grospell  Among  the 
Indians  of  New  England    In  London  d'd. 

Hon*'^''  Sir 

I  depended  upon  Capt.  Matthias  Nicolls  (who  had  been 
the  Secretary  at  New  York,)  intending  a  voyage  to  London 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  11 1 

last  winter  towards  the  Spring,  to  have  represented  to  his 
Majestie  with  your  assistance  the  state  of  all  matters  in  these 
parts  since  the  unhappy  surprisal  of  New  Yorke  by  the  Dutch, 
and  the  difficulties  that  have  beene  upon  this  Colony  in  de- 
fending his  Majesties  interest  and  his  Majesties  subjects  in 
this  Colony  and  of  many  places  of  the  East  end  of  Long  Hand 
in  those  tyroes  of  warr ;  but  a  sad  accident  befalling  him  on 
the  losse  of  his  children,  his  voyage  was  diverted  and  since 
an  other  disappointment  by  way  of  Barbados  this  last  sum- 
mer,  I  now  understand  that  the  bearer  Major  Edward 
Palmes  my  son  doth  purpose  a  voyage  for  England,  and 
shall  desire  him  to  represent  the  full  of  all  transactions  that 
have  passed  in  these  parts  and  as  aforesaid,  he  being  per- 
fectly acquamted  with  all  passages,  since  the  Dutch  fleet 
first  arrived  at  New  Yorke.  I  humbly  request  your  favour 
and  helpe  herein,  that  thereby  he  may  give  his  Majestie  and 
his  honorable  Councill  an  account  of  all  these  matters  and 
can  also  give  your  Hon'  an  account  of  the  state  of  the  Pe- 
quot  Indians  and  other  Indians  —  of  Mohegan  Naraganset 
—  of  these  parts,  now  begining  to  fall  to  worke  and  to  be 
much  civilized  and  may  be  hopefull  to  become  converts  and 
embrace  the  Grospell,  Concerning  which  I  refer  to  his  rela- 
tion and  am  your  most  humble  servant. 

J:  W. 
Hartford  Oct'  15. 1674. 

[Labelled,  "  Copy  to  M'  Boile."  A  very  rough  draft,  in  the  hand- 
writiiig  of  Gk>vemor  Winthrop.  Bobert  Boyle  was  an  intimate  friend  of 
Gov.  W.  —  J.  B.] 


CXXI. 

John  Winthrop^  Jr.,  to  Matthias  J^TicoUs. 

Honoured  Sir 

I  was  grieved  at  the  evill  tidings  of  the  trouble  in  which 
you  were  mforced,  at  New  York,  I  greatly  condoled  those 
difficulties  then  upon  you,  but  I  must  presume  of  your  ex- 
cuse and  that  it  is  so  long  since  my  pen  hath  given  you  a 

visit  —  I  may  really  assure  vou  that hath  been  from 

no  other  consideration,  but  least  the  most  cordiall  salutes  <^ 


112  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

your  friend  should  exasperate  the  malice  of  your  unreason- 
able adversaries  I  am  now  much  rejoiced  that  you  are  so 
well  delivered  from  those  troubles,  by  the  happy  arrival  of 
the  Hon"^  Govemour,  and  the  delivery  of  that  place  in  his 
noble  hands ;  of  which  I  have  that  good  intelligence  lately 
from  M'  Bryan,  that  I  cannot  but  fuUy  credit  it ;  and  there- 
upon have  presumed  to  present  my  service  to  the  honoura- 
ble Grovernour  with  the  inclosed  letter  which  I  must  crave 
your  favour  to  present  to  him.  I  hope  there  will  be  always 
a  most  amicable  correspondency,  as  you  know  there  was 
inviolable  in  former  times ;  to  which  I  may  be  confident  of 
your  furtherance  and  shall  be  most  studiously  promoted  by 
all  the  capacity  of 

Your  most  aflFectionate  friend  and  servant 

J.W. 

I  have  no  late  intelligence  from  Boston  or  any  other  parts 
worth  your  notice  but  have  sent  thither  the  good  news 
which  we  hear  from  your  parts. 

I  may  hope  to  receive  in  some  letter  to  M'  Bryan,  as 
your  leisure  may  give  liberty  or  otherwise  the  desired  intel- 
ligence of 

I  have  not  heard  yet  any  certainty  of  the  particulars  of 
the  time  since  the  Frigatt  came  from  London  or  the  coast  of 
England,  nor  who  are  come  with  the  honourable  Governour. 

I  must  request  your  favour  to  rectify  the  superscription 
of  the  letter  not  having  yet  received  the  certainty  of  his 
name  —  Some  say  Edward,  some  Edmond  some  another 
name. 

[Probably  refers  to  the  arrival  of  Grovernor  Sir  Edmund  Andros.  La- 
belled, "  Copy  to  Capt.  Nicolls."     A  very  rough  draft.  —  J.  B.] 


CXXIL 

FUz'John  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

Sir  — 

The  bearer  hereof  M'  Danyell,  one  of  the  Royal  Indian 
Blood,  and  a  person  eminently  imployed  by  the  General 
Court  for  regulating  the  disorders,  and  managing  the  pru- 


7%€  Wmthrop  Pf^^en,  Itq 

dentials  amongst  the  Pequot  Indiaus,  does  desire  me  to  giv9 
an  account  to  yourself  of  the  late  unhappy  accident  which 
has  happened  to  him :  A  Uttle  time  since,  a  careless-  ffirie 
pla3dng.  with  f^re  at  the  dow,  it  immediately  toolc  hold  et 
the  mats,  and  m  an  instant  consumed  it  to  ashes,  with  aft 
the  common,  as  wdl  as  his  lady's  chamber  furniture,  aii4 
his  own  wardrope,  and  armoury,  Indian  plate,  and  money  to' 
the  value  (as  is  credibly  r^x)rted  in  his  estimation)  of  m(x« 
than  an  hundred  pounds  Indian ;  besides  some  papers  qf 
worth,  and  a  record  of  Court  wUch  confirms  and  intitules 
him  (I  think)  Dep :  Gov'  to  Sagamc»e  Robert. 

The  Indians  have  handsomely,  already  built  him  a  good 
house,  and  brought  him  in  several  necessaries  for  his  presH 
ent  supply ;  but  that  which  takes  depest  melancholy  im^ 
pression  upon  him,  is  the  loss,  of  an  excellent  Masathuset 
cloth  cloak  and  hat ;  which  was  only  seen  upon  holy  daya 
and  their  general  sessbns :  His  journey  at  this  time  ia 
only  to  intreat  your  fovour,  and  the  gentlemen  there,  for  a 
kind  relief  in  his  necessity,  having  no  kind  of  garment  bul^ 
a  short  jirkin  which  was  charitably  given  him  by  one  of 
common  CounciU-men.  He  principally  aims  at  a  cbak 
hat,  and  those  will  be  most  acceptsJble  to  him :  I  have  only 
time  to  add  my  own  intreaties  in  his  behalf  and  that  hb  ne^ 
cessities  may  have  relief  being  a  well  disposed  man  as  can 
be  expected ;  which  is  all  at  present  from, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient  Son 

J:  WuTTHibOP:    . 

JV;L;JVJwM674. 

[Labelled,  *'  Concerning  Daniell  Indian,  his  wigwam  burnt.^* 


cxxnL 

Matthias  NtcoUs  to  John  Wxnthnp^  Jr. 

These  To  the  Hon*  John  Winthrop  Esq'  Gtovemour  of 
Majesties  Colony  of  Conecticutt  present  at  Hartford. 

Hon"*Sir~ 

Your  Hono"  Letters,  of  November  1 1  *•*,  b  v  M"  Lane,  of. 
the  1"^  instant  by  M'  WiQis  and  your  worthy  son  Major 

VOL.   X.  15 


114  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

Winthrop ;  as  also  that  of  the  16^*"  by  our  Post,  I  have  re- 
ceived :  As  to  what  your  honour  mentions  of  M "  Lanes 
deplorable  condition  (occasioned  by  her  husbands  miscar- 
riages to  the  mine  of  his  family,)  I  am  really  sensible  of  it 
and  besides  my  owne  Inclination  to  assist  the  distressed, 
your  recommendacon  of  her  distressed  Case  in  particular 
will  bee  a  farther  motive  to  mee,  to  give  her  my  best  advice 
and  assistance ;  I  am  sorry  it  so  hapned  that  our  Grovemour 
was  gone  to  the  East  End  of  Long  Island  the  very  day 
before  the  arrivall  of  M'  Willis  and  Major  Winthrop,  where- 
by their  patience  was  so  much  exercised  as  to  stay  untill 
the  Govemours  retume,  but  their  company  was  so  accepta- 
ble unto  us  all,  that  wee  could  wish  (were  it  not  to  prejudice 
their  owne  concemes)  some  other  occasion  of  retarding  them 
might  intervene,  to  have  made  us  happy  in  the  Enjoyment 
of  their  society  longer :  But  the  uncertainty  of  the  season, 
and  their  importunity  to  attend  their  owne  affayres  at  home 
(which  could  not  bee  denyde)  robs  us  of  any  farther  Enjoy- 
ment thereof  at  present,  so  that  wee  can  onely  accompany 
them,  with  our  good  wishes  for  their  safe  Retume  whether 
by  Land  or  water :  I  thanke  your  honour  for  the  good 
opinion  you  are  pleased  to  have  of  my  capacity  of  being  in- 
strumentall  to  continue  a  good  Correspondence  betweene 
these  two  Colonyes  I  hope  you  will  also  beleeve  my  En- 
deavours shall  not  bee  wanting  to  contribute  thereunto  to 
my  power :  I  have  given  a  Conveyance  to  yours  enclosed 
to  M'  Leveredge,  which  your  honour  saith  related  to  some 
medicinall  matter,  but  have  received  no  retume,  probably 
hee  will  find  out  some  other  way  to  give  answer  to  it :  1 
made  enquiry  (in  presence  of  M'  Willis)  of  our  Govemour 
conceming  those  Gent'  (the  L*^  Kincarten  and  Sir  Robert 
Murray  *)  of  whom  you  are  pleased  to  make  enquiry  who 
sayes  the  L*^  Kincarten  was  in  Scotland  when  hee  came 
away,  and  Sir  Robert  Murray  very  well  at  Court;  where 
hee  had  his  lodgings :  I  shall  not  presume  to  trouble  your 
honour  further  at  present,  then  with  my  desires  that  you'I 
please  to  accept  of  my  thankefuU  acknowledgments  of  your 

*  Sir  Robert  Murray  si^ed  his  name,  in  letters  to  Governor  Winthrop,  '*  R.  Mo- 
rtr."  For  a  notice  of  him,  see  the  new  edition  of  Bmnet's  Historr  of  hit  Own 
Time,  published  in  1824  or  1825.  — J.  B. 


The  WifUhrop  Papen.  11(^ 

multiplyed  favours,  and  to  coDtinue  mee  in  some  measure  m 
your  good  grace,  smce  I  am  really, 

Hon^  Sir,  your  honours  most  obedient  humble  servant 

Matthias  :  Nicolls. 

I  wish  the  approaching  yeare  may  prove  happy  to  your 
honour. 

JVeir  Yorke  Dec"^  2^*  1674. 

[Ubelled,  ^  Capt  NicoUi  xec^  Jan"  by  M'  WiUis.] 


CXXIV. 

Sir  Edfmmd  Jbidross  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 
For  the  Hon^*  Grovemor  Wintrop.     At  Hartford. 

jr.  Yorck  y  Sl*^  of  March  1675. 
Su-  — 

I  cannot  obraitt  so  good  an  oportunity,  as  this  bearer,  to 
present  my  service  to  you,  thou  I  did  also  thmck  I  might 
by  this  time  have  sent  you  English  newes,  but  there  is  as 
yet  nott  any,  the  Frigatt  Diamond  sailes  to  morrow,  the 
Castle  about  14  dayes  hence  I  pray  my  service  to  Major 
Wintrop    I  am 

Su*  your  most  humble  servant 

£  Andross. 

[Labelled,  "  Gov'  Androes  rec  April  10.'*] 


cxxv. 

John  Davenportf  Jr.,  to  John  Winthrop^  Jr. 

Boston  80.  2.  76/ 
Hon"-Sir 

Tours  I  rec'd,  and  jetume  thankfull  acknowled^ents  for 
the  Rubela  and  the  directions  about  my  arme,  which  I  have 
used,  and  hope  it  hath  done  good  but  yet  remaines  some. 


it6  The  ff^nthrop  Papers. 

paine  in  the  shoulder  and  upper  parte  of  the  arme  and  a 
weaknes  so  as  that  I  could  not  nor  can  lift  up  my  hand 
to  my  hat,  for  which  I  request  your  further  helpe  and  advice, 
there  is  no  swelling  but  an  itching  especially  (at  times)  on 
my  ^houlder.  My  bodily  health  and  appetite  (through  the 
mercy  of  God)  is  better  then  before  my  sicknes. 

The  Colledge  buisenes  (as  I  heare)  is  not  yet  settled. 
We  heare  the  uncomfortable  state  of  our  Relations  at  Jersey. 

Many  are  the  afflictions  of  the  righteous,  but  the  Lord 
delivers  out  of  all,  it  is  good  both  to  hope  and  quietly  waite 
for  the  salvacon  of  God  :  we  live  in  a  changable  trouble- 
some world,  but  there  is  an  unchangable  God  who  is  the 
object  of  the  hope  of  beleiv^rs  which  is  a  strong  ground  of 
consolation. 

The  Lord  preserve  your  life  and  health  for  the  good  of 
many  in  whotoe  with  our  service  presented,  crave  leave  to 
subscribe 

Hon*'^"  Sir,  your  humble  servant 

J.  Davenport. 

[Labelled,  "  M'  J.  Davenport  rec'*  May  7."  The  superscription  is 
gone.  This  letter  is  written  in  the  hand  of  old  age,  —  neither  the  spelling 
nor  punctuation  is  as  good  as  was  usual  with  the  writer's  father,  who  died 
March  15,  1669-70.  — J.  B.] 


CXXVI. 

Sir  Edmund  Andross  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

To  the  honourable  John  Winthrop  Esq"*  Govemour  of  his 
Majesties  Colony  of  Conecticutt     These,  at  Hartford. 

Sir  — 

Havmg  given  you  an  Account  at  my  Arrivall  of  my  re- 
ceiving this  place,  of  my  respects  to  yourselfe,  and  my  de- 
sire to  improve  a  good  neighbourhood  with  your  Colony : 

This  is  by  IVP  Samuel  Leet,  a  Grentleman  I  have  sent 
with  letters  to  your  selfe  as  Govemour,  and  Generall  Court, 
at  this  time  of  then*  first  Sessions,  since  my  arrivall,  but 
cannot  omitt  these  few  lines  to  yourselfe  in  particular,  though 
it  bee  but  to  renew  my  thankes  for  your  many  Ci vilityes  since 


STke  Winihrop  Paper$.  117 

my  Arrival],  Particularly  the  honour  of  your  sending  your  son 
Major  Winthrop  and  M'  Wilfis  to  mee  upon  roy  arrivall ; 
And  shall  bee  glad  of  all  oppertunityes  of  serving  you,  upon 
any  occasion  to  the  utmost,  And  ever  pay  ^ou  the  respect 
I  ought  to  your  worthy  Character  and  Mentts,  Remaining 
Sir,  your  most  affectionate  humble  servant 

E  Ain>R0S8. 
JWtr  Yorke  May  1*^  1675. 

[Labelled,  "  Governour  Androes  lec'd  May  12.  by  M'  Samuell  Leet**] 


CXXVIl 

t  *  •  ■ 

Henry  Stephens  to  Mr.  Stanton. 

M'  Stanton  —  Sar  Tljes  are  to  give  you  notis  of  y*  News 
I  say  you  with  y*  rest  of  my  Nebors  and  fKnds  that  12 
housis  of  Swanse  are  borened  and  on  of  them  was  a  gari- 
son  hous  and  sivera  men  killed  Sdiconke  also  is  boroned 
or  a  good  part  of  it  and  men  kild  b  v  Nep  mock  indean  hear 
on  hous  is  robed  as  we  sopos  and  the  last  night  another 
hous  brooken  up  and  another  boroned  on  morei  Neare  M*^ 
Smeths  and  intend  to  have  two  heads  from  Suamacott  the 
pepel  heare  ar  gon  and  gcnng  of  towods  Island  I  wish  and 
desier  you  to  tidce  car  pi  your  silvs  I  have  hired  this  barer 
i  hear  fills  is  bound  for  Mohigin  I  an|i  in  hast  for  fear  of 
y*  mesenger 

Yours  yet 

Hehrit  Stefhi»t8. 

Jun  29  ts 

My  Man  is  gon  towad  Island. 

'  t 

[Labelled,  **  Hen  Stevens  recM  J'ul^  1.  1675.  in  a  letter  from  BP 
Stanton."  The  handwriting  of  the  originiil  is  as  good  as  the  spelb'ng.— 
J.  B. 

This  is,  perhaps,  the  Jbril  report  of  the  breaking  out  of  hostility  in 
Philip's  War  sent  to  Connecticnt  —  J.  8«] 


1 18  The  mnthrop  Papers. 


CXXVIII. 

Daniel  Witherell  to  John  fVinthropj  Jr. 

To  the  honourd  John  Winthrope  Esq"*  Goveraour  of  his 
Majesties  Collonie  of  Conetticutt. 

J\"ew  London  June  29'*  1677.* 
Hon^  Sir 

My  humble  service  to  your  honour  &c  presented  these 
may  Aquaite  your  honour  that  this  momeing  I  Recaved  the 
Narrative  of  the  Bloody  Designes  of  the  Indians  Which 
was  Directed  to  your  Honour :  and  Conceiveing  it  might 
give  uss  heer  fuller  Information  then  wee  had  formerly 
Receved  our  Hon**  Major  Winthrope  with  the  advice  of 
Leiflf^*  Avery  M'  Myrior  and  my  selfe  presumed  to  open 
hopeing  wee  shall  obtayne  your  honours  pardon  therein. 

Major  Wmthrope  hath  been  and  yet  continues  very  III 
and  doubts  hee  shall  not  be  Able  to  Give  your  honour  that 
Aco"  that  otherwise  he  should  :  Yesterdaye  LeiflF"  Avery 
my  selfe  and  some  others  went  up  to  Unchas  to  understand 
if  possible  how  he  stood  Affected  to  Phillips  Designes  he 
informed  uss  that  he  had  heard  of  much  damadge  done  by 
Phillipe  both  by  killing  many  of  our  English  and  bumeing 
there  houses  but  would  not  be  knowne  that  he  held  any 
corespondency  with  him :  But  upon  our  carefuU  veiw  wee 
tooke  wee  have  Reason  to  beleeve  that  most  of  his  men  are 
gon  that  Waye  for  he  hath  very  few  men  at  home  nor  did  I 
see  more  then  three  guns  Amongst  them  tis  Certaine  he 
bath  had  lately  a  great  corespondence  with  Phillipe  and 
many  presents  have  passed :  Hon*^  Sir  my  humble  request 
is  that  a  speedy  and  effectuall  order  maye  be  sent  us  for 
the  putting  all  these  parts  in  a  posture  of  defence  for  it  is 
Reported  that  Phillipes  is  very  near  uss  and  expects  further 
Assistance  from  Unchas.  I  shall  no  more  but  desireing 
Grod  to  direct  your  honour  in  the  great  concemements  of 

*  This  letter  \b  Btrancely  mitdated.  It  should  be  1675.  Governor  Winthrop,  to 
whom  it  is  directed,  died  in  April,  1676,  and  Philip,  the  great  enemy,  was  killed  in 
Augaat  of  the  same  year.  The  letter  manifestly  alludes  to  preparation  for  hostilities. 
—7.8. 


The  mtahrap  Papers.  119 

these  present  dangers  and  Troubles  and  Rest  your  honors 
humbte  Servantt 

DaKIELL   WlTHERELL. 

[Labelled,  ''  M'  Witherell.    lec^  June  90.''] 


CXXIX. 

Daniel  WUhereU  to  John  Winthropj  Jr. 

To  the  Hon^^  John  Wmthrope  Esq"  Grovemour  of  his  Maj-. 
esties  Collonie  of  Conetticutt  these. 

JVw  London  June  30^  1675. 
Hon^  Sir  — 

Once  More  I  Am  bold  to  Present  your  Honour  with 
these  Linis  to  Informe  your  Honour  that  Maio'  Winthrope 
Lyes  Dangerously  sick  and  his  Distemper  encreaseth: 
Wee  have  great  want  of  his  presenc  in  tnis  time  of  Ex- 
tremitye  Wee  have  Great  Reason  to  beleeve  that  there 
is  an  universall  Combination  of  the  Indians  and  fear  you 
canot  Ayde  us  timely  Wee  are  calling  in  all  our  out  Liv- 
ers and  shall  by  Gods  Assistance  doe  our  best  for  our 
Defenc  butt  hope  that  your  Honour  with  the  Rest  of  the 
honourable  Counsell  will  Dispatch  present  suplyes  for  our 
Ayde :  I  cannot  Inlardge  the  post  is  in  hast,  soe  humbly 
crave  the  pardon  from  your  Honour  and  Rest 

Your  bumbell  Servant 

Dakiell  Wetherell. 

[Labelled,  "  If  Witheriy  rec*  July  V] 


cxxx. 

Proposals  for  an  Expedition  against  Canada. 

1.  That  the  Country  provide  ammunition  &c  and  have 
plunder  of  Kings  store  for  the  same. 

2.  That  the  Countir  proiade  ships  and  men  for  the  Ex«» 
pedition  and  pay  the  Charge  of  both. 


120 


7%c  Winthrop  Papers. 


3.  That  subscribers  compleat  the  Expedition  by  supply 
of  necessaryes,  to  be  Repayd  first,  the  Country  Engaging 
for  it. 

4.  That  after  the  Charge  of  the  Expedition  viz  of  ship 
hyre  and  men  be  defrayed  the  remaining  plunder  be  Equal- 
ly devided  between  the  Country  and  the  Subscribers. 

5.  That  the  men  be  Incouraged  with  one  halfe  of  all 
plunder  excepting  Kings  stores  and  have  no  pay,  or  20  sh. 
per  Month  and  one  quarter  of  said  plunder  (excepting  as 
before.) 

6.  That  the  Country  appoint  a  Committee  and  leave  the 
whole  to  their  management  impowring  them  to  carry  on  the 
same. 

[The  writing  of  the  above,  excepting  the  caption,  is  in  a  fair  hand, 
which  I  should  rather  think  to  be  that  of  some  ofRcer  in  England.  It 
certainly  does  not  in  any  respect  resenible  the  writing  of  that  day  in  New 
England ;  and  the  paper  has  the  English  water-mark  strongly  resembling 
the  Whitehall  papers  which  are  in  this  file.  The  caption  is  in  the  hand  of 
an  old  gentleman,  I  rather  think  of  the  second  Governor  Winthrop  of 
Connecticut,  who  was,  I  believe,  Major-General  of  the  expedition  against 
Canada  in  the  year  1690  ;  —  it  is  an  indorsement  only.  —  J.  B.] 


CXXXI. 

Votes  for  Magistrates  in  MassachusettSj  1692. 


Simon  Bradstreet  Esq' 
S^  W'"  Phips 
Thomas  Danforth  Esq' 
Major  Pmchon 
W"  Stoughton  Esq' 
Nath*  Saltonstall  Esq' 
John  Richards 
James  Russell  Esq' 
Major  Gidney 
Peter  Tilton  Esq' 
Major  Appleton 
Major  Phillips 
Major  Pike 
Elisha  Cooke  Esq' 


Election  Mat  4.  1692. 

Simon  Bradstreet  Govemour 
Thomas  Danforth  Dep' 


S'  W-  Phips 
W«»  Stoughton  Esq' 
Major  Pinchon 
Major  Saltonstall 
Major  Richards 
James  Russell  Esq' 
Major  Gidney 
Peter  Tilton 
Major  Appleton 
Major  Pike 
Elisha  Cooke  Esq' 
742  [John  Hathome  Esq' 


969—  1 
873—  9 
414 

614—16 
693—17 
940—  3 
409 

911—  5 
911—  6 
903—  7 
920—  4 
799—13 


7%e  Winthrop  Papen.  121 


John  Hathorne  Esq'  623 
W"  Johnson  Esq'  486 
Major  Hutchinson        720 


W^  Johnson  Esif       671 
Major  Hutchinson        818—12 
Sam'  Sewall  Esq'        946—2 
Samuel  Sewall  Esq'     749 -Isaac  Addington  Esq'  896—  8 
Isaac  Addington  688  Capt.  Smith  579—18 

John  Smith  Esq'  441  Major  Gen'  Winthrop  814—11 
Major  Gen'  Winthrop  705 1  Jon'  Corwin  Esq'  780—14 
Jonathan  Corwin  Esq'  636 !  Jn"  Phillips  Esq'  823—10 

Thomas  Oakes  Esq'    574  Tho :  Oakes  615—16 

Capt.  Swaine  270 

Capt  W"  Bond  305 

Capt.  Dan'  Peirce        255 

[The  names  in  Italics  are  erased  in  the  original,  which  indicates  the 
non-election  of  the  candidates.  —  J.  B. 

These  lists  may  be  compared  with  those  of  1683  and  1686  published 
in  Hutchinson's  Collection.  —  J.  S.] 


CXXXII. 

Recommendation  of  John  WitUkrop^  Esq.^  to  the  Royal  So- 
ciety. 

John  Winthrop 

of  New-England,  Esq" 
Grandson  of  the  Learned  John  Winthrop  Esq**  who  was 
one  of  the  first  members  of  this  Society  and  who  in  con- 
junction with  others  did  greatly  contribute  to  the  obtaining 
our  Charter ;  to  whom  the  [Royal]  Society  in  its  early  days 
was  not  only  indebted  for  various  ingenious  communica- 
tions, but  their  Musaeum  still  contains  many  testimonies  of 
bis  generosity,  es[>ecially  of  things  relating  to  the  Natural 
History  of  New  England,  where  he  afterwards  went  to  live. 
This  Gentleman  hath  not  been  backward  in  following  the 
example  of  his  Grand-father,  having  himself  sent  over  sev- 
eral curiosities  to  the  Society,  and  intending  to  present 
many  more,  as  well  as  to  become  a  constant  Correspondent, 
when  he  returns  to  America  ^  Wherefore  as  he  desires  to 
become  a  member  of  this  Society,  as  he  is  a  person  well 
skUl'd  in  Natural  Knowledge  and  particularly  in  Chemistry, 

VOL.   X.  16 


122  The  Wintkrop  Papers. 

we  whose  names  are  underwritten  do  recommend  him  as  a 

person  likely  to  be  a  very  usefull  member  to  this  Society. 

THans  Sloane. 

o.       1  I  Alex*  Stuart. 
Signed  j  j^^.  Nesbitt. 

Cromwell  Mortimer. 
London  Janry  10.  1733. 

This  a  true  Copy 

Thomas  Stack     l.  s. 

[Labelled,  "  London  10.  Jan'  1733.     Recommendation  of  John  Win- 
throp  Esq'  to  the  Royal  Society.**] 


CXXXIII. 
Thanks  of  the  Royal  Society  to  John  Winthropj  Esq. 

Extract  of  the  Journal  Book  of  the  Royal  Society  for  Im- 
proving Natural  Knowledge  London  June  27.  1734. 

M'  Winthrop  presented  severall  Curiosities  fr6m  New 
England,  as  contained  in  the  following  List,  which  being 
read  he  had  the  thanks  of  the  Society,  they  being  364  ar- 
ticles as  appears  by  the  Catalogue  of  them  in  the  same 
Journal-book  page  459  &c. 

Testat^ 

Cromwell  Mortimer  M.  D. 

R.  S.  Seer. 

[Seal  of  the  Royal  Society  in  red  wax.] 

[Labelled  (by  Cromwell  Mortimer),  "  Thanks  of  the  Royal  Society 
London  to  John  Winthrop  Esq'  for  his  present  of  several  Curiosities 
June  27,  1734."] 


[Though  the  originals  of  the  two  following  letters  are  not  found  among 
the  papers  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Winthrop  family,  yet,  as  they  evi- 
dently belong  to  the  series,  they  are  here  reprinted,  the  first  from  Birch's 
History  of  the  Royal  Society,  Vol.  II.  pp.  473,  474,  —  the  second  from 
the  North  American  Review  for  September,  1816,  to  which  it  was  com- 
municated by  the  late  Judge  Davis  from  the  original,  then  in  his  posses- 
sion, together  with  some  remarks  on  both  letters,  for  which  the  reader  is 
referred  to  that  journal.] 


The  Winthrop  Papers.  123 


CXXXIV. 

John  fVinthrop,  Jr.^  to  Lord  Brereton. 

My  Lord, 

The  relation,  which  I  am  now  presenting  to  your  lord- 
ship, is  of  a  very  strange  and  prodigious  wonder,  this  last 
summer  in  this  part  of  the  world :  that  the  like  hath  been 
known  for  the  whole  manner  of  it,  I  do  not  remember, 
that  I  have  read  or  heard.  There  was  a  hill  near  Keene- 
bank-river,  in  the  province  of  Meane,  the  eastern  part  of 
New-England,  which  is  removed  out  of  its  place,  and  the 
bottom  turned  upwards.  The  time  is  not  certain  when  it 
was  done;  but  that  it  is  so,  is  very  certain,  and  it  is  conclud- 
ed by  those,  who  live  nearest  to  it,  that  it  was  removed 
either  the  latter  end  of  June,  or  be^nning  of  July  last. 
The  relation,  that  I  have  from  credible  persons  concerning 
the  manner  of  it,  is  this ;  viz  that  the  hill  being  about  8 
rods  from  Keenebank-river-side,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
river,  about  4  miles  from  the  sea,  was  removed  from  its 
place  over  the  dry  land  about  8  rods  or  perches,  and  over 
the  tops  of  the  trees  also,  which  grew  between  the  hill  and 
that  river,  leaping  as  it  were  over  them  into  the  river,  where 
it  was  placed,  the  up{)er  part  being  downward,  and  dammed 
up  the  river,  till  the  water  did  work  itself  a  passage  through 
it.  The  length  of  the  hill  was  about  250  foot ;  the  breadth 
of  it  about  80,  the  depth  of  it  about  20  foot.  The  situa- 
tion of  the  place,  as  to  the  length  of  it,  was  N.  W.  and  S.  E. 
The  earth  of  it  is  a  blue  clay  without  stones :  many  round 
bullets  were  within  it,  which  seem  to  be  of  the  same  clay 
hardened.  I  have  not  yet  seen  the  place  myself,  but  sent 
purposely  to  enquire  into  the  truth  of  whet  had  been  report- 
ed concerning  it,  and  had  this  relation  from  major  William 
Piiilips,  who  dwelleth  not  (bt  from  the  place :  And  M.Her- 
lakendon  Symons,  who  went  to  the  place,  and  took  very 
good  notice,  brought  me  the  same  report  of  the  truth  and 
manner  of  it,  which  I  had  before  received  by  a  letter  from 
major  Philips  in  answer  to  my  letter  of  enquiry,  and  told  me, 
that  the  earth  of  the  bill  did  not  lie  between  the  former  place 
cS  the  hill  and  the  river,  but  was  carried  together  over  the 


124  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

tops  of  the  trees  into  the  river,  which  seems  to  be,  as  if  it 
were  blown  up  by  such  a  force,  as  carried  the  whole  body 
of  it  so  far  together.  I  had  from  them  some  few  of  those 
round  bullets;  I  think  there  were  but  two  or  three,  and 
some  pieces  of  earth  in  other  forms,  which  were  found  upon 
that  now  upper  part,  which  was  before  the  lower,  or  the 
inner  bowels  of  that  hill ;  as  also  a  small  shell  or  two,  of  a 
kind  of  shell-fish,  like  some  shell-fish  commonly  found,  where 
the  sea  flows :  but  how  they  should  be  within  that  hill,  is 
strange  to  consider.  I  have  sent  all,  that  I  had  thence,  to 
the  Royal  Society  for  their  repository.  I  understand  also 
from  those  parts,  that  there  was  no  notice  taken  of  an  earth- 
quake about  that  time ;  nor  did  I  hear  of  any  in  other  parts 
of  the  country.  I  give  your  lordship  only  a  relation  of  this 
prodigy,  as  I  had  it  upon  the  best  enquiry  I  could  make, 
leaving  the  discussion  of  the  natural  causes,  which  might 
concur;  a  matter  too  hard  for  me  to  comprehend,  but  the 
power  of  his  Almighty  Arm  is  manifest  to  all,  who  weigheth 
the  hills  in  a  balance,  and  in  whose  presence  the  heavens 
drop,  the  hills  are  melted  like  wax,  Sinai  itself  is  moved. 
I  hope  to  have  opportunity  to  see  the  place ;  and  if  any 
other  matter  considerable  upon  my  observation,  or  further 
enquiry  shall  appear,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  give  your  lord- 
ship a  further  account  thereof;  and  for  the  present  am  bold, 
only  to  subscribe  myself. 

Right  honourable, 

Your  Lordship's  humble  servant, 

J.  Winthrop. 
Boston,  Oct  11,  1670- 


cxxxv. 

Henry  Oldenburg  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

To  his  honoured  friend,  John  Winthrop,  Govemour  of  Con- 
necticut in  N.  England. 

London,  Jpril  11,  1671. 
Sir, 

Your  letter  of  October  11,  1670,  to  me,  and  your  present 
to  the  Royal  Society,  together  with  that  to  Sir  R.  Moray,  I 


The  Wintkrop  Papers.  125 

have  well  received  from  the  bands  of  Mr.  Fairweather,  who 
deserveth  to  be  commended  for  his  care  of  the  particu- 
lars you  had  entrusted  him  with.  I  soon  delivered  to  the 
said  society  their  parcell,  viz.  the  shell -fish  (called  Horse- 
foot)  the  Humming-bird's  nest  with  the  two  eggs  in  it,  be- 
bg  yet  whole,  the  feathered  fly,  and  the  shells,  bullets  and 
clays  taken  out  of  the  overturned  hill :  for  all  which,  that 
noble  company  returns  you  their  hearty  thanks,  and  very 
much  desires  the  continuance  of  such  curious  communica- 
tions, for  the  enlargement  of  their  repository,  and  conse- 
quently of  the  intended  history  of  nature.  These  curiosi- 
ties being  viewed  at  one  of  our  publick  meetings,  some  of 
the  company  conceived  that  what  you  call  the  sharp  tail  of 
the  Horse-foot,  is  rather  the  fore-part  and  nose  of  the  fish ; 
the  same  persons  having  also  found  that  two  of  the  knobbs 
on  the  shell,  now  dryed  up,  had  been  the  places  of  the  eyes, 
and  did  still  by  the  manner  of  their  ductuss  express,  that 
they  had  looked  towards  the  said  nose,  when  the  animal  was 
alive.  The  Humming  bird's  nest  was  also  shewed  to  his 
Majesty,  who  was  as  much  pleased  with  it  as  the  Society, 
.and  1  doubt  not  but  Sir  Rob.  Moray  will  tell  you  the  same, 
and  withal  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  those  silk  pods  that 
were  directed  to  him. 

Concerning  the  overturned  Hill,  it  is  wished  that  a  more 
certain  and  punctual  relation  might  be  procured  of  all  the 
circumstances  of  that  accident.  It  seems  strange,  that  no 
earthquake  was  perceived,  and  yet  that  the  Hill  is  said  to 
have  been  carried  over  the  tops  of  the  Trees  mto  the  River, 
as  also  that  people  being  near  it  should  not  certainly  know 
the  day  when  this  happened.  I  doubt  not,  Su*,  but  your 
own  curiosity  will  have  carried  you  since  you  wrote  this, 
to  view  the  place,  and  to  examine  all  the  particulars  re- 
markable in  this  matter.  I  hope  my  Lord  Brereton,  to 
whom  you  communicated  the  story  at  length,  will  also  write 
to  you  by  this  return,  and  join  with  me  in  the  request  of 
giving  us  a  fuller  account  of  this  wonder. 

I  cannot  yet  desist  from  recommending  to  you  the  com- 
posure of  a  good  history  of  New-England,  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  English  arrival  there,  to  this  very  time ;  con- 
taining the  Geography,  Natural  Productions  and  civil  ad- 
ministration thereof,  together  with  the  notable  progress  of 


126  The  Winthrop  Papers. 

the  plantation  and  the  remarkable  occurrences  in  the  same ; 
an  undertaking  worthy  of  Mr.  Winthrop,  and  a  member  of 
the  Royal  Society ! 

I  herewith  send  you  a  few  philosophical  Books  latdy 
printed  here,  viz. 

1.  Mr.  Boyle's  new  tracts  about  the  wonderful  rarefac- 
tion and  condensation  of  the  air,  &c. 

2.  Monsieur  C haras'  new  experiments  upon  vipers. 

3.  The  transactions  of  1670. 

To  these  I  add  a  small  discourse,  originally  written  in 
French,  against  that  great  Sorbonist  Mons.  Arnaud,  touch- 
ing the  perpetuity  of  the  Romish  faith  about  the  Eucharist, 
and  so  wishing  you  much  health  and  happiness, 

I  remain  sir, 

Your  faithful  servant, 

Henrt  OLDBirairRG. 

Sir, 

When  you  send  any  thing  more  for  the  R.  Society,  or 
for  me,  I  pray,  add  my  dwelling  place,  (in  the  Pal-MsJ)  to 
the  superscription.     I  must  not  forget  to  give  you  very 
many  thanks  for  thd  Cranberries  ;  they  tasted  of  the  cask, ' 
or  else  they  would  have  been  very  good. 

P.  S.  I  just  now  received  Sir  R.  Moray's  letter,  as  you 
find  it  here  unsealed.  My  Lord  Brereton  hath  not  yet  sent 
his,  and  I  dare  stay  no  longer  from  doing  up  this  packet, 
the  master  of  the  ship  having  appointed  this  morning  for 
the  delivering  of  it. 


MORE   GLEANINGS   FOR  NEW    ENGLAND 

HISTORY. 

BY  JAMES  SAVAGE, 

PRX8IDXHT   OP  TBS  MAttACBUtSTTt  BltTOlUOAL  flOCISTT. 


OOUBOIMI    fUWAT. 


The  unexpected  favor  with  which  my  humble  Gleanings 
in  Vol.  VIII.  were  received  seems  justly  to  demand  from 
me  a  correction  of  numerous  errors  in  giving  names,  either 
family  or  baptismal,  which  a  scrupulous  collation  of  the  old 
Custom-house  MS.  at  Westminster  Hall,  made  by  our  co- 
laborer,  Rev.  J.  Hunter,  at  his  own  suggestion,  has  fur- 
nished. I  take  occasion  to  mark  the  petty  slips  of  the 
press,  of  very  little  importance,  that  would  have  been  left 
to  a  reader's  correction ;  and  to  add  a  few  notes  that  may 
not  seem  useless  illustrations. 

If  the  eye  be  not  too  much  fatigued  with  this  prelimina- 
ry matter,  it  will  with  satisfaction  repose  on  the  interesting 
intelligence  obtained  for  me  at  Salisbury  by  the  excellent 
Dean  of  that  diocese,  and  on  the  still  more  valuable  contri- 
bution from  London  obtamed  last  year. 

ERRATA  \ 

m  THE  FORMER  ARTICLE  IN  VOL.  Vm.  BEGINNING  AT  PAGE  943. 

Page  249,  line  15,  for  Emannel  read      Emanuel. 

252,     .    21,  .  Ministers  .        .     Minister. 

22,  .  Egyd.                         Egidii. 

27,  .  Christopher  .         .     Christian. 

32,  .  Barker  .        Barber. 

33,  .  Heyles  .        .     Heyler  (probably). 
38,  .  Morden    .        .         Worden. 

41,  .     Gnibb  .         .     Cribb. 

42,  "  Mildred  Bredstreet*'  should  be  in  the  margin ;  as  it 
stands,  not  for  the  name  of  an  emigrant,  but  for  the  parish  in  London^ 
8t  Mildred  Breadstreet,  from  which  one  or  more  of  Ae  pMsengers  came. 


130       More  Gleanings  for  JSTew  England  Histary. 


labell,  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Hunter,  that  we  knew  the  child  here  very  well,  and 
his  name  was  Mahaloleel.  This  led  to  another  examination,  and  the  an- 
swer is  as  above,  with  this  specific  proof :  —  ^^  The  ic  cannot  be  read  an  a, 
though  that  would  be  the  true  orthography.  There  is,  however,  no  dot 
over  the  t,  while  the  dot  appears  in  the  names  Price  and  Monings ;  but 
the  %  in  liel  is  not  dotted." 

Page  266,  line  21,  for  More  read      Mere. 

22,    .      " 


267, 


268, 


nalMS. 


269, 
270, 


23,    .    Manning 
25,    .    Dedmen    . 

Monnings. 
Drewrie. 

26,    .    Cegona 
30,    .    Peirse 

Cesara. 
Price. 

32,    .     More    . 

Mere. 

33,    .       "            . 

cc 

5,    .     Sturbridge    • 
26,    .     Allers 
29,    .    Bardin 

Stucbruge. 

Alley. 

Burdin. 

10,    .    Buskett 

Bushell. 

3d,    .     Eliza 

Eliz. 

42,    .    Elisa 

Eliz. 

12,  before  ^^  Abigail,"  the  word  ^'  uxor"  is  in  the  origi- 

2,  for  Stanley          read 
13,    .    Deno    . 

Sawkyn. 
Darno. 

19,  .     Buttny 

20,  .        "      . 

Buttry. 

^x,    •                   .        • 

l& 

51,    .    Danes 

Danes. 

6,    .     Jno^son     . 

Ireson.    This  is  the  col- 

272,    . 

lation  of  February,  1846 ;  but  in  November  following,  my  scrupulous 
friend,  after  a  second  scrutiny,  writes  :  — "On  looking  again  at  the  MS., 
I  rather  incline  to  what  was  your  original  reading,  or  nearly  so.  The 
name  seems  to  be  Tho.  Jn^'son,  25,  for  Johnson,  written  short" 


Page  272,  line  22,  for  Edye 


read 


26, 

.    Rose 

27, 

Foster 

30, 

.    20  Septr. 

not  Sunday). 

Page  273, 

•      1. 

.    Joes 

8, 

Done,  17  . 

4, 

Broome,  16  . 

278. 

•       1, 

•    tember 

284, 

32, 

.     July  28 
Pubike       . 

298, 

.    36, 

Loudon 

309.    . 

14, 

.    iElatis 

18, 

.    pesuit  . 

314,    . 

85, 

.    scullop 

315, 

.     14, 

.    Hayres 

816,    . 

88, 

.    PhiUpt      . 

Edge. 

Rofe. 

Forten. 

19  Septr.  (i.  e.  Saturday, 

Ives. 

Done,  16. 

Broome,  17. 

temper. 

July  23. 

Publike. 

London. 

iEtatis. 

posuit 

scallop. 

Haynes. 

PhUlipps. 


Jdon  QkoMngsfor  JVew  England  B^tory.       131 


NOTES  ON  FORMER  GLEANINGS. 

The  ^  Brandeston,''  in  Isaac  Johnson's  will,  p.  244,  is  in 
Suffolk,  perhaps  deriving  its  name  from  the  ancient  family  of 
Brande.  ^Bury  field"  is  probably  on  the  road  to  Bury  St. 
Edmunds. 

On  p.  256,  among  the  passengers  in  the  Rebecca  is  in- 
serted the  name  of  "  Geo-  Woodward,  36  '* ;  and  it  may 
not  seem  too  rash  a  conjecture,  considering  the  perpetual 
occurrence  of  marks  of  carelessness  in  this  record,  that  it  is 
an  error  of  repetition  from  p.  254,  where  one  of  the  same 
name  and  age  is  introduced  as  a  passenger  in  the  HopewelL 

My  mistake,  on  p.  257,  in  the  date  of  ^  12  Apr.,**  instead 
of  13,  might  have  been  avoided,  however  indistinct  the  MS., 
had  the  almanac  been  turned  to,  for  the  custom-house  could 
not  have  been  open  on  the  12th,  being  Sunday. 

This  Richard  Saltonstall,  p.  258,  passenger,  with  hb  wife 
and  babe,  m  the  Susan  and  Ellen,  had,  in  1630,  accompa- 
nied his  father  in  Governor  Winthrop's  fleet,  and  followed 
him  home  next  year,  23  November.  His  wife,  in  the  text, 
was  daughter  of  Brampton  Gurdon,  Esquire,  of  Assmeton, 
in  Suffolk,  who,  according  to  the  arbitrary  fashion  of  the 
times,  had  by  the  king  been  made  Sheriff  of  the  County,  to 
punish  his  Puritanical  affections,  in  preventing  thereby  his 
election  to  Parliament,  as  one  of  the  Knights  of  the  Sfalre. 

It  was  easily  proved  that  the  age  of  Rachell  Bigg,  on 
p.  261,  a  passenger  m  the  Elizabeth,  was  wrong.  In  har 
will,  made  eleven  years  later,  she  calls  herself  aged^  and 
Hopestill  Foster,  the  fellow-passenger,  her  nephew ;  yet  he 
would  appear  some  years  older  than  his  aunt.  At  my  de- 
sire, a  fac-simile  of  the  MS.,  containing  names  before  and 
after,  as  well  as  this,  was  taken ;  and  the  copy  in  my  text 
is  exact  in  every  letter  and  figure.  What  the  scribe  at  the 
office  would  have  written,  had  he  minded  his  duty,  whether 
the  6  should  have  stood  in  the  place  of  units  or  of  tens^  is 
not  so  important  as  in  many  cases  it  would  be. 

On  p.  263,  the  name  <A  *^  Ric'd  Goare,**  in  the  Elizabeth 
and  Ann,  is  a  repetition  fit)m  the  list  of  a  former  day,  on 
the  page  before,  of  passengers  in  the  same  ship ;  and  a  sim- 
ilar blunder  is  observable  m  the  names  of  two  passengers. 


132       Mare  Gkamnga  for  JVew  England  JSsiory. 

Rich'd  Brooke  and  Tho.  Brooke,  companions  of  Rev.  Peter 
Bulkley  in  the  Susan  and  Ellen,  yet  Tbo.,  on  p.  260,  is 
called  18,  and  here  20.  Something  of  confusion,  also, 
might  be  supposed  on  p.  268,  among  the  passengers  in  the 
Defence,  standing  in  the  MS,  thus,  — 

*'  husbandman  John  Sheppard,  86 

Margaret  Sheppard,    31 
Tho.  Sheppard,  3  roa,"  — 

where  it  is  presumable  that  John  is  a  fiction ;  for  we  know, 
from  his  autobiography,  that  Rev.  Thomas  Sheppard  came 
at  that  time  in  thai  ship,  with  that  wife  Margaret,  and  that 
son  Thomas,  bom  in  April  before,  and  within  a  day  or  two 
of  three  numths  old.  A  little  lower,  on  the  same  page, 
ainoDg  the  servants  of  Harlakenden,  are 

"  Wm.  French,      30 
EUz.  bis  wife,    32,'* 

while,  a  few  lines  above,  appear  no  doubt  the  same  wife, 
••Elizabeth  French,  SO,**  with  the  children.  Yet  my 
reflections  on  the  frequency  of  these  and  grosser  marks 
of  carelessness  in  this  document,  caused  by  the  prepos- 
terous tyranny  of  Archbishop  Laud's  Committee  of  the 
Privy  Council,  have  gradually  led  me  to  doubt  whether 
much  of  the  error  was  not  intentional.  For  various  reasons, 
in  various  cs^es,  it  was  desirable  that  the  purposes  of  the 
government  should  be  ehided.  Several  gentlemen  are 
known  to  have  come  over  in  the  Abigail  with  John  Win- 
thrq),  Jr.,  m  1 635,  whose  names  are  not  to  be  found  in  that 
Mst,  which  contains,  indeed,  174,  which  one  might  think  a 
sufficient  number,  but  220  are,  by  Governor  Winthrop,  said 
to  have  arrived  in  her.  Some  repetition  might  naturally  be 
looked  for ;  and  in  such  a  palpable  case  as  the  two  Lewes, 
at  the  bottom  of  p.  270  and  near  the  top  of  p.  271,  might 
app)ear  to  have  arisen  from  my  carelessness,  not  that  of  the 
officer  above  two  hundred  years  since,  had  not  this  minute 
explanation  been  given. 

"Serjeant  Barnardiston,"    residuary  devisee  in  the  will 
of  Sir  George  Downing  (the   latest  baronet),  mentioned 

E.  277,  was  son  of  Thomad,  married  28  June,  1706,  to  Mary 
downing,  both  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds.     She  was  sister  kA 
Sir  George,  and  died  m  1728,  aged  57. 
Errors  in  the  ti^nscript  from   the  Parish    Register  of 


Jtfbftf  Gleanings  for  Jfevo  England  History.       133 

Groton,  pp.  296,  297,  suggested  by  me  to  my  correspond- 
ent, our  feilow-laborer  of  Long  Melford,  produced  another 
examination ;  and  so  the  date  of  the  death  of  the  second 
wife  of  John  Winthrop  is  found  1616,  instead  of  1626;  the 
name  ^^Jones"  is  Fones,  the  mistake  being  of  the  old 
ff  for  a  capital  /;  and  in  the  latest  article,  Mr.,  not  Mrs,, 
Forth  Wmthrop,  But  on  the  next  page  I  find  an  error  of 
my  own,  in  speaking  of  fifteen  children  of  Governor  Win- 
throp ;  for  (mother^  after  William,  was  bom  here :  Sarah, 
baptized,  says  our  First  Church  record,  "29**"  of  4.  1634.'* 

My  erroneous  conjectures,  p,  317,  that  "p.m.,"  in  Sir 
Thomas  Phillipps's  Register  of  Sarum,  meant  by  removaly 
and  "  p,  r.**  stood  for  pro  rectore^  were  kindly  corrected  by 
Sir  Thomas,  who  took  the  opportunity  of  presenting  me  the 
curious  volume ;  "  p.  m."  is  an  abbreviation  for  per  mortem^ 
and  "  p.  r.'*  for  per  resignationem. 

Peter  Thacher,  father  of  our  Thomas,  was  presented 
with  that  living,  of  St.  Edmunds,  Salisbury,  by  Bishop  Dave<r 
nant. 

On  the  very  remarkable  epistle  of  John  Davenport  to  Sir 
Thomas  Temple  (pp.  327  -  329),  which  he  forwarded  from 
Boston  to  London,  any  comment  is  unnecessary.  Of  course, 
there  is  some  mistake  of  date  in  the  copy  of  the  New  Haven, 
or  of  the  Boston,  letter ;  perhaps  the  former,  Davenport's, 
should  be  9,  instead  of  19,  Aug.  1661,  if  Temple's  date  of  20 
is  correct ;  for  the  journey  between  the  two  towns  in  that 
early  year  must  have  taken  six  or  seven  days.  There  may 
have  been  design  in  giving  a  false  date,  but  it  is  not  apparent. 
Perhaps  Pincheon,  of  Sprmgfield,  and  Capt  Lord^  of  Hart- 
ford, had  less  eagerness  of  desire  for  the  arrest  of  Whalley 
and  Goflfe  than  Col.  Temple  presumed. 


NEW   GLEANINGS. 


Having  suggested,  in  July,  1842,  to  Dr.  Pearson,  the 
Dean  of  Salisbury,  certain  inquiries  for  information  in  his 
diocese,  that  gendeman,  in  addition  to  the  favor  of  bringing 
me  acquainted,  at  bis  own  hospitable  mansion  in  London, 
with  Mr.  Benson,  the  learned  Recorder  of  Salisbury,  as 
well  as  much  other  kindn^i,  co0veyed  my  note  to  Henry 
Hatcher,  Esquire,  the  chief  antiquary  of  dMt  m«^x(y^\ascL 


134       More  GUeaningsfor  JVew  England  Histary. 

city.  He  crowned  his  polite  attention  by  forwarding  to  me, 
m  the  year  following,  this  communication  in  reply.  The 
historian  of  Salisbury,  Hatcher,  died  13  December  1846, 
aet  70 ;  and  in  the  April  number  of  the  Gentleman's  Mag- 
azine for  the  next  year  a  biographical  memoir  of  him  appears. 

Revd.  Sir, 

I  inclose  some  information  on  the  subjects  mentioned  in 
Mr.  Savage's  letter.  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  address 
my  communication  to  you,  though  I  by  no  means  wish  to 
give  you  the  trouble  to  read  it  I  return  Mr.  Savage's  letter 
also. 

I  am,  Revd.  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

H.  Hatcher. 
Salisbury^  JVar.  19,  1842. 

The  very  Reverend  the  Dean  of  Salisbury. 

Revd.  Sir, 

I  send  you  the  few  scattered  notices  which  I  have  col- 
lected relative  to  the  persons  mentioned  in  Mr.  Savage's 
letter.  They  are  not  so  full  as  1  could  have  wished ;  but 
they  are  quite  as  much  so  as  might  be  expected,  from  the 
distance  of  the  time  and  the  disturbed  state  of  the  country, 
at  the  commencement  of  the  Civil  War.  Mr.  Savage*s  pur- 
pose is  so  laudable,  that  he  is  entitled  to  all  the  assistance 
we  can  give  him,  on  this  side  of  the  water. 

As  the  Revd.  P.  Thacher  filled  a  public  station  for  some 
years,  the  information  relating  to  him  is  much  more  abun- 
dant and  distinct  than  that  preserved  of  the  others. 

1  do  not  believe  him  to  have  been  a  native  of  Salisbury, 
though  the  name  of  Thacher  twice  occurs  in  the  Register 
of  St.  Edmunds,  towards  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
He  was  appointed  minister  of  St.  Edmunds  in  1622,  and 
the  circumstances  connected  with  his  appointment  are  sub- 
joined, as  they  are  recorded  in  the  Minute  Book  of  the 
Vestry. 

I  ought  to  premise,  that  the  right  of  patronage  to  the  liv- 
ing of  St.  Edmunds  was  then  a  matter  of  dispute  between 
the  bishop  and  certain  inhabitants  of  the  parish,  who  laid 
claim  to  it  in  consequence  of  the  transfer  of  the  college, 
and  the  rights  and  property  belonging  to  it,  to  William 
Sl  Bache,  at  ^  <fisso\utioii. 


More  Oleaningsfor  JVew  England  Histary.       135 

The  mode  in  which  the  living  was  filled,  for  some  years, 
is  not  quite  clear ;  but  the  immediate  predecessor  of  Thach- 
er  was  Hugh  Williams,  who  was  presented  by  Bishop 
Cotton  in  1606,  and  resigned  in  1621  or  1622,  apparently 
in  consequence  of  a  disagreement  with  the  leaders  of  the 
parish,  who  were  Puritans.  The  cause  was  evidently  a  di- 
versity of  religious  opinion. 

**  A  Vestry  being  called  the  IT*^  January  1622  [1622-3], 
It  is  now  ordered,  that  the  agreement  touching  M'  Thacher 
coming  to  be  our  minister  shall  proceed  without  any  longer 
deliberation  ;  and  all  convenient  speed  shall  be  made  for  the 
effecting  thereof." 

"At  the  Vestry  held  the  19'^  January  1622  [1622-3]. 
At  this  Vestry  it  is  agreed,  with  full  consent,  that  the  matter 
agreed  upon,  touching  M''  ThachePs  comings  shall  proceed  ; 
and  if  it  may  be  possible  to  be  effected,  M'  Thacher  shall 
be  placed  here,  and  be  vested  in  our  church,  as  our  minis- 
ter, before  Shrove  Sunday  next  [the  annual  meeting  of 
the  Vestry] ;  and  for  the  better  effecting  thereof,  and  all 
necessary  things  touching  the  same,  M'  Recorder  [Giles 
Tookee]  is  to  be  desired  to  be  at  a  Vestry  to  be  held  on 
the  17***  day  of  February  next,  in  the  evenmg,  to  which  day 
this  Vestry  is  adjourned. 

Henrt  Sherfield     Tho.  Buller 
B.  TooKiE  T.  Hancock 

John  Puxton  Willm.  Marshall 

Robert  Jole  Robert  Roberts 

James  Michell  Robert  Tyte 

George  Beache        John  Joie." 
Peter  Bankes 

I  give  the  names,  to  enable  Mr.  Savage  to  trace  any  of 
their  connections  or  descendants. 

"  1 6  Feb.  1 622  [  1 622-3].  At  the  court  of  the  Vestry  there 
held,  the  day  aforesaid,  a  letter  sent  by  the  worthy  Giles 
Tookee,  Esq..  Recorder  of  this  town,  and  directed  to  the 
Masters  of  this  Vestry,  was  read  and  deliberately  considered 
of,  and  his  care  and  his  good  wishes  to  the  church  is  by 
all  acknowledged.  After  due  consideration  had  whereof,  it  is 
now  again  ordered,  by  the  general  consent  of  all  the  masters 
present  at  the  Vestry,  that  M'  Thacher  shall  be  our  minis- 


136      Mf^t  Ghrnikng^far  J^Teu)  England  ERstary. 

ter  and  preacher  in  this  church,  as  hath  been  formerly  often 
resolved ;  and  that  the  same  shall  be  now  effected,  with  all 
expedition ;  for  the  better  finishing  whereof,  this  Vestry  is 
adjourned  till  Wednesday  next,  at  four  of  the  clock  in  the 
afternoon,  and  in  the  mean  time  M'  Sherfield,  M'  Han- 
cock, M'  Tookie,  M'  Home,  some  of  the  masters  of  this 
Vestry,  are  desired  to  meet,  and  to  prepare  such  things  as 
are  requisite  in  the  cause ;  and  M'  Jole,  M'  Marshall,  M' 
Joie,  and  both  the  churchwardens,  other  masters  of  this 
Vestry,  and  M^  John  Dove,  are  desired  to  collect  the  volun- 
tary contributions,  according  as  every  man  hath  set  down  in 
writing ;  and  it  is  hoped  and  desired,  that  M'  Recorder  will 
be  present  and  to  give  his  counsel  and  assistance  in  the 
furthering  and  finishing  this  good  work  in  hand." 

In  one  of  our  local  chronicles,  the  Recorder  Tookie  is 
lauded  highly  for  his  exertions  in  providing  the  church  with 
a  proper  minister. 

From  this  account,  it  is  evident  that  Mr.  Thacher  was 
brought  in  by  the  Puritan  or  Presbyterian  party  in  the  Ves- 
try. The  word  come^  which  is  twice  used,  I  consider  as  a 
proof  that  he  was  not  previously  resident  in  the  city.  His 
institution  as  Rector  of  St.  Edmunds  is  recorded  in  the 
Bishop's  Books  under  the  date  of  1622.  The  bishop  is 
mentioned  as  the  patron.  This  was  Bishop  Davenant,  who 
favored  the  Puritans,  and  doubtless  accepted  the  recom- 
nlendation  of  the  Vestry. 

While  Mr.  Thacher  was  minister,  the  following  notices 
occur  relative  to  him  and  his  family. 

Baptisms. 

1 623,  November.  Martha,  daughter  of  M'  Peter  Thacher, 
parson  of  this  parish. 

In  1 624,  Apr.  24,  the  former  incumbent,  Hugh  Williams, 
is  mentioned  as  being  present  at  the  celebration  of  a  mar- 
riage in  the  absence  of  Mr.  P.  Thacher,  "being  at  this 
present  parson  of  the  Parish.*' 

1625-6,  Jan.  29:  baptized  Elisabeth,  dau.  of  M'  Peter 
Thacher. 

1627-8,  Jan.  29 :  John,  son  to  M'  Peter  Thacher,  min- 
ister of  this  Parish. 

1 636-7,  1  Jan.    Samuel,  son  of  M'  Peter  Thacher. 


More  GUamngs/or  J\rew  Engiand  History.        137 

1 638.    Paul,  son  of  M'  Peter  Thacher. 

1640,  Aug.  30.    Barnabas,  son  of  M'  Peter  Thacher. 

In  1631  and  1633,  we  find  Anthony  Thacher,  probably 
his  brother,  mentioned  as  his  Curate. 

In  1 634,  April  27,  occurs  this  entry,  relative  to  a  son  of 
Anthony  Thacher :  — 

"  Benjamin,  son  of  Anthony  and  Mary  Thacher,  bom  on 
Sunday,  the  13'**  day,  between  the  hours  of  one  and  two  in 
the  morning,  and  baptized  the  27'**  day  of  the  same  month.'* 

The  name  of  Anthony  Thacher  appears  again  as  Curate 
in  1634. 

In  1632  and  1633,  we  find  some  licenses  granted  by  the 
Rev.  P.  Thacher  to  diflferent  persons,  for  eating  flesh  in  the 
season  of  Lent.  One  is  to  his  own  wife,  Anne  Thacher, 
dated  March  1,  1633.  ' 

The  following  is  that  granted  to  the  wife  of  the  Recorder 
Sherfield,  who  broke  the  painted  windows  of  St.  Edmunds 
Church,  and  whose  punishment  was  unjustly  made  one  of 
the  heads  of  accusation  against  Archbishop  Laud  :  — 

"  I,  Peter  Thacher,  Parson  of  the  Parish  Church  of  St. 
Edmunds  within  the  City  of  New  Sarum,  in  the  County  of 
Wilts,  being  sufliciently  certified  and  assured  of  the  weak 
and  sickly  estate  of  M"  Rebecca  Sherfield,  of  the  Parish 
aforesaid,  do  by  these  presents,  as  far  as  the  laws  of  this 
Realm  have  given  power  in  that  case,  license  the  said  M" 
Rebecca  Sherfield  to  eat  all  such  kinds  of  flesh,  in  this  time 
of  Lent,  as  the  laws  of  this  Realm  do  in  that  case  allow,  dur- 
ing such  her  weakness.  Dated  the  23**  day  of  February  in 
the  year  of  our  Sovereign  Lord,  Bang  Charles,  the  ninth 
[1632-3]." 

All  these  licenses  are  entered  in  the  Parish  Register,  and 
attested  by  Anthony  Thacher,  Curate. 

Peter  Thacher  died  in  the  beginning  of  February,  1 640 
-1.  His  burial  is  thus  recorded,  under  the  date  of  Febru- 
ary 19  :  — "  Burials.    M'  Peter  Thacher  Rector  ibm." 

His  remains  were  deposited  under  an  altar  tomb,  on  the 
north  side  of  the  church-yard.  It  is  apparently  the  most  an- 
cient to  be  found  there,  and  bears  this  inscription,  in  the 
first  compartment  on  the  south  side :  — 

"  Here  lyeth  the  bodye  of  IVP  Peter  Thatcher,  who  was  a 

VOL.  X.  18  '    '  ■ 


138        More  Gleanings  far  JVew  England  Hilary. 

laborious  minister  of  the  Gospell  of  Jesus  Christ  in  ye  Par- 
ish of  St.  Edmunds  for  ye  space  of  xix  yeares.  He  de- 
parted this  lyfe  the  Lord's  Day  at  three  of  the  clocke  ye  xi 
of  February,  1 640.     Let  no  man  move  his  bones.'* 

He  was  probably  the  last  of  his  family  buried  here,  as  no 
inscription  appears  in  the  other  three  compartments. 

Of  the  Rev.  W.  Worcester  I  find  no  trace.  Indeed,  I 
think  Worcester  is  not  a  Salisbury  name. 

Relative  to  the  Verins,  I  find  the  following  entries  in  the 
registers :  — 

Baptisms. 

1593.  Anna  Veryn,  the  daughter  of  Hew  Veryn. 

1601-2,  Jan.    William,  son  to  Hew  Veryn. 

1607.  Dorcas,  daugh.  to  Philip  Ferine. 

1614,  June  24.     Richard,  son  to  Hope  Veyrene. 

1619,  March.     Philip,  son  to  Philip  Veron,  Roper. 

1 62 1  -2,  March  3.    Hellyer,  son  to  Philip  Verin,  Ropier. 

1623,  Ap.  6.     Nathaniel,  son  to  Philip  Verin,  Roper. 

1627,  Oct.  9.     Eliz.,  daughter  to  Edward  Verin. 

1632,  Oct.  14.     Edward,  son  to  Robert  Verin. 

Marriages. 

1559-60.  Humfrey  Verie  and  Margaret  Jeffrie. 
1587-8.  Roger  Very  and  Agnes  Baylie. 
1588,  July  29.     Thomas  Cope  and  Elizabeth  Verye. 
1 623-4,  Jan.  1 5.     Richard  Alwood  and  Dorcas  Verin. 

Burials. 

1607,  Nov.  30.     Hugh  Verine. 

1621,  A  p.     Rebecca,  daughter  to  Philip  Verin. 

Webb  is  a  very  common  name  in  Salisbury,  derived,  I 
have  no  doubt,  from  the  occupation  of  a  webber,  or  weaver. 
Perhaps  the  following  entries  may  have  reference  to  Henry 
Webb,  who  is  the  subject  of  Mr.  Savage's  inquiry. 

Baptism. 

1626,  Sept.  25.  Margaret,  daughter  to  Henry  Webb, 
weaver. 

Marriages. 

1583.  William  Webb  and  IsabeU  Goodridge. 


More  Gleanings  far  Jfew  England  Hilary*       139 

1627,  Ap.  23.  Henry  Webb  and  Jane  Woolford,  both  of 
this  Parish. 

The  only  entry  relating  to  the  Averys  is  thid :  — 

1591.    Burial    Mary,  wife  to  Christopher  Averye. 
There  were  Averys  in  the  town  within  my  recdlection. 

The  following  entry  belongs  to  a  New  England  name :  — 
1591-2,  March  18.    Burial  of  Henry  Mather. 

Mr.  Savage  will  best  judge  whether  I  am  right  in  my 
conjectures,  that  these  entries  following  have  some  connec- 
tion with  the  founder  of  Harvard  College :  — 

Baptisms. 

1616-7.  Thomas,  son  of  Thomas  Harvard. 
1621-2.  Thomas,  son  of  Thomas  Harward. 
1623,  Sept  27.    Richard,  son  of  Thomas  Harward. 
1625,  Oct.  14.    Thomas,  son  of  Thomas  Harward. 
1632.  Frances,  daughter  to  Tho.  Harwood. 

Marriages. 

1583,  Oct    Georee  Harford  and  Alice  Serjeant 
161 1,  Dec  7.    John  Harford  and  Mary  Bolton. 
1615,  May  18.    William  Harford  and  Eliz.  Hibbert. 

Burials. 

1564.  Pachil,  son  to  George  Harford. 
1570,  Nov.  6.  Jane  Harford,  widow. 
1603,  Sept  30.    Margaret  Harford. 

This  Register  is  a  copy  from  one  of  eariier  date^  and  con- 
fessedly imperfect 

Mr.  Savage's  letter  has  opened  a  new  view  to  me.  In 
return  for  this  communication,  I  shall  be  happy  to  receive 
any  further  information  concemmg  emigrants  from  Salis- 
bury to  America  at  the  commencement  of  the  great  Rebel- 
lion, or  after  the  Restoration.  If  the  History  of  Salisbury 
b  foted  to  reach  a  second  edition,  I  should  like  to  devote  a 
page  to  this  subject 


142 


Xt 


iuB  Aa&ewcs  boMl  for  Nev&elMl  the  iMt  oT  Afd 


1634. 


Biff*   WocKZwutl 


Jo«ph      . 
Elnmbetii  Rajnor 
SwahBayBor 
Lidk  Rajnor 
Edward  Rajnor 
Elizabeth  Kembill 

kbtf  SooCt 

Elnabeth  ScoCt 
Abigail  SeoCt 
Thomas  Scott 
T<"i^^*ir  If  txer 

Hen.  Kemball 

Elisabeth  Kemball 
Sunn  Kemball 
Richud  Cultiiig 

Rich.  Kemball 

Heorj  Kemball 
Kemball 


»  r 


George  Woodward        IS 
JoIm  Woodward 
Jooa  SpviDg 

Manr  Spring 
Henrj  Spring 
Jofao  Spring 
Williun  Spring 


11 

6 
4 


11 

9 
7 


13 

9 
7 
6 

4 

4 
11 

15 
11 


JobtkJjtwakkm 


Abigul  MnDningji 


JnaBenaid 


ssanraei  oemani 


aoBiu  SmiRreeC 


JowB  DiadrtreeC 


MarjBiadrtreeC 

W-Bkimfield 

SaiahBlomfield 

Sam.  South 

Samoell  Smith 
Marj  Smith 
Elizabeth  Smidi 
Phillip  Smith 

Roh'Goodale 

MarjGoodate 
Abraham  (joodale 
baacke  Goodale 

Hen.  GouldsoQ 

MarjCouUaoD 


4 


15 


Ipswich  Custamehouse  this  12^  of  Mnf  1634. 

Phil.  Browke  P.  Cusf.         Thos.  Clerc  So'. 

Edw.  Man  CompL 

S.  P.  O.  America  &  West  Indies. 
Vol.  375  (Original). 
List  of  Passengers  for  New  England  (inclosed  in  dM 
Petition  of  Cuttinge  and  Andrews.) 


Ipswich. 
A  Note  of  the  names  and  ages  of  all  the  Passengers  w^  fDp|i 


More  GUamgB  for  Jfew  England  Btsfory.       143 

shipping  in  the  Francis  of  Ipswich  Ma'  John  Cutting 
bound  for  New  England  the  last  of  April  1 634. 


John  Beetes 
WiHiam  Haultoo 
Nicholas  JeDnings 
William  Westwoode 
Bridgett  his  Wife 
Cleare  Drap 
Bohert  Rose 
Margery  his  Wife 
John  Bernard 
Mary  his  Wife 
William  Frebourne 
Mary  his  Wife 
Anthony  White 
Edward  Bugbye 
Kebecca  his  Wife 
Abraham  Newell 
Francis  his  Wife 
Just.  Houlding 
John  Pease 
Robert  Winge 
Judith  his  Wife 
John  Greene 


aged  40 
23 
22 
2S 
32 
30 
40 
40 
36 
38 
40 
33 
27 
40 
32 
50 
40 
23 
27 
60 
43 
27 


Robert  Pease 
Hugh  Mason 
Hester  his  Wife 
Rowland  Stebing 
Sarah  his  Wife 
Thomas  Sherwood 
Alice  his  Wife 
Thomas  King 
John  Mapes 
Mary  Blosse 
Robert  Cooe 
Anna  his  Wife 
Mary  Onge 
Thomas  Boyden 
Richard  Wattlin 
John  Lyvermore 
Richard  Pepper 
Mary  his  Wife 
Richard  Houlding 
Judeth  Garnett 
Elizabeth  Hamond 
Thurston  Clearke 


aged  27  y" 

22 
40 
43 
48 
47 
19 
21 
40 
38 
43 
27 
21 
28 
28 
27 
30 
26 
26 
47 
44 


These  Persons  above  named  tooke  the  Oath  of  Allege- 
ance  and  supremacy  at  His  Maj^*""  Custome  house  m  Ips- 
wich before  us  his  Maj*'*"  Officers,  according  to  the  order  of 
the  Lords  and  others  of  His  Maj^  most  Hon^  Privy  Coun- 
cell,  the  12^^  of  November  1634.  Ipswich  Custome  house. 
Phil  Browne  P  Custr.  Tho'  Clerc  Sur. 

Edw:  Maitit  Compt. 

S.  P.  b.    America  &  West  Indies. 
Vol.  375  (Origmal). 
List  of  Passengers  for  New  England  (inclosed  in  the  Peti- 
tion of  Cuttinge  and  Andrews.) 


Ipswich. 
A  note  of  all  the  names  and  ages  of  all  those  which  did  not 
take  the  Oath  of  Allegiance  or  Supremacy,  being  under 
age,  shipped  in  our  Port  In  the  Francis  of  Ipswich  Ma' 
John  Cutting,  bound  for  New  England  the  kst  of  Aprill 
1634. 


1 42      More  Gleamngs  for  JVew  England  Histary. 

liam  Andrewes  bound  for  New  England  the  last  of  ApriQ 
1634. 


Edm.  Lewis 

Mary  Kemball      aged 

9 

John  Lewis          aged 

3  y« 

Martha  KembaU 

5 

Thomas  Lewis 

i 

John  Kemball 

3 

Rich.  Woodward 

Thomas  Kemball 

1 

George  Woodward 

13 

John  Lavericke 

15 

John  Woodward 

13 

Geo.  Munnings 

John  Spring 

Elizabeth  Munnings 

12 

Mary  Spring 

11 

Abigail  Munnings 

7 

Henry  Spring 

6 

Jdo.  Bernard 

John  Spring 

4 

John  Bernard 

2 

William  Spring 

1 

Samuel  Bernard 

1 

Thurston  Raynor 

Thomas  King 

15 

Thurston  Raynor 

13 

Hum.  Bradstreet 

Joseph  Raynor 

11 

Anna  Bradstreet 

9 

Elizabeth  Raynor 

9 

John  Bradstreet 

3 

Sarah  Raynor 

7 

Martha  Bradstreet 

2 

Lidia  Raynor 

If 

Mary  Bradstreet 

1 

Edward  Raynor 

10 

W-  Blomfield 

Elizabeth  Kemball 

13 

Sarah  Blomfield 

1 

Tho"  Scott 

Sam.  Smith 

Elizabeth  Scott 

9 

Samuell  Smith 

9 

Abigail  Scott 

7 

Mary  Smith 

4 

Thomas  Scott 

6 

Elizabeth  Smith 

7 

Isaack  Mixer 

4 

Phillip  Smith 

1 

Hen.  Kemball 

Rob'  Goodale 

ElizAbeth  Kemball 

4 

Mary  Goodale 

4 

Susan  Kemball 

H 

Abraham  Goodale 

2 

Richard  Cutting 

11 

Isaacke  Goodale 

1 

Rich.  Kemball 

Hen.  Gouldson 

Henry  Kemball 

15 

Mary  Gouldson 

15 

Richard  Kemball 

11 

Ipswich  Customehouse  this  \2^  of  JSTov"  1634. 

Phil.  Browne  P.  Cust'.  Thos.  Clerc  Su'. 

Edw.  Man  Compt. 

S.  P.  O.  America  &  West  Indies. 
Vol.  375  (Original). 
List  of  Passengers  for  New  England  (inclosed  m  the 
Petition  of  Cuttinge  and  Andrews.) 


Ipswich. 
A  Note  of  the  names  and  ages  of  all  the  Passengers  w^  tooke 


Mere  Gleanings  for  JVew  England  History.       143 

shipping  in  the  Francis  of  Ipswich  Ma'  John  Cutting 
bound  for  New  England  the  last  of  April  1634. 


John  Beetes 
William  Haulton 
Nicholas  Jennings 
William  Westwoode 
Bridgett  his  Wife 
Cleare  Drap 
Robert  Rose 
Margery  his  Wife 
John  Bernard 
Mary  his  Wife 
William  Frebourne 
Mary  his  Wife 
Anthony  White 
Edward  Bugbye 
Rebecca  his  Wife 
Abraham  Newell 
Francis  his  Wife 
Just.  Houlding 
John  Pease 
Robert  Winge 
Judith  his  Wife 
John  Greene 


aged  40  y" 
23 

Robert  Pease 
Hugh  Mason 

22 

Hester  his  Wife 

28 
32 

Rowland  Stebing 
Sarah  his  Wife 

30 

Thomas  Sherwood 

40 

Alice  his  Wife 

40 
36 
38 
40 

Thomas  King 
John  Mapes 
Mary  Blosse 
Robert  Cooe 

33 

Anna  his  Wife 

27 
40 
32 

Mary  Onge 
Thomas  Boyden 
Richard  Wattlin 

50 

John  Lyvermore 

40 
23 
27 
60 

Richard  Pepper 
Mary  his  Wife 
Richard  Houlding 
Judeth  Garnett 

43 

Elizabeth  Hamond 

27 

Thurston  Clearke 

aged  27  y" 
28 
22 
40 
43 
48 
47 
19 
21 
40 
38 
43 
27 
21 
28 
28 
27 
30 
25 
26 
47 
44 


These  Persons  above  named  tooke  the  Oath  of  Allege- 
ance  and  supremacy  at  His  Maj''~  Custome  house  in  Ips- 
wich before  us  his  Maj''~  Officers,  according  to  the  order  of 
the  Lords  and  others  of  His  Maj^'~  most  Hon^^"  Privy  Coun- 
cell,  the  12^**  of  November  1634.  Ipswich  Custome  house. 
Phil  Browne  P  Custr.  Tho'  Clerc  Sur. 

Edw  :  Mann  Compt. 

S.  P.  0.    America  &  West  Indies. 
Vol.  375  (Original). 
List  of  Passengers  for  New  England  (inclosed  in  the  Peti- 
tion of  Cuttinge  and  Andrews.) 


Ipswich. 
A  note  of  all  the  names  and  ages  of  all  those  which  did  not 
take  the  Oath  of  Allegiance  or  Supremacy,  being  under 
age,  shipped  in  our  Port  In  the  Francis  of  Ipswich  Ma' 
John  Cutting,  bound  for  New  England  the  last  of  ApriQ 
1634. 


144       MoTt  Gleanings  for  Jfew  England  Histary. 


WiU-  Westwood 

John  Lea             aged 
Grace  Newells 

13  y" 
13 

Rob^  Rose 

John  Rose 

15 

Robert  Rose 

15 

Elizabeth  Rose 

13 

Mary  Rose 
Siamuel  Rose 

11 
9 

Sarah  Rose 

7 

Danyell  Rose 
Darcas  Rose 

3 
2 

Will-  Freebourne 

Mary  Freebourne 
Sarah  Freebourne 

7 
2 

John  Aldburgh 
Jno.  Bernard 

14 

Fayth  Newell 
Henry  Haward 

14 

7 

Abr.  Newell 

Abraham  Newell 

8 

John  Newell 

5 

Tsaacke  Newell 

2 

Edw.  Bugby 

Sarah  Bugbye 
Jno.  Pease 

4 

Fayth  Clearke 

15 

Robert  Pease 
Darcas  Greene 

Rowland  Stebing 
Thomas  Stebing 
Sarah  Stebing 
Elizabeth  Stebing 
John  Stebing 
Mary  Winche 

Mary  Blosse 

Richard  Blosse 

Tho'  Sherwood 

Anna  Sherwood 
Rose  Sherwood 
Thomas  Sherwood 
Rebecca  Sherwood 

Rob'  Cooe 

John  Cooe 
Robert  Cooe 
Benjamin  Cooe 

Rich.  Pepper 

Mary  Pepper 
Stephen  Beckett 

Eliz.  Hamond 

Elizabeth  Hamond 
Sarah  Hamond 
John  Hamond 


aged  3  ^ 
15 

14 

11 

6 

8 

15 

11 

14 

11 

10 

9 

8 
7 
5 

3i 
11 

15 
10 

7 


Ipswich  Custome  house  this  12^^  of  JVbv''  1634. 

Phil  Browne  P  Cust'.        Edw.  Mann  Comptr. 

S,  p.  O.    America  &  West  Indies. 
Vol.  375  (Original). 
List  of  Passengers  for  New  England  (inclosed  m  the  Peti- 
tion of  Cuttinge  and  Andrewes.) 


Southampton. 
The  list  of  the  names  of  Passengers  mtended  to  shipe  them- 
selves in  the  Bevis  of  Hampton  of  150  Tonnes,  Robert 
Batten  Master  for  New  England ;  and  thus  by  virtue  of 
the  Lord  Treasurer's  Warrant  of  the  second  of  May  w^** 
was  after  the  restrayne  and  they  some  dayes  gone  to  sea 
before  the  Kings  Maj*^  Proclamation  came  unto  South- 
ampton. 

Ages 

John  Frey  of  Basing,  Whelwrite,  bis  wife  and  three 

05  children. 

40    Richard  Austin  Tayler  of  Bisbopstocke,  his  Wife  and 

06  two  chUdren. 


ten. 


More  Oleamngsfor  JVeu;  England  History.       145 

Agm 

Robert  Ringht  his  servant  Carpenter. 
37    Christopher  Batt  of  Sarum  Tanner. 

32  Anne  his  Wife. 

20  Dorothie  Batt  there  sister,  and  five  children  under 

10        tenne  yeares. 

24  Thomas  Good      \ 

22  Eliza  Blackston  >  Servants. 

18  Rebecca  Pond     ) 

62  William  Carpenter  ?    #.  o       n  n 

33  William  Carfenter  j  "^  **°*^"»  *^'P«"»« 
32  Abiguel  Carpenter 
10  6c  under  and  fewer  Children. 
14  Tho'  Banshott,  Servant. 
3d  Annis  Littlefeild  and  six  Children. 

John  Ringht  Carpenter  >  a 
HeughDurdal  J  Servants. 

26  Henery  Byley  of  Sarum  Tanner. 

22  Mary  Byley. 

Thomas  Reeves  servant 

20  John  Biley. 

40  Richard  Dumer  of  New  england. 

35  Alee  Dumer. 

19  Thomas  Dumer. 
19  Joane  Dumer. 
10  Jane  Dumer. 

09  Stephen  Dumer  Husbandman.* 

06  Dorothie  Dumer. 

04  Richard  Dumer. 

02  Thomas  Dumer. 

30  John  Hutchinson  Carpenter 

26  JFrancis  Alcocke  virg'  t 

19  Adam  Allott  Tayler 
22  William  Wakefeild 

20  Nathannel  Parker  of  London  Backer!   I  g^py«|j#- 
18  Samuel  Poore  ' 

14  Dayell  Poore 
20  Alee  Poore 

15  Richard  Bayley 
20  Anne  Wakefeild 

The  number  of  the  Passengers  abovementioned  are  Six- 
tie  and  one  Soules. 

[Signed]  Heit.  Champ  ante  Cust^ 

[Qu.]  t  Tho*  Widefris  Coll'  and  Surv'. 
N.  Dinglet  Compt'. 

*  Perhaps  the  first  figure  on  the  left,  against  the  name  of  Stephen  Dumer,  shoold 
be  2.    Certainly  a  youth  of  nine  years  ou^ht  not  to  be  titled  kuAatutnum. 

t  What  the  words  marked  thus  import  is  oncertain. 

t  The  names  of  the  officen  at  Spatbampton,  1636.  will  explain  this  qneiy  of  the 
office  clerk  at  the  Sute  Paper  Office.    See  3  Mass.  Hist  Cdl.,  VIII.  380. 

TOL.   X.  '"         19 


146       Moft  Qleamngsfor  Jfew  England  SUary. 

[Indorsed] 

Southampton. 

1638. 

The  Certificate  and  list  of  the  Passengers  names  gone  for 

New  England  in  the  Bevis  of  Hampton  in  May  1638. 

S.  P.  O.  America  &  West  Indies. 

Vol  372    (Original). 

List  of  the  Passengers  for  New  England. 

Boston,  8  Jan^  1848. 


SUFFOLK   EMIGRANTS. 


GENEALOGICAL  NOTICES  OF  VABTOUS  PERSONS  AND  FAMI- 
LIES WHO  IN  THE  REIGN  OF  KING  CHARLES  THE 
FIRST  EMIGRATED  TO  NEW  ENGLAND  FROM 
THE  COUNTY  OF  SUFFOLK. 

CommuniaUed  to  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Sodetjf,  September  ^  1847, 

Bt  JOSEPH  HUNTER, 

A  MBMSBB  OP  THAT  SOOIBTT,  AMD  A  PnLOW  OP  TH«  SOOIBTMl  OP  AITTtaVAVm 
OF  LOMMN  AMD   MSWOASTU  UPON  TTMJI. 


In  the  progress  of  a  rather  extensive  course  of  reading 
in  the  MS.  collections  of  genealogy  at  the  British  Museum, 
I  have  become  acquainted  with  one  manuscript  to  which 
very  little,  if  any,  attention  has  hitherto  been  paid.  It  is 
in  the  Harleian  department  of  the  Library,  having  been 
purchased  for  the  Earl  of  Oxford  by  Wanley,  in  1716, 
as  appears  by  a  memorandum  at  the  beginning  in  Wanley's 
own  handwriting.  It  is  numbered  6071.  The  descripticm 
of  it  in  the  Catalogue  conveys  no  clear  idea  of  its  nature 
and  contents,  and  is  wholly  disproportionate  to  its  curiosity 
and  value  :  —  '^  An  Heraldical  Book  shewing  the  Descent 
and  Pedigree  of  the  Kings  of  England,  and  of  several  Fam- 
ilies of  the  Nobility  and  Gentry,  with  an  Alphabetical  Index 
at  each  End.  Contains  647  pages."  It  is  plainly  an  au- 
tograph manuscript  of  some  zealous  genealogist,  containing 
much  matter  peculiar  to  itself.  There  is  in  no  part  of  it 
any  express  claim  to  the  authorship  by  the  person  whose 
work  it  is,  and  the  compiler  of  the  Catalogue  does  not,  as 
we  see,  attempt  to  settle  this  question.  I  have,  however, 
succeeded  in  tracing  it  to  its  author ;  and  the  knowledge  of 
its  author  gives  to  it  additional  value  and  high  authority. 


1 48  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

It  is  the  work  of  one  of  the  Puritan  divines  of  the  century 
before  the  last,  one  of  the  very  few  ministers  of  that  class 
who  paid  any  attention  to  historical  or  genealogical  in- 
quiry. His  name  was  Matthias  Candler;  born  February 
24,  1604;  educated  in  the  University  of  Cambridge;  be- 
came M.  A.,  and  in  1629  was  presented  to  the  vicarage  of 
Codenham,  in  SuflTolk,  a  place  in  the  hundred  of  Bosmere, 
near  to  Needham-Market,  and  but  a  few  miles  north  of  Ips- 
wich. His  father  was  a  schoolmaster  at  Yoxford,  and  his 
mother  a  member  of  a  large  family  named  Fiske,  some  of 
whom  had  been  sufferers  in  the  persecution  of  the  Protes- 
tants in  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary,  and  others,  his  near  rela- 
tions, had  removed  themselves,  in  the  time  of  the  great 
Puritan  emigration,  to  New  England.  His  wife  was  one  of 
a  large  family  of  SuflTolk  divines  bearing  the  name  of  Dev- 
ereux,  a  name  rarely  found,  except  in  the  instance  of  this 
family,  but  in  near  connection  with  eminent  dignities  in 
England.  Her  father  was  rector  of  Rattlesden  in  SuflTolk. 
The  issue  of  this  marriage  was  three  sons,  who  all  took  or- 
ders and  were  all  beneficed,  before  their  father's  death,  in 
the  counties  of  SuflTolk  and  Essex, — namely,  Nicholas,  who 
was  vicar  of  Framlingham,  John,  rector  of  Little  Bromley, 
and  Philip,  who  had  the  Key  Church  in  Ipswich.  All  these 
particulars  are  from  his  own  Manuscript ;  but  from  Dr.  Cal- 
amy's  Account  of  the  Ejected  and  Silenced  Ministers  by  the 
Act  of  Uniformity^  1662,  p.  652,  we  learn  that  Mr.  Candler 
was  one  of  the  clergymen  of  the  diocese,  on  whom  had  fall- 
en the  displeasure  of  Bishop  Wren,  the  great  enemy  of  the 
Puritans,  and  that  he  declined  to  comply  with  the  require- 
ments of  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  and  gave  up  his  living  of 
Codenham.  He  is  described  as  having  been  for  many 
years  a  most  influential  minister,  opposing  at  once  prelatical 
tyranny  and  the  wild  enthusiasm  of  the  times.  He  lived 
not  long  as  a  non-conforming  minister,  dying  in  March, 
1663. 

Dr.  Calamy  further  informs  us,  that  "He  had  one  pe- 
culiar study  and  diversion  that  made  him  acceptable  to  gen- 
tlemen, which  was  Heraldry  and  Pedigrees.  He  had  really 
been  a  fit  man  to  have  wrote  the  Antiquities  of  the  Country 
[qu.  County?].  Let  none  condemn  him  for  this,  lest  they 
also  condemn  their  own  great  Bishop  Saunderson,  who  was 


Suffolk  EmigrofUs.  1 49 

much  more  swallowed  up  in  the  same  studies.''  In  an- 
other  place,  p.  662,  Dr.  Calamy  prints  a  letter  which  he 
had  received  from  Mr.  John  Fairfax,  another  of  the  ejected 
ministers  of  Suffolk,  written  in  1696,  excusing  himself  for 
not  complying  with  Dr.  Calamy's  request  that  he  would 
send  him  his  recollections  of  his  brethren  in  the  Puritan 
ministry,  in  which  he  refers  thus  to  Mr.  Candler  and  his 
studies :  —  "I  was  well  acquainted  with  a  very  wise  and 
observant  minister,  Mr.  Candler,  who  has  been  dead  now 
many  years,  who  I  know  did  commit  to  writing  whatever 
he  met  with  that  was  remarkable." 

These  testimonies  will  be  sufficient  to  entide  Mr.  Can- 
dler's labors  to  respect.  It  must,  however,  be  added,  that 
the  Manuscript  in  the  Museum  is  not  written  in  that  suc- 
cinct and  precise  manner  in  which  it  is  so  desirable  that 
pedigrees  should  be  drawn  ;  that  there  is  sometimes  difficul- 
ty in  tracing  the  lines,  and  therefore  uncertainty  respecting 
the  intention  of  the  author.  Further,  that  the  handwriting 
b  somewhat  careless,  or  perhaps  affected  by  the  state  of  his 
health,  the  volume  being  for  the  most  part  written  in  the 
four  or  five  years  preceding  his  decease. 

The  Manuscript  is  divided  into  two  nearly  equal  portions. 
The  first  part,  consisting  of  Pedigrees  of  the  Royal  Family 
of  England  and  of  the  Peers,  is  of  small  value,  containing 
little,  if  any  thing,  that  is  not  to  be  found  in  better  and 
ordmary  authorities.  But  the  second  portion  is  of  great 
curiosity.  It  consists  of  accounts  of  families  to  whom  the 
author  was  himself  allied,  or  with  whom  he  was  well  ac- 
quainted, —  some  of  them,  indeed,  of  families  who  appear- 
ed at  the  Heralds'  Visitations ;  but  many,  of  such,  who, 
though  persons  of  good  condition,  clergymen  and  mer- 
chants, were  not  of  the  rank  of  those  of  whose  descents 
the  Heralds  took  cognizance,  and  concerning  whom  it  is 
therefore  easy  to  obtain  information,  but  the  rank  immedi- 
ately below  them.  Any  person  accustomed  to  such  re- 
search at  the  sources  of  genealogical  information  in  England 
knows  how  difficult  it  is  to  obtain  complete  knowledge  con- 
cerning families  of  this  class,  and  will  therefore  be  prepared 
to  value  as  they  deserve  the  accounts  which  Mr.  Candler 
has  given  us. 

As  his  connection,  both  by  descent  and  marriage,  lay  very 


150  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

much  among  the-  Puritans  of  his  time,  and  as  his  acquaint- 
ance were  principally  among  the  Puritan  families  of  his 
neighbourhood,  a  large  portion  of  his  original  Pedigrees  re- 
lates to  the  Puritan  families  of  the  county  of  Suffolk.  I 
need  not  remind  the  members  of  the  Massachusetts  Histor- 
ical Society,  that  the  first  governor  of  New  England,  John 
Winthrop,  or  Winthorpe,  was  of  a  family  settled  at  Groton 
in  that  county,  and  that  he  resided  there  till  his  removal  to 
New  England  in  1630,  whither  the  greater  part  of  his  fam- 
ily soon  followed  him  ;  or  that  there  were  several  persons 
who  had  previously  lived  in  the  parts  of  the  county  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Groton,  who  either  accompanied  the  Gov- 
ernor or  soon  followed  him.  Now  several  of  these  persons 
are  specifically  named  by  Candler  as  emigrating  to  New 
England  ;  others  he  names,  of  whom  we  know  from  other 
evidence  that  they  did  remove  to  the  new  country ;  and,  as 
he  gives  a  few  particulars  of  their  descent  and  alliances,  and 
sometimes  of  their  station  and  rank  in  the  old  country,  it 
appeared  to  me  that  I  might  be  doing  not  an  unacceptable 
service,  at  least  to  those  who  trace  their  descent  from  the 
earlier  settlers,  by  extracting  the  notices,  seldom  more  full 
than  pedigrees  usually  afford,  which  this  Manuscript  con- 
tains, of  persons  who  removed  themselves  from  these  parts 
of  Suffolk  to  the  new  country. 

It  were  to  be  desired  that  Mr.  Candler  had  left  us  an  ac- 
count of  the  Winthrops  themselves;  for  there  are  still  some 
difficulties,  after  all  the  labor  which  Mr.  Savage  has  be- 
stowed upon  the  investigation  of  their  family  history,  and 
all  that  the  Governor  has  himself  told  us  in  his  History,  or 
that  may  be  collected  from  the  family  correspondence  which 
forms  so  valuable  an  accompaniment  to  the  History  in  Mr. 
Savage's  edition.  It  will  be  observed,  however,  that  the 
Winthrops,  at  least  the  heads  of  the  family,  had  abandoned 
Suffolk  as  early  as  1630,  twenty-six  years  before  Candler 
began  this  work.  Had  they  remained  there  during  the 
Commonwealth,  we  should  doubtless  have  found  a  record 
of  so  pious  and  influential  a  family,  who  had  friends  at  Co- 
denham,  where  we  have  such  ample  accounts  of  their  neigh- 
bours, the  Gurdons  at  Assington,  the  Brands,  and  many 
others,  who  resembled  the  Winthrops  in  position  and  char- 
acter, and  were  their  intimate  associates. 


Suffolk  Emigrants.  1 5 1 

I  know  not  whether  it  can  be  affirmed  with  certainty,  that 
John  Winthrop,  and  such  persons  as  might  accompany  him 
in  the  same  little  fleet,  were  the  first  Suffolk  emigrants  to 
New  England.  It  is  probable  that  the  Governor  was  the 
first  of  the  Suffolk  Puritans  who  ventured  to  take  the  de- 
cisive and  hazardous  step,  —  at  least,  I  perceive  nothing  in 
Mr.  Candler's  Pedigrees  from  which  it  can  be  inferred  that 
any  emigration  had  taken  place  previously  to  the  year  1630. 

But  though  this  Manuscript  affords  no  information  re- 
specting the  family  which  produced  him  who  has  been  called 
the  Founder,  the  First  Governor,  and  the  Father  of  Massa- 
chusetts, I  may  be  allowed  to  make  one  remark  concerning 
his  genealogy,  as  it  will  give  me  the  opportunity  of  enliven- 
ing what  must  necessarily  be  a  paper  of  detail  with  verse, 
probably  the  only  remaining  specimen  of  the  verse  of  Adam 
Winthrop,  the  father  of  the  Governor. 

Adam  Winthrop  received  as  a  present  from  his  "  sister. 
Lady  Mildmay,"  in  1607,  "a  stone  pot  tipped  and  covered 
with  a  silver  lid,"  which  is  still  preserved  as  a  relic  in  the 
family.  Mr.  Savage,  to  whose  edition  of  Winthrop's  History 
I  owe  this  information,  has  not  shown  us  which  of  the  Lady 
Mild  mays  of  his  time  (for  there  were  several)  stood  in  the 
relation  of  sister  to  Adam  Winthrop ;  but  in  his  communi-* 
cation  to  the  Society  of  information  collected  by  him  in 
England  in  the  year  1842,  he  gives  an  extract  from  the  par- 
ish register  of  Groton,  which  distinctly  shows  that  it  was 
Thomas,  son  of  William  Mildmay,  who  married  Alice  Win- 
throp, the  sister  of  Adam,  and  he  correctly  states  that  this 
Thomas  Mildmay  was  Mildmay  of  Springfield  Barns  in 
Essex,  was  knighted,  and  that  thus  the  daughter  of  Win- 
throp became  Lady  Mildmay.  This  lady  is,  indeed,  dis- 
tinctly described  by  Morant,  in  his  History  of  the  County 
of  Essex  (Vol.  II.  p.  24),  as  Alice,  daughter  of  Adam  Win- 
throp of  Groton.  Morant  further  informs  us,  that  Sir  Henry 
Mildmay,  of  Graces  in  the  parish  of  Baddow  near  Chelms- 
ford, was  the  issue  of  this  marriage.  This  Sir  Henry  and 
his  family  are  the  Mildmays  who  are  named  occasionally  in 
the  Winthrop  Letters.  He  lived  till  1639,  when  he  died  at 
the  age  of  sixty-one.  The  wife  of  this  Sir  Henry  was  a 
near  neighbour  and  friend  of  the  Winthrops,  a  daughter  of 
Gurdon  of  Assington,  the  next  parish  to  Groton,  the  family 


152  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

intended  by  the  (roveroory  when,  in  bis  first  letter  to  Grro- 
ton  from  tbe  new  country,  be  desires  to  be  remembered  to 
all  at  Assington ;  and  this  Lady  Mildmay  (not  the  Lady 
Mildmay  originally  a  Wintbrop,  as  might  at  first  sight  be 
supposed)  is  the  lady  to  whom  the  lines  which  follow 
were  addressed  by  Adam  Winthrop.  There  is  something 
pleasing  in  them,  and  we  may  observe  that  they  exhibit 
something  of  the  same  feeling  which  we  may  collect  from 
some  passages  of  his  son's  writings  belonged  to  him.  The 
child  who  was  thus  welcomed  to  the  world  became  in  due 
time  member  for  his  county,  and  was  the  ^  implacable  po- 
litical enemy  of  Sir  John  Bramston  "  {Autobiography  of  Sir 
JohUj  p.  122).  The  lines  are  preserved  in  a  Miscellany  of 
Poetiy  of  the  time,  now  No.  1698  of  the  Harleian  MSS. 

Verses  made  by  ilf  Adam  Winthropp  to  the  Ladie  Mildmay  at  /  hyrlh 

of  her  Sonne  Henery. 

Madame.     I  mourne  not  like  the  swanoe 

That  readye  is  to  die 
But  with  the  PhoeDix  I  rejoyce 
When  she  in  fire  doth  frye. 

My  soule  doth  praise  the  Lord 
And  magnifie  his  name 
For  this  swete  childe  which  in  yo'  wombe 
He  did  most  finely  frame. 

And  on  a  blessed  day 

Hath  made  him  to  be  borne 
That  with  his  gif^es  of  heavenly  grace 
His  soule  he  might  adorne. 

Grod  graunt  him  happie  days 
In  joye  &  peace  to  ly ve 
And  more  of  his  most  blessed  fruite 
He  unto  you  doe  give. 

Amen. 


Verses  to  her  sonne. 

Ah  me  what  doe  I  meane 
To  take  my  penne  in  hande 
More  meete  it  were  for  me  to  reste 
And  silent  still  to  stande 

For  pleasure  take  I  none 
In  any  worldlie  thince 
Hut  evermore  methinks  I  heare 
My  fatal!  bell  to  ringe 


Suffolk  Emigrants.  163 

Yet  when  the  joyfull  newes 
Did  come  unto  my  eare 
That  god  had  given  to  her  a  soone 
Who  is  my  nephew  deere 

My  harte  was  iGilde  with  joye 
My  spirits  revived  all 
And  from  my  olde  6c  barren  brayne 
These  verses  rude  did  fall. 


Welcome  sweete  babe  thou  art 
Unto  thy  parents  deere 
Whose  hartes  thou  filled  hast  with  joy 
As  well  yt  doth  appeare. 

The  day  even  of  thy  byrth 
When  light  thou  first  didst  see 
Foresheweth  that  a  joyfull  life 
Shall  happen  unto  thee. 

For  blessed  is  that  daye 
And  to  be  kept  in  mynde 
On  which  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ 
Was  borne  to  save  mankinde. 

Growe  up  therfore  in  grace 
And  feare  his  holie  name 
Who  in  thy  mothers  secreat  wombe 
Thy  members  all  did  frame 

And  gave  to  th^e  a  soule 
Thy  bodie  to  susteyne 
Which  when  this  life  shall  ended  be 
In  heaven  with  him  shall  reigne 

Love  him  with  all  thy  harte 
And  make  thy  parents  gladd 
As  Samuell  did  whom  of  the  Lord 
His  mother  Anna  had 

God  graunt  that  they  may  live 
To  see  from  thee  to  springe 
Another  like  unto  thy  selfe 

Who  may  more  joy  then  bringe 

And  from  all  wicked  wayes 
That  godles  men  do  trace 
Pray  daylie  that  he  will  thee  keepe 
By  his  most  mightie  grace 

That  when  thy  dayes  shall  ende 
In  his  appoynted  tyme 
Thou  mayest  yelde  up  a  blessed  soule 
Defiled  with  noe  cryme. 

VOL.   X.  20 


154  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

And  to  thy  mother  deere 
Obedient  be  and  kinde 
Give  eare  unto  her  loveing  words 
And  print  them  in  thy  mynde 

Thy  father  alsoe  love 
And  willingly  obey 
That  thou  mayst  long  possesse  those  lands 
Which  he  must  leave  one  daye. 

FINIS. 

Among  the  persons  who  were  in  the  fleet  in  which  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop  sailed,  in  1630,  was  a  young  man  named 
Brand,  of  whom  he  speaks  thus  m  a  farewell  letter  to  Mrs. 
Winthrop  at  Groton,  written  from  "  on  board  the  Arbella 
riding  before  Yarmouth,  April  3,  1630":  —  "My  brother 
Arthur  hath  carried  it  very  soberly  since  he  came  on  ship- 
board, and  so  hath  Mr.  Brand's  son,  and  my  cousin  Ro,  Samp- 
son " ;  and  we  find  a  "  Mr.  Benjamin  Brand,"  no  doubt  the 
same  person,  desiring  to  be  made  a  freeman  at  the  Gen- 
eral Court  of  Massachusetts  held  October  19,  1630,  a  few 
weeks  after  the  arrival  of  the  fleet.  (Savage's  Winthrop, 
Vol.  II.  p.  361.)*  It  will  hardly  be  doubted  that  this  is  a 
Benjamin  Brand  who  appears  in  one  of  Candler's  Pedi- 
grees, though  the  circumstance  of  his  having  removed  to 
New  England  is  not  expressly  set  out  by  Candler.  He  was 
one  of  a  large  family,  children  of  a  John  Brand,  who  re- 
sided at  Street  End,  in  Edwardston,  a  parish  adjoining  to 
Groton,  and  brother  of  Joseph  Brand,  who,  in  1656,  was 
residing  at  Street  End,  and  had  several  children  by  Thom- 
asine  Trotter,  his  wife,  among  whom  was  a  daughter  named 
Thomasine,  who  had  married  one  of  the  sons  of  Sir  Na- 
thaniel Barnardiston,  an  eminent  Suffolk  Puritan.  Of  Ben- 
jamin Brand  we  have  nothing  but  the  name;  and  as  it 
appears  that  he  was  never  of  any  consideration  in  New 
England,  and  that  no  family  sprang  from  him  there,  so  that 
it  is  probable  he  either  died  young  or  returned  to  this 
country,  I  shall  say  no  more  of  this  family,  than  that  they 
sprang  from  a  John  Brand  of  the  Brick  House,  in  Boxford,  a 
rich  clothier,  who  established  three  sons  in  a  respectable  po- 
sition in  the  neighbourhood  of  Groton,  —  two  of  them,  John 

*  Ai  he  did  not  take  the  oath  in  May  after,  we  may  be  sure  he  was  not  here  then. 
—  S. 


Suffolk  Emigrants.  155 

and  Benjamin,  at  Edwardston,  and  Jacob  at  Polstead,  where 
his  family  were  lords  of  the  manor  and  patrons  of  the 
church.  The  John  just  mentioned  is  the  father  of  Benja- 
min. It  is  probable  that  the  present  Lord  Dacre  (a  Brand), 
the  Brands  of  The  Hoo,  and  the  Brands  of  The  Hyde,  in 
Essex,  one  of  whom,  Mr.  Brand  Hollis,  was  a  benefactor  to 
Harvard  College,  were  descendants  of  the  family,  one  of 
whom  accompanied  the  Governor  to  New  England.  In  his 
first  letter  to  Groton  from  New  England,  dated  July  30, 
1630,  the  Governor  desires  his  remembrance  to  Mr.  Brand. 

In  the  same  letter  he  desires  to  be  remembered  to  Mr. 
Mott  and  his  wife,  and  it  appears  by  a  former  letter,  written 
in  October,  1629,  that  Mr.  Mott  was  meditating  to  join  Mr. 
Winthrop  in  the  expedition  on  which  he  was  then  intent. 
The  occurrence  of  the  name  of  Mr.  Mott  in  near  connection 
with  that  of  Mr.  Brand  renders  it  probable  that  the  person 
meant  is  Thomas  Mott,  a  clergyman  in  Suffolk,  who  had, 
then  or  afterwards,  the  living  of  Stoke-by-Nayland,  and 
who  had  married  Sarah  Brand,  one  of  the  daughters  of 
John  of  Street  End.  He  survived  the  Restoration,  and  was 
one  of  the  Puritan  ministers  ejected  by  the  Act  of  Uni- 
formity. His  daughter  was  the  wife  of  William  Gumall,  a 
Non-conforming  minister,  author  of  that  popular  work.  The 
Christian  in  Complete  JlrmoWy  4to,  1 655.  The  mother  of 
Dame  Sarah  Hewley,  the  great  benefactress  of  the  Non- 
conformists of  England,  was  a  Mott.  I  perceive,  however, 
that  an  Adam  Mott  received  his  freedom  in  1636.* 

With  the  letters  of  the  Winthrops  before  me,  I  shall  tres- 
pass so  far  beyond  the  professed  object  of  this  communicat- 
tion,  to  remark  that  "  all  those  at  Codenham  Hall,**  to  whom 
the  Governor  desires  his  remembrance  in  the  first  letter 
written  to  Groton  from  New  England,  must  mean  the  fami- 
ly of  Choppine,  then  represented  by  Tollemach  Choppine, 
whose  brother  was  a  sergeant-major  of  horse  in  the  Irish 
wars.     Codenham  was  Candler's  living. 

Casdeins,  another  house  to  which  remembrances  are  sent, 
was  in  Groton,  and  the  residence  of  the  Cloptons,  of  whom 
was  the  second  wife  of  the  Governor,  as  indeed  Mr.  Savage 

*  This  Adam  Mott  came  in  1635,  with  wife  and  five  children,  embarked  in  the  De- 
fence with  Rev.  Thomas  @hepard.  He  was  from  Cambridge,  and  probably  not  re- 
lated to  the  Saffolk  family.  —  S. 


1 56  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

has  observed  in  his  late  communication  to  the  Society. 
Assington  Hall  is,  as  before  observed,  the  seat  of  the 
Gurdons. 

Mr.  Leigh  is  another  name  which  frequently  occurs  in  the 
Winthrop  correspondence.  This  was  William  Leigh,  rec- 
tor of  Groton,  a  different  person  from  William  Leigh  who 
was  ejected  at  Gorton^  in  Lancashire  (Calamy,  Account^ 
&c.,  p.  412),  with  whom  Mr.  Savage  confounds  him  (Win- 
throp, Vol.  L  p.  347).  William  Leigh,  Winthrop's  friend, 
was  the  son  of  Ralph  Leigh,  a  Cheshire  man,  who  had 
been  a  soldier  under  the  Earl  of  Essex  at  Cadiz,  by  Doro- 
thy his  wife,  a  daughter  of  William  Kemp  of  Finchingfield, 
Esquire,  and  the  authoress  of  a  book  called  The  Mothers 
Blessing.  The  wife  of  the  rector  of  Groton  was  Elizabeth 
Newton,  whose  father  was  preacher  at  Bury  St.  Edmunds, 
and  had  been  a  fellow  of  St.  John's,  Cambridge.  The  eld- 
est son  of  Leigh  was  also  a  fellow  of  that  college,  and  bad 
a  living  in  Cambridgeshire ;  and  of  the  daughters,  one  was 
a  schoolmistress  at  Bury  (an  early  instance  of  the  daughter 
of  a  family  of  respectability  so  employed)  and  another  was 
the  wife  of  a  minister. 

We  proceed  now  to  a  Suffolk  family  which  produced 
many  emigrants,  and  which  struck  deep  root  in  the  New 
England  soil 

It  has  been  ah^ady  observed  that  the  mother  of  Cand- 
ler was  of  this  family.  There  were  several  branches  of  it 
in  the  southern  parts  of  the  county  of  Suffolk,  all  springing 
fix)m  a  Richard  Fiske  who  lived  at  the  Broad  Gates  m 
Laxfield  or  Loxfield,  the  great-grandfather  of  Candler's 
mother.  Laxfield  is  a  rural  village  north  of  Framlingham, 
where  the  inhabitants  were  so  zealous  for  the  Reforma- 
tion, that  one  of  them,  John  Noyes,  was  most  barbarously 
put  to  death  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary.  Fox,  in  his  ac- 
count of  the  burning  of  Noyes,  speaks  of  Nicholas  Fiske, 
who  was  one  of  the  sons  of  Richard.  Two  other  of  his 
sons,  Robert  and  William,  fled  in  the  time  of  that  terrible 
persecution.  Sibil,  the  wife  of  Robert,  was  in  great  danger 
m  those  times,  as  was  her  sister  Isabella,  originally  Gold, 
who  was  confined  in  the  Castle  of  Norwich,  and  escaped 
death  only  by  the  power  of  her  brothers,  who  were  men  of 
great  influence  in  the  county.     It  does  not  appear  that 


Suffolk  Emigrants.  157 

Nicholas  had  any  issue.  William,  who  had  fled,  was  the 
subject  of  a  parricide,  for  which  his  son,  Joseph  Fiske,  suf- 
fered the  penalty  of  death  at  Bury  St.  Edmunds.  Of  this 
branch  of  the  family  nothing  more  need  be  said,  or  of  the 
descendants  of  other  sons  of  Richard,  than  Robert,  from 
whom  sprang  all  of  the  name  who  were  in  the  early  emi- 
gration. Robert  Fiske  had,  by  Sibil  Gold,  his  wife,  four 
sons  and  one  daughter.  The  sons  were  William,  Jeffery, 
Thomas,  and  Eleazar.  Eleazar  had  no  issue;  but  the 
progeny  of  William,  Jeffery,  and  Thomas,  in  whole  or  in 
part,  settled  in  New  England. 

William  is  described  by  his  grandson  as  of  St.  James  in 
South  Elmham,  and  it  is  said  of  him,  that  he  fled  with  his 
father.  His  wife  was  Anne,  daughter  of  Walter  Ansty,  of 
Tibnam  Long  Row,  in  Norfolk.  They  had  John,  Nathan- 
iel, and  Eleazar,  Eunice,  Hannah,  and  Esther.  Eunice  died, 
unmarried ;  Esther  married  John  Challie  of  Red  Hall,  and 
Hannah,  William  Candler,  and  was  the  mother  of  our  gen- 
ealogist. Of  the  sons,  Eleazar  settled  at  Norwich  and  had 
female  issue  only ;  Nathaniel  was  of  Waybred,  and  had 
children  who  appear  to  have  remained  in  England ;  but  of 
the  children  of  John,  all  that  lived  to  grow  up,  four  in 
number,  transferred  themselves  to  the  new  country.  John 
Fiske,  the  father,  died  in  1633.  His  wife  was  Anne, 
daughter  of  Robert  Lantersee. 

These  are  the  four  persons  of  one  family,  two  brothers 
and  two  sisters,  all  married,  of  whom  Mather  speaks  in  the 
Magnaliay  Part  III.  p.  141,  and  what  has  now  been  related 
corresponds  with  what  he  says  of  this  family  being  descend- 
ed of  persecuted  ancestors.  The  two  brothers  were  John 
and  William,  and  there  cannot  be  a  doubt  that  John  is  the 
"  Mr.  John  Fiske "  who  was  made  a  freeman  at  a  Court 
held  in  March,  1637-8  (Savage's  Winthrop,  Vol.11,  p.  367). 
Mather  says  that  he  was  the  elder  brother,  and  that  he  died 
January  14,  1676.  His  wife  was  Ann  Gipps,  of  Frinshali, 
in  Norfolk.  They  had  a  child  who  was  born  at  Frinshali, 
but  died  in  infancy.  A  son,  Nathaniel,  died  an  infant. 
Three  other  children,  John,  Sarah,  and  Moses,  were  bom  in 
New  England;  and  here  Candler's  account  of  this  branch 
of  the  family  ends.  William,  the  other  son  of  John  senior, 
and  brother  to  John  junior,  who  emigrated,  is  probably  the 


1 58  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

William  Fiske  who,  in  1642,  was  admitted  a  freeman.  I 
shall  now  forbear  special  references  to  Mr.  Savage's  volume 
for  these  admissions.  William  died  in  New  England  in 
1654.  He  married  Bridget  Muskett  of  Pelham,  by  whom 
he  had  William,  Samuel,  Joseph,  Benjamin,  and  Martha. 

Of  the  two  daughters  of  John  Fiske  and  Anne  Lanter- 
see,  who  with  their  husbands  removed  to  New  England,  I 
defer  speaking  till  an  account  has  been  given  of  the  other 
males  of  this  family. 

We  revert,  then,  to  Jeffery,  another  son  of  Robert  Fiske, 
and  Sibil  his  wife.  The  account  of  his  family  is  not  so 
clearly  given  in  the  Manuscript  as  to  remove  all  doubt  re- 
specting the  true  descent  as  Mr.  Candler  understood  it; 
but  it  appears  that  Jeffery  had  a  son  named  Nathaniel, 
who  took  his  family  to  New  England,  in  conformity  with 
which  we  find  a  Nathan  Fiske  admitted  freeman  in  1643. 
There  was  also  a  David  Fiske  of  this  branch  of  the  family, 
who  emigrated,  a  son  of  Jeffery  or  of  Nathaniel,  whose 
wife  was  Sarah  Smith,  a  daughter  of  Edmund  Smith  of 
Wrentham.  He  took  his  freedom  in  1638,  and  possibly 
again  in  1647.*  A  Martha  Fiske,  another  descendant  of 
Jeffery,  daughter  or  granddaughter,  married  Under- 
wood, and  emigrated  to  America,  whose  husband  was  prob- 
ably the  Joseph  Underwood  who  had  his  freedom  in  1 645. 
Indeed,  it  is  uncertain  whether  Candler  did  not  mean  to 
say  that  Jeffery  Fiske  himself  emigrated. 

And  lastly,  James  and  Phineas  Fiske,  who  were  admitted 
freemen  in  1642,  are  doubtless  the  two  brothers  so  named, 
sons  of  Thomas,  son  of  Robert  and  Sibil,  though  Candler, 
when  he  inserts  them  in  the  Pedigree,  says  nothing  of 
their  having  gone  to  the  new  country. 

The  proper  place  in  the  Pedigree  has  thus  been  assigned 
to  each  of  the  six  persons  of  this  name  who  are  in  the  list 
of  those  made  freemen  during  the  life  of  Governor  Win- 
throp. 

The  Fiskes  made  pretension  to  coat-armour;  namely, 
Checkie,  argent  and  gules,  on  a  pale  sable  three  mul- 
lets or. 

The  two  sisters  of  John  and  William  Fiske,  who  with 

*  David,  1647,  waa  oo  doubt  son  of  the  freeman  of  1638.  —  S. 


Suffolk  Emip-ants.  1 59 

their  brothers  and  husbands  removed  to  New  England,  were 
named  Anne  and  Martha.* 

Anne  was  the  wife  of  Francis  Chickering,  the  same,  no 
doubt,  who  had  his  freedom  in  1640.  Who  this  Francis 
Chickering  was  I  know  not,  further  than  is  to  be  found  in 
Candler's  Manuscript,  which  gives  no  description  of  him ; 
but  in  Savage's  Winthrop,  note  at  Vol.  I.  p.  84,  a  Rev. 
Mr.  Chickering,  minister  of  Wobum,  is  mentioned,  who 
might  *be  supposed  to  be  the  same,  were  not  his  Christian 
name  said  to  be  Joseph  in  his  place  in  Mr.  Savage's  Index. 
Candler  speaks  of  another  Chickering,  whose  Christian 
name  was  unknown  to  him,  who  married  the  widow  *  of  a 
first  cousin  of  Candler's  father,  Benjamin  Smith,  farmer,  of 
Northall  in  Wrentham.  This  Mr.  Chickering,  he  further 
says,  went  to  New  England  after  the  death  of  his  wife. 
Benjamin  Smith  was  brother  to  Sarah,  wife  of  David  Fiske 
the  emigrant. 

Martha  Fiske,  the  other  daughter  of  John,  married  Cap- 
tain Edmund  Thompson,  a  son  of  John  Thompson,  of 
Holkham  in  Norfolk,  by  Anne  his  wife,  daughter  of  John 
Hastings  of  that  place.  They  had  four  children  born  in 
New  England,  Martha,  Edmund,  Thomas,  and  Hannah. 
They  returned  to  England  and  resided  at  Yarmouth,  where 
they  had  three  children  born  to  them,  John,  Esther,  and 
John,  who  all  died  in  infancy.  Candler  further  informs  us, 
that  Captain  Thompson,  who  was  a  sea-captain,  served  the 
States  after  the  death  of  King  Charles  the  First. 

Two  other  of  the  early  settlers  from  these  parts  of  England 
were  related  to  the  Fiskes.  These  were  Joshua  and  Antho- 
ny Fisher,  who  took  their  freedoms,  Joshua  in  1640,  and 

Anthony  in  1 646.    They  were  brothers,  sons  of Fisher 

of  Sileham,  by  his  wife  Mary,  who  was  probably  another 
daughter  of  William  and  Anne  Fiske  of  South  Elmham ; 
but  this  is  another  instance  in  which  we  have  to  regret  that 
Candler  did  not  draw  his  pedigrees  with  more  precision. 
Candler  does  not  give  us  any  further  information  respecting 
them ;  but  we  may  form  some  idea  of  the  class  of  society 
from  which  they  sprang,  from  the  notice  which  he  takes  of 
two  of  their  brothers,  who  appear  to  have  remained  in  Eng- 

*  Our  Henry  Chickering  of  Dedham  was,  perhaps,  brother  of  Fnuicii.  — S. 


160  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

land  :  Cornelius,  who  was  M.  A.,  and  taught  the  school  at 
East  Bergholt ;  and  Amos,  who  farmed  an  estate  called  Cust- 
ridge  Hall  in  the  parish  of  Weeley,  which  is  in  the  hun- 
dred of  Tendring,  between  Colchester  and  the  sea.  Cor- 
nelius left  no  issue,  and  his  widow  remained  with  George 
Smith,  a  clergyman,  who  was  one  of  the  ministers  at  Ded- 
ham,  a  famous  seat  of  Puritan  piety.  Amos  married  Anne 
Morice,  the  relict  of  Daniel  Locke,  and  had  several  children 
settled  in  those  parts  of  Essex,  of  whom  it  is  not  known 
that  any  of  them  followed  in  the  steps  of  their  two  uncles. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Robert  and  Sibil  Fiske,  of 
whom  their  descendants  were  accustomed  to  speak  with 
respect,  as  Protestant  confessors  in  the  reign  of  Queen 
Mary,  had,  beside  the  four  sons,  a  daughter.     She  married 

Bernard,  who  was  farmer  of  the  estate  of  Custridge 

Hall,  which  he  held  of  Sir  Edward  Coke,  the  Lord  Chief- 
Justice.  And  having  mentioned  this  marriage,  Candler 
brings  before  us  a  genealogical  fact  of  great  curiosity  and 
importance.  It  is,  that  a  daughter  of  this  Bernard  married 
a  Locke,  and  was  the  mother  of  John  Locke,  whom,  writ- 
ing about  1660,  he  describes  simply  as  "John  Locke, 
M.  A."  Very  little  is  known  of  Locke's  father,  but  no  one 
who  has  written  on  his  life  has  had  the  slightest  knowledge 
of  the  mother  to  whom  we  owe  this  eminent  man.  Cand- 
ler was  uncertain  whether  Mrs.  Locke  were  issue  of  the 
marriage  of  Bernard  with  Fiske,  or  of  some  earlier  mar- 
riage of  Bernard.  But  it  is  clear,  whichever  way  it  is,  that 
the  mother  of  Locke  must  have  been  brought  up  among 
the  more  zealous  Puritans  of  the  counties  of  Essex  and 
Suffolk,  that  she  must  have  heard  from  her  infancy  stories 
of  religious  persecutions,  that  she  must  have  seen  near 
connections  of  her  family  leaving  their  native  homes  to  find, 
as  they  supposed,  security  and  peace  in  a  distant  land ; 
and  the  feeling  thus  engendered  in  her  mind  we  may  easily 
believe  tp  have  been  communicated  to  her  son,  who  in  due 
time  became  the  great  defender  of  the  principle  of  the  ut- 
most tolerance  in  dealing  with  men  in  affairs  of  conscience 
and  religious  opinion.  This  is  a  digression ; — but  perhaps  it 
will  not  be  unacceptable  to  the  Society  to  see  the  name  of 
so  illustrious  a  person  now,  for  the  first  time,  placed  in 
public  in  family  connection  with  so  many  of  the  early  Puritan 


Suffolk  Emigrants.  161 

settlers  in  New  England.  Bernard  stood  in  the  relation  of 
great-uncle  to  Candler,  who  records  the  facts  which  I  have 
now  brought  from  their  hiding-place,  and  to  all  the  Fiskes 
who  laid  the  foundation  of  the  families  of  that  name  in  the 
New  England  States. 

The  Shermans.  —  The  diflSculties  in'tracing  the  connec- 
tion of  John  Sherman,  who  was  among  the  earlier  settlers 
in  New  England,  where  he  and  his  posterity  have  been 
eminent,  with  any  of  the  various  families  of  that  surname 
in  the  old  country,  have  not  yet  been  overcome ;  nor  has 
the  extraordinary  statement  of  the  author  of  the  MagnaliOf 
that  in  the  wife  of  one  of  them  (originally  Mary  Launce) 
he  was  acquainted  with  a  granddaughter  of  Darcy,  Lord 
Rivers,  been  established  by  any  English  authorities.  But 
in  the  uncertainty  which  attends  the  connection  of  the 
Shermans  of  New  England  with  any  family  of  the  name 
in  the  parent  country,  and  with  the  fact,  which  seems 
pretty  well  ascertained,  that  he  was  a  native  of  Dedham, 
which  is  in  the  parts  of  Essex  closely  bordering  on  Suf- 
folk, it  will  at  least  aid  further  inquiries,  if  it  be  added, 
that  there  was  a  family  of  the  name  of  Sherman  living  at 
Ipswich  and  in  the  parts  adjacent,  who  were  distantly  allied 
to  the  Fiskes  and  to  Candler,  the  author  of  the  Pedigrees. 
There  is  a  good  deal  of  confusion  and  uncertainty  in  Cand- 
ler's account  of  the  family  ;  but  so  much  as  follows  may,  I 
think,  be  relied  upon  as  being  what  Candler  meant  to  records 
There  was  a  Thomas  Sherman,  an  inhabitant  of  Ipswich  in 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  who  served  the  office  of  Portman 
of  that  town.  He  married  Margaret  Heme,  and  it  was 
through  this  marriage  that  the  relationship  arose  with  the 
Fiskes  and  Candlers,  —  another  daughter  of  Heme,  sister  or 
aunt  of  Margaret,  having  been  the  wife  of  Walter  Anstey 
and  mother  of  Anne,  the  wife  of  William  Fiske,  as  before 
mentioned.  There  were  four  sons,  issue  of  the  marriage  of 
Thomas  Sherman  and  Margaret  Heme,— John,  Thomas^ 
Paniel,  and  William.  Of  John,  Candler  says  that  he  was  an 
apothecary  at  Ipswich,  and  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life  lived 
in  Branfield  and  in  Hazlehurst,  also  that  he  married  a  Fro- 
bisher,  a  near  connection  of  the  Withipoles,  in  those  days 
the  most  considerable  family  in  Ipswich.  Candler  says 
nothing  of  any  issue  of  this  marriage.    Thomas  was  the 

VOL.    X.  21 


162  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

rector  of  Hintlesham,  Daniel  a  physician,  and  of  William 
nothing  is  said.  Now  it  is  clear  that  the  position  of  this 
family  was  that  of  the  New  England  Shermans,  whose  an- 
cestor, John,  was  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge.  There 
appear  to  have  been  daughters  of  Thomas  and  Margaret 
Sherman,  well  married  in  Ipswich ;  but  there  is  constant 
danger  of  misrepresenting  what  Candler  meant  to  record. 
The  Hemes,  also,  were  a  family  of  good  account  in  Eng- 
land, and  the  account  of  them  left  by  Candler  throws  light 
upon  the  status  of  the  Fiskes  before  their  emigration;  Fran- 
cis and  William,  the  brothers  of  Margaret,  being  both  sent 
to  Cambridge,  and  the  latter  being  afterwards  of  the  Mid- 
dle Temple,  and  called  in  due  time  to  the  bar.  Francis, 
the  elder  brother,  married  to  the  displeasure  of  his  father, 
who  gave  him  only  £  60  per  annurOj  leaving  the  bulk  of  his 
estate  to  William.  Candler  gives  these  as  the  arms  of  this 
family  of  Sherman:  —  Azure,  a  pelican  vulning  herself  or, 
the  blood  proper. 

We  proceed  to  the  name  of  Rogers,  a  family  of  divines 
eminent  in  England  in  the  Puritan  movement,  several  of 
whom  transplanted  themselves  to  New  England,  where  they 
continued  to  exercise  their  zealous  ministry.  Accounts  of 
several  members  of  this  family  are  to  be  found  in  various 
historical  and  biographical  works ;  but  this  Manuscript  of 
Candler's  supplies  a  few  facts  which  have  been  left  unre- 
corded, and  presents  the  genealogical  links  in  a  family  so 
many  members  of  which  acted  zealously  under  the  same 
influences. 

There  were  two  brothers,  Richard  and  John  Rogers,  both 
zealous  preachers,  who  came  out  of  the  North  of  England, 
and  were  setded  in  the  ministry  in  the  county  of  Essex,  — 
Richard  at  Wethersfield,  and  John  at  Dedham.    These  two 

f)laces,  though  both  in'  the  northern  part  of  Essex,  are  remote 
rom  each  other,  Wethersfield  lying  a  few  miles  to  the  north  of 
Braintree,  while  Dedham  is  on  the  banks  of  the  Stour,  near 
Manningtree,  and  therefore  but  a  short  distance  from  Groton, 
Assington,  and  Edwardston,  and  still  nearer  to  Polstead,  in 
Suffolk.  Of  Richard  and  his  family  we  shall  speak  first. 
Candler  describes  him  thus  :  —  "Lecturer  of  Wethersfield, 
who  wrote  The  Seven  Treatises  and  sundry  other  books  of 
great  use ;  a  man  of  great  worth  and  very  faithful  in  his 


Suffolk  Emigrants.  163 

ministry.*'  The  fullest  printed  account  of  him  is  in  Brook's 
Lives  of  the  Puritans,  Vol.  II.  p.  231.  He  was  quite  a 
leader  among  the  Puritans  of  Essex,  and  suffered  much  op- 
position from  the  bishops.  Brook  was  unable  to  discover 
the  precise  time  of  his  death,  but  says  that  he  was  alive  in 
1615,  when  he  published  his  Commentary  on  the  Book  of 
Judges,  in  the  Dedication  of  which  he  says  that  he  had  then 
been  forty  years  in  the  ministry. 

Nothing  is  said  of  the  time  of  his  death  in  Candler's  Manu- 
script, which  is  too  deficient  in  dates  ;  nor  does  the  name  of 
the  first  wife  of  Richard  Rogers  appear  to  have  been  known 
to  Candler,  who  speaks  only  of  a  later  marriage  with  the 
widow  of  John  Ward,  preacher  at  Haverhill,  and  mother  of 
Nathaniel  Ward,  an  emigrant  Puritan,  and  minister  at  Ips- 
wich in  New  England.  But  by  a  former  marriage  he  had 
four  sons,  to  three  of  whom,  after  the  manner  of  the  old 
Puritans,  he  gave  Old  Testament  names,  that  there  might 
be  no  chance  of  falling  upon  a  name  which  had  been  can- 
onized in  the  early  times  of  the  Church.  The  names  he 
chose  were  Daniel,  Ezra,  and  Ezekiel ;  the  fourth  was  Na- 
thaniel. He  had  also  a  daughter,  who  married  William 
Jenkin  of  Sudbury,  and  was  the  mother  of  Elizabeth,  wife 
of  Thomas  Cawton,  an  eminent  Puritan  minister  of  the  time 
of  the  Commonwealth. 

Of  the  sons  of  Richard  Rogers,  Ezra  and  Nathaniel  left 
no  issue.  Ezekiel,  whom  Winthrop  calls  "  a  worthy  son  of 
a  worthy  father  "  (Savage's  Winthrop,  Vol.  I.  p.  278),  after 
having  exercised  his  ministry  for  some  years  at  a  place  called 
Rowley,  in  Yorkshire,  removed  in  1638  to  New  England. 
This  is  one  of  the  cases  in  which  Candler  has  not  preserved 
the  fact  of  the  emigration.  He  is  named  in  the  Magnalia 
(Part  III.  p.  101)  as  one  of  the  eminent  ministers  of  New 
England.  He  was  married  when  he  went  out,  and  Candler 
has  preserved  his  wife's  name,  Sarah,  daughter  of  John  Eve- 
rard,  citizen  of  London,  also  the  fact  that  all  his  children  died 
before  him,  which  is  corroborated  by  Mather,  who  says  that 
Ezekiel  Rogers  had  two  later  wives,  married,  it  is  presumed, 
in  New  England.  He  died  January  23,  1660-1,  being 
about  seventy  years  of  age.  He  is  regarded  as  a  benefac- 
tor to  the  new  country,  by  his  gifts  to  the  ministry  at  Row- 
ley in  New  England,  and  to  Harvard  College.  Much  more 
might  be  told  about  him. 


164  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

Daniel  Rogers,  the  other  son  of  Richard,  and  brother  of 
Nathaniel,  was  also  a  divine.  I  shall  transcribe  what  Cand- 
ler says  of  him,  referring  for  more  particulars  to  Brook's 
Lives  of  the  Puritans^  Vol.  III.  p.  1 49.  "  He  succeeded 
bis  father  as  Lecturer  at  Wethersfield  :  an  eminent  scholar 
and  preacher,  who  hath  many  works  in  print,  he  being  one 
of  the  eminent  Fellows  in  Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  was 
the  advancer  of  Dr.  Ames,  whom  he  brought  in  to  be  Fellow 
there/'  He  ended  his  days  at  Wethersfield  in  1 662.  He 
had  two  sons,  both  divines,  —  Daniel,  who  had  a  living  in 
Northamptonshire,  and  Samuel,  who  was  Lecturer  at  Cree 
Church  in  London.  Daniel  left  posterity,  among  whose  de- 
scendants, if  any,  is  the  representation  of  the  New  Eng- 
land benefactor. 

We  have  now  to  speak  of  John,  the  brother  of  Richard  of 
Wethersfield.  Candler  describes  him  as  "the  fiamous  preach- 
er at  Dedham  in  Essex."  He  had  been  before  at  Haverhill 
in  Suffolk,  as  successor  to  Laurence  Fairclough,  another  emi- 
nent Puritan.  But  the  greater  part  of  his  life  was  spent  at 
Dedham,  where  his  ministry  was  very  influential,  and  where 
he  died  on  October  16,  1636.  Reference  must  again  be 
made  to  the  work  of  Mr.  Benjamin  Brook,  who  has  brought 
together  from  various  quarters  all  that  he  could  find  con- 
cerning him  (Vol.  II.  p.  421).  Candler  informs  us  that  he 
was  thrice  married.  The  family  of  the  first  wife  is  not 
named ;  the  second  was  Elizabeth  Gold,  widow  of  John 
Hawes ;  and  the  third,  Dorothy  Stanton,  widow  of  Richard 
Wiseman,  of  Wigborough  in  Essex.  Candler  speaks  only 
of  one  son  and  one  daughter.  The  daughter  married  John 
Hudson,  rector  of  Capel  in  Suffolk,  "  an  eminent  preacher," 
brother  of  Samuel  Hudson,  who  succeeded  him  in  the  rec- 
tory and  married  Hannah  Wiseman,  a  step-daughter  of 
John  Rogers.  The  only  son  of  John  Rogers  of  whom  Can- 
dler speaks,  and  probably  the  only  son  who  lived  to  man's 
estate,  was  Nathaniel  Rogers,  a  son  of  Elizabeth  Gold,  the 
second  wife.  This  Nathaniel  was  one  of  the  Puritan  emi- 
grants from  the  county  of  Suffolk.  He  removed  himself  to 
New  England  in  1636,  the  year  of  his  father's  death,  and 
two  years  before  his  near  relation,  Ezekiel  Rogers.  He  ar- 
rived there  November  17.  Winthrop,  speaking  of  his  arrival, 
says,  "  There  were  aboard  that  ship  two  godly  ministers,  Mr. 


Suffolk  Emigrants.  1 65 

Nathaniel  Rogers  and  Mr.  Partridge."  He  has  an  eminent 
place  in  the  MagnaUay  where  it  appears  that  he  was  bom 
while  his  father  was  minister  at  Haverhill,  his  Suffolk  charge. 
He  became  the  incumbent  of  the  church  of  Assington,  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  Groton ;  so  that  he  would  no 
doubt  be  welcomed  by  Governor  Winthrop  as  an  old  acquaint- 
ance as  well  as  a  Christian  friend.  He  resigned  this  living, 
when  he  took  the  resolution  of  joining  his  Puritan  friends  in 
the  new  country.  He  then  became  one  of  the  pastors  of 
the  church  at  Ipswich,  for  the  emigrants  from  these  parts  of 
Suffolk  and  Essex  had  already  founded  towns  named  after 
the  familiar  places  in  their  native  land,  Ipswich  and  Dedham. 
Mather  speaks  of  him  as  one  of  the  greatest  men  and  best 
ministers  that  ever  set  his  foot  on  the  American  shore.  He 
lived  there  nineteen  years,  dying  July  3,  1665,  aged  67. 

So  much  from  the  ordinary  authorities  ;  and  now,  keeping 
in  view  the  genealogical  character  of  this  communication,  I 
add,  that  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  this  family  were 
at  all  connected  with  the  Rogers  who  was  the  first  person 
put  to  death  for  religion  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary,  as 
seems  to  be  intimated  in  the  note  at  p.  206  of  the  first  vol- 
ume of  Mr.  Savage's  edition  of  Winthrop's  History.  It  ap- 
pears by  the  note  just  ref(OT^d  to,  that  many  of  the  de- 
scendants of  this  Nathaniel  Rogers  have  been  eminent  in 
New  England,  and  that  his  eldest  son,  John  Rogers,  was 
President  of  Harvard  College.  Also,  that  there  is  much 
concerning  the  family  in  Eliot's  Biographical  Dictionary  of 
Eminent  Americans.  Candler,  writing  about  1660,  men- 
tions four  sons,  John,  Nathaniel,  Samuel,  and  Timothy,  but 
gives  no  more  than  the  names.  It  seems,  also,  that  there  was 
a  daughter  married  to  William  Hobert,  who  may  be  the  Mr. 
William  Hubbard  who  took  his  freedom  May  2,  1638.*  But 
the  best  information  given  by  Candler  is,  that  the  wife  of 
Nathaniel  Rogers,  and  the  ancestor  of  his  distinguished 
American  posterity,  was  Margaret  Crane,  a  daughter  of 
Robert  Crane  of  Coggeshall  in  Essex,  by  Mary  his  wife, 
daughter  of  Samuel  Sparhouse  of  Dedham  ;  which  Robert 
Crane  married  a  second  wife,  Margaret,  daughter  of  Robert 
Maidstone  of  Broxted  Hall  in  Essex,  relict  of  Walter  Clop- 

*  Margaret,  daughter  of  Nathamel  Rogtrs,  married  William  Hubbard,  the  hiatori- 
an,  H.  C,  1642.  —  S. 


Sparhawk  [qu.  Sparhouse? 
probability,  was  another  Ded 


1 66  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

ton.  This  may  seem  to  bring  the  wife  of  Nathaniel  Rogers 
into  some  distant  affinity  with  John  Winthrop,  the  Govern- 
or, whose  second  wife  was  a  Clopton.  Ezekiel  and  Na- 
thaniel Rogers  both  received  their  freedom  on  the  same 
day,  May  23,  1639,  and  on  the  same  day  Mr.  Nathaniel 

did  the   same.     This,  in  all 
ham  emigrant 

Half-sister  to  Nathaniel  Rogers  was  Elizabeth  Hawes,  the 
only  issue  of  whom  Candler  speaks  of  the  marriage  of  John 
Hawes  and  Elizabeth  Gold.  She  married  a  clergyman 
who  under  the  name  of  "  Olmestead  "  occurs  in  the  Win- 
throp correspondence,  but  whose  name  is  written  by  Cand- 
ler "  Holmestead,"  —  Richard  Holmestead,  sometime  rec- 
tor of  Arwarton  in  Suffolk,  then  chaplain  to  Lord  Chancellor 
Loftus  in  Ireland,  and  finally,  when  driven  out  of  that  coun- 
try by  the  rebels,  placed  in  Dennington  rectory,  in  Suffolk. 

Another  Dedham  emigrant  was  Edmund  Angier,  who 
took  his  freedom  in  1640.  He  was  the  youngest  of  four 
sons  of  John  Angier,  a  person  of  good  account  and  prop- 
erty at  Dedham,  and  bom  about  the  year  1612.  He  was  in 
England  a  grocer,  and  continued  the  same  trade  in  New 
England.  He  seems  to  have  been  little  remembered  among 
his  relations  in  England  ;  for  Oliver  Hey  wood,  who  married 
t  Elizabeth  Angier,  his  niece,  writing  in  1 678,  speaks  with 
uncertainty  whether  he  were  then  alive.  See  his  Life  of 
John  Angier  (JVorks^  Vol.  I.  p.  520).  John  Angier,  the 
eldest  son,  lived,  in  his  youth,  in  his  father's  house,  attend- 
ing the  ministry  of  John  Rogers.  Being  intended  himself 
for  the  ministry,  he  was  sent  to  Cambridge,  and  Hved  after- 
wards for  a  while  in  the  family  of  John  Cotton,  at  Boston. 
When  Governor  Winthrop  was  preparing  for  his  voyage,  in 
1629,  he  designed  to  go  Jikewise,  and  was  only  diverted 
from  his  purpose  by  an  accidental  circumstance,  of  which 
we  have  the  account  in  his  Life.  He  was  afterwards  a  very 
eminent  Puritan  minister  at  Denton,  near  Manchester.  Ac- 
cording to  Candler,  a  John  Angier  of  Boxted,  an  adjoining 
parish  to  Dedham,  who  had  an  estate  of  about  £  200  per 
annum^  was  half-brother  to  Christopher  Hudson,  father  of 
John  and  Samuel,  the  ministers  before  mentioned. 

Haverhill  in  Suffolk,  like  Dedham  in  Essex,  was  a  place 
which   had  been  under  the  influence  of  zealous   Puritan 


Suffolk  Emigrants.  1 67 

ministers,  the  Wards,  of  whom  was  Nathaniel  Ward,  a  min- 
ister who  emigrated,  and  who  is  mentioned  by  Governor 
Winthrop,  under  the  year  1641,  as  having  drawn  up  the 
Hundred  Laws  which  were  called  "The  Body  of  Liberties/* 
(Savage's  Winthrop,  Vol.  IL  p.  55.)  His  father,  John  Ward, 
was  the  minister  at  Haverhill,  son  of  a  person  at  Rivenhall, 
who  was  chief  constable,  it  may  be  supposed,  of  the  hundred, 
a  man  of  such  esteem,  that  by  an  oration  which  he  made 
he  quieted  a  commotion  of  the  people.  So  says  Candler, 
writing  of  this  family.  John  Ward,  his  son,  was  one  of 
several  children.  He  was  one  of  those  ministers  who  could 
not  be  content  with  being  eminently  influential  as  Christian 
pastors,  but  they  must  needs  make  themselves  singular  by 
such  notions  as  objecting  to  the  surplice,  and  other  things 
(perfect  trifles  in  themselves)  which  the  great  majority  of 
their  countrymen  thought  to  be  but  decent  usages  in  the 
Church.  The  bishop  remonstrated,  and  he,  still  persisting, 
caused  himself  to  be  harassed  and  uncomfortable.  He  did 
not,  however,  take  the  course  which  so  many  other  minis- 
ters of  his  description  did,  of  removing  himself  to  New 
England.  He  died  in  England,  leaving  a  widow  and  five 
sons.  The  widow  married  Richard  Rogers  of  Wethersfield ; 
and  of  the  sons,  four  were  in  the  ministry,  —  Samuel,  Na- 
thaniel, John,  and  Edward.  Of  Edward,  all  we  learn  from 
Candler  is  that  he  was  M.  A.  Of  John,  that  he  was  rec- 
tor of  Dennington  in  Sufiblk,  and  after,  of  St.  Clements  in 
Ipswich.  Samuel  is  called  "  the  famous  town-preacher  at 
Ipswich,"  but  he  had  been  before  at  Haverhill.  At  Ipswich 
he  was  not  sufl[iciently  conformable,  and  removed  himself  to 
Holland,  where  he  died  about  1640.  Nathaniel  Ward,  the 
remaining  son  of  John,  is  described  by  Candler  as  "  of  Ips- 
wich in  New  England,  rector  of  Shenfield  in  Essex."  He 
had  been  settled  as  a  minister  in  England,  but,  in  1634, 
having  suffered  much  for  his  non -conformity  to  a  few  imma- 
terial ceremonies,  he  removed  to  New  England,  where  he 
remained  about  eleven  years,  and,  returning  to  England,  be- 
came minister  of  Shenfield,  where  he  died  in  1653. 

He  had  left  a  son,  John  Ward,  a  minister  in  England, 
where  he  had  the  living  of  Hadleigh  in  Suffolk,  not  far  from 
Groton.  He  had  the  same  scruples  about  minor  points  which 
so  interfered  with  the  usefulness  and  interrupted  the  peace  of 


168  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

these  worthy  men,  and  in  1639  be  followed  his  father  to 
New  England,  where  he  was  living  when  Candler  wrote  his 
account  of  the  family,  and  there,  according  to  the  Magnolia, 
he  remained  for  the  rest  of  a  long  life,  dying  in  1 693,  pas- 
tor of  the  church  at  Haverhill,  a  place  so  named  after  the 
town  in  Suffolk  from  whence  the  Wards  proceeded. 

In  Candler's  Manuscript  we  have  accounts  of  two  large 
families  who  appear  to  be  grandchildren  of  John  Ward  of 
Haverhill.  Among  them  are  several  ministers,  and  the  mar- 
riages of  the  daughters  are  for  the  most  part  with  beneficed 
divines  in  Suffolk  and  Essex.  But  it  would  be  unsafe,  with- 
out correlative  authorities,  to  place  them  in  the  genealogy. 
One,  however,  may  be  admitted  without  risk  of  error,  the 
wife  of  another  Puritan. exile.  This  was  Susan,  daughter  of 
Nathaniel,  who  was  the  wife  of  Giles  Firmin,  who  is  de- 
scribed by  Candler  as  rector  of  Shalford  in  Essex.  There 
is  a  large  account  of  Firmin  in  Calamy  {Account^  &c., 
p.  295),  who  was  bom  in  Suffolk,  and  whose  first  deep  re- 
ligious impressions  were  taken  from. the  preaching  of  Rogers 
of  Dedham.  He  went  to  New  England  as  an  apothecary 
or  physician,  but  after  a  few  years  returned  and  became  a 
minister.     He  was  ejected  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity. 

There  was  some  kind  of  family  connection  between  the 
Wards  and  the  family  of  Chaplaine  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds, 
which  sent  two  of  its  members  to  New  England.  Candler's 
account  is,  that  "  Clement  Chaplaine,  a  chandler  in  Bury, 
went  over  into  New  England,  and  was  one  of  the  elders  of 
the  congregation  whereof  Mr.  Hooker  is  minister,"  and  that 
bis  wife  was  Sarah  Hinds,  one  of  eight  sisters,  the  daughters 

and  coheirs  of Hinds,  a  goldsmith  at  Bury,  another 

of  whom  married  Thomas  Chaplaine,  brother  of  Clement, 
and  a  third  George  Groome  of  Rattlesden,  Esquire,  a  jus- 
tice of  the  peace.  "Mr.  Clement  Chaplaine"  took  his 
freedom  at  the  Court  on  March  3,  1 635-6,  which  nearly  fixes 
the  period  of  his  emigration.  Nothing  is  said  by  Candler 
of  any  descendants  of  this  settler,  or  whether  he  continued 
to  live  in  the  new  country. 

Martha,  a  sister  of  Clement  Chaplaine,  whose  fortune 
from  her  father  was  £  300,  married  Robert  Parker  of  Wool- 
pit,  a  village  about  six  miles  distant  from  Bury.  Candler 
says  that  he  also  went  to  New  England,  and  we  find  the 


Suffolk  Emigrants.  169 

name  of  Robert  Parker  among  those  who  received  their 
freedom  at  the  Court  on  March  4,  1634-6,*  and  it  may 
be  presumed  that  he  is  the  Robert  Parker  whose  name  is 
mentioned  in  connection  with  that  of  Dr.  Ames  in  the  note 
at  page  58  of  the  first  volume  of  Savage's  Winthrop. 

And  here  it  will  not  be  quite  out  of  place  to  mention, 
that  the  learned  Dr.  William  Ames,  bom  in  Norfolk,  of  whom 
we  have  before  had  occasion  to  speak,  had  made  all  his  ar- 
rangements for  removing  to  New  England,  when  he  was 
prevented  by  death.  His  wife  and  family,  however,  trans- 
ferred themselves  thither  in  1634,  carrying  with  them  Dr. 
Ames's  valuable  library.  A  son,  who  bore  his  father's  name, 
William,  was  a  graduate  of  Harvard  Ck)llege  in  1645.  He 
returned  to  England,  and  in  1646  was  placed  in  the  church 
of  Wrentham  in  Suffolk,  from  whence  he  was  ejected  in 
1662. 

Another  Suffolk  divine,  who  retired  to  New  England,  and 
there  received  his  freedom  in  1640,  was  Thomas  Water- 
house.  Of  him  we  have  a  good  account  by  Dr.  Calamy 
(Continualiofij  &c.,  p.  810),  who  informs  us  that  be  was 
for  some  time  curate  to  Mr.  Candler  at  Codenham,  and  that 
while  there  he  married  a  gentlewoman  of  very  good  family. 
Candler  tells  us  who  she  was,  —  Ann  Mayhew,  daughter 
of  John  Mayhew  and  Ann  his  wife,  daughter  of  Edward 
Morgan  of  Monks-Soham.  She  was  coheiress  with  Eliza- 
beth, wife  of  Edward  Dunston,  who  had  a  daughter,  the  wife 
of  Sir  Robert  Drury  of  Riddlesworth,  Baronet  There  was 
an  early  setdement  of  Mayhews  in  New  England  in  the 
person  of  Thomas  Mayhew,  who  took  his  freedom  in  1634. 
The  name  became  distuiguished.  Mr.  Waterhouse  did  not, 
however,  make  any  permanent  settlement  m  New  England ; 
for,  receiving  information  of  the  death  of  a  brother  of  his 
wife,  by  which  the  inheritance  came  to  his  wife  and  her 
sister,  he  returned  to  England,  where  he  acted  pardy  as  a 
minister  and  partly  as  a  schoolmaster,  being  ejected  at  Ash 
Bocking  in  Suffolk  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity.  He  died  in 
1679  or  1680,  being  nearly  eighty  years  of  age.  One  of 
his  daughters,  named  Anne,  was  bom  in  New  England. 
The  names  of  his  other  children  were  Thomas,  Conquest, 

*  But  that  Robert  Parker  was  probably  **  aervant  to  our  brother  WiUiam  Asptn- 
wall,"  according  to  the  records  of  oar  First  Chorch  of  Boston.  —  S. 

VOL.    X.  22 


170  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

John,  Edward,  David,  and  Elizabeth.  It  is  not  known 
whether  any  of  them  returned  to  America,  where,  however, 
the  name  existed  in  later  times. 

A  Mayhew,  probably  the  father  or  brother  of  Mrs.  Water- 
house,  married  Mary  Cowper,  and  leaving  her  a  widow,  she 
remarried  with  a  man  of  some  celebrity,  William  Dowsing  of 
Codenham,  Mr.  Candler's  parish,  who  has  left  a  record  of 
his  proceedings  in  demolishing  the  remams  of  painted  glass, 
which  the  first  race  of  reformers  had  spared,  in  the  churches 
of  Suffolk.  This  very  curious  document  was  printed  in 
1786,  in  a  quarto  pamphlet. 

There  is  still  one  other  Suffolk  divine  who  claims  a  place 
among  the  Puritan  emigrants,  though  he,  like  Waterhouse, 
soon  returned  to  the  old  country.  This  was  Richard  Jen- 
nings, a  native  of  Ipswich,  who,  in  1 636,  accompanied  Mr. 
Nathaniel  Rogers.  He  returned  in  1 638,  had  the  church  of 
Combe  in  Suffolk,  from  which  he  was  ejected  by  the  Act 
of  Uniformity  in  1 662.  I  have  this  from  Calamy  {Account^ 
&c.,  p.  649). 

Governor  Winthrop,  in  his  History  (Vol.  I.  p.  106),  men- 
tions an  accident  which  befell  two  servants  of  "  one  Moody 
of  Roxbury,'*  to  whom  Mr.  Savage,  in  his  Index,  assigns 
the  name  of  John.  And  in  this  he  is  doubtless  right,  as 
there  was  a  John  Moody  who  took  his  freedom  in  1633, 
and  we  find  in  Candler's  Pedigrees  a  John  Moody  "  who 
went  into  New  England.'*  This  is  all  he  says  of  him,  ex- 
cept what  is  genealogical,  namely,  that  he  was  one  of  the 
sons  of  George  Moody  of  Moulton,  **  a  n^an  famous  for  his 
housekeeping,  and  just  and  plain  dealing."  The  brothers 
of  John  were  George,  whose  residence  was  at  Ipswich,  and 
John,  a  woollen-draper  in  Bury,  where  he  was  an  alderman, 
a  person  of  great  power  in  committees,  a  justice  of  the 
peace,  and  member  for  the  borough.  By  Mary  his  wife, 
daughter  of  John  Bouldrie,  gentieman  of  Bury,  he  had  sev- 
eral children.  It  was  doubtiess  to  this  family  that  the 
Moody s  mentioned  in  Savage's  Winthrop,  Vol.  II.  p.  123, 
belonged . 

One  family  more,  and  the  direct  information  supplied  by 
Candler's  Manuscript  is  exhausted.  John  Whiting,  of  Had- 
leigh  in  Suffolk,  had  a  daughter  Ann,  who  with  her  husband, 
Robert  Payne,  went  to  New  England ;  in  conformity  with 


Suffolk  Emigrants.  171 

which  we  find  a  Robert  Payne  taking  his  freedom  in  164L 
I  know  not  whether  there  were  descendants  of  this  mar- 
riage in  New  England ;  but  it  may  be  added  that  the 
Whitings  were  a  SuflTolk  family  sprung  from  Boxford,  and 
that  John  Whiting  had,  by  Rose  his  wife,  a  daughter  of  Wil- 
liam Fisher,  John,  who  was  of  Hadleigh,  Henry,  who  served 
the  office  of  Portman  of  Ipswich,  and  two  daughters  beside 
Mrs.  Payne,  namely.  Rose,  who,  having  been  twice  married 
before,  became  the  wife  of  Matthew  Lawrence,  town-preach- 
er of  Ipswich,  and  Mary,  who  married,  1.  George  Compe, 
2.  Nicholas  Stanton,  and  3.  Samuel  Slater,  clerk.  There 
can  be  but  little  reason  to  doubt  that  Samuel  Whiting,  the 
divine,  who  was  in  New  England  in  1636,  was  of  this  family. 

This  does  not  pretend  to  be  a  complete  account  of  all 
the  persons  of  the  county  of  SuflTolk  who,  in  the  first  ten  or 
twelve  years  after  John  Winthrop  of  Groton  had  removed 
himself  and  his  family  to  New  England,  followed  in  his 
steps.  It  contains  all  the  persons  who  are  expressly  said 
by  Candler  to  have  gone  to  that  country,  and  a  few  others 
found  in  other  writings.  But  there  were  probably  others, 
persons  of  good  account,  as  Emanuel  Downing,  brother-in- 
law  of  Winthrop,  who  was  probably  of  SuflTolk,  though  no 
account  of  his  birth  has  yet  been  discovered.  On  looking 
through  the  list  of  persons  who  received  their  freedom  dur- 
ing the  time  of  Winthrop,  we  find  several  names  which 
may  be  called  SuflTolk  names,  and  which,  by  reasonable 
conjecture,  may  be  so  far  regarded  as  belonging  to  persons 
of  that  county,  that  inquiry  respecting  them  should  begin 
there,  were  any  one  disposed  to  institute  what  would  too 
often  prove  an  unsuccessful  search.  Maverick,  Hubbert, 
Gage,  Talmage,  Blomfield,  Noise,  Fitch,  Coytemore,  Cha- 
pin,  Gurnal,  have  all  a  Suffolk  sound. 

Those  who  followed  Grovernor  Winthrop  from  his  own 
county  may  not  improperly  be  designated  the  Second  Pu- 
ritan Emigration^  —  the  First  being  formed  of  those  who 
had  been  of  Mr.  Robinson's  church,  and  founded  Plymouth, 
and  the  emigrants  from  Dorsetshire.  From  the  information 
of  Candler  and  of  other  persons  by  whom  they  are  inci- 
dentally mentioned,  we  are  able  to  form  a  pretty  correct 
idea  of  the  status  of  the  families  in  the  old  country,  and  the 
class  of  society  in  England  to  which  the  SuflTolk  emigrants 


1 72  Suffolk  Emigrants. 

belonged.  And  we  see  that  the  Suffolk  emigration  con- 
sisted very  much  of  persons  who,  though  not  of  the  very 
first  rank,  were  yet  men  of  substance  and  good  alliances, 
the  layer  of  population  next  below  that  which  came  ex- 
pressly under  the  cognizance  of  the  Heralds  at  their  Visita- 
tions,—  will-making  families,  families  high  in  the  subsidy- 
^ books,  — while  sonae  of  them,  as  the  Winthrops,  were  among 
the  principal  gentry  of  the  county,  and  several  claimed  the 
distinction  of  coat-armour :  while  the  divines  were  all  grad- 
uates of  the  Universities,  —  all,  I  think,  of  Cambridge.  So 
that  those  who  descend  ftx)m  the  Suffolk  emigrants  may  for 
the  most  part  show  an  origin  that  is  at  least  respectable  in 
the  old  country.  At  the  same  time  it  must  be  observed, 
that  the  persons  of  whom  we  have  spoken  would  take  out 
others  in  the  capacity  of  servants,  most  of  whom,  we  may 
presume,  would  be  of  the  county  of  Suffolk.  We  may  re- 
mark, moreover,  that  this  was  probably  the  best  emigratkm 
in  respect  of  the  quality  of  the  emigrants. 

It  is  extremely  difficult,  even  for  one  who  has  paid  no  small 
attention  to  the  analysis  of  the  English  population,  to  trace 
any  of  the  persons  who  formed  Mr.  Robinson's  church  to 
their  origind  domicile  in  England.  Captain  Miles  Standish 
may,  with  confidence,  be  affirmed  to  be  of  the  family  of 
Standish  of  Duxbury  in  Lancashire.  Governor  Bradford  is 
placed,  on  grounds  of  probability,  on  the  borders  o(  York- 
shire and  Nottinghamshire.  But  this  is  nearly  all  that  can  be 
done.  When  we  are  told  that  they  were  persons  "  of  the 
North  of  England,"  the  information  is  too  vague  to  serve  as 
an  intimation  of  the  proper  course  of  inquiry. 

The  influence  of  the  Suffolk  emigration  is  seen  in  the  top- 
ographical nomenclature  of  Massachusetts,  where  are  the 
names  Ipswich,  Groton,  Haverhill,  Sudbury,  Medfield,  be- 
side Rowley,  so  named  by  one  of  the  Rogerses ;  and  Ded- 
ham,  Billerica,  and  Chelmsford,  so  named  by  those  of  the 
county  of  Essex  who  joined  them.  All  these  places  appear 
in  the  map  of  1 677,  and  form  no  small  portion  of  the  whole 
number  of  the  New  England  towns.  The  records  of  each 
of  these  places  would  doubtless  supply  much  information 
respecting  the  Suffolk  Emigration,  as  well  by  adding  new 
names  as  by  enlarging  what  is  known  concerning  the  names 
in  this  communicatioiK 


LION    GARDINER. 


[This  biographical  sketch  was  received  from  Alexander  Gardiner, 
Esq.,  of  New  York,  who  states,  in  his  letter  accompanying  it,  Nofember 
10,  1842,  that  the  account  of  Lion  Grardiner  prefixed  to  his  narrative  of 
the  Pequot  War,  in  the  third  volume  of  this  series,  is  incorrect  in  all  its 
essential  particulars,  and  that  the  following  has  been  compiled  from  ma- 
terials collected  from  various  writers  and  official  records.] 


Lion  Oardiiter  was  a  native  of  England*  He  was  ed-^ 
ucated  to  the  profes^on  of  arms,  and,  having  studied  civil 
and  military  engineering,  became  an  officer  in  the  British 
army.  In  the  reign  of  Charles  the  First,  discontent  at 
home,  and  successful  fortunes  in  the  Netherlands,  drew 
thither  many  Britons  of  piety,  courage,  and  enterprise. 
Some  sought  military  &me,  and  some  liberty  of  opinion, 
while  others  hoped  to  combine  the  two.  Gardiner  engaged 
in  the  wars  of  Holland,  and  became  Master  of  Works  of 
Fortification  in  the  legers  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.  In  this> 
situation  he  saw  much  active  service,  and  derived  from  ex- 
perience lessons  of  great  use  in  the  trymg  scenes  of  his 
subsequent  life.  Hugh  Peters,  John  Davenport,  and  other 
eminent  Puritans,  bsd  been  exiled  from  their  native  land 
by  the  pains  of  non-conformity,  and  had  found  a  refuge  in 
the  city  of  Rotterdam.  They  were  at  this  time  eagerly  turn- 
ing their  eyes  toward  America ;  and  imagined  they  saw  in 
New  England,  not  only  a  safe  asylum^  but  a  land  possessed 
of  all  the  elements  of  prosperity.  Sympathy  of  nativity, 
associations,  and  religious  sentiments  brought  Gardiner  in 
intimate  contact  with  these  men.  His  talents  and  acquire- 
ments fitted  him  to  become  a  highly  useful  member  of  a 
newly  constituted  society,  and  in  the  country  of  his  adop-> 


174  Lion  Gardiner. 

tion  peace  had  now  left  little  to  the  ambition  of  an  aspiring 
soldier.  Like  most  of  the  emigrants  of  that  day,  he  might 
have  been  dazzled  by  exaggerated  accounts  of  the  attrac- 
tions of  the  New  World ;  and  he  was  allured  by  the  liberal 
offers  of  his  friends,  and  the  high  expectations  held  out  to 
him,  to  pledge  his  services  to  the  Company  of  Patentees 
of  the  Territory  at  the  Mouth  of  Connecticut  River,  "  in 
the  drawing,  ordering,  and  making  of  a  city,  towns,  forts, 
and  fortifications,"  By  the  terms  of  his  agreement,  made 
with  Peters,  Davenport,  and  others,  he  was  to  act  in  this 
employment  four  years,  and  have  under  his  control  three 
hundred  able-bodied  men.  At  this  pedod,  in  ihk  small  city 
of  Woerden,  so  often  devastated  in  the  wars  of  Europe,  he 
formed  a  matrimonial  connection  with  Mary  Wilemson,  a 
native  of  that  place,  a  lady  of  the  highest  respectability, 
who  was  ever  after  the  beloved  companion  of  his  life. 

He  now  prepared  to  fulfil  his  engagement.  A  Norsey 
bark,  probably  so  called  from  the  northern  coast  of  Scot- 
land, was  provided  by  the  Patentees,  and  furnished  with  all 
suitable  provisions.  In  her,  on  the  10th  of  July,  1635,  he 
embarked  with  his  wife,  a  female  attendant,  and  eleven  souls 
besides,  and  setting  sail  from  Amsterdam,  first  sought  his 
native  country.  Having  tarried  awhile  among  his  fiiends, 
he  embarked  from  London  in  the  same  small  craft,  of  only 
twenty-five  tons  burden,  and  after  a  very  boisterous  passage, 
which  was  survived,  says  Winthrop,  "  through  the  Lord's 
great  providence,"  having  first  touched  at  Boston,  arrived  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut  river  on  the  28th  of  November, 
1635.  A  few  days  previous,  Grovemor  Winthrop,  who  had 
lately  been  commissioned  by  the  Patentees,  had  sent  twenty 
men,  principally  carpenters,  under  the  charge  of  Lieutenant 
Gibbons,  to  take  possession  of  the  place. 

Winter  had  already  set  in ;  and  immediate  preparations 
were  made  to  provide  against  the  inclemency  of  the  season 
and  the  incursions  of  the  warlike  tribes  that  surrounded. 
Having  erected  buildings,  and  taken  other  necessary  pre- 
cautions, Gardiner  patiently  awaited  the  arrival  of  the 
three  hundred  men  who  were  to  have  followed  him  from 
England.  But  his  just  expectations  were  disappointed,  and 
the  objects  of  his  mission  were  in  a  great  measure  thwarted, 
by  the  failure  of  the  Patentees  m  the  faithful  fulfilment  of  their 


Lion  Crordiner.  175 

contract.  In  the  spring,  he  was  reenforced  only  by  a  com- 
paratively small  body  of  men;  but  notwithstanding  his  vex- 
ation at  this  event,  he  pursued  the  active  duties  of  his  com- 
mand, and  erected  the  fort  at  Saybrook. 

The  weakness  of  the  garrison  was  rendered  more  galling 
by  the  hot  haste  exhibited  by  Fenwick,  Oldham,  Stanton, 
and  Hugh  Peters,  who  had  arrived  at  the  fort,  to  involve  the 
country  in  immediate  war  with  the  Pequot  Indians.  It  was 
in  vain  that  Gardiner  remonstrated  against  the  ardor  of  these 
gentlemen,  and  set  forth  the  dangers  which  would  environ 
his  small  force,  scantily  provisioned  and  scantily  protected, 
in  a  location  where  they  might  have  to  bear  the  whole  brunt 
of  the  contest.  Discretion  and  policy,  the  great  checks 
upon  human  actions,  hold  little  restraint  over  those  who 
have  no  personal  interests  at  stake,  and  its  advocates  might 
have  been  blinded  to  the  hazards  of  a  war,  in  which  their 
safety  would  be  secure,  whatever  might  be  the  event.  A 
flying  force  can  attack  and  retreat  with  great  rapidity,  and 
at  little  risk ;  but  the  garrison  of  an  isolated  fortress,  while 
they  can  hope  for  no  safety  but  in  the  maintenance  of  their 
position,  are  in  continual  danger  of  being  surrounded  by 
superior  numbers,  and  cut  off*  from  water  and  provisions. 
It  appeared  also  to  Gardiner,  that  what  was  of  higher  mo- 
ment, a  justification  of  war,  was  wanting  in  this  instance. 
The  Pequots  had  killed  one  Captain  Stone,  and  the  crew  of 
his  small  vessel,  which  had  arrived  at  the  river  from  Virginia. 
Though  some  years  had  elapsed  since  this  occurrence,  it 
was  now  demanded,  by  a  people  having  litde  sympathy 
and  no  political  relations  with  the  countrymen  of  the  de- 
ceased, that  the  offenders  should  be  delivered  up.  The 
tribe  refused  to  accede  to  this  demand,  on  the  ground  that 
Stone  had  provoked  their  animosity  by  suspicious  and  im- 
proper conduct ;  but  as  an  evidence  that  this  refusal  was 
accompanied  with  qo  hostile  feelings,  as  well  as  in  mitiga- 
tion of  the  offence,  they  sent  the  Commissioners  such  pres- 
ents as  they  esteemed  of  the  highest  value.  Grardiner  ad- 
vised that  the  gifts  should  be  received ;  and  expressed  his 
conviction,  that,  if  they  were  returned,  an  open  rupture  with 
that  fierce  and  powerful  nation  would  be  inevitable.  He 
urged,  that,  at  least,  the  matter  should  be  allowed  to  rest 
quietly  until  he  was  better  prepared  with  the  means  o(  de- 


176  Lion  Gardiner. 

fence  and  the  necessaries  of  life*  These  counsels  did  not 
prevail ;  the  pledges  of  friendship  were  refused ;  and,  as 
had  been  foretold,  hostilities  ensued.  When  afterwards 
Endicott,  Turner,  and  UnderhiU,  with  their  forces,  were 
sent  from  Boston  to  make  a  descent  on  the  Pequots  near 
]^ew  London,  and  had  arrived  at  Saybrook,  Gardiner  told 
them,  —  **  You  have  come  hither  to  raise  these  wasps  about 
my  ears,  and  then  you  will  take  wing  and  fly  away.'' 

During  the  following  season,  the  fort  was  almost  con- 
tinually beset  by  the  enemy,  and  curious  stratagems  were 
resorted  to  for  the  protection  of  the  garrison,  which  was  in- 
cessantly threatened  with  famine.  In  various  sorties,  sev- 
eral of  the  men  were  killed,  and  Gardiner  himself  on  one 
occasion  was  severely  wounded  A  general  fast  was  ordained 
by  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  on  account,  among  other 
things,  of  the  perilous  position  of  the  garrison.  Through 
singular  good-fortune,  as  well  as  through  the  vigilance  and 
discretion  of  the  commander,  the  post  was  nevertheless 
throughout  the  war  successfully  defended  and  maintained. 
The  winter  of  1635  is  noted  in  the  annals  of  the  country 
as  one  of  remarkable  severity  ;  and  beside  the  sufferings  in- 
duced by  the  inclemency  of  the  season,  and  the  dangers  oS 
savage  warfare,  the  dictates  of  humanity  added  others,  and 
perhaps  greater.  The  hardy  pioneers,  who  some  time  pre- 
vious had  forced  their  way  through  the  wilderness  from 
Boston  to  Windsor  and  Wethersfield,  had  been  compelled, 
by  the  loss  of  their  provisions  and  household  goods,  to  re- 
treat from  those  places  in  the  depth  of  winter,  leaving  be- 
hind two  females  of  their  number,  who  had  been  seized 
and  carried  into  captivity  by  the  natives.  On  their  return, 
laden  with  blasted  hopes,  perishing  with  extreme  cold,  and 
worn  by  hunger  and  fatigue,  they  were  hospitably  received 
at  the  fort,  and  sheltered  and  entertained  according  to  its 
precarious  fare.  The  small  winter  supplies  provided  were 
now  drawn  upon  to  supply  the  necessities  of  at  least  sev- 
enty human  beings  wbc^se  presence  had  been  unforeseen, 
who  had  no  resources  of  their  own,  and  who  stood  in  need 
of  raiment  as  well  as  food.  The  elements,  hitherto  so  un- 
propitious,  came  to  their  relief;  a  copious  rain  dissolved 
the  ice  in  the  river,  and  set  afloat  a  vessel  which  had  been 
frozen  in  above  the  fort.    She  was  got  out  with  great  diffi- 


lAon  Gardiner.  177 

culty  and  exposure,  after  being  stranded  on  the  bar,  and  the 
unfortunate  adventurers,  embarking  in  her,  sailed  for  Bos- 
ton. At  this  period  of  suffering  and  accumulated  cares, 
Mrs.  Gardiner,  who  had  been  bom  to  the  luxuries  of  the 
most  commercial  country  of  the  world,  now  cut  off  from 
association  with  her  sex,  and  surrounded  by  a  rough  sol- 
diery, was  enceinte  of  her  first  child.  Her  son  David  was 
bom  on  the  29th  of  April,  1636,  and  was  the  first  white 
child  bom  in  Connecticut. 

The  ultimate  extirpation  of  the  Pequots  relieved  the 
garrison  from  the  dangers  which  had  two  years  impended ; 
and  on  the  retum  of  Mason  from  the  massacre  at  Mystic, 
approaching  the  fort  with  cautious  secrecy,  he  was  unex- 
pectedly received  "with  many  great  guns'*  by  the  com- 
mander at  Saybrook,  who  rejoiced  at  the  result,  though  his 
judgment  and  feelings  were  adverse  to  the  war.  Gardiner 
had  some  time  previous  succeeded  in  rescuing  the  two 
females  who  had  been  taken  by  the  Indians  at  Weth- 
ersfield.  At  his  own  expense,  without  remuneration,  he 
clad  and  maintained  them,  and  returned  them  to  their 
friends  in  Boston.  During  the  remaining  two  years  in 
which  he  commanded  the  fort,  he  was  actively  engaged  in 
the  settlement  of  the  country  about  the  mouth  of  the  river ; 
and  though  no  further  danger  was  anticipated  from  the  In- 
dians, and  the  neighbouring  Mohegans  were  friendly,  he  was 
still  watchful  of  their  movements. 

In  1 660,  in  compliance  with  request,  he  wrote  a  Relation 
of  the  Pequot  War,  dated  at  East  Hampton,  L.  I.,  addressed 
to  Chapman  and  Hurlburt,  who  were  among  the  chief  ac- 
tors in  that  contest,  and  submitted  it  to  the  examination  of 
Mason  and  Winthrop.  In  the  letter  transmitting  it  to  his 
friends,  Gardiner  suggested,  that,  inasmuch  as  the  truth 
must  not  be  spoken  at  all  times,  his  narrative  might  give 
umbrage  to  some ;  and  he  therefore  gave  them  leave  to 
bum  or  publish  it.  They  did  neither ;  and  after  the  lapse 
of  nearly  two  hundred  years,  it  has  found  its  way  to  the 
press :  its  suppression  is,  however,  an  evidence  of  the  jus- 
tice of  the  anticipations  of  its  author.  This  Relation,  which 
appears  to  have  been  the  earliest  treating  of  the  subject,  is 
written  in  the  quaint  style  of  the  age,  abounding  in  Scrip- 
tural illustration ;  but  it  has  a  candid  and  dignified  tone,  and 

VOL.  X.  23 


178  l4on  GordineTf 

in  many  things  anticipated  posterity  rather  than  agreed  with 
contemporaries.  Of  ihe  causes  and  promoters  of  the  war, 
it  differs  from  the  publications  made  many  years  subsequent 
to  its  date ;  but  the  author  had  the  best  ipeans  of  knowl- 
edge, and  if  his  character  were  not  a  sufficient  vindicatioii 
of  his  fidelity,  he  coqld  yet  have  had  no  motive  for  misrep- 
resentation. If  such  motive  had  existed,  it  is  impossible  to 
suppose  that  he  would  have  submitted  his  narrative  to  th^ 
supervision  of  men  who  had  directed  and  cooperated  in  the 
war,  and  who  must  have  been  cognizant  of  all  its  features. 
From  his  first  landing,  ip  all  his  various  relations  with  the 
Indians,  in  many  trying  situations,  he  seems  to  have  enter- 
tained the  most  just  views,  even  at  a  time  when  such  wer^ 
not  sanctioned  by  the  conduct  of  a  Christian  people.  Im-^ 
perious  necessity  occMonally  demanded  from  him  a  severe 
exercise  of  power ;  but  his  beariqg  toward  the  aborigines 
was  at  all  times  leavened  with  ^  generous  and  merciful  spirit. 

As  the  termination  of  his  service  approach^d>  he  cast 
about  him  for  other  sources  of  employment,  and  another 
manner  of  life.  He  had  beep  disappointed  in  the  expecta-t 
tions  held  out  to  him,  he  was  somewhat  dissatisfied  with 
the  administration  of  aff^ir^  in  the  Colonies,  and  his  feeling9 
were  averse  to  the  means  by  which  ipany  of  the  prominent 
men  had  found  distinction.  Under  these  circumstances, 
he  retired  from  New  £ngl£^nd,  and  purchased  from  the  sa* 
chem  Wyandanch  a  beautiful  island,  which  now  bears  his 
name,  at  the  eastern  extreipity  of  Long  Island  Sound.  This 
island,  then  a  wildernesa,  open  to  the  expeditions  of  the 
most  warlike  tribes,  and  al^)ost  thirty  miles  remote  from  the 
nearest  European  settlements,  had  been  previously  inhabit- 
ed by  the  Montaukett  Indians.  It  was  called  by  that  tribe 
Monshonock,  signifying  a  place  where  many  had  died,  and 
contained  about  three  thousand  acres  of  excellent  landi 
presenting  a  delightful  landscape,  varied  with  wood  and 
water,  hill  and  dale.  Taking  with  him,  as  farmers,  a  num- 
ber of  men  from  the  garrison  of  the  fort,  he  here,  in  1 639, 
formed  the  first  British  settlement  in  the  present  State  of 
New  York. 

His  purchase  from  the  Indians  was  confirmed  by  a  grant 
fi*om  James  Farrel,  agent  of  the  Earl  of  Stirling,  confeiring 
9pon  him  extensive  powers  over  bis  plant^tioii,  wbic)i  was 


Lion  Gardiner.  179 

made  independent  of  evei*y  other  settlement,  and  subordi- 
nate only  to  the  general  government  of  the  Colony.  The 
soil  of  the  island  was  fertile,  and  the  labors  of  cultivation 
were  immediately  commenced.  The  surrounding  shores 
furnished  clams  and  oysters,  the  bay  and  fresh  ponds  abound- 
ed in  fish  of  every  variety,  and  the  destructive  presence  of 
the  white  man  had  never  disturbed  the  favorite  resorts  of 
innumerable  wild-fowl.  In  1638,  while  yet  at  Saybroo|c,  he 
had  a  daughter  bom,  named  Mary ;  and  another,  his  last 
child,  was  born  upon  his  island  on  the  14th  of  September, 
1641.  The  latter,  named  Elizabeth,  was  the  first  white 
child  bom  within  Suffolk  county,  and  doubtless  the  first 
child  of  British  parentage  bom  in  the  Colony  of  New  York. 

The  friendship  of  the  sachem  Wyandanch,  and  the  ad- 
vances he  soon  made  in  the  affections  of  the  chief  men  of 
the  Montauketts,  relieved  Gardiner  from  his  greatest  appre- 
hensions ;  but  ancient  aliimosfties  kept  that  tribe  in  contin- 
ual war  with  the  Narragansetts,  whose  incursions  were  fre- 
quent, and  experience  might  have  taught  him  the  precarious 
nature  of  Indian  attachments,  and  the  grealer  security  of 
self-reliance  in  all  the  affairs  of  life.  The  duties  of  watch 
and  ward,  with  which  he  had  been  familiar  fi-om  early  fife, 
were  therefore  enjoined  by  day  and  by  night,  a  cautious 
eye  was  kept  upon  all  the  movements  of  the  natives,  and 
in  the  course  of  a  long  correspondence  whh  the  governors 
of  New  Haven  and  Hartford,  they  were  informed  of  every 
passing  circumstance  to  which  suspicion  attached. 

Wyandanch,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  enabled  him  to 
communicate  matter  of  the  highest  moment  to  the  security 
of  the  Colonies.  Miantonomoh,  the  Narragansett,  had  wit- 
nessed the  fall  of  the  Pequots  and  the  rapid  growth  of  the 
white  strangers  with  natural  envy  and  alarm.  He  had  been 
enabled,  by  successful  war,  to  subject  the  Montauketts  to 
tribute,  and  he  now  sought  their  alliance  in  his  pmjects  of 
vengeance.  He  first  visited  the  tribe,  and  endeavoured, 
with  sagacious  and  persuasive  etequert^e,  to  enlist  their 
sympathies  against  the  English.  He  had,  indeed,  wellnigh 
succeeded;  but  the  faith  of  Wytodanch  never  feltered,  and 
be  disclosed  to  Gardinef,  wh6  happened  to  be  at  hand  on 
the  occasion,  the  intrigues  of  the  enemy.  Afterwards,  Mi- 
antonomoh again  visited  Montaukett  with  a  friendly  bearing, 


180  Lion  Gardiner. 

and  instead  of  exacting  tribute,  as  he  had  formeriy  done, 
cunningly  distributed  presents.  He  had  then  fully  con- 
cocted his  plans,  and  a  council  of  the  people  being  called, 
he  set  forth,  in  an  artful  and  impressive  manner,  that  all  the 
tribes  in  the  East  had  combined  with  him,  and  were  ready 
to  fall  upon  the  Colonies  at  an  appointed  day ;  that  he 
should  expect  them  to  contribute  warriors  for  the  work,  and 
that  certain  signal-fires  would  denote  the  moment  ojf  on- 
set The  plot  was  discovered  to  Gardiner,  and,  commu- 
nicating it  to  the  governments  of  Connecticut,  he  was  ena- 
bled to  frustrate  an  attempt  that  might  have  terminated  m 
consequences  disastrous  to  the  Colonies.  The  next  spring 
Miantonomoh  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  Ninicraft,  who 
inherited  his  heart-burnings  as  well  as  his  dominion.  This 
chief  endeavoured,  two  years  aftei*wards,  to  open  again  with 
the  Montauketts  proposals  of  a  combination  against  the 
English;  but  Wyandanch  seized  the  messenger  who  at- 
tempted the  negotiation,  and  delivered  him  to  Gardiner,  who 
placed  him  in  the  hands  of  his  men,  to  be  given  over  to  the 
governor  of  New  Haven.  The  vessel  in  which  he  was 
conveyed  being  long  wind-bound,  the  prisoner  found  an  op- 
portunity of  escape,  and  apprised  his  sachem  of  the  whole 
affair.  Ninicraft  made  no  further  efforts  to  reconcile  Wy- 
andanch to  his  policy ;  and  having  determined  on  his  de- 
struction, waged  against  him  a  fierce  and  relentless  war,  in 
the  course  of  which  the  Montauketts  were  driven  to  the 
last  extreme.  The  sufferings  of  a  brave  and  faithful  nation 
in  the  service  of  the  white  man  have  scarcely  found  an  ac- 
knowledgment even  in  the  pages  of  history. 

In  1648,  when  the  cares  and  hazards  of  the  pioneer  had 
given  way  to  the  secure  enjoyment  of  life,  the  settlement  of 
East  Hampton  was  commenced  on  the  neighbouring  shores 
of  Long  Island,  and  Lion  Grardiner  became  one  of  the  pro- 
prietors of  the  town.  He  removed  thither  in  1653,  after  a 
residence  of  fourteen  years  on  his  island,  which  he  now  left 
in  the  care  of  his  farmers.  The  high  esteem  in  which  he 
was  held  by  the  natives,  his  discrimination  and  courtesy, 
and  the  generosity,  decision,  and  integrity  of  his  character, 
as  well  as  his  long  experience,  recommended  him  to  the 
confidence  of  the  people,  and  they  referred  to  him  their 
differences  and  appointed  him  to  offices  of  trust.    His  in- 


Lion  Gardiner.  181 

fluence  was  constantly  exercised  in  mfusing  into  the  minds 
of  the  Montauketts,  with  whom  he  had  been  many  years 
intimate,  and  with  whose  language  he  was  familiar,  favora- 
ble opinions  of  the  honest  motives  and  friendly  dispositions 
of  their  new  neighbours.  So  successful  was  he  in  this,  that, 
during  their  whole  intercourse  with  that  tribe,  the  whites 
were  never  compelled  to  resort  to  arms ;  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, derived  from  them  such  assistance  in  the  cultivation  of 
the  land  and  in  domestic  employments,  as  rendered  in  a  great 
degree  unfelt  the  inconveniences  that  were  experienced  in 
all  the  settlements  of  that  period.  The  inhabitants  had 
emigrated  from  the  same  section  of  England  of  which  he 
himself  was  a  native,  and  had  perhaps  made  the  settlement 
at  his  instigation.  In  their  declining  years  men  are  fond  of 
social  intercourse;  the  change  from  an  isolated  life  was 
doubtless  highly  agreeable;  and  Gardiner  found  in  Mr. 
James,  the  pastor  of  the  people,  a  neighbour  of  liberal  sen- 
timents and  education,  whose  mind  was  deeply  imbued 
with  those  principles  of  political  justice  which  have  since 
grown  into  full  vigor  in  this  hemisphere.  The  records  bear 
testimony  of  assertions  of  the  rights  of  men,  coming  from 
this  divine,  that  would  have  done  honor  to  the  times  of  the 
Revolution. 

In  1649,  the  murder  of  a  white  woman  was  perpetrated 
in  the  adjoining  town  of  Southampton ;  and  though  the  act 
was  done  in  revenge  by  the  friends  of  a  Pequot  who  had 
been  executed  for  homicide,  it  was  attributed  to  a  general 
feeling  of  hostility  among  the  Indians.  The  magistrates  of 
the  town  commanded  Wyandanch  to  appear  before  them ; 
but  his  tribe,  apprehending  violence,  declared  he  should  not 
go.  It  happened  that  Gardiner  was  on  a  visit  to  the  sachem 
when  the  requisition  was  made,  and  he  advised  him  to  con- 
form to  it  and  exert  himself  in  the  detection  of  the  mur- 
derers, offering  himself  as  a  hostage  to  the  tribe  for  his 
safety.  The  offer  was  accepted  by  the  people,  and  the 
sachem  set  out,  with  a  note  from  Gardiner,  requesting  all 
on  his  route  to  give  him  food  and  drink,  but  not  to  detain 
him,  "  for  he  had  his  way  before  him.'*  The  same  night, 
after  travelling  upwards  of  thirty  miles,  he  discovered  three 
Indians,  one  of  whom  was  a  chief  of  much  consequence, 
called  the  Blue  Sachem,  who  had  been  principals  or  acces- 


182  Lion  Gardiner. 

sories  in  the  murder;  and  they  were  ultimately  sent  to 
Hartford,  tried,  convicted,  and  hung.  About  the  same  time, 
a  powerful  warrior  near  the  Dutch  settlements  had  rendered 
himself  obnoxious  by  the  murder  of  two  EngHshmen,  Ham- 
mond and  Farriugton,  and  Grardiner  exacted  from  Wyan- 
danch  a  promise  that  he  would  bring  him  the  head  of  the 
murderer.  He  was,  however,  protected  by  Poggatacut  of 
Manhasset,  a  brother  of  Wyandanch,  and  it  was  not  until 
after  the  death  of  that  chief,  in  1651,  that  the  latter,  who 
succeeded  him  as  Great  Sachem  of^Pamanack  or  Long  Isl- 
and, was  able  to  redeem  his  pledge,  and  bring  the  offender 
to  punishment*  These  instances  serve  to  show  the  deep 
influence  which  Gardiner  exerted  over  the  natives,  and  how 
far  it  enabled  him  to  subserve  the  ends  of  justice  and  se- 
cure the  safety  of  the  whites. 

The  difiiculties  which  had  been  some  time  smothered 
now  broke  out  afresh,  and  the  war  between  the  Narragan- 
setts  and  Montauketts  raged  with  redoubled  fury.  Nini- 
craft  had,  by  great  plausibility  of  conduct,  induced  the  gov- 
ernment of  Massachusetts  Bay  to  shut  their  ears  to  repre- 
sentations unfavorable  to  his  integrity.  Gardiner  endeav- 
oured with  much  anxiety  to  awaken  the  New  England 
Colonies  to  the  danger  of  suffering  him  to  proceed  against 
the  Montauketts ;  and  avowed  his  belief  that  the  destruc- 
tion of  that  tribe  would  lead  to  a  hostile  combination  among 
all  the  Indians  of  the  North  and  East  He  urged  the  many 
services  of  Wyandanch,  and  his  claims  upon  the  consid- 
eration of  the  English  ;  and  expressed  his  forebodings  of  a 
conflict  that  might  lead  to  the  destruction  of  the  best  men  . 
in  the  country.  These  solicitations  and  sentiments  were 
seconded  by  the  government  of  Rhode  Island ;  but  the  Com- 
missioners at  Boston,  though  they  summoned  some  of  the 
Narragansett  chiefs  before  them,  declined  or  neglected  to 
interfere.  Had  the  advice  of  Gardiner  been  followed,  and 
the  Narragansetts  reduced  to  full  submission,  the  great  war 
which  afterwards  took  place  with  that  nation  tnder  Philip 
could  not  have  occurred. 

In  the  midst  of  the  revelry  of  her  bridal  night,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Wyandanch  was  seized  by  the  Narragansetts  and 
carried  off  with  many  others  into  captivity.  The  tribe  had 
been  surprised  on  this  festive  occasion,  and  the  bridegroom 


lAon  Gardiner n  183 

fell  among  the  warriors  that  were  slain.  Gardiner,  after 
many  efforts,  succeeded  in  redeeming  this  girl  long  before 
the  termination  of  the  war;  and  Wyandanch,  impressed 
with  a  deep  3ense  of  gratitude  for  this  and  many  other 
kindnesses  he  had  experienced  at  the  hands  of  his  friend, 
presented  him  with  the  region  of  country  on  Long  Island 
which  now  bears  the  name  of  Smithtown. 

The  Commissioners,  at  the  solicitation  of  Gardiner  and 
James,  now  sent  military  supplies  to  the  towns  of  East  and 
South  Hampton,  and  to  the  persecuted  Montauketts.  They 
also  employed  an  armed  vessel  to  prevent  the  passage  of 
Ninicraft's  canoes  across  the  Sound,  and  despatched  a  small 
force  to  the  country  of  the  Narragansetts ;  but  these  efforts 
were  weak  and  futile,  undertaken  without  energy,  and  re- 
linquished  almost  without  action.  Some  aid  was  afterwards 
derived  from  the  Colonies  of  Connecticut;  but  the  Mon^ 
tauketts,  weakened  by  war  and  epidemic  disease,  eventually 
deserted  their  territory,  and  were  received  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  people  of  East  Hampton.  Wyandanch  of 
Montaukett  and  Pamanack  died  in  1659 ;  and  at  his  death, 
appointed  Lion  Gardiner  and  his  son  David  guardians  of 
Weoncombone,  the  heir  of  his  sovereignty.  During  the  tu- 
telage of  the  young  sachem,  they  exercised  a  constant  su- 
pervision of  his  acts  of  government,  discharging  their  trust 
with  prudence  and  fidelity. 

The  belief  in  witches  and  apparitions,  which  at  this  time 
pervaded  the  world,  was  exhibiting  itself  in  New  England  in 
horrible  tragedies,  the  barbarity  of  which  has  shocked  the  feel- 
ings of  posterity.  In  1 657,  a  charge  of  witchcraft  was  brought 
against  a  female  called  Goody  Garlick,  an  inhabitant  of  East 
Hampton,  who  had  been  employed  in  the  household  of 
Grardiner.  He  seems  to  have  exerted  himself  in  behalf  of 
this  unfortunate  woman,  and  to  have  rejected  the  evidences 
of  guilt  which  satisfied  the  popular  mind.  Despite  the  over- 
bearing testimony  concerning  black  cats  and  harlequin  devils, 
sudden  distempers  and  the  torment  of  the  pricking  of  pins, 
he  ventured  on  the  trial  to  accuse  one  of  the  principal  wit- 
nesses of  the  death  of  her  own  child,  which  she  had  attrib- 
uted to  the  malign  presence  of  Goody  Garlick ;  and  after 
much  discussion,  the  General  Court  referred  the  case  to 
the  judicial  tribunals  of  Hartford,  as  being  more  deeply 


184  Lion  Gardiner. 

learned  in  the  mysteries  of  demonological  jurisprudence. 
It  does  not  appear  that  Goody  Garlick  was  ever  tried  by 
those  tribunals,  and  it  is  probable  that  an  influence  was  ex- 
erted in  her  behalf  which  saved  her  from  an  awful  fate. 

Lion  Gardiner  died  in  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1 663. 
During  his  residence  in  East  Hampton  he  had  been  active 
in  composing  the  affairs,  and  promoting  the  quiet,  har- 
mony, and  prosperity  of  the  community.  The  remote  situ- 
ation of  the  settlement  rendered  it  necessary  that  the  forms 
of  justice  and  of  government  should  be  regulated  and  ad- 
ministered on  the  spot ;  and  this  was  so  wisely  done,  that 
the  rights  of  persons  and  of  property  were  nowhere  better 
respected.  From  his  fellow-townsmen  Gardiner  received 
such  testimonials  as  at  once  bear  witness  to  the  sincerity  of 
their  esteem  and  the  excellence  of  his  character.  When, 
during  the  apprehended  war  with  the  Dutch,  an  individual, 
in  the  fervor  of  his  patriotism,  declared  that  he  would  even 
strike  Mr.  Gardiner  if  he  should  assist  that  nation,  the  of- 
fender met  the  censure  of  the  General  Court  His  house 
and  table  were  ever  free,  and  he  was  courteous  and  hospi- 
table as  well  to  the  stranger  as  his  friends.  To  give  him 
the  commendation  of  a  brave  man  would  be  superfluous, 
considering  the  perilous  positions  in  which  he  voluntarily 
placed  himself;  to  say  that  be  exhibited  a  sense  of  justice 
and  a  spirit  of  moderation,  virtues  which  cannot  be  over- 
rated, beyond  the  times  in  which  he  lived,  is  doing  but 
simple  justice  to  his  memory.  His  estate  must  have  been 
at  one  period  very  large ;  and  by  his  last  will  he  devised  it 
all  to  his  wife,  implying  a  confidence  in  her  judgment  and 
discretion  which  was  not  misplaced.  At  his  decease,  be- 
sides Gardiner's  Island,  he  left  extensive  landed  possessions 
on  Long  Island,  and  yet  a  great  portion  of  his  property  had 
been  previously  absorbed  in  discharging  the  debts  of  his 
son  in  Europe.  Mrs.  Gardiner  survived  her  husband  only 
two  years,  and  Gardiner's  Island  was  entailed  upon  her 
son  David,  who  received  from  Grovernor  Dongan  the  last 
patent  of  it,  erecting. it  a  lordship  and  manor,  "to  be  known 
by  the  name  of  the  Lordship  and  Manor  of  Gardiner's  Isl- 
and." It  was  evidently  under  this,  as  it  had  been  under  all 
the  previous  patents,  anticipated  that  the  island  would  be- 
come a  numerously  tenanted  estate ;  and  provision  was 


Lion  Gardiner.  185 

therefore  made  for  the  holding  of  a  Court  Leet  and  a  Court 
Baron,  and  for  the  advowson  or  right  of  patronage  to  the 
churches  that  might  be  erected.  The  title  of  Lord  was  given 
to  the  proprietors  before  the  American  Revolution,  and  even 
extended,  by  the  courtesy  of  the  people,  to  the  last  genera- 
tion. It  is  remarkable,  that,  since  Lion  Gardiner,  this  island 
has  descended  from  David  to  John,  and  from  John  to  David, 
through  eight  proprietors,  in  regular  succession,  male  issue 
never  having  failed,  and  until  the  present  generation  the  de- 
scent from  father  to  son  having  been  unbroken. 


VOL.  X.  24 


MEMOIR  OF  HON.  JOHN  DAVIS,   LL.D, 


By  CONVERS  FRANCIS,  D.  D. 


The  limits  of  this  notice  will  scarcely  allow  an  adequate 
account  of  the  life  and  character  of  the  late  Hon.  Judge 
Davis,  to  whose  memory  there  comes  from  our  community 
one  undivided  testimony  of  honor  and  love.* 
*  On  the  25th  of  January,  1761,  this  excellent  man  was 
bom  at  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  the  hallowed  spot  of  New 
England  history  always  dear  to  his  heart.  He  was  the 
third  of  six  sons,  some  of  whom  attained  distinction,  and 
all  a  high  respectability,  in  different  walks  of  life,  and  of 
whom  the  only  survivor  is  Isaac  P.  Davis,  Esq.,  of  Boston. 
His  •father  was  Thomas  Davis,  a  respected  merchant  of 
Plymouth,  and  his  mother,  Mercy  Hedge,  whose  descent 
from  Bradford  and  Brewster  connected  his  lineage  with 
highly  honored  names  among  the  original  Pilgrim  band. 
Of  his  childhood,  I  have  been  able  to  learn  only  that  it  was 
marked  by  the  sweet  affection  and  winning  goodness,  which 
are  so  much  better  than  the  merely  remarkable  sayings  and 
doings  reported  of  children.  It  is  known  that  the  delicate 
state  of  his  health,  at  that  early  age,  rendered  him  pecu- 
liarly domestic,  and  secluded  him  in  a  great  degree  from 
the  rough  sports  of  boys.  His  gentle  and  loving  mind  in- 
dicated a  strong  taste  for  books,  and  for  the  instruction  to 
be  gathered  from  his  elders.     In  subsequent  years  he  was 

*  I  have  ffT^ftt  pleasure  in  acknowledging  mj  obligations  to  Hon.  Nathaniel  Mor- 
ton Davis,  of  Plymouth,  who  has  kindly  furnished  me  with  many  facts  and  sugges- 
tions, of  which  1  haye  been  glad  to  ayaif  myself. 


Memoir  of  Judge  Dam.  187 

often  heard  to  speak  with  grateful  recollections  of  his  ma- 
ternal grandmother.  She  had  a  small  collection  of  books^ 
chiefly  theological,  which  he  read  with  avidity.  It  is  said 
that  even  in  these  youthful  days  he  had  acquired  no  incon- 
siderable familiarity  with  the  religious  controversies  of  the 
times,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  the  enlarged  and  liberal 
habits  of  thought  on  these  subjects,  which  adorned  the 
riper  years  of  his  long  life. 

Happily  for  him,  the  growth  of  his  mind  was  for  a  while 
guided  by  the  instructions  of  Alexander  Scammell  and  Pe- 
leg  Wadsworth,  two  of  the  most  accomplished  and  efficient 
teachers  of  that  time.*  His  preparatory  studies  for  college 
were  finished  under  the  care  of  Rev.  Ezra  Sampson,  the 
clergyman  of  Plympton.  He  entered  college  in  1777,  and 
was  graduated  in  1781,  passing  that  trying  period  of  youth- 
ful life  without  blame,  and  with  manly  improvement.  It  is 
known  that  as  a  scholar  he  stood  high,  and  about  equally 
high  in  all  the  departments.  That  he  was  both  the  poet 
and  the  mathematician  of  his  class  is  a  remaricable  fact,  as 
evincing  thus  early  the  versatility  of  mind  and  the  aptness 
for  various  culture  which  marked  all  his  subsequent  devel- 
opments. When  he  took  his  degree,  he  delivered  a  poem 
entitled  ^Commencement,^  which  received  high  praise, 
and,  as  I  am  told,  was  published  in  the  Columbian  Centi- 
nel ;  but  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  number  of  that 
paper  of  so  early  a  date.  Of  his  scientific  reputation 
while  in  college  sufficient  evidence  is  afforded  by  the  fact, 
that  in  October,  1780,  he  was  one  of  a  company  selected 
to  attend  Professor  Williams  tot  the  purpose  of  taking  ob- 
servations of  a  solar  eclipse  at  Long  Island  in  Penobscot 
Bay,  ^  where  by  calculation  it  was  expected  it  would  be 
total/'  t  The  country  was  then  involved  in  the  expense 
and  calamity  of  the  Revolutionary  War ;  but  the  impor- 
tance of  the  object  to  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  science  in- 
duced the  government  of  the  Commonwealth  to  fit  out  a 

*  Tbeie  gentlemen  were  both  dietingouhed  in  the  Revolationaiy  Wmr.  Seammell 
fell,  generilW  and  deepl/  lamented,  at  Torktown,  jnat  aa  the  war  waa  drawing  to  its 
doae.  Walworth  lired  till  1829  in  Maine.  A  acholar  and  poet,  whoee  name 
gracee  ao  beaatifollj  the  litentore  of  oar  countryi  Profeaior  Longlellow»  la  bia 
grandson. 

t  The  companiona  of  Dr.  WilUama  on  thia  occaaion  were  Profeaaor  Sewall,  Jamee 
Wintbrop.  Librarian,  Forteeeao  Verwm,  A.  B.,  and  Ifesata.  Atkinsi  Davia,  HaU, 
Dawaon,  RenaaeUer,  and  King,  atadenta  in  the  college. 


188  Memoir  of  Judge  Dams. 

vessel  to  convey  the  observers.  Application  was  also  made 
to  the  commander  of  the  British  garrison  at  Penobscot  Bay 
for  permission  to  take  some  suitable  station,  which,  with 
somewhat  strait  limits  as  to  time,  was  granted.  Dr.  Wil- 
liams published  an  account  of  this  scientific  expedition,  and 
of  the  observations,  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  American  Acad- 
emy.* Under  date  of  October  27,  speaking  of  those  who 
observed  the  eclipse  with  him,  he  mentions  "  Messrs.  Dud- 
ley Atkins  and  John  Davis,  two  young  gentlemen  of  the 
University,  who  had  made  good  proficiency  in  mathematical 
studies."  He  then  gives  the  results  of  Mr.  Davis*s  obser- 
vations with  the  rest.  Mr.  Davis  kept  an  interesting  jour- 
nal of  the  voyage  on  this  occasion,  which  still  exists  among 
the  papers  he  has  left. 

Having  thus  honorably  completed  his  academical  course, 
he  took  charge  of  a  private  school  in  his  native  town.  He 
was  afterwards  employed  as  an  instructor  in  the  family  of 
General  Joseph  Otis  of  Barnstable,  brother  of  the  cele- 
brated James  Otis.  Among  the  various  pursuits  presenting 
themselves  at  the  opening  of  active  life,  Mr.  Davis  had  fixed 
his  choice  on  the  lawyer's  calling,  and  began  his  legal 
studies  in  the  oflHice  of  Oakes  Angier,  Esq.,  of  Bridge  water, 
whose  reputation  in  his  profession  was  among  the  highest. 
His  preparation  for  the  bar  was  completed  in  Boston  with 
Benjamin  Lincoln,  Esq.,  a  son  of  General  Lincoln,  and  a 
lawyer  of  great  promise,  who  died  while  Mr.  Davis  was  his 
pupil. 

With  a  mind  disciplined  by  earnest  study  and  by  habits 
of  strong,  patient,  discriminating  thought,  and  with  princi- 
ples of  conscientious  fidelity  to  duty,  Mr.  Davis  was  pre- 
pared to  enter  upon  a  profession  which  in  the  hands  of  a 
wise  and  good  man  may  become  so  efficient  an  instrument 
of  honorable  usefulness.  He  now  returned  to  Plymouth, 
and  began  the  practice  of  law  there  in  1786.     The  wel- 

*  Vol.  I.  pp.  86-102.  —  It  may  be  interesting  to  add  some  of  the  phenomena  of 
the  eclipse,  as  stated  by  Dr.  Williams.  '^The  degree  of  darkness  was  greater  than 
was  to  be  expected,  considering  the  sun  was  not  wholly  obscured.  Venus  appeared 
bright  in  the  west;  Jupiter  was  seen  near  the  sun  ;  Lucida  Lynt  near  the  senith,  and 
Jtndtf  in  the  northeast  near  the  horizon,  appeared  very  bright.  Several  others  of 
the  fixed  stars  were  also  seen,  whose  situations  were  not  particularly  noted.  Objects 
at  a  small  distance  appeared  confused ;  and  we  were  obliged  to  make  use  of  candles 
to  count  our  clock.  But  as  soon  as  the  greatest  obscuration  was  past,  it  was  oniver- 
ttUr  remarked,  that  the  increase  of  the  light  was  much  more  rapid  than  that  of  the 
darkness  had  been."  —  p.  97. 


Memoir  of  Judge  Davis.  J  89 

come  of  confidence,  with  which  his  townsmen  were  ready 
to  receive  him,  was  matured   into  permanent  respect  and 
deep  attachment  by  the  devoted  integrity  with  which  he 
discharged  his  duties  as  a  lawyer  and  a  citizen.     In  June, 
1786,  he  was  married  to  Miss  Ellen  Watson.*    The  people 
of  Plymouth  availed  themselves  of  an  early  opportunity  to 
testify  how  much  they  honored  his  ability  and  character. 
He  was  chosen  their  delegate  to  the  State  Convention  on 
the  question  of  adopting  the  Federal  Constitution.     This 
was  his  first  public  office  ;  and  it  is  worthy  of  note,  that,  as 
he  was  then  the  youngest  member  of  that  Convention,  so 
he  lived  to  be  its  last  survivor.     His  townsmen  continued 
their  expression  of  confidence  in  his  qualifications  for  public 
trusts,  by  sending  him,  for  several  years,  as  their  repre- 
sentative to  the  legislature  of  the  State.     In  1795,  he  was 
elected  a  Senator  for  Plymouth  county.     During  the  same 
year  he  received  from  President  Washington  the  appoint- 
ment of  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States, 
while  Oliver  Wolcott  was  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.     The 
confidence  of  the  best  men  in  his  fitness  for  this  place  may 
be  estimated  from  the  testimony  of  Hon.  George  Cabot, 
who,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Wolcott,  •  dated  Brookline,  August 
25th,  1 795,  says :  —  "I  expect  that  Mr.  Davis  will  set  off 
by  to-morrow's  stage,  and  be  the  bearer  of  this  letter.    In 
addition  to  what  you  already  know  of  this  gentleman,  it 
must  be  grateful  to  you  to  be  mformed,  that  those  persons 
who  are  most  intimately  acquainted  with  his  merits  unite 
in  opinion  that  he  will  prove  a  most  valuable  acquisition  to 
the  government,  inasmuch  as  he  possesses  every  essential 
qualification  for  the  office  to  which  he  is  appointed,  in  an 
eminent  degree."  t    The  duties  of  this  station  he  immedi- 
ately undertook,  and  fulfilled  with  no  common  ability ;  but 
after  one  yearns  continuance  in  the  office,  he  resigned  it,  on 
account  of  the  inadequacy  of  the  salary.     It  is  an  honorable 
testimony  to  his  merit,  that  President  Washington  was  de- 
sirous of  securing  his  services  in  another  department,  and 
soon  appointed  him  United  States  Attorney  for  the  District 

*  Their  happy  union  continued  more  than  forty -six  yean.  Mrs.  Davis  died  sud- 
denly in  Sandwich,  September  7, 1832,  at  the  bouse  of  her  son-in-law,  Rev.  Ezra  S. 
Goodwin. 

t  Gibbs's  Memoirs  of  the  Mminutratums  of  Washington  and  John  Adams^  Vol.  I. 
p.  227. 


190  Memoir  of  Judge  Dams. 

of  Massachusetts,  in  the  place  of  Hon.  Christopher  Gore, 
who  had  resigned  that  trust.  On  receiving  this  office,  he 
removed  to  Boston,  where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his 
Ufe. 

Early  in  the  year  1801,  Mr.  Davis  received  from  Presi- 
dent Adams  the  appointment  of  Judge  of  the  District  Court 
of  the  United  States  for  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 
The  functions  of  this  important  office  he  discharged,  for 
more  than  forty  years,  with  the  highest  honor  to  himself, 
and  with  the  entire  approbation  of  all  who  could  estimate 
its  difficult  duties.  When  he  accepted  the  station,  the  ju- 
dicial learning  necessary  to  a  thorough  acquaintance  with 
the  principles  of  the  Admiralty  law  was  by  no  means  so  ac- 
cessible as  it  has  since  become.  It  was  to  be  sought  and 
applied  by  a  painstakmg  search  of  recondite  sources, 
whence  it  had  not  as  yet  been  drawn  forth  and  made 
common.  The  court,  m  which  he  was  now  to  sit  as  judge, 
always  demands  abilities  and  acquirements  of  no  common 
kmd.  It  not  only  requires  extensive  legal  erudition,  but 
frequently  calls  for  a  ready  knowledge  of  civil  and  maritime 
history,  of  all  that  relates  to  modes  of  navigation  and  forms 
of  shipping,  the  geography  of  different  countries,  and  the 
departments  of  natural  history  connected  with  articles  of 
commerce.  In  the  application  of  these  materials,  an  accu- 
rate facility  of  discrimination  between  the  pertinent  and  the 
inappropriate  is  indispensable.  The  passionless,  compre- 
hensive, searching  mind  of  Judge  Davis  was  admirably  fitted 
to  meet  the  claims  of  such  an  office.  He  entered  upon  it 
with  copious  stores  of  professional  erudition  and  of  various 
learning ;  and  these,  by  unremitted  diligence,  he  was  always 
mcreasing.  His  matured,  unruffled  judgment  moved  forth- 
right to  its  results  in  the  pure  light  of  principles.  In  the 
distressing  commercial  embarrassments  of  the  country,  his 
wisdom  and  firmness  maintained  the  supremacy  of  law,  un- 
awed  by  the  prevailing  feelings  of  an  exasperated  commu- 
nity. The  clearness  and  ease  with  which  Judge  Davis 
entered  into  the  merits  and  relations  of  any  case  before  him, 
unravelling  its  intricacies  and  making  its  bearings  perspicu- 
ous, were  remarked  by  all  who  had  business  in  his  court 
Those  who  are  qualified  to  speak  on  such  a  subject  unite 
in  saymg  that  he  possessed  all  the  attributes  of  a  good 


Memoir  of  Judge  Davis.  191 

judge.  One  testimony  comes  from  too  high  a  source  to  be 
omitted.  Mr.  Justice  Story,  with  whom  Judge  Davis  was 
for  many  years  connected  in  judicial  duties,  dedicated  to 
him  one  of  his  important  works.*  In  that  dedication  he 
says :  —  "  The  patience,  the  candor,  the  urbanity,  the  sound 
discretion,  and  the  eminent  ability,  with  which  you  per- 
formed all  your  judicial  functions  durmg  this  period,  are 
known  to  no  one  better  than  to  myself ;  for  I  have  been  the 
constant  witness  of  them,  and  have  sometimes  partaken  of 
them,  and  have  always  been  instructed  by  them.  In  the 
earlier  part  of  your  judicial  career,  you  led  the  way  in  ex- 
ploring the  then  almost  untrodden  paths  of  Admiralty  and 
Maritime  Jurisprudence,  and  laid  the  profession  under  last- 
ing obligations  by  unfolding  its  various  learning  and  its  com- 
prehensive principles.  Your  judgments  have  stood  the  test 
of  time,  and  are  destined  to  be  laid  up  among  the  Responsa 
Prudentium  for  professional  instruction  in  future  ages." 
The  writer  then  proceeds  to  speak  of  the  personal  friend- 
ship and  kindness  of  Judge  Davis,  and  very  beautifully  says 
of  these,  —  "  They  have  lightened  many  heavy  labors ;  they 
have  cheered  many  saddened  hours ;  and,  above  all,  they 
have  taught  me  to  feel  the  value  of  the  truth,  that  the  in- 
dulgent approbation  of  the  Wise  and  Good  is  among  the 
most  enviable  of  human  blessings." 

The  duties  of  the  judiciary  office  occupied  the  remainder 
of  Judge  Davis's  life,  till  within  a  very  few  years  of  its  close. 
With  these  he  united  diversified  studies,  which  kept  his 
mind  ever  fresh,  elastic,  and  genial.  Surrounded  by  the 
hearty  respect,  the  unvarying  confidence,  of  an  enlightened 
community,  his  course  was  graced  with  a  gentle  dignity,  a 
beautiful  repose  of  character,  amidst  incessant  activity.  As 
his  busy  years  rolled  on,  full  of  honorable  usefulness,  he 
took  ever  a  higher  place  among  those  to  whom  we  look  for 
all  good  influences.  Even  the  wantonness  of  calumny, 
which  seldom  fails  to  find  its  time  to  assail  the  best  of  public 
men,  had  nothing  to  say  against  this  man.  A  living  relig- 
ious faith,  expressing  itself  in  a  Christian  life,  hallowed  his 
relation  to  his  fellow-men  and  to  the  great  interests  of  soci- 
ety.    Of  no  one,  who  has  lived  among  us  so  long  in  the 

*  Commentaries  on  the  Lato  ofAgeneyy  as  a  Branch  of  Commercial  and  Maritime 
Jurisprudence.    Second  Edition.    i844. 


192  Memoir  oj  Judge  Davis. 

responsibleness  of  a  public  station,  could  it  be  more  truly 
said  than  of  Judge  Davis,  that  he  passed  his  days  without 
a  stain  and  without  censure.  His  life  must  be  pronounced 
singularly  felicitous,  full  as  it  was  of  interest,  if  not  of  inci- 
dent, and  made  bland  and  sweet  by  its  cheerful  serenity,  its 
almost  childlike  simplicity.  He  looked  on  the  bright  side 
of  things  ;  for  by  temperament  and  principle  he  was  predis- 
posed to  be  happy.  Passages  of  deep  and  touching  afflic- 
tion, amidst  his  beloved  family  ties,  were  repeatedly  min- 
gled in  his  experience.  But  these  he  met  with  such  gentle 
submission,  such  tranquil  strength  of  faith,  that  one  could 
scarcely  perceive  sorrow  had  been  dealing  with  him ;  not 
because  there  was  any  apathy  of  the  affections,  for  none 
were  more  tender  and  susceptible  than  his ;  but  because 
the  quiet  piety  of  his  spirit  allowed  no  encroachment  of  un- 
subdued or  ill-regulated  feelings,  and  because  his  inward 
being  moved  in  habitual  harmony  with  the  will  of  Grod. 

Thus,  blessing  and  blessed,  he  passed  on  to  old  age. 
And  how  beautiful  that  old  age  was,  none,  who  had  the  priv- 
ilege of  knowing  it,  can  ever  forget.  It  was  the  old  age  of 
the  Christian  scholar  and  the  beloved  man.  His  evening  of 
life  could  not  but  be  bright  and  serene,  full  of  hope,  and  free 
from  sadness.  He  had  a  kindly  freshness  of  spirit,  which 
made  the  society  of  the  young  pleasant  to  him ;  and  they, 
on  their  part,  were  always  happy  to  be  with  him,  enjoying 
the  good-natured  wisdom  and  the  modest  richness  of  his 
conversation.  ,His  faculties  remained  clear,  active,  and 
healthy  to  the  last  Advancing  years  never  for  a  moment 
closed  the  capacity,  or  abated  the  willingness,  to  receive 
new  ideas.  Though  a  lover  of  the  past  and  the  established, 
his  opinions  never  hardened  into  prejudices.  His  intellect- 
ual vigor  was  not  seen  to  moulder  under  the  quiet  which 
an  old  man  claims  as  his  right  Of  him  might  be  said 
what  Solon  said  of  himself  in  advanced  years,  that  "he 
learned  something  every  day  he  lived";  and  to  no  one 
could  be  better  appUed  the  remark  of  Cicero  concerning 
the  venerable  Appius,  —  "  Intentum  enim  animum  quasi  ar- 
cum  habebat,  nee  languescens  succumbebat  senectuti."  * 
But  it  was  peculiarly  his  fine  moral  qualities,  —  his  benevo- 

*  Dt  SetuctuUy  c.  zi. 


Memoir  of  Judge  Davis.  193 

lence,  his  artlessness,  his  genial  kindness,  —  which  shed  a 
mellow  and  beautiful  light  on  his  old  age.  No  thought  of 
self  ever  mingled  its  alloy  with  the  virtues  that  adorned 
Judge  Davis's  character.  His  reliapce  on  the  truths  and 
promises  of  Christian  faith  seemed  more  confident  and  vital 
as  he  drew  nearer  to  the  great  realities  of  the  future.  For 
him,  life  had  always  a  holy  meaning.  A  Grecian  philoso- 
pher, at  the  age  of  eighty-five,  is  said  to  have  expressed 
painful  discontent  at  the  shortness  of  life,  and  complained 
of  nature's  hard  allotment,  which  snatches  man  away  just 
as  he  is  about  to  reach  some  perfection  of  science.  Not  so 
our  Christian  sage ;  he  found  occasion,  not  for  complaint, 
but  rather  for  thankfulness,  because,  as  the  end  approached, 
he  saw  more  distinctly  revealed  the  better  light  beyond. 
He  once  expressed,  in  a  manner  touchingly  beautiful,  his 
own  estimation  of  old  age.  On  the  occasion  of  a  dinner- 
party, at  which  Judge  Story  and  others  eminent  in  the  legal 
profession  were  present,  the  conversation  turned  upon  the 
comparative  advantages  of  the  different  periods  of  life. 
Some  preferred,  for  enjoyment,  youth  and  manhood  ;  others 
ascribed  more  solid  satisfactions  to  old  age.  When  the 
opinion  of  Judge  Davis  was  asked,  he  said,  with  his  usual 
calm  simplicity  of  manner,  —  "  In  the  warm  season  of  the 
year  it  is  my  delight  to  be  in  the  country ;  and  every  pleas- 
ant evening,  while  I  am  there,  I  love  to  sit  at  the  window 
and  look  upon  some  beautiful  trees  which  grow  near  my 
house.  The  murmuring  of  the  wind  through  the  branches, 
the  gentle  play  of  the  leaves,  and  the  flickering  of  light 
upon  them  when  the  moon  is  up,  fill  me  with  an  indescrib- 
able pleasure.  As  the  autumn  comes  on,  I  feel  very  sad 
to  see  these  leaves  falling  one  by  one ;  but  when  they  are 
all  gone,  I  find  that  they  were  only  a  screen  before  my  eyes  ; 
for  I  experience  a  new  and  higher  satisfaction  as  I  gaze 
through  the  naked  branches  at  the  glorious  stars  beyond." 

The  health  of  Judge  Davis  remained  generally  good. 
Few  men  have  had  so  much  of  that  enjoyment  of  life, 
which  cheerfulness,  temperance,  and  natural  habits  of  living 
bestow.  He  had  but  little  physical  suffering  ;  and  infirmity 
spared  him,  except  in  such  gentle  measure  as  to  give  ven- 
'  erableness  without  feebleness  to  his  appearance :  — 
VOL.  x.  25 


194  Memoir  of  Judge  Davis. 

''An  age  that  melts  with  un  perceived  decay, 
And  glides  in  modest  innocence  away  ; 
Whose  peaceful  day  Benevolence  endears, 
Whose  night  congratulating  Conscience  cheers ; 
The  general  favorite,  as  the  general  friend  ; 
Such  age  there  is,  and  who  shall  wish  itii  end  1  '* 

In  July,  1841,  Judge  Davis,  though  his  intellectual  vigor 
was  still  unabated,  resigned  the  judicial  office  which  he 
had  so  long  and  so  honorably  held.  It  may  well  be  sup- 
posed that  those  who  had  witnessed  with  grateful  respect 
the  urbane  wisdom  and  the  signal  ability  which  had  marked 
the  administration  of  his  court  would  not  permit  this  occa- 
sion to  pass  without  an  appropriate  notice.  At  a  meeting 
of  the  Suffolk  Bar,  a  resolution  was  unanimously  passed, 
stating  the  high  sense  entertained  by  the  members  of  the 
Bar  of  the  judicial  labors  of  Judge  Davis,  "  which  for  so 
many  years  have  exhibited  varied  and  accurate  learning, 
sound  and  discriminating  judgment,  unwearied  patience, 
gentleness  of  manners,  and  perfect  purity,"  and  expressing 
their  "  heartfelt  wishes  that  he  may  find  in  retirement  that 
dignified  repose  which  forms  the  appropriate  close  of  a  long 
and  useful  life."  Franklin  Dexter,  Esq.,  the  District  Attor- 
ney of  the  United  States,  was  requested  to  make  known 
the  resolutioii  to  the  venerable  judge.  This  commission 
Mr.  Dexter  discharged  with  felicitous  grace,  accompanying 
the  expression  from  the  Bar  with  remarks  of  his  own  most 
happily  apposite.  "It  can  rarely  happen,"  said  he,  "that 
a  judge,  who  is  called  upon  to  decide  so  many  delicate  and 
important  questions  of  property  and  of  personal  right,  should 
so  entirely  have  escaped  all  imputation  of  prejudice  or  pas- 
sion, and  should  have  found  so  general  an  acquiescence  in 
his  results."  "  Our  filial  respect  and  affection  for  yourself" 
—  thus  closed  the  well-merited  words  of  honor  —  "  have 
constantly  increased  with  your  increasing  years ;  and  while 
we  acknowledge  your  right  now  to  seek  the  repose  of  pri- 
vate life,  we  feel  that  your  retirement  is,  not  less  than  it 
ever  would  have  been,  a  loss  to  the  profession  and  to  the 
public.  May  you  live  long  and  happily,  —  as  long  as  life 
shall  continue  to  be  a  blessing  to  you ;  and  so  long  will  that 
life  be  a  blessing  to  your  friends  and  to  society."  * 

*  In  the  coarse  of  his  remarks,  Mr.  Dexter  introduced  so  hsppily  the  seTere  erisis 
which  tested  the  firmness  of  the  Judge,  in  conseauence  of  the  pressure  of  the  embargo 
on  the  business  of  the  country,  that  1  cannot  renmin  from  quoting  the  well-deflerred 


Memoir  of  Judge  Dams.  195 

Judge  Davis,  deeply  affected  by  this  address,  replied  in 
a  manner  worthy  of  himself.  He  gave  a  very  interesting 
sketch  of  the  Suffolk  Bar  during  his  acquaintance  with  it, 
vindicated  the  honorable  claims  of  the  legal  profession,  de- 
scribed the  position  of  the  Circuit  Court,  paid  a  grateful 
tribute  to  the  names  of  Judge  Cushing  and  Mr.  Justice 
Story,  suggested  by  his  personal  intercourse  with  those  em- 
inent men,  spoke  with  modest  pleasure  of  his  own  relation 
to  the  weighty  duties  of  the  Bench,  and  closed  with  saying, 
—  "I  bid  you  an  affectionate  adieu,  thankful  for  all  your 
kindness,  and  for  the  gratifying  and  improving  opportunities 
which  it  has  been  my  favored  lot  to  enjoy  in  the  connection 
now  to  be  dissolved.  It  is  painful  to  employ  the  solemn 
word  dissolved.  Our  official  connection  will  cease  ;  but  re- 
ciprocal esteem  and  good-will  wall,  I  trust,  remain  in  contin- 
ued exercise.  I  shall  rejoice  in  all  I  may  see  or  hear  of 
your  prosperity  and  honor ;  and  may  the  Father  of  mercies, 
the  Giver  of  every  good  gift,  sustain,  animate,  and  guide  you 
in  your  assiduous  progress  in  the  path  of  arduous  duty." 
This  was  an  occasion  of  such  hearty  interest  as  seldom 
occurs  in  the  history  of  public  life.  "  The  scene  which  the 
court-room  presented,"  says  Dr.  Gannett,  "  will  not  be  for- 
gotten by  those  who  were  in  attendance.  The  whole  Bar 
crowding  with  the  affectionate  curiosity  of  children  around 
the  place  on  which  the  aged  judge  sat,  and  listening  in  pro- 
found silence  to  the  low  tones  of  his  voice,  was  in  itself  a 
proof  of  what  Mr.  Dexter  had  just  declared,  that  their  filial 
respect  and  affection  had  constantly  increased  with  his  in- 
creasing years."  * 

praise.  Having  spoken  of  the  period  when  the  Jadge  assumed  his  duties,  he 
said,  —  *'  A  few  years  after  thai  time,  the  system  of  commercial  restriction  adopted 
by  the  general  government  threw  this  portion  of  the  country  into  a  state  of  unparal- 
leled distress  and  exasperation.  An  abundant  and  overflowing  commerce  was  sud- 
denly checked  in  all  its  issues  and  enterprises,  and  the  revulsion  threatened  to 
break  down  the  barriers  of  law  by  which  it  was  restrained.  It  was  in  the  District 
Court,  and  under  your  administration,  that  this  struggle  took  place  ;  and  although 
juries  refused  to  execute  the  obnoxious  restrictions  in  cases  required  by  the  Constitu- 
tion to  be  submitted  to  them,  yet  the  supremacy  of  the  law  suffered  no  detriment  in  the 
hands  of  the  court.  Few  of  us  can  remember  this  eivium  ardor  jubentium  ;  but  all 
can  imagine  how  painful  a  duty  it  was  to  be  thus  placed  in  opposition  to  the  feelings 
and  interests  of  this  community.*'  Mr.  Dexter  then  recalled  to  the  minds  of  the  Bar 
the  beautiful  language  in  which  the  Judge  at  that  time  expressed  his  regrets,  when 
he  **  felt  obliged  to  declare,  that,  disastrous  as  its  consequences  were  to  the  country^ 
the  embargo  was  slill  the  law  of  the  land,  and  as  such  to  be  obeyed."  The  words 
which  were  quoted  portvay  with  striking  eloquence  the  importance  and  the  blessings 
of  that  commercial  activity,  the  check  upon  which  then  filled  the  community  with 
gloom  and  indignation. 
*  Sermon  oeeanontd  hy  the  Death  of  Hon.  John  Davis,  LL.  D.,  p.  29. 


196  Memoir  of  Judge  Davis. 

Having  thus  closed  his  official  cares,  Judge  Davis  with- 
drew to  spend  what  might  remain  of  life  in  the  bosom 
of  his  beloved  family,  where  his  happiness  was  cared  for 
by  daughters  whose  delight  it  was  to  watch  over  him  with 
devoted  solicitude.  With  a  mind  still  strong,  with  affections 
fresh  as  ever,  and  with  an  interest  in  all  good  things  yet 
undiminished,  he  continued  to  receive  and  to  impart  much 
tranquil  enjoyment.  His  sight  soon  became  so  dimmed, 
that  he  could  no  longer  fill  his  leisure  with  the  pleasure  of 
reading,  —  to  him  always  one  of  the  greatest  pleasures.  This 
trial  he  met  with  the  undisturbed  cheerfulness  so  character- 
istic of  his  whole  life.  One  would  scarcely  have  known 
the  privation  from  any  word  of  his ;  and  it  seemed  that  for 
him  the  better  light  so  much  the  rather  shone  inward. 
While  his  vision  was  thus  clouded,  the  air  around  him 
would  sometimes  appear  to  be  filled  with  agreeable  pictures 
and  images,  which  he  took  pleasure  in  describing  as  a  com- 
pensation for  his  blindness.  The  end  was  at  hand ;  and  it 
was  as  tranquil  and  gentle  as  those  who  loved  him  best 
could  desire.  No  agonizing  pains,  no  distressing  imbecility, 
visited  his  last  days.  For  a  few  hours  only,  disease  with 
mild  touch  laid  its  hand  on  his  aged  frame ;  and  then,  in 
the  midst  of  his  children  and  grandchildren, 

**  Like  a  shadow  thrown 
Softly  and  lightly  from  a  pasaing  cloud, 
Death  fell  upon  him.'* 

He  died  on  Thursday,  January  14th,  1847.  Had  he  lived 
to  the  25th  of  that  month,  he  would  have  been  eighty-six 
years  old.  On  the  next  Monday  the  funeral  services  were 
attended,  in  the  Federal  Street  Church,  by  a  large  concourse 
of  those  who  had  loved  and  honored  him  in  life.  These 
services  were  conducted  with  a  very  touching  and  impres- 
sive effect  by  his  pastor,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Gannett,  whom  he 
had  always  justly  regarded  with  the  highest  respect  and 
most  affectionate  confidence. 

The  story  of  Judge  Davis's  life  is  itself  the  picture  of  his 
character;  for  such  was  his  directness,  his  singleness  of 
mind,  that  the  impress  of  his  soul  uniformly  shone  through 
his  conduct.  He  was  "an  Israelite  indeed,  in  whom  is 
no  guile."  When  those  who  knew  him  recall  what  he 
was  and  what  he  did,  they  have  precious  remembrances  of 


Memoir  of  Judge  Dams.  197 

noble  principles  and  of  spotless  integrity,  of  an  amenity  of 
temper  which  was  a  perpetual  benediction,  of  a  manly  gen- 
tleness which  imparted  grace  to  strength  of  character,  of  an 
unaffected  modesty  that  never  impaired  energy  of  thought 
or  action,  of  a  kindness  that  blessed  each  circle  in  which  it 
moved  and  each  individual  whom  it  touched,  of  a  piety 
which  lifted  up  his  other  excellences  above  the  rank  of 
merely  reputable  qualities  and  made  them  sacred.  Sim- 
plicity and  truthfulness  were  essential  elements  of  his  whole 
being.  No  provocation  could  tempt  him  to  be  unjust  to 
any  person  or  subject.  He  was  a  man  of  decision  and 
individuality,  without  heat  or  rigor.  The  evenness  of  his 
mind  and  the  serenity  of  his  spirit  had  a  sedative  effect  on 
the  ruffled  feelings  of  others,  and  silently  corrected  their 
one-sided  exaggerations.  His  mild  impartiality  exerted  a 
regulating  power  over  those  with  whom  he  conversed.  Im- 
petuous prejudices  were  held  in  check,  harsh  judgments 
were  rebuked,  by  the  very  atmosphere  of  his  presence.  A 
tone  of  quiet  humor,  and  the  intermixture  of  racy  anecdote, 
sometimes  gave  to  the  wisdom  which  he  uttered  the  advan- 
tage of  a  playful  appearance.  A  kindly  warmth,  without 
unhealthy  excitement,  imparted  to  his  conversation  a  bland, 
mellowed  character.  To  enjoy  it  was  to  ^withdraw  from 
disturbing  influences  to  a  retired  spot,  where  all  was  whole- 
some and  truthful.  There  was  nothing  opaque  in  any  of 
his  processes  of  thought ;  and  his  mind  was  clear,  not  be- 
cause it  was  shallow,  but  because  strong  good-sense  never 
allowed  it  to  be  turbid.  Bold  reformers  might  think  him 
timid  or  cold  ;  but  it  is  more  true  to  say,  that  his  tempera- 
ment and  judgment  inclined  him  to  cautious  circumspection 
rather  than  adventurous  movement.  With  regard  to  impor- 
tant innovations  and  rapid  changes,  he  might  be  disposed  to 
adopt  the  spirit  of  Lord  Bacon's  maxim  :  —  "  Use  Argus*s 
hundred  eyes,  before  you  raise  one  of  Briareus's  hundred 
hands."  Yet  he  looked  upon  all  new  proposals  and  new 
modes  of  thinking  with  great  fairness  and  freedom  from 
prejudice.  No  harsh  word,  no  scornful  epithet,  with  regard 
to  the  theories  and  plans  of  others,  ever  passed  his  lips ; 
and  nothing  could  better  exemplify  the  character  of  his 
spirit  than  his  own  quotation  from  Malebranche,  —  "Truth 
loves  gentleness  and  peace." 


198  Memoir  of  Judge  Dcwis. 

A  late  biographer  of  Lord  Eldon  has  mentioned,  as  a 
misfortune  to  his  judicial  reputation,  "his  utter  relinquish- 
ment of  literature  from  the  time  when  he  began  to  study 
law."  *  No  regret  or  compla'mt  of  this  kind  could  have 
place  with  regard  to  Judge  Davis.  Through  the  whole  of 
life,  his  fresh  interest  in  literary  and  scientific  studies  was 
very  remarkable.  Professional  labors  never  quenched  or 
dulled  his  strong  native  love  of  these  pursuits ;  and  the 
rich  and  varied  stores  of  his  mind  were  opened  with 
such  modest  simplicity,  that  his  knowledge  seemed  to  be 
a  part  of  his  virtue.  Classical  learning,  which  had  been 
an  early  love,  continued  one  of  the  delights  of  his  manhood 
and  old  age.  With  some  of  the  best  treasures  of  Greek 
literature  he  was  well  acquainted ;  and  with  those  of  Latin 
he  cultivated  such  a  constant  familiarity  as  has  been  attained 
by  few  of  our  professional  men.  He  read  the  French  much 
and  with  the  greatest  ease,  was  conversant  with  the  Span- 
ish, and  was  not  without  a  knowledge  of  other  modem 
tongues.  The  general  philosophy  of  language  he  regarded 
as  a  subject  of  curious  interest,  and  bestowed  upon  it  much 
attention.  He  had  frequent  correspondence  with  Mr.  Du 
Ponceau,  the  distinguished  philologer  of  Philadelphia,  par- 
ticularly with  reference  to  the  Indian  languages  of  North 
America.  At  an  early  period  in  the  course  of  this  corre- 
spondence, he  suggested,  with  much  learning  and  ingenuity, 
some  doubts  as  to  Mr.  Du  Ponceau's  opinion,  that  the  In- 
dian tongues  are  generally  destitute  of  the  substantive  verb 
to  be.  t  Another  eminent  scholar,  Hon.  John  Pickering, 
found  in  Judge  Davi^  a  mind  congenial  with  his  own ;  and 
they  had  a  pleasing  intercourse  and  sympathy  in  philological 
pursuits. 

Judge  Davis  was  a  botanist  at  a  time  when  botany  was 
hardly  known  or  thought  of  among  us ;  and  he  loved  flow- 
ers with  the  fondness  of  personal  friendship.  Mineralogy 
and  conchology  attracted  much  of  his  attention,  and  his 
knowledge  of  them  was  more  than  superficial.  As  his  tastes 
were  all  simple,  pure,  and  natural,  one  of  his  dearest  pleas- 
ures was  to  ramble  in  the  fields,  over  the  hills,  and  on  the 

*  Lord  Campbell's  Lives  of  the  Lord  Chanceilort^  Vol.  VII.  p.  620. 
t  Mass.  Hist   ColL,  Second  Series,  Vol.  IX.,  p.  xxv.  ofDu  Ponceau's  JVo<e#  on  Eli- 
aCs  Indian  Grammar,  where  an  extract  from  Judge  Davia'i  tetter  is  giren. 


Memoir  of  Judge  Davis.  1 99 

sea-shore,  especially  in  various  parts  of  Plymouth  county, 
to  collect  interesting  plants,  shells,  and  minerals.  He  gave 
an  impulse  to  these  delightful  studies  among  his  young 
friends,  who  were  always  happy  in  bringing  him  rare  and 
curious  specimens  to  be  classed  and  named.  With  the 
theories  and  principles  of  chemistry  he  was  well  acquainted, 
and  took  note  of  the  progressive  discoveries  in  that  science. 
Among  scientific  pursuits,  it  may  be  said,  perhaps,  that  his 
strongest  partiality  was  for  the  several  branches  of  natural 
history.  Astronomy  continued  always  to  interest  him  deep- 
ly, as  we  have  seen  it  had  done  during  his  college  iile. 
Though  the  pressure  of  other  duties  did  not  allow  him  to 
be  a  practical  observer  of  the  heavens,  yet  he  made  him- 
self acquainted  with  the  observations  of  astronomers,  and 
understood  their  principles.  Few  scholars  loved  better  or 
were  more  conversant  with  English  literature  in  general 
Amidst  severer  pursuits,  he  cherished  a  taste  for  the  best 
poetry,  and  has  left  a  few  pleasing  specimens  of  his  own 
poetic  talent.  His  Ode  *  and  Hymn  t  for  the  22d  of  De- 
cember are  among  the  best  which  that  inspiring  occasion 
has  called  forth ;  and  even  as  late  as  the  summer  before  his 
death,  he  inclosed  in  a  letter  to  his  illustrious  friend,  Hon.  ' 
John  Quincy  Adams,  some  very  interesting  stanzas  on  his 
own  failure  of  sight,  which  were  among  the  last  words  he 
ever  penned.  Judge  Davis  bestowed  much  well-directed 
attention,  not  only  upon  religious  questions  in  general,  but 
upon  some  of  the  more  recondite  topics  which  occupy  the- 
ological scholars.  The  extent  of  his  inquiries  in  this  way 
surprised  those  who  had  opportunities  of  observing  them. 
With  his  son-in-law.  Rev.  Mr.  Goodwin  of  Sandwich,  who 
was  an  excellent  scholar  in  theology,  as  well  as  a  beloved, 
honored,  and  lamented  clergyman,  Judge  Davis  had  fre- 
quent correspondence  on  questions  of  Biblical  criticism  and 
other  kindred  subjects.  Mr.  (Joodwin  often  expressed  his 
astonishment  at  the  large  amount  of  his  information,  and 
the  accuracy  of  his  investigations,  on  these  points ;  nor  was 
he  alone  among  the  clergy  in  bearing  this  testimony.  The 
religious  opinions  which  Judge  Davis  uniformly  cherished 
were  those  designated  as  Liberal,  or  Unitarian ;  and  these  he 

*  For  the  AnniTersary  Fe8ti?a1, 1798.  t  1799. 


200  Memoir  of  Judge  Davis. 

had  not  accepted  without  patient  and  conscientious  inquiry. 
He  testified  his  regard  for  the  Divinity  School  at  Cambridge 
by  a  valuable  bequest  of  books  to  its  library.  How  highly 
he  was  esteemed  and  loved  as  a  member  and  one  of  the 
officers  of  the  Federal  Street  Church  in  Boston,  the  pastor 
of  that  church  has  well  told  in  his  just  and  beautiful  tribute 
to  the  memory  of  the  venerable  man.  It  was  rare  indeed 
that  his  seat  in  that  house  of  worship  was  vacant  on  the 
Sabbath,  and  no  one  could  take  a  more  devout  and  heart- 
felt interest  in  its  services. 

In  his  large  and  well -selected  library,  which  contained 
many  rare  and  curious  books,  he  took  great  pleasure,  and  of 
its  treasures  he  made  diligent  use.  When  I  consider  the 
multifarious  character  of  bis  intellectual  attainments,  I  am 
surprised  at  the  graceful  ease  with  which  he  mastered  so 
many  subjects,  in  connection  with  devoted  attention  to  the 
duties  of  his  official  station  ;  and  I  readily  assent  to  the  tes- 
timony of  one  *  who  knew  him  intimately,  that  "  in  the 
number  and  variety  of  his  pursuits  he  was  perhaps  une- 
qualled." 

There  is  yet  another  department  particularly  to  be  men- 
tioned, in  which  Judge  Davi?  was  probably  more  distin- 
guished than  in  any  other  except  his  professional  studies, 
—  that  of  History,  especially  the  history  and  antiquities  of 
New  England.  His  taste  for  these  inquiries  sprung  from  an 
early  and  always  continued  love.  No  man  was  more  fre- 
quently or  more  satisfactorily  consulted  for  information  of 
this  kind.  His  antiquarian  lore  was  known  to  be  large  and 
thorough,  the  result  of  minute  and  sedulous  investigation. 
With  the  doings  and  characters  of  the  Pilgrim  band,  and  of 
their  successors  in  the  olden  times,  his  familiarity  was  such 
as  to  possess  the  charm  of  an  affectionate  domestic  interest. 
Himself  a  worthy  descendant  of  that  honored  company,  he 
dwelt,  with  warm  love  of  the  subject,  upon  the  annals  of 
the  Plymouth  settlement,  —  "gentis  cunabula  nostras," — a 
place  to  which  his  feelings  always  reverted  with  the  reverent 
regards  of  a  son.  He  delivered  the  Oration  at  the  Anni- 
versary of  the  Plymouth  Landing  in  1800,  which,  it  is  to  be 
regretted,  he  did  not  consent  to  publish.     The  Massachu- 

*  Hon.  Nathaniel  Morton  Davis. 


Memoir  of  Judge  Davis.  20 1 

setts  Historical  Society  owes  much  of  its  large  amount  of 
usefulness  to  the  labors  performed  and  the  spirit  diffused 
by  Judge  Davis.  He  was  elected  a  member  of  that  Socie- 
ty in  the  year  of  its  organization,  1791  ;  and  from  his  long- 
continued  connection  with  it  resulted  highly  valued  service 
to  its  important  interests.  In  April,  1818,  he  was  chosen 
President  of  the  Society,  to  which  office  he  was  constandy 
reappointed  till  April,  1835,  when  he  declined  a  reelection, 
and  tendered  his  resignation  amidst  the  grateful  regards  of 
all  the  members  of  ^he  association.  No  one  of  them  would 
fail  to  bear  testimony  to  the  urbanity  of  his  official  deport- 
ment, and  to  his  distinguished  usefulness  in  that  body. 

Judge  Davis  was  for  many  years  a  member  of  the  Amer- 
ican Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  sustained  at  different 
times  the  offices  of  Recording  Secretary  and  of*  Counsellor 
in  that  Academy,  and  contributed  to  its  Memoirs.  The 
American  Philosophical  Society  of  Philadelphia,  and  several 
other  associations  for  literary  and  scientific  purposes,  also 
graced  their  list  of  members  with  his  name. 

The  honor  and  welfare  of  Harvard  University,  the  place 
of  his  own  education,  were  always  dear  to  him.  In  the 
spirit  of  an  enlightened  love  of  learning,  he  regarded  the 
interests  of  that  institution  as  closely  interwoven  with  the 
best  interests  of  the  whole  community.  He  was  called  to 
take  an  important  part  in  the  management  of  its  concerns, 
by  being  chosen  one  of  the  Fellows  of  the  University  in 
1803.  This  position  he  occupied  till  1810,  when  he  was 
elected  Treasurer  of  the  University,  and  consequently  still 
retained  his  place  as  a  member  of  the  Corporation.  The 
office  of  Treasurer  he  resigned  in  1827,  and  received  from 
the  Corporation  a  vote  expressing  "  their  high  respect  and 
regard  for  his  character,  their  sense  of  the  value  of  his  ser- 
vices as  a  Fellow  of  the  Corporation  for  successive  years, 
and  of  his  care  and  fidelity  in  the  exercise  of  his  office,  and 
their  regret  at  the  loss  of  an  agreeable  associate,  so  qualified 
and  disposed  to  assist  their  counsels  and  exertions  for  the 
good  of  the  University  and  the  interests  of  education."  His 
connection  with  the  care  of  the  institution,  however,  did  not 
yet  cease.  In  1827  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
Board  of  Overseers,  and  retained  his  seat  in  that  Board  till 
he  resigned  it  in  1837.     In  1842  he  received  firom  Harvard 

VOL.   X.  26 


202  Memoir  of  Judge  Davis. 

the  honorary  degree  of  LL.  D.  Dartmouth  College  had 
honored  him  with  the  same  degree  in  1802. 

Those  who  were  best  acquainted  with  the  diversified  at- 
tainments and  the  fine  mind  of  Judge  Davis  naturally  re- 
gretted that  he  wrote  so  little  for  the  public.  But  it  is  not 
alone  by  making  books  that  wise  and  learned  men  exert  an 
extensive  agency.  The  fruits  of  their  minds  are  difiused  in 
other  forms,  if  more  silently,  perhaps  quite  as  permanently. 
Their  intellectual  activity  is  sometimes  to  be  measured  more 
by  a  general  influence  constantly  put  forth  through  multi- 
plied relations,  than  by  numerous  volumes.  The  published 
writings  of  Judge  Davis  are  few.  He  was  too  modest  to 
be  ambitious  of  authorship,  and  more  desirous  of  studying 
the  wisdom  of  others  than  of  calling  the  attention  of  the  com- 
munity to  his  own.  What  he  did  give  to  the  public  in  this 
way  is  all  marked  with  the  qualities  which  might  be  expected 
from  the  known  character  of  his  mind  and  heart.  It  is 
worthy  of  the  scholar  and  the  sage.  Hisi  style,  evincing 
a  classical  and  well-matured  taste,  is  lucid,  chaste,  and 
terse,  not  deficient  in  vigor,  and  full  of  expressiveness.  His 
ripe,  well-considered  thoughts  often  possess  a  striking  beau- 
ty. His  mode  of  treating  a  subject  always  displays  pa- 
tience of  investigation,  accuracy  of  statement,  select  leam- 
iog,  undisturbed  candor,  and  frequently  a  pleasing  originality 
and  freshness.  We  have  few  better  writers.  The  follow- 
ing is  a  list  of  his  publications,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to 
ascertain  them. 

Address  before  the  Members  of  the  Massachusetts  Char- 
itable Fire  Society,  May  31,  1799. 

Eulogy  on  George  Washington  before  the  American 
Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  February  19,  1800. 

An  Attempt  to  explain  the  Inscription  on  Dighton  Rock. 
Published  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  American  Academy  (1809), 
Vol.  III.  p.  197.  In  this  ingenious  and  interesting  essay, 
Judge  Davis  supposes  the  figures  on  the  rock  to  have  been 
designed  to  represent  and  commemorate  exploits  of  Indian 
hunting,  —  an  opinion  also  entertained  by  General  Wash- 
ington, who  in  early  fife  had  opportunities  of  observing  sim- 
ilar inscriptions  in  the  Indian  country. 

A  new  edition  (1811)  of  Professor  Winthrop^s  Two  Lec- 
tures on  Comets,  and  A.  Oliver's  Essay  on  Comets.    This 


Memoir  of  Judge  Davis.  203 

republication  Judge  Davis  enriched  with  Sketches  of  the 
Lives  of  Winthrop  and  Oliver,  and  with  "a  Supplement 
relative  to  the  present  Comet  of  181 1."  The  latter  happily 
illustrates  his  familiar  acquaintance  with  astronomical  sci- 
ence. 

A  Discourse  before  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
December  22,  1813,  at  their  Anniversary  Commemoration 
of  the  First  Landing  of  our  Ancestors  at  Plymouth.  Pub- 
lished in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Second  Series,  Vol.  L 

A  new  edition  (the  5th)  of  Morton's  New  England's  Me- 
morial, 1826,  with  "large  Additions  in  Marginal  Notes,  and 
an  Appendix."  Judge  Davis  bestowed  much  time  and 
labor  on  this  edition  of  Morton.  His  additions  in  the  Ap- 
pendix, besides  his  very  copious  and  valuable  marginal 
notes,  fill  132  pages,  and  are  replete  with  important  and 
curious  information.  The  Memorial,  first  published  in  1669, 
by  the  annotations  of  so  learned  and  able  an  antiquarian,  has 
become  an  historical  treasure  of  great  authority. 

Besides  the  above,  the .  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  and  some  periodical  publications,  contain 
articles  by  Judge  Davis,  which  cannot  now  be  traced. 

In  the  beautiful  life  and  worthy  services  of  which  I  have 
attempted  a  sketch,  a  rich  legacy  is  bequeathed  to  our  com- 
munity. We  rarely  find  a  man  in  whom  the  qualities  we 
spontaneously  respect  were  adjusted  to  each  other  in  such 
fine  harmony.  His  virtues  had  all  the  ease  and  natural* 
ness  of  kindly  instincts.  Goodness  had  become  the  quiet, 
unconscious  habitude  of  his  being.  What  an  ancient  his-^ 
torian  has  said  of  Marcus  Cato  was  well  exemplified  in  him, 
—  "  Qui  nunquam  recte  fecit,  ut  facere  videretur,  sed  quia 
aliter  facere  non  poterat.*'  *  He  had  the  privilege  of  a 
genial,  well-attempered  spirit,  to  be  always  young.  His 
long  life  has  left  us  nothing  to  regret,  and  every  thing  to 
love.  His  memory  is  the  cherished  treasure  of  the  good. 
We  think  of  him  as  one  who,  blessed  to  the  last  .with  the 
gratitude  and  reverence  of  his  fellow-men,  passed  by  a 
gentle  transition  to  that  higher  enjoyment  which  is  without 
imperfection  and  without  end. 

*  Velleiof  Paterculus,  U.  35. 


MEMOIR  OF   HON.  JOHN  PICKERING,  LL.  D. 


By  WILLIAM  H.   PRESCOTT,  Esq. 


The  great  object  of  these  Collections  is  to  assemble 
such  facts  as,  from  their  antiquity,  their  obscurity,  or  their 
peculiar  local  signi6cance,  have  not  been  generally  known, 
and  which  yet,  under  proper  management,  may  serve  the 
purposes  of  general  history.  The  similar  action  of  the 
sister  societies  in  other  States  has  led  to  the  permanent 
record  of  a  multitude  of  facts  of  much  local  interest,  which 
would  otherwise  have  faded  from  memory;  and  the  histo- 
rian is  thus  enabled,  by  assembling  these  scattered  lights, 
to  illuminate  even  the  most  obscure  portion  of  the  national 
annals. 

It  is  fortunate  that  in  these  Collections  a  place  has 
been  reserved  for  the  portraits  of  those  members  of  the 
Society  who,  by  their  exemplary  lives  and  well-directed 
labors,  have  contributed  to  the  advancement  of  science  and 
the  best  interests  of  humanity.  What,  indeed,  is  more 
worthy  of  commemoration  than  the  lives  of  such  men,  or 
what  part  of  a  nation's  history  can  form  so  rich  an  mherit- 
aace  for  its  children  ?  The  detaSs  of  ordinary  events  pre- 
sent theipselves  like  barren  abstractions  to  the  mind,  leaving 
a  comparatively  feeble  and  transitory  impression ;  but  the 
biography  of  the  individual,  in  whatever  sphere  he  has 
moved,  touches  us  as  akin  to  ourselves.  We  are  moved 
by  the  same  passions,  beset  by  the  same  temptations,  warm- 
ed by  the  same  generous  impulses;  and  when  we  see  him 
nobly  devoting  his  powers  to  the   cause   of  science  and 


Memoir  of  John  Pickering.  205 

humanity,  and  courageously  overcoming  the  obstacles  and 
allui'ements  in  his  path,  we  feel  a  kindred  ambition  kindled 
in  our  own  bosoms,  and  confess  the  efficacy  of  the  exam- 
ple. Such  an  example,  whether  of  the  statesman  or  the 
man  of  science,  is,  in  truth,  of  scarcely  less  worth  than  the 
best  he  may  have  said  or  written. 

No  brighter  example  need  be  sought  than  that  afforded 
by  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  who,  in  the  midst  of  en- 
grossing professional  duties,  found  time  for  various  acqui- 
sitions, and  for  the  composition  of  laborious  works,  that 
might  have  tasked  the  energies  of  the  most  industrious 
scholar. 

Before  entering  on  any  biographical  details,  it  is  proper 
to  remark,  that  I  am  exclusively  indebted  for  them  to  the 
excellent  discourse  of  the  Hon.  Judge  White,  pronounced 
before  the  Academy  of  Arts  tod  Sciences,  and  to  a  paper 
in  the  Law  Reporter  for  June,  1846,  from  the  pen  of  Charles 
Sumner,  Esq. ;  the  latter  containing,  amidst  much  biograph- 
ical incident,  the  outlines  of  a  character  which,  in  an  ad- 
dress before  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  Society,  has  since  been 
filled  up  with  the  strong  colors  of  eloquence  by  the  same 
skilful  hand. 

John  Pickering,  the  oldest  of  ten  children,  was  born  at 
Salem,  February  7,  1777.  He  was  of  an  ancient  and  re- 
spectable family,  one  of  whom,  of  the  same  name  with  him- 
self, we  find  as  early  as  1642  in  possession  of  the  very  prop- 
erty in  Salem  still  occupied  by  his  descendants.  His  father 
was  that  eminent  statesman,  Colonel  Timothy  Pickering,  who 
filled  the  offices  of  Postmaster-General  under  Washington, 
and  of  Secretary  of  State  under  Adams,  and  who  in  every 
station  stood  forth  as  one  of  the  most  distinguished  orna- 
ments of  the  Federal  party.  His  life,  for  which  ample  ma- 
terials would  probably  be  afforded  by  his  correspondence, 
still  remains  to  be  written.  It  was  the  purpose  of  his  son 
to  perform  this  labor  of  filial  love.  But  different  avocations 
interfered  to  prevent  him,  and  the  task  is  now  left  to  other 
and  stranger  hands. 

The  first  years  of  childhood  were  passed  by  the  subject 
of  our  memoir  in  Salem,  under  the  care  of  his  mother ;  a 
woman  of  mild  and  amiable  disposition,  which  no  doubt 
contributed  to  form  a  similar  temper  in  her  son,  whose  out- 


I 


206  Memoir  of  John  Pickering. 

ward  deportment,  at  least,  bore  greater  resemblance  to  that 
of  his  mother  than  to  the  more  austere  demeanour  of  his 
father.  At  the  age  of  six,  young  Pickering  removed  with 
his  family  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  was  placed  in  a  school, 
at  which  he  learned  the  rudiments  of  French,  as  well  as 
English.  Even  at  this  early  age,  it  is  said  he  discovered 
somewhat  of  the  fondness  and  aptitude  for  acquiring  lan- 
guages which  became  his  characteristics  in  after  Hfe. 

He  did  not  continue  many  years  at  Philadelphia,  but  at 
the  age  of  nine  returned  to  Salem,  where  he  resided  with 
his  uncle  John  Pickering,  an  elder  brother  of  his  father, 
who  had  filled  the  office  of  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives of  Massachusetts,  and  enjoyed  deserved  consid- 
eration with  his  townsmen.  Under  his  paternal  care,  the 
nephew  was  educated  for  college,  and  in  1792  entered  the 
Freshman  class  of  Harvard  University.  It  is  a  proof  of  the 
promise  which  he  gave  at  this  early  period  of  his  Ufe,  that 
he  was  the  youth  to  whom  Dr.  Clarke  addressed  the  work 
which,  a  few  years  later,  was  published  under  the  title  of 
**  Letters  to  a  Student  in  the  University  of  Cambridge,*' — 
in  which  he  forms  the  most  favorable  augury  of  the  aca- 
demic career  of  the  young  scholar.  The  prognostic  was 
justified  by  the  event. 

The  four  years  of  college  life  form,  perhaps,  the  most 
critical  epoch  in  the  existence  of  the  individual.  This  is 
especially  the  case  in  our  country,  where  they  occur  at  the 
transition  period  in  which  the  boy  ripens  into  the  man.  The 
university,  that  little  world  of  itself,  shut  out  by  a  great 
barrier,  as  it  were,  from  the  past  equally  with  the  future, 
bounding  the  visible  horizon  of  the  student  like  the  walls 
of  a  monastery,  still  leaves  within  them  scope  enough  for 
all  the  sympathies  and  the  passions  of  manhood.  Taken 
from  the  searching  eye  of  parental  supervision,  the  youth- 
ful scholar  finds  the  shackles  of  early  discipline  fall  from 
him,  as  he  is  left  to  the  disposal,  in  a  great  degree,  of 
his  own  hours  and  the  choice  of  his  own  associates.  His 
powers  are  quickened  by  collision  with  various  minds,  and 
by  the  bolder  range  of  studies  now  thrown  open  to  him. 
He  finds  the  same  incentives  to  ambition  as  in  the  wider 
world,  and  contends  with  the  same  zeal  for  honors,  which 
to  his  eye  seem  quite  as  real  —  and  are  they  not  so?  —  as 


Memoir  of  John  Picketing,  207 

those  in  later  life.  He  meets,  too,  with  the  same  obstacles 
to  success  as  in  the  world,  the  same  temptations  to  idleness, 
the  same  gilded  seductions,  but  with  not  the  same  power 
of  resistance.  For  in  this  morning  of  life,  his  passions  are 
strongest,  his  animal  nature  is  more  sensible  to  enjoyment, 
his  reasoning  faculties  less  vigorous  and  mature.  Happy 
the  youth  who,  in  this  stage  of  his  existence,  is  so  strong  ia 
his  principles,  that  he  can  pass  through  the  ordeal  without 
faltering  or  failing,  —  on  whom  the  contact  of  bad  compan- 
ionship has  left  no  stain,  for  future  tears  to  wash  away. 

Mr.  Pickering's  academic  career,  from  first  to  last,  left 
nothing, — perhaps  that  is  too  much  to  say  of  any  human 
being,  —  left  little,  to  be  repented  of.  He  was  steeled  by 
early  education  and  his  naturally  fine  temperament  against 
the  coarser  seductions  of  pleasure.  He  bent  his  faculties 
to  the  great  purpose  of  making  himself  a  scholar,  and  this 
in  the  most  opposite  departments  of  knowledge.  He  now 
laid  the  foundation  of  his  critical  acquaintance  with  the 
classics,  and  acquired  that  reverence  for  the  immortal  mas- 
ters of  antiquity  which  strengthened  with  his  years.  He  . 
became  distinguished,  also,  by  his  proficiency  in  mathemat- 
ics; and  is  said  to  have  derived  peculiar  satisfaction  from 
some  academic  honors  awarded  to  him  for  this  proficiency. 
He  may  have  felt,  perhaps,  that  this  was  not  within  his  pe- 
culiar and  legitimate  province.  He  established,  moreover, 
during  his  collegiate  career,  a  reputation  for  (hose  manly 
virtues,  for  modesty,  candor,  love  of  truth,  simplicity  of 
purpose,  and  winning  courtesy  of  manner,  which  endeared 
him  to  all  who  approached  him,  and  to  many  bound  him 
with  the  ties  of  an  enduring  friendship. 

On  leaving  college,  he  joined  his  father  in  Philadelphia, 
where  he  then  resided  as  Secretary  of  State.  Mr.  Pickering 
at  once  began  the  study  of  the  law,  under  the  direction  of 
Mr.  Tilghman,  afterwards  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Pennsylvania.  He  did  not  remain  long  in  Phil- 
adelphia, however,  but,  on  the  mission  of  William  Smith, 
of  South  Carolina,  to  the  court  of  Lisbon,  he  accompa- 
nied that  distinguished  statesman  as  Secretary  of  Legation., 
The  American  minister  took  up  his  residence  at  the  capi- 
tal. But  the  summer  months  were  spent  at  Cintra,,the  de- 
licious shades  of  which  offered  an    agreeable   retirement. 


.• 


208  *  Memoii'  of  John  Pickering. 

most  favorable  to  the  purposes  of  the  student.  Mr.  Picker- 
ing, both  in  the  capital  and  the  country,  pursued  his  studies 
with  diligence.  He  began  a  course  of  the  civil  law, 
devoted  himself  to  the  Continental  languages  and  literatures, 
and  showed  a  faculty  for  acquiring  the  pronunciation  of 
foreign  idioms,  which  seems  to  be  as  much  of  a  natural 
gift,  as  an  ear  for  music. 

The  residence  at  Lisbon  of  a  native  of  Damascus,  where 
the  Arabic  is  spoken  in  purity,  aflTorded  him  the  means  of 
opening  an  acquaintance  with  that  language,  and,  as  he  had 
some  prospect  of  being  employed  in  a  projected  mission 
to  Constantinople,  he  endeavoured  to  acquire  some  knowl- 
edge of  the  Turkish.  So  decidedly  had  his  literary  tastes 
now  manifested  themselves,  and  his  love  of  languages  as- 
serted its  predominance. 

He  was  not  destined,  however,  to  visit  Constantino- 
ple, but,  after  two  years'  residence  in  Portugal,  was  trans- 
ferred to  London,  where,  through  his  father's  influence,  he 
obtained  the  place  of  private  secretary  of  Rufus  King,  then 
•minister  at  the  Court  of  St.  James.  In  this  new  situation 
Mr.  Pickering  pursued  his  studies  with  unabated  diligence. 
He  gave  particular  attention  to  classical  literature,  for 
which  he  had  here  every  facility.  Other  countries  have 
produced  more  abundant  commentaries,  and  more  numerous 
and  elaborate  editions,  but  in  none  have  the  ancient  mas- 
ters been  held  in  higher  reverence,  and  nowhere  has  a 
familiarity  with  them  been  deemed  more  indispensable  in 
the  education  of  youth.  With  the  study  of  the  classics 
in  so  congenial  an  atmosphere  Mr.  Pickering  combined 
that  of  the  civil  law,  which  he  had  commenced  on  the 
Continent.  His  literary  labors  were  relieved  by  the  pleas- 
ures of  social  intercourse,  —  especially  with  the  family  of 
the  accomplished  minister  to  whom  he  was  attached,  as 
well  as  with  one  of  the  most  cherished  companions  of  his 
college  life.  This  was  Dr.  James  Jackson,  who  was  then 
in  London,  acquiring  the  rudiments  of  that  profession 
which  he  was  to  pursue  through  a  long  series  of  years 
with  so  much  honor  to  himself  and  such  widely  extended 
benefit  to  the  community.  The  intimacy  thus  renewed  in  a 
distant  land  cemented  a  friendship  which  continued  un- 
broken and  unabated  to  the  close  of  Mr.  Pickering's  life. 


Memoir  of  John  Pickering.  209 

In  1801,  after  two  years'  residence  in  the  British  metrop- 
olis, he  returned  to  his  native  country,  with  mental  resour- 
ces greatly  enlarged  by  study  and  intercourse  with  the 
world,  and  with  a  valuable  collection  of  books,  made  with 
much  care,  such  as  was  probably  possessed  at  this  period 
by  few  private  gentlemen  in  the  country.  His  father  had 
then  retired  from  office,  and  Mr.  Pickering  found  him  so 
far  straitened  in  his  circumstances,  that  he  had  the  mortifi- 
cation of  being  compelled  to  part  with  the  greatest  portion 
of  his  library,  in  order  to  defray  his  own  expenses ;  —  a 
mortification  which  may  have  been  somewhat  mitigated  by 
the  consideration  of  the  good  influence  which  the  diffusion 
of  so  rich  a  collection  must  exert  on  the  community,  to 
whom  such  stores  of  written  wisdom  were  not  then  too 
easy  of  access. 

On  taking  up  his  residence  at  Salem,  he  resumed  the 
study  of  the  law,  under  the  direction  of  Samuel  Putnam, 
who,  in  the  retirement  of  private  life,  still  lives  to  enjoy  the 
recollection  of  years  well  spent  in  the  discharge  of  active 
professional  duties,  first  at  the  bar,  and  afterwards  on  the 
bench. 

Mr.  Pickering,  however,  still  found  time  for  the  indul- 
gence of  his  literary  tastes,  while  engaged  in  preparation 
for  his  profession.  In  1804,  he  edited,  with  the  assistance 
of  his  friend  and  fellow-student,  Mr.  White,  the  works  of 
Sallust,  with  original  notes,  and  an  introduction,  both  in 
Latin.  It  was  one  of  the  first  attempts  in  our  country  to 
exhibit  an  ancient  classic  in  so  learned  a  form,  and  the 
work  was  performed  in  a  scholar-like  manner,  that  reflected 
much  credit  on  the  parties. . 

The  first  years  of  a  professional  career,  unless  com- 
menced under  extraordinary  circumstances,  are  not  likely 
to  find  the  young  aspirant  engrossed  by  active  business ; 
and  Mr.  Pickering  doubtless  had  much  leisure  for  hiving 
up  stores  of  learning,  both  literary  and  legal.  His  first 
important  contribution  to  letters  was  in  1815,  consisting  of 
a  communication  to  the  American  Academy,  on  phrases 
peculiar  to  the  United  States.  The  memoir  was  entitled, 
"  Vocabulary  of  Words  and  Phrases  which  have  been  sup- 
posed to  be  Peculiar  to  the  United  States  of  America. 
To  which  is  prefixed  an  Essay  on  the   Present  State  of 

VOL.  X.  27 


210  Memoir  of  John  Pickering. 

the  English  Language  in  the  United  States."  The  Essay, 
of  great  length  for  such  a  collection  as  that  in  which  it 
first  appeared,  was  published,  the  following  year,  in  an 
independent  form,  and,  subsequently,  portions  of  it  w^ere 
translated  and  printed  in  Germany.  It  attracted  much  at- 
tention, as  the  first  attempt  to  ascertain  the  comparative 
State  of  the  language,  as  spoken  here  and  in  the  mother 
country.  For  this  Mr.  Pickering's  experience  as  well  as 
studies  had  given  him  obvious  advantages ;  and  his  intima- 
cy with  the  good  society  of  the  English  capital  had  sup- 
plied him  with  an  accurate  standard  for  detecting  the  cor- 
ruptions which  had  taken  place  in  both  the  written  and 
Spoken  idiom,  on  this  side  of  the  water.  Thus  his  philo- 
logical inquiries  were  not  limited  to  foreign  tongues;  and 
he  manifested  early,  what  through  his  whole  life  he  strove 
to  maintain  by  precept  and  example,  a  conformity  to  the 
highest  and  purest  standard  of  English  composition. 

Some  there  are  who  consider  such  a  solicitude  as  super- 
fluous, and  who  regard  the  language  as  open  to  innova- 
tions, especially  in  this  country,  demanded  sometimes  by 
the  exigencies  of  our  peculiar  situation,  but  depending  in 
a  great  degree  on  the  caprice  of  the  writer.  But  this  ill 
accords  with  the  judgment  of  the  best  critics  of  antiquity, 
bhe  of  whom  discovers  in  this  latitude  of  phraseology  a 
great  source  of  the  corruption  of  true  eloquence.  Nor  has 
Such  a  license  been  found  compatible  with  an  advanced 
stage  of  literary  cultivation  among  the  moderns.  In  Italy, 
for  example,  where  the  number  of  independent  states  early 
led  each  to  assume  for  itself  the  right  of  determining  the 
classic  standard  of  diction,  it  was  at  length  arranged  by 
general  consent  that  this  honor  should  be  conceded  to  the 
Tuscan,  as  the  purest  and  most  perfect  of  the  various  dia- 
lects ;  and  while  other  idioms  were  applied  to  light  or  local 
piii"pos6s,  the  Tuscan  was  made  the  vehicle  of  whatever 
aspired  to  the  rank  of  a  classic  composition. 

In  a  country  like  France,  with  one  acknowledged  capitji 
at  its  head,  the  grand  resort  of  wit,  fashion,  and  learning, 
the  matter  has  been  regulated  with  little  difficulty,  and  the 
Parisian  standard,  both  of  writing  and  speaking,  has  be- 
come the  standard  of  the  higher  and  educated  classes 
throughout  the  country.    To  London  the  same  deference 


Memoir  of  John  Pickering.  211 

has  been  conceded  by  all  quarters  of  the  empire,  as  the 
great  focus  to  which  naturally  converge  the  scattered  rays 
of  genius  and  learning,  where,  under  the  influence  of  edu- 
cation and  fashion,  the  language  takes  its  highest  polish, 
and  the  standard  of  purity  is  fixed.     Yet   the  American 
writer  feels  reluctant  to  defer  to  a  foreign   tribunal,  and 
would  rather  settle  his  own  standard  of  purity  for  him- 
self.   In  the  consciousness  of  political  independence,  he  re- 
gards this  homage,  even  in  literary  matters,  as  a  sort  of  co- 
lonial  servitude.     But  what  will  he  gain  by  establishing 
a  difierent  standard?     And  where  shall  that  standard  be 
found?     Each  of   the  great  and   growing   capitals  of  the 
East  and  of  the  West  may  assert  its  literary  pretensions ; 
and  when  literature  comes  to  be  more  widely  cultivated  as 
a  profession,  as  many  conflicting  dialects  might  arise  as  in 
Italy,  until  the  language,  distorted  into  an  endless  variety 
of  fantastic  forms,  would  become  alike  destitute  of  harmony 
and  refinement.     There  is,  in  truth,  no  cause  for  such  jeal- 
ousy of  our  father-land.     The  noble  brotherhood  of  schol- 
ars makes  one  large  republic  of  letters,  without  reference  to 
geographical  lines  or  national  distinctions.     The  great  ob- 
ject—  so   far  as  language  is  concerned  —  is  to  convert  it 
into  the  most  perfect  and  beautiful  instrument  for  the  ex- 
pression of  thought ;  and  as  the  highest  standard  of  this  is 
to  be  found  in  the  writings  of  the  greatest  masters,  and  in 
the  idiom  of  that  society  which,  from  its  higher  education, 
as  a  body,  and  from  the  circumstances  of  its  situation,  is 
enabled  to  give  greatest  attention  to  forms  of  expression, 
it  is  to  these  authorities  that  we  are  to  look  for  settling  the 
classic  forms  of  our  language.     Should  the  day  ever  come 
when  the  light  of  learning  shall  fade  away  in  the  home  of 
our  fathers,  to  be  rekindled  with  a  brighter  splendor  in  our* 
own,  another  standard  may  arise  and  be  maintained  by  our 
advancing  civilization.     But  till  then  we  must  be  content, 
unpalatable   as  it   may  be  to  some  of  our  prejudices,  to 
defer  to  the   metropolis  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  as   the 
metropolis  of  its  language.     The  same  tongue  cannot  have 
two  standards  of  purity. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice,  that  very  many  of  the  words 
and  phrases  introduced  into  Mr.  Pickering's  Vocabulary 
were  found  not  to  have  originated  on  this  continent,  but 


212  Memoir  of  John  Pickering. 

in  England  Itself;  especially  in  those  quarters  of  the  coun- 
try whence  our  ancestors  most  freely  emigrated,  but  where 
many  of  these  words  have  since  become  obsolete.  The 
fact  furnishes  an  additional  evidence  of  what  has  been  es- 
tablished on  other  grounds,  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  stock  has 
been  maintained  in  New  England  in  greater  purity,  and 
less  affected  by  foreign  influences,  than  in  the  mother 
country  itself. 

But  the  object  which  engaged  most  of  the  attention 
which  Mr.  Pickering  could  spare  from  his  professional  avo- 
cations was  the  study  of  the  Greek.  In  1818,  he  pub- 
lished, in  the  volumes  of  the  American  Academy,  a  memoir 
on  the  pronunciation  of  the  Greek  language ;  in  which  he 
endeavoured  to  prove  that  this  pronunciation  should  be  ac- 
commodated to  that  of  the  modem  Greeks  themselves.  It 
was  an  ingenious  essay,  and  excited  much  attention  among 
the  learned. 

The  great  end  of  his  labors  in  this  branch  of  literature, 
however,  was  the  compilation  of  a  Greek  Lexicon  with  an 
English  interpretation,  instead  of  the  Latin  before  exclusively 
used  by  us.  This  was  its  principal  distinction,  though  in 
other  important  particulars  it  had  greatly  the  advantage  of 
previous  compilations.  It  was  formed  on  the  general  plan 
of  the  Lexicon  of  Schrevelius,  then  in  popular  use  in  our 
schools.  The  catalogue  of  words,  however,  was  much  en- 
larged; their  definitions  were  both  copious  and  precise; 
while  his  knowledge  of  jurisprudence  enabled  the  author 
to  supply  much  useful  information  in  respect  to  the  phrase- 
ology of  that  science.  The  whole  work  showed,  not  only 
the  painstaking  industry  of  an  humble  lexicographer,  but  the 
results  of  a  long  and  critical  study  of  the  best  models 
among  the  ancients,  as  well  as  of  those  modern  philologists, 
especially  the  German,  who  have  given  to  this  department 
the  dignity  of  a  science- 

The  first  part  of  the  work  was  conducted  by  himself,  but 
in  the  latter  and  much  the  larger  portion  of  it  he  was  aided 
by  the  late  Dr.  Daniel  Oliver,  Professor  of  Moral  Philosophy 
in  Dartmouth  College.  A  prospectus  of  the  Lexicon  was 
issued  in  1820;  but  it  was  not  till  six  years  later,  that  the 
work,  commenced  in  1814,  was  given  to  the  public  Its 
reception  was  such  as  fully  repaid  the  learned   labors  of 


Memoir  of  John  Pickering.  213 

its  author.  It  was  acknowledged  by  all  to  have  supplied 
a  most  important  desideratum,  not  only  as  an  elementary 
book  for  the  student,  but  as  a  manual  for  the  scholar.  The 
first  edition  was  exhausted  in  less  than  three  years ;  and  a 
second,  prepared  wholly  by  Mr  Pickering,  and  containing 
many  thousand  new  terms,  was  given  to  the  public  in 
1829.  It  was  afterwards  republished,  with  additions,  in 
Edinburgh ;  and,  as  it  is  said,  was  liberally  used,  with  slen- 
der acknowledgments,  in  the  preparation  of  similar  works 
on  that  side  of  the  water.  A  third  and  more  enlarged 
edition  was  reserved,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  for  the 
closing  labor  of  Mr.  Pickering's  life. 

Yet,  while  he  was  thus  appropriating  such  of  his  leisure 
hours  as  were  left  him  by  his  profession  to  the  prepara- 
tion of  his  great  work,  his  attention  was  drawn  in  another 
direction,  and  one  most  opposite  to  the  cultivated  lan- 
guage of  ancient  Greece-  This  was  the  unformed 
dialects  of  our  own  aborigines.  Mr.  Pickering's  attention 
was  first  called  to  the  subject,  as  he  himself  informs  us,  by 
Mr.  Du  Ponceau's  Report  on  the  Indian  languages,  ad- 
dressed to  the  Philosophical  Society  of  Philadelphia.  An 
elaborate  article,  which  appeared  in  the  North  American 
Review  in  1819,  on  that  memoir,  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Pick- 
ering, led  to  a  correspondence  between  these  eminent 
philologists,  and  to  a  personal  intimacy  which  terminated 
only  with  life.  Side  by  side,  as  it  were,  the  two  scholars 
entered  on  this  wide,  but  hitherto  untrodden  field,  smitten 
with  the  same  ardor  for  discovery,  and  by  their  frequent 
correspondence  facilitated  each  other's  progress,  and  com- 
pared the  results  of  their  observations  before  they  were 
matured  for  the  public. 

One  of  the  first  fruits  of  Mr.  Pickering's  studies  was  the 
publication  of  Eliot's  Indian  Grammar,  with  Introductory 
Observations  on  the  Massachusetts  Language,  which  ap- 
peared in  1822,  in  the  volumes  of  this  Society.  It  was  fol- 
lowed the  next  year  by  the  publication  in  these  Collections 
of  Edwards's  Observations  on  the  Mohegan  Language,  with 
Notes  by  the  Editor.  Both  memoirs  showed  that  the  au- 
thor had  already  far  advanced  in  a  critical  study  of  the  ab- 
original dialects  of  America,  while  they  made  an  important 
contribution  to  the  science  of  philology. 


2 1 4  Mmobr  of  John  Pickerings 

But  the  production  of  greatest  importance  from  Mr. 
Pickering's  pen,  in  relation  to  this  topic,  was  an  Essay  on  a 
Uniform  Orthography  of  the  Indian  Languages  of  North 
America,  which  appeared  in  1820,  in  the  fourth  volume  of 
the  Transactions  of  the  American  Academy.  The  author 
had  not  proceeded  far  in  his  own  researches  in  this  new 
direction,  when  he  found  that  the  different  sounds  att^hed 
to  the  same  letters  by  the  scholars  of  different  European 
nations  led  to  inextricable  confusion  and  misunderstanding, 
in  their  attempts  to  reduce  to  writing  the  barbarous  idioms 
of  the  New  World.  The  same  vowel,  used  by  a  German, 
was  intended  to  convey  a  very  different  sound  from  what 
it  would  receive  from  the  lips  of  an  English  or  American 
writer.  To  avoid  this  embarrassment,  he  formed  the  scheme 
of  a  common  system  of  orthography,  in  which  the  letters 
should  have  determinate  and  conventional  values  assigned 
to  them,  and  such  as  would  be  perfectly  recognized  by 
scholars  of  every  nation.  To  the  Essay  he  annexed  an  al- 
phabet to  be  applied  to  the  Indian  tongues,  in  which  he 
retained  most  of  the  Roman  letters  in  use  by  us,  and  when 
he  would  express  a  compound  sound  he  attached  a 
cedilla^  as  it  is  called  in  Spanish,  or  some  simple  mark,  to 
one  of  the  original  letters.  This  arrangement  he  rightly 
regarded  as  more  simple,  and  easier  to  be  mastered,  than 
an  entirely  new  alphabet  of  purely  arbitrary  signs. 

The  Essay,  which  he  published  in  a  separate  form  the 
following  year,  attracted  great  attention  among  scholars, 
both  at  home  and  abroad.  Sir  William  Jones,  had  hie 
lived  to  this  period,  might  have  rejoiced  in  the  realization 
of  his  wishes  in  regard  to  the  existence  of  some  intelligible 
and  universal  medium  of  communication  for  the  languages 
of  the  East,  since  he  would  have  found  such  a  medium 
now  afforded  by  a  simple  contrivance,  the  more  beautiful, 
like  all  other  skilful  contrivances,  from  its  very  simplicity. 
The  success  of  the  scheme,  as  shown  by  its  practical 
application,  must  have  exceeded  the  most  sanguine  ex- 
pectations of  its  author.  Thirty  years  have  not  elapsed 
since  the  publication  of  the  memoir,  yet  the  alphabet  has 
been  applied  to  eleven  of  the  aboriginal  languages  of  this 
continent,  and  in  some  of  them  newspapers  are  regularly 
printed  in  these  characters.     Two  of  the  African  dialects, 


Mtmoir  of  John  PkkeHng^  2 1 5 

and  that  also  of  the  Sandwich  Islands,  have  been  reduced 
to  writing  on  the  same  system  of  orthography,  and  various 
worksj  including  the  Scriptures,  published  in  them ;  and 
the  Syrian  Mission  of  Jerusalem  has  proposed  to  extend 
the  same  system,  so  widely  countenanced  by  the  learned, 
to  the  languages  of  the  East  Thus,  by  the  ingenuity  and 
industry  of  the  American  philologist,  the  means  have  been 
devised  for  a  free  communication  between  the  scholars  of 
different  countries  engaged  in  these  obscure  investigations. 
They  can  now  profit  by  one  another's  assistance  in  subject- 
ing the  fruits  of  their  researches  to  philosophical  analysis ; 
while  the  untutored  savage  is  furnished  with  a  medium  of 
communication,  by  which  the  light  of  civilization  may  be 
poured  in  upon  his  darkened  intellect. 

It  is  not  easy  to  comprehend  how  Mr.  Pickering  could 
have  rescued  the  time  for  these  philological  researches  from 
that  demanded  by  his  professional  duties ;  for  he  was  all 
this  while  a  lawyer,  in  as  great  practice,  almost,  as  any  in 
the  country.  It  could  have  been  accomplished  only  by 
incessant  toil,  and  a  judicious  distribution  of  his  hours. 
But  he  felt  that  his  literary  tastes,  however  ennobling  and 
useful  in  their  results,  could  no  longer  be  indulged  to  the 
same  extent  without  detriment  to  his  professional  business* 
In  1829,  he  decided  to  remove  to  Boston,  as  opening  a 
wider  theatre  for  a  lawyer,  and  at  the  same  time  to  confine 
himself  more  exclusively  to  his  professiwi. 

So  soon  as  he  had  established  himself  in  his  new  resi* 
dence,  he  was  complimented  by  receiving  the  appointment 
of  City  Solicitor,  a  post  which  he  continued  to  fill  with 
equal  integrity  and  ability  till  the  year  previous  to  his  death* 
In  his  devotion  to  the  law,  he  did  not  decline  the  offer 
made  to  him  of  a  seat  in  the  Senate  of  Massachusetts.  He 
had  never  shown  a  love  of  political  life,  or  aimed  at  its 
honors.  But  a  sense  of  what,  as  a  good  citizen,  he  owed 
his  country  induced  him  to  accept  a  situation  in  the  legist 
lative  councils,  for  which  his  legal  education  had  well  qual- 
ified him.  When  in  Salem,  the  confidence  of  the  com* 
ttiunity  had  been  showh  by  their  thrice  sending  him  ad 
representative  from  that  town,  and  twice  as  Senator  from 
Essex.  He  had  also  beeti  a  member  of  the  Executive 
Council,  and,  on  coming  to  Boston,  again  took  his  place  in 


2 1 6  Memoir  of  John  Pickering. 

the  Senate  from  the  county  of  Suffolk.  But  he  remained 
no  longer  in  the  political  arena  than  seemed  to  be  demand- 
ed by  a  sense  of  duty.  While  there,  he  attended  with 
conscientious  fidelity  to  his  legislative  functions.  He  was 
frequently  placed  on  committees,  where  the  burden  of 
preparing  the  reports  devolved  principally  on  himself;  on 
which  occasions,  he  performed  his  task  with  acknowledged 
ability  and  fairness.  His  manner  of  speaking  before  the 
legislature  was  distinguished  by  the  same  general  char- 
acteristics as  at  the  bar.  He  was  temperate  and  dignified ; 
addressing  the  reason  rather  than  the  feelings;  opening 
expansive  views  of  policy,  and  resting  on  high  moral 
grounds ;  strong  in  the  assertion  of  truth,  and  ever  prompt 
to  maintain  the  right,  even,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Charles- 
town  Bridge,  when  the  right  was  not  too  popular. 

Though  much  absorbed  by  the  practice  of  the  law,  after 
he  had  changed  his  residence  to  Boston,  he  still  found 
time  for  other  occupations,  some  of  them  of  great  moment, 
having  a  more  general  relation  to  his  profession.  In  1833, 
he  was  appointed  by  the  legislature,  together  with  Judge 
Jackson  and  the  late  Professor  Stearns  of  Cambridge,  to 
revise  the  statutes  of  the  Commonwealth.  The  first  part, 
relating  to  the  internal  administration  of  government,  fell 
to  Mr.  Pickering.  It  was  a  work,  like  all  the  rest  involved 
by  the  commission,  of  great  labor  and  responsibility ;  and 
the  thorough  and  able  manner  in  which  he  executed  his 
portion  of  the  task  was  such  as  richly  entided  him  to  the 
gratitude  of  his  countrymen. 

Neither  was  his  pen  idle  on  topics  having  a  bearing  on 
his  profession.  Two  papers,  having  reference  to  the  Ro- 
man law,  showed  the  diligence  with  which  he  had  cultivat- 
ed this  department  of  legal  science.  A  still  more  memora- 
ble example  is  afforded  by  his  celebrated  paper  on  the 
McLeod  affair,  which  appeared  in  the  Law  Reporter  in 
1841.  It  was  on  occasion  of  the  unhappy  troubles  on  our 
Canadian  frontier,  which  for  a  time,  as  every  one  remembers, 
menaced  the  most  serious  consequences.  No  little  part  of 
the  difficulty  arose  from  the  conflict  of  State  rights  with  the 
national.  Mr.  Pickering  made  a  full  and  fearless  examination 
of  the  disputed  point ;  defined  the  boundary  line  between 
the  two  authorities  with  precision ;  and  supported  his  views 


Memoir  of  John  Pickering.  217 

by  an  appositeness  of  legal  illustration,  solidity  of  principle, 
and  cogency,  and  at  the  same  time  fairness,  of  reasoning, 
that  brought  conviction  to  every  candid  mind.  It  was  ad- 
mitted by  those  conversant  with  the  subject,  to  take  prece- 
dence of  every  other  disquisition  which  had  appeared  on  it. 

Nor  was  Mr.  Pickering,  at  this  period,  wholly  withdrawn 
from  the  studies  which  in  earlier  life  had  engaged  so  much 
of  his  attention ;  and  from  time  to  time  he  gave  abundant 
evidence  that  in  his  leisure  he  could  turn  with  his  former 
fondness  to  those  philological  researches  which  to  him  were 
soothing  recreations.  Among  his  contributions  to  the  de- 
partment of  Indian  languages  may  especially  be  noted  an 
edition  of  Father  Rasles's  Dictionary  of  the  Abnaki  tongue, 
with  an  Introductory  Memoir  and  Notes,  printed  b  the  first 
volume,  new  series,  of  the  Transactions  of  the  American 
Academy;  and  a  disquisition  on  the  North  American  lan- 
guages, prepared  for  the  Encyclopaedia  Americana.  The 
last  treatise  unfolds  with  careful  precision  the  grammatical 
structure  of  the  Indian  tongues,  in  a  manner  that  renders  a 
subject,  which  may  be  thought  somewhat  repulsive  to  the 
general  reader,  sufficiently  interesting  by  the  philosophical 
spirit  with  which  it  is  discussed,  and  the  comprehensive  re- 
sults to  which  we  are  led  by  the  details.  The  essay,  which 
no  American  scholar,  probably,  except  Du  Ponceau  and  the 
venerable  Gallatin,  would  have  been  competent  to  write,  was, 
on  account  of  its  length  and  importance,  printed  separately 
in  the  Appendix.     It  has  since  been  translated  into  German. 

Nothing  but  systematic  application  and  a  careful  econ- 
omy of  time  would  have  enabled  Mr.  Pickering  to  run 
through  such  a  wide  circle  of  professional  and  philological 
labors.  Even  this  would  scarcely  have  sufficed,  had  he  not 
been  blessed  with  an  excellent  constitution,  invigorated  by 
habits  of  temperance ;  while  his  equanimity  of  temper  and 
a  life  of  tranquillity  exempted  him  from  many  of  those  cor- 
roding cares  which  sour  the  happiness,  and  too  often  shorten 
existence.  But  in  the  summer  of  1845,  he  felt  the  ap- 
proaches of  a  disease,  which,  at  first,  had  nothing  very  alarm- 
ing in  its  aspect.  Indeed,  his  long  period  of  uninterrupted 
health  made  it  difficult  for  him  to  comprehend  his  own 
condition  ;  and  as  the  disease  gained  ground,  and  he  grew 
weaker  in  body,  he  still  showed  reluctance  to  relinquish  hia 

VOL.    X.  28 


218  Mefnair  of  John  Pickering. 

literary  occupations,  —  as  a  veteran,  unused  to  defeat,  unwil- 
lingly retreats  before  odds  too  great  to  be  resisted.  An  oc- 
cupation which  accompanied  him  to  the  last  was  the  prepa- 
ration of  a  new  and  enlarged  edition  of  his  Lexicon,  and,  like 
his  illustrious  friend  Bowditch,  he  continued  to  employ  his 
declining  strength  in  perfecting  those  tasks  for  the  good  of 
others,  of  which  he  could  never  reap  the  benefit  himself. 

In  the  following  spring,  his  health  failed  so  sensibly,  that  it 
was  evident  the  end  could  not  be  long  protracted.  He 
prepared  to  meet  it,  however,  in  the  true  spirit  of  a  Chris- 
tian philosopher, — in  the  spirit  in  which  he  had  always 
lived.  He  experienced  all  the  alleviations  to  his  illness 
which  the  sympathy  of  friendship  and  the  endearing  atten- 
tions of  his  own  family  could  afford.  His  wife,  disabled  by 
bodily  infirmities,  had  for  some  time  been  deprived  of  her 
sight.  But  the  attentions  which  she  was  thus  excluded 
from  paying,  and  which  a  woman  only  can  pay,  were  be- 
stowed in  full  measure  by  his  daughter,  whom  he  had  ever 
regarded  —  as  was  due  to  her  admirable  qualities  —  with 
peculiar  fondness  and  parental  pride. 

On  the  fifth  of  May,  1846,  Mr.  Pickering  breathed  his 
last.  He  left  behind  him  three  children,  two  of  them  sons, 
and  a  widow,  who  before  the  close  of  the  same  year  fol- 
lowed her  husband  to  the  tomb. 

Mr.  Pickering  was  tall  in  stature,  and  of  a  commanding 
presence.  His  features  were  regular;  his  mouth  small  and 
well  formed ;  his  nose  of  the  Roman  cast ;  his  serene  and 
ample  forehead  seemed  to  be  the  fitting  seat  of  contempla- 
tion. His  whole  deportment  was  such  as  to  command  re- 
spect, yet  tempered  by  a  benignity  of  manner,  which  in- 
spired the  warmer  feelings  of  regard. 

His  manner,  indeed,  was  not  only  courteous,  but  courtly. 
He  had  that  courtesy  which  is  seated  in  the  heart ;  and  his 
good  breeding  was  the  form  in  which  he  expressed  the  be- 
nevolence of  his  nature.  This  is  the  true  good  breeding,  as 
superior  to  that  which  rests  only  on  the  conventional  rules 
of  society,  as  the  genuine  is  to  the  counterfeit ;  —  for  the 
latter  is  but  the  copy  of  the  former. 

The  more  we  reflect  on  Mr.  Pickering's  character,  the 
more  deeply  are  we  impressed  with  the  great  variety  and 
amount  of  his  attainments.     As  a  professional  man,  be  had 


Memoir  of  John  Pickering.  219 

studied  the  law  profoundly  as  a  science,  penetrating  to  those 
deparlnoents  of  it  which  are,  for  the  most  part,  little  con- 
sulted by  the  profession.  His  mastery  of  languages  was 
wonderful,  and  they  were  not  to  him,  like  a  bunch  of  use- 
less keys,  never  employed  to  open  the  rich  caskets  to  which 
they  belonged.  He  made  himself  familiar  with  ancient  litera- 
ture, and  with  the  works  of  the  best  masters  in  the  mod- 
em ;  and  where  the  language  itself  chiefly  engaged  his  at- 
tention, it  was  because,  having  no  literature,  it  was  studied 
by  him  for  philological  purposes.  Besides  this  wide  range 
of  scholarship,  he  had  sufficient  knowledge  of  mathematics 
to  be  able  to  read  and  comprehend  Bowditch's  La  Place,  a 
good  test  of  proficiency  in  this  department.  He  was  very^ 
fond  of  music,  and  had  studied  its  principles  as  a  science- 
He  was  a  good  botanist ;  had  also  a  turn  for  mechanics,  and 
early  in  life  had  acquired  considerable  skill  in  the  use  of  the 
lathe. 

But  the  most  remarkable  of  his  acquisitions  was  that  of 
languages,  already  alluded  to.  In  this  he  rivalled  that  great 
Orientalist,  Sir  William  Jones,  to  whom  he  has  more  than  once 
been  compared  ;  for  both  were  trained  to  the  law,  and  could 
devote  to  their  literary  labors  only  such  hours  as  they  could 
glean  from  their  professional ;  and  both  were  distinguished 
by  a  pure  and  elevated  character,  that  gave  additional  lus- 
tre to  their  scholarship.  It  may  be  well  to  enumerate  here 
the  number  of  languages  at  Mr.  Pickering's  command,  as 
they  are  set  down  in  the  article  in  the  Law  Reporter  to 
which  I  have  already  referred.  "It  is  certain  that  he  was  fa- 
miliar with  at  least  nine,  —  the  English,  French,  Portuguese, 
Italian,  Spanish,  German,  Romaic,  Greek,  and  Latin ;  of 
these  he  spoke  the  first  five.  He  was  less  familiar,  though 
well  acquainted,  with  the  Dutch,  Swedish,  Danish,  and  He- 
brew ;  and  had  explored  with  various  degrees  of  care  the 
Arabic,  Turkish,  Syriac,  Persian,  Coptic,  Sanscrit,  Chinese, 
Cochin-Chinese,  Russian,  Egyptian  hieroglyphics,  the  Malay 
in  several  dialects,  and  particularly  the  Indian  languages  of 
America,  and  of  the  Polynesian  Islands." 

Such  extensive  acquisitions  could  have  been  the  result 
only  of  the  greatest  industry  and  perseverance.  He  had 
early  acquired  a  power  of  abstraction,  and,  the  subject  of  his 
meditations  once  fully  presented  to  his  mind,  he  could  se- 


220  Memoir  of  John  Pickering. 

cure  and  detain  it  there,  until  he  had  carefully  exammed  it 
in  all  its  bearings.  The  time  and  place  were  altogether  in- 
different to  him ;  and  his  mental  processes  were  equally 
undisturbed  by  the  bustle  of  the  court-room  and  the  con- 
versation at  his  fireside.  This  power  of  abstraction,  so  im- 
portant to  every  man  who  would  think  to  any  purpose, 
however  difficult  it  may  at  first  seem,  is  not  very  uncom- 
mon, since  it  is  easily  acquired  where  circumstances  imper- 
atively demand  it,  —  as  every  school-boy  and  college  tyro 
will  remember,  vvho  has  deferred  the  completion  of  his  task 
till  he  appears  in  the  recitation-room. 

But  Mr.  Pickering  had  what  was  more  uncommon,  and 
what,  to  the  degree  in  which  he  had  it,  may  be  regarded  as 
a  real  gift  of  nature,  —  a  most  tenacious  memory.  Most 
men  find  it  easier  to  forget  than  to  remember.  With  Mr. 
Pickering,  to  learn  and  to  remember  seemed  to  be  synony- 
mous. Such  a  power,  if  not  genius,  is  next  akin  to  it.  It 
is  to  the  scholar  what  imagination  is  to  the  poet.  It  is  the 
arsenal  whence  he  can  draw  at  will  the  weapons  for  his  intel- 
lectual combats.  With  this  power,  Mr.  Pickering  could  pass 
from  one  subject  to  another,  finding  each  where  he  had  le^t  it. 
Nothing  had  been  lost  in  the  interval.  No  step  was  to  be 
retraced ;  but  each  new  step  carried  him  still  onward  m  the 
interminable  march  of  knowledge. 

Mr.  Pickering's  character  may  be  surveyed  under  two 
aspects,  —  as  a  lawyer,  and  as  a  man  of  letters.  His  regular 
occupation  was  the  law.  This  was  the  business  of  his  life, 
and  during  the  greater  part  of  his  life  he  was  in  full  prac- 
tice. It  was  only  such  intervals  as  he  could  snatch  from 
business  that  he  devoted  to  literature.  His  literary  achieve- 
ments, therefore,  regarded  in  this  point  of  view,  become 
fruly  wonderful. 

As  a  lawyer,  he  stood  high  in  the  consideration  of  the 
community,  and  deservedly,  for  no  man  in  the  profession  did 
more  to  elevate  its  character.  At  the  bar,  as  everywhere 
else,  his  demeanour  was  courteous.  His  manner  of  address- 
ing the  jury  was  plain  and  impressive.  He  was  well  instruct- 
ed in  his  case,  and  expounded  with  logical  precision  the 
legal  principles  that  applied  to  it.  He  was,  however,  not  an 
doquent  nor  a  siirring  speaker,  and  to  some  his  temperate 
manner  might  appear  cold.     He  addressed  the  understand- 


Memoir  of  John  Pickering.  221 

ing,  rather  than  the  passions  of  his  audience.  Neither  his 
modesty  nor  his  good  taste  would  have  led  him  to  affect 
the  rhetorical  display,  which  he  considered  as  ill-suited  to 
the  gravity  of  the  court-room.  A  lover  of  truth,  he  had 
not  that  specious  sophistry  at  command  by  which  a  bad 
cause  is  made  to  bear  the  semblance  of  a  good  one.  He 
was  strong  only  in  defence  of  the  right.  He  could  not  be 
brought  to  regard  the  law  as  a  cunning  weapon,  at  the  ser- 
vice of  the  most  skilful  fencer.  He  looked  on  it  as  a  noble 
science,  resting  on  the  broad  basis  of  natural  justice,  and 
designed  for  the  protection  of  human  right.  He  loved,  there- 
fore, to  ascend  from  its  trivial  details  to  its  higher  princi- 
ples, and  regarded  it  with  the  eyes  of  a  philosophic  jurist, 
rather  than  those  of  the  mere  practising  attorney.  His  dis- 
position was  far  more  contemplative  than  active ;  better  suit- 
ted  to  the  tranquil  occupations  of  the  study,  than  to  the 
strife,  either  of  the  forum  or  the  senate-house. 

He  was,  indeed,  as  has  been  said  of  him,  the  model  of  a 
scholar.  Patient  and  persevering,  he  toiled  incessantly  after 
truth,  content  with  earning  this  as  the  best  reward  of  his  la- 
bors. It  was  his  maxim,  that  the  greatest  obstacles  are  to  be 
overcome  by  unintermitting  efforts,  in  the  moral  world  equal- 
ly with  the  physical.  The  motive  which  directed  his  labors 
was  as  elevated  as  the  object  of  them.  Some  men  toil  from 
ambition,  others  from  the  love  of  gain.  If  they  succeed, 
they  have  such  reward  as  the  worid  can  give.  If  they 
fail,  they  are  left  without  consolation.  But  Mr.  Pickering 
proposed  the  nobler  end  of  benefit  to  mankind.  That  be 
was  influenced,  to  some  extent,  by  motives  of  worldly  pru- 
dence, is  no  doubt  true.  For  who  is  noti  But  the  domi- 
nant impulse  in  his  breast  was  the  good  of  his  fellow-men. 
This  sentiment,  which  he  inculcates  in  one  of  his  last  dis- 
courses as  the  true  motive  of  the  scholar,  was  not  with  him 
an  empty  boast.  His  whole  life  showed  it  to  be  sincere. 
The  works  to  which  he  devoted  himself  were  not  those 
that  catch  the  popular  eye.  He  was  content  to  toil  in  the 
obscure  mines  of  literature,  where  his  labors  were  almost 
hidden  from  observation.  Most  of  his  contributions  to  sci- 
ence were  free  offerings,  without  compensation,  and  are  to 
be  found  embodied  in  the  collections  of  learned  societies. 
Ilis  pen  was  ever  prompt  in  the  service  of  others.     Nor  did 


222  Memoir  of  John  Pickering. 

his  good  offices  stop  here ;  and  more  than  one  author  can 
recall  to  mind  the  assistance  which  he  gave  him  when  com- 
ing before  the  world,  and  the  sympathy  which  he  never 
failed  to  manifest  in  his  success.  The  success  of  another, 
indeed,  whether  friend  or  rival,  filled  him  only  with  satisfac- 
tion. He  had  a  soul  too  large  for  envy,  and  he  hailed  with 
delight  every  real  contribution  to  science,  from  whatever 
quarter  it  came. 

Mr.  Pickering's  inquisitive  mind  drew  in  knowledge  from 
every  source  within  its  reach ;  —  from  books,  meditation,  so- 
ciety ;  from  the  educated  traveller,  or  the  simple  mariner 
who  brought  back  tidings  of  some  distant  island,  the  lan- 
guage of  which  still  remained  to  be  explored.  Strangers 
having  such  information  resorted  to  his  house,  eager  to  im- 
part their  stores  to  one  who  could  so  largely  profit  by  them. 
In  this  way  he  obtained  the  materials  of  his  last  communi- 
cation to  the  American^  Academy,  being  a  very  interesting 
account  of  the  remarkable  race  who  inhabit  Lord  North's 
Island,  and  of  the  language  spoken  by  them. 

It  is  gratifying  to  reflect,  that  the  services  thus  rendered 
by  the  American  philologist  to  the  cause  of  science  were 
duly  appreciated  by  his  contemporaries ;  and  that  he  re- 
ceived testimonials  to  his  deserts  from  numerous  learned 
bodies,  both  at  home  and  abroad.  In  1806,  when  not  thir- 
ty years  of  age,  he  was  offered  the  chair  of  Hebrew  and 
other  Oriental  Languages  in  Harvard  College.  Seven  or 
eight  years  later,  he  was  appointed  to  the  Eliot  Professor- 
ship of  Greek  Literature  in  the  same  University  ;  —  both  of 
which  he  declined.  In  1822,  he  received  the  degree  of 
LL.  D.  from  Bowdoin  College,  and  in  1835,  from  Harvard. 
Besides  being  a  fellow  of  this  Society,  he  was  the  President 
of  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  and  Foreign 
Secretary  of  the  Antiquarian  Society,  in  this  his  own  State. 
He  was  also  a  member  of  the  American  Philosophical  Socie- 
ty of  Philadelphia,  and  of  numerous  literary  associations  in 
other  parts  of  the  country.  In  Europe,  he  was  elected  a 
corresponding  member  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  Berlin; 
of  the  Oriental  Society  of  Paris ;  of  the  Academy  of  Scien- 
ces and  Letters  at  Palermo ;  of  the  Antiquarian  Society  at 
Athens ;  and  titular  member  of  the  French  Society  of  Uni- 
versal Statistics. 


Memoir  of  John  Pickering.  223 

Mr.  Pickering  was  too  modest  to  require  this  blazonry  of 
liis  literary  honors,  but  it  is  proper  to  record  them  here,  as 
evidence  of  the  high  respect  in  which  his  character  was  held 
by  the  most  competent  tribunals,  both  in  Europe  and  his 
own  country.  Such  an  indorsement,  indeed,  will  not  be 
necessary  to  secure  his  fame  with  posterity.  That  must 
rest,  not  on  what  others  have  done  for  him,  but  on  what  he 
has  done  for  himself;  —  on  his  writings,  especially  those 
which  have  helped  so  much  to  enlarge  the  boundaries  of 
philological  science ;  and  on  the  influence  of  his  example, 
wide  among  his  generation.  For  he  lived  in  an  age  when 
true  scholarship  was  rare,  and  he  set  the  example  of  a  learn- 
ing various  and  profound,  sustained  by  a  lofty  morality,  and 
recommended  by  the  graces  of  manner  which  give  to  learn- 
ing its  greatest  attractions. 


List  of  the  Published  Writings  of  John  Pickerings  LL.  D, 

1804.     Oration  delivered  at  Salem,  July  4,  1804. 
"         Sallust;  edited  with  Latin  Notes.     Salem. 

1815.  Vocabulary  of  Words  and  Phrases  which  have  been  supposed 
to  be  Peculiar  to  the  United  States  of  America.  To  which  is  prefixed  an 
Essay  on  the  Present  State  of  the  English  Language  in  the  United 
States  of  America. 

1818.  Memoir  on  the  Pronunciation  of  the  Greek  Language.  Me- 
moirs of  the  American  Academy. 

1819.  Translation  of  Professor  Wyttenbach's  Observations  on  the 
Importance  of  Greek  Literature,  and  the  Best  Method  of  studying  the 
Classics.     North  American  Review. 

1819.  Article  on  Du  Ponceau's  Report  to  the  American  Philosophi- 
cal Society.     N.  A.  Review. 

1820.  Article  on  Dr.  Jarvis's  Discourse  on  the  Religion  of  the  In- 
dian Tribes  of  North  America.     N.  A.  Review. 

1820.  Essay  on  a  Uniform  Orthography  for  the  Indian  Languages  of 
North  America.     Mem.  of  Amer.  Acad. 

1822.  Edition  of  Eliot's  Indian  Grammar;  with  Introductory  Obser- 
vations on  the  Massachusetts  Language.  Collections  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society. 

1822.  Article  on  Adelung's  Survey  of  all  the  Known  Languages  and 
their  Dialects.     N.  A.  Review. 

1823.  An  Edition,  with  Notes,  of  Edwards's  Observations  on  the  Mo- 
hegan  Language.     Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Society. 

1825.  Remarks  on  Greek  Grammars.  American  Journal  of  Edu- 
cation. 

1826.  Two  Articles  on  American  Indians.     New  York  Review. 
Greek  and  English  Lexicon. 


(( 


224  Memoir  of  John  Pickering. 

1827.  Edition  of  Roger  Williams^s  Key  to  the  Indian  Language. 
Collections  of  the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society. 

1828.  Article  on  Johnson^s  Dictionary.     American  Quarterly  Review. 

1829.  Remarks  on  the  Study  of  the  Civil  Law.     American  Jurist. 
^^        Agrarian  Laws  of  Rome.     Encyclopaedia  Americana. 

1830.  Edition  of  Cotton^s  Vocabulary  of  the  Massachusetts  Indicuis. 
Coll.  Mass.  Hist  Society. 

1831.  Introductory  Essay  on  NewhalPs  Letters  of  Junius. 

"  Indian  Languages  of  North  America.  EncyclopsBdia  Ameri- 
cana. 

1833.  Revised  Statutes  of  Massachusetts.  Part  First.  Of  the  In- 
ternal Administration  of  the  Government. 

1833.  Lecture  on  Telegraphic  Language,  before  the  Boston  Marine 
Society. 

1833.  Review  of  Williams  on  the  Law  of  Executors.     Amer.  Jurist 
^^  Edition  of  Father  Rasles^s  Dictionary  of  the  Abnaki  Language, 

with  Introductory  Memoir  and  Notes.     Mem.  of  Amer.  Acad. 

1834.  Lecture  on  the  Alleged  Uncertainty  of  the  Law.     Amer.  Jurist. 
*   "         Article  on  the  History  of  Harvard  University.     N.  A.  Review. 

1838.  Article  on  Prescott's  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.     N.  Y.  Review. 
"         Eulogy  on  Dr.  Bowditch.     Mem.  of  Amer.  Acad. 

1839.  Article  on  Chinese  Language.     N.  A.  Review. 

"  Article  on  Curtis's  Admiralty  Digest     Amer.  Jurist. 

1840.  Article  on  Egyptian  Jurisprudence.     N.  A.  Review. 

1841.  Essay  on  National  Rights  and  State  Rights.     Law  Reporter. 
"  Article  on  the  Cochin-Chinese  Language.     N.  A.  Review. 

1843.     Address  before  the  American  Oriental  Society. 
1846.     Memoir  on  the  Language  and  Inhabitants  of  Lord  North's 
Island.     Mem.  of  Amer.  Acad. 


MEMOIR  OF  WILLIAM  LINCOLN. 


By  JOSEPH  WILLARD,  A.  M. 


During  the  year  1843,  five  of  our  members  were  called 
to  their  rest ;  *  —  individuals  of  worth  and  esteem,  several 
of  whom  had  served  faithfully  the  cause  of  letters  and  re- 
ligion in  their  lifetime,  and  their  memories  should  not  be  for- 
gotten by  their  associates. 

Among  these  honored  ones,  it  has  fallen  to  me  to  pay  a 
brief  tribute  to  the  memory  of  Lincoln,  a  long-tried  and  es* 
teemed  friend. 

William  Lincoln,  the  youngest  son  of  the  late  Hon. 
Levi  Lincoln,  was  born  in  Worcester  in  this  State,  Septem- 
ber 26,  1801.  His  early  years  were  spent  in  his  native 
town,  where  the  social  position  of  his  family  and  connec- 
tions gave  him  all  the  external  facilities  which  could  be  of 
advantage  in  his  preparation  for  the  University. 

His  father,  having  retired  from  the  professional  and  politi- 
cal arena,  after  a  long  and  distinguished  career,  devoted  his 
declining  years  to  a  wide  and  liberal  course  of  reading,  and 
to  the  classical  studies  of  his  youth.  At  this  time  his  son 
was  in  his  early  training,  and  the  father  took  the  entire 
charge  of  his  instruction.  The  pupil  was  diligent  and  apt, 
and  did  justice  to  the  care  and  painstaking  that  were  exer- 
cised in  his  behalf. 

*  Rev.  F.  W.  P.  Greenwood,  D.D.,  August  2;  Rev  Jonathan  Homer,  D.  D.,  Au- 
gust 11  ;  Rev.  Henry  Ware,  Jr.,  D  D.,  September  22;  William  Lincoln,  Esq.,  Octo- 
ber 5;  Samuel  P.  Gardner,  Esq.,  December  18.  This,  probably,  is  the  largest  inroad 
upon  our  number  in  may  one  year  ainee  the  first  organization  of  the  Society. 

VOL.    X.  29 


226  Memoir  of  William  Lincoln. 

He  entered  Harvard  University  in  the  Junior  class  in 
1820,  and  was  graduated  in  1822.  While  at  Cambridge, 
he  maintained  a  very  respectable  rank  as  a  scholar,  and  ac- 
quired the  general  esteem  of  his  classmates  by  his  gentle- 
manly and  scholarlike  deportment. 

His  Commencement  performance  was  a  poem,  and  its 
subject,  "The  Land  of  the  Pilgrims,'*  was  an  early  evidence 
and  foreshadowing  of  his  future  taste.  His  rank  as  a  scholar, 
I  have  said,  was  respectable.  It  might  have  been  higher, 
and  his  general  assiduity  would  have  asserted  the  right,  had 
he  regarded  class  recitations  as  his  chief  aim.  I  do  not  un- 
derstand that  he  placed  any  estimate  upon  them  other  than 
such  as  would  insure  him  a  wholesome  reputation  for  diligence 
and  good  standing,  and  leave  him  time  to  pursue  his  partic- 
ular bent  in  other  departments  of  liberal  culture.  This  was 
a  strong  feature  in  his  character,  and  quite  distinctive  after- 
wards, when  he  came  to  the  active  business  of  life.  Enter- 
ing college  at  a  late  period,  I  believe  I  may  say  that  he  failed 
to  acquire  those  habitudes  and  that  class  and  college  asso- 
ciation usually  so  strong  with  those  who  go  through  the 
whole  course.  Indeed,  it  may  be  doubted,  whether,  with 
his  cast  of  mind  and'  disposition,  he  would  have  formed 
many  intimacies  during  a  residence  of  four  years. 

On  leaving  college,  he  returned  to  Worcester,  and  im- 
mediately commenced  the  study  of  law,  under  the  tuition 
of  his  brother,  Hon.  Levi  Lincoln,  at  that  time  the  leading 
member  of  the  bar  in  the  county  of  Worcester,  and  engaged 
in  a  very  extensive  practice.  He  pursued  his  professional 
studies  with  enlightened  and  successful  zeal.  One  every 
way  competent  to  form  and  express  an  opinion  upon  the 
subject  bears  testimony  "  to  his  fidelity  and  assiduity,  his 
quick  and  clear  perceptions,  and  the  singularly  discriminat- 
ing judgment  with  which  he  detected  sophistry  and  error, 
and  comprehended  and  embraced  sound  learning  and  safe 
principles";  while,  at  the  same  time,  "his  fine  taste,  varied 
reading,  and  rich  acquisitions,  and  a  vein  of  wit  and  never- 
failing  good-humor,"  rendered  him  an  agreeable  and  in- 
structive companion.  This  is  high  praise,  and  strongly  ex- 
pressed ;  but  I  cannot  say  that  it  is  exaggerated.  I  knew 
nothing,  indeed,  personally  of  his  laborious  preparation  for 
the  bar,  but  I  carefully  observed  Ihe  results  of  that  prepara- 


Memoir  of  William  Lincoln.  227 

tion,  and  they  justify  in  full  the  remarks  I  have  just  quoted. 
He  came  to  the  bar  in  1826,  arrayed  wisely  and  well  for  its 
exhausting  duties;  and  forming  a  connection  in  business 
with  his  relative,  the  Hon.  Rejoice  Newton,  in  Worcester, 
he  found  himself  at  once  surrounded  by  clients  and  engaged 
m  full  practice.  The  law  was  not  his  favorite  pursuit ;  he 
embraced  it,  perhaps,  in  part,  because  in  New  England  there 
is  no  consideration  unless  there  is  specific  employment,  and 
in  part  to  add  by  its  emoluments  to  a  respectable  patrimony. 
I  do  not  mean  that  he  disliked  the  profession,  —  far  from  it. 
He  revered  the  science,  and  honored  the  great  names  that 
had  added  lustre  to  it  He  attended  faithfully  to  the  duties 
of  the  office,  and  was  as  prompt,  assiduous,  and  thorough  in 
the  detail  of  business,  as  he  was  sagacious  and  persevering  in 
his  legal  investigations  ;  so  that  whenever  he  appeared  before 
the  court  and  jury,  he  gave  manifestations  of  those  qualities 
whose  further  cultivation  would  have  led  him  in  after  life  to 
distinction  as  a  jurist  and  advocate. 

For  many  years  he  performed  an  amount  of  labor  that 
few  constitutions  could  have  endured.  The  lawyer's  daily 
life  was  engrossed  with  its  employments,  but  when  these 
were  over,  the  greater  part  of  the  night  would  be  occupied 
with  literary  avocations,  and  historical  and  antiquarian  re- 
search. Nor,  in  the  midst  of  these  things,  were  the  claims 
of  friends  forgotten  or  postponed,  or  the  love  of  nature  shut 
out  from  his  heart.  He  loved  horticultui-e,  and  engaged  ac- 
tively in  adorning  and  improving  his  patrimonial  acres,  — 
not  by  mere  superintendence,  but  by  being  act  and  part  in 
what  he  guided,  and  thereby  producing  beautiful  results. 
Grod  first  planted  a  garden,  said  Bacon,  and  we  natural- 
ly are  prepossessed  in  favor  of  the  simple  taste  of  the  man 
whose  bent  is  in  that  direction.  With  all  these  avocations, 
he  found  or  redeemed  time  enough,  in  his  early  years  at  the 
bar,  to  write  largely  for  the  newspaper  press,  and  for  several 
years  before  he  assumed  the  office,  was  substantially  the  ed- 
itor of  the  JVational  Mgls.  At  this  period  there  was  a  class 
of  the  younger  professional  men  in  the  county  of  Worcester, 
who  began  to  devote  much  of  their  time  to  the  cultivation 
of  history,  and  more  especially  to  the  history  of  portions  of 
their  native  land.  Ardent  among  these  were  William  Lin- 
coln and  Christopher  C.  Baldwin,  the  late  enthusiastic  and 


228  Memoir  of  William  Lincoln. 

devoted  librarian  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society;  both 
fresh  at  the  bar,  and  brought  into  close  communion  by 
kindred  tastes  and  pursuits.  In  the  year  1825,  sharing 
equally  a  generous  ardor  in  historical  investigations,  they 
projected  the  publication  of  a  periodical  journal,*  which, 
with  some  miscellaneous  matter,  should  be  chiefly  devoted 
to  historical  narrative,  and  should  contain  ^' a  minute  and  par- 
ticular account*'  of  each  town  in  the  county  of  Worcester. 
The  plan  was  a  good  one,  and  the  work  was  conducted 
with  much  cleverness  and  spirit  from  October,  1825,  to  Oc- 
tober, 1826,  inclusive.  It  embraced  minute  sketches  of  sev- 
eral of  the  towns  in  the  county,  and  doubtless  was  the 
means  of  preserving  some  important  material  of  local  inter- 
est and  of  substantial  worth  to  the  future  general  historian. 
Had  it  been  continued,  every  town  in  the  county,  or  most  of 
them,  would  have  been  commemorated  by  affectionate  me- 
morials, and  their  history,  industry,  and  thrift,  becomingly  set 
forth,  would  have  embodied  a  wide  collection  of  interesting 
detail,  increasing  in  value  as  time  was  busy  with  his  effacing 
fingers  in  the  records  of  past  generations.  But  so  it  was, 
that  twenty  years  ago  this  journal  fell,  as  many  other  jour- 
nals have  fallen,  for  want  of  patronage.  There  did  not  ex- 
ist a  suflScient  demand  for  this  species  of  literature.  The 
community  had  not  then  been  educated  up  to  the  point  of 
zeal  in  local  history  that  it  has  since  reached ;  and  now,  in 
turning  back  to  its  pages,  limited  in  extent  as  the  journal 
was,  there  is  much  found  in  them  that  will  be  hereafter 
wrought  to  good  purpose,  when  a  hearty  laborer  shall  arise  to 
chronicle  the  history  of  the  noble  county.  Many  of  the 
articles  —  about  an  eighth  part  of  the  whole  of  the  first  vol- 
ume —  are  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 

In  1835,  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  sustained  a 
very  heavy  loss  in  the  sudden  death  of  their  librarian,  Mr. 
Baldwin.  From  the  intimacy  which  had  existed  between 
them  for  a  period  of  twelve  years,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  selected 
by  the  society  as  the  most  suitable  person  to  deliver  an  ad- 
dress on  the  character  and  services  of  the  late  librarian. 
This  address,  while  instinct  with  the  warm  feelings  of  per- 
sonal friendship,  portrays  the  character  of  Mr.  Baldwin,  and 

*  The  IVorctster  Magazine  and  Historical  Journal. 


Memoir  of  William  Lincoln.  229 

his  services  in  the  important  trust  committed  to  him,  in  terms 
of  entire  justice.  It  is  written  with  great  good  taste  and  dis- 
crimination, avoiding  that  tone  of  exaggeration  so  frequent 
in  productions  of  this  class,  and  describing  Mr.  Baldwin,  as 
he  appeared  to  the  daily  observer,  of  simple  and  unpretend- 
ing excellence,  abounding  in  innocent  and  pleasing  peculi- 
arities, and  deserving  of  great  commendation  for  his  inces- 
sant and  far-reaching  exertions  in  the  field  of  American 
antiquities.  Mr.  Lincoln  did  many  things  well,  but  this  may 
be  set  down  as  the  best  written  of  his  productions;  and 
from  my  own  intimacy  with  the  subject  of  the  deliaeation, 
I  can  bear  testimony  to  its  truthfulness. 

In  1837,  he  delivered  the  annual  address  before  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Horticultural  Society.  This  was  very  favorably 
received  when  it  was  spoken,  and  rewards  a  subsequent 
perusal.  Horticulture,  as  I  have  before  remarked,  was  much 
to  his  taste,  and  as  he  had  at  one  time  entered  largely  into 
its  practical  details,  not  contenting  himself  with  a  general 
love  of  nature,  he  had  his  word  in  season  to  utter  to  those 
of  kindred  sympathy. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  engaged  for  many  years  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  a  history  of  his  native  town*  I  believe  that  it  was 
originally  his  intention  to  publish  it  in  the  pages  of  The 
Worcester  Magazine  and  Historical  Journal^  but  that  work 
having  been  suspended  for  want  of  the  patronage  it  de- 
served and  should  have  received,  he  wisely  took  time  to 
make  his  collections,  that  he  might  present  them  to  the 
public  with  entire  accuracy,  and  in  a  form  to  be  perpetually 
preserved.  He  well  knew  that  the  labor  of  preparing  a 
town  history  was  of  no  slight  amount ;  that  the  materials 
would  not  always  come  at  the  bidding,  and  that  while  some 
facts  would  be  obtained,  as  it  were,  accidentally,  which  were 
necessary  for  the  links  of  the  narrative,  and  many  dates  in 
the  same  way,  a  wide  field  must  be  traversed  in  the  direct 
pursuit  of  that  which  was  known  to  exist  in  State,  county, 
town,  and  parish  records,  and  among  the  masses  of  papers 
in  the  neglected  waste-rooms  of  ancient  families.  The  de- 
lay was  of  great  service,  as  he  was  thus  enabled  to  gather 
in  from  all  sides  large  treasure,  and  to  supply  the  many  de- 
ficiencies that  would  have  existed  in  an  early  and  hasty 
publication.     Instead,  therefore,  of  a  meagre  and    sterile 


230  Memoir  of  William  Lincoln. 

compilation,  he  gave  to  the  public  in  1837,  as  the  result  of  his 
long  and  patient  toil,  a  goodly  volume  of  nearly  four  hundred 
octavo  pages,  the  contents  of  which  were  well  considered 
and  systematically  arranged.  It  was  a  worthy  offering  of 
respect  for  his  native  town,  and  may  be  considered,  both  in 
its  plan  and  execution,  a  model  for  town  histories.  It  stands 
at  the  head  of  works  of  a  class,  by  some  indeed  slightly 
valued,  but  containing  much  of  the  genuine  ore  out  of  which 
are  to  be  wrought  the  more  imposing  volumes  embracing 
the  history  of  our  beloved  Commonwealth. 

Under  a  resolve  of  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts, 
March  10,  1837,  Governor  Everett,  by  whose  recommenda- 
tion the  measure  was  adopted,  was  authorized  to  procure 
the  publication  of  the  Journals  of  each  Provincial  Congress 
of  Massachusetts,  and  of  such  papers  connected  with  those 
records  as  would  illustrate  the  patriotic  exertions  of  the 
people  of  the  State  in  the  Revolutionary  contest.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln was  selected  by  the  governor  as  a  suitable  person  for 
the  undertaking,  and  with  characteristic  industry  he  imme- 
diately devoted  himself  to  the  task  of  preparing  the  Jour- 
nals for  the  press.  In  order  to  carry  out  the  views  of  the 
Executive  and  of  the  legislature  more  fully,  he  prepared  and 
sent  to  each  town  a  detailed  statement  of  what  seemed  to 
him  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  entire  narra- 
tive of  municipal  proceedings  during  the  Revolution  in  those 
republican  corporations,  together  with  some  of  the  numer- 
ous documents  that  lie  scattered  among  the  forgotten  re- 
cesses of  the  families  of  that  period.  These,  however,  in 
the  progress  of  his  undertaking,  were  found  to  be  too  vo- 
luminous, and  were  not  introduced  into  the  publication. 
The  volume  was  published  in  1838,  embracing  the  Journals 
of  the  Provincial  Congress  and  of  the  Committee  of  Safety, 
the  proceedings  of  the  several  county  conventions,  narra- 
tives of  the  events  of  19th  April,  1775,  numerous  papers 
relating  to  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  and  other  valua- 
ble Revolutionary  documents,  accompanied  with  notes  illus- 
trative of  the  text,  preceded  by  a  full  table  of  contents,  and 
followed  by  a  thorough  index  of  twenty  well-compacted 
pages.  It  is  evident  that  a  great  amount  of  labor.was  ex- 
pended in  the  preparation  of  this  compilation,  which  contains 
a  fund  of  information  concerning  the  large  and  generous 


Memoir  of  William  Lincoln.  231 

efforts  and  sacrifices  made  by  the  people  of  Massachusetts 
during  the  contests  of  the  Revolution.  It  is  prepared  with 
entire  fidelity,  and  demands  the  critical  examination  of  the 
future  historian  of  that  period.  , 

All  the  publications  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  it  is  believed,  have 
now  been  mentioned,  excepting  sundry  agricultural  and  legis- 
lative reports,  an  oration  delivered  at  Worcester,  July  4, 
1816,  produced  at  the  age  of  fifteen  out  of  the  abundant 
patriotism  that  filled  the  youths  of  that  period  in  our  politi- 
cal existence,  and  numerous  articles  in  the  JSTational  JEgis, 
of  which  he  was  the  editor  from  1838  to  1841.  His  edito- 
rials were  well  considered  and  carefully  written,  and  many 
of  them  are  of  permanent  value  from  the  amount  of  statis- 
tical, historical,  and  other  information  they  contain.  In  the 
palmy  days  of  the  lyceum,  he  was  called  upon  for  lectures 
and  addresses,  and  contributed  his  full  share  to  this  species 
of  popular  entertainment,  I  am  not  aware,  however,  that 
any  of  them  have  been  published. 

For  several  years  Mr.  Lincoln  represented  the  town  of 
Worcester  in  the  General  Court.  He  is  remembered  as 
an  active  and  laborious  member,  particularly  in  the  early  pe- 
riod of  his  legislative  career,  possessing  the  confidence  and 
esteem,  not  merely  of  his  own  political  friends,  but  of  those 
also  who  differed  from  him ;  giving  exact  and  enlightened 
attention  to  the  duties  of  his  situation,  and  maintaining  a 
highly  dignified  and  respectable  position.  The  numerous 
reports  that  issued  from  his  pen  are  marked  by  that  spirit  of 
faithful  research  which  so  generally  characterized  his  labors. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  an  eariy  and  eflScient  member  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society.  He  was  chosen  an  asso- 
ciate within  three  years  after  leaving  the  University,  and 
continued  his  constant  and  disinterested  efforts  to  raise  the 
society  to  an  eminent  distinction  from  that  period  through- 
out his  life.  The  monthly  meetings  of  the  Council  —  that 
body  in  the  society  having  the  management  of  its  chief  con- 
cerns—  bear  testimony  to  his  punctuality  and  assiduity.  He 
was  ever  ready  to  spend  and  be  spent  in  promoting  its  in- 
terests in  every  way  that  he  could  devise,  and  no  one,  I 
suppose,  except  the  librarian,  gave  so  much  of  his  thoughts 
and  of  his  time  to  its  varied  concerns.  Indeed,  he  was  the 
librarian  for  two  years  before  Mr.  Baldwin's  election,  and 


232  Memoir  of  William  Lincoln. 

served  also  as  corresponding  secretary  when  the  foreign 
and  domestic  departments  were  united,  and  after  their  di- 
vision as  secretary  of  domestic  correspondence.  He  was 
'  also  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Publication.  In  Janu- 
ary, 1832,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society. 

Thus  usefully  did  he  fill  up  the  measure  of  his  days,  — 
a  long  life,  if  we  consider  all  that  he  accomplished,  but  short, 
when  we  remember  that  he  was  cut  off  in  the  midst  of  his 
years,  in  full  intellectual  strength  and  vigor,  and  with  pur- 
poses, it  may  be  hoped,  of  continuing  useful  in  his  genera- 
tion. But  it  was  otherwise  ordered.  Misplaced  confidence 
in  another  involved  his  estate,  so  that  his  last  years  were  but 
too  familiarly  versed  in  perplexities,  and  clouds  obscured  the 
future.  Through  this,  as  a  primary  instrumentality,  his  path 
was  encumbered,  and  though  at  times  it  was  illumined  with 
a  brighter  ray,  the  brave  heart  at  last  yielded,  where  it  could 
not  resist,  and  he  went  to  his  rest  on  the  5th  of  October, 
1843,  in  the  forty- third  year  of  his  age. 

I  first  became  acquainted  with  William  Lincoln  when  he 
began  his  professional  studies  in  Worcester,  in  the  year  1822. 
There  was  a  precision  in  his  manner  and  conversation  that 
struck  me  somewhat  singularly,  but  not  unpleasantly,  at  our 
first  interview.  It  formed  no  barrier  to  intercourse,  but  was 
rather  an  incentive  to  it.  The  very  gentlemanly  quality  of 
his  bearing,  and  his  strong  good-sense  and  instructive  con- 
versation at  once  drew  me  towards  him,  and  we  formed  a 
friendship  that  continued  without  shade  or  diminution 
throughout  his  life.  His  character  seems  spread  out  before 
me  like  a  map,  on  which  I  can  trace  all  its  headlands,  the 
rise  and  course  of  its  beneficent  streams,  and  its  diversified 
surface  of  sunshine  and  shadow,  all  distinctly  marked  out. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  ripe  scholar  in  various  departments  of 
learning.  He  had  read  and  studied  liberally  and  wisely,  and 
the  stores  he  treasured  up  were  gathered  not  merely  in  the 
walks  of  his  profession,  but  in  the  more  diversified  field  of 
literature,  and  his  conversation  and  writings  were  imbued 
with  the  results.  This  comprehensive  culture  imparted  ful- 
ness to  his  resources,  and  refinement  to  his  taste.  He  loved 
prose,  I  should  say,  better  than  poetry,  while  he  was  not 
neglectful  of  the  latter,  and  occasionally  indulged  in  that 


Memoir  of  WUliam  Lincoln*  233 

species  of  writing.  He  had,  perhaps,  no  high  poetical  de- 
velopment and  aim,  or  rather,  it  would  be  more  just  to  say, 
that  he  did  not  cultivate  poetry  so  assiduously  as  to  produce 
those  high  results  that  would  have  followed  upon  ardent  and 
persevering  effort.  He  certainly  wrote  classic  verse,  —  such 
poetry  as  men  of  education  and  refinement  elaborate  from 
their  good  scholarship  and  chastened  imagination.  He  was 
no  mean  proficient  in  the  harmony  of  numbers,  and  might 
have  written  and  published  more  to  acceptance,  if  his  pre- 
vailing inclination  had  been  in  that  direction.  His  longest 
poem,  which  was  to  have  been  delivered  at  Lancaster  in 
February,  1826,  in  commemoration  of  the  destruction  of 
that  town  in  Philip's  war,  was  omitted  by  reason  of  his  ill- 
ness, and  his  modesty  forbade  its  publication  in  his  Maga- 
zine, with  the  prose  address  of  Mr.  Goodwin,  delivered 
on  the  same  occasion.  In  prose  he  wrote  and  published 
largely,  as  we  have  already  seen,  and  here  he  shone  as  a  clear 
and  vigorous  writer.  His  style,  to  some,  has  the  appear- 
ance of  effort,  but  it  is  in  appearance  wholly.  There  was 
the  same  precision  and  seeming  care  in  framing  his  con- 
versation, but  his  conversation  was  simple  and  perspicuous, 
and  he  wrote  as  he  conversed;  the  apparent  effort  was 
merely  the  preparation  of  a  ready  and  well-furnished  mind. 
He  wrote  rapidly  and  corrected  little.  In  conversation,  for 
which  he  had  a  great  relish,  he  was  well  furnished,  and  was 
an  interesting  and  instructive  companion.  He  possessed, 
also,  an  exceedingly  pleasant  vein  of  wit  and  humor,  and 
could  say  very  queer  things  in  a  sober  manner.  But  his 
wit  never  gave  offence,  and  his  humor  was  confined  to  its 
proper  subjects.  He  was  too  considerate  of  the  feelings  of 
others  to  wound  them,  and  had  too  much  self-respect  to 
make  the  attempt.  His  mind  was  under  good  regulation 
and  discipline,  and  was  perfectly  well  balanced.  Its  leading 
qualities  were  judgment,  independence,  and  discrimination. 
He  was  a  clear  thinker ;  he  never  "resigned  his  right  of 
thought."  He  gave  to  the  subjects  of  his  investigation  their 
due  proportion,  and  allowed  no  false  colors  to  lead  him  astray. 
In  a  profession  where  a  man  of  mere  authorities,  however 
learned,  may  err  by  relying  upon  false  analogies,  he  was  skil- 
ful to  discern  the  right  and  the  true.  He  could  be  relied 
upon  for  eliminating  the  true  principle  from  a  confused  mass 

VOL.    X.  30 


234  Memoir  of  William  Lincoln. 

of  adjudged  cases,  rejecting  the  false,  establishing  the  real 
principle.  Hence  he  was  a  safe  and  enlightened  adviser. 
Few  men  at  the  Worcester  bar  stated  their  points,  or  rea- 
soned them  out,  with  more  clearness  and  precision.  Incon- 
clusiveness  and  confusion  had  no  part  or  lot  with  him.  De- 
ferring to  others  so  far  as  an  honest  and  conscientious  man 
may,  his  opinions,  when  deliberately  formed,  were  his  own, 
and  were  maintained,  whenever  the  occasion  required,  with 
mingled  dignity  and  courtesy,  and  with  entire  independence. 
Whenever  you  required  an  exercise  of  his  judgment, you 
might  feel  sure  that  the  subject  submitted  to  it  would  re- 
ceive the  most  careful  consideration,  and  the  result  would  be 
carefully  and  freely  given.  The  wisdom  of  his  judgment 
saved  him  from  the  delusions  of  fine-spun  speculations  and 
loose  and  rash  generalizations,  which  he  saw  were  becom- 
ing rife  in  the  community.  It  saved  him,  also,  from  being 
imposed  upon  by  external  considerations,  by  the  outside 
glare  of  society,  whereby  so  many  are  led  captive  to  their  own 
hurt.  Discriminating  nicely  in  character  and  weighing  men 
by  their  worth,  —  charitable  to  the  imperfections  of  others, 
and  knowing  how  often  they  come  from  defective  organiza- 
tion, or  neglect,  or  bad  influence,  —  respecting  the  opinions  of 
others,  so  far  forth  as  conscientiously  formed,  and  perhaps 
even  more  tender  towards  them  than  they  deserved,  —  he 
attached  himself  to  his  friends  with  hooks  of  steel,  and  justi- 
fied them  as  his  choice  treasure.  He  possessed  a  warm  and 
affectionate  heart,  responsive  to  the  calls  of  humanity  and 
to  the  claims  of  friendship.  He  had  emphatically  a  large 
heart,  in  the  right  place.  Of  an  ardent  temperament,  he 
was  strong  in  his  friendships  and  strong  in  his  dislikes ;  not 
inveterate  in  the  latter,  nor  unreasonable,  but  feeling  indig- 
nation at  wrong,  from  whatever  quarter  or  eminence,  and 
avoiding  the  alliance  of  any  when  the  true  man  did  not  ap- 
pear. Of  such  he  would  not  unnecessarily  make  enemies, 
but  he  would  give  them  none  of  the  opportunities  of  friend- 
ship. I  never  knew  him  to  desert  a  friend,  though  he  suf- 
fered long  and  bitterly  from  misplaced  confidence.  He 
would  postpone  himself,  he  would  make,  and  did  make, 
in  other  instances,  in  hours  of  need,  when  friendship  was 
something  more  than  a  name,  —  was  worth  something, — was 
real,  —  sacrifices  that  engraved  his  name  on  the  heart  as  true 


Memoir  of  William  Lincoln.  235 

to  this  character.  Manifestly  was  this  quality  exhibited  in 
his  disinterestedness.  Others  saw  it  besides  friends.  The 
community  around  him  knew  and  appreciated  his  generous 
nature,  his  devotion  to  the  public,  in  giving  his  time,  his 
knowledge,  his  opportunities,  his  talents,  his  labors,  to  what- 
ever might  contribute  to  the  healthful  progress  of  society. 

Such  is  an  imperfect  view  of  the  life  and  character  of 
William  Lincobi.  His  memory  is  frequently  called  up,  his 
memorials  are  around  me.  I  think  of  him  in  his  happier 
hours,  and  scenes  of  enjoyment  pass  in  review,  that  had  their 
period  and  their  delight,  and  are  gone  for  ever.  I  think  of 
him  in  his  darker  moments,  when  life  had  become  sad,  and 
my  sorrow  arises  afresh  that  one  so  gifted,  one  who  bade 
fair  to  run  a  long  and  prosperous  course  with  his  associates 
and  friends,  has  gone  down  to  the  grave  in  the  midst  of 
his  years,  and  with  purposes  half  accomplished. 


NOTE. 

In  the  8th  vol.,  p.  209,  line  14,  for  "  October,''  read  ** December,'' 

The  General  Court  held  at  Boston  on  the  7th  day  of  8th  mo.  [October],  1641, 
was  adjourned  to  the  lOih  day  of  the  10th  mo.*  [December],  and  the  first  volume 
of  the  Colony  records  concludes  with  the  proceedings  of  this  adjourned  meet- 
ing. At  the  end  of  the  volume  are  these  words,  in  the  handwriting  of  Governor 
Winthrop :  — 

**  At  this  Court  the  Bodye  of  Lawes  formerly  sent  forth  amonge  the  ffreemen 
&c.  was  voted  to  stand  in  force  &,c." 

This  escaped  the  notice  of  the  writer  of  the  article  on  the  Early  Laws,  be- 
cause, from  the  dilapidated  state  of  the  original  volume,  he  did  not  think  it  right 
to  handle  it  in  searching  for  entries  relating  to  the  laws,  but  used  for  this  pur- 
pose the  ancient  transcript,  made  about  a  hundred  years  ago  under  an  order  of 
the  Legislature,  now  in  the  State  Library,  collating  his  extracts  with  the  original 
for  correction  ;  and  it  so  happens,  that  the  above  entry  is  wholly  omitted  in  this 
transcript,  which  is  in  other  respects  very  incorrect. 

•  Original  record,  p.  320. 


RESIDENT  MEMBERS 


OF 


THE    MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL    SOCIETY, 


ELECTED  SINCE  THE  PUBLICATION  OF  THE  LIST  AT  THE  END  OF  VOL.  IX. 


RICHARD  FROTHINGHAM,  Jr.,  Esq.,  Charlestoww. 
NATHANIEL  B.  SHURTLEFF,  M.  D.,  Boston. 
HENRY  WHEATLAND,  M.  D.,  Salem. 
THADDEUS  WILLIAM  HARRIS,  M.  D.,  Cambridge. 
Ret.  WILLIAM  IVES  BUDINGTON,  Charlestown. 
Hon.  DAVID  SEARS,  Boston. 
SYLVESTER  JUDD,  Esq.,  Northampton. 
THOMAS  H.  WEBB,  M.  D.,  Boston. 


Note.  —  The  first  Toiume  of  the  Fourth  Series  will  contain  a  complete  list  of 
Resident  and  Corresponding  Members  from  the  first  institution  of  the  Society  to  the 
time  of  the  publication  of  that  Tolume. 


GENERAL  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


OF    THE 


TEN  VOLUMES  OF  THE  THIRD  SERIES,  METHODICALLY  ARRANGED. 


I.    Relating  particclarlt  to  the  So-  America  to  the  Year  1673.    By  John  Jo«- 

ciETY.  selyn,  Gent.,  1675,  iii.  211. 

1.  Lists  of  the  Resident  and  Correspond- 
ing Members  of  the  Society,  i.  287;  iii. 
408;  V.299;  vii.25;  ▼iii.4;  ix.304;  x.236. 

2.  Officers  of  the  Society,  i.  292;  vi.  1; 
vii.  4 ;  viii.  4 ;  ix.  303;  x.  at  the  end. 

3.  Donations  to  the  Society,  i.  295 ;  ii. 
365 ;  iii.  404 ;  v.  291 ;  vi.  294  ;  vii.  292. 

4.  Laws  and  Regulations  of  the  Society, 
1833,  iv.  331. 

5.  Account  of  the  Society,  vii.  5. 

6.  List  of  Portraits  in  the  Hall  of  the 
Society,  vii.  285. 

7.  Letter  from  Alden  Bradford,  Esq., 
pointing  out  errata  in  the  printed  volumes 
of  the  Society's  Collections,  vii.  296. 

8.  Letters  of  Hon.  Josiah  Quincy,  vi. 
283;ix.  1. 

9.  Semicentennial  Discourse,  pro- 
nounced before  the  Society  by  Hon.  John 
G.  Palfrey,  1844,  ix.  165. 


II.      VOTAOES,  &C. 

10.  Extract  from  the  Chronicle  of  Ber- 
naldez,  giving  an  account  of  the  discov- 
eries of  Columbus,  1513,  viii.  5. 

11.  Bartholomew  Gosnold's  Letter  to 
his  Father,  1602,  viii.  70. 

12.  Relation  of  Captain  Bartholomew 
Gosnold's  Voyage  to  America,  1602,  viii.  72. 

13.  Brereton  s  Account  of  Gosnold's 
Voyage,  1602,  viii.  83. 

14.  Tracts  appended  to  Brereton 's  Ac- 
count, viii.  94. 

15.  Rosier's  Account  of  Waymouth's 
Voyage  to  Virginia,  1605,  viii.  125. 

16.  Christopher  Levett's  Voyage  to 
New  England  in  1623-1624,  viii.  159. 

17.  Account  of  Two  Voyages  to  New 
England.  A  Description  of  the  Country, 
Sec.  A  Chronolo|(ical  Table,  &c.,  from 
the  first  Discovering  of  the  Continent  of 


lU.    History,  &c. 

18.  A  Description  of  New  England  by 
Capt.  John  Smith,  1614-1616,  vi.  95. 

19.  Winthrop  Papers,  1628-1734,  ix. 
226;  x.l. 

20.  Plymouth  Company  Accounts,  1628, 
i.  199. 

21.  Letter  firom  Rev.  William  Leigh  to 
John  Winthrop,  1628,  ix.  226. 

22.  Letter  from  John  Winthrop  to  Sir 
William  Springe,  1630,  ix.  227. 

23.  Letter  from  Rev.  Henry  Paynter  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  ix.  231. 

24.  Our  Forefathers*  Song,  composed 
about  the  year  1630,  vii.  29. 

25.  Letters  from  John  Humfrey  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1631,  ix.  232,  233. 

26.  Letter  from  Francis  Kirby  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1631,  ix.  237. 

27.  Advertisements  for  the  unexperi- 
enced Planters  of  New  England,  or  any 
where.  Or,  the  Pathway  to  Experience 
to  erect  a  Plantation.  By  Captaine  John 
Smith,  1631,  iii.  1. 

28.  Letters  of  Henry  Jacie  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  representing  the  treatment 
received  by  some  of  the  Puritan  ministenii 
from  the  bishops,  insolence  of  Papists,  &c. , 
1631  - 1633,  i.  235. 

29.  Letter  from  Rev.  Thomas  Arcbif- 
den  to  Edward  Howes,  1632,  ix.  239. 

30.  Letters  from  Edward  Howes  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1632,  ix.  240-245. 

31.  Letter  from  John  Humfrey  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1632,  ix.  245; 

32.  Letters  from  Francis  Kirby  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1632,  ix.  246-252. 

33.  Letter  from  John  Humfrey  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1632,  ix.  252. 

34.  Letters  ^om  Edward  Howes  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1633,  ix.  252-258. 


238 


General  Table  of  Contents. 


35.  Letters  from  Francis  Kirby  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1633,  ix.  258-26*2. 

36.  Letter  from  William  Hilton  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1633,  ix.  262. 

37.  Letters  from  Francis  Kirby  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1634,  ix.  263-267. 

38.  A  Brief  IVarrative  of  that  Part  of 
New  England  called  the  Nanhiganset 
Country,  1634-1686,  i.  200. 

39.  Seven  Letters  of  Roger  Williams, 
six  to  John  Winthrop,  Sen.,  the  seventh  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1636-1648,  i.  159. 

40.  Letter  from  Rev.  J.  Davenport  and 
Gov.  Eaton  to  the  Governor,  «3tc.,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, 1638,  iii.  165. 

41.  Captain  John  Undcrhill's  History  of 
the  Pequot  War,  1638,  vi.  1. 

42.  P.  Vincent's  History  of  the  Pequot 
War,  1638,  vi.  29. 

43.  Post-Office  Department,  —  Extracts 
from  the  Records  ot  the  General  Court, 
and  Documents  from  the  Massachusetts 
Archives,  relating  to  this  subject,  fur- 
nished by  J.  B.  Felt,  1639-1775,  vii.  48. 

44.  Hutchinson  Papers,  continued  from 
Vol.  X.,  Second  Series,  i.  1. 

45.  Letter  of  Inhabitants  of  Providence, 
R.  I.,  to  the  Governor  and  Assistants  of 
Massachusetts,  1641,  i.  1. 

46.  Plain  Dealing :  or  Nevves  from  New- 
England.  By  Thomas  Lechford.  1642, 
iii.  55.     Note  to  the  above  work,  iii.  397. 

47.  Letter  from  Randall  H olden  to  the 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  1643,  i.  5. 

48.  Letter  from  Emmanuel  Downing  to 
John  WinthroD,  1643,  i.  15. 

49.  Letterot  John  Hay nes  to  John  Win- 
throp, 1643,  i.  229. 

50.  Letter  from  Benjamin  Hubbard  to 
John  Winthrop,  1644,  i.  20. 

5L  Letter  from  Richard  Andrewes  to 
John  Winthrop,  1645,  i.  21. 

52.  Letter  from  Thomas  Peters  to  John 
Winthrop,  1645,  i.  23. 

53.  Letters  from  Roger  Williams  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1645-1651,  ix.  268-294. 

54.  Letter  from  William  Pead  to  John 
Winthrop,  1646,  i.  25. 

55.  Letter  from  Rev.  Ezekiel  Rogers  to 
John  Winthrop,  1647,  i.  26. 

56.  Winslow's  New-England's  Salaman- 
der Discovered,  or  a  Satisfactory  Answer 
to  many  Aspersions  cast  upon  New-Eng- 
land. An  Answer  to  New  England's  Jo- 
nas cast  up  at  London,  1647,  ii.  110. 

57.  Letter  from  Jane  Motin,  widow  of 
Mons.  D'Aulney  to  the  Governors  and 
Magistrates  of  New  England,  1651,  i.  28. 

58.  Letter  from  Nathaniel  Briscoe  to 
Thomas  Broughton,  1652,  i.  32. 

59.  Letter  rrom  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil of  Massachusetts  to  Sir  Henry  Vane, 
1652,  i.  35. 

60.  Letter  from  Rev.  John  Davenport  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1653,  ix.  294. 


61 .  Letters  from  Roger  W^illiamsto  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1654,  x.  1. 

62.  Oliver  Cromwell,  Lord  Protector's 
Order  to  Captaine  John  Levcrett,  Com- 
mander of  the  Forts  lately  taken  from  tlic 
French  in  America,  1655,  vii.  122. 

63.  Letter  from  Sir  Kenelme  Digby  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr  ,  1655,  x.  5. 

64.  Letters  from  Rev.  John  Davenport 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr  ,  1655,  x.  6-10. 

65.  Letter  from  Roger  Williams  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1655,  x.  10. 

66.  Letters  from  Rev.  John  Davenport 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1655,  x.  11-15. 

67.  Letter  from  Roger  W^illiams  to  John 
W^inthrop,  Jr.,  1656,  x.  18. 

68.  Letter  of  William  Hooke  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  April  13, 1657,  i.  181. 

69.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges's  Description 
of  New  England,  16.58,  vi.  45. 

70.  Letters  from  Rev.  John  Davenport 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1658, 1659,  x.  20 
-25. 

71.  Letter  of  John  Maidston  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1659,  i.  185. 

72.  Letter  from  Roger  Williams  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1660,  x.  26. 

73.  Letters  from  Rev.  John  Davenport 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1660,  x.  29-39. 

74.  Letter  from  Roger  W^illiams  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1660,  x.  39. 

75.  Papers  relating  to  Messrs.  Whalley 
and  GofJe,  compiled  by  J.  B.  Felt,  1661  - 
1678,  vii.  123. 

76.  Letter  from  John  Endicott,  proba- 
bly to  Lord  Clarendon  or  the  Earl  or  Man- 
chester, i.  51. 

77.  Letter  from  William  Brenton,  to 
John  Endecott,  Governor,  1661,  i.  54. 

78.  Answer  of  Adventurers  for  the  Car- 
rying on  a  Plantation  in  Charles  River  on 
the  Coast  of  Florida,  to  a  Paper  sent  to 
them  by  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  1663,  i.  55. 

79.  Censure  of  Petitioners  to  the  Gen- 
eral Court,  1666,  i.  59. 

80.  Letters  from  Rev.  John  Davenport 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1660,  x.42-4b. 

81.  Letter  from  Samuel  Willis  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1665,  x.  56. 

82.  Letter  from  Rev.  John  Davenport  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1666,  x.  58. 

83.  Letter  from  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil of  Connecticut  to  Richard  Bellingham, 
Governor  of  Massachusetts,  1666,  x.  63. 

84.  Letter  from  Charles  Hill  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1667,  x.  66. 

85.  Letter  from  Rev.  Abraham  Pierson 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1667,  x.  69. 

86.  Letter  from  Robert  Morris  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1668,  x.  70. 

87.  Letter  from  Mrs.  Mary  Gold  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1660,  x.  72. 

88.  Letter  from  Bryan  Rosseter  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1669,  x.  73. 

89.  Declaration  of  the  Commissioners  of 


General  Table  of  Contents. 


239 


the  United  Colonies  respecting  Intrusion 
of  the  Rhode  Island  People  upon  the  In- 
dian Lands  belonging  to  Connecticut. 
Concurrence  of  the  Ucneral  Court  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, 1669,  iii.  2uy,  210. 

90.  Letter  from  William  Jones  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1670,  x.  77. 

91 .  Letters  from  Governor  Francis  Love- 
lace to  John  Winlhrop,  Jr.,1670,  x.79,80. 

92.  Letter  from  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to 
Governor  Lovelace,  1670,  x.  81. 

93.  Letter  to  Colonel  Gofle,  from  his 
wife,  i.  60. 

94.  Letter  from  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil of  Rhode  Island  to  the  Governor  and 
Council  of  Connecticut,  in  relation  to  the 
defence  of  the  Colonies  against  the  Dutch, 
1672,  X.  82. 

95.  Governor  Winthrop's  answer,  1672, 
X.  83. 

96.  Letter  of  Samuel  Willis  and  John 
Winthrop,Jr.,  to  Sir  George  Carteret,  1673, 
X.  84. 

97.  Letter  of  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to 
Captain  Jolm  Berry,  1673,  x.  85. 

98.  Letter  of  Governor  Lovelace  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1673,  x.  86. 

99.  The  Soutliampton  Declaration,  as  to 
submisifiioii  of  towns  on  Long  Island  to  the 
Dutch,  1673,  X.  86. 

100.  Letter  of  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to 
the  Council  of  Connecticut,  recommend- 
ing assistance  to  tiie  inhabitants  of  Long 
Island,  X.  89. 

101.  Letter  from  Captain  Fitz-John 
Winlhrop  to  Captain  John  Ailyn,  Secre- 
tary of  Connecticut  Colony,  giving  account 
of  his  defence  of  Long  Island,  1673,  x. 
91. 

102.  Letter  from  the  Governor  and 
Council  of  Connecticut  to  Major  Fitz- 
John  Winlhrop,  1674,  x.  95. 

103.  Letter  from  Governor  Leverett  to 
John  Winlhrop,  Jr.,  1674,  x.  96. 

104.  Letter  from  the  Governor  and 
Council  of  Massachusetts  to  the  Governor 
and  Council  of  Connecticut,  1674,  x.  97. 

105.  Letter  from  Captain  Matthias  Nic- 
olls  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1674,  x.  99. 

106.  Letter  from  the  Governor  and 
Council  of  Massachusetts  to  the  Governor 
and  Council  of  Conn«;clicut,  1674,  x.  100. 

107.  Letter  from  Governor  Leverett  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1674,  x.  101. 

108.  Letter  from  Captain  Matthias  Nic- 
olls  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1674,  x.  103. 

109.  Letter  from  Governor  Leverett  to 
John  W^inthrop,  Jr.,  1674,  x.  104. 

110.  Letter  trom  William  Coddington, 
Governor  of  Rhode  Island,  to  Governor 
Leverett,  1674,  x.  106. 

111.  Letter  from  John  Sharpe  to  Jolm 
Winlhrop,  Jr.,  1674,  x.  108. 

112.  Letter  from  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to 
Hon.  Robert  Boyle,  1674,  x.  110. 


113.  Letter  from  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to 
Captain  Matthias  Nicolls,  x.  111. 

114.  Letter  from  Captain  Matthias  Nic- 
olls  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1674,  x. 
113. 

115.  Letter  from  Sir  Edmund  Andros, 
Governor  of  New  York,  to  John  Win- 
throp, Jr.,  1675,  X.  115. 

1 16.  Letter  from  Rev.  John  Davenport 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1675,  x.  115. 

117.  Letter  from  Sir  Edmund  Andros 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr  ,  1675,  x.  116. 

118.  Letter  from  Count  Frontenac,  re- 
specting Monsieur  Chamble,  Governor  of 
Acadia,  and  others,  prisoners  in  Boston, 
1675,  i.  64. 

11*.).  Letter  from  John  Knowlesto  John 
Leverett,  1675,  i.  62. 

120.  Letter  from  John  Knowles  to  John 
Leverett,  1675,  i.  65. 

121.  Josiah  Winslow's  Commission  from 
the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colo- 
nies, in  Philip's  War,  1675,  i.  66. 

122.  Letter  of  Thomas  Savage  to  John 
Leverett,  relating  to  Philip's  War,  1676, 
i.&8. 

123.  Order  in  Council,  relating  to  Ma- 
son and  Gorges's  Claim,  1677,  viii.  238. 

124.  Instructions  from  the  Commission- 
ers of  the  Customs,  <&c.,  in  England,  to 
Edward  Randolph,  Collector,  &c.,  in  New 
England,  1678,  vii.  129. 

125.  Letter  of  Charles  II.  to  Massachu- 
setts in  relation  to  Robert  Mason's  Claim, 
1682,  i.  72. 

126.  Arguments  against  relinquishing 
the  Charter,  (probably  1683,)  i.  74. 

127.  Letter  of  Walter  Clarke  to  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andros,  1686,  i.  81. 

128.  Commission  to  Sir  Edmund  An- 
dros, Knight,  Governor  of  New  England, 
1686,  vii.  139. 

129.  Papers  relative  to  his  administra- 
tion, compiled  by  J.  B.  Felt,  1686-1689, 
vii.  150. 

130.  John  Talcott's  Letter  to  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andros,  }G67,  iii.  167. 

131.  Appointment  of  Rev.  William 
Hubbard  to  act  as  President  of  Harvard 
College,  1688,  i.  83. 

132.  Sir  Edmund  Andros's  Account  of 
the  Forces  raised  in  New  England  for  De- 
fence of  the  Country  against  the  Indians, 
&c.,  in  1688,  and  how  they  were  posted  at 
th^  Time  of  the  Subversion  of  the  Gov- 
ernment in  April,  1689,  i.  85. 

133.  Account  of  an  Attack  by  the  In- 
dians upon  Cocheca  and  Blue  Point  Garri- 
son, 1689,  i.  8t-92. 

134.  Letter  of  Major  Benjamin  Church 
to  the  Governor  and  Council  of  Massachu- 
setts, i.  91. 

135.  A  List  of  Representatives  in  tho 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  from 
the  Deposition  of  Sir  Edmund  Andros, 


240 


General  Table  of  Contents. 


in  1689,  to  the  Commencement  of  the 
New  Charter  Government,  in  1692,  iv. 
289. 

136.  A  Brief  Relation  of  New  England 
to  the  Year  1089,  i.  93. 

137.  Declaration  of  Sylvanus  Davis 
about  his  Captivity  and  the  Treachery  of 
Sir  Edmund  Andros,  &c.,  1690,  i.  lUl. 

138.  Treaty  of  Peace  with  the  Eastern 
Indians,  1690,  i.  112. 

139.  Complaint  of  M.de  Meneual,  Gov- 
ernor of  Acadia,  to  the  Governor  and 
Council  of  New  England,  against  Sir  Wil- 
liam Phips,  as  to  Property  taken  from  him 
at  Port  Royal,  1690,  i.  114. 

140.  Proposals  for  an  Expedition  to  Can- 
ada, X.  119. 

141.  Letter  from  John  Cotton,  of  Ply- 
mouth, to  Rowland  Cotton,  1691,  i.  117. 

142.  Petition  to  William  III.,  i.  120. 

143.  Reasons  against  sending  a  Govern- 
or to  New  England,  i.  121. 

144.  Proposals  from  the  Governor  and 
Council  to  and  from  Captain  Kidd  and 
Captain  Walkington,  i.  122,  123. 

145.  Examination  of  Elizabeth  Johnson 
and  others,  accused  of  Witchcraft,  before 
Dudley  Bradstreet,  Justice  of  the  Peace, 
1692,  i.  124,  125. 

146.  Political  Fables  of  New  England, 
i.  126-133. 

147.  Uigginson  Letters,  1692  - 1700,  vii. 
196. 

148.  Letter  of  John  Nelson  relating  to 
an  endeavour  of  the  French  to  extend 
their  limits  to  the  River  of  Kennebeck, 
1698,  i.  134. 

149.  Queen  Anne's  Instructions  to  Gov- 
ernor Joseph  Dudley,  1702,  ix.  101. 

150.  Colonel  Robert  Quarry's  Memori- 
al fo  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Trade 
and  Plantations,  on  the  State  of  the  Amer- 
ican Colonies,  1703,  vii.  222. 

151.  Memorial  of  Jeremiah  Dummer, 
Agent,  4&C.,  to  the  English  Government, 
shewing  that  the  French  Possessions  on 
the  River  of  Canada  do  originally  and  of 
right  belong  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain, 
etc.,  1709,  i.  231. 

152.  Letter  from  Jeremiah  Dummer, 
Agent  of  Massachusetts  in  London,  1720, 
i.  139. 

153.  Memoir  of  the  Narraganset  Town- 
ships granted  by  the  General  Court  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, 1728-1733,  ii.  273. 

154.  Address  of  the  Ministers  of  Bos- 
ton to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  1737,  ii. 
271. 

155.  Journal  of  Mr.  Christopher  Gist, 
who  accompanied  Major  George  Wash- 
ington in  hi.s  first  visit  to  the  French  Com- 
mander of  the  Troops  on  the  Ohio,  1753, 
V.  101. 

156.  Journal  of  the  Proceedings  of  the 
Congress  held  at  Albany  in  1754,  for  the 


purpose  of  Treating  with  the  Six  Nations 
of  Indians  and  Concerting  a  Scheme  of 
General  Union  of  the  British  American 
Colonies,  v.  5. 

157.  Rev.  Samuel  Niles'sHistory  of  the 
Indian  and  French  Wars,  1760,  vi.  154. 

158.  Letter  from  Thomas  Pownall  to 
Governor  Hutchinson,  1767,  i.  148. 

159.  Instances  of  Longevity  in  New 
Hampshire,  1767-1825,  li.  295;  1796- 
1823,  i.  155. 

160.  Journal  of  the  Treaty  held  at  Al- 
bany, in  August,  1775,  with  the  Six  Na- 
tions, by  the  Commissioners  of  the  Twelve 
United  Colonies,  met  in  General  Congress 
at  Philadelphia,  v.  75. 

161.  Repeal  of  the  Clause  in  the  Act  of 
the  Assembly  of  Rhode  Island  excepting 
Roman  Catholics  from  the  Privileges  of 
Freemen,  1783,  v.  243. 

162.  General  Lincoln's  Journal  of  a 
Treaty,  held  in  1793,  with  the  Indian 
Tribes  Northwest  of  the  Ohio,  v.  109. 

163.  Account  of  Plymouth  Colony  Rec- 
ords, copied  by  order  of  the  General  Court 
in  1820,  ii.  258. 

164.  Letter  of  James  Bowdoin,  Esq.,  to 
Hon.  James  Savage,  giving  an  Account  of 
MS.  Journals  of  the  Long,  Little,  &c.  Par- 
liaments, 1650  -  1678,  belonging  to  the 
New  York  Historical  Society,  1829,  ii. 
323.^ 

165.  Letter  of  General  Ebenezer  Mat- 
toon,  relating  to  General  Lincoln's  wound 
received  near  Saratoga  in  1777,  1837,  vi. 
283. 

166.  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Ley- 
den,  by  George  Sumner,  1842,  ix.  42. 

167.  Gleaning  for  New  England  His- 
tory, by  James  Savage,  1842,  viii.  243. 

168.  Remarks  on  the  Early  Laws  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  with  the  Code  adopt- 
ed in  1641,  and  called  The  Body  of  Lib- 
erties, now  first  printed,  by  F.  C.  Gray, 
1843,  viii.  191 ;  x.  2:35. 

169.  Discourse  of  Hon.  John  Quinry 
Adams  on  the  New  England  Confederacy 
of  1643,  1843,  ix.  189. 

170.  More  Gleanings  for  New  Eneland 
History,  by  Hon.  James  Savase,  President 
of  the  Massachusetts  Histoncal  Society, 
1848,  X.  127. 


IV.      ECCLKSIASTICAL    HiSTORT,   &€. 

171.  Model  of  Christian    Charity,  by 
Governor  Winthrop,  1630,  vii.  31. 

172.  Marmaduke  Mathewes's  Defence, 
1651,  i.  29. 

173.  Petition  of  the  Church  and  Town 
of  Woburn,  1653,  i.  38. 

174.  Letter  of  Michael   Powel   to  the 
Governor  and  Magistrates,  1653,  i.  45. 

175.  Report  of  Committee  appointed  by 


Oeneral  Table  of  Contents. 


241 


the  General  Court  to  iDquire  concerning 
the  Maintenance  of  the  Ministers  in  the 
County  of  Suffolk,  1657,  i.  49. 

176.  The  Christian  Commonwealth,  or 
the  Civil  Policy  of  the  Rising  Kingdom 
of  Jesus  Christ,  by  Rey.  John  Eliot,  1661, 
ix.  127. 

177.  Letter  from  Key.  John  Dayenport 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1666,  x.  59. 

178.  Charlestown  Church  Affairs,  1677, 
1678,  i.  248. 

179.  Memoir  of  French  Protestants  set- 
tled at  Oxford,  1686,  ii.  1. 

180.  Proclamation  for  Fast,  January 
30th,  1688,  i.  83. 

181.  Appointment  of  a  Committee  to 
receive  Contributions  to  the  Church  of 
England,  1688,  i.  84. 

182.  Extracts,  &c.,  from  the  Records  of 
the  Church  in  Danvers,  relating  to  Salem 
Witchcraft,  by  J.  B.  Felt,  1689-1694,  iii. 
169. 

183.  Address  of  Episcopalians  (of  Bos- 
ton) to  William  III.,  complaining  of 
the  subversion  of  Sir  E.  Andres's  Gov- 
ernment, and  petitioning  that  a  Governor 
and  Council  may  be  appointed  by  the 
Kinff,  vii.  192. 

lt&.  Letter  from  Secretary  Willard  to 
Mr.  Whitefield,  1744,  i.  147. 

185.  Churches  and  Ministers  in  New 
Hampshire.  By  John  Farmer.  (Contin- 
ued from  Vol.  A.  Second  Series,  p.  56.) 
i.  153;  ii.  299;  iii.  183;  iy.292. 


V.   BlOGRAPHy  AND  ChARACTXR. 

186.  Two  Letters  of  Rey.  Hugh  Peter, 
one  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  the  other  to 
Charles  Gott,  1654,  i.  179. 

187.  Letter  from  Rev.  John  Davenport 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1654,  ix.  297. 

188.  Letter  of  Peter  Bulkeley  to  Mr. 
Endicott,  Governor,  &c.,  1655,  i.  47. 

189.  Letter  from  Edward  Wigglesworth 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  ix.  296. 

1 90.  Letter  of  Samuel  Epps  to  Fitz-John 
Winthrop,  1673,  x.  89. 

191.  Address  of  Condolence  to  Goy. 
Talcott  of  Connecticut,  on  the  Death  of 
his  Wife,  i.  246. 

192.  His  Answer,  i.  248. 

193.  Letter  of  Cotton  Mather  to  Hon. 
John  Saffin,  1710,  i.  137. 

194.  Recommendation  of  John  Win- 
throp, Esq.,  to  the  Royal  Society,  1733, 
X.  1&. 

195.  Vote  of  Thanks  of  the  Royal  So- 
ciety to  John  Winthrop,  Esq.,  1/34,  x. 
122. 

196.  Autobiography  of  the  Rey.  John 
Barnard,  1766,  v.  177. 

197.  Memoir  of  Gamaliel  Bradford,  Esq., 
who  died  in  1824,  i.  202. 


198.  Memoir  of  William  Jones  Spoon- 
er,  Esq.,  1824,  i.  265. 

199.  Memoir  of  the  Hon.  Christopher 
Gore,  of  Waltham,  Mass.,  who  died  March 
1, 1829,  iii.  191. 

200.  Memoir  of  Samuel  Davis,  Esq., 
1829,  y.  253. 

201.  Biographical  Notice  of  the  lat« 
Hon.  Dudley  A.  Tyng,  ii.  280. 

202.  Memoir  of  Key.  John  Allyn,  D.  D., 
by  Convers  Francis,  y.  245. 

203.  Memoir  of  Rey.  Ezra  Shaw  Good- 
win, 1833,  V.  282. 

204."  Memoir  of  James  Bowdoin,  1833, 
ix.224. 

205.  Memoir  of  Rey.  James  Freeman, 
D.  D.,  by  F.  W.  P.  Greenwood,  1835,  y. 
255. 

206.  Memoir  of  Rev.  John  Hale,  first 
Minister  of  Beverly,  1835,  vii.  255. 

207.  Memoir  or  Rey.  John  Prince, 
LL.  D.,  by  Charles  W.  Upham,  1836,  y. 
271. 

208.  Letter  from  Col.  Juan  Galindo 
to  Hon.  Thomas  L.  Winthrop,  1837,  yi. 
280. 

209.  Memoir  of  Rey.  Abiel  Holmes, 
D.  D.,  1837,  vii.  270. 

210.  Memoir  of  Isaac  Allerton,  1838, 
yii.  243. 

211.  Letter  of  Judge  Davis  respecting 
the  same,  1838,  vii.  301. 

212.  Afemoir  of  Gamaliel  Bradford, 
M.  D.,  by  Convers  Francis,  1839,  ix.75. 

213.  Biographical  Sketch  of  Lion  Gar- 
diner, 1842,  X.  173. 

214.  Memoirof  William  Lincoln,  by  Jo- 
seph Willard,  1843,  x.  226. 

215.  Notice  of  the  Life  of  Hon.  Lever- 
ett  Saltonstall,  1845,  ix.  117. 

216.  Memoir  of  James  Grahame,  LL.  D., 
by  Josiah  Quincy,  1845,  ix.  1. 

217.  Memoir  of  Hon.  John  Davis, 
LL.  D.,  by  Conyers  Francis,  D.  D.,  1847, 
X.  186. 

218.  Memoir  of  Hon.  John  Pickering, 
LL.  D.,  by  William  H.  Prescott,  Esq., 
1847,  X.  204. 


VI.      GXRBALOGY. 

219.  Genealogical  Noticesof  Early  Set- 
tlers in  New  England  from  the  County  of 
Suffolk  [Euff.],  by  Rev.  Joseph  Hnnter,  of 
London,  a  Member  of  the  Mass.  HistSoc. 
and  F.  S.  A.,  x.  147. 


VII.      RZLATIRG    TO   THE    INDIANS. 

220.  Instructions  from  the  Massachu- 
setts to  John  Winthrop,  Esq.,  First  Gov- 
ernor of  Connecticut,  to  treat  with  the 
Pequots,  1636,  iii.  1S9. 


VOL.  X. 


31 


242 


General  Table  of  Contents. 


221.  Letter  from  Roger  Williams  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  163&,  ix.  299. 

222.  Lion  Gardener's  Relation  of  the 
Pequot  War,  in  1637,  iii.  131. 

*j£3.  Relation  of  a  Conspiracy  of  the 
Sachem  of  the  Naragansets  and  other  Sa- 
chems for  the  Destruction  of  the  English, 
1642,  ui.  161. 

224.  Deed  of  Sale  of  an  Indian  Man, 
called  Hope,  1647,  i.  27. 

225.  Letters  from  Roger  Williams  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1647  - 1651,  ix.  269  - 
292. 

226.  Tracts  relating  to  the  Attempts  to 
convert  to  Christianity  the  Indians  or  New 
England,  viz. :  — 

&7.  The  Day-Breaking,  if  not  the  Sun- 
Rising  of  the  Gospel  with  the  Indians  in 
New  England,  1647,  iv.  1. 

228.  The  Clear  Sun-shine  of  the  Gos- 

K)l  breaking  forth  upon  the   Indians  in 
ew  England.    By  Rev.  Thomas  Shep- 
ard,  164d,  iv.  25. 

229.  The  Glorious  Progress  of  the  Gos- 
pel, amongst  the  Indians  in  New  England. 
Manifested  by  three  Letters,  under  the 
Hand  of  that  famous  Instrument  of  the 
Lord  Mr.  John  Eliot,  and  another  from 
Mr.  Thomas  Mayhew,  Jr.,  1649,  iv.  69. 

230.  The  Light  appearing  more  and 
more  towards  the  perfect  Day.  Published 
by  Rev.  Henry  Whitfield,  late  of  Gilford, 
1651,  iv.  100. 

231.  Strength  out  of  Weaknesse;  or  a 
Glorious  Manifestation  of  the  further  Prog- 
resse  of  the  Gospel  among  the  Indians  m 
New-England.  Published  by  Henry  Whit- 
field, 1652,  iv.  149. 

232.  Tears  of  Repentance :  Or,  A  fur- 
ther Narrative  of  the  Progress  of  the  Gos- 

gi\  amongst  the  Indians  in  New  England, 
elated  by  Mr.  Eliot  and  Mr.  Mayhew, 
1653,  iv.  197. 

233.  A  Late  and  Further  Manifestation 
of  the  Progress  of  the  Gospel  amongst  the 
Indians  in  New-England.  Related  by  Mr. 
John  Eliot,  1655,  iv.  261. 

234.  Letter  from  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to 
Col.  Richard  Nicolls,  1665,  x.  54. 

235.  Letter  from  Capt.  George  Denison 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1666,  x.  64. 

236.  Letter  from  James  Noyes  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1667,  x.  67. 

237.  Letter  from  Fitz-John  Winthrop  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1674,  ^.  112. 

238.  Letter  from  Henry  Stephens  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1675,  x.  117. 

239.  Letters  from  Daniel  Witherell  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1675,  x.  118, 119. 

240.  Petition  of  Increase  Mather  and 
others,  to  the  Governor  and  Council,  for 
Aid  in  Conversion  of  the  Indians  in  the 
Eastern  Parts  to  Christianity,  1693,  i. 
133. 

241.  Cotton's  Vocabulary  of  the  Massa- 


chusetts (or  Natick)   Indian    Language, 
1707-1708,  ii.  147. 

242.  An  Account  of  the  Captivity  of 
Hugh  Gibson  among  the  Delaware  Indi- 
ans from  1756  to  1759,  vi.  141. 

243.  Letter  of  Gideon  Hawley  to  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Hutchinson,  —  Account 
of  the  Longevity  of  Indians,  1770,  i.  150. 

244.  Letter  m>m  Col.  George  Morgan 
to  General  Washington,  inclosing  the 
Lord's  Prayer  in  Shawanese,  17d9,  v.  286. 

245.  Vocabulary  of  Words  in  the  Lan- 
guage of  the  (iuoddy  Indians.  By  the 
Rev.  Elijah  Kelloge,  1822,  iii.  181. 

246.  Notice  of  Orono,  a  Chief  at  Pe- 
nobscot     By   William    D.   Williamson, 

1838,  ix.  82. 

247.  Account  of  Three  Tribes  of  East- 
ern Indians.     By  William  D.  Williamson, 

1839,  ix.  92. 


VIII.    Topography,  Statistics,  aitd 
Local  History. 

MiUne. 

248.   French  Inhabitants  between  the 
River  Penobscot  and  St.  Croix,  May  11th, 


1688,  i.  82. 


JVVio  Hampsldre. 


249.  Bill  of  Mortality  for  Amherst,  1815 
-1826,  ii.  298. 

Massachusetts. 

250.  Memoranda  of  Beverly,  1630- 
1679,  vii.  250. 

251.  Expenses  of  Courts,  1643,  i.  16. 

252.  A  Word  to  Boston,  by  Governor 
William  Bradford,  vii.  27. 

253.  Answer  of  Simon  Bradstreet  to  bis 
Majesty's  Privy  Council,  as  to  the  Statis- 
tics of  Massachusetts,  1680,  viii.  330-340. 

254.  Votes  for  Magistrates  in  Massachu- 
setto,  1692,  x.  120. 

255.  Account  of  the  Town  of  Boston, 
taken  December  14, 1742,  i.  152. 

256.  Bill  of  Mortality  for  Boston,  1818 
-  1824,  i.  278;  1825-1832,  iv.  321;  1833 
- 1835,  V.  288 ;  1836,  vi.  285 ;  1837,  vii. 
284. 

257.  History  and  Description  of  Cohas- 
set,  1821,  ii.  84. 

258.  Accountof  Documents,  Coins,  &c., 
placed  under  the  Corner-stone  of  the 
Branch  Bank  of  the  United  States,  Bos- 
ton, Jan.  22, 1825,  i.  271. 

Kova  Scotia. 

259.  Papers  relative  to  the  rival  Chiefs 
D'Aulney  and  La  Tour,  Goyemors   of 


General  Table  of  Contents. 


243 


Nova  Scotia,  prepared  by  J.  B.  Felt,  1643 
-1663,  ▼u.«JO. 


IX.    Natural  Hjstort,  &c. 

260.  Letter  of  Sir  Keoelme  Digbj  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1656,  z.  15. 

261.  Letter  from  Rev.  John  Davenport 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1658.  x.  19. 

262.  Letter  from  Henry  Oldenburg,  Sec- 
retary of  the  Royal  Society  to  John  Win- 
throp,  Jr.,  1664,  z.  47. 

2dI3.  Letters  of  Samuel  Hatchinaon  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1665,  z.  49. 

264.  Letter  of  Philip  Carteret  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1665,  z.  51. 

265.  Letter  of  John  Winthrop,  Jr.  to 
Philip  Carteret,  1665,  z.  52. 

26d.  John  Plumme'a  Description  of  a 
Falling  Star  which  he  law,  166a,  z.  57. 

267.  Letter  from  Rev.  Thomaa  Sbepard 
of  Charlestown  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr., 
1669,  z.  70. 


268.  Letter  from  George  Heathcote  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1669,  z.  76. 

269.  Letter  from  William  Jones  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  1670,  z.  77. 

270.  Letter  from  John  Winthrop,  Jr.  to 
Lord  Brereton,  1670,  z.  123. 

271.  Letter  from  Henry  Oldenburg  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1671,  z.  124. 

272.  Letter  from   Roger  Williams   to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  1647,  iz.  268. 


X.    Fiirz  Arts. 

273.  Description  of  some  of  the  Medals 
struck  in  Relation  to  Important  Events  in 
North  America,  before  and  since  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  b?  the  United 
States.    By  James  Mease,  M.  D.,  it.  297. 

274.  Description  of  American  Medals. 
By  J.  Francis  Fisher,  of  Fhiladelphim,  vi. 
2ti6. 

275.  Description  of  Old  American  Coins, 
▼ii.  282. 


INDEX  OF  AUTHOKS. 


[NoTB.    The  figures  refer  to  the  numbers  in  the  preceding  T&ble  of  Contents.] 


A. 

Adams,  John  Q.,  169. 
Adventurers  to  Florida,  78. 
Alden,  Timothy,  242. 
Andre wes,  Richard,  51. 
Andros,  Edmund,  115, 117,  132. 
Archer,  Gabriel,  12. 
Archisden,  Thomas,  29. 

B. 

Bacon,  Leonard,  210. 
Barnard,  John,  196. 
Bernaldez,  Andres,  10. 
Bowdoin,  James,  164. 
Bradford,  Alden,  7, 197. 
Bradford,  William,  252. 
Bradstreet,  Dudley,  145. 
Bradstreet,  Simon,  253. 
Brenton,  William,  77. 
Brereton,  John,  13. 
Briscoe,  Nathaniel,  58. 
Bulkeley,  Peter,  188. 

C. 

Carteret,  Philip,  264. 
Church,  Benjamin,  134. 
Clarke,  Walter,  127. 
Coddington,  William,  110. 
Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  89, 

121. 
Connecticut,  Governor  and  Council  of,  83, 

102. 
Connecticut,  Representatives  of,  191. 
Cotton,  John,  or  Plymouth,  141. 
Cotton,  Josiah,  241. 
Cromwell,  Oliver,  62. 


D. 


D.,  J.,  229. 

Davenport,  John,  40,  60,  64,66, 70, 73,80, 

82, 116, 177, 187,  261. 
Davis,  John,  211. 
Davis,  Sylvanus,  137. 
De  Meneual, ,  Governor  of  Acadia, 

139. 
Denison,  George,  235. 
Digby,  Sir  Kenelme,  63,  260. 


Downing,  Emmanuel,  48. 
Dummer,  Jeremiah,  151, 152. 


E. 


Eaton,  Theophilus,  40. 

Eliot,  John,  176, 227,229, 232,  233. 

Endicott,  John,  76. 

Epps,  Samuel,  190. 


F. 


Farmer,  John,  135,  153, 185,  249. 

Felt,  Joseph  B.,  43,  75, 129, 182,  259. 

Fisher,  J.  Francis,  274. 

Flint,  Jacob,  257. 

Francis,  Convers,  202,  203, 212,  217. 

Frontenac,  Monsieur,  118. 

G. 

Galindo,  Juan,  208. 
Gardener,  Lion,  222. 
Gardiner,  Alexander,  213. 
Gist,  Christopher,  155. 
Goffe,  Mrs.,  93. 
Gold,  Mary,  87. 
Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  69. 
Gosnold,  Bartliolomcw,  11. 
Gray,  Francis  C,  168. 
Greenwood,  F.  W.  P.,  205. 

II. 

Harris,  Thaddeus  M.,  6. 
Hawley,  Gideon,  243. 
Haynes,  John,  49. 
Heathcote,  Georse,  263. 
Hewes,  Samuel  H.,  256. 
Higginson,  John,  147. 
Hill,  Charies,  84. 
Hilton,  William,  36. 
Holden,  Randall,  47. 
Holmes,  Abiel,  161,  179. 
Hooke,  William,  68. 
Howes,  Edward,  30,  34. 
Hubbard,  Benjamin,  50. 
Humfrey,  John,  25,  31,  33. 
Hunter,  Joseph,  219. 
Hutchinson,  Samuel,  263. 


Aidex  of  Authors. 


245 


Jacie,  Henry,  28. 
Jenkins,  L.,  124. 
Jenks,  William,  5,  209. 
Jones,  William,  90,  269. 
Josselyn,  John,  17. 


Kellogg,  Elijah,  245. 
Kid,  Captain,  144. 
Kirby,  Francis,  26,  32,  35,  37. 
Knowles,  John,  119, 120. 


Lechford,  Thomas,  46. 
Leigh,  William,  21. 
Leverett,  John,  103, 107, 109. 
Levett,  Christopher,  16. 
Lincoln,  Benjamin,  162. 
Lovelace,  Francis,  91,  98. 
Lowell,  John,  201. 


M. 


Maidston,  John,  71. 

Massachusetts,  Governor  and  CouBcil 

5«J,  104,  106,  144,  220. 
Mather,  Cotton,  193. 
Mathewes,  Marmaduke,  172. 
Mattoon,  Ebenezer,  165. 
May  hew,  Thomas,  Jr.,  229,232. 
Mease,  James,  273, 275. 
Merrill,  Benjamin,  215. 
Merrill,  James  C,  204. 
Morgan,  George,  244. 
Morris,  Robert,  86. 
Motin,  Jane,  widow  of  D'Aalney,  57. 

N. 

Nelson,  John,  148. 
Nichols,  Benjamin  R.,  163. 
Nicolls,  Matthias,  105,  108, 114. 
Niles,  Samuel,  157. 
Noyes,  James,  236. 

O. 

Oldenburg,  Henry,  262,  271. 


P. 

Palfirey,  John  G.,  9. 
Paynter,  Henry,  23. 
Pead,  William,  54. 
Perkins,  T.  H.,  258. 
Peter,  Hugh,  186. 
Peters,  Thomas,  52. 
Pierson,  Abraham,  85. 


of, 


Plumme,  John,  266. 
Powel,  Michael,  174. 
Pownall,  Thomas,  158. 
Prescott,  William  H.,  218. 
Providence,  Inhabitants  of,  45. 

Q. 

Q,uincy,  Josiah,  8,  216. 
Q,uarry,  Robert,  150. 

R. 

Rantoul,  Robert,  206,  250. 

Rhode  Island,  Governor  and  Council  of, 

94. 
Ripley,  Samuel,  199. 
Rogers,  Ezekiel,  55. 
Rosier,  James,  15. 
Rosseter,  Bryan,  88. 


S. 


Savage,  James,  167,  170. 

Savage,  Thomas,  122, 175. 

Sharpe,  John,  111. 

Shepard,  Thomas,  of  Cambridge,  228. 

Shepard,  Thomas,  of  Charlestown,  267. 

Smith,  John,  18,  27. 

Southampton,  Inhabitants  of,  99. 

Stephens,  Henry,  238. 

Sumner,  George,  166. 

T. 

Talcott,John,  130, 192. 

U. 

Underbill,  John,  41. 

Unknown,  24,  38,  78,  126, 136, 146, 160, 

200  223. 
Upham,  Charles  W.,  207. 


Vincent,  P.,  42. 


V. 


W. 


Whitfield,  Hennr,  230,231. 

Wigglesworth,  Edward,  189. 

Willard,  Joseph,  214. 

Willard,  Josiah,  184. 

Williams,  Roger,  39,  53,  61,  65,67,72,74, 

221,225,272. 
Williamson,  William  D.,  246,247. 
Willis,  Samuel,  81,  96. 
Winslow,  Edward,  56. 
Winthrop,  Fitz-John,  101,  237. 
Winthrop,John,  22,  171. 
Winthrop,  John,  Jr.,  92,  95,  97, 100, 112, 

113,  2ii,  265,  270. 
Withcrell,  Daniel,  239. 


246 


Index  of  Authors. 


AUTHORS    OF    LETTERS,    EXTRACTS,    ETC.,    FORMING    PARTS 

OF   THE   PRECEDING   PAPERS. 


A. 

Aberdeen,  Lord,  viii.  342. 
Adams,  John,  vi.  155. 
Addington,  Isaac,  i.  89. 
Allen,  Thomas,  iv.  194. 
Almack,  Richard,  viii.  296. 
Andros,  Edmund,  vii.  165, 177, 183. 

B. 

Bellamont,  Lord,  ii.  65. 
Berkeley,  George,  ii.  73. 
Bernon,  Gabriel,  ii.  64,  67,  69-72. 
Bessey,  Anlhoney,  iv.  184. 
Bondet,  D.,  ii.  61. 
Bowdoin,  James,  iii.  397. 
Boys,  William,  viii.  273. 
Brewster,  Nathaniel,  viii.  296. 

C. 

Campbell,  Duncan,  vii.  56, 57. 
Campbell,  John,  vii.  63, 66,  80. 
Campbell,  Thomas,  vii.  58. 
Caryl,  Joseph,  iv.  265. 

Charnizay, ,  vii.  114. 

Chasseloup,  P.,  ii.  66. 
Clark,  John,  viii.  289. 
Conant,  Roser,  vii.  252. 
Cooper,  William,  vii.  89. 
Crisp,  Richard,  vii.  157. 
Cromwell,  Oliver,  vii.  122. 

D. 

Dana,  Samuel,  ii.  258. 
Davenport,  John,  viii.  327. 

D'Aulney, ,  vii.  91,  92, 102, 108. 

Delancey,  James,  v.  55. 

De  la  Tour, ,  vii.  96. 

De  Saint  Mas, ,  vii.  116. 

Douglas,  William,  vii.  157. 
Downinge,  Emmanuel,  viii.  324. 
Dudley,  J.,  ii.66. 


E. 


Eliot,  John,   iv.  49,  119,  130-145,  165 

175;  ix.  128. 
Endecott,  John,  iv.  189;  vii.  99, 119. 
Everett,  Edward,  viii.  341. 


F. 

Farmer,  J.,  ii.  271. 
Folsom,  George,  vii.  31. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  v.  70. 
French,  William,  iv.  192. 


Grore,  Christopher,  iii.  207. 
Gould,  John,  vii.  153. 

H. 

Hakluyt,  Richard,  viii.  104. 

Hale,  John,  vii.  2o7. 

Hatcher,  Henry,  z.  134. 

Haulsey,  Isaac,  vii.  187. 

Hayes,  M.  Edward,  viii.  95. 

Herriot,  Thomas,  viii.  117. 

Higginson,  Rev.  John,  vii.  198,  201,  206, 

222. 
Higginson,  John,  vii.  197,  202,  204,  205, 

208,211,217. 
Higginson,  Nathaniel,  vii.  214. 
Hunter,  Joseph,  viii.  298. 

L. 

Lake,  Thomas,  vii.  120. 
Laudonniere,  Rene,  viii.  116. 
Leverich,  William,  iv.  180. 
Lincolne,  Thomas,  viii.  283. 

M. 

Mace,  Samuel,  viii.  94. 

Maine,  John,  vii.  176. 

Marshall,  H.,  vii.  85. 

Massachusetts,  Governor  and  Council  of, 

vii.  99, 116. 
Mather,  Richard,  iv.2l7. 
Maverick,  Samuel,  vii.  119. 
Mayhew,  Thomas,  iv.  109, 185. 
Mease,  James,  v.  101. 
Motin,  Jane,  widow  of  D'Aulney,  vii.  1 15. 

N. 

Nicholas,  Edward,  vii.  123. 
Noyes,  Nicholas,  vii.  212. 

P. 

Piegott,  Solomon,  viii.  307. 

Pike,  Robert,  i.  89. 

Pilkington,  Colonel ,  v.  176. 


Prescott,  William  H.,  viii.  5. 

R. 

Randolph,  Edward,  vii.  154,  164,  173. 
RatstocK,  Joshua,  vii.  186. 
Rowdon,  Elizabeth,  vii.  181 . 

S. 
Scottow,  Joshua,  vii.  119. 


Editors^  JVotes. 


247 


Sigourney,  L.  Huntley,  ii.  82. 
Steele,  William,  iv.  195. 
Stephens,  Henry,  x.  140. 
Symonds,  Samuel,  i.  30. 

T. 

Temple,  T.,  viii.  325. 
Tyng,  Edward,  vii.  169. 

U. 

Usher,  John,  vii.  178. 

V. 

Vassal  1,  Samuel,  viii.  294. 


W. 

Waldron,  Richard,  Jr.,  i.  87. 
Walton,  William,  iv.  277. 
Ward,  Nathaniel,  iv.  2 ;  viii.  216. 
Washington,  George,  viii.  345-347. 
Weld,  Joseph,  vii.  105. 
Wiggin,  Thomas,  viii.  320-324. 
WiUard,  Josiah,  vii.  86. 
Williams,  W.  T.,  iii.  209. 
Williamson,  William  D.,  ix.  92. 
Wilson,  John,  iv.  176. 
Winthrop,  Adam,  x.  152. 
Winthrop,  John,  Jr.,  ix.  289,  291. 
Winthrop,  Stephen,  vii.  105. 


EDITORS      NOTES. 


Bowdoin,  James,  ix.  231,237,240. 

Bradford,  Alden,  ii.  279. 

D.  J.,  ii.  147. 

Felt,  Joseph  B.,  vii.  48,  90, 109, 126, 129, 

138,  149, 150, 162,  249,  262. 
Gray,  Francis  C.,  x.  235. 


Mease,  James,  v.  102, 103, 104. 
Pickering,  John,  ii.  148. 
R.,  iii.  209. 

Savage,  James,  i.  1,  27,  44,  62,  159,  185, 
228,  231,  235;  vii.  32;  ix.  301;  x.  72. 


A    CHRONOLOGICAL    TABLE 

or 

THE   MOST   REMARKABLE   EVENTS    RECORDED    IN    THE 

TEN    VOLUMES. 

[NoTB.  —  The  Tear  begins  with  the  flrst  daj  of  Jancoiry.] 


A.  M.  3720  to  A.  D.  1673.  Cbronoloeical 
ObserrationB  of  America,  by  John 

A.D.  Jo8selyn,  iii.  355. 

1121,  Sept.  The  Church  of  St.  Peter,  the 
oldest  in  Leyden,  consecrated,  ix.  71. 

1492,  Sept.  Christopher  Columbus  sails 
from  Palos,  on  nis  first  voyase,  dis- 
covers the  island  of  Sao  SaJTador, 
viii.  8. 

1493,  March  23.  Arrives,  on  bis  return, 
at  Palos,  viii.  14. 

Sept.  22.  Sails,  on  his  second  voy- 
age, from  Cadiz,  with  seventeen  ves- 
sels, viii.  15. 

1494,  May.  Alexander  VI.,  Pope  of  Rome, 
grants  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of 
Spain  all  the  lands  west  of  a  line 
drawn  irom  the  south  pole  one  hun- 
dred leagues  west  of  the  Azores  and 
Cape  de  Vcrd  Islands,  ix.  201. 

1506,  May.  Christopher  Columbus  dies, 
viii.  68. 

1550,  Dec.  15.  By  a  treaty  between  Ma- 
ry, Queen  of  Scotland,  and  Charles 
V.  of  Germany,  Scotch  merchants, 
while  in  the  Netherlands,  are  allowed 
all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
Dutch  themselves,  ix.  63. 

1559.  The  Confession  of  Faith  of  the 
Reformed  Churches  of  France  re- 
ceived and  enacted  by  their  first  Na- 
tional Synod,  in  the  city  of  Paris, 
ii.  5. 

1560.  Admiral  Coligny  petitioned  the 
king  for  the  free  exercise  of  their  re- 
ligion. He  was  the  first  nobleman  in 
all  France  who  dared  to  profess  him- 
self a  Protestant,  ii.  6. 

1562.  Admiral  Coligny  attempts  to  settle 
a  colony  of  French  Protestants  in 
America,  ii.  6.  By  his  influence,  an 
attempt  had  been  made  by  the  French 
Protestants,  with  those  of  Geneva,  to 
settle  a  colony  at  Brazil.    This  year 


he  sent  over  a  nnall  namber  of  Prot- 
estants to  Florida,  who  built  a  fort 
near  Port  Royal  in  Sooth  Carolina, 
bat  soon  retnmed  to  France.  The 
attempt  was  renewed  aboot  two  years 
afler,  but  his  colooy  were  principally 
massacred,  ii.  7. 

Nov.  12.  Adam  Winthrop,  proba- 
bly the  grandfather  of  Got.  \V  inthrop, 
boned,  viii.  297. 

1572,  Au^.  24,  St.  Bartholomew's  Da^. 
Admiral  Coligny  the  first  victim,  li. 
9, 10.  70,000  Protestants  massacred 
in  eight  days,  ii.  11.  Considered  as 
a  fit  subject  of  joy  and  triumph  at 
Rome,  ii.  13. 

1589.  Henry  III.  of  France  assassinated, 
succeeded  by  Henry  IV.,  ii.  16.  Pro- 
tected the  Protestants  until  his  death, 
u.  17. 

1591,  April.    Roger  Conant  bom,  vii.  ^iSA. 

1598,  April  13.  The  Edict  of  Nantes 
signed  by  Henrv  IV.,  ii.  16. 

1600.  Canada,  or  Nova  Francia,  settled 
by  the  French,  i.  232. 

1602.  Bartholomew  Gosnold  ^first  mover 
of  the  permanent  plantation  of  Vir- 
ginia in  1606,  viii.  69)  settles  on  the 
west  part  of  "  Elizabeth's  Island," 
viii .  77.  Planters  diminishing,  returns 
to  England,  viii.  81. 

1603.  James  VI.  of  Scotland  ascends  the 
English  throne,  vi.  49. 

1605.  Capt.  George  Weymouth  makes 
a  voyage  "  in  the  discovery  of  the  land 
of  Virginia,"  viii.  125. 

1606.  L'Acadie  settled  by  the  French,  i. 
232. 

Cant.  Henry  Challoung  [Challons] 
sent  by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  to  set- 
tle in  New  England,  vi.51.  Is  taken 
and  carried  into  Spain,  vi.  52. 

The  royal  authority  obtained  for 
I         settling    two    plantations    opon    the 


Chronological  Table. 


249 


coasts  of  America,  by  the  names  of 
the  First  and  Second  Colony,  vi.  53. 

1607,  May  31.  Capt.  Popham,  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  Second  Colony,  with  Capt 
Raleigh  Gilbert  **  and  divem  other 
gentlemen  of  note  in  three  ships,  with 
one  hundred  landmen,"  leave  the 
coast  of  England,  and  arrive  at  their 
rendezvous  the  8th  of  August  follow- 
ing, vi.  54. 

1608,  In  the  spring  of  this  year,  Gov. 
Bradford  and  others  of  the  Pilgrims 
arrive  at  Amsterdam,  and  at  the  end 
of  this  or  beginning  of  the  next  year 
remove  to  Leyden,  ix.  45. 

Manadaes  or  Manahanent  discov- 
ered by  Mr.  Hudson,  and  sold  by  him 
to  the  Dutch,  iii.  313. 

1609,  June  2.  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Sir  Geo. 
Somers,  and  others,  leave  England 
"  to  repossess  the  parts  of  Virginia," 
vi.  53. 

The  Church  at  Leyden  formed, 
Robert  Durie  pastor,  ix.  49. 

1610,  May  14.  Henry  IV.  of  France  as- 
sassinated, ii.  17. 

1614.  The  Dutch  begin  to  plant  at  Ma- 
nadaes and  call  it  New  Netherlands, 
iu.  313. 

April.  Capt  John  Smith,  with  two 
ships  from  London,  arrives  at  the  Isle 
of  Monahiggan  in  New  England,  in 
43i°  of  northerly  latitude,  vi.  103. 
Gives  a  description  of  New  England, 
Florida,  and  Virginia,  vi.  104.  (His 
map  in  Vol.  III.) 
1614-1630.  Proceedinffs  of  New  Eng- 
land in  fishing  ana  plantins  during 
thi^  period,  description  of  the  coast, 
harbours,  habitations,  &c.,  by  Capt. 
John  Smith,  iii.  1. 

1615,  Oct.  Sir  Richard  Hakings  [Haw- 
kins] receives  a  commission  and  in- 
structions as  President  of  the  Second 
Colony  upon  the  coasts  of  America ; 
leaves  England,  vi.  61. 

1620,  July  23.  Sir  Thomas  Coventry,  So- 
licitor-General, required  to  prepare 
a  patent  for  incorporation  of^  **  the 
Adventurers  of  the  Northern  Colony 
in  Virginia,"  vi.  64.  This  patent, 
dated  Nov.  3, 1620,  is  the  Great  Char- 
ter of  New  England,  and  the  founda- 
tion of  all  grants  made  within  its  ter- 
ritory. The  adventurers  were  incor- 
porated by  the  style  of  "  The  Council 
established  at  Plymouth  in  the  Coun- 
ty of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling, 
ordering,  and  governing  of  New  Eng- 
land in  America,"  vi.  65.  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges,  the  procurer  of  this 
patent.  Was  the  next  year,  1621,  called 
to  answer  at  the  bar  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  the  patent  being  com- 
plained of  as  a  grievance  of  the  com- 


monwealth and  a  monopoly,  vi.  66. 
To  which  Sir  Ferdinando  answers, 
that  it  was  **  for  the  advancement 
of  religion,  the  enlargement  of  the 
bounds  of  our  nation,  the  increase  of 
trade,  and  the  employment  of  many 
thousands  of  all  sorts  of  people,"  vi. 
67. 

1620.  Settlers  arrive  at  New  Plymouth, 
vi.  73. 

John  Carver,  Governor  of  Ply- 
mouth, ii.  266. 
1620-1689.  A  Brief  Relation  of  the 
Plantation  of  New  England,  from  the 
founding  of  that  Plantation  to  the 
Year  1689,  i.  93. 

1621.  L'Acadie  or  New  Scotland,  or  Nova 
Scotia,  granted  to  Sir  William  Alex- 
ander by  James  I.  of  England,  i.233; 
vii.  90. 

1621-1632,  and  several  subsequent  years. 
William  Bradford  Governor  or  Ply- 
mouth, ii.  266. 

1623.  ChristODher  Levett,  one  of  the 
Council  of  New  England,  makes  a 
voyage  to  New  England,  viii.  159. 
Stays  about  a  month  at  Mr.  Thomson's 
plantation,  meets  with  the  Governor 
there,  viii.  164.  Builds  a  house  at 
Yofk,  viii.  171. 

A  grant  is  made  by  the  Council  es- 
tablished at  Plymouth,  in  the  county 
of  Devon,  to  John  Pierce,  in  trust  for 
the  Colony  of  New  Plymouth,  vi.  73. 
Dec.  30.  Patent  granted  by  the 
Council  for  the  Affairs  of  New  Eng- 
land to  Capt.  Robert  Gorges,  vi.  75. 

1625,  March  27.  Accession  of  Charles  I. 
to  the  throne  of  Great  Britain,  iii.  375. 

John  Robinson  dies  at  Leyden, 
ix.  54. 

Roger  Conant,  at  Cape  Ann,  super- 
intendent of  the  fishing  and  planting 
of  the  Dorchester  company,  vii.  254. 

1626.  Roger  Conant  and  others  remove 
from  Cape  Ann  to  Salem.  Owing  to 
his  firmness,  resolution,  and  perse- 
verance, the  settlement  of  Salem  is 
maintained  until  the  arrival  of  Gov. 
Endicott  in  1628,  vii.  254. 

1627-1628.  The  French  expelled  from 
both  sides  of  the  River  of  Canada 
by  Sir  David  Kirk,  i.  232. 

1628.  Gov.  Endicott  arrives  in  Salem 
with  about  one  hundred  colonists,  iii. 
325 ;  vii.  254, 287.  "  Chosen  their  first 
governor,"  iii.  326. 

1629.  Admiral  Kirk  sent  from  England 
to  subdue  the  French  at  Canada,  takes 
possession  of  the  city  of  Quebec  and 
fort  for  the  English,  and  returns  home, 
vi.  215. 

The  Council  established  at  Ply- 
mouth make  a  grant  to  William  Brad- 
ford and  bis  associates,  vi.  73. 


VOL.    X. 


32 


250 


Chronological  Table. 


1629,  March  4.  The  Charter  of  Massa- 
chusetts provides  that  tho  freemen 
or  members  of  tho  company  shall 
choose  from  their  own  numoer  a  Gov- 
ernor, Deputy-Governor,  and  eighteen 
Assistants,  who  shall  hold  monthly 
oroflenera  meeting  called  the  Court 
OF  Assistants,  and,  together  with 
such  freemen  as  choose  to  attend,  four 
times  in  a  year,  a  great  and  General 
Court,  vhi.  200.  The  patent  and 
government,  on  motion  of  Matthew 
Cradock,  first  Governor  in  England, 
being  transferred  to  New  England, 
John  Winthrop  and  others  arrive  here 
with  the  Charter,  in  1630,  viii.  201. 

1630,  March.  Six  good  ships  leave  Ens- 
land,  with  three  hundred  and  fifly  col- 
onists, men  and  women,  to  settle  in 
Salem,  iii.  34. 

"  Modell  of  Christian  Charily,"  writ- 
ten by  Gov.  Winthrop,  in  his  passage 
to  New  England,  vii.  33. 

June  12.  Gov.  Winthrop  arrives  at 
Salem  in  the  Arbella,  ix.  119. 

June  17.  With  Sir  Richard  Sal- 
tonstall  travels  to  Charlestown  to  se- 
lect a  place  of  settlement,  ix.  120. 

Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  Rev.  George 
Pliillips,  and  others  commence  a  plan- 
tation and  call  it  Watertown,  and  en- 
ter into  a  church  covenant,  July  30, 
1630.  *'That  excellent  knight,  Sir 
Richard  Saltonstall/'  subscribed  this 
instrument,  and  the  next  year  he  re- 
turned to  England,  ix.  120. 

Beverly  settled  about  this  time,  vii. 
250. 
1630  -  1636.  Roger  Williams  arrives  at 
Boston,  goes  to  Salem,  invited  to  set- 
tle as  colleague  with  Mr.  Skelton, 
broaches  opinions  dangerous  to  the 
existence  of  the  Massachusetts  Colo- 
ny, ix.  206.  Goes  to  Plymouth  and  is 
settled  in  the  church  there,  returns  to 
Salem,  ix.  207.  Elected  teacher  there, 
prevails  upon  Endicott  to  cut  the  cross 
out  of  the  banners,  separates  from  the 
church,  goes  to  Providence,  ix.  209. 

1631.  The  Larl  of  Warwick  obtains  from 
Charles  I.  a  grant  of  forty  leagues  of 
sea-coast  westward  from  the  mouth  of 
Narraganset  River,  assigned  to  Lord 
Say  and  Seal,  Lord  Brook,  and  others, 
ix.  204. 

1632.  Puritan  ministers  persecuted  by  the 
Bishops  in  England,  i.  236-239. 

Two  deputies  chosen  from  each 
town  to  attend  the  General  Court,  to 
advise  with  the  Governor  and  Assist- 
ants about  raising  money,  viii.  201. 

General  Court  of  Plymouth  begin 
to  keep  a  regular  journal  of  their  pro- 
ceedings, ii.  265. 

Nov.  19.    Massachusetts  **  the  lar- 


gest, best,  and  most  prospering  *'  of  all 
the  plantations  in  New  England;  about 
two  thousand  people,  young  and  old, 
have  in  three  years  done  more  in 
building  and  planting  than  others  have 
done  in  seven  times  that  space,  and 
with  at  least  ten  times  less  expense  ; 
**  by  their  lovins,  just,  and  kind  deal- 
inge  with  the  Indians,  have  gotten 
their  love  and  respect,"  viii.  322. 
The  Governor,  a  aiscreet  and  so- 
ber man,  giving  good  example  to  all 
the  planters,  wearing  plain  apparel, 
drinking  ordinarily  water,  when  not 
conversant  about   matters  of  justice 

Eutting  his  hand  to  any  ordinary  la- 
or  with  his  servants,  ruling  with 
much  mildness.  Sir  Christopher  Gar- 
diner and  others,  *^  by  casting  re- 
proaches upon  the  plantation,  doe  ad- 
dress themselves  to  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  who  by  their  false  informa- 
tions "  is  projecting  to  deprive  the 
plantation  of  its  privileges  and  to  sub- 
vert their  government,  viii.  ^3. 

1633.  Popery  increases  in  England.  Many 
Papists  grow  very  insolent  to  boast 
over  Protestants,  i.  244. 

July  8.  Mr.  John  Cotton,  late  vicar 
of  Boston  in  England,  yields  up  his 
place  of  being  vicar,  viii.  343. 

Sept.     WiUiam  Laud,  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  elevated  to  the  Prima- 
cy, viii.  276. 
1633, 1636, 1644.     Edward  Winslow  Gov- 
ernor of  Plymouth,  ii.  266. 

1634,  1638, 1657  - 1672.  Thomas  Prence 
Governor  of  Plymouth,  ii.  266. 

1634.  The  wife  and  family  of  the  Rev. 
Dr.  William  Ames  remove  to  New 
England,  x.  169. 

April  1.  There  are  eight  towns  in 
the  Colony  of  Massachusetts,  viii.  201. 

Capt.  Stone  and  his  company  killed 
by  the  Indians,  vi.  158. 

Rev.  Nathaniel  Ward  removes  to 
New  England,  x.  167. 

Mr.  Cradock's  house  at  Marblebead 
burnt,  vii.  249. 

Roger  Williams  buys  of  Canonicus 
and  Miantonomy  a  tract  of  land,  and 
with  others  settles  a  town  and  calls  it 
Providence,  i.  211. 

Freemen  from  the  towns  in  Massa- 
chusetts deputed  to  meet  to  consider 
of  such  matters  as  they  were  to  take 
order  in  at  the  General  Court,  to  be 
held  May  14th,  "  having  met,  desired 
a  sight  of  the  patent^^'  and  conceive 
thereby  that  all  their  laws  should  be 
made  at  the  General  Court,  ix.  203. 
1634  - 1760.  Narrative  of  the  Wars  in 
New  England  with  the  French  and 
Indians  in  the  several  parts  of  the 
country,  by  Rev.  Samuel  Niles,  vi.l54. 


Chronological  Table. 


251 


1634,  1635.  Many  passengers  for  New 
England  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  ; 
names  of  such,  viii.  252,  319 ;  x.  140 
-  144.  A  list  of  names  of  some  who 
sailed  without  taking  the  oath,  x.  144, 
145. 

1635.  Capt.  Oldham,  with  all  his  compa- 
ny, killed  by  the  Indians  at  Block 
Island,  vi.  158.  About  this  time  two 
men  were  killed  by  the  Indians  on 
Long  Island,  vi.  159. 

•Sis!ty  leagues  of  territory,  including 
the  Connecticut  River,  granted  by  the 
Council  at  Plymouth  to  James,  Mar- 
quis of  Hamilton,  ix.  204. 

May  6.  The  General  Court  of  Mas- 
sachusetts agree  "  that  some  men 
should  be  appointed  to  frame  a  body 
of  grounds  ot  laws,  in  resemblance  to 
a  Magna  Charta,"  viii.  204.  John 
Ilaynes,  Governor,  Richard  Belling- 
ham,  Deputy-Governor,  and  John 
Winthrop  and  Thomas  Dudley,  Es- 
quires, deputed  to  perform  this  service, 
lb.  Subsequently  other  committees 
were  appointed,  but  the  object  is  not  at- 
tained until  the  appointment  of  a  com- 
mittee of  which  Mr.  Nathaniel  Ward 
being  one,  he  drew  up  the  Body  of 
Liberties  established  by  the  General 
Court  in  1641,  viii.  193. 

Sir  Richard  Saltonstall  sends  over 
a  bark  with  twenty  laborers,  to  make 
settlement  at  Connecticut,  of  which 
he  is  one  of  the  patentees,  ix.  121. 

July  10.  Lion  Gardener  sails  from 
Holland,  x.  174. 

Nov.  2d.  He  arrives  at  the  mouth 
of  Connecticut  River,  x.  174. 

Motion  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
to  resign  the  Grand  Patent  of  New 
England  to  the  King,  vi.  82. 

Hingham  settled,  ii.  84. 

1636.  Settlement  of  Connecticut  com- 
menced by  Mr.  Hooker,  ix.  204. 

Mian  tun  nomu  keeps  his  court  at 
Roger  Williams's  house,  i.l59.  Roger 
Williams  advises  as  to  the  course  to 
be  pursued  in  the  war  with  the  Pe- 
quots,  i.  160.  His  interview  with 
Canonicus  and  Miantunnomu,  with 
their  council,  i.  162. 

July  4.  Commission  sent  by  the 
Massachusetts  government  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  treat  with  the  Pe- 
quots,  iii.  129. 

A  code  of  laws  is  made  in  Plymouth 
Calony,  ii.265. 
1636-1637.  At  Wethersfield,  on  Con- 
necticut River,  the  Indians  killed  six, 
and  took  seven  more.  "  Those  they 
took  they  tortured  to  death  in  a  cruel 
and  barbarous  manner,"  vi.  159. 

1637,  April  23.  They  killed  nine  more, 
and  took  two  young  women  captive. 


In  consequence  of  these  outrages  and 
slaughters  committed  on  the  English 
by  the  Pequots,  a  court  was  called  at 
Hartford,  May  1,  and  it  was  conclud- 
ed to  send  ninety  men  of  the  Colony, 
under  command  of  Capt.  John  Ma- 
son, vi.  159.  Capt.  Mason  assisted 
by  Uncas,  the  Mohegan  Sachem,  vi. 
IbO.  Capt.  John  Underbill,  being  at 
Say  brook  fort,  joins  Capt.  Mason 
with  nineteen  men,  vi.  161.  The 
Court  of  Massachusetts,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  murder  of  Capt.  Old- 
ham, send  one  hundred  and  twenty 
men  under  the  command  of  Capt. 
John  Endicott,  with  Capt.  Underbill 
and  Capt.  Turner,  who  are  to  search 
into  the  reasons  of  the  murder  of 
Capt.  Oldham,  and  also  to  treat  with 
the  Pequots  and  know  the  reason 
of  killing  Capt.  Stone  and  others  on 
Connecticut  River,  who  obtain  no 
satisfaction.  They  kill  an  Indian  and 
bum  some  of  their  wigwams,  which 
enrages  the  Pequots,  wlio  kill  divers 
of  the  English  at  Saybrook  and  else- 
where, for  which  reason  Capt.  Mason 
is  sent  down  to  Saybrook  fort,  as  be- 
fore is  noted,  vi.  1d2.  A  fort  taken 
by  the  English,  seven  hundred  Pe- 
quots killed,  and  three  hundred  die  of 
tneir  wounds  afterwards,  vi.  165.  One 
hundred  and  twenty  men,  under  the 
command  of  Capt.  Israel  Stoughton, 
sent  from  Massachusetts  to  assist  the 
Connecticut  forces,  vi.  170.  Twelve 
of  the  Pequots'  petty  sachems  and 
chief  captains  killed,  and  the  head  of 
Sassacus,  their  grand  sachem,  brought 
to  the  English  as  a  present,  by  means 
of  NinicraA,  the  Narraganset  sachem, 
vi.  171.  Wequasb,  a  captain  among 
the  Pequots  who  had  revolted  to  the 
Mohegan  Indians,  who  from  the  be- 

finnins  were  special  friends  to  the 
Inglish,  was  converted  to  the  Chris- 
tian faith,  and  afterwards  a  preacher 
among  the  Indians ;  time  or  manner 
of  his  death  not  known ;  a  special 
friend  to  the  English,  a  strict  profes- 
sor of  the  same  religion  with  them; 
supposed  to  have  been  murdered  by 
the  Indians,  vi.  172.  About  one  hun- 
dred and  eighty  or  two  hundred  Pe- 
quots remaining,  they  send  some  of 
tneir  chiefe  to  mediate  for  them  with 
the  English,  offering  to  be  their  ser- 
vants and  to  be  disposed  of  as  they 
please,  who  being  given  to  Uncas, 
Miantinomo,  and  to  Ninicrafl,  the 
Pequots  covenant  not  to  inhabit  their 
native  country  nor  be  called  Pequots 
any  more,  but  Mohegans  and  Narra- 
gansets  for  ever,  vi.  1,  29, 159, 173. 
1637.    Hartford,  Windsor^  and  W^Vbi^x^ 


262 


Chronological  Tabk. 


field  settled,  and  a  fortification  built 
at  Saybrook,  vi.  157. 

1637.  Mr.  Charles  Chauncy  publishes  his 
KctnictatioD,  proving  **  the  unlawful- 
nesse  and  danger  of  Kay  ling  in  Altars 
or  Communion  Tables, '  for  the  satis- 
faction of  any  who  might  be  offended 
by  his  submisesion  made  before  the 
High  Commission  Court,  Feb.  11, 
1635,  viii.  285. 

John  Clark,  Roger  Williams,  and 
others  go  to  Plymouth,  meet  with  the 
magistrates,  viii.  291.  Who  advise 
them  to  settle  on  the  island  of  Aqued- 
neck,  viii.  292. 

The  Colony  of  New  Haven  settled, 
ix.  206. 

1638.  Capt.  John  Underbill  writes  and 
publisnes  a  history  of  the  Pequot  War, 
vi.  1. 

Rev.  Ezekiel  Rogers  removes  to 
New  England,  x.  163. 

1639.  Jan.  14.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
towns  of  Hartford,  Wethersfield,  and 
Windsor,  Connecticut,  form  a  com- 
pact or  constitution  of  government, 
IX.  204. 

Rev.  John  Ward  removes  to  New 
England,  x.  168. 

April  3.  A  patent  granted  to  Sir 
Ferainando  Gorges  of^the  Province 
of  Maine,  vi.  83. 

First  English  settlement  in  the  pres- 
ent Slate  of  New  York,  x.  178. 

Nov.  5.  The  General  Court  order 
that  all  letters  brought  from  beyond 
seas,  or  to  be  sent  thither,  shall  be 
lei\  at  Richard  Fairbanks's  house  in 
Boston,  vii.  48. 

1640.  Bounds  between  Massachusetts  and 
Plymouth  settled,  ii.  267. 

Rev.  Samuel  Ward,  about  this  time, 
dies  in  Holland,  x.  167. 
1640  - 1660.  A  collection  of  Books  and 
Pamphlets  printed  during  this  period, 
being  an  exact  collection  consisting  of 
"  neere  Thirty  Thousand  severall 
peeces,"  in  the  British  Museum,  viii. 
280. 

1641.  Nov.  17.  Inhabitants  of  Providence, 
R.  I.,  write  to  the  Governor  and  As- 
sistants of  Massachusetts,  complaining 
of  Samuel  Gorton  and  his  company, 
and  asking  for  assistance,  i.  2. 

Dec.  The  General  Court  of  Mas- 
sachusetts establish  one  hundred  laws, 
called  the  "  Body  of  Liberties,"  com- 

fosed  by  Rev.  Nathaniel  Ward,  of 
pswich,  author  of  "  The  Simple  Cob- 
lerof  Aggawam,"  viii.  193,196;  x.235. 

1642.  Conspiracy  of  Indians  for  the  de- 
struction of  the  English  generally 
throughout  New  England,  iii.  161. 

1643.  May  29.  Confederation  formed  be- 
tween the  four  New  Engluid  ColoDies 


of  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  Connect- 
icut, and  New  Haven,  ix.  199.  The 
model  and  prototype  of  the  North 
American  Confederacy  of  1774 ,  ix. 
219. 

June  22.  Pumham  and  Sacanocho 
put  themselves  under  the  government 
of  the  Massachusetts,  i.  212. 

Sept.  15.  Randall  Holden  writes 
an  abusive  letter  to  the  General  Court 
of  Massachusetts,  i.  5. 

Dec.  10.  Massachusetts  procures  a 
charter  for  the  government  of  the  Nar- 
raganset  country.  Afterwards  Roger 
Williams  procures  another  charter  for 
the  same  tract  of  land,  both  invalid, 
i.  212. 

1644.  Several  Indian  sachems  make  sub- 
missions to  the  Massachusetts  Colony, 
i.  212. 

1645.  The  case  of  Monsieur  La  Tour  to 
be  sent  to  the  Elders  for  their  advice, 
vii.  107. 

1646.  Oct.  28.  Rev.  John  Eliot  visits  the 
Indians  and  preaches  to  them,  iv.  3, 4. 

Dec.  Edward  Winslow  goes  to 
England  as  agent  of  Massachusetts. 
Answer's  Gorton 'shook,  called  "Sim- 
plicities defence  against  Seven-headed 
Policj,"  ij.  136. 
1646- ]6d4.  Tracts  relating  to  the  at- 
tempts to  convert  to  Christianity  the 
Indians  of  New  England,  iv.  1  -2^. 

1647.  Edward  Winslow  publishes  "  New- 
England's  Salamander  discovered," 
in  answer  to  aspersions  cast  upon 
New  England  in  a  pamphlet  called 
"  New-England's  Jonas  cast  up  at 
London,"  li.  110. 

Feb.  The  King  of  France  grants  a 
commission  to  D'Aulney  as  Governor 
and  Lieutenant-General  of  L'Acadie, 
vii.  110. 

Oct.  27.  First  law  establishing  pub- 
lic schools  in  America  passed  by  the 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  viii. 
214. 

1648.  Margaret  Jones  of  Charlestown, 
the  first  person  that  suffered  on  ac- 
count of  witchcraA,  executed,  vii.  263. 

Settlement  of  East  Hampton  on 
Long  Island  commenced,  x.  180. 

1649.  March  5.  The  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts  desire  Mr.  Rawson  and 
Mr.  Hills  to  *'  compare  the  amend- 
ments of  the  Books  of  laws  passed, 
and  make  them  as  one,"  "  lor  the 
speedy  committing  of  them  to  the 
press, '  viii.  212. 

Marblehead  a  part  of  Salem  until 
this  year,  vii.  249. 
1651.  Mons.  Chamizay,  appointed  Gov- 
ernor of  Acadie  in  place  of  D'Aul- 
ney, deceased,  renews  the  alliaoce 
with  Manachusetts,  vii.  114. 


Chronological  Table. 


263 


1652,  Oct.  20.  The  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil of  Massachusetts  write  to  Sir  Hen- 
ry Vane,  in  regard  to  the  course  pur- 
sued in  relation  to  William  Pincheon, 
whose  book,  and  doctrine  therein  con- 
tained, they  abhor  as  pernicious  and 
dangerous,  i.  35. 

1653,  Aug.  30.  "  Wobum  inhabitants  and 
church-members  petition  the  General 
Court  in  relation  to  an  order,  **  that 
no  person  within  this  jurisdiction 
shall  undertake  any  course  of  public 
preaching  or  prophesying  without 
the  approbation  of  the  elders  of  four 
the  next  churches,  or  of  the  county 
court,"  i.  38. 

Johnson's  Wonder- working  Proy- 
idence  printed  in  London,  viii.  284. 

Rev.  Nathaniel  Ward  dies,  x.  167. 

A  letter  of  Nathaniel  Briscoe  to 
Thomas  Broughton,  complaining  of 
the  Parliament's  proceedings,  sent  by 
the  Council  of  Massachusetts  to  the 
Hon.  Wm.  Lenthall,  Speaker,  i.  32. 

1654.  Major-General  Harrison  confined 
by  Oliver  Cromwell  and  the  Council, 
X.2.  Sir  Henry  Vane  retired  into 
Lincolnshire,  '^yet  dayly  mist  and 
courted  for  his  assistance,     x.  3. 

**  The  Christian  Commonwealth,*' 
by  Rev.  John  Eliot,  published  in  Lon- 
don, viii.  198. 

1655,  Jan.  31.  Sir  Kenelme  Digby  writes 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  earnestly  en- 
treating him  to  return  to  England, 
X.  5. 

Sir  Henry  Vane  publishes  **  The 
Retired  Man's  Meditations,"  x.  19. 

**  The  Pope  endeavours  the  uniting 
of  all  his  slaves  for  his  guard,  fearing 
the  Hereticks,"  x.  19. 

April.  Capt.  John  Leverett  com- 
missioned by  Oliver  Cromwell  to  com- 
mand several  forts  taken  from  the 
French  in  America,  vii.  122. 

1656.  A  meeting-house  on  the  north  side 
of  Bass  River,  now  Beverly,  vii.  250; 
which  was  incorporated  Oct.  14, 1668, 
vii.  251.  A  church  organized  Sept.  20, 
1667,  and  Rev.  John  Hale  settled  as 
the  minister,  vii.  250. 

1657.  The  General  Court  appoint  a 
committee  to  inquire  concerning  the 
maintenance  of  ministers  of  churches 
in  the  county  of  Suffolk,  i.  49. 

July  22.  Hingham  contains  about 
one  hundred  families;  Weymouth, 
about  sixty ;  Braintree,  about  eighty ; 
Dorchester,  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty;  Roxbury,  about  eighty;  Ded- 
ham,  about  one  hundred  ana  sixty- 
six;  Medfield,  about  forty;  Hull, 
twenty,  i.  49-51. 

Mr.  Hopkins  and  Mr.  Fenwick  die, 
i.  184. 


1658,  Jan.  23.  Samuel  Vassall  of  Lon- 
don petitions  the  Parliament,  having 
endured  imprisonment  in  several  pris- 
ons for  about  sixteen  years,  for  oppos- 
ing the  illegal  taxes  of  Charles  I., 
viii.  294. 

Oliver  Cromwell  dies,  i.  192. 

Oct.  19.  The  Book  of  Laws  of 
Massachusetts,  revised  and  corrected 
by  Major-General  Daniel  Denison,  is 
to  be  printed  forthwith,  viii.  213. 

Sir  Richard  Saltonstall  dies,  ix.  122. 
Has  been  iustly  styled  **  one  of  the 
fathers  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony," 
was  a  patron  of  Harvard  College,  ix. 
121. 
1658-1675.    Mr.  John  Hull  and  company 

Surchase  lands  at  or  about  Point  Ju- 
ah ;  other  lands  bought  of  the  In- 
dians by  John  Winthrop  and  others, 
i.  213,  214. 

1659.  Isaac  Allerton,  who  had  rendered 
^eat  services  to  Plymouth  Colony, 
dies  in  New  Haven,  vii.  243. 

Wyandanch,  Sachem  of  Montau- 
kett  and  Pamanack,  dies,  x.  183. 

1660.  Lion  Gardener  writes  a  Relation  of 
the  Pequot  War,  iii.  136;  x.  177. 

May  30.  The  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts  order  that  the  Law 
Books,  when  they  shall  be  printed, 
shall  be  distributed  among  the  towns, 
viii.  213. 

Sundry  vessels  about  Boston  suffer 
much  hurt  by  a  storm,  x.  33. 

Messrs.  Whalley  and  Goffe  come 
to  Massachusetts,  navine  escaped  pur- 
suit in  England  narrowly,  x.  o9. 

Oct  Intelligence  of  the  imprison- 
ment of  the  judces  of  Charles  I.  re- 
ceived in  New  England,  x.  42. 

Rev.  Hueh  Peter  executed,  x.  27. 

Francis  Newman,  Governor  of  New 
Haven,  dies,  x.  44. 

1661,  Jan.  23.  Rev.  Ezekiel  Rogers,  of 
Rowley,  dies,  x.  163. 

Feb.  15.  Charies  II.  writes,  ''  We 
shall  not  come  behind  any  of  our 
Royal  predecessors,  in  a  lust  encour- 
agement and  protection  of  all  our  lov- 
ing subjects '  in  New  England,  vii. 
267. 

May  12.  The  General  Court  order 
the  copies  of  Eliot's  Christian  Com- 
monwealth to  be  cancelled  and  de- 
faced, ix.  128. 

May  17.  The  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts  order  that  diligent 
search  be  made  for  Col.  Whalley  and 
Col.  Goffe,  vii.  124. 

May  24.  Mr.  Eliot  makes  an  ac- 
knowledgment in  relation  to  his  book, 
which  was  written  ten  years  before, 
as  to  expressions  concerning  kingly 
government,  iz.  128. 


254 


Chronological  Table. 


1661,  May  28.  The  Governor  of  Maasa- 
chusettfl  resolves  to  send  some  per- 
sons presently  in  pursuit  of  Wnal- 
ley  and  Goife,  "  who  were  newly  fled 
out  of  this  jurisdiction  " ;  Kellond 
and  Kirke  selected,  and  go  "  hence 
the  same  day  by  post,"  viii.  325. 
Whalley  and  Go^  supposed  to  be  in 
this  country,  concealea  m  some  of  the 
southern  parts,  i.  51 ;  vii.  124  ;  viii. 
326.  They  come  to  New  Haven, and 
stay  two  days,  to  yield  themselves 
to  be  apprehended,  viii.  329. 

July  4.  At  a  council  held  at  Bos- 
ton, two  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of 
land  were  granted  to  Mr.  Tnomas  Kel- 
land,  and  the  same  (juantity  to  Mr. 
Thomas  Kirke,  for  going  to  Connect- 
icut, New  Haven,  and  Monhatoes  in 
search  of  those  gentlemen,  vii.  126. 

Nov.  9.  William  Brenton  writes 
to  John  Endicott,  Governor,  in  rela- 
tion to  Pequot  land  taken  by  Massa- 
chusetts, and  claimed  by  Rhode  Isl- 
and, i.  54. 

1662,  The  General  Court  of  Massachu- 
setts grant  leave  to  French  Protes- 
tants, expelled  from  their  habitations, 
to  settle  nere,  ii.  27. 

1663,  Aug.  6.  Adventurers,  belonging  to 
New  England,  for  carrying  on  a  plan- 
tation in  Charles  River,  on  the  coast 
of  Florida,  decline  the  hazard  of  that 
undertaking,  i.  55. 

Lion  Gardener  dies,  x.  184. 

1664,  Jan.  21.  Charles  II.  grants  a  com- 
mission to  Col.  Robert  NichoUs,  Sir 
Robert  Carr,  Knight,  George  Cart- 
wright  and  Samuel  Maverick,  Es- 
quires, and  constitutes  them  commis- 
sioners to  examine  and  compose  all 
differences  between  Colony  and  Colo- 
ny, who  the  next  year  oraer  that  the 
Narraganset  country  should  for  the 
future  be  called  the  King's  Province, 
declare  the  purchases  of  Mr.  Ather- 
ton  to  be  void,  and  order  the  inhab- 
itants to  quit  their  habitations,  but  af- 
terwards reverse  this  last  order,  i.  219 
-221. 

Oct.  25.  Conjunction  of  the  planet 
Mercury  with  the  sun,  x.  47. 

New  Amsterdam,  now  New  York, 
taken  from  the  Dutch  by  the  Commis- 
sioners of  Charles  II.,  lii.  313. 
1663,  March  15.     Governor  Endicott  dies, 
vii.  287. 

Oct.     A  remarkable  meteor  or  fall- 
ing star  seen  at  Seabrook,  x.  57. 
1666.     Three  suns  and  four  rainbows  seen 
at  Now  York,  x.  58. 

Divisions  in  the  Church  at  Hartford 
concerning  baptism,  x.  60. 

July  10.  The  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil of  Connecticut  write  to  Grov.  Bel- 


lingham,  that  the  French  are  march- 
ing from  Canada  towards  Albany,  x. 
63. 

1666,  Sept.  3.    Great  fire  in  London,  x.  66. 

Oct.  27.  Capt.  George  Denison 
writes  to  John  VVinthrop,  Jr.,  Govern- 
or of  Connecticut,  in  behalf  of  the 
Indians  at  Causattuk,  who  are  about  to 
be  removed,  x.  64, 68. 

Oct.  12.  Petitioners  to  the  General 
Court  against  the  sending  over  a  gen- 
eral governor  by  Charles  II.  censured, 
i.59. 

1667,  Aug.  7.  Rev.  John  Wilson  dies. 
He  was  the  first  minister  of  Boston, 
and  came  with  Governor  Winthrop  in 
1630,  vii.  289. 

1669.  March  8.    Rev.  Thomas  Shepard  of 
Charlestown  sends  an  account  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  of  a  remarkable  con- 
junction  of  Venus  (Nov.  20,  1668) 
with  the  moon,  x.  70. 

June  28.  Bryan  Rosseter,  physi- 
cian, claims  to  be  fireed  from  taxes, 
X.  73. 

The  bounds  of  Rhode  Island  stated 
by  the  Governor  and  Council  of  R.  I., 
i.22l. 

1670.  The  Duke  of  York  prohibits  Dutch 
ships  from  coming  to  New  York,  x. 
77. 

Oct.  11.  John  Winthrop  sends  to 
Lord  Brereton  an  account  of  a  hill  in 
Maine  removed  from  its  place,  x.  123, 
125. 

1671.  May  28.  Roger  Conant,  in  a  peti- 
tion to  the  General  Court,  states  that 
he  has  been  a  planter  in  New  Eng- 
land "fortie  eight  years  and  up- 
wards," the  first  that  had  bouse  m 
Salem,  desires  that  Beverly  may  be 
called  Budleiffh,  the  name  of  a  mar- 
ket-town in  Devonshire,  near  unto 
the  sea,  where  he  was  bom,  vii.  252, 
253. 

Plymouth  laws  printed,  ii.  266. 

Second  Indian  Church  (Natick  be- 
ing the  first)  gathered,  ii.  59. 

Letter  to  Col.  William  Gofiie  fix>m 
his  wife,  i.  60. 

Col.  Blood  steals  the  crown,  i.  61. 

Sir  George  Downing  sent  to  the 
Tower,  i.  61. 

1672.  Richard  Saltonstall,  one  of  the  few' 
persons  who  knew  where   Whalley 
and  Gofie  were  concealed,  gives  them 
fifly  pounds,  ix.  122. 

June  25.  Notice  of  declaration  of 
war  by  England  against  Holland 
sent  from  Rhode  Island  to  Connecti- 
cut, X.  82. 
1673  -  1680.  Josiah  Winslow  Governor 
of  Plymouth,  ii.  266. 

1673.  John  Josselyn's  Account  of  Two 
Voyages  to  New  England.    Deacrip- 


Chronological  Table. 


255 


tion  of  the  country,  government,  &c., 
iii.  211. 

1673,  July  30.  New  York  stormed  and 
taken  by  the  Dutch,  x.  86,87. 

Connecticut  aids  the  inhabitants  on 
Long  Island  against  the  Dutch,  x.  89. 

Sept.  6.  News  of  the  taking  of 
New  York  by  the  Dutch  received  in 
Boston,  X.  88. 

1674,  Feb.  Major  Fitz-John  Winthrop 
defends  Long  Island  against  the 
Dutch,  X,  94,  95,  99. 

March  14.  The  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts,  at  the  request  of  Con- 
necticut, send  armed  vessels  to  clear 
Long  Island  Sound  of  the  Dutch,  x. 
96,  97,  100,  101. 

May  8.  News  of  peace  between 
England  and  Hollana,  and  of  vigor- 
ous preparations  for  war  by  the 
French  and  Dutch,  x.  104. 

Sir  Edmund  Andros,  Governor  of 
New  York,  arrives,  x.  112,  115,  116. 

June.  The  country  alarmed  by  two 
men  being  killed  on  the  mainland, 
not  far  from  Rhode  Island.  Philip's 
War  began,  vi.  178. 

June  24.  Nine  people  killed  at 
Swanzey,  and  in  the  course  of  this 
month  several  others  killed,  by  the 
Indians,  vi.  178.  Capt.  Hutchmson 
and  Capt.  Wheeler  went  upon  a  trea- 
ty of  pence  with  the  Nipmuck  In- 
dians. Capt.  Hutchinson  mortally 
wounded,  and  eight  of  his  company 
killed  by  them  on  the  spot,  vi.  179. 

Aug.  25.  A  party  of^men  sent  out 
at  Connecticut  under  the  command 
of  Capt.  Robert  Treat,  vi.  179. 

Capt.  Church  and  Capt.  Fuller  go 
from  Plymouth  in  quest  of  the  In- 
dians in  that  quarter,  vi.  179. 

Philip,  Sacnera  of  Mount  Hope, 
draws  into  his  assistance  several  tribes 
of  Indians,  who  make  great  spoil  in 
the  country,  vi.  180. 

Sept.  Springfield  beset  by  the  en- 
emy, who  fired  thirty-two  houses, 
about  Sept.  18.  In  December,  "  four- 
teen Englishmen  were  slain  in  Nar- 
raganset,  now  South  Kingston,  in 
Bull's  garrison  there."  The  forces 
from  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  and 
Connecticut,  fifleen  hundred  men, 
commanded  by  Major-General  Josiah 
Winslow,  march  towards  a  fort  to 
which  the  main  body  of  the  Indians  in 
that  part  of  the  country  had  retired, 
vi.  181.  Make  themselves  masters  of 
the  fort,  destroy  seven  hundred  fight- 
ing men,  vi.  182. 
1675,  1*  eb.  10.  The  Indians  bum  many 
houses  in  Lancaster,  and  murder  and 
carry  away  more  than  forty  of  the 
inhabitants.     Soon   afler,  clo    much 


mischief  at  Marlborough,  Sudbury, 
Chelmsford ,  and  Medfield.  They  burn 
almost  all  the  houses  in  Groton,  with 
the  meeting-house,  barbarously  cut  ofif 
two  families  in  Plymouth,  and  burn  all 
the  houses  in  Warwick,  vi.  83. 
1675,  May  1 .  Donations  to  Harvard  Col- 
leffe,  i.  62. 

May  25.  Monsieur  Chamble,  Gov- 
ernor of  Acadie,  and  others,  prisoners 
in  Boston,  i.  64. 

June  29.  The  first  public  Fast  ap- 
pointed in  Massachusetts,  on  account 
of  Philip's  War,  vi.  187. 

1675,  June,  to  Oct.,  1676.  The  sacri- 
fice of  life  and  property  is  greater  in 
Massachusetts,  m  proportion  to  her 
population,  than  in  the  whole  eight 
years'  war  of  Independence,  ix.  181. 

July  1.  Notice  of  Philip's  War  re- 
ceived in  Connecticut,  x.  117. 

Nov.  Josiah  Winslow,  Governor 
of  Plymouth,  commissioned  by  the 
United  Colonies  as  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  forces  raised  in  said  Col- 
onies, i.66. 

1676,  March  16.  Major  Thomas  Savage 
writes  that  the  Indians  had  made  an 
assault  on  some  at  Westfield,  and  had 
fiercely  assaulted  North  Hampton,  i. 
68. 

March  26.  Capt.  Peirce  and  fifly 
Englishmen,  and  twenty  friendly  In- 
dians, **  overpowered  by  a  far  ^eater 
number  of  the  savages,"  fall  in  the 
field  of  battle,  af\er  they  have  slain 
one  hundred  and  forty  of  the  enemy, 
vi.  183. 

March  29.  The  Indians  bum  about 
thirty  houses  in  Providence,  vi.  183. 

April  18.  Assault  Sudbury,  and  kill 
twelve  men  coming  from  Concord,  vi. 

X04* 

April  19  or  20.  Capt.  Wadsworth, 
coming  to  the  assistance  of  Sudbury, 
with  Capt.  Brocklebank  and  more  than 
fiAy  of  their  men,  killed.  Capt.  Tumer, 
with  thirty  or  more  of  his  men,  slain. 
Capt.  Denison  and  sixty-six  volun- 
teers, and  about  one  hundred  Christian 
Indians,  kill  seventy-six  of  the  enemy. 
Mischiefs  done  about  this  time  at  Ply- 
mouth, Taunton,  Chelmsford,  Con- 
cord, Haverhill,  Bradford,  Woburn, 
and  other  places,  vi.  184. 

June  29.  Thankssivinff  through- 
out the  Colony  of  Massacnusetts  for 
successes  against  the  Indians,  vi.l87. 
Philip,  the  Indian  king,  slain,  vi.  190. 

Aug.  14.  Capt.  Thomas  Lake  and 
ten  or  twelve  more  slain  by  the  In- 
dians at  Arowsick  Island  in  Kenne- 
bec River;  others  killed  at  Casco, 
vii.  202. 

Sept.  6.    Four  hundred  of  the  In- 


256 


Chronological  Table. 


dians  surprised  at  the  house  of  Major 
Waldron  in  Quocbecho,  by  Major 
Hawthorn  and  others,  sent  by  Massa- 
chusetts, vi.  202. 

1676,  Sir  Edmund  Andros  orders  those 
who  had  Indians  in  custody  to  re- 
lease them,  with  their  guna  and  all 
they  had,  without  the  exchange  of 
any  English  prisoners,  an  encourage- 
ment to  the  French  and  Indians  to 
pursue  their  cruel  designs,  yi.  203. 

Oct.  16.  Roger  WiHiamB  writes  to 
the  Governors  of  Massachusetts,  Con- 
necticut, and  Rhode  Island  in  relation 
to  the  captivity  of  an  Englishman  and 
his  wife  by  the  Pequots  and  Mon big- 
gins, and  aesires  that  there  may  be  no 
difference  betweeu  the  Colonies  and 
Rhode  Island  in  regard  to  land,  i.  70. 

1677,  May  23.  The  General  Court  ap- 
point John  Hay  ward  Postmaster,  vii. 
50. 

Jul^20.  The  right  of  ffovernment 
in  Maine  confirmed  to  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  by  an  Order  in  Council,  viii. 
242. 

1678,  March.  The  last  meeting  of  the 
Commissioners  of  the  United  Colo- 
nies, ix.  222. 

July  9.  Edward  Randolph  appoint- 
ed collector,  surveyor,  and  searcher 
of  his  Majesty's  customs  in  New  Eng- 
land, vii.  130. 

Some  of  the  brethren  of  Charles- 
town  church  dissent  from  those  who 
have  called  Mr.  Daniel  Russell  to 
office,  i.  248. 

1679,  Nov.  19.  Roger  Conant  dies,  in  the 
eighty-ninth  year  of  his  age,  vii.  255. 

1680,  The  inhabitants  between  Merri- 
mac  and  Naumkeag  Rivers  thrown 
into  great  consternation  and  distress 
by  the  claim  of  the  heirs  or  assigns  of 
John  Mason  to  all  the  lands  between 
those  two  rivecs,  vii.  265. 

Misinformation  presented  to  Charles 
II.,  that  the  inhabitants  of  New  Eng- 
land have  no  right  to  land  or  govern- 
ment, but  are  usurpers ;  that  they  vi- 
olate acts  of  trade  and  navigation, 
**  whereby  his  majesty  is  damaged  in 
his  customs  to  the  value  of  100,000  £. 
yearly,  and  the  kingdom  much  more." 
Mr.  Randolph,  his  Majesty's  collector 
here,  very  active  and  diligent  in  the 
discharge  of  his  trust ;  the  people 
show  him  little  respect  or  good  affec- 
tion, look  at  him  **■  as  one  that  bears  no 
good- will  to  the  country,  but  sought 
the  ruin  of  it,"  by  being  a  means  to  in- 
cense the  K  ing  and  his  Council  against 
the  place  and  people,  viii.  331. 

Tlie  Massac iiusetts  Colony  consists 
of  four  counties,  in^each  of  which  are 
held  county  courts,  their  power  not 


extending  to  life,  member,  or  banish- 
ment, with  liberty  of  appeal  to  the 
Court  of  Assistants;  about  lorty  towns, 
in  each  a  company  of  listed  soldiers, 
trained  six  times  a  year,  in  Boston 
eight  companies,  in  Salem  two,  in 
each  county  a  serjeant-major,  and 
over  the  whole  a  major-general ;  six 
or  seven  troops  of  horse,  one  castle 
upon  an  island  about  three  or  four 
miles  from  Boston,  with  about  thirty 
guns,  viii.  333.  •  Principal  towns  of 
trade,  Boston,  Cbarlestown,  and  Sa- 
lem ;  as  many  precincts  and  divisions 
within  the  government  as  towns,  viz. 
about  forty  ;  in  Boston  three  large 
churches  or  mee tins-houses  ;  chief 
rivers,  Merrimac  and  Charles  River; 
harbours,  Boston,  Charlestown,  Sa- 
lem, Gloucester,  and  Marblehead ; 
few  or  no  manu^ctures ;  staple  com- 
modities, fish,  peltry,  horses,  provis- 
ions, cider,  boards,  timber,  pipe-staves, 
mackerel ;  fish  was  formerly  more  ben- 
eficial for  trade  with  other  plantations 
in  America  than  now ;  some  pipe- 
staves,  fish,  mackerel,  &c.^  sent  to 
Madeira  and  Western  Islands,  viii. 
335.  Commodities  iniported  from 
England,  about  40  or  50,(K)0£.  yearly ; 
near  twenty  English  merchants  "  bred 
up  to  that  calling,"  within  the  gov- 
ernment; no  foreign  merchants;  very 
few  English  have  come  to  plant  in 
this  jurisdiction  for  seven  years  past 
and  more,  few  or  no  Scots,  Irish,  or 
foreigners  in  the  like  space,  viii.  336. 
No  company  of  blacks  or  slaves 
brought  into  the  country  since  the 
beginning  of  this  plantation,  for  the 
space  of  fif\y  years ;  about  two  years 
since,  betwixt  forty  and  fifty  negroes 
brought  here  firom  Madagascar  and 
sold  ;  here  are  now  about  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  negroes,  and  it  may 
be  as  many  Scots,  and  about  half  as 
many  Irish  ;  two  or  three  merchants 
here  worth  sixteen  or  eighteen  thou- 
sand pounds  apiece ;  he  is  accounted 
a  rich  man  that  is  worth  one  thousand 
or  fifteen  hundred  pounds,  viii.  337. 
About  one  hundred  and  twenty  ships, 
sloops,  ketches,  and  other  vessels ; 
the  French  at  Nova  Scotia  or  Acadia 
interrupt  our  Fishers  in  those  parts, 
and  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  Governor  of 
New  York,  doth  the  like  betwixt  the 
French  and  Pemaouid,  requiring  duty 
to  be  paid,  viii.  3o8.  Massachusetts 
expended  above  £  40,000  in  the  late 
Indian  war,  and  the  two  great  fires  in  ^ 
Boston  consumed  above  two  hundred 
and  seventy  dwelling-houses,  with 
many  warehouses ;  the  third  part  (at 
least)  of  the  wealth  of  Boston,  it  is 


Chronologicai  Table. 


257 


thought,  was  consumed ;  in  the  time 
of  the  Indian  war  were  obliged  to 
have  ten  or  flAeen  rates  upon  all 
men's  estates  in  a  year,  which  hath 
much  impoverished  the  country,  viii. 
339.  About  eighty  or  one  hundred 
Anabaptists,  and  about  half  as  many 
Quakers,  in  Massachusetts,  viii.  340. 
1681  - 1692.  Thomas  Hinckley  Governor 
of  Plymouth,  ii.  266. 

1682,  June  23.  Charles  II.  writes  to  the 
Governor  and  Company  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  signifying  his  pleasure 
that  Robert  Mason  be  admitted  to 
prosecute  his  right  before  the  courts 
in  Massachusetts,  i.  72. 

1683,  July  19.  Edward  Cranfield,  Wil- 
iiam  Stoughton,  Edward  Randolph, 
Nathaniel  iSaltonstall,  and  others, 
appointed  by  Charles  II.  to  examine 
and  inquire  into  the  titles,  <&c.,  to 
the  King's  Province,  or  Narraganset 
country,  i.  226.  Report  in  favor  of 
the  purchases  andpartners  with  Ma- 
jor Atherton,  i.  227. 

A  meeting  of  deputies  from  differ- 
ent towns  to  be  held  at  Ipswich  to 
advise  about  securing  their  lands  and 
possessions  against  Mr.  Mason's  claim, 
vii.  268. 

Nov.  Magistrates  of  Massachusetts 
opposed  to  relinquishing  the  charter, 
i.  74. 

1685.  Plymouth  Colony  divided  into  three 
counties,  viz.  Plymouth,  Bristol}  and 
Barnstable,  ii.  267. 

Sept.  21.  James  II.  appoints  Ed- 
ward Randolph  **  Secretai^  and  sole 
Register  "  "of  all  our  Territory  and 
Dominion  in  New  England  common- 
ly called  or  known  by  the  names  of 
tiie  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay, 
the  Province  of  New  Hampshire  and 
Maine,  and  the  Narraganset  Country," 
vii.  161. 

Oct.  8.  The  Edict  of  Nantes  re- 
voked, and  the  Protestants  banished 
from  France,  ii.  20.  Eight  hundred 
thousand  Protestants  compelled  to 
leave  the  kingdom,  ii.  27. 

Thirty  French  Protestant  families 
settle  in  Oxford,  Massachusetts,  ii.  29. 

1686,  May  15.  The  Rose  frigate  arrives, 
with  a  commission  from  James  II.  to 
[Joseph]  Dudley,  as  Presidentof  Mas- 
sachusetts, New  Hampshire,  Maine, 
and  Narraganset,  vii.  138. 

Sir  Edmund  Andres  constituted 
Governor  of  New  England,  lands 
in  Boston,  and  publishes  his  commis- 
sion, vii.  138. 

Aug.  19.  Lieut.  John  Gould,  sen., 
of  Topsfield,  indicted  for  speaking 
treasonable  words  acainst  the  gorem- 
mentof  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  vii.  150. 


Upon  payment  of  fifly  pounds  in 
money  and  charces  of  prosecution, 
the  remainder  of  his  fine  to  be  respit- 
ed, and  he  released  from  his  imprison- 
ment, vii.  153. 
1686,  August  23.  Edward  Randolph 
writes  to  the  Lord  Treasurer,  that 
he  "  has  brought  this  people  to  a 
nearer  dependance  upon  the  Crown," 
and  has  "  likewise  served  2  writs  of 
Qii«  Warranto  upon  the  other  2  Colo- 
nies of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Isl- 
and," vii.  154.  "  Unless  his  Majesty 
in  a  very  short  time  send  over  a  Gen- 
eral Governor  from  England,  all  that 
is  already  done  will  be  of  little  advan- 
tage to  bis  Majesty's  interest,"  vii. 

Sept.  13.  Sir  Edmund  Andros  au- 
thorized by  James  II.  to  demand  the 
surrender  of  the  charter  of  Rhode 
Island  and  Providence  Plantation, 
the  Governor  and  Company  of  that 
Colony  having  "  submitted  themselves 
and  their  Charter  to  our  Royal  deter- 
mination," and  Sir  Edmund  to  take 
the  Colony  under  his  ffovernroent, 
and,  if  Connecticut  "  shall  be  induced 
to  make  surrender  of  their  charter," 
to  receive  such  surrender  and  take 
the  Colony  under  his  government,  vii. 
163. 

Sept.  15.  Land  in  Casco  Ba^  grant- 
ed to  the  Eleutherians,  vii.  109-168. 

Sept.  19.  James  II.  orders  that  the 
iurisdiction  of  Pemaauid  be  in  the 
oandsof  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  vii.  160. 

Dec.  8.  A  committee  appointed  by 
the  Council  in  Boston  to  receive  **  the 
records  of  the  country,  now  in  the 
hand  of  Mr.  Edward  Rawson,  late 
Secretary,"  vii.  162. 

Dec.  30.  First  meeting  of  the 
Council  under  Andros,  vii.  166. 
1687,  Jan.  13.  A  tax  of  one  penny  in  the 
pound  assessed  "  on  all  tne  late  Colo- 
nies and  Provinces  towards  defraying 
the  public  charges  of  this  Govern- 
ment," produces  great  excitement, 
vii.  171. 

Jan.  28.  Mr.  Dudley,  late  Presi- 
dent, appointed  Licenserof  the  Press, 
vii.  171. 

Feb.  18.  The  town  of  Bristol  pe- 
titions to  be  excused  from  the  tax  re- 
cently ordered,  vii.  171. 

June  13.  Sir  Edmund  Andros  ad- 
vises the  Governor  and  Council  of 
Connecticut  to  surrender  their  charter, 
vii.  177. 

July  3.  Ship  Fortune,  belonging 
to  "  Prince  Frederick  Cassimir,  Duke 
of  Couriand,"  arrives  at  Boston,  in 
distress,  vii.  180. 

Aug.  6.    Sir  Edmund  Andros  sends 


VOL.     X. 


33 


258 


Chronological  Table. 


to  the  Governor  of  Port  Royal  to  de- 
mand redress  for  the  taking  of  two 
fishing-ketches  by  a  French  man-of- 


war,  vn. 184. 


1687,  Au£.  24.  Commission  granted  by 
Sir  Edmund  Andros  to  Nicholas  In- 
glesby,  commander  of  the  barqae 
Rose,  to  visit  wrecks  lying  to  wind- 
ward of  the  Island  or  Jamaica,  vii. 
188. 

Aug.  30.  Shadrach  Wilbore,  town 
clerk  of  Taunton,  imprisoned  for  pub- 
lishing a  writing  calling  in  question 
the  late  tax  law,  vii.  190. 

1688,  June  2.  Rev.  William  Hu|)bard 
appointed  by  Sir  Edmund  Andros  to 
omciate  as  President -of  Harvard  Col- 
lege at  the  next  Commencement,  i.83. 

1689,  Jan.  25.  The  30th  of  January  ap- 
pointed to  be  kept  as  a  day  of  fasting 
and  humiliation,  i.83. 

March  24.  Sir  Edmund  Andros  ap- 
points a  committee  to  ask  and  receive 
contribution  from  the  inhabitants  of 
Boston  towards  building  ^*-  a  house  or 
place  for  the  service  of  the  Church  of 
England,"  i.  84. 

April  18.  Subversion  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  Sir  Edmund  Andros  in 
New  England,  i.  85;  vi.  206. 

June  2S.  Cocheca  attacked  by  tlie 
Indians,  i.  87.  Notice  sent  immedi- 
ately, by  the  General  Court,  to  our  out 
towns  to  provide  for  their  security  and 
defence,  i.  89. 

Sept.  27.  Major  Benjamin  Church 
writes  to  Simon  Bradstreet,  Governor 
of  Massachusetts,  for  more  troops,  i. 
91. 

July.  Three  French  privateer  ves- 
sels come  to  Block  Island,  vi.  263. 
Continue  about  a  week  plundering 
houses,  vi.265.  The  people  at  New- 
port fit  out  two  vessels  with  volun- 
teers, vi.  268.  Who  "  chase  them  off 
the  New  England  coast,"  vi.  270. 

July  30.  William  III.,  King  of 
England,  orders  Sir  Edmund  Andros, 
Edward  Randolph,  and  others,  seized 
by  the  people  or  Boston,  to  be  sent  to 
England,  vii.  191. 

The  minister  and  wardens  of  the 
Episcopal  Church  in  Boston,  in  an 
address  to  William  III.,  state  that 
they  have,  "to  their  great  horrour 
and  amazement,  been  forced  to  behold 
a  well  established  and  orderly  govern- 
ment here  subverted  and  overthrown," 
vii.  193.  And  beseech  the  King  to 
appoint  a  Governor  and  Council,  vii. 
19o. 
1690,  April  28.  A  fleet  of  thirty-two  sail 
equipped  at  Boston,  and  land  forces 
raised  by  New  England  and  New 
York,  to  subject  Canada  to  the  crown 


of  Great  Britain,  under  the  command 
of  Sir  William  Phips,  Governor,  be- 
gin their  voyage  August  9,  but  are  de- 
feated, vi.214. 
1690.  William  III.  of  England  sends  a 
large  body  of  French  Protestants  to 
Virginia,  ii.  35. 

The  declaration  of  Sylvanus  Da- 
vis, inhabitant  of  the  town  of  Fal- 
mouth in  the  Province  of  Maine,  con- 
cerning the  cruel,  treacherous,  and 
barbarous  management  of  a  war 
against  the  Enghsh  in  the  eastern 
parts  of  New  England,  i.  101. 

Nov.  29.  A  treaty  of  peace,  at  Sa- 
gadahock,  with  the  Eastward  Indian 
Enemy  Sagamores,  i.ll2. 

M.  de  Meneual,  Governor  of  Aca- 
dia, petitions  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil of  Massachusetts  for  the  restora- 
tion of  silver  and  effects  alleged  to 
have  been  kept  back  firom  him  by 
Mr.  Phips,  and  that  their  arms  aocl 
liberty ^nould  be  given  to  the  soldiers 
of  his  garrison,  and  their  passage  to 
Quebec  or  France,  in  virtue  of  his 
capitulation,  i.  114  - 1 17. 
1690  or  1691.  Several  persons,  having 
considerable  interest  m  New  England 
and  the  Jerseys,  petition  the  King  that 
the  respective  charters  of  the  Colonies 
of  New  England  and  the  Jerseys  may 
be  restored,  i.  120. 

Reasons  against  sending  a  Governor 
to  New  Enmnd,  i.  121. 

1691,  Feb.  20.  Boston  not  so  healthful  for 
divers  years  as  now,  i.  118. 

June  8.  The  Governor  and  Council 
offer  proposals  to  Capt.  Kidd  and  Capt. 
Walkington  in  relation  to  suppressing 
an  enemy  privateer,  i.  122.  Proposi- 
tions of  Captains  Kidd  and  Walking- 
ton,  i.  123. 

Political  Fables  of  New  England,  i. 
126-133. 

1692,  Aug.  10.     Examination   of  several 

Eersons,  on   a  charge  of  witchcrafl, 
cforc  Dudley  Bradstreet,  Justice  of 
the  Peace,  i.  124,  125. 

1693,  June  9.  The  General  Court  pass 
an  act  establishing  "  A  General  Let- 
ter Office  "in  Boston,  the  master  to 
be  appointed  by  Andrew  Hamilton, 
Esq.,  vii.  50,  51. 

Aug.  11.  A  treaty  of  peace  with 
the  Indians  "  concerted,  and  pursued 
upon  false  and  treacherous  designs  on 
the  part  of  the  French  and  Indians," 
vi.  234,  235. 

Oct.  2.  Increase  Mather  and  other 
ministers  petition  the  Governor  and 
Council  for  aid  in  propagating  the 
Christian  faith  among  the  Indians  in 
the  eastern  parts  of  this  Province,  i. 
133. 


Chronological  Table. 


259 


1693.  Rev.  John  Ward,  of  Haverhill, 
dies,  z.  I(i8. 

1604,  April  20.  Richard  Saltongtall  dies, 
ix.  122. 

June  19.  The  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts  allow  £2d  per  annam 
towards  the  encouragement  of  the 
po8t-ol!ice  for  the  next  two  years,  vii. 
o8.  The  same  sum  was  granted  in 
1696,  vii.  60. 

July.  The  French  and  Indians 
kill  and  capture  ninety-four  persons, 
at  a  place  called  Oyster  River ;  seven- 
ty supposed  to  have  been  killed,  vi. 
235. 

1695,  March.  A  great  mortality  prevails 
among  tJie  Indians,  vi.  237. 

1696,  French  plantation  at  Oxford  broken 
up  by  an  incursion  of  the  Indians ; 
many,  if  not  most,  of  the  planters 
came  to  Boston,  ii.  31.  John  John- 
son of  Oxford,  and  his  three  children, 
massacred  by  the  Indians,  ii.  60. 

1697,  Rev.  John  Hale  writes  a  book  up- 
on the  subject  ^f  witchcraft,  which  is 
soon  after  published,  maintaining 
^*  that  the  true  evidences  of  witchcraft 
had  not  been  insisted  upon  in  the  late 
trials  and  examinations,  and  that  great 
errors  had  been  committed  by  both 
magistrates  and  ministers,"  which,  Mr. 
Iligginson  says,  "  cannot  be  offensive 
to  any,  but  may  be  generally  accepta- 
ble to  all  the  lovers  of  truth  and 
peace,"  vii.  262,  263. 

Governor  Simon  Bradstreet  dies  at 
Salem,  aged  95,  vii.  200. 

1698,  March  15.  Thirty  persons  killed 
by  the  Indians  at  Haverhill,  vi.  240. 

Sept.  11.  Mr.  John  Whiting,  min- 
ister, with  twenty  of  the  people  of 
Lancaster,  killed  by  the  Indians,  vi. 
244. 

Nov.  17.  John  Nelson  writes  that 
the  French  will  endeavour  to  extend 
their  limits  unto  the  River  of  Kenne- 
bec. The  River  of  St.  George,  about 
five  leagues  to  the  eastward  of  Pema- 
quid,  their  former  boundary,  i.  135, 136. 

Dec.  News  of  a  peace  between 
England  and  France,  vi.  244. 

1699,  Jan.  Peace  concluded  with  the  In- 
dians, they  renewing  their  submission 
to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  which 
had  been  come  into  in  1693,  vi.  245. 

Rev.  John  Higginson,  in  a  good 
measure  of  health,  ^*  preaches  his 
turns  on  Sabbaths  and  Lectures,"  vii. 
205.  Salem  greatly  impoverished  by 
the  late  war  with  France  and  the  In- 
dians, which  held  almost  ten  years,  ib. 
JulSO  sent  to  Mr.  Hi^inson,  by  his 
son  Nathaniel,  in  the  time  of  the  war, 
from  the  East  Indies,  taken  by  the 
French,  vii.  206. 


1699.  New  England  "  greatly  impover- 
ished, diminished,  and  brought  low 
by  the  French  and  Indian  War,"  vii. 
206. 

Many  pirates  in  these  parts,  vii. 
209.  Capt.  Kidd  and  some  of  his 
men  in  irons,  waiting  for  a  trial,  vii. 
210. 

It  is  reported  that  the  King  has 
sent  several  men-of-war  into  the 
East  Indies  (o  secure  that  coast,  vii. 
210. 

1700,  Aug.  29.  It  is  supposed  that  a  ship 
may  make  two  trips  in  a  year  between 
England  and  New  England,  **  but  it  is 
seldom  done."  Molasses  at  12d.  a 
gallon  in  Barbadoes,  shipped  off  hence 
for  England  this  year,  cost  here  29.  a 
eallon.  Boston  in  some  respects  a 
better  place  for  trade  than  Salem. 
"  Both  well  improved  may  do  well," 
vii.  218, 219.  Money  of  late  exceed- 
ing scarce,  vii.  220.  Reported  that 
the  Earl  of  Bellamont,  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  "is  like  to  be  sent  for 
home  to  England,"  vii.  221. 

1702,  April  6.  Joseph  Dudley  appointed 
bv  Queen  Anne  Governor  or  Massa- 
cnusetts,  ix.  101. 

Copies  of  laws,  &c.,  to  be  sent  to 
the  Commissioners  for  Trade  and 
Plantations  in  England  for  approba- 
tion or  disallowance,  ix.  103. 

The  Governor  to  endeavour  that  the 
Council  pass  an  act  for  preserving  a 
nursery  of  trees  for  the  service  of  the 
royal  navy,  ix.  106.    To  permit  a  lib- 
erty of  conscience  to  all  persons  (ex- 
cept Papists)   so  they  be  quiet  and 
peaceable,  not  giving  offence  or  scan- 
dal to  the  government,  to  take  care 
that   drunkenness    and    debauchery, 
swearing  and  blasphemy,  be  discoun- 
tenanced andpunished,  ix.  108.     The 
affairs  of  the  inhabitants  not  to  be  im- 
peded by  frequent  trainings,  ix.  109. 
To  aid  and  assist  the  Province  of  New 
York  in  case  of  invasion,  ix.  112.    In 
case  of  apparent  danger,  or  other  ex- 
igency, to  take  upon  himself  the  su- 
perior command  of  the  forces  of  Rhode 
island.  Providence  Plantation, and  the 
Narra^anset  Country  or  King's  Prov- 
ince, IX.  112.     Inhuman  severity  to- 
wards Christian  servants  and  slaves  to 
be  restrained,  ix.  114.     The  conver- 
sion of  Negroes  and  Indians  to  be  fa- 
cilitated and  encouraged  by  the  best 
means  the  government  can  find  out 
and  settle,  ix.  114.     No  book,  pam- 
phlet, or  other  matters  to  be  print- 
ed without  the  Governor's  "  Especial 
leave  and   License   first   Obtained," 
ix.  114. 
Governor  Dudley  arrives,  vi.  247. 


260 


Chronological  Table. 


A  Conffreas  appointed  in  Casco, 
where  the  Governor  and  others  meet 
the  heads  of  the  Indian  tribes  with 
about  two  hundred  and  fiAy  men,  well 
armed.  The  sagamores  seem  to  act 
in  an  amicable  manner,  and  subscribe 
articles  of  their  submission  to  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain,  vi.  247.  But 
intended  **  to  make  the  Governor  and 
the  counsellors  with  him  the  victims 
of  their  treachery  that  very  day,"  vi. 
248.  Several  missionaries  lately  sent 
among  them  from  the  friars  endeav- 
our to  break  the  union  and  seduce 
them  from  the  crown  of  England,  vi. 
248. 

1702.  Aug.  10.  About  five  hundred  In- 
dians, with  a  number  of  French,  make 
a  descent  on  the  inhabitants  from  Cas- 
co to  Wells,  sparing  none  of  any  age 
or  sex,  vi.  248. 

Many  persons  killed  or  taken  pris- 
oners bv  the  Indians,  vi.  248. 

1703,  May  26.  John  Campbell,  Postmas- 
ter of  Boston,  in  a  memorial  to  the 
General  Court,  states  that  Thomas 
Neale,  Esq.,  has  lost  £1400  in  set- 
tling the  post-office,  and  that  Colonel 
Hamilton  was  necessitated  to  take  a 
mortgage  of  the  patent  before  men- 
tioned, vii.6l. 

June.  Aid  granted  to  Mr.  Camp- 
bell, vii.  64. 

June  16.  Col.  Robert  Quarry, 
Judge  of  Admiralty  in  New  York  and 
Pennsylvania,  a  kind  of  government 
spy  in  this  country,  vii.  222.  In  a 
memorial  to  the  Lords  Commission- 
ers of  Trade,  writes  that  the  Presi- 
dent and  Council  of  Pennsylvania 
"  would  readily  comply  with  the 
Queen's  orders,  in  what  lay  in  their 
powers  and  not  contrary  to  their  con- 
sciences," thinking  Mr.  renn  hasereat 
interest  with  the  Queen  and  ministry, 
vii.  224.  Finds  no  powers  of  gov- 
ernment conveyed  to  Mr.  Penn  ;  has 
found  the  law  or  act  of  Assembly 
made  here,  which  is  the  foundation  of 
all  his  pretences,  vii.  225.  Reduc- 
ing all  the  coins  of  America  to  one 
standard  would  tend  greatly  to  the  in- 
crease of  trade ;  exchange  in  some 
places  thirty,  forty,  and  in  Pennsyl- 
vania fifty  per  cent,  worse  than  ster- 
ling, vii.  it^.  Great  disorders  in  the 
government  of  South  Carolina  since 
their  disappointment  and  miscarriage 
against  St.  Augustine ;  the  reducing 
St.  Augustine  will  put  a  stop  to  the 
French  designs,  who  are  endeavour- 
ing from  Canada  to  secure  the  inland 
parts  of  the  whole  main,  vii.  227. 
The  disorders  in  Carolina  were  occa- 
sioned by  the  illegal  voting;  a  great 


riot  for  many  days,  vii.  228.  Sir  Na- 
thaniel Johnson  publishes  bis  com- 
mission, vii.  229.  The  present  con- 
stitution of  the  government  of  New 
England  has  a  great  influence  on  all 
the  governments  in  America  ;  "  Com- 
monwealth notions  and  Principle,  is 
too  much  improved  within  these  few 
years,"  vii.  S£29.  The  reducing  all 
the  Provinces  on  the  main  of  Amer- 
ica to  one  standard  rule  and  constitu- 
tion of  government  will  make  them 
easy,  satisfied,  and  happy  *,  Col.  Dud- 
ley has  been  forced  to  dissolve  two 
Assemblies,  they  being  resolved  to 
choose  the  very  same  men,  and  also 
resolved  to  oppose  him,  vii.  230. 
Governor  oueht  to  have  his  support 
immediately  from  the  crown  ;  a  meet- 
ing of  all  the  Governors  once  a  year 
would  be  of  very  great  service  ;  "  A 
good  correspondency"  between  the 
Governors  ot  Virginia  and  New  York, 
vii.  231.  The  Governor  of  Virginia 
borrows  money  in  New  York,  '■*'  to 
answer  the  Quota  of  Virginia  "  fbr  the 
support  of  Albany,  vii.  232.  The 
people  of  Virfinia  very  numerous; 
their  almost  sole  business  is  planting 
and  improving  tobacco  ;  **  have  al- 
ways been  respectful  and  obedicnt/'t^. 
On  every  river  of  Virginia  from  ten  to 
thirty  men  of  competent  estates,  who 
take  care  to  keep  the  poorer  sort  al- 
ways in  their  dent,  and  dependent  on 
them  ;  they  consider  that  this  Prov- 
ince is  of  &r  greater  consequence  than 
all  the  rest  \  are  uneasy  because  New 
England  has  greater  privileges,  ib. 
The  Assembly  claim  all  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  an  English  Par- 
liament ;  the  Council  **  have  vanity 
enough  to  think  that  they  almost 
stand  upon  equal  Terms  with  the 
Right  Honourable  the  House  of 
Lords  "  ;  Governor  Nicholson  has  put 
a  stop  to  this  growing  evil,  **  except  a 
few  factious  spirits  in  the  Council," 
vii.  233.  **  Nov^  or  never  is  the  time 
to  maintain  and  support  the  Queen's 
Prerogative  "  in  Virginia,  vii.  234. 
New  York  in  "  miserable,  distracted, 
and  unhappy  circumstances  "  during 
the  government  of  Lord  Bellamont 
and  ttiose  that  succeeded  him  until  the 
arrival  of  Lord  Combury  ;  then  ^^  a 
happy  change  of  afllaiirs";  in  debt 
£10,000;  credit  of  the  government 
ruined ;  charge  of  supporting  and  de- 
fending this  government  very  great ; 
"  Commonwealth  notions  improve 
daily,"  vii.  235.  Lord  Cornbury  has 
laid  the  foundations  of  a  stone  fort  at 
Albany,  vii.  236.  The  Jerseys  have 
been  n>r  a  long  time  in  confasion, 


Chronological  Table. 


261 


havinff  no  government ;  the  contests 
of  West  Jersey,  betwixt  the  Qua- 
kers and  those  that  are  no  Qua- 
kers; the  Quakers,  less  in  number, 
supported  in  the  government,  have 
for  many  years  insulted  and  tyran- 
nized over  the  others.  The  contest 
in  East  Jersey,  "  whether  the  coun- 
try shall  be  a  Scotch  settlement  or  an 
English  settlement,"  vii.  239.  Qua- 
kers in  Pennsylvania,  **  finding  that 
Mr.  Penn  cannot  secure  them  in  their 
lawless  power  of  Government,"  are 
willing  to  be  under  her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment, vii.  240.  Commanders  of 
ships  of  war  in  some  of  the  govern- 
ments here,  by  ill  usage  of  their  men, 
force  them  to  run  away  from  their 
ships,  and  then,  by  pressing  men, 
ruin  the  merchants  and  trade  of  the 
place,  vii.  241.  Complaints  against 
the  commanders  of  her  Majesty's 
ships  are  become  general,  ib. 
1704,  Feb.  29.  Deerfield  attacked  by  the 
Indians,  vi.  252. 

April  7.  The  French  send  out  a 
shallop  with  twenty-seven  men  to  in- 
tercept our  Southern  trade  by  vessels 
bringmg  corn  and  other  provisions 
from  thence,  which  is  cast  away  on 
Plymouth  shore,  vi.  254. 

The  Virginia  fleet  take  a  French 
store-ship  of  forty  guns,  twenty  offi- 
cers, ana  two  thousand  small  arms 
and  ammunition  answerable,  vi.  254. 
Gen.  Church,  with  Col.  Gorham 
and  other  officers,  with  five  hundred 
and  fifty  men  in  fourteen  transports, 
and  with  thirty -six  whale-boats,  guard- 
ed by  three  ships  of  war,  sails  to  Pis- 
cataqua,  vi.  25o,  256.  Goes  to  Pas- 
samaquoddy  and  Mount  Desert ;  or- 
dered to  sail  for  Port  Royal,  vi.  256. 
Returns,  has  the  thanks  of^^the  General 
Court,  and  lives  to  an  advanced  age, 
vi.  257. 

April  24.  The  Boston  News-Let- 
ter, the  first  paper  printed  in  the  Eng- 
lish Colonies,  commenced  by  John 
Campbell,  vii.  66. 

Aug.  18.  Capt.  Gill  of  Charles- 
town,  in  a  ship  of  fourteen  guns  and 
twenty-four  men,  at  Newfoundland, 
furiously  attacked  by  about  one  hun- 
dred and  forty  French  and  Indians, 
bravely  defends  himself,  vi.  260. 

The  French  send  out  seven  hun- 
dred men,  with  two  friars,  under  com- 
mand of  Monsieur  Boncore,  on  pur- 
pose to  fall  on  Northampton,  who, 
falling  into  a  mutiny  among  them- 
selves, disperse,  vi.  Vo9. 

Indians  do  much  injury  at  Ames- 
bury,  Haverhill,  and  Exeter,  vi.  259. 
Mr.  Leverett,  from  MaaBachusetls, 


Capt.  Gold  and  Capt.  Livenston,  from 
Connecticut,  sent  to  renew  the  ancient 
friendship  with  the  Five  Nations  of 
Indians,  the  French  having  sent  mis- 
sionaries to  draw  them  into  their  in- 
terests ;  they  promise  to  *'  take  up  the 
hatchet "  against  the  French,  which 
is  not  permitted  by  the  Governor  of 
New  York,  by  reason,  as  conjectured, 
of  a  secret  intrieue  between  him  and 
the  Governor  of  Canada,  vi.  260. 

1704,  Col.  Hilton,  with  two  hundred  and 
seventy  men,  by  order  of  government, 
goes  to  Norridgewock  in  the  depth  of 
winter,  vi.  261. 

1705,  May.  Measures  concerted  for  ex- 
change of  prisoners ;  the  commission- 
ers obtain  but  sixty  out  of  one  hun- 
dred and  eighty-seven  of  our  prison- 
ers, vi.  262. 

Monsieur  Supercass  [or  Subercase] 
comes  from  Cfanada,  and,  with  five 
hundred  and  fifly  French,  exclusive 
of  Indians,  ransacks  and  lays  waste 
all  the  southern  English  settlements  ; 
falls  on  St.  John's,  and  in  a  few  hours 
makes  nearly  all  the  inhabitants  pris- 
oners of  war,  vi.  262. 

1706,  Capt.  Rouse  of  Charlestown,  sent 
by  government  to  fetch  captives  from 
Port  Royal,  carries  on  a  private  trade 
with  the  French.  Many  indicted 
with  him  of  treasonable  correspond- 
ence with  the  enemy,  vi.  276. 

1707,  Nathaniel  Saltonstall  dies,  is.  123. 
Gov.  Dudley  sends  an  army,  under 

the  command  of  Col.  John  March 
of  Newbury,  as  General,  to  Port  Rojr- 
al,  **  to  reauce  that  fort,  and  with  it 
Acadie  or  Nova  Scotia,  to  obedience 
to  the  crown  of  England,"  v.  189. 
The  whole  number  of  the  forces  con- 
sists of  about  eleven  hundred  and  fifly 
men,  v.  191. 

1708,  Dec.  9.  Rev.  John  Higginson  dies, 
in  his  ninety-third  year,  vii.  196. 
Came  with  nis  father  to  New  Eng- 
land in  the  year  1629 ;  was  the  first 

f>er8on  admitted  to  the  church  in  Sa- 
em  afler  its  formation,  vii.  222.  De- 
sires his  children  to  read  often  his 
little  book  Of  making  Peace  with  God^ 
as  containing  the  **  substance  of  all 
saving  truth, '  vii.  222. 

1709,  Sept.  10.  Jeremiah  Dummer,  agent 
of  Massachusetts,  presents  a  memori- 
al to  the  Enfflish  government,  show- 
ing that  the  French  possessions  on  the 
River  of  Canada  belong  to  the  crown 
of  Great  Britain,  i.  231. 

1710,  Feb.  10.  Rates  of  postage  estab- 
lished by  the  House  of  Commons  in 
England,  vii.  70-79. 

1711,  Oct.  9.  The  post-office  and  Allen's 
printing-house  ournt,  vii.  82. 


262 


Chronological  Table. 


1713.  [New  North]  Church  organized 
in  Boston,  v.  215. 

1714.  May  23.  Meeting-house  dedicated, 
V.  216. 

Rev.  Thomas  Prince,  author  of 
New  England  Chronology,  visits  Ley- 
den,  ix.  48. 

1715.  Elisha  Cooke  dies,  ix.  124. 

1717,  Nov.  23.  Rev.  George  Curwin,  co- 
pastor  with  Rev.  Nicholas  Noyes,  at 
iSalem,  dies,  v.  185. 

Elisha  Hutchinson  dies,  viii.  195. 

1720,  April  20.  Jeremiah  Dummer,  agent 
of  Af  assachusetts  in  London,  opposes 
the  passage  of  an  act  of  Parliament, 
petitioned  for  by  the  Virginia  mer- 
chants, for  the  free  importation  of  iron 
from  tlie  Plantations,  i.  140.  Had 
addressed  a  memorial  to  the  Lords 
Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Planta- 
tions for  confirmation  of  our  rieht  to 
sather  salt  at  Tortugas,  and  that  a 
libertv  to  cut  wood  at  Uampeachy  and 
Honduras  be  granted  us  at  the  ensu- 
ing treaty  of  peace,  i.  141 . 

Mr.  Andros,  the  nephew  and  ex- 
ecutor of  Sir  Edmund,  it  was  believed, 
would  make  some  new  motion  at  the 
Council-board  for  the  pretended  ar- 
rears due  to  him  as  executor  to  his 
uncle,  i.  143. 

Sir  Hovenden  Walker  publishes  a 
Journal  of  the  Expedition  to  Canada, 
in  which  are  many  things  relating  to 
New  England,  i.  143. 

People  in  England,  from  reading 
the  Journals  of  the  Assembly's  votes, 
are  jealous,  and  fancy  us  to  be  a  little 
kind  of  sovereign  state,  i.  145.  Mr. 
Dummer  advises  that  the  Journals  be 
not  printed,  i.  145. 

New  Ensland  ships  sequestered  at 
the  suit  of  Airs.  Watts,  in  England,  i. 
145. 

Sir  William  Ashurst  dies,  i.  146. 

1721,  July  13.  Cohasset  church  organ- 
ized, ii.  86. 

1724.  Gurdon  Saltonstall,  Governor  of 
Connecticut,  dies,  ix.  123. 

1728,  June.  The  General  Court  of  Mas- 
sachusetts appoint  a  committee  to  lay 
out  lands  '■*'  to  the  officers  and  soldiers 
who  were  in  the  Narraganset  fight," 
ii.  274. 

1730,  Nov.  18.  Congregational  Church  in 
Concord,  N.  H.,  tne  oldest  in  the 
county  of  Merrimac,  organized,  i.  154. 

1732.  Additional  grant  to  Narraganset 
soldiers,  ii.  275. 

1733.  Land  granted  to  Narraganset  sol- 
diers divided  into  seven  townships, 
ii.  276. 

1734.  June  27.  Thanks  of  the  Royal  So- 
ciety voted  to  John  Winthrop,  Esq.,  for 
curiosities  firom  New  England,  x.  122. 


1737,  May  30.  Rev.  Edward  Holyoke 
chosen  President  of  Harvard  College, 
V.221. 

Dec.  5.  Ministers  of  Boston  ad- 
dress the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  in  con- 
seauence  of  a  forged  letter  purporting 
to  be  dated  at  Boston,  10  July,  1737, 
stating  that  tlie  appointment  of  a  new 
Governor  by  the  Kine  had  occasioned 
joy  to  the  people  of  Ma^achusetts, 
**  and  the  ministers  of  all  sorts,'*  ii. 
271.  They  feel  bound  to  bless  God, 
and  to  thank  the  King  and  his  minis- 
ters for  the  continuance  of  Gov.  Bel- 
cher in  the  chair,  ii.  272. 

1740.  Peter  Faneuil  made  an  offer  to 
build,  at  his  own  expense,  a  complete 
edifice  in  Boston,  to  be  improved  for 
a  market,  which  was  finished  in  about 
two  years,  ii.  53. 

1743,  March  3.  Peter  Faneuil  dies  sud- 
denly, ii.  54. 

1744.  Secretary  Willard  writes  to  Mr. 
Whitefield,  that  many  papers  had  been 
published  against  him  since  his  leav- 
ing town,  and  advises  him  to  pubHsh 
something  in  answer,  and  to  consult 
with  his  brethren  in  the  ministrv,  i. 
147. 

1753.  Major  George  Washington's  first 
visit  to  the  French  commander  of  the 
troops  on  the  Ohio,  v.  101. 

1754.  Congress  held  at  Albany,  y.  5. 

1756.  Josiah  Cotton  of  Plymouth,  emi- 
nently skilled  in  the  Indian  languages, 
dies,  ii.  147. 

1757,  Nov.  23.  Congregational  Church  in 
Hopkinton,  N.  H.,  organized,  i.  153. 

1761,  Jan.  25.  Hon.  John  Davis,  LL.D., 
born,  X.  186. 

1767,  Sept.  9.  Gov.  Pownall  applied  to 
have  Gov.  Hutchinson  namea  as  one 
of  the  Board  of  Revenue  in  America. 
Gov.  Hutchinson  to  have  a  handsome 
salary  fixed,  as  Chief  Justice,  as  soon 
as  the  American  revenue  shall  cre- 
ate a  fiind.  Gov.  Pownall, "  from  prin- 
ciple of  affection  and  gratitude,''  sup- 
ported and  defended  the  people  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  at  the  last  session 
of  Parliament,  i.  148,  149. 

1769.  American  Philosophical  Society 
founded,  ix.  165. 

Oct.  12.  Congregational  Church  in 
Hillsborough,  N.  H.,  gathered,  i.  155. 

1770,  Jan.  24.  Rev.  John  Barnard  dies, 
v.  177. 

Gideon  Hawley  writes  to  Lieut.- 
Gov.  Hutchinson,  giving  an  account 
of  the  longevity  of  some  of  the  Mash- 
pee  Indians,  i.  150. 
1775,  April  19.  "  Affair  of  Lexington.*' 
^*  Boston  surrounded  by  American 
troops,  and  all  intercourse  with  the 
country  cut  off,"  viii.  278. 


Chronological  Table. 


263 


1775,  Letters  from  Dr.  Franklin  to  Rev. 
Dr.  Cooper,  from  1769  to  1774,  car- 
ried to  England  ;  are  in  the  British 
Museum,  viii.  278. 

May  25.  The  Provincial  Congress 
of  Massachusetts  take  the  concerns 
of  the  Massachusetts  post-offices  into 
their  hands,  vii.  89. 

Aug.  Treaty  with  the  sachems  and 
warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  v.  75. 

Aug.  7.  Gen.  Washington,  at  Cam- 
bridge, thinks  "  it  sounapolicy  to  be- 
stow offices  indiscriminately  among 
gentlemen  of  the  different  govem- 
raents,"  and  recommends  that  provis- 
ion be  made  for  volunteers  from  Phil- 
adelphia, viii.  345. 

Aug.  22.  In  a  letter  from  Cam- 
bridge, Gen.  Washington  writes,  "  we 
have  only  184  barrels  of  powder  in 
all,  which  is  not  sufficient  to  give  30 
musket  cartridges  a  man,  and  scarce 
enough  to  serve  the  artillery  in  any 
brisk  action  a  single  day,"  viii. 
346. 

1776,  March.  British  troops  evacuate 
Boston,  V.  257. 

1777,  Feb.  7.  Hon.  John  Pickering  born, 
X.  205. 

17^,  Oct.  Observations  of  a  solar  eclipse 
taken  at  Long  Island,  in  Penobscot 
Bay,  by  Professor  Williams  of  Har- 
vard College,  X.  187. 

American  Academy  of  Arts  and 
Sciences  founded,  ix.  166. 

1783,  Nov.  10.  Improved  construction  of 
the  air-pump,  by  Rev.  John  Prince  of 
Salem,  Mass.,  v.  274. 

1784.  The  American  Congress  resolve 
that  a  letter  be  written  to  the  King  of 
France,  expressive  of  their  high  sense 
of  the  zeal,  talents,  and  meritorious 
services  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette, 
ii.  40. 

The  first  volume  of  the  History  of 
New  Hampshire,  by  Dr.  Belknap, 
published,  ix.  166. 
1787;  A  regiment  raised  in  Massachusetts 
by  order  of  the  Continental  Congress, 
to  suppress  an  insurrection  in  the 
western  part  of  the  State,  i.  205. 

1790.  Gov.  Bowdoin  bequeathes  one  hun- 
dred pounds  and  his  valuable  library 
to  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and 
Sciences,  which  society  had  been 
formed  under  his  influence,   ii.  50. 

1791,  Jan.  24.  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society  organized ;  act  of  incorpora- 
tion dated  the  19th  of  the  following 
month,  ix.  167.  Collections  placed  in 
the  upperc))amberof  the  centre  build- 
ing of  the  Tontine  Crescent,  on  the 
south  side  of  Franklin  Street,  in  1794, 
ix.  167.  Where  they  remained  un- 
til 1833,  when   the   present  accom- 


modations were  provided,  vii.  9  ;    z. 
168. 

1792,  Oct.  23.  A  Discourse  delivered  by 
Dr.  Belknap  in  the  church  in  Brattle 
Square,  on  the  completion  of  three 
centuries  since  the  discovery  of  Amer- 
ica by  Christopher  Columbus,  ix.  168. 

1793.  Treaty  with  the  Indian  tribes  north- 
west of  the  Ohio,  Benjamin  Lincoln, 
Beverley  Randolph,  and  Timothy 
Pickering,  Commissioners,  v.  109. 

1795,  Feb.  Brig.-Gen.  Francis  Marion 
dies,  ii.  56. 

Feb.  19.     National   Thanksgiving, 
vii.  276. 

1796-1823.  Instances  of  longevity  in 
New  Hampshire,  i.  155. 

1798.  Naval  force  prepared  to  defend  the 
United  States,  i.  206. 

1802,  Feb.  5.  Joseph  Orono,  chief  of  the 
Tarratine  Indians  on  the  River  Pe- 
nobscot, dies,  ix.  89. 

1805.  Holmes's  American  Annals,  first 
edition,  printed,  vii.  277.  .The  new 
and  enlarged  edition  printed  in  1829, 
vii.  278. 

1807.     Napoleon  enters  Venice,  i.  204. 

1809.  Successful  experiment  in  Milford, 
Massachusetts,  of  vaccination  as  a 
preventive  of  the  small-pox,  iii.  206. 

1814-1820.  The  Legislature  of  Massa- 
chusetts contribute  largely  to  the  pub- 
lication of  Hubbard's  History  of  New 
England,  copying  of  Plymouth  Colo- 
ny Records,  and  the  publication  of 
Winthrop's  Journal,  ii.  258. 

1815-1826.  Bill  of  Mortality  for  Am- 
herst, N.  H.,  ii.  298. 

1818-1824.     Abstract  of  the  Bills  of  Mor- 
tality for  the  town  of  Boston,  i.  278- 
286. 

1821.  Cohasset  contains  eleven  hundred 
inhabitants,  ii.  109. 

1824.  March  7.  Gamaliel  Bradford,  Esq., 
dies,  i.  202. 

Oct.  17.     William  Jones  Spooner 
dies,  i.  270. 

1825.  Documents  having  reference  to  the 
Battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  fought  17th 
June,  1775,  and  other  documents  to 
illustrate  the  important  events  which 
separated  the  United  States  from  Eng- 
land, placed  under  the  western  pillar 
of  the  United  States  Branch  Bank  in 
State  Street,  Boston,  i.  271  -  277. 

1826.  Prince's  New  Ent^land  Chronology, 
edited  by  Hon.  N.  Hale,  vii.  7. 

The  fast  and  best  edition  of  Mor- 
ton's "  New  England's  Memorial" 
printed  at  Boston,  greatly  enlarged 
and  improved  by  the  notes  of  the  ed- 
itor, the  Hon.  Judge  Davis,  vi.  157. 
1829.  Samuel  Davis,  Esq.,  dies,  v.  254. 
March  1.  Hon.  Cnrislopher  Gore 
dies,  iii.  204. 


264 


Chronological  Table. 


1833,  Feb.  5.  Rev.  Ezra  Shaw  Goodwin 
dies,  V.  283. 

March  6.    James  Bowdoin  dies,  iz. 
225. 

July  19.    Rev.  John  Allyn,  D.  D., 
dies    V  246 
1833-1836.    Biils  of  Mortality  for  the 
citv  of  Boston,  v.  288. 

1835,  Nov.  14.  Rev. James Freeman,D.D., 
dies,  v.  269. 

1836,  June  7.  Rev.  John  Prince,  LL.  D., 
dies,  V.  272. 

Diseases  and  Deaths  in  the  city  of 
Boston,  vi.  285. 

1837,  June  4.  Rev.  Abiel  Holmes,  D.  D., 
dies,  vii.  280. 

1839,  Oct.  22.  Gamaliel  Bradford,  M.  D., 
dies,  ix.  77. 

1842,  July  3.  James  Grahame,  author  of 
the  History  of  the  United  States  of 
North  America,  dies,  iz.  39. 

1843.  The  "  Body  of  Liberties  *•  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, adopted  in  1641,  first  print- 
ed from  an  ancient  manuscript,  edited 
by  Hon. F.C.Gray,  viii.  191 ;  z.235. 

May  29.    A  Discourse  delivered  by 


Hon.  John  Q^  Adams  before  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Historical  Society,  in  cele- 
bration of  the  Second  Centennial  An- 
niversary of  the  New  England  Con- 
federacy of  1643,  iz.  189. 

1843,  Aug.  2.  Rev.  F.  W.  P.  Greenwood, 
D.  D.,  dies,  z.  225. 

Aug.  11.  Rev.  Jonathan  Homer, 
D.  D.,  dies,  z.  225. 

Sept.  22.  Rev.  Henry  Ware,  Jr., 
D.  D.,  dies,  z.  225. 

Oct  5.  William  Lincoln,  Esq., 
dies,  z.  225. 

Dec.  18.  Samuel  P.  Gardner,  Esq., 
dies,  z.  225. 

1844,  Oct.  31.  A  Discourse  pronounced 
before  the  Massachusetts  Hi8toric4il 
Society,  on   the   completion  of  6fly 

J  ears  from  its  incorporation,  by  Hon. 
ohn  G.  Palfrey,  iz.  165. 

1845,  May  8.  Hon.  Leverett  Saltonstall 
dies,  iz.  119. 

1846,  May  5.  Hon.  John  Pickering, 
LL.D.,  dies,  z.  218. 

1847,  Jan.  14.  Hon.  John  Davis,  LL.D., 
dies,  z.  196. 


GENERAL    INDEX 


TO  THE 


TEN     VOLUMES    OF    THE     THIRD     SERIES, 


A. 


Aawaysewaukit,  Sachem  at  Mittadbacut, 

i.  71. 

Abbadie, ,  ii.  26,  27. 

Abbot,  Benjamin,  i.  124. 

Abbot,  John,  i.  157. 

Abbot,  Major  John  D.,  i.  295. 

Abbot,  Rev.  Hull,  ii.  92. 

Abbot,  Rev.  Jacob,  ii.  301 ;  ill.  187. 

Abbot,  Abiel,  ii.  301. 

Abbot,  Rev.  Ephraim,  ii.  304 ',  iii.  187. 

Abbot,  Sarah,  li.  319. 

Abbot,  Francis,  vi.  130. 

Abbot,  Jo.,  viii.  255. 

Abbot,  Marie,  viii.  255  ;  z.  128. 

Abbot, ,  viii.  309. 

Abbot,  Dr.  Benjamin,  ix*  117. 

Abduction  by  pirates,  vii.  157. 

Abdy,  Matthew,  viii.  267. 

Abel,  being  dead,  yet  speaketh.    Life  and 

death  of  Rev.  John  Uotton,  viii.  294. 
Abenakis  Indians,  v.  65. 
Aberdeen,  Earl  of,  viii.  341,  342. 
Aberemet,  Indian  sagamore,  vi.  54. 
Abraham,  Mohawk  sachem,  apeecbes  of, 

V.  40,  43,  79,  92. 
Absalom,  Widow,  i.  151. 
Academia  Real  das  Scienciaa  de  Lisboa, 

V.  298. 
Acadie,  i.  28,64, 114.    Discovery  of,  231. 

Granted  to  Sir  William  Alexander,  232. 

Or  Nova  Scotia,  v.  64.    Expedition  to, 

in  1707, 189. 
Accomack,  vi.  108, 119. 
Accominticus,  iii.  22 ;  vi.  107, 118. 
Acquednick  Island,  i.  2. 
Acts  of  Parliament  burnt,  ii.  357. 
Adam,  Indian,  iii.  161. 
Adams,  John,  President,  i.  287  ;    ii.  54 ; 

ix.  24,  49,  171 ;  x.  190.     Extract  from 

his  letter  to  Hon.  W.  Tudor,  vi.  155. 
Adams,  Hon.  John  Q,.,  i.287;    iii.  406, 

407 ;  vi.  299 ;  vii.  292.     His  Discourse 

on  the  Second  Centennial  Anniveraary 

of  the  Confederacy  of  1643,  ix.  189. 


Adams,  Rev. 


ii.92. 


Adams,  Elizabeth,  ii.  297. 

Adams,  Rev.  Joseph,  ii.  304. 

Adams,  Joseph,  ib. 

Adams,  Henry,  ib. 

Adams,  Rev.  Hugh,  ii.  305,  306. 

Adams,  Rev.  John,  ii.  306. 

Adams,  Matthew,  ib. 

Adams,  Rev.  Joseph,  ii.  307. 

Adams,  Samuel,  iii.  193. 

Adams,  Thomas,  iii.  326. 

Adams,  Edward,  iv.  290. 

Adams,  George,  v.  275,  276. 

Adams,  Rev.  Jasper,  D.  D.,  v.  294,  295  ; 

vi.  295,  298 ;  vii.  293. 
Adams,  Josiah,  v.  296. 
Adams,  Daniel,  vi.  299. 
Adams,  William,  vii.  219. 
Adams,  Conrad,  ib. 
Adams,  Hon.  Charles  F.,  viii.  4. 
Adams,  William,  viii.  263. 
Adams,  Dorothe,  viii.  270. 
Adams,  Rev.   Amos,  of  Roxbury,    yiii. 

280. 
Adams,  Richard,  viii.  266. 
Adams,  Susan,  ib. 
Adams,  Mrs.,  ix.  49. 

Addington, Isaac,!. 90;  vii. 54, 162;  x.121. 
Address  of  inhabitants  of  Providence  to 

Massachusetts  government  in  relation  to 

Samuel  Gorton,  i.  2. 
Address  of  Ministers  of  Boston   to  the 

Duke  of  Newcastle,  ii.  271. 
Adelung,  Hon.  Frederick,  i.  289. 
Adiawando,  Indian  chief,  vi.  247. 

Adis, ,  X.  20. 

Adventurers  for  plantation  on  the  coast  of 

Florida,  i.  55. 
Advertisements    for    the    unexperienced 

Slanters  of  New  England,  by  Capt.  John 
mith,  iii.  1. 
AgamcuB,  Indian  captain,  vi.  224. 
Agamenticus,  iii.  22;  vi.  14,  107, 118. 
Agawam,  or  Springfield,  i.  229,  or  Agua- 

warn,  vi.  13. 
Aggawom,  or  Ipswich,  vi.  107,  or  Aaga- 


VOL.  X. 


34 


266 


General  Index. 


woam,  iii.  23,  or  Auguan,  37,  or  Ago- 
wamin,  324,  or  Augoam,  vi.  118. 

Ahanausquatuck,  x.  10. 

Ahanquit,  vi.  235. 

Ahassombamett,  vi.  234. 

Aignan,  quoted,  ii.  19,  39,  40,41,58. 

Atken,  Kev.  Silas,  iii.  184. 

Ainswortb,  Rev.  Henry,  ix.  51,  254. 

Air-pump,  improved  construction  of,  ▼. 

Aitteon,  Indian  sagamore,  ix.  90, 93, 98. 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  treaty  of,  v.  64,  67  ;  ix. 
183. 

Albany,  i.  87.  Taken  from  the  Dutch, 
iii.  314,391.  Congress  held  at,  in  1754, 
V.  18-  74.  Treaty  with  the  Six  Nations 
held  at,  in  1775,  75-100.  Letter  to 
committee  of,  80.  Their  reply,  81,  82. 
Indian  land  taken  by,  96,  97,  100.  De- 
scription of,  112.  Garrison  strengthen- 
ed, X.  63. 

Albemarle,  Duke  of,  grant  to,  i.  55. 

Albert,  Daniel,  i.  157. 

Albert,  Pierre  A.,  ii.  35. 

Albigenses  and  Waldenses,  ii.  2. 

Albon,  Alice,  viii.  272. 

Alborough,  John,  vii.  165,  167. 

Alcedo's  Geog.  and  Hist.  Dictionary  cited, 
II.  7. 

Alcocke,  Francis,  x.  145. 

Aldburgh,  John,  x.  144. 

Alden,  John,  i.87. 

Alden,  Capt.  John,  Sen.,  i.  112. 

Alden,  John,  Jr.,  i.  114. 

Alden,  Nathaniel,  t6. 

Alden,  Samuel,  i.  203. 

Alden,  J[ohn],  ib. 

Alden,  Rev.  Timothy,  i.  289,  292,  293, 
295;  ii.  309,320,  365;  v.  292;  vii.  22; 
ix.  170.  His  letter  to  Rev.  A.  Holmes, 
vi.  141. 

Alden,  Samuel,  iii.  207. 

Alden,  Capt.,  v.  194. 

Alden's  Collection  of  Epitaphs,  &c.,  re- 
ferred to,  ii.  302 ;  ix.  89. 

Aldersey,  Samuel,  iii.  326. 

Aldersy, ,  viii.  324. 

Alecock,  Annis,  viii.  268. 

Alexander  VI.,  Pope  of  Rome,  divides  the 
world  between  the  Portuguese  and  Span- 
iards, iii.  360  ;  ix.  201. 

Alexander,  Sir  William,  i.  232.  Nova 
Scotia  granted  to,  vi.  78 ;  vii.  90. 

Alexander, ,  ii.  329. 

Alexander,  James,  v.  6. 

Alexander,  William,  v.  55,  56. 

Alexis,  Toraar  Soc,  Indian  governor,  ix. 
98. 

Alford,  William,  ix.  267. 

Aliquippa,  Indian  queen,  v.  107. 

Allden,  Robert,  vii.  297. 

Allen,  Rev. ,  of  Dedham,   i.  18  j 

iii.  93;  iv.  41. 

Allen,  Rev.  James,  i.  134;  iii.  180;  vii. 
290. 


Allen,  Deborah,  i.  156. 
Allen,  Samuel,  ib. 
Allen,  James,  i.  237,  239,  241. 
Allen,  Joseph,  i.  287. 
Allen,  Philip,  ii.  31,  64. 
Allen,  Rev.  William,  ii.  304. 

Allen,  Rev. ,  ii.  316. 

Allen,  Rev. ,  of  Charlestown,  iii. 

93. 
Allen,  Rev.  Thomas,  his  letter,  1651,  iv. 

194;  viii.  247,  317,  318. 
Allen,  William,  v.  190. 
Allen,  Capt.,  vi.  259. 
Allen,  Rev.  Dr.  W.,  vii.  26. 
Allen,  Capt.  John,  vii.  92,  93, 120. 
Allen,  Daniel,  vii.  162. 
Allen,  Jeremiah,  vii.  289. 
Allen,  James,  ib. 
Allen,  John,  viii.  250. 
Allen,  Robert,  ib. 
Alien,  James,  ib. 
Allen,  Jo.,  viii.  265. 
Allen,  Ann,  ib. 
Allen,  John,  viii.  317. 
Allen,  Robert,  viii.  318. 
Allen,  Thomas,  t^. 
Allen's  Biog.  Dictionary  referred   to,  ii. 

50;  iii.  299  ;  vii.  6,8. 
Allen's  printing-house  burnt,  vii.  62. 
Allerton,  Isaac,  i.  230 ;  viii.  320  ;  ix.  249, 

252, 257, 263.     Memoir  of,  vii.  243,  301. 

Copy  of  his  will,  246. 
Allerton,  Mrs.,  vii.  244,  245,  303. 
Allerton,  Isaac,  Jr.,  vii.  246, 247,  (or  third) 

248. 
Allerton,  Johanna,  vii.  247,  249. 
Allerton,  Elizabeth,  vii.  247,248,249,303. 

Allerton, ,  x.2l. 

Alley,  Hugh,  viii.  267;  x.  130. 

Allin,  Rev. ,  iv.  231. 

Ailing,  Rev.  James,  ii.  310. 

Allix, ,  minister,  ii.  26,  27,  49. 

Allott,  Adam,  x.  145. 
Allyn,  John,  i.  118. 

Ailyn, ,  ib. 

Allyn,  Rev.  Dr.  John,  of  Duxbury,  i.267. 

Memoir  of,  v.  245. 
AllyTi,  J.,  X.  64. 
Allyn,  Mathew,  x.  74,  75. 
Almack,  Richard,  viii.  296. 
Almie,  Chr.,  viii.  266. 
Almond,  Awdrey,  ib. 
Almond,  William,  ib. 
Almy,  Annis,  ib. 
Alsop,  Joseph,  X.  11,  13,  14. 

Alsop, ,  X.  21,  or  Alsup,  36,  58. 

Alsopp,  Joseph,  viii.  258. 

Alsopp,  Thomas,  viii.  264. 

Alwood,  Richard,  x.  138. 

Amadas,  or  Amedas,  Capt.  Philip,  iii.  51, 

366. 
Amasconly,  vi.  247. 
Amassacanty,  Indian  fort  at,  vi.  246. 
America,    board  of  revenue  in,    i.   148. 

French  Protestants  come  to,  ii.  27  ;  iv. 


General  Index. 


267 


no.  New  voyages  to,  by  the  Baron  la 
Ilontan,  quoted,  ii.  51.  Chronological 
observations  of,  from  A.  M.  3720  to  A.  D. 
1G73,  iii.  355.  Enslish  title  to,  v.  64- 
69  ;  viii.  95.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges's 
narration  of  original  undertakings  of 
plantations  in,  reprinted,  vi.  45-93. 
Kich's  catalogue  of  books  relating  to, 
quoted,  vi.  96.  Inducements  for  plant- 
ing, viii.  95,  104.  Description  of,  by 
George  Gardyner,  295.  A  Key  into  the 
Language  of,  by  Roger  Williams,  ib. 

America  and  England,  relation  of  difficul- 
ties between,  v.  87-90. 

**  America  painted  to  the  Life,"  reference 
to,  vi.  46  ;  viii.  294. 

American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences, 
ii.  50 ;  iii.  199 ;  ix.  166 ;  x.  188, 205, 214, 
217. 

American  Annals,  Holmes's,  referred  to, 
vii.8,  24. 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  vi.  299; 
vii.  292,  294  ;  ix.  170. 

American  Apollo,  vii.  12. 

American  Aeeociation  for  the  Promotion 
of  Literature,  iii.  407. 

American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  For- 
eign Missions,  i.  297. 

American  Biography,  Belknap's,  referred 
to,  vii.  9,  lo. 

American  Coins,  account  of,  vii.  282. 

American  Colonies,  memorial  on  the  state 
of,  1703,  vii.  223. 

American  Education  Society,  iii.  406;  vi. 
295,297;  vii.  272,  279. 

American  Medals,  description  of,  iv.  297 ; 
vi.  286. 

American  Philosophical  Society,  ii.  365 ; 
iii.  406  ;  v.  291 ;  vi.  299 ;  vii.  22,  295 ; 
ix.  165. 

American  Plantations,  subsidy-men  not  to 
pass  to,  without  license,  viii.  274. 

Americus  Vespucius,  iii.  361 ;  vii.  285. 

Ames,  Lucy,  i.  157. 

Ames,  Hephzibah,  ii.  96. 

Ames,  Rev.  William,  viii.  247;  ix.52,72; 
X.  164.  Dies,  his  wife  and  family  come 
to  New  England,  x.  169. 

Ames,  William,  son  of  preceding,  x.  169. 

Amcsbury,  iv.  290;  vi.  224,259,277. 

Amherst,  N.H.,  incorporated  1760,  ii.278. 
Bill  of  mortality,  1815-1826,  ii.  298. 
Churches  and  ministers,  iii.  183 ;  iv.  293. 

Amonoscoggin  Fort  burnt  by  the  English, 
vi.  224. 

Amoret,  Indian,  carried  to  England,  viii. 
145,  157. 

Amoscongen,  i.  113. 

Amyrault,  ii.  26. 

Anabaptists,  iii.  331. 

Anatomy,  first  in  New  England,  iv.  57. 

Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Compa- 
ny, ii.  366. 

Ancient  Fortifications,  ruins  of,  ▼.  150. 

Ancillon, ,  ii.  5J7. 


Anderson,  Dr.  Robert,  of  Edinburgh,  i. 
289 ;  iii.  406. 

Anderson,  Rev. ,  v.  199, 201. 

Anderson's  History  of  Commerce  quoted, 
ii.  48. 

Andover,  iii.  324 ;  iv.  290;  vi.  244. 

Andrew,  John,  vii.  183. 

Andrewes,  Richard,  his  letter  to  Gov. 
VVinthrop,  i.  21.  Thanks  voted  to  him 
by  the  General  Court,  23,  202. 

Andrewes,  Elizabeth,  viii.  259. 

Andrewes,  Jane,  ib. 

Andrewes,  Samuel,  ib. 

Andrewes,  William,  viii.  319. 

Andrewes, ,  ix.  286, 294. 

Andrewes,  William,  x.  140. 

Andrews,  Daniel,  iv.  291. 

Andrews,  Thomas,  ib. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  i.  83,  85,  96,  100, 
101  -  112, 143, 228.  Letter  to,  from  John 
Talcott,  iii.  167;  iv.289;  vi.  202,  204- 
206.  His  commission,  vii.  139.  Papers 
relative  to  the  period  of  his  usurpation, 
150-195;  viii.338;ix.  123,181  ;x.  112. 
Letters  to  J.  Winthrou,  Jr.,  115, 116. 

Andros,  Ensign,  vii.  179. 

Andross, ,  nephew  and  executor  of 

Sir  Edmund,  i.  143. 

Angier,  Edmund,  x.  166. 

Angier,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Angier,  John,  ib. 

Angier,  Oakes,  x.  188. 

Anglesey,  Lord,  ix.  181. 

Animal  Magnetism,  v.  154. 

Anjou,  Duke  of,  ii.  9. 

Annals  of  Concord  referred  to,  i.  154. 

Anne,  Queen  of  England,  ii.  63  ;  v.  205. 

Annexation  of  lower  counties  to  Pennsyl- 
vania, vii.  225,  226. 

Annisquam,  or  Wonnasquam,  iii.  323. 

Anogamey,  Indian,  i.  229. 

Antinomian  and  Familistical  errors  broach- 
ed and  condemned,  iii.  381. 

Antinomians,  rise,  reign,  and  ruin  of  the, 
viii.  285. 

Antislavery  cause,  ix.  80. 

Antony,  a  praying  Indian,  iv.  255. 

Antram,  Thomas,  viii.  320. 

Antrobus,  Joan,  viii.  254. 

Apple  and  pear  trees  planted  in  New  Eng- 
land, iii.  317 ;  ix.  §55. 

Appledore,  now  Gosport,  ii.  312. 

Appleton,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  ii.  272. 

Appleton,  Francis,  ii.  300. 

Appleton,  Rev.  Jesse,  D.  D.,  ib. 

Appleton,  John,  ib. 

Appleton,  Col.  Samuel,  v.  189-193. 

Appleton,  Nathan,  v.  299. 

Appleton,  Capt.,  vi.  181,  262. 

Appleton,  Major  [Samuel  ?],  vi.  181,187, 
188,  232 ;  x.  120. 

Appleton,  Judge,  vi.  232. 

Aquamenticus  River,  viii.  165. 

Aquawoce,  ix.  285.  Mourned  fi>r  by  sa- 
chems, 290. 


268 


General  Index. 


Aquedeniok,  i.  168,  Aquedneck,  viii.  292, 
Aquednetic,  i.  160,  Aquednej,  iii.  96, 
Aquethaeck,  i.  13,  Aquidneck,  or  Rhode 
Island,  iz.  210. 

Arbella,  ship,  iii.  377. 

Archdale, ,  agent  of  Sir  Ferdinan- 

do  Gorges,  iii-  391. 

Arcbdale,  Rev.  Dr.,  viii.  249. 

Archer,  Gabriel,  viii.  69.  His  relation  of 
Capt.  Go80old*s  voyage  to  America,  72 
—  ol. 

Archisden,  Rev.  Thomas,  letter  to  Ed- 
ward Howes,  ix.  239;  or  Arki8den,240, 
242,  244,  255. 

Argal,  Sir  Samuel,  Groveroor  of  Virginia, 
iii.  313,  372,  373. 

Arguments  against  relinquishing  the  Char- 
ter, i.  74. 

Armada,  Spanish,  defeated,  iii.  368. 

Armstrong,  S.  T.,  i.  299. 

Armstrong,  Col.,  vi.  143. 

Armstronge,  Mrs.,  i.  199. 

Armstrong  Village,  vi.  142. 

Arnault,  John,  u.  63. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  i.  4;  iz.  272, 284. 

Arnold, ,  i.  7. 

Arnold,  William,  i.  11, 177;  iz.  272. 

Arnold, ,  vi.  192. 

Arnold,  General,  vi.  283. 

Arnold,  Richard,  vii.  165, 167. 

Arnold,  Ann,  viii.  268. 

Arnold,  Jesper,  i^. 

Arnold, -,  x.  41. 

Arowsick  Island  in  Kennebec  River,  yi. 
202. 

Artel, ,  vi.  210. 

Arthur,  John,  iv.  263. 

Arundel,  Earl  of,  vi.  50;  viii.  127, 161. 

Ascham,  Anthony,  ii.  333. 

Ashbey,  AHce,  viii.  265 ;  z.  129. 

Ashburton,  Lord,  viii.  305. 

Ashe,  Simeon,  iv.  30,  35, 159,  263. 

Ashley,  Capt.,  viii.  271. 

Ashmole's  Antiquities  of  Berkshire  re- 
ferred to,  viii.  &16. 

Ashton,  James,  z.  40. 

Ashurst,  Alderman,  i.  63. 

Ashurst,  Sir  Henry,  a  friend  to  New  Eng- 
land, i.  119 ;  ii.  35. 

Ashurst,  Sir  William,  i.  146;  v.  199. 

Askam, ,  viii.  343. 

Askew,  Sir  George,  i.  33. 

Aspinwall,  Thomas,  vi.  295 ;  viii.  70  ; 
iz.  128. 

Aspinwall,  William,  vui.  192, 193, 194;  z. 
169. 

Assacombuit,  Indian  sachem,  vi.  244, 249. 

Assacumet,  vi.  52,  59. 

Assembly  of  divines  at  Boston,  viii.  294. 

Assistants,  how  chosen,  viii.  200. 

Assistants,  Court  of,  its  jurisdiction,  viii. 
200,  201,  332.  Held  in  Charlestown, 
iz.  120. 

Astin,  Georce,  vi.  264. 

Astwood,  John,  viii.  %4. 


Astwood,  Capt.,  z.  7. 

AtheniBus,  iii.  357. 

Atberston,  Jo.,  viii.  260 ;  z.  129. 

Atherton,  Humphrey,  i.  30  ;  iii.  390 ;  vi. 
192 ;  ix.  272  -  275,  289,  290.  And  oth- 
ers buy  land  of  Indians,  i.  213, 214.  Ti- 
tle disputed,  219-228. 

Atherton,  Hon.  Charles  H.,  i.  289. 

Atherton,  Lieut.,  vii.  108. 

Atkins,  Dudley,  ii.  284. 

Atkins,  Mrs.  Sarah,  ii.  284,  288. 

Atkins,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

Atkins  (see  Tyng),  z.  187, 188. 

Atkinson,  Theooore,  t.  10. 

Atkinson,  Mrs.  Theodore,  vi.  296. 

Atkyns,  Dr. ,  ii.  294. 

Atlantic  and  Pacific  Oceans,  communica- 
tion between,  proposed  in  16Q2,  viii. 
101. 

Atlantis  Island,  iii.  355,  357. 

Atterton,  Thomas,  ii.  6(5. 

Atwater, ,  z.  30,  33. 

Atwood,  Anne,  i.  299. 

Atwood,  Jonathan,  ii.  267. 

Atwood,  Philip,  viii.  255,259. 

Auchmuty,  Jane,  viii.  311. 

Auchmuty,  Sir  Samuel,  ib. 

Auchmuty,  Rev.  Dr.,  ib. 

Aucocisco,  iii.  22;  vi.  107. 

Audley, ,  ix.  256. 

AugumeaticuB,  or  Agamenticus,  ti.  14. 

Augur, ,  z.  43. 

Aumouglicawgen,  iii.  22;  vi.  107, 117. 

Auq6ontis,  ix.  284,  292. 

Austen,  Jonas,  viii.  274. 

Austin,  Hon.  James  T.,  ii.  367 ;  y.  296, 
299;  vi.295. 

Austin,  Matthew,  yi.  259. 

Austin,  John,  viii.  274,  275. 

Austin,  Richard,  x.  144. 

Autobiography  of  Rev.  John  Barnard,  v. 
177. 

Avery,  Mary,  ii.  296. 

Avery, ,  vii.  249. 

Avery,  John,  viii.  247. 

Avery,  Mrs.  Elizabeth,  viii.  288. 

Avery,  Lieut.,  x.  118. 

Averye,  Christopher,  z.  139. 

Awansomeck,  vi.  235. 

Awetipimo,  i.  167. 

Awsapha  taken  from  the  Dutch  and 
Swedes,  iii.  314,  391. 

Aztell, ,  ii.  354. 

Ayanemo,  iz.  300,  301. 

Ayer,  Peter,  iv.  291. 

Aylot,  Dr.,  i.241. 

Ay  res,  Anna,  viii.  261. 

Ay  res,  Benjamin,  ib. 

Ayres,  Chnstian,  ib. 

Ayres,  Dorothy,  ib, 

Ayres,  Marie,  tb. 

Ayres,  Rebecca,  ib. 

Ayres,  Sara,  ib. 

Ayres,  Svmon,  ib. 

Ayres,  Thomas,  ib. 


> 


General  Index. 


Bflbb,  Capt.  Thomiu,  »iii.  371. 

Babcoek.Capl.  Jaine^  li.  172. 

Bicheller,  Rev.  [Stephen],  iii.  94,389. 

Baclielor,  Elizabeih,  viii.  276. 

Bachelor,  Henry,  ib. 

Bachelor,  Jotjn,  ib. 

BacJieior,  Joseph,  it. 

Bachelor,  MarUia,  ib. 

Backup's  Hiiloiv  o(  the  Baptijti  in  New 

England  referred  lo,  ii.  4^. 
Bacon,  Goodinan,  i.  'ii3. 
Bacon,  Nathuiiel,  i.  l&d. 
Bacon,  Rer.  Jacob,  ii.  313. 


Bacon,  John,  viii.  336. 
Bacon,  Samuel,  it. 
Bacon,  SuBBO,  ib. 
Bacon,  Lord,  <,M'>t<.'iI,  1. 197. 

flijcrjt, -,ii.57. 

Bailger,  Samuel,  i.  157. 
Badger,  Rev.  Moses,  ii.  134. 
Badger,  William,  ii.  37a 
Bogalanawongon,  vi.  335. 
Sagley,  Jitiii,  ill.  ir>D, 
BaTlcy,  Henry,  vii.  2J3. 
Bailey,  KeT.  Jofin,  tii.  389. 
Baker,  Cardiner,  i.  390. 
Baker,  Samuel,  11.66. 
Baker,  John,  lil.  3tST 
Baker,  Thomaa,  iv,  290- 
Baker,  Daniel,  vi.  130, 134. 
Baker,  Comeliui,  vii. 353. 
Baker,  Hunnnh,  vli  -iX. 
Baker,  NLchobia,  viii. 2-18. 
Baker,  Francis,  viii.  254. 
Baker,  Aleiander,  tiii.  :ai3. 
Baker,  ChrisUan,  ib. 
Baker,  Elizabeth,  ib. 
Baker,  Samuel,  viii.  364. 

Baker, ,  »iii.  SOW. 

Baker,  Cant-,  viii.  325. 
Balch,  Rei- William,  ii.  317. 
Balch,  Benjamin,  vii.  353. 
Balcb,  John,  vii.  2M. 
Baldin,  John,  viii.  3()9. 
Baldin,'\Vill:!im,  ik 
Baldwin.  Kinguf  Jeruaalem,  ii.  7B. 
Baldwin,  Clirisiujiber  C  .  X.  337,  33S. 
Baldwini    Hisiory  of    V«lo    College   re- 
felted  to,  vii-  371. 


Ball,  - 


i.  1 19. 


Ballard,  Elizabeth,  i 
Ballard,  IIe«ler,  ib. 
Ballard,  Jo.,  ib. 
Ballard,  William,  ii. 
Bakimore,  Cecil,  Lord,  ii.  339. 
Bancks,  Caleb,  viii.  374. 
"   ncroft,  n  — 


rcrened  to,  ii.  06,  37,  29,  31,  33,  49, 


ikes,  Peier,  1. 13&. 

nks,  Sir  Tlioinag  C^  Tiii.  909. 

nsiidil,  Thomua,  %.  145. 

ni,  Cnpl.,  T.  215. 

nvar, ,  v.  18. 

ilapson.  Ebcnezer,  *i.  33S. 
"  ipiiani, <li  visions  in  Harttbrd  church  eon- 
corning,  i.  61). 

ipEismi,  marriniEcs,  and  buriala,  1. 136- 

139. 
Baptists,  I.  73. 
"~  iiizing  ofchildren,  contention  about,  at 

'ascattaquo,  iii.  i)H. 
Bnrbadoei,  iii.  376;  ix.  393. 
Uarbauld,  Mrs.,  ix.  5. 
Barber,  Thomu,  vj.  164. 
Barber,  J.  W,,  vii.  295. 
"  irber,  Thomas,  viii.  252  i  1.137. 

irbcrie,  Jean,  ii-  65. 
Uarbot,  John,  ii.  66,  67. 
Barbour,  Hev.  Isaac  R.,  ii.  331 ;  iu.  169. 
Barbul, ,  ii,6U. 

w,  Capt,  Arthar,  iii.  51, 366. 

<w,  Thomas,  Bishop  nf  Lincoln,  Tiii. 

Baikelej,  Alderman,  vii.  96. 
Barkelcy,  Isnse,  ib. 

Barker, ,  vii.  149. 

Barker, ,  yiii.  309: 

Barker, ,  ii.  344. 

Barnard,  Rot.  John,  of  AniloTer,  L  164. 
rd,  Kev.  Jeremiah,  i.  158. 
Td,  Mary,  ii. 

ird.  Rev-  Edward,  ii.  303,  310. 
Barnsrd,  Rev.  Jercioiah,  iii.  163. 
Barnard,  Rev.  Stephen  A.,  iii.  184. 
"  -nard.  Ret.  Jobo,  of  Marblehead,  OOlo- 

lograjjhy  of,  v.  177;  ri.  154. 

nard,  Esther,  r.  178. 
Barnard,  John,  ib. 
Barnard,  Rev.  [Tboma«,D.D.l,  of  Salem, 

2B0,281. 
Barnard,  Kev,  Thomas,  or  Andover,  *i. 

344- 
Barnsrdirton.  Serjeant,  »iii.  277. 

nea,Jobn,  i.  171. 

nes,  Abraham,  t   17,18. 

nes.  Rev  David,  v.  346. 

nea,Jo»ppli,  j.  tt8, 

neveldt, ,  ix.  59. 

Bams,  Rev,  Jonathan,  of  HilUborougli,  i. 

Barnii,  Rev.  David,  ii.  98. 

Baron.  Daniel,  i.  45. 
Barra,  Capl ,  vi.  136. 
Karrpl,  Robert   viii,  374. 
Bartet^  Rev.  Samuet,  iii.  187. 
Barren,  Joseph,  iii.  407, 
Barren,  Humphrey,  iv.  991. 
Barren,  Thomas,  viii.  361. 


270  Gen 

£arron, ,  ii  73. 

BomieJ,   Abb6,    llistor;   of   the   Clerg;, 

quoted,  ii.  3fj. 
Barrus,  Eipflrienci',  i.  157- 
Barslaw,  Rst.  Zedekiah  S.,  u.  316. 
Bartletl,  Hon.  Josioh,  i.  S8T. 
Barlon,  Di.  Beqjaniia  S.,  i.  290. 
Birlon,  William,  H. 
ButoD,  Rev.  WilliBm,  ii.^. 
Bashaba  killed  by  iho  Tarentinei,  »i.  90. 
Basliabua,  tiUu  of  Indian  king,  vi.  54,  65, 

57;  viii.142,  147. 
Bbb!i!i1»;b  of  Pcnobscol,  iii- 22;    ¥1.107, 

\Vi. 

BasQBga, ,  ii.  86,  87. 

B(l5Be,  tLJwBjd,  1.  199. 

ttaswt, ,  ii.  53. 

Bnwel,  TboDiiiB,  viii.  252. 

Bassell,  Rei.  Jobn,  i.  290. 

Bauett,  William,  viii.  266. 

BaMRivei,  vji.  250. 

Bass  Rivei  Side,  now  Bevecly,   vii.  250, 

251. 
Bssiable,  now  9Bleiii,  iii.  35. 
Batchelder,  Josiab,  i.  156. 
Batchelder,  Marlba,  1.  157. 
Balchelder,  Hantiuh,  ii.  395. 
ItsU'lK'tor  R^'v  :^t^pbeD,  ii.290. 
Bate,  Alice,  viii.  2()l. 
Bale,  Jamea,  tb. 
Bale,  Lydia,  ib. 
Bale,  Margaret,  ib. 
Bale,  Marie,  ii. 

Bales,  Joseph,  ii.  88.    Deacon,  90. 
Batei,  Rev.  Dr.  Joshua,  ii.  99. 
Bales,  Ann,  viii.  255. 
Betes,  Benj.,  i6. 
Bates,  ClemenI,  ib. 
Bales,  James,  ti. 
Bales,  Joseph,  ib. 
Bales,  Rue  Eel,  ib. 
Bates,  James,  viii.  S61. 
Ball,  Nicholas,  viii.  320. 
Batt,  Anne,  i.  145. 
Ball,  Chriatopber,  ib. 
Ball,  Dorolhie,  ib. 
Ballen,  Robert,  1. 144. 
Bailor,  Edmund,  viii.  320. 

Baudoin, ,  ii.51. 

Baudoin,  Jean,  ii.  60. 

Baudauin,  Pierre,  snceaiot  of  the  Bow- 

doins,  ii.  49,  50.  57,63. 
Baudnuin,  Francois,  ii.  SO. 
BauduuiD,  I.,  (A. 
Baudouin,  SebailiaD.  ib. 
Baudauin, ,  ii.  60.     Spelt  "Bout- 

dino,"  81. 
Bailer,  [Richard?],  i.63;  ii.  342. 
Bayard,  Samuel,  i!  290. 
Bnynrd,  Nicolas,  z.  109. 
Bayley,  Hannah,  i.  157. 
Baylcy,  Kev.  Josiah,  ii.  301. 
Bayley,  Rev.  Abner,  ii.  317. 
Baylcv,  Capt.  Joho,  vii.  98. 
Barley,  Palmer,  viii.  S56. 


Bayley,  Richard,  x.  145. 

Baylie,  Robert,  viii.  272. 

Baylie,  Robert,  U.  46. 

Baylie,  Agnes,  n.  138. 

Baylies,  Hon.  William,  1.287;  *u.  9,17; 

ix.  170. 
Baylies,  Rov.  Frederic,  u.368. 
Baylies,  ll„ii.  i'Tau<:i>i.  iu.  128. 
Beache,  (Iforgf,  a.  IX>. 
Beadsleo,  JoDn,  viii.  1&\  ;  x.  198. 
Beadslea,  Joseph,  &. 
Beadsleo,  Marie,  ii. 
Beadiley,  Marie,  ii. 
Henl.Joiinlbar,  11.96, 
Ileal,  Nallianiv'l,  iv.  291. 
Uealc^^iira.  V1J].*4. 

Beale, ,  ym.'A\«. 

Ilcamond,  Jo.,  viii,  259. 
Beamond,  William,  ii. 

BEan,  Lydin,  i.  157, 
Beards,  Elizabeth,  viii.  261. 
Bt^ardsiey,  William,  viii,  354;   x.  128. 


:k,  llfiirv,  ilii.271. 
Beck  lye,  Mrs. 


144. 


Bedford,  Iowa  of,  ii.  278. 

Beede,  Etizabelb,  ii.  297. 

Beede,  Jonalhan.  ii.  298. 

Beede,  Rev,  Tliomas,  iii.  184. 

Beekroan.Jobr,  v.  23, 

Beekmnn.  lion.  T)>omas,  vi.  306. 

Hirers,  Ca|jl.,  vi.  \>i%. 

Beeles,  John,  i,  143. 

Belcher,  Gov.  JoDBlban,  u.  271, 272;  vii. 

287. 
Belcher,  Mary  Ann,  iii.  207. 
Belcher,  Moses,  vi.  219. 
Belcher,  Andrew,  vU.  66. 
Belcher,  Hon.  Andrew,  vii.  287. 
Belcher,  Jeremy,  viii.  S59. 
Belcher,  Edward,  viii.  267. 
Bel  Isle,  i.  28. 

Belknap,  Rev.  Jeremy,  i.  287,  292,  293; 
"  307.300;  v.  291 ;  vii.  9-17,27,391 ; 
.70.100,168,171,174. 
Bi-lknup,  Josejib,  vii.  72. 
Belknap's  AiiiGrican    Biography  reJerred 

Blknap's  History  of  New  Hampahire  re- 
rerriid  lo,  Ii.  3U5, 3(M,  312 ;  ii.  174. 
Belle- lie,  Mona.,  vii.  115. 
leilingham.  Gov.  Richard,  \.  37, 19, 164, 
160,17.1,177;  iii.  94, 138,326:,  333,388, 
400;     "■  ' —    ""   ■'■'    ■     —      ' 


'lloDionl,  E»rl  of,  ii.  64,331 
Leiler  la  G.  Bernoa,  ii.  65. 

BeUowes,Jo,  viii.  255. 

Bement,  Gamaliel,  viii.  263. 


General  Index. 


Benhain, ,  i.  33, 34. 

Den'lBracl,Rabbi,oropinion  that  the  Ten 

Tribes  were  transported  to  Amerio,  it. 

73,  ll'J,  120. 
Bennet,  Col.,  ii.  343. 
Bennet,  John,  vii.  Sr>3. 
Bennel.Jane,  viii.  l^U 
Bennell,  Ritlmrcl,  ii.  330. 
Beiinem  [lev.  Solomon,  iii.  185. 
Bennell^  Ssmuel,  viii,  270. 

Benoisl, ,  ii.  57. 

Benson, ,  i.  133. 

Bent,  Catherine,  iii.  S07. 
Bpnl,  Sus 


Bpii 


),  Col, 


Itniivuglio,  Curilinal,  ii.  53. 

Bcnlley,  Rev.  Dr.  Willtam,  of  Salexa,  u 
287;  ii.62;  t.356;  vii.  7,  291. 

Bentley,  William,  rii.  183. 

Benlloj.  Mari.  viii.  270. 

Beatlef ,  Alice,  viii.  273. 

Benllej,  Jo.,  ift. 

Bcniley,  Williain,  ii. 

Beaton,  Rev. ,  iii,  406. 

Beresfotd,  Rev. ,  y.  197. 

Bereslo,  George,  viii.  273. 

Bcresto,  William,  ib. 

Berkley,  Georee,  D.  D.,  ii.  70,  72  ;  vii, 
2iW. 

Berkley,  Sir  William,  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, X.  m. 

Bermudas,  iii.  362,  372,  373,  375  ;  »i.  41, 
54. 

Berniuduz,  or  Bermudas,  John,  iii.  362. 

Bernaldez,  Andres,  History  of  the  Catho- 
ji   v-oriToigns,  ejtract  from,  viii.  1. 

Bernard,  John,  li.U],\i'i. 

Bernard,  I'hebp,  1.141.- 

Bernard,  Jolin,  i.  143. 

Bernard,  Samuel,  ii. 

Bernard,  John,  x.  143. 

Bernard,  Mary,  ib. 

Bernard, ,  x.  160, 161. 

Berniiigion,  Agnes,  viii.  313. 

Bernon,  GiihritI,  ii.  31,  34,  51, 59.  Pro- 
molMthr;Hei[lingofNewOirord,«),64, 
ffi,  66,  67.  Hia  title  diepuled,  69,  70, 
71. 


Beverley's  History  of  Virginia  referred  to, 
vii.  222. 

Beverly,  iY.2yO.  Acrount  of  its  aetlle- 
ment,  by  Robert  Ranluul,  Eaq.,  vii.  250. 

Bewiti,  Hugh,  i.  4. 

Bewlie,  Grace,  viii.  253;  i.  129. 

BezB,  [Theodora],  i.  241 ;  ii,  4,  5. 

Bible  Inmslaled  into  Indian,  i- 101 1  iii. 
392.  TrHnslaled  iDlo  trencL,  ii.  3. 
Polrglot,  &J.    Given  \o  French  church 

Bible  Soi-iBty,  Americnn,  u.  52, 
Bibliollieiiue  Anitricnine  quoted,  vi.  46. 
Biikfurd,  Widow.  ii.SKIi, 
Bicklord,  Tliomas,  dufclliis  himself  againal 

the  Freneh  and  Indhns,  vl.  236. 
Biddio,  Mrholas,  i.  273. 
Biddle,  Richard,  Esq.,  vii.  285. 
Bigelow,  Williain,  1,286, 
Bigelow,  Rev.  A.,  v^297. 
Bigg,  Kachel,  '    ' 


Berry,  Dnrothv,  ii.  217, 

Berry,  John.  'Dcpuiy-G.ivprnor  of  New 

Jersey,  tetter  from  J   Winlbrop,  Jr.,  to, 

x,H5 
Berry's  County  Genealogiei,  extract  from, 

Berlau,  Rev, ,  ii.49. 

Berwick,  vi.  217,  22G,  227,  242,  H51, 


Bigsby,  - 


ii.271. 


i.  243, 

liop,  John,  \-  SS. 


f,  John, 


,145. 


i.  301. 


Bilko,  Jonathan,  i 
Bill,  Jo,,  viii,  254  1  i.  ira. 
Bill.  Marie,  viii,  255. 
Bill,  James,  i,  U. 
Billcrica,  iv.290;  1. 172. 
liilU,  Robort,  viii,  271. 
Bitoguo,  Duke  of,  ii.  9. 
Blrrri's  History  of  the  Royal  Society,  i. 
122.     Collection  of  Thurloe'g  State  Pa- 


See  Briscoe. 


Bird,  Rev,  Samuel,  i 

Birds,  Copt,,  BD  Indian,  vi.  147. 

Biscoe,  Nathaniel,      "" "- 

Bishop,  Edward,  ' 

Bishop, ,  I,  J*. 

Bishops   in   England,  ihcir  Ireetment  of 
"  nan.  Weld,  Shepard,  Ward,  and  0th- 
J,  i.  236-238. 
Bisquittam,  a  Delaware  chiefs  vi.  142. 


;.ti,  Jan 


261. 


Black,  John,  vii,  253,  256. 

Black,  Frecjraca,  vii.  356. 

Blnckley,  lliomaa,  viii.  271. 

Hluckman,  Capl.,  Indians  seized  by,  i. 
102 ;  vi.  202.  Are  released  by  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andros,  203. 

Black  Point,  iii.  SJ.^i ;  vi.  217.  250. 

Black  Toinl  Harbour,  iii.  395. 

BlBckstun,  Eliza,  t.  145. 

Blackstone,  now  Pawiuckei,  River,  ii.  59. 

Blackwetl.CapL ,  j.61.  SeeOliver. 

BLackwell,  Rev.  -  *  ■  "" 


J,  Jer. 


i.  272, 


Black  William,  an  ludinnduki 
Blackwood,  Thomiu,  iii.  96,  4112. 
BlngdHn.  Kev,  Ueorse  W-i  ix.  30 
niosreve,  Nalhaniel.vii.  69. 
Blaise  Viginere  des  Chi&es, 
Blake,  Admiral,  1.33;  t.  U 


16. 


272 


General  bidex. 


Blake,  George,  i.  274. 

Blake,  Benjamin,  ii.  297. 

Blake,  William,  iv.  291. 

Blake,  John,  vii.  178. 

Blakeman,  Adam,  yiii.  249. 

Blakeston,  or  Blackatone,  Rev.  Mr.,  iu.07. 

Blanchard,  Sarah,  i.  158. 

Bland,  Hon.  Theodoric,  iii.  408. 

Blason,  Ann,  yiii.  260. 

Blaxton,  William,  yiii.  247. 

Blind  man,  or  Blinman,  Rev.  Richard,  i. 
184  ;  iu.  106,107;  iv.  162,194;  ix.  292, 
295;  x.25,26. 

Bliss,  Leonard,  y.  298. 

Blids,  L.,  Jr.,  vii.  292. 

Bliss,  Philip,  viii.  250. 

Block  Island,  iii.  380;  vi.  4, 158, 192, 196 ; 
ix.  274, 275.  Taken  by  the  French,  vi. 
263,272. 

Block  Islanders,  or  Pequots,  cause  of  the 
war  against  them,  vi.  3.  Cruel  to  Mo- 
hegan  captives,  197. 

Bloggett,  Daniel,  yiii.  260. 

Bloggett,  Samuel,  ib, 

Bloggett,  Susan,  ib. 

Bloggett,  Thomas,  t6. 

Blomfield,  Sarah,  x.  141. 

Blomfield,  WilUam,  x.  141, 142. 

Blomfield,  Sarah,  x.  142. 

Blomfield, ^,  x.  171. 

Blondel, ,  ii.  26. 

Blood,  Col.,  i.  60,  61. 

Blood,  James,  iv.  291. 

Blosse,  Mary,  x.  143, 144. 

Blosse,  Richard,  x.  144. 

Blount,  William,  i.  290. 

Blount,  Gov.,  y.  170- 172. 

Blower,  Tho.,  viii.  273. 

Blue  Point,  vi.  217. 

Blue  Point  Garrison,  i.  92. 

Bluet,  Capt,  vii.  202,  204. 

Blunt,  Rev.  John,  ii.  303. 

Blunt,  John,  vi.  299. 

Board  of  Revenue  in  America,  i.  148. 

Bobaasar, ,  vi.  249. 

Bochart, ,  ii.  26. 

Bocquet, ,  ii.  57. 

Body  of  Liberties,  adopted  in  1641,  print- 
ed from  a  MS.  of  the  time,  with  re- 
marks on  the  early  laws  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  by  Hon.  Francis  C.  Gray, 
viU.  191-237. 

Bohlen,  John,  i.  273. 

Boiseau, ,  ii.  67. 

Bollman,  Dr.,  makes  an  effort  to  liberate 
La  Fayette  firom  the  dungeon  of  Olmutz, 
ii.  54. 
Bolton,  Edmond,  ii.  363. 
Bolton,  Samuel,  iv.  30,  35. 
Bomaseen,  vi.  235.   Taken  prisoner,  236 ; 

and  sent  to  Boston,  237,  218, 279. 
Bonaparte,  religion  publicly  reestablished 

by,  in  France,  ii.  42. 
Bonavista,  English  settlement  at,  destroy- 
ed, vi.  263. 


Bond,  Capt.,  his  ship  taken  by  the  French, 
i.  108. 

Bond,  W.,  iu.  407. 

Bond,  William,  iv.  291,  292. 

Bond,  William,  vii.  54. 

Bond,  Rev.  William  H.,  viii  306. 

Bond,  Robert,  x.  84. 

Bond,  Capt.  William,  x.  121. 

Bondet,  Daniel,  minister  at  Oxford,  r^ 
resentation  to  the  goveminent  agtinst 
rum-sellers,  ii.  61,  & 

Boney,  Thomas,  viii.  274. 

Bonighton,  Matthew,  iii.  137. 

Bonneau, ,  ii.  57. 

Boocore,  or  Boncore, ^  yi.  259,263. 

Book  of  Common  Prayer  prohibiteid  in 
Massachusetts,  iii.  376. 

Book  of  the  Indians,  Drake*!,  referred  to, 
vi.  173. 

Books,  printine  of,  licensed,  vit.  171.  Sent 
by  Edward  Howes  to  James  Downing 
and  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  ix.  243.  To 
Mr.  Sam  ford,  255.  And  writings  sent 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  and  Rer.  John 
Davenport,  x.  38. 

Boone,  Nicholas,  vii.  66. 

Booth,  Sir  George,  i.  195. 

Booth,  Mat,  viii.  251. 

Boott,  Dr.,  U.  20,  21. 

Bordeaux, ,  ii.  57. 

Borden,  Joan,  viii.  263. 

Borden,  John,  ib. 

Borden,  Matthew,  ih. 

Borden,  Elizabeth,  viii.  264. 

Borebancke,  Joseph,  viii.  265. 

Boreman, ,  iii.  214. 

Boroughs, ,  i.  124. 

Borowes, ,  ix.  263. 

Boscawen  Church,  iv.  293. 

Bosseville,  Elizabeth,  viii.  315. 

Bosseville,  Godfrey,  ib. 

Bostocke,  Capt.  Thomas,  viiL  968, 90. 

Bostocke,  Edmond,  viii.  269. 

Boston,  new  church,  i.  45, 46,  50.  Com- 
mittee appointed  to  ask  contribations  of 
inhabitants  to  build  a  house  for  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Church  of  England,  84.  Two 
standing  companies  there  dispersed  in 
1689,  87.  Not  so  healthful  for  divers 
years  before  as  in  1690, 118.  Inl7«3,has 
o,382  inhabitants,  besides  1,374  negroes, 
1717  houses,  166  warehouees,  158.  Its 
bills  of  mortality,  1818-1824,  with  the 
disorders  of  which  persons  died,  278  • 
286.  French  Church  at,  ii.  32,  62,  63. 
New  Congregational  Church,  63,  64 ; 
iii.  107.  Description  of,  iii.  318,  329, 
341.  First  Church,  72,73,377,378,380 
-382.  Second  Church,  386.  Great  fire 
in,  387,  392.  Small-pox  in,  393.  In- 
dependent Church,  393, 394.  Presbyte- 
rian Church,  395.  Its  bills  of  mortality 
firom  Jan.  1,  1825,  to  Jan.  1, 1833,  iv. 
323 ;  firom  Jan.  1, 1833,  to  Jan.  1, 1836, 
T.  288 ;   from  Jan.  1,  1836,  to  Jan.  1, 


General  Index. 


278 


1837,  Yi.  285 ;  from  Jm.  1, 1837,  to  Jan. 
1,1838,  ¥11284.  RepreBenUUvef.1689- 
l(i<>2,  iv.  289.  Engtiih  fleet  arrive  at, 
V.  181.  Scarlet  fever  in,  ib.  Church 
formed  in,  215 ;  and  meeting-home  ded- 
icated, 216.  Britiah  troopa  evacuate, 
257.  Fleet  equipped  at,  vi.  214.  Ad- 
vice to,  by  Gov.  Bradford,  in  verse,  vii. 
27.  Great  fire  in  1711,  82,  89,  300 ; 
viii.  328.  Military  forces  in  1680,  viii. 
333.  Great  fires  in,  339.  Assembly  of 
divines  at,  294.  Isaac  Johnson  consid- 
ered as  the  founder  of,  243.  Settled,  vii. 
300;  ix.  120, 199;  z.  38. 

Boston,  frigate,  i.  206. 

Boston, ,  ix.  271. 

Boston  Athensum,  z.  36. 

Boston  Ministers,  address  of^  ii.  270. 

Boston  NewH-Letter,  vii.  66,  82,  84. 

Bostwick,  Capt.,  vii.  241. 

Bos  well,  Capt.  Edward,  viii.  266. 

Botelcr,  Laay,  iii.  97. 

Botta,  Carlo,  i.  290 ;  iz.  24. 

Boudinot  family,  ii.  51. 

Boudinot,  Hon.  Elias,  i.  290;  ii.  36, 51, 
52,  54,  329. 

Boudinot,  Elie,  ii.  65. 

Boudoins,  John,  ii.  50. 

Bouldrie,  John,  z.  170. 

Bouldfie,  Mary,  ib. 

Bounds  between  Plymouth  and  Massachu- 
setts, ii.  267. 

Bounetheau, ,  ii.  57. 

Bourn,  Experience,  i.  150. 

Bourn,  Irauc,  ib. 

Bourn,  Josiah,  ib. 

Bourn,  Richard,  ib. 

Bourn,  Shearjashub,  ii.  94. 

Bourn,  Thomas,  ii.  98. 

Bourne,  Abner,  Esq.,  v.  295. 

Bourne,  Major,  iz.  268. 

Bours,  Rev. ,  v.  235. 

Boutineau,  Stephen,  ii.  63. 

Bouton,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  iii.  186. 

Boutonnet,  Elias,  ii.  52. 

Bouttell,  Lydia,  ii.  2<)8. 

Bowdiche,  John,  viii.  304. 

Bowdiche,  George,  ib.     See  Bowditch. 

Bowdige.     See  Bowditch. 

Bowditch  family,  viii.  300. 

Bowditch,  Anne,   viii.  300,  301. 

Bowditch,  Charlotte,  ib. 

Bowditch,  Sarah,  ib. 

Bowditch,  Davy,  viii.  301. 

Bowditch,  George,  ib. 

Bowditch,  Nathaniel,  x.  218. 

Bowditch's  La  Place,  x.  219. 

Bowditchc,  Robert,  viii.  300,  301. 

Bowdoin,  Gov.  James,  i.  2(& ;  ii.  49,  50, 
63,78. 

Bowdoin,  James,  i.  287,  294.  Formerly 
James  Winthrop,  ii.  78.  His  letter  to 
lion.  Jumes  Savage,  323 ;  iii.  406.  Me- 
moir of,  ix.  170,171,224. 

Bowdoin  &mily,  ii.  49. 


Bowdoin,  James,  ii.  52. 

Bowdoin,  William,  ii.  63. 

Bowen,  Abel,  ii.  366. 

Bowers,  Benaniwell,  x.  77. 

Bowers,  Benjamin,  ib. 

Bowhan,  ,  i.  243. 

Bowles,  Dr.,  i.  238. 

Bowles,  John,  iv.  291, 292. 

Bowridge.    See  Bowditch. 

Bowyer, ,  ii.  78. 

Boxford,  iv.  291. 

Boyden,  Thomas,  x.  143. 

Boyenton,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

Boykett,  Jarvis,  viii.  276. 

Boyle,  Hon.  Robert,  v.  274  ;  z.  56.    Let- 
ter from  John  Winthrop.  Jr.,  to,  110. 

Boylston,  Thomas,  viii.  2^8. 

Boynton,  Joshua,  ii.  296. 

Boys,  William,    History    of   Sandwich, 
England,  b^,  extracts  from,  viii.  273. 

Bozman's  Hutory  of  Maryland  referred 
to,  ix.  43. 

Brackenbury,  Ellen,  vii.  256. 

Brackenbury,  Richard,  ib. 

Brackenridge,  David,  vi.  149, 150,  153. 

Bracket, ,  of  Braintree,  iv.89. 

Bracket,  Capt.,  vi.  210,  237, 242. 

Bracket,  Anthony,  vi.  225. 

Bradbury,  Capt.,  i.  118. 

Bradburv,  Capt.  Charles,  vii.  293. 

BraddocK,  General,  v.  7. 

Bradford,  Rev.  Epbraim  P.,  i.  155. 

Bradford,  Hannah,  i.  156. 

Bradford,  Gamaliel,  Esq.,  Memoir  ofl  i. 
202,287. 

Bradford,  Gamaliel,   i.  202;  ix.  75. 

Bradford,  Samuel,  i.  202. 

Bradford,  William,  ib. 

Bradford,William,  Governor  of  Plymouth, 
i.202;  ii.  266, 267;  iii.  374,  379-388. 
His  counsel  to  Boston  and  New  Eng- 
land, in  verse,  vii.  27,28.  Extract  from 
his  will,  27.  His  joui^al  referred  to, 
viii.  298;  ix.  44-5*i,  59,  75;  x.  172. 

Bradford,  Rev.  John,  i.  287. 

Bradford,  Aldcn,  Esq.,  i.  287,  294,296; 
ii.  61,  2tiJ),  276,  279,  :i65;  vii.  17,  21. 
His  list  of  errors  in  Massachusetts  His- 
toncal  Collections,  293,294, 296 ;  ix.  172. 

Bradford,  Mai.  William,  Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of  Plymouth,  ii.  266. 

Bradford,  Gamaliel,  M.  D.,  v.  292,  293, 
297;  vi.  295, 296.  Memoir  of,  U.  75, 170. 

Bradford,  Major,  vi.  181 .     Wounded,  182, 

187,  188. 
Bradfbrd,  William,  vii.  167. 
Bradford,  Bryan,  viii.  2{K>. 
Bradford,  Richard,  ib, 
Bradfbrd,  Robert,  ib. 
Bradford,  Simon,  ib. 
Bradford,  William,  ib. 
Bradford,  town  of,  iv.  290  ;  vi.  184. 
Bradford  fiimilies,  account  of,  viii.  298. 
Bradfortb,  Margaret,  viii.  299. 
Bradfburtb,  Robert^  ▼iii.2aB. 


VOL.    X. 


35 


274 


General  Index. 


Bnulrurth,  Tbomai,  Tiii.  208. 

Bndfurtb,  Richard,  it. 

Bndrurth,  Catheriae,  viii.  299. 

Bradfurth,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Bradruitli,  Marj,  ib. 

Bradturth,  KaberUeitractfivmbiiwill.ti, 

Bradfurth,  itobert,  ib. 

Bradiih, ,  vii.  2J0. 

Bradlej,  Jowph,  vi.  •jSi,    Hii  wife  Ukea 

prisoner  bj  ihe  Indiang    it. 
Brsdley,  Dsnlel,  Tiii.  S56i  x.  1S8. 
Bradahaw,  John,  ii.  354. 
Bndgtreel,  Gov.  ijlmon,  i,  30,37,89,02; 

iii.  iM,  IIMi,  am,  a77,«l)0 ;  viii.  247,349. 

Hii  account iirMuHMcbuBviuColonv  in 
Diei  at  Sarem, 


:.120. 


i.l24ii 


.   'i-«4. 
I,  or  CharleilowD, 


Bndilreet,  Jobn,  vii.  219, 
Braditreel,  Dr.  Samuel,  ib. 
Braditreel,  LieuL-Col ,  viii.  280. 
Bradatreet,  Mrs.  Anne,  poemi  by,  i 


[.141. 

-. ,-,,  1.141,142. 

Bndilrcel,  Annn,  i.  142. 
Bradilreet,  John,  ib. 
Bradatroel,  Martha,  H. 
firaditieel,  Mary,  i£. 
Brndy,  Cant.  Samuel,  vi.  152. 


India] 
BraiDtTi 


i.so. 


.1.  Sir  John, 

Branch,  Arthur,  iii.  143. 

Branch  Bank  of  the  Unitod  Statu 

ton,  i.  27S. 

Brand, ,  i.  200. 

Brand,  Benjaroio,  x.  154,  155. 

Brand,  Jolin,  i.  154. 

Brand,  JoMph,  ib. 

Brand,  TLiiii,^|£Jtio.  ib. 

Brand,  Jacob,  i.  li>5. 

Brand,  Strah,  ib. 

Brand  fiffliliHi,  \.  154, 155, 

Snndon.  Anliur   hia  vrifu  and  children 

1(<ll«d,  vi.  25U. 
BmndL  Cbpl,  Indian,  hia  apeech,  r.  130, 

Bfandt'i  HiaWryof  th«  Selbmation  re- 
ferred Jo.  \x.k 
Brane.ThnmQi,  viii.  267. 
Brasey,  William,  viii.  260. 
Braiser,  Henry,  Tii.  246. 
Braille,  Thomaa,  i.  237. 
Brattle,  Kev.  William,  T,  182,196;  Ti.a74. 

Braille, ,  Ti.  226. 

Braille,  Williim,  *ii.  49. 
Bntile, ,  is.  123. 


Brattle  SquajB  Charch,  t 
Braj,  Richard,  rii.  \79. 
Bray,  Thomaa,  Tii.  ItS. 

Brazer,  Rev. ,  ii.  80. 

Braiil,  manacre  of  Frendi  PtoImIuiI* 

Brcaden,  Cnpl.,  vii.  120. 
Dredon.  ['runcia.  ii.6S. 
Breeii,  Epbraini,  v.  809. 
Brentuii,  Willinj 

dicott,  i.  54. 

Brenton, -,  i.  41. 

Brentwood  Cburrh,  iv.  SflS. 
Brequemant    and    Cavugnei,    Hnneno 

judcnienl  againet  them,  ii.  14.     Have 

6(06. 
Breretiin,  John,  viii  60.     Hia  aceouDi  of 

UosnaJ<rs  VoytRc  to  Amaricm  in  ISOi, 


r.SlS. 


I,  hia  latter  to  G«T.  Ea- 


nenola. 


Brewater,  Elder,  vii.S 
BrewBler,  Fear,  vii.  2' 
Brewii«r,  Nathaniel,  ■ 
Brewater, ,  \x. ! 


ii.296. 


liny,  Kei.  Or.,  *.i««. 

iJrIdgB,  Rbv ,  V.  194. 

Biidgen,  Thomaa,  viii.  375, 

Dridgea,  Capl.  Rob.,  i .  37;  tii.  106, 106, 109. 

Bridgea, ,  i.  836. 

Bridges,  Edinond.  y iii.  270. 

Itridgewslor,   vi.  169. 

Ilridgbom,  Jnaeph,  iv.  2!)1. 

Hnet  Narmlion  of  the  Original  Undcrtik- 
in|a  of  ihe  AdvancomeatB  of  the  Plan- 
taiiona  nto  The  Pertg  of  America,  Ac, 
by  Sir  FerdinaDdo  Gorget,  reprint  of, 

BriBgl,fl„i.Thomini.  viii.  260. 

Dngga,  iJenjamin  C,  iii.  907. 

Itriggs.  Cliarlea,  ib. 

Briggs,  George,  H. 

Brigga,  Joahua,  it, 

Brign,  Martin,  ib. 

BfiRgs,  Tlioma.  8.,  H. 

llrigg.,Jo.,  viii.87t. 

Brigham,  John,  iv.  290. 

Brigham,  William,  v.  293;  vii.  04, 995. 

Bright,  [Rev.  Francia],  iii.  376;  Ttu-SSO. 

Drii(lil.  Edward,  viii.  1^0. 

Brigbt,  Fruncis.  ib. 

Bngbiman, ,  his  interpretadon  of 

Diimel'a  prophecy,  iv.  60. 
brigliton,  Tbomna,  viii.  VTi. 
Brimmer,  Andrew,  ii.78. 
Bnixmer.  Martin,  ib. 

Brimsmeid,  ■ ,  vii  297. 

Brinly, ,  i.  92. 

Brintnall,  Charlea,  vi.  'HH. 

Briacoe,    Nathan  iel,    latter    lo    ThonM 

Bronghtoa,  i.S. 


Gena-al  Index. 


Briicoe,  Richard,  i.  36. 

Briilol,  town  or,  pgtitioa,  rii.  171. 

Briitol  man'i  plaatalion,  ii.297. 

BriUiD  koown  to  tbs  Greciuia,  iii.357. 

Britan,  James,  i,  4&. 

Btitiib  HuMum,  nil  876;  x.  147. 

Brittan,  Jumes,  iii,  tO^t. 

Brock,  Rer  Jofan,  ii,  3I». 

Brockholec,  Capt.  Aniliany,  i.  8S. 

BrocUsbaDk,  Capt.,  killed,  11.184. 

Brodheid, ,  vtii  349, 

Bromfield,  Edward,  vii.  (>d. 

Bromfield,  Uenrj,  rii.  2S0. 

Bromlev.  W,,  ,i\.  79. 

Br«ik,Lord,  m.  137;  vi. 4  ;  ii.  SOI. 

Brook,  Ann,  via.  V74. 

Brook,  RobMt,  a. 

Brook'i  Livvj  of  the  Purilaoa  lererrad  to, 

I.  lEh),  llj4. 
Brooke,  Tliumns,  >iii.  260 ;  x.  130. 
Brooke,  Ricliurd,  *iu.  SW,  96K,  963. 
Brooke,  Tbo.,  viii.  260,  S63. 
Brooke,  Gitbert,  viii.  267. 
Brooke,  Wiiiiam,  A. 
BrookSeld,  ti.  2»l, 
Bniokline,  i*.  :2!HI. 
Brooka,  Govemur,  ii-^H;  iii.ies. 
Bruame,  Roier   viii. 373;  i.  130. 
Broonior,  Joto,  riii.  960. 
BiDomer,  Marie,  (iii.SSU. 
BroMghlnn,  Thumas,  Ulter  from  Nuiiwi- 

iet  Briscoe,  i.  33, 
B(o.J|ljUin,  J-lin,  vi.207. 
Brown,  Richard,      ao. 
Brown,  John,  i.  157. 
Brawn,  Joatipb,  i.  250, 2S1, 1£&,  SS6. 
Brown,  John  A.,  i.  373. 
Brown,  Rer.  Dr.  Andrew,  i.  290. 
Brown,  John,  ii.  63. 
Brown,  Nathaniel,  u.  73. 
Brown,  Bev.  John,  of  Cohanet,  ii.  94,97. 
Brown,  Capt.  Nathnn,  ii.  2UU. 
firown.  Rev.  Clark,  A.  M..  n.  3lt 
Brown,  Rer.  Junph,  ii-  3»>. 

Brown,  Re*. ,  of  Sudburr, 

Brown,  Juliii,  iii  a*. 
Brown,  Samuel,  il. 
Brown,  Edmund,  iii.  383. 

Brown,  Re.   ,  iii.  385. 

Brown,  old  Mr.,  iv.5{t. 
Brown,  li«v  - 


Browne,  Jo.,  viii.  S60. 
Browne,  Jo.,  viii.  262. 
Browne,  i^uran.  *iii.  'iSi 
Browne,  I,ydia.  Tiii.  3U 
Browne,  J„  ,  ,iii.  ii(J6. 
Browne,  Mary,  Tiii.  371. 
Browne,  Wjllinm,  ift. 
Browne,  Robert 
Browns,  Anrj.'    i 
Brow 


Browne,  Tbomaa,  it 
Browne,  Thomaa,  riii.  330. 


Browi 


Niiliai 


.■  mi 


Brown,  Rvf. — ,  n.'sHi. 

Brown,  John,  of  nenburj, 
Brown,  Capt.,  vi.  244,351. 
Browo,  Capl.  John,  vi.  35E 

Brown, ,  Tii.  120. 

Brown, ,  Til.  297. 

Brown,  Rer. ,  founder  of  tbe  aect 

collod  Broi      " 

Brown, . 

Brown's  Hiatorr   of  the  Propanlioa  of 

Cfarialinnil;  tiled,  ii.  7. 
Browne,  Benjamin,  vii.  906,  319. 
Browne,  Major,  vii.  HB. 


„..  273. 

1.2117 
3J3. 


I.  42.     Orifiii  of 


i.71. 


;'  213. 


uiuBier.    See  BroWBler. 
Bruion,CapL,ix.  338,964, 

Brjan, ,i.  112. 

Bryant,  Gridley,  i.  275,  278. 

Buchaa,  Earl  of,  i.  369. 

Buck,  Elieler,  vii.  185. 

Buck,  Wllliain,  viii.  361. 

Buck,  Roger,  it. 

Buck,  Clirlatian,  viii  270. 

Buckinglinm.Dukeof,  viii.  161. 

Uucklej,  P>rler,  i.78,     Sea  Bulkla*. 

Bi.ckl«y,  Capt.,  vi.  259. 

Burkl*y,  Jo.,  vii,.  259. 

Buckley,  Ban.,  viii.  360. 

Bucklev,  Daniel,  ii. 

Buckminater,  Capt.,  v.  194. 

Buckmioater,  Rbv.  Joaepb  8.,  vii.  25;  ix. 

Buckworth,  vii.  176. 

Budingion,  Rev.  William  I.,  i.  236. 

Ilulfalo  Horn,  an  Indian  chief,  vi   146. 

BogbjB,  Edward,  1.  143,  144. 

Bugbye,  Rebecca.  ».  143. 

Bi'gbye,  Sarah,  I.  144. 

Ilullincli,  Charlea,  i,  3tf7 ;  vii.  15. 

Ilulkley,  Rev.  Ptler,  ti-lter  lo  Gov.  Endi- 
eotl  and  Dep.-Gov.  Bellinghani,  1.47: 
vii.  297 ;  viii.  3M,  246,  B47,  263,  273. 

Uuikley,  Peter,  meaaenier  and  ainnl  U 
Engliiid,  i-72;yii.a57. 

Bulkley,  Grace,  viii.  263. 

Bull.  Capl.  ,  i.  B6. 

Hull,  Capl.  Jonathan,  it. 

Bull,  Lieiil,Tl.l74. 

Hull,  Henrje,  viii.  S&g. 

Bull,  Henry,  viii.  270. 

Bi>ll,Tboinai,  viii. 273. 

Bull'iGnrriaoD,vi  181. 

Buller,  Judge,  anecdote  of,  viii.  199. 

Bulitr.  Thomas,  i.  135. 

Bullivanl,  Benjamin,  i.  84  :  vii.  IflS. 

BulliM^k,  Edward,  viii,  261. 

Bullocbe,  Henry,  viii.  264. 

Butlocke,  Mary,  it. 

Bullocke,  Buian,  it. 

Bullocks,  Tbomw,  A. 

Ruli«l   1    a  II 


Ike,  Tbomw,  ik. 
il,J,ii.ll7 


«76 


General  Index. 


Bunbury,  Capt.,  t.  155, 156. 

Bundicke,  William,  Tiii.  253,254,855;  i. 
128. 

Bundocke,  William,  Tiii.  253;  x.  128. 

Bunker  Hill  Monument,  ii.  39. 

Burchard,  Ann,  viii.  272. 

Burchard,  Elizabeth,  tfr. 

Burchard,  Jo.,  ib. 

Burchard,  Mar^,  ib. 

Burchard,  Mane,  t6. 

Burchard,  Sara,  ib. 

Burchard,  Suzan,  ib. 

Burchard,  Thomas,  ib. 

Burd,  or  Bird,  Symon,  viii.  259. 

Burdet,  Rev.  Georj^e,  ii.  307. 

Burdin,  George,  viii.  267 ;  x.  130. 

Bureau, ,  L'A}n6,  ii.  60,  or  Bereaa, 

Cain6,  68. 

Burges,  James,  viii.  255. 

Burgess,  Col.,  i.  146. 

Burgess,  Rev.  Daniel,  v.  201. 

Burgoyne,  — — ,  i.  154. 

Burke  s  European  Settlements  in  Ameri- 
ca referred  to,  ix.  42,  211. 

Burkett,  Christopher,  i.  201. 

Buries,  Jo.,  viii.  270. 

Burnap,  George  W.,  iii.  185. 

Burnap,  Rev.  Dr.  Jacob,  ib. 

Burnap,  Horatio  G.,  ib. 

Burnet,  Bishop,  his  account  of  the  calam- 
ities that  preceded  and  followed  the  revo- 
cation of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  (firom  His- 
tory of  his  own  Time),  ii.  20- 23;  V.206. 

Burnham,  Stephen,  i.  156. 

Burnham,  Rev.  Abraham,  ii.  314. 

BurnifTe,  Monsieur,  i.  105, 107. 

Bums,  John,  ii.  297. 

Burr,  Isaac,  ii.  96. 

Burre,  Jonathan,  viii.  247. 

Burridge.    See  Bowditch. 

Burrill,  John,  iv.  290. 

Burrill,  Capt.,  v.  190,  191. 

Burrough,  Kev.  Dr.,  v.  293. 

Burrough,  Dr.,  v.  294. 

Burroughs,  William,  ii.  298. 

Burrow,  William,  viii.  ^9. 

Burt,  Rev.  Federal,  ii.  306 ;  iii.  188. 

Burt,  Ann,  viii.  266. 

Burt,  Edward,  ib. 

Burt,  Hugh,  viii.  266,  267. 

Burton's  Diary  quoted,  ii.  340-351. 

Bushell,  Ruth,  viii.  268 ;  x.  130. 

Bushnell,  John,  vii.  128. 

Bushnell,  Francis,  viii.  255. 

Bushnell,  Jo.,  ib. 

Bushnell,  Marie,  ib. 

Bushnell,  Martha,  ib. 

Busket,  James,  viii.  252. 

Butcher,  John,  ii.  60. 

Butler,  Mary,  i.  158. 

Butler,  Mrs.,  her  account  of  the  settlement 
of  Oxford,  ii.  77. 

Butler,  Elizabeth,  ii.  296. 

Butler,  Mary,  ib. 

Butler,  Rev.  Beojamin,  ii.  318. 


-,  ii.  336. 


Butler, 

Butler,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  iii.  217. 

Butler,  J.,  vii.  176. 

Butler,  John,  viii.  244. 

Butler,  Joice,  viii.  276. 

Butler,  Nicholas,  1*6. 

Butler,  Gyles,  viii.  319. 

Butterfield,  Samuel,  vi.  279. 

Buttolph,  Ann,  viii.  262. 

Buttolph,  Thomas,  ib. 

Button,  Capt.,  iii.  372. 

Buttrick,  William,  viii.  259. 

Buttry,  Grace,  viii.  270;  z.  130. 

Buttry,  Martha,  ib. 

Buttry,  Nico,  ib. 

Buxton,  John,  ii.  297. 

Buxton,  town  of,  ii.  276,  279. 

Byfield,  Moees,  vii.  219. 

By  ham,  Nathaniel,  viii.  267. 

Byles,  Rev.  Mather,  ii.  63, 272;  ▼.  230. 

Byles,  Henry,  vii.  258. 

Byley,  Henery,  x.  145. 

Byley,  Mary,  ib. 


C. 


Cabot,  Sebastian,  i.  231 ;  iii.  312, 355, 360, 
361,  363 ;  v.  64.  Portrait  of,  vii.  285. 
Memoir  of,  referred  to,  285,  299 ;  viii. 
123. 

Cabot,  John,  i.  231 ;  iii.  312,  361 ;  vu. 
299 ;  viii.  95. 

Cabot,  Hon.  George,  x.  189. 

Cadaraaui  River,  v.  66. 

Cadolick, ,  i.  82.    

Cadwallader,  Thomas,  i.  273. 

Cage,  Daniel,  vi.  130,  136. 

Ca^hnawaga  Indians,  v.  76,  78, 117. 

Cain6  Bereau,  ii.'60, 68. 

Cairnes,  Sir  Alexander,  i.  141. 

Calamita  della  Luce,  x.  16. 

Calamy,  Edmund,  iv.  30,  35, 159,  263;  v. 
199,  200.  His  account  of  ejected  min- 
isters quoted,  x.  148, 156, 1 60, 170.  Con- 
tinuation, &c.,  169. 

Caldwell,  Sir  John,  ▼.  300. 

Caleb,  Indian  magistrate  at  Mashpee,  i. 
150  151. 

Calef,' [Robert],  iii.  169. 

Calicott,  Richard,  iv.  98. 

California,  iii.  362. 

Call,  Jonathan,  Sen.,  iv.  289. 

Calle,  Bennett,  viii.  276. 

Culle,  Thomas,  ib. 

Calvin,  John,  i.  241 ;  ii.  2, 3,  5,  49. 

Calvo,  Antonio,  vi.  281. 

Cam,  Thomas,  viii.  131, 133. 

Cambridge,  iii.  93,  321.  Charch  at,  378: 
iv.  45,46,88,291. 

Cambronne,  Marshal,  ix.  8, 16. 

Camden's  ^'Remaines*'  quoted,  ii.  363. 

Cameron, ,  ii.  26. 

Cammook,  Capt.  Thomas^  iii.  216- S19. 

Campbel,  ■  >  ii.  65. 


General  Index. 


277 


.,  ii.73,7a 
,  ii.  76. 


Campbell, 

CampboH,  ReT. 

Caropbell,  Thomas  [Duncan  ?],  Tii.  GO. 

Campbell,  John,  poitmaster,  hit  memorial, 
vii.  60.  PeUtioo,  63-81.  Notices,  63, 
84. 

Campbell,  Duncan,  deputy-postmaster,  tu. 
55, 56,  57, 5a 

Campbell,  Lord,  Lives  .of  the  Lord  Chan- 
cellors, (quoted,  z.  198. 

Campe,  Nicholas,  Til.  124. 

Canada,  i.  109.  Expedition  to,  143.  Tak- 
en possession  or  by  Bir  David  Kirke, 
232;  iii.392;  v. 42, 66,85;  vi.214,215; 
viii.  334;  x.  119. 

Canada  River,  memorial  relating  to  French 
possessions  there,  i.  231.  Discovery  of, 
231. 

Canajoharie  Indians,  v.  25.  Complain  of 
encroachment,  36.  Sachems,  55,  56. 
Desire  to  have  a  church,  56. 

Canal,  first,  in  Massachusetts,  ii.  293. 

Canaries,  the,  discovered,  iii.  358.  Con- 
qoered,  359. 

Candeller,  »,  viii.  309. 

Candish,  or  Cavendish,  Capt.  Thomas,  iii. 
52,  367,  368. 

Candler,  John,  x.  148. 

Candler,  Matthias,  ib. 

Candler,  Nicholas,  ib, 

Candler,  Philip,  ib. 

Caner,  Rev.  Dr.,  v.  257. 

Canonicus,  i.  159, 161.  Gives  Chibaohu- 
wese  Island  to  Mr.  Oldham,  165, 166, 
170,  209,  210.  His  relations  and  chil- 
dren, 171,  210.  Sale  of  land  confirmed 
by  his  grandchildren,  213 ;  ix.  210. 

Canonicus  and  Mianmnnomu  desire  Roser 
Williams  to  dwell  near  them,  i.  164, 
165,  166,  170,  175.  Accused  by  the 
English  of  breach  of  league,  their  de- 
fence, 162-164. 

Cannassateego,  speech  of,  ▼.  83,  93, 98. 

Canso,  English  fishermen  said  to  have  been 
murdered  there  by  Indians,  v.  49. 

Canterbury,  N.  H.,  ministers  of^  ii.  322. 

Canton,  Peter,  ii.  60. 

Capawack  Island,  now  called  Martha's 
Vineyard,  iv.  76 ;  vi.  19, 58 ;  iii.  22, 316. 

Capeanawhagen,  iii.  347. 

Cape  Anne,  iii.  99,  323,  376;  vu.  254 ; 
viii.  180,  181. 

Cape  Ann  side,  vii.  250. 

Cape  Breton,  v.  49. 

Cape  Cod,  iii.  22 ;  iv.  43 ;  vi.  13, 106, 119, 
120;  viii.  74. 

Cape  de  Verd  Island  discovered,  iii.  359. 

CapeL,  Lord,  ix.  121. 

Capemanwagan,  viii.  169. 

Capen,  Deacon,  i.  118. 

Capen,  old  Capt.,  ib. 

Cape  Neddick  attacked  by  Indians,  vi. 

Cape  Nidduck  Fort  deserted,  vL  237. 
Cape-porpui|  iii.  347 ;  vi.  246;  viii.  165. 


Cape  Sables,  vi.  9G2. 

Canpel, ,  ii.  26. 

**  Captain  Pipe,"  Indian,  v.  145. 
'« Captain  Tom,"  Indian,  vi.  250. 

Car, ,  i.  237. 

Carboneer,  vi.  263. 

Cardale,  Rev.  George  C,  viii.  306. 

Carew,  Edmund,  ii.  339. 

Carew, ,  ii.  343. 

Carey, ,  i.  184. 

Carey, ,  v.  171. 

Carey, ,  v.  287. 

Carey,  Matthew,  v.  293,  297. 

Car^ill,  Capt.  James,  ix.  85. 

Caribee  Islands  discovered,  viii.  13,  14,17 

-24. 
Carleton,  Sir  Dudley,  ix.  47. 
Carlile,  Capt.,  iii.  52. 
Carlile,  Lord,  Governor  of  Jamaica,  x.  106. 
Carlisle,  Earl  of,  vi.  83. 
Carlton,  Asa,  ii.  297. 
Carmarthen,  Lord,  ii.  66. 
Carney,  Capt.,  v.  190. 
Carolina,  French  refugees  settle  there,  ii. 

34.    Purchase  lands,  35.    Intended  to 

have  been  settled  by  Admiral  Coligny, 

35;  vii.  227,228. 
Carolum,  And.,  ix.  73. 
Carpenter,  William,  i.  4. 
I  Carpenter,  Rev.  Ezra,  ii.  315,  317. 
Carpenter,  Thomazin,  viii.  f&9. 
Carpenter,  Thomas,  viii.  319. 
Carpenter,  Abiguel,  x.  145. 
Carpenter,  William,  ib, 
Carr,  Sir  Robert,  i.217.    Appointed  coai- 

missioner,  i.  219;    iii.  314,  391,  393; 

vii.  127. 
Carr,  Capt.,  v.  190. 
Carr,  Sir  Alexander,  v.  199. 
Carr,  Caleb,  viii.  263. 
Carr,  Robert,  ib, 
Carr,  Richard,  viii.  267. 
Carrier  employed   between  Boston    and 

Albany,  vii.  86. 
Carrier,  Goody,  i.  124. 
Carrier,  Thomas,  ib. 
Carrier,  Sarah,  i.  125. 
Carroll,  Charles,  of  Carrollton,  v.  109. 
Carry-one-about,  a  Wyandot  chief^    hii 

speech,  v.  142. 

Carter,  Rev. ,  iii.  380. 

Carter,  William,  iv.  30,  35, 154, 159. 

Carter,  Thomas,  viii.  247. 

Carter,  Martha,  viii.  254. 

Carter,  Thomas,  ib. 

Carter,  Hilary,  viii.  263. 

Carteret,  Sir  George,  x.  49,  52.    Letter 

from  Samuel  Willis  and  John  Winthrop, 

Jr.,  84.      _ 
Carteret,  Philip,  Gpvemor  of  New  Jersey, 

X.  49.    Letter  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr., 

51,  and  answer,  52. 
Carthier,  Jaques,  iii.  362. 
Cartier,  Janues,  viii.  121. 
Cartrack,  Mildred,  viii.  258. 


278 


OenercU  Index. 


Cartrack,  Sara,  viii.  258. 

Cartwright,  Col.  George,  appointed  com- 
missioner, i.219;  iii.  391,392;  Wi.  127. 

Cartwrigbt, ,  v.  80. 

Carver,  John,  Governor  of  Plymouth,  ii. 
266 ;  iii.  374. 

Carwithy, ,  ix.  292,  293,  295. 

Cary,  Rev.  Samuel,  v.  268. 

Cary,  Col.,  vii.241. 

Cary,  Mrs.,  vii.  261. 

Caryl,  Joseph,  iv.  100, 154,  159, 267. 

Casaubon, ,  ii.  17. 

Casco,  iii.  345.  Attacked  by  Indiana,  vi. 
210,  and  French,  216,  237, 248. 

Casco  Bay,  iu.  347,  vui.  169. 

Case,  Thomas,  iv.  30,  35. 

Cass,  Lewis,  v.  300 ;  ix.  117. 

Castares,  William,  ix.  66. 

Castine, ,  i.  105 ;  vi.  204. 

Castlereagh,  Lord,  ix.  3. 

Caswell,  Mary,  i'.  155. 

Caswell,  Professor,  v.  203. 

Cataroqui,  v.  85. 

Cate,  Samuel,  i.  156. 

Cat's  Eyes,  a  Shawanese  chief,  his  speech, 
T.  129. 

Catter,  Mary,  vi.  246. 

Cattle,  prices  of,  decreased,  iii.  385. 

Causasenamon,  ix.273. 

Cavagnee  and  Brequemant,  Huguenots,  ii. 
14,  16. 

Cavis,  Mary,  i.  156. 

Cazaniau, ,  ii.  60. 

Cazneau,  William  L.,  i.  275. 

Cecill, ,  i.  183. 

Cecill,  John,  ii.  346. 

Celebrations,  public,  note   respecting,  ii. 

o41. 

Central  America,  vi.  280. 

Cephas, ,  i.  157. 

Ceylon,  Dutch  mission  at,  vii.  200. 

"  dhain  of  Scripture  Chronology,"  Rev. 
Thomas  Allen  author  of,  viii.  317. 

Chais,  Rev. ,  ii.46. 

Challoung  [Challons],  Capt.  Henrjr,  sent 
to  New  Eneland,  vi.  51.  His  ship  tak- 
en by  the  Spaniards,  52,  53.  Or  Cha- 
lownes,  59. 

Chalmers,  George,  i.  290;  ix.  15. 

Chalmers,  James,  ix.  15. 

Chalmers, ,  ix.  28. 

Chamberlen,  Thomas,  i.  45. 

Chamberlin,  Benjamin,  ii.  74,  75. 

Chamberlin,  Eben,  ib. 

Chamberlin,  Joseph,  Uf. 

Chamberlin,  Joseph,  Jr.,  ib. 

Chamberlin,  Nathaniel,  ib. 

Chambers, ,  ii.  329. 

Chambers,  Edmund,  vi.  134. 

Chambers,  Charles,  yii.  69. 

Chambers,  Robert,  viii.  272. 

Chambers, ,  ix.  251. 

Chamble,  or  Cbambley,  ,  Governor 

of  Acadia,  prisoner  in  Bottpn,  i.  64. 

Chamier, ,  ii.  26, 48. 


Champante,  Henry,  x.  145. 

Champlain,  ,  iii.  370. 

Champney,  Oliver  W.,  i.  275. 

Champney,  Samuel,  it.  291. 

Chanca,  Dr  ,  viii.  41. 

Chancy, ,  x.  104. 

Chandler,  John,  i.  125. 

Chandler,  John,  Jr.,  ii.  74,  75. 

Chandler,  Joshua^  ib. 

Chandler,  John,  ii.  274. 

Chandler,  Samuel,  ii.  274,279. 

Chandler,  Rev.  Joshua^  ii.  318;  iii.  188. 

Chandler,  Thomas,  iv.  290. 

Chandler,  John,  ▼.  9. 

Chandler,  Seth,  v.  298. 

Chapdler,  PeJeg  W.,  ix.  304. 

Chandler's  History  of  the  Hoose  of  Com- 
mons quoted,  ii.  356,  357,  358. 

Channing,  Rev.  Henry,  iii.  405, 406 ;  vi. 
298. 

Channine,  Dr.,  t.  296. 

Chapin,  Rev.  Seth,  minister  of  Hillsbor- 
ough, i.  155. 

Chapin,  Rev.  Stephen,  minister  of  Hills- 
borough, i.  155;  iii.  185. 

Chapin,  Josiah,  iv.  290. 

Chapin,  Henry,  iv.  291. 

Chapin,  Gen.,  v.  115, 155. 

Chapin, ,  x.  171. 

Chaplaine,  Clement,  x.  168. 

Chaplaine,  Martha,  ib. 

Chaplaine,  Thomas,  ib. 

Chaplin,  Clement,  viii.  262. 

Chapman,  Robert,  iii.  136, 143, 159. 

Chapman,  J.  G.,  vii.  285. 

Chapman, ,  viii.  183, 184. 

Chapman,  Ralph,  viii.  258. 

Chappell,  George,  viii.  252. 

Chardon,  P.,  ii.  60, 67. 

Charges  for  diet  of  magistrates  and  oCheis 
in  1643,  i.  16-20. 

Charles!.,  i.51, 227,244;  iu. 34, 250,375, 
386;  vi.99;  viii.  243;  ix.  277, 281, 286, 
288 ;  X.  42. 

Charles  II.,  i.  51,52.  Proclaimed  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, 53.  His  letter  to  Massachu- 
setts in  relation  to  Robert  Mason's 
claim,  72.  Appoints  commiasioiiefB,219. 
Asserts  his  sovereignty  as  to  Narragan- 
set,  or  King's  Province,  223.  Grants  a 
commission  to  President  Joseph  Dud- 
ley, 227.  Character  of,  ii.  357 ;  iii.  313, 
3^,  369, 391 ;  vi.  194 ;  rii.  31.  H»  let- 
ter requiring  the  apprehension  of  Messrs. 
Whalley  and  Gofie,  vii.  123, 126;  viu. 
284 ;  ix.  26. 

Charles  IX.  of  France,  ii.  7.  Consents  im- 
willingly  to  the  massacre  on  St.  Bar- 
tholomew's day,  9.    His  death,  15. 

Charles  X.,  ii.  4o. 

Charles  the  Great,  iv.  60. 

Charles  River,  iu.  34,  320. 

Charles  River  on  the  coast  of  Floridft,rej 
resentation  of  adventurers  for 
ment  of  a  plantation  there,  i.  66. 


General  Index. 


279 


Cbarlestown,  Chnrch  affairs  of,  i.  948  - 1  Cheever,  Ezekiel,  r.  178. 
S64 ;  Tii.  297,  300.    Settlement  of,  iii.  Cheever,  ReT.  Amos,  ▼.  217. 


33,  320,  377 ;    it.  289.     Fortifications, 
viU.  333;  x.l04. 
Cbarlestown,  N.  H.,  Church,  iT.  29^1 
Charlevoix  (Nouvelle  France,  i.  35)  cited, 

ii.  7. 
Charlton.    See  Cbarlestown. 
Cbarnizay,  Mons.,  his  letter  to  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Council,  vii.  114.    Tbeir  an- 
swer, 116. 

Chamock,  Capt,  t.  215. 

Charon,  John,  ii.  9. 

Charter  of  New  England  nanted,  Nov.  3, 
1620,  vi.  65.  Warrant  for  drawing,  64. 
Exceptions  to,  65.  Called  for  bj  the 
House  of  Commons,  67;  and  presented 
as  one  of  the  public  grievances,  71.  Ter- 
ritories granted  by,  claimed  by  the  King 
of  France,  72.  Published  in  Hazard's 
Collections  (Vol.  I.  p.  103),  65. 

Charter  granted  to  Sir  Ferdiuando  Gorges, 
iii.  343,344. 

Charter  of  Massachusetts  enlarged  and 
confirmed,  vi.  BO.  Effect  of  transfer  of, 
ix.  203.  Reasons  against  relinouisliing, 
i.  74.  Quo  warranto  against,  76;  and 
judgment,  96;  ix.  221. 

CbarterofPivmouth  vacated,  i.  96;  iz.221. 

Charter  of  William  and  Ifiwy^  ordered  to 
be  drawn,  i.  119. 

Charter  of  the  Narraganset  Country,  i.212. 

Charter  of  Connecticut,  i.  96.  Letter  of 
Sir  E.  Andros  respecting,  vii.  165,  177. 

Charter  of  Rhode  Island  granted  by  Charles 
II.,  ix.  26.    Surrendered,  i.  96;  vii.  168. 

Charters  and  liberties  of  the  Colonies  of 
New  England  and  the  Jerseys,  petition 
for  restoration  of,  i.  120. 

Charters  of  Massachusetts  referred  to,  viii. 
238-242. 

Chase,  James,  ii.  208. 

Chase,  Rev.  Stephen,  ii.  303. 

Chasseloup,  P.,  li.  66. 

Chastaignier,  ii.  57. 

Chatham,  vii.  298. 

Chanbatick  Indians,  ix.  292. 

Chauncey,  Rev.  Charles,  D.  D.,  ii.  272 ;  v. 
177,262;  vii.  290. 

Chauncy,  Charles,  President  of  Harvard 
College,  iii.  95,  391 ;  vii.  6  ;  viii.  247, 
285,  316. 

Chauncy,  Sir  Henry,  viii.  316. 

Chaunis  Temoatam,  a  gold  mine  at,  viii. 
122. 

Chauve, ,  ii.  48. 

Chawum,  vi.  108^  orChawun,  119. 

Cheat  like  to  have  been  put  upon  Eng- 
land, iii.  389. 

Checkley,  Rev.  Samuel,  ii.  272. 

Checkley,  John,  v.  229. 

Cheesbroufh,  William,  ix.  268. 

Cheever,  Rev.  Samuel,  iii.  180;  ▼.  188, 
217. 

Cbeevtr,  R«v.  £beiMZ«r«  iii.  186. 


Cheever,  E.  W.,  vi.  299. 

Cheever,  James,  viii.  311. 

Chelmsford,  iv.  291 ;  vi.  183, 184,  277;  x. 

172. 
Chepien,  Indian  name  of  the  Devil,  it.  19. 
Cherokees,  v.  171,  172. 
Cherrall,  William,  viii.  271. 
Cherrall,  Ursula,  t^. 
Chesapeake  Ba^,  Sir  Thomas  Gates  ai^ 

rives  in,  vi.  54.    London  plantation  in, 

105. 
Chesawanoch  Island,  vii.  166. 
Chesbrouffh,  ,  x.  69. 

Chester  churches  and  ministers,  iii.  186; 

iv.  293. 
Chester,  Mrs.,  ix.  294. 
Chevalier, ,  ii.  57. 


Cheverue,  Rev.  John,  ii.  64. 

Cheyne,  Ch.,  vii.  138, 176. 

Chibachuwese  Island,  i.  165. 

Chicatabat,  iii.  318. 

Chickering,  Anne,  x.  159. 

Chicken ng,  Francis,  ih. 

Chickering,  Henry,  ib. 

Chickering,  Rev.  Joseph,  of  W*'obum,  ih, 

Chickering, ,  ii. 

Child, ,i.236. 

Child,  Ephraim,  i.  245. 

Child,  D.  L.,  iii.  407. 

Child,  Sir  Josiah,  letter  of  John  Higgin- 

son  to,  vii.  197. 
Child,  Dr.,  viii.  194. 
Child,  Robert,  viii.  247. 
Childe,  Major  John,  **  New  England*8  Jo- 
nas cast  up  at  London  "  published  by 
him,  answered  by  £.  Wiiislow,  ii.  IIU 
-145. 
Childe,  Dr.  Robert,  ii.  Ill ;  and  others, pe- 
tition and  remonstrance,  &c.,  116.   Cen- 
sured, &c.,  124,  125. 
Children  in  France  baptized  by  Protes- 
tants to  be  rebaptized  in  the  Roman 
Church,  ii.  37. 
Children  in  New  England,  great  mortality 

among,  iii.  386. 
Children  instructed,  v.  201. 
Children,  Indian,  accoupt  of  the  death  of^ 

iv.  259. 
Children  taken  by  Indians,  vi.  214. 
Children  of  Massachusetts  catechized,  riii. 

340. 
Chipman,  Rev.  ,  v.  223. 

Chippfield^  Edmond,  viii.  272. 
Chislejr,  Sir  Henr^,  Deputy-Governor  of 

Virginia,  x.  106. 
Chissell,  Walter,  vi.  130, 136. 
Chittingden,  Hen.,  viii.  260. 
Chittingden,  Isaac,  ib. 
Chittingden,  Rebecca,  ib. 
Chittingden,  Tho.,  ib. 
Chittwood,  Marie,  viii.  253;  x.  128. 
Chivers.    See  Cheever. 


Cboat, 


i.943. 


280 


General  Index. 


Choate,  Benjamin,  iii.  186. 

Choate,  ,  ib. 

Choate,  Hon.  Rufbt,  ▼.  299. 

Choppine,  Tollcniach,  x.  155. 

Cbrutian  Commonwealth,  by  Rev.  John 
Eliot,  ix.  127-164;  viii.  2^5. 

Cbrialian  Examiner  referred  to,  r.  285. 

**  Christian  in  Complete  Armour,"  a  pop- 
ular work,  X.  15o. 

Christian  Observer  referred  to,  ii.  43. 

Cbriatmas  Day,  observation  o^  forbidden, 
ii.  340,  341,  346. 

Chronological  Observations  of  America 
from  A.  M.  3720  to  A.  D.  1673,  iii.  355. 

Chub,  Capt.,  vi.  238,  239, 244. 

Cfaudleigh,  T.,  vii.  176. 

Church,  Maj.  Benjamin,  his  letter  to  the 
Governor  and  Council,  i.  91.  Engage- 
ment with  the  Indians,  92 ;  vi.  179, 188, 
189,190,224,231,253,255,257. 

Church,  Caleb,  ii.  31. 

Church, ,  iL  346. 

Church,  Rev.  John  H.,  D.  D.,  ii.  320. 

Church,  Capt.,  of  Freetown,  v.  190. 

Church,  John,  vi.  238. 

Church,  Capt.  Constant,  vi.  255. 

Church,  Capt.  Edward,  ib. 

Church,  Benjamin,  vii.  172. 

Church  of  Plymouth,  iii.  376. 

Church,  first  in  Massachusetts,  gathered  at 
Salem,  iii.  376. 

Church  formed  in  Boston,  v.  215. 

Church  in  Boston  enjoined  by  the  county 
court  not  to  proceed  in  the  settlement 
of  a  minister,  i.  46. 

Church  of  Wobum,  petition  of  several 
members  of,  to  the  General  Court,  i.  38. 

Church  of  French  Huguenots  at  Oxford, 
Mass.,  ii.  32.  At  Boston,  ib.  New 
York,  34,  64. 

Church,  new  Congregational,  formed  in 
Boston,  ii.  63. 

Church  of  England,  committee  to  ask  con- 
tribution to,  i.  84. 

Church  government  and  churches,  '*  cer- 
tain Queries  about,"  iii.  110. 

**  Church  government,  and  administrations 
in  the  Bay  of  the  Mattachusets,"  iii.  63, 
330. 

Church  government,  advice  concerning, 
ix.  260. 

Church  government  in  New  England,  viii. 
286. 

Church  of  New  England,  answer  of  El- 
ders, viii.  285. 

Church  members  and  their  children,  dis- 
sertation concerning,  viii.  294. 

Churches,  Congregational,  opposed  to 
kinffly  government,  i.  181. 

Churches  in  New  England,  increase  of, 
iii.  317,  326, 376. 

Churches  of  Christ  in  New  England,  Cot- 
ton's Way  of  the,  viii.  286. 

Churches  and  ministers  in  New  Hamp- 
shire, i.  153 ;  ii.  299  s  iii- 183  s  iv.  SOi 


Churches,  French  Refbmed,  ii.  4.  Emi- 
nent divines  of,  26.  Account  of,  by 
Rev.  A.  Holmes,  D.O.,  i.  1-83. 

Churches,  French  and  Dutch,  ii.  48. 

Chute,  Chalontir,  ii.  351. 

Cicero,  "  De  Senectute,"  qaoted,  z.  198. 

Cilley,  Col.  Cutting,  ii.  297. 

Cilley,  Major-General  Joseph,  ii.  297. 

Circumcision  among  the  Indians,  ir.  198. 

Civil  War  in  England,  account  of,  i.  186. 

Claiboume,  William,  ii.  339. 

Clap,  Elisha,  i.  287, 292, 894 ;  ix.  170. 

Clap,  Samuel,  iv.  2ti9. 

Clap,  Peter,  vui.  301. 

Clap, ,  viii.  306. 

Clap;  Philip,  ib. 

Clapier,  Lewis,  i.  273. 

Clarendon,  Lord,  i.  53;  ii.  354;  iz.  180. 

Clarendon,  Elarl  of,  ii.  330 ;  and  others, 
coast  of  Florida  ^nted  to,  i.  55. 

Clark,  John,  physician,  i.  34 ;  vii.  267 ;  x. 
102. 

Clark,  John,  agent,  procures  the  charter 
of  Rhode  Island,  i.  34;  viii.  281);  ix.  96 
-28,288. 

Clark,  Dorcas,  i.  157. 

Clark,  Elder,  iii.  96. 

Clark,  Rev.  Samuel  W.,  iii.  187. 

Clark,  Capt.,  iii.  213. 

Clark,  Rev.  John,  of  Exeter,  iv.  295. 

Clark,  General,  v.  147, 1^  165. 

Clark,  Lieut.,  vi.  216. 

Clark,  M.,  vi.298. 

Clark,  Nathaniel,  vii.  167. 

Clark,  Mrs.  Elizabeth,  vii.  259. 

Clark,  Mary,  vii.  295. 

Clark,  Svcillie,  viii.  255. 

Clark,  Mary,  viii.  272. 

Clark,  Dnniel,  x.  67. 

Clarke,  Thomas,  i.  45. 

Clarke,  Walter,  his  letter  to  £.  Randolph, 
i.  81 ;  vii.  165, 167, 168. 

Clarke,  Rev.  Dr.  John,  i.  287 ;  vii.  290 ; 
X.  206. 

Clarke,  James,  i.290. 

Clarke,  Dr.  Samuel,  v.  260. 

Clarke,  Rev.  James  F.,  v.  270. 

Clarke,  John,  of  Boston,  vii.  50, 69, 171. 

Clarke,  Capt. ,  ix.  278,  286. 

Clarke,  John,  ix.  291,  293. 

Clarke,  Capt.,  x.  42. 

Clarke,  Samuel,  x.  88. 

Clarke,  Widow,  x.  102. 

Clarkson,  Laurence,  ii.  334. 

Clarkson, ,  ix.  10,  38,  39. 

Clary,  Rev.  Joseph  W.,  ii.  307,  309;  iii. 
18d. 

Claude,  M.,  a  distinguished  defender  of 
the  Reformed  Church,  wrote  a  ^De- 
fence of  the  Reformation,"  ii.  26.  His 
account  of  cruel  treatment  of  the  ProC- 
estanu,  27,  47,  49. 

Clay,  Hon.  Henry,  vii.  26. 

**  Clear  Sun-shine  of  the  Gospel  braaking 
forth  upon  the  Indians  in  Now-Eug^ 


General  Index. 


281 


land,"  by  Rer.  Thomas  Sbepard,  If. 
25  -  67 ;  ▼iii.  5»7. 

Cleark,  Thurston,  x.  143. 

Clearke,  John,  x.  141. 

Clearke,  Fayth,  x.  144. 

Clement,  Augustine,  viii.  319. 

Clements,  Thomas,  his  house  burnt  by  the 
Indians,  i.  70. 

Clements,  Henry,  vii.  79. 

Clerc,  Thomas,  x.  141. 

Clereland,  Duke  of,  viii.  311. 

eleven,  Joan,  viii.  272. 

Clien,  Capt  Hans  Peter,  of  Denmark, 
wrecked  on  Cohasset  rocks,  ii.  104, 1(^. 

Clifford,  Marie,  viii.  259. 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  Governor,  i.  290.  His 
Address  before  the  American  Bible  So- 
ciety referred  to,  ii.54. 

Clinton, ,  v.  19,  21. 

Clinton,  Governor,  v.  37,  43. 

Clopton,  Teomasing,  viii.  296,  297. 

Clopton,  William,  viii.  296. 

Clopton,  Walter,  x.  165. 

Cloptons,  residence  of^  x.  155. 

Close,  Deacon ,  iii.  189. 

Cloufe,  Richard,  vii.  246. 

Cloyes,  Peter,  iii.  171, 172, 175, 176. 

Cluffe,  Jo.,  viii.  257. 

Cobb,  Lois,  V.  256. 

Cobbet,  Josias,  viii.  262. 

Cobbett,  Rev.  Thomas,  iii.  93;  vii.  258. 
Answers  a  pamphlet  called  **I11  News 
from  New  England/'  viii.  293. 

Cobbett,  James,  viii.  262. 

Cocheca,  or  Cochecho,  attacked  by  In- 
dians, i.  87,  88;  vi.  254. 

Cochran,  Jennet,  ii.  297. 

Cocommithus,  iii.  139. 

Coconas,  ii.  16. 

Coddington, William,!.  169,173,245;  iii. 
97, 138 ;  ix.  259,  260,  271,278,280,283, 
294.  Governor  of  Rhode  Island,  his 
letter  to  Gov.  Leverctt,  x.  106. 

Codman,  Rev.  Dr.  John,  v.  292, 299;  ri. 
297;  vii.  294. 

Codman,  Stephen,  vi.  298. 

Coe,  Rev.  Curtis,  ii.  306. 

Coe,  Jane,  viii.  259. 

Coffin, ,  i.  87. 

Coffin,  Hon.  Pele^,  i.  287;  vii.  17. 

Coffin,  Admiral  Sir  Isaac,  i.  290. 

Coffin,  Rev.  Peter,  ii.  312. 

Coffin,  Joehua,  ii.  366;  iii.  406,  408;  ri. 
299. 

Cogawesco,  Indian  sagamore,  viii.  171,174. 

CoggeshaJl,  Maj.  John,  i.  227. 

Coggeshall,  John,  vii.  165, 167. 

Cogseshall,  William,  vii.  170. 

Coghen,  Mrs.,  x.  45. 

Cogswell,  Rev.  Dr.  William,  vii.  5,  292, 
S)3,294. 

Cohannet,  alias  Taunton,  Church,  iii.  95. 

Cohannet  Indians,  iv.  270. 

Cohasset,  Massachusetts,  history  of,  ii.  84. 
Settlers  named,  85.    House  of  worship, 

VOL.    X.  36 


86.  Church  organized,  87.  Admif 
sions,  baptisms,  marriages,  and  deaths, 
69,  98.  Incorporated,  97.  Graduates^ 
98.  Description  of,  99.  Surfnce  and 
soil,  100.  Agriculture  and  produce,  101. 
Navigation  and  fisheries,  102.  Danish 
ship  wrecked  there,  104.  Village,  106. 
Climate  and  diseases,  107.  Manu&c- 
tures  and  trade,  ib.  Curiosities,  ib.  Ed- 
ucation, houses,  and  population,  108. 
Roads  and  bridges,  109. 

Cohasset  Rocks,  advice  to  mariners  con- 
cerning, ii.  103. 

Coins,  old  American,  account  of,  vii.  282. 

Coke, ,  ii.  342,  344. 

Coke, ,  viii.  170. 

Coke,  Jo.,  viii.  267. 

Coke,  Sir  Edward,  ix.  182;  x.  160. 

Colbert, ,  ii.  46. 

Colborn,  Mrs.,  dies,  x.  97. 

Colbron,  William,  viii.  270. 

Colburn,  Mehitabel,  ii.  297. 

Colburn,  Edward,  viii.  270. 

Colburne,  Robert,  ib. 

Colby,  Rev.  Zaccheus,  ii.  314. 

Colby,  Samuel,  iv.  290. 

Colcord,  Ebenezer,  ii.  297. 

Colden,  Cadwallader,  v.  6. 

Cole, ,  i.  35. 

Cole, ,  of  N.  Kingston,  vi.  201. 

Cole,  Thomas,  and  wife,  killed  by  the  In- 
dians, vi.  239. 

Cole, ,  vi.  255. 

Cole, ,  vii.  289. 

Cole,  Clement,  viii.  259. 

Cole,  Isaac,  viii.  275. 

Cole,  Joan,  ib. 

Cole,  John,  viii.  301. 

Cole, ,  viU.  309. 

Cole, ,  ix.  226. 

Coleman,  Joseph,  viii.  276. 

ColejHmer,  William,  viii.  274. 

Coleridge  quoted,  v.  284. 

Colet,  Elisa,  viii.  271. 

Coligny,  Admiral,  petitions  in  behalf  of 
the  Calvinists  of  Normandy,  the  first 
nobleman  in  France  who  dared  to  pro- 
fess himself  a  Protestant,  ii.  6.  At- 
tempts to  settle  a  colony  of  French  Prot- 
estants in  America,  ib.  Sends  a  colony 
to  Florida,  (see  Hakluyt*s  Voyages,  III. 
308-362,)  who  are  principally  roasn- 
cred,  7.  He  and  his  son-in-law  massa- 
cred, 10,  II.  His  death  approved  of  by 
the  Pope,  13, 14, 16,  35, 44. 

Coller,  Oliver,  ii.  74, 75i 

Coller,  John,  ii.  75. 

Col  let,  Matthew,  vii.  200.  Letters  of  Rey. 
John  Higginson  and  his  son  to,  201,200; 
204,211,214,216. 

Collier,  William,  iii.  378 ;  ix.  199. 

Collins,  Rev.  Samuel,  ii.  321 ;  iii.  189. 

Collins,  Henry,  viii.  267. 

Collins,  Ann,  ib, 

Collins,  John,  ib. 


282 


General  Index. 


Collins,  Margerj,  viii.  267. 

Collins's  Cove,  ▼u.  254. 

Colman,  Rev.  Benjamin,  ii.  272;  t.  189, 
196. 

Colman,  Rev.  Ebenezer,  iii.  188. 

Colman,  Thomas,  viii.  319. 

Colmer,  Benedict,  viii.  300. 

Colonial  Officers  confirmed  bj  Sir  E.  An- 
dros,  vii.  164. 

Colonies,  union  of,  proposed  in  1754,  t.  5 
-52. 

Colony,  definition  of,  iii.  313. 

Colt,  Roswell  L.,  i.  273. 

Columbus,  iii.  52,  355,  360-362;  vi.l06; 
vii.  285,  299;  viii.  1.  His  voyages  and 
discoveries,  viii.   5-68. 

Comets,  iii.  245-247,  358,  373,  387,  392. 

Commercial  orders  to  Gov.  Andros,  vii. 
174. 

Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  iii. 
151;  209.  Instructions  to  Josiah  Wins- 
low,  i.  66 ;  ix.  199,  269,  272,  273,  290  ; 
X.  83, 182. 

Commissioners  sent  to  New  England  by 
Charles  II.,  iii.  313,  391.  Extract  from 
their  instructions,  vii.  127.  Their  acts 
and  orders  in  relation  to  difi^erence  con- 
cerning title  to  Narraganset  lands,  i.217 
-222. 

Commissioners  appointed  by  Charles  II. 
to  examine  as  to  the  title  of  the  King 
and  others  to  the  King^l  Province  or 
Narraganset  country,  i.  226,  227. 

Commissioners  firom  several  Colonies  meet 
in  Albany  in  1754,  Journal  of  their  pro- 
ceedings, V.  5-70. 

Commissioners  of  Indian  affairs,  1754,  t. 
23. 

Commissioners,  appointed  by  the  Conti- 
tinental  Congress  to  treat  with  Indians, 
meet  in  Philadelphia,  1775,  y.  75. 

Commissioners  appointed  to  treat  with  the 
Indians,  vi.  237,  245. 

Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions,  iii. 
406. 

Committee  of  Safety,  yote  of,  vii.  89. 

Commock, ,  viii.  344. 

Common  Prayer,  Book  of,  prohibited  in 
Massachusetts^  iii.  376. 

Commons,  House  of,  yote  the  taking  away 
of  the  charters  of  New  England  to  be 
illegal,  i.  121.  Resolves  relating  to 
post-offices,  vii.  72. 

Commonwealth  notions  in  New  England 
complained  of,  vii.  229. 

Commonwealth  of  England,  seal  of,  ii. 
332. 

Como,  Francis,  ii.  297. 

Compe,  George,  x.  171. 

Conanasset.     See  Cohasset. 

Conant,  Roger,  vii.  250.  His  petition  to 
the  General  Court,  252, 253,  io4.  Dies, 
255,260;  viii.  306. 

Conant,  Lot,  vii.  253,  256. 

Conant,  John,  vii.  253. 


Conant,  Exercise,  vii.  253, 256, 267,  268. 

Conant,  Roger,  Jr.,  vii.  254. 

Conant,  Sarah,  vii.  256. 

Conant, ,  viii.  306. 

Conant,  William,  ib. 

Conant,  Capt.,  x.  8. 

Concord,  Massachusetts,  iii.  22S,  Church 
at,  79 ;  iv.  38,  40,  88,  291 ;  vi.  14, 184. 

Concord,  New  Hanipshire,  its  churches 
and  ministers,  i.  1^ ;  iii.  186 ;  iv.  293. 

Cond6,  Prince  of,  ii.  9. 

Conegocheague  Creek,  v.  102. 

Coney,  John,  deposition  of^  vii.  128. 

Confederacy  of  Plymouth,  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  and  New  Haven,  in  1643, 
iii.  384  ;  ix.  189,  215 ;  x.  56. 

Confederacy,  North  American,  1774,  ix. 
219,  220. 

Congregational  Ministers  called  Bishops, 
V.  245. 

Congress  at  Albany  in  1754,  Journal  of^  v. 
5-74. 

Congress  of  the  United  States,  ii.  367 ;  iii. 
406 ;  v.  291,  294,  296. 

Conjunction  of  Mercury  with  the  Sun, 
Oct.  25, 1664,  X.  47. 

Conjunction  of  Venus  with  the  Moon, 
1668,  X.  71. 

Connecticut,  i.  20,  70, 71, 92 ;  iii.  137,379, 
384;  ix.  121,  183,  199,  204,  205,  213. 
Charter  granted  in  1662,  i.  95.  Char- 
ter privileges  violently  taken  away  in 
1686,  96.  Opinion  of  Solicitor-General 
respecting  the  charter,  119,  217,  218. 
Letter  of  condolence  of  representatives 
to  Gov.  J.  Talcott  on  the  death  of  bis 
wife,  246.  His  answer,  248.  Church- 
es, iii.  97.  Assembly,  v.  7.  Send  com- 
missioners to  Albany,  12.  By  its  char- 
ter, extends  to  the  South  Sea,  64.  And 
Gov.Penn,  land  in  dispute  between,  100. 
Send  soldiers  against  the  Pequots,  vi. 
11.  Settled,  157.  Send  forces  to  defend 
Say  brook  Fort,  159.  Send  soldiers 
against  the  Indians,  179,  187.  Refuse 
to  be  subject  to  Sir  £.  Andros,  205. 
Writ  of  Quo  toarranto  served  on,  vii. 
154,  177.  Sir  £.  Andros  authorized 
to  receive  surrender  of  charter,  164. 
His  letter  respecting  its  surrender,  165, 
177,  240.  Refuses  to  engage  in  war 
against  the  Indians,  244.  Governor  and 
Council  of,  letter  to  Gov.  Bellingham,  x. 
63.  Letter  from  Governor  and  Council 
of  Rhode  Island,  82.  Answer,  83.  Let- 
ter from  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  Governor 
and  Council,  89.  Forces  raised  by,  to 
defend  Long  Island,  91.  Letter  to  Ma- 
jor Fitz-John  Winthrop,  95.  Send  to 
Massachusetts  for  a  man-of-war,  95, 101. 
Two  men-of-war  sent  to,  by  Massachu- 
setts, X.  100, 101, 174. 

Connecticut  River,  i.  86.    Description  of 
towns  upon,  iii.  315, 379;  v.  49, 65;  vi.lS. 

Conohasset,  Indian  name  of  Cohasset,  ii. 


General  Index. 


283 


85.  Rivulet,  ancient  boundary  between 
Massachusetts  and  Plymouth,  101. 

Conspiracy  of  Miantunnomoh  and  other 
Indian  sachems  in  1642,  iii.  161. 

Constable,  Sir  William,  x.  13. 

Constantine,  Emperor,  ix.  200. 

Consumption  Bay,  vi.  263. 

Contraband  tra^  with  the  French,  vi. 
276. 

Contribution  for  relief  of  French  Protes- 
tants, ii.62. 

Controversy  between  Massachusetts  and 
Mason  and  Gorges  respecting  the  gov- 
ernment of  Maine,  viii.  238. 

Convention  of  Delegates  in  Salem,  1643, 
viii.  203. 

Convers,  James,  i.  44. 

Convers,  Aliin,  t^. 

Convers,  Josiah,  ib. 

Convers,  James,  iv.  290. 

Convers,  Capt.,  vi.  224, 226  -  228.  Major, 
232, 233,  237,  245,  246. 

Converse,  James,  vii.  65. 

Conway,  Indian  sfl^more,  riii.  173, 174. 

Cony,  Thomas,  viii.  343. 

Cooe,  Robert,  x.  143,  144. 

Cooe,  Anna,  x.  143. 

Cooe,  John,  x.  144. 

Cooe,  Benjamin,  ib. 

Cook, ,  i.  236. 

Cook,  Aaron,  iv.  291. 

Cook,  A.,  Jr.,  ib. 

Cook,  Capt.,  Y.  190;  vi.255. 

Cooke,  Capt.  George,  i.  20 ;  vii.  108 ;  viii. 
268,273. 

Cooke,  Capt.  John,  i.  87. 

Cooke,  Elisha,  i.  120;  ix.  124,  125;  x. 
120. 

Cooke,  Joseph,  viii.  268,  273. 

Cooke,  Sir  John,  Secretary,  letter  to  him 
from  Thomas  Wiggin,  viii.  322;  from 
Em.  Downinge,  3^. 

Cooke,  Elisha,  Jr.,  ix.  124, 125. 

Cooke,  Mary,  ix.  125. 

Cooke,  Midalecott,  ib. 

Coolidge,  Joseph,  Jr.,  i.  287. 

Coolidge,  Joseph,  ii.  79;  v.  295. 

Cooman,  Walter,  ix.  64. 

Cooper,  Rev.  William,  ii.  272. 

Cooper,  Sir  Anthony  A.,  ii.  343. 

Cooper,  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel,  v.  230;  vii. 
290 ;  viii.  278. 

Cooper,  David,  vi.  130. 

Cooper,  Capt.  Michael,  vi.  132. 

Cooper,  Daniel,  vi.  136. 

Cooper,  John,  vii.  244,  245. 

Cooper,  Thomas,  viii.  252. 

Cooper,  Mary,  viii.  253. 

Cooper,  John,  ib. 

Cooper,  Thomas,  ib. 

Cooper,  Martha,  ib. 

Cooper,  Wibroc,  ib. 

Cooper,  Capt.  Roger,  viii.  256-259,  262, 
263,  264. 

Cooper,  Elizabeth,  viii.  257. 


Cooper,  Peter,  viii.  258. 

Cooper,  Capt.  William,  viu.  262, 319. 

Cooper,  ,  viii.  309. 

Cooper,  Thomas,  x.  88. 

Coos,  V.  49,  65, 66. 

Cope,  Maria,  viii.  255. 

Cope,  William,  viii.  267. 

Cope,  Richard,  t6. 

Cope,  Thomas,  x.  138. 

Copley, ,  vii.  289,  290. 

Copor  [Cooper?!,  ,  x.  88. 

Coppard,  Rev.  William  I.,  viii.  305. 

Copper  mine,  viii.  91,  96. 

Coram, ,  i.  142. 

Corbet,  Dr.,  i.  238. 

Corbin,  John,  ix.  263. 

Cordell,  Robert,  viii.  259. 

Cordes, ,  ii.  57. 

Corfield,  William,  vii.  247. 

Corlet,  Elijah,  viii.  250. 

Corlet,  Henry,  ib. 

Corn  and  wheat  very  dear,  ix.  288. 

Combury,  Lord,  Governor  of  New  York, 
ii.  330;  vii.  231,  239,  240,  241. 

Cornclist,  John,  vii.  178. 

Corning,  Samuel,  vii.  256,  260.  Senior, 
268. 

Corning,  Elizabeth,  vii.  256. 

Corn-pfanter,  the,  Indian  chief,  v.  159. 

Cornwallis, ,  i.  154. 

Corporation  for  promoting  the  Gospel 
among  the  Indians,  letters  of  Rev.  Jotin 
Eliot  and  others  to,  iv.  165-195,  201, 
287 ;  X.  110. 

Corrington,  John,  viii.  260 ;  x.  129. 

Corrinston,  Mary,  ib. 

Corte  de  March,  Monsieur,  i.  105. 

Corteriaglis,  Jasper,  iii.  361. 

Cort6s,  iii.  52.     Portrait  of,  vii.  285. 

Corwin,  John,  iv.  289. 

Corwin,  Jonathan,  x.  121. 

Cory,  Martha,  vii.  262. 

Cosattuck,  Indians  to  be  removed  from, 
X.  64,  67. 

Cotta,  John,  vii.  205. 

Cottington.     See  Coddington. 

Cotton- wools,  i.  25. 

Cotton,  Rev.  John,  of  Boston,  i.  46,  79, 
148,  231;  ii.  113,  126,  147,  244,  300, 
301,  310,  314  ;  iii.  69,  93, 187,  226,  378, 
385,  387  ;  iv.  137,  173;  viii.  192,  204- 
207,  210,  246,  247,  286,  288,  343,  344 ; 
ix.  121, 267  ;  x.  166.  Life  of,  by  Rev. 
John  Davenport,  referred  to,  viii.  192. 
Life  and  death  of,  by  Rev.  John  Nor^ 
ton,  294. 

Cotton,  Rev.  John,  of  Plymouth,  his  let- 
ter to  Rev.  Rowland  Cfotton,  i.  117;  ii. 
147,  254,  300, 301, 310. 

Cotton,  Rev.  Rowland,  letter  to,  i.ll7;  ii. 
300. 

Cotton,  Rev.  Josiah,  ii.  94. 

Cotton,  Rev.  Ward,  ii.  94,  300;  iii.  187, 
189. 

Cotton,  RoAsiter,  ii.  147. 


284 


General  Index. 


Cotton,  Hon.  Josiah,  notice  of,  ii.  147. 
His  Vocabulary  of  Massachnsetts  (or 
Natick)  Indian  Language,  155-247. 
Sermon  in  the  Indian  language,  249. 

Cotton,  Elizabeth,  ii.  300. 

Cotton,  Rev.  Seaborn,  ii.  300;  iii.  187. 

Cotton,  Rev.  John,  of  Hampton,  ii.  300. 

Cotton,  Rev.  Theophilus,  ii.  301. 

Cotton,  Rev.  Josiah,  of  Sandown,  ii.  321; 
iii.  189. 

Cotton,  Sarah,  iii.  187. 

Cotton,  Rey.  John,  of  Yarmouth,  r.  188, 
189. 

Cottons,  the,  vii.  22.  ' 

Council  established  at  Plymouth  in  the 
County  of  Devon,  warrant  for  drawing 
the  charter  of,  vi.  64.  Make  grants  to 
John  Pierce  in  trust,  and  to  William 
Bradford  and  his  associates,  73 ;  to  Rob- 
ert Gorges,  75;  viii.  161.  Charter  sur- 
rendered, vi.  83. 

Council  held  at  Newtown  in  relation  to 
Mrs.  Hutchinson's  opinions,  iii.  380. 

Council  of  Connecticut,  letter  of  J.  Win- 
throp,  Jr.,  to,  x.  89. 

Council,  first  meeting  of^  under  Andros, 
vii.  164. 

Council,  Ecclesiastical,  v.  223,  224,  225, 
226,  227.  At  Dover,  iii.  106.  Green's 
Harbour,  ib.     New  Taunton,  107. 

Counties,  Massachusetts  Colony  divided 
into  four,  iii.  325 ;  viii.  333. 

County  Courts,  viii.  333. 

Courser,  William,  viii.  263. 

Court  of  Assistants  in  Plymouth,  the  only 
judicial  court  in  the  Colony  except  Se- 
lectmen, ii.  267. 

Courtenay,  Edward,  viii.  302. 

Courtis,  Zaccheus,  viii.  320. 

Courts  in  Massachusetts,  iii.  83. 

Courts  of  Justice,  judgments  and  proceed- 
ings in,  to  be  in  English,  ii.  33o. 

Courts  to  be  kept  by  the  Indians,  iv.  48. 

Cousins,  Dr.,  i.  244. 

Coussens,  George,  viii.  319. 

Couterier, ,  ii.  57. 

Couthoy,  Joseph  J.,  vii.  292. 

Covell,  Cesara,  viii.  266;  x.  130. 

Covenant  of  Indian  Church  at  Martha's 
Vineyard,  iv.  207. 

Covenant  of  works  and  grace,  difference 
of  opinion  concerning  tnem,  viii.  291. 

Covenant  renewed  at  Plyraouth,  vi.  187. 

Cowassuck,  Indians  killed  at,  vi.  257. 

Cow  Island,  vi.  243. 

Cowley's  Works,  v.  180. 

Cowper,  Mary,  x.  170. 

Cows  in  Boston  in  1742,  i.  152. 

Coxe,  Daniel  W.,  i.  2r3. 

Coytemore, ,  x.  171. 

Crndock,  Matthew,  his  plantation,  iii.  322, 
326,  327.  First  Governor  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Company  in  England,  viii.  201, 
269,324. 

Cradcxsk,  Isabel,  ykii.  255. 


Craig,  Major,  y.  172. 

Cram,  Rev.  Jacob,  of  Hopkinton,  i.  153. 

Cranch,  Richard,  v.  262. 

Crandail,  John,  viii.  293  ;  ix.  291. 

Crane,  Jasper,  vii.  124  ;  x.  84. 

Crane, ,  x.  33. 

Crane,  Margaret,  x.  165. 

Crane,  Robert,  A. 

Cranfield,  Edward,  and  others,  commis- 
sioners, i.  226. 

Cranson,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

Crantzius  quoted,  iv.  60. 

Craven,  Lord,  x.  38. 

Crawley,  John,  viii.  307. 

Creek  Indians,  causes  of  hostilities  with, 
y.  169,  172. 

Crepoa,  Capt.  James,  vi.  275. 

Cressou,  Tnomas,  ii.  296. 

Cressy,  Jonathan,  ii.  297. 

Cribb,  John,  viii.  252;  x.  127. 

Crisp,  Richard,  vii.  50, 157. 

Crispe,  Henry,  viii.  274. 

Crocket,  Edward,  vii.  178. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  i.  181, 182, 183;  ii.332, 
seq.,  350,  352,  354  ;  iii.  387,  388  ;  iv. 
190,  212,  294  ;  viii.  251,  293;  ix.  180, 
277,  281,  292;  x.  2,  16,  19,  26,  27,  40. 
Interesting  account  of,  and  of  afi*air9  in 
England  from  the  commencement  of  the 
Civil  War  until  1659,  i.  185-198.  His 
death,  i.  192.  And  character,  193.  Is 
succeeded  by  his  eldest  son  Richard,  ti. 
Order  respecting  forts  taken  from  the 
French,  vii.  122.  Fac-simile  of  his  au- 
tograph, ib. 

Cromwell,  Richard,  ii.  351 ;  iii.  388,  389 ; 
X.  26. 

Cromwell,  Capt.  Thomas,  iii.  385. 

Cromwell,  Capt.,  iv.  128. 

Cromwell,  Henry,  x.  26. 

Crosby,  Sarah,  ii.  298. 

Crosby,  Joseph,  iv.  290. 

Crosby,  Simon,  ib. 

Crosby,  Simon,  viii.  260. 

Crosby,  Ann,  ib. 

Crosby,  Thomas,  ib. 

Cross,  Rev.  Abijah,  iii.  185. 

Crosse,  Henry,  viii.  261 ;  x.  129. 

Crosse,  John,  x.  141. 

Crosse,  Anne,  ib. 

Croswell,  Rev.  Andrew,  ii.  63,  64. 

Crowne,  Col.,  vii.  120. 

Crowninshield,  Benjamin  W.,  i.  273. 

Crown  Point,  v.  65,  85. 

Crowley,  Ro.,  viii.  259. 

Crowther, ,  ix.  266. 

Croy, ,  ii.  26. 

Crystil  Hill,  or  White  Hill,  viii.  168. 

Cuddrington,  Christopher,  x.  77. 

Cud  worth,  James,  Lieut.-Govemor  of  Ply- 
mouth, ii.  266. 

Cumberland,  Earl  of,  iii.  52,  370. 

Cumberland,  Duke  of,  y.  231. 

Cummings,  Isaac,  vii.  151. 

CummingB,  Rev.  Jacob,  ii.  307. 


General  Index. 


285 


Cunningham,  Cant.,  ▼.  190. 

Cure,  Jolly,  i.  82. 

Currency,  American,  in  1703,  vii.  226. 

Currier,  Mary,  ii.  21>6. 

Curtes,  or  Cortes,  iii.  52. 

Curtis,  Rev.  Jonathan,  ii.  322;  iii.  189. 

Curtis,  Thomas  B.,  ▼.  295. 

Curwen  [Jonathan],  vii.  261. 

Curwin,  tie  v.  George,  oflSalem,  r.  184, 185. 

Cushing,  Rev.  Dr.  John,  i.  295. 

Cushing,  D[aniel],  ii.  84. 

Cushing,  Job,  ii.  96. 

Cushing,  Rev.  Jonathan,  ii.  307,  308. 

Cushing,  Rev.  Caleb,  ii.  310. 

Cushing,  Caleb,  ii.  3i67. 

Cushing,  Luther  S.,  v.  292. 

Cushing,  Judge,  z.  195. 

Cu^hman,  Thomas,  vii.  27. 

Custom-house  fees,  vii.  173. 

Cutchamaquin,  or  Cutshamaquin  Tiii.  141), 
Indian  sachem,  his  wife  admonished  for 
breach  of  the  Sabbath,  iv.  52  -  55. 
Against  the  Indians  having  a  town; 
complains  that  the  prayinglndians  do 
not  pay  him  tribute,  140, 173,  270.  Or 
Cutshamoquene,  i.  164,  167,  168, 176. 

Cutler,  Deacon  John,  i.  255-264. 

Cutler,  Rev.  Manasseh,  LL.  D.,  i.  287 ; 
vii.  17. 

Culler,  Rev.  Robert,  ii.  319. 

Cutt,  Mrs.  Ursula,  killed  by  the  Indians, 
vi.  236. 

Cutt,  John,  President  of  New  Hampshire, 
ib. 

Cutting,  William,  x.  141. 

Cuttinge,  John,  x.  140. 

Cuyler,  Cornelius,  v.  23. 


D 
D- 


D. 

i.  119. 


-,  B ,  iii.24Q. 

Dacre,  Lord,  x.  155. 
Dagget,  John,  vi.  296. 

DailT^, ,  ii.  17. 

Daill6,  M.,  pastor  of  the  Church  at  Paris, 

an  eloquent  preacher  and  author,  ii.  26, 

53. 
DailI6,  Rev.  Peter,  ministerof  the  French 

Protestant  Church  in  Oxford,  Mass.,  ii. 

32 ;  and  in  Boston,  52.     His  epitaph,  52, 

60,  62,  66. 
Daille,  Paul,  ii.  52. 
Daill6,  Seyre,  her  epitaph,  ii.  53,  64. 
Dale,  Sir  Thomas,  Governor  of  Virginia, 

iii.  372,373. 
Dale's  gift,  iii.  372. 

Dalrymple, ,  ii.  354. 

Dalton,  Tristram,  ii.  285. 

Dalton,  Rev.  Timothy,  of  Hampton,  ii. 

300;  iii.  94,  382;  viii.  247. 
Dalton,  Philemon,  viii.  261. 
Dalton,  Hanna,  ib. 
Dalton,  Samuel,  ib. 


Damaeootta  River,  vi.  243. 

Dame,  Sarah,  i.  158. 

Dameril's  Isles,  vi.  120. 

Dammand,  Jane,  viii.  258. 

Damorascotty  River,  i.  85 ;  vi.  243. 

Dana,  Samuel,  ii.  259. 

Dand,  John,  ii.  117, 119, 125. 

Dane,  Philemon,  ii.  276. 

Dane,  Hon.  Nathan,  iii.  408  ;  vi.  396 ;  iz. 
172. 

Dane,  Francis,  viii.  247. 

Dane,  Thomas,  viii.  263. 

Danforth,  ,  minister  of  Roxbury,  i. 

50. 

Danforth,  Nathaniel,  i.  156. 

Danforth,  John,  ii.  73. 

Danforth,  Elizabeth,  t6. 

Danforth,  Rev.  John,  of  Dorcheeter,  r. 
187. 

Danforth,  Thomas,  vi.  226;  x.l20.  Pres- 
ident of  the  Province  of  Maine,  vii.  158, 
169.  To  oversee  the  printing  of  the 
laws,  viii.  213.  To  make  an  index, 
214. 

Danforth,  Col.,  vii.  220. 

Danforth  family,  MSS.  of  the,  vii.  22. 

Daniel,  P.,  ii.  11,44. 

Daniel,  Gov.  Winthrop's  man,  x.  32. 

Daniell,  Elizabeth,  vin.  261. 

Danson,  John,  vii.  185. 

Dan  vers,  ,  i.  184. 

Dan  vers,  town  of,  iv.  291. 

Danvers  Church  Records,  extracts  from, 
iii.  169. 

Danyell,  Indian,  his  wigwam  burnt,  x.  113. 

Darcy,  Lord  Rivers,  x.  161. 

Darno,  Penelope,  viii.  270 ;  x.  130. 

Dartmouth  College,  x.  202. 

Danes,  Susan,  viii.  270  ;  x.  130. 

D'Aulney  and  La  Tour,  papers  relative 
to,  vii.  90. 

D'Aulney,  Madame,  her  letter  to  the  Gov- 
ernors and  Magistrates  of  New  England, 
i.  28  To  the  Governor  and  Council  of 
Massachusetts,  vii.  115.  Their  answer, 
117. 

Davenant,  Bishop,  x.  133, 136. 

Davenport,  Rev.  John,  i.  79;  iii.  73,  98, 
136,  164.  Fac-simile  of  his  handwrit- 
ing, 165.  And  Gov.  Eaton,  their  letter 
to  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  iii. 
165,  360,  391.  His  MS.  Life  of  John 
Cotton  referred  to,  viii.  192,  326.  Let- 
ter of,  327;  ix.  205,  211.  Letters  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  294,  297  ;  x.  6-9, 
11-15,19-26,29-39,42-46;  Senior, 
58-62,  74.    Dies,  116, 133, 173. 

Davenport,  James,  ii.  63. 

Davenport,  Ensign,  in  the  Peqnot  expedi- 
tion, vi.  170.  Captain  of  the  castle  at 
Boston,  t^.    Killed  by  lightning,  iii.  393. 

Davenport,  Capt.,  vi.  181,  182. 

Davenport,  Mrs.,  prepares  a  house  for  the 
reception  of  J.  \fVinlhrop,  Jr.,  and  fiim- 
ily,  X.  12, 15,  3^. 


286 


General  Index. 


Davenport,  Rev.  John,  Jr.,  letter  to  J. 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  x.  115. 

Davidson,  James,  viii.  300. 

Dnvies  [Davis?],  Capt.  John,  iii.367. 

Davies,  Barnaby,  viii.270. 

Davies,  Nicholas,  viii.  253. 

Davies,  Sara,  t^. 

Davies,  Joseph,  ib. 

Davies,  John,  viii.  261. 

Davies,  Marie,  viii.  262. 

Davies,  Margaret,  ib. 

Davies,  Elizabeth,  ib, 

Davila's  History  of  Civil  Wars  of  France 
referred  to,  ii.  6,  8, 14,  50,  51. 

Davis,  SylvanuSy  his  declaration  concern- 
ing the  war  in  the  eastern  parts  of  New 
England,  1690,  i.  101. 

Davis,  Ephraim,  i.  124. 

Davis,  Benjamin,  of  Amherst,  N.  H.,  i. 
157. 

Davis,  Robert,  of  Concord,  N.  H.,  i.  158. 

Davis,  Hon.  John,  President  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Historical  Society,  i.  272, 
287,  292,  293,  294  j  ii.  244,  285,  341, 
367;  iii.  406;  v.  283;  vi.  299;  vii.  17, 
22.  His  edition  of  Morton's  Memorial 
referred  to,  vi.  157 ;  vii.  7,  248 ;  ix.  70. 
Letter  from  Leonard  Bacon  to,  vii.  243. 
His  letter  respecting  Isaac  AUerton,  289, 
3U1.     Memoir  of,  x.  186. 

Davis,  Samuel,  Corresponding  Secretary 
of  the  Pilgrim  Society,  Plymouth,  i. 
287 ;  ii.  259, 262.  Memoir  of,  v.  253  ; 
vii.  24. 

Davis,  Daniel,  i.  S87 ;  vii.  17. 

Davis,  Robert,  iii.  51. 

Davis,  James,  t6. 

Davis,  John,  t6. 

Davis,  Isaac  P.,  iii.  405,  408  ;  ▼.  297, 
298 ;  vi.  295,  299  J  vii.  293,  295 ;  x. 
186. 

Davis,  Sir  John,  iii.  311. 

Davis,  Simon,  iv.  291. 

Davis,  Thomas,  y.  253. 

Davis,  Ellen  Watson,  y.  282. 

Davis,  Hon.  John,  of  Worcester,  v.  298. 

Davis,  Serjeant,  vi.  27,  165, 170. 

Davis,  Major,  vi.  217. 

Davis,  Capt.,  vi.  250. 

Davis,  Benjamin,  vii.  50. 

Davis,  Mrs.  Mary,  vii.  291. 

Davis,  Hon.  Natnaniel  M.,  viii.  4 ;  x.  186. 

Davis,  John,  x.  88. 

Davy,  Sir  H.,  Life  of,  referred  to,  viii. 
311. 

Davyes,  Thomas,  viii.  319. 

Dawes,  Judge,  v.  256. 

Dawes,  Lieut.,  vi.  210. 

Dawes,  William,  viii.  254. 

Dawson, ,  x.  187. 

Day, ,  vi.  232. 

Day,  Robert,  viii.  254. 

Day,  Hanna,  viii.  263. 

Day,  Robert,  x.  141. 

Day,  Mary,  ib. 


Day-Breaking,  if  not  the  Sun-Risinf,  of 

the  Gospel  with  the  Indians  in    New 

England,  by  Rev.  John  Eliot,  iv.  1-23; 

viii.  287. 
Daysey,  Richard,  viL  157. 
Dayton,  A.  U.,  Secretary  of  State,  vii. 

fm,  294. 
Deaconesses,  iii.  69. 

Dean, ,  y.  126. 

Deane,  Thomas,  vii.  49. 
Deane,  Rachel,  viii.  257. 
Dearborn,  Hon.  H.  A.  S.,  iii.  408;  yi. 

299. 
De  Barval,  Monsieur,  iii.  362. 
De  Bel  Isle,  Sieur,  i.  28. 
De  Bethune,  Maximilian,  Duke  of  Sully. 

See  Sully. 
Deborah,  a  colored  woman,  ii.  290. 
De  Boulainvilliers,  M.  le  Comte,  ii.  47. 

De  Boulemaky, ,  vii.  94. 

De  Bour^ogne,  Due,  ii.  47. 

De  Bry  cited,  ii.  7. 

De  Castine,  Baron,  ix.  83. 

De  Charnizay,  Mons.,  i.  28. 

Dedham,  Massachusetts,  i.  50  ;    iii.  320  ; 

iv.  88,  290 ;  vi.  14, 188 ;  x.  172. 
Dedham  village,  iv.  178. 
Deed  from  William  Stoughton's  executors 

to  the  second  company  of  settlers  in 

Oxford,  ii.  73. 
Deerfield,  iv.  291.    Burnt  by  the  Indians, 

vi.  180,  245,  250. 
Deering,  Capt.,  y.  190. 
De  Espcio,  Antonio,  viii.  122. 
De  Gama,  Va8(^ues,  iii.  361. 
De  Gorram,  William,  viii.  313. 
De  Grorram,  Ralph,  tb. 
De  Gorram,  Geoffrey,  Uf. 
De  Gorram,  Robert,  ib, 
De  Gorram,  Sir  Hugh,  ib, 

De  Guy, ,  y.  199. 

Dehamda,  Indian,  yi.  54. 

De  la  Consiliere, ,  ii.  57. 

De  la  Fayette,  Marquis,  i.  290 ;  y.  286. 
Delafield,  John,   Librarian   of  the  New 

York  Historical  Society,   ii.  323,  335, 

359,  362. 

De  la  Haye,  Jean,  ii.  16. 

Delancey,  Lieut.-Gov.,  y.  7. 

De  la  Place,  ii.  26. 

De  la  Tour,  Monsieur,  ii.  64. 

De  la  Velliere,  ii.  65. 

De-la-ware,  Lord,  Governor  of  Virginia, 
"••It 
111.  11. 

Delaware  Bay,  iii.  100. 

De-la-ware  castle  taken,  iii.  314,  391. 

Delaware  Indians  remove  to  Ohio,  v.  46, 

103,  104. 

Delaware  language,  v.  287. 

De  Leiscline,  ii.  57. 

De  Linno,  Nicholaa,  iii.  359. 

De  Lomenie, ^,  vii.  114. 

De  Louvoy,  M.,  ii.  21. 

Delysle, ,  ii.  57. 

De  Mandeville,  John,  viii.  7,  41,  48, 51. 


General  Index, 


287 


De  Meneual,  ,  Goveraor  of  Acadia, 

his  complaint  against  Got.  Pbips,  i. 
115. 
De  Menou.    See  D'Auloey. 

De  Moran,  Francisco,  vi.  So^l. 

Denby,  Earl  of,  vii.  129. 

Denie,  Ronde,  i.  143. 

Denison,  Daniel,  Major-General,  iii.  330 ; 
vi.  184  ;  yii.  106.  Appointed  to  amend 
the  laws,  viii.  213. 

Denison,  Capt,  vi.  184. 

Denison,  George,  letter  to  John  Winthrop, 
Jr.,  X.  64,  6o. 

Denison,  William,  vii.  69. 

Denmark,  the  King  of,  orders  several  gold 
and  silver  medals  to  be  sent  to  Rev.  Jo- 
siah  C.  Shaw  and  others  of  Cohasset,  ii. 
106. 

Denmark,  Prince  of,  y.  205. 

Dennis,  Capt,  y.  190. 

Denny,  Mary,  viii.  266. 

De  Normanville, ,  i.  65. 

Denton,  Richard,  viii.  247. 

De  Oniedo,  Gonsalyo,  viii.  123. 

De  Paris,  Vincent,  vii.  97. 

De  Pecker,  J.,  ix.  56,  71. 

^DePoIiteia  Ecclesiastica,*'  Robert  Par- 
ker author  of,  iii.  94. 

De  Ponce,  John,  iii.  362. 

Depont,  Jacques,  ii.  60. 

Depont,  Monsieur,  ii.  66. 

Deptfbrd,  vii.  182. 

Deputies  to  the  General  Court,  how  cho- 
sen, ii.  138;  viii.  201.  Term  of  office 
changed,  203. 

De  Razicr,  Isaac,  ix.  60. 

Derby,  Elias  Hasket,  i.  287. 

Derbyshire,  George,  viii.  307. 

Dering,  Ed.,  vii.  138. 

Derings,  Henry,  vii.  50. 

Dcrmout,  Rev.  J.,  ix.  57,  65,  71. 

De  Ruiter, ,  x.  55. 

De  Saint  Mas,  Mons.,  i.  61 ;  vii.  114. 
His  letter  to  the  Governor  and  Council, 
116.     Their  answer,  117. 

Desborough,  Lord,  i.  61, 197;  ii.351. 

Description  of  American  medals,  vi.  268. 

Description  of  New  England,  Capt.  John 
Smith's,  reprint  of,  vi.  95. 

De  Soto,  Ferdinando,  vi.  104,  107 ;  viii. 
114, 122. 

De  St.  Etienne,  Rabaut,  a  Protestant  min- 
ister, obtains  an  edict  favorable  to  the 
Protestants  in  France,  ii.  41. 

Dessaussure,  Henry  W.,  i.  290. 

De  Thou, ,  ii.  6. 

Deveaux, ,  ii.  57. 

De  Verazzano,  John,  viii.  71, 123. 

Devereux, ,  x.  148. 

De  Vignoles, ,  ii.  26. 

Devotion,  Margaret,  viii.  268. 

De  Wallenstein,  M.  Julius,  i.  290. 

Dewando,  i.  114. 

Dewey,  Comet,  iv.  291. 

Dc  Wilt,  Dr.  Benjamin,  i.  290.  • 


Dexter,  Dr.  Aaron,  i.  287,  293;  v.  262  ; 

vii.  17;  ix.  171. 
Dexter,  Samuel,  ii.  78,  79. 
Dexter, ,  founder  of  professorship  in 

Harvard  College,  ii.  79. 
Dexter,  Francis,  viii.  254. 
Dexter,  Gregory,  viii.  295. 
Dexter,  Frankhn,  United  States  District 

Attorney,  x.  194. 
Deyking,  Alice,  viii.  268. 
Deykyng,  John,  ib. 
D'Harriette, ,  ii.  57. 


Dherapine, 


.,  ii.22. 


Diamond,  John,  vi.  229. 

Dickestean, ,  ii.  61. 

Dickinson,  Rev.  Pliny,  iii.  190. 

Dicksy,  John,  x.  107. 

Dictionary  of  ail  languages  ordered  to  be 
made  by  the  Empress  of  Russia,  v.  286. 

Dier,  John,  vi.  220. 

Difference  between  the  United  Colonies 
and  Rhode  Island,  i.  71. 

Diffby,  Sir  Kenelme,  i.  183.  Letters  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  x.  5, 15. 

Digby,  Thomas,  vi.  130, 134. 

DightonRock,  x.202. 

Dike,  Anthony,  iii.  144. 

Dillingham, ,  i.  245;  ix.  267. 

Dillwyn,  ,  ix.  10. 

Dimmock,  Capt,  of  Barnstable,  vi.  243. 

Dingley,  N.,  viii.  319,  320 ;  x.  145. 

Dinwiddie,  Gov.,  v.  7. 

Dirmir,  Thomas,  vi.  130. 

Disborough,  Mrs.,  x.  7. 

Disbrough,  Isaac,  viii.  254. 

Discourse  before  the  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Society  by  Hon.  John  G.  Pal- 
frey, ix.  165. 

Discourse  of  Hon.  John  Q,.  Adams  con- 
cerning New  England  Confederacy,  ix. 
189. 

Discoveries  by  Columbus,  Cabot,  and  oth- 
ers, iii.  357-373;  viii.  6. 

Disney,  Rev.  John,  i.  289. 

Disney,  John,  vii.  295. 

Dispeux,  Elie,  ii.  60. 

Dissenters'  Library,  viii.  317. 

Divinity  School,  Uambridge,  x.  200. 

Divorce  granted  by  the  court,  i.  27. 

Dix,  Margaret,  viii.  260. 

Dixy,  William,  vii.  256,  260,  267. 

Dixy,  Anna,  vii.  256. 

Doane,  Jane,  ii.  96. 

Doane,  Elisha,  ii.  105, 106. 

Doane,  John,  vii.  299. 

Dobbins,  Capt.,  vi.  272,274. 

Dobson, ,  V.  274. 

Documents  relating  to  Gosnold's  voyage 
to  America,  A.  D.  1602,  viii.  69-123. 

Documents  and  Coins  placed  under  a  pil- 
lar of  the  United  States  Branch  Bank  at 
Boston,  i.  271. 

Dodd,  James,  viii.  267. 

Doddridge's  Life  of  Col.  Gardiner  quoted, 
vii.  272. 


288 


General  Index. 


Dodg,  William,  Sen.,  vli.  253, 256. 

Dodg,  William,  Jr.,  vii.  253. 

Dodg,  William,  ih, 

Dodg,  John,  ib. 

Dodge, ,  ii.  367. 

Dodge,  William,  iv.  290. 

Dodge,  John,  ib. 

Dodge,  Richard,  vii.  256. 

Dodge,  John,  Sen.,  ib. 

Dodge,  Mary,  Sen.,  ib. 

Dodge,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Dodge,  Mary,  Jr.,  ib. 

Dodge, ,  vii.  260. 

Dodge,  John,  vii.  267. 

Dodge,  William,  vii.  268. 

Dodge,  Jonathan,  vii.  269. 

Dodridge,  ,  gives  [Harvard]  Col- 
lege £  10  per  annum  for  ever,  L  &L 

Doliver, ,  vii.  198. 

Dolliver, ,  vi.  232. 

Donations  to  Massachusetts  Historical  So- 
ciety,  i.  295  ;  ii.  365 ;  iii.  404 ;  v.  291 ; 
vi.  294  ;  vii.  292. 

Done,  John,  viii.  273 ;  x.  130. 

Doneyes,  the,  i.  104. 

Dongan,  Gov.,  iii.  168  ;  vii.  187 ;  z.  184. 

Donnacona,  Indian  king,  viii.  121. 

Donnel  family,  ix.  82,  83. 

Dorchester,  Lord,  v.  148.  His  speech  to 
Indian  chiefi,  159. 

Dorchester  Companv,  vii.  254. 

Dorchester  men  settle  in  Salem,  iii.  34. 

Dorchester,  Massachusetts,  i.  50;  iii.  318; 
iv.  88,  289 ;  vii.  297 ;  ix.  204. 

Dorchester  Church,  iii.  378;  iv.  90. 

Dorchester  Mill,  Indiana  near,  iv.  50,  56, 
176. 

Dorchester,  Connecticut,  now  Windsor, 

vi.35. 
Dorifall,  Anne,  x.  141. 
Dorislaus,  Dr.,  ii.  334. 
Dormer,  Capt.,  in  New  England,  ri.  61  - 

72;  iii.  374. 
Dorr,  Thomas  W.,  his  insurrection,  ix.  210. 
D'Ossat,  Cardinal,  ii.  45. 

Doughty,  Rev. ,  iii.  96,  107,  403. 

Douglas,  William,  vii.  157. 

Douglass's  Summary  quoted  and  error  cor> 

rected,  ii.  273. 
Doun,  Thomas,  viii.  269. 
Dounard,  Marie,  viii.  256. 
Douw,  Volkert  P.,  v.  75,  80-100. 

Douxsaint, ,  ii.  57. 

Dove,  John,  x.  136. 

Dover,  N.  H.,  Church  and  Miniatera,  ii. 

307;  iii.  188;  iv.  292. 
Dover  Cliff,  viii.  76. 
Dow,  Mary,  ix.  256. 
Dow,  James,  ib. 
Downam,  John,  iv.  30,  35. 
Downer,  William,  viii.  299. 
Downing,  Sir  George,  put  in  the  Tower, 
i.  61  ;  viii.  277. 

Downing, ,  vi.  236. 

Downing,  Jacob  G.,  viii.  277. 


Downing,  Mrs.,  ix.239. 

Downing,  James,  ix.  241, 243,  246,  248. 

Downing,  Mary,  ix.  260,  262,  267. 

Downing,  Susan,  ix.  260, 267. 

Downing,  Joseph,  Ix.  265. 

Downinge,  Emmanuel,  i.  1;  viii.  208,297; 
ix.227,233, 239,246-267 ;  X.  171.  His 
letter  to  Gov.  Winthrop,  i.  15,242,246. 
His  letter  to  Sir  Joan  Cooke,  viii. 
324. 

Dowsing,  William,  x.  170. 

Drake,  Samuel  G.,  ii.  367,  368  ;  ▼.  298 ; 
vi.  294  ;  vii.  293.  His  <«Book  of  the 
Indians  "  referred  to,  vi.  173. 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  iii.  52, 298»  364  -369; 
vi.  104,  111. 

Drake,  John,  viii.  301. 

Drake,  Robert,  ib. 

Drake, ,  ix.  245. 

Draper,  Anna,  ii.  297. 

Drafper].  Cleare,  x.  143. 

Dreble, ,  x.  17. 

Drelincourt,  ii.  26. 

Dresser,  John,  iv.  290. 

Drew,  Thomas,  ii.  296. 

Drewe,  Edmond,  viii.  302. 

Drewrie,  George,  viii.  266;  x.130. 

Drinker,  Edward,  vii.  50. 

Drinkeri  Philip,  viii.  267. 

Drinker,  Elizaoeth,  ib. 

Drinker,  Edward,  ib. 

Drinker,  Jo.,  Uf. 

Driver,  Robert,   viii.  266. 

Drouillet,  Paul,  ii.  65. 

Drown,  Samuel,  ii.  295. 

Drummonds,  the,  viii.  310. 

Drury, ,  x.  38. 

Drury,  Sir  Robert,  x.  169. 

Duane, ,  of  New  York»  ▼.  87, 99. 

Dubois, ,  ii.  57. 

Du  Bosc, ,  ii.  27. 

Dubose, ,  ii.  57. 

Du  Bourdieu,  ib. 

Duddeley,  Sir  Robert,  iii.  369. 

Dudley,  [Thomas],  Deputy-Governor aad 
Governor,  i.  11,  37,  231 ;  iii.  94,  138. 
377-387,400;  iv.l28;  vi.8l;  vii.106 
- 108,  299,  300 ;  viii.  204,  207, 209, 245, 
246,  248. 

Dudley,  Sir  Matthew,  i.  143. 

Dudley,  Gov.  Joseph,  i.  222  ;  ii.  29,  67, 
69,73,287;  v.  189, 194,  213,  214 ;  vu. 
63,  seq.,  155, 166, 171,  230.  Hie  letter 
to  Gabriel  Demon,  66.  Goes  to  Casco  to 
treat  with  the  Indians,  vi.247.  Instnio- 
tions  from  Queen  Anne,  ix.  101. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  if.  31. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  iv.  295. 

Dudley,  Rev.  Samuel,  ib. 

Dudley,  William,  v.  190. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  viii.  248. 

Dudley, ,  ix.  124. 

Dudley,  Samuel,  ix.  240. 

Dudley, ,  ix.  256. 

Dugan,  John,  vii.  290. 


DnsMe'i  "TroDbluin  Englintl"  qoot- 

Dnbural,  Hedrr,  viii.  369. 
Dake,  John,  viii.  357. 
Duke,  Edwsrd,  Tiii.  274. 
Duko  of  Yotka  Pro*ince,  iii.  M7. 
DuheRburf      i^ce  Duxburj. 

ZlutDiner, ,  i.  117. 

Dummer,  Jer[en]iah],  Bgeut  in  t>ondon, 
hn  leller  (o  ihe  GonernI  Court,  i.  139  ; 

v.noe;  Tii.aeu. 
Ihioiiaer,  Jerremiali],  ii.  GO.TS. 
Dainmer,  Wuliun,  Lieui.-Gov.,  ii.  273 ; 

Tii.  85,  4«. 
Dummer,  Rer.  Shubtel,  nf  York,  killed 

bj  Indians,  vi.  337.    Hit  wift  ukeo 

priioner,  dies,  it. 
Dummer,  Jeremiah,  *il.  158, 16d. 
Dummei,  Richard,  i,  145. 
Dummer,  Alee,  ib. 
Dummer,  Thomai,  it. 
Dummer,  Joanr,  ii. 
Dummer,  Jane,  it. 
Dummer,  iSlephen,  ib. 
Dummer,  Dorothie,  ib. 

Uuiiiutil, ,  ii.  63. 

Du ,  J,  Benrand,  ii.31. 

Dn  Monb,  Mom.,  iii.  370, 371. 

Da  Moulin, — ,  ii.  96, 48. 

Dunbar,  thutkariTing  for  the  Ticlorr  of, 

ii.336. 
Duncan,  lion.  John,  i.  157. 
Dunlop,  Jalin,  >.  2<H. 
Dunn,  Juhn,  i.  SM). 


DulBr< 


1,  Hannah,  ii,  SHG. 


IJulch  claim  Long  Island,  iii,  OS.  War  i»- 
elared  againat,  x.  I<9.  Aitnck  Long  I»l- 
an[l,Bti-10J,)0(>,I0S-ll5.  TukeNeW 
Vnrk.  87.     Peace  wilb,  restored,  104 

Dutch  Church^,  riracripe  of,  il.  MS. 

Uuicn  G(n"rnfir  surulj "  pinnaeoto  reeov- 

Duicii  riiLijiiiiinilrT  rEi'iiv-tftii  Eagliah  cap- 

titea,  11.  Itf.lbl. 
Dulcli  Goiarnor  eollpd  home,  ft.  277. 
Uutch  SelUamenta,  iii.  379. 
Dutch  ahipa  prohibited  from  coming  to 

New  York,  i.  77. 
Du  Tulfasu,  laaac  B.,  ii.  67.    Comci  to 

IIOHlun,  lend  sranled  Co  him  at  Oxford, 

ii.  6U, 
Duibury,  nr  Sandwich,  iii.  316;  Ti.  13. 
Dwigbt,RevD    Tiuioil.v,  i.2M. 
Dvright,  Timolhy,  iv  Sril 
Dwight,  Theodore,  v.  300. 
Dwighl,  Theodore,  Jr.,  T.  300;  vi.  296. 
Djer,  Mra,  Mary,  iii.  231.  3U1,  3a»;  viii. 


Djcr,  John 
Dynr,  Capt. 
Dyer,  Jo.,  riii.  si. 
Dyneley,  Chariea, 


174. 


!i53. 


Dunatable,  S.  H.,  it*  Churchea  and  Hin- 

ialcra,  iii.  186;  iv.  a)3. 
Dunater,  Hfiirv   iii.  93, 105,  383,3SS>i  iv. 

4    vjii  -iir^; 

Dunaton,  Klizabeth,  i.  160. 

Dunaton,  Edwnrd,  it, 

Dunize,  Sir  John,  Ban.,  viii.  303. 

Du  Perron,  Cardinal,  ii.  45. 

Du  Pin,  Ecci.  lliaL  quoted,  ii.  6, 16,  26. 

Du  Point,  Mona.,  iii.  370,  .m. 

Du  Pooceaa,  Peter  S„  i.ano,3!l8;  Ti.  294, 

'JS7;  Tii.  22:  i,  108,213. 
DupcntiJ.,  1.273. 

Du  Pont, ,  ii.  57. 

Dupplin,  ,  V.  as. 

Dupre,^ ,ii.r)7. 

Dupuis.  JaljTi.  ii.  62, 

Duque»ne.Fan,  vi.Uit. 

Durtlal,  Hough,  x.  N.l. 

Uurfeo,  Rov.  C,  vi  21)8. 

Durgin,  John,  i.  157, 

Durham,  N.  H  ,  Church  and  Minialcn,  ii. 


Eagle  or  Arbella,  Ship,  iii.  377. 
■>'  -nr".  I  Eamea,  Rev.  Jonathan,  ii,  321. 

Attacked  by  Indiana,,  Earthquakes  in  New  England,  iii.  219, 
3t?i,  388,  3M),  391,  394. 
'Eaatern  country  deatroyed  by  tiie  Frenoh 
:     andlndinns,  vi.248: 
Eastern  Indian    atknoivleJge  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Uniled  Slates,  ii.  89. 
I  Eoftbam,  (own  of,  iii,  364. 
}EaMHnmpton,».!)3.93,   Settled,  180, 183. 
i  East  Indies,  voyage  to,  il  292. 
Eaat  £ing>ton,  H.  H.,  Church  and  Minia- 


:rau  li.  312,  Mcr 
I  tnslman,  John,  iv.  2!Kp, 
■  Eaalon.  Puler,  iii.  372. 

Eaaion, ,  ii,  878, 

I  Kaston,  nichotaa,  Jr.,  x.  106. 
Illnstport  Lrceum,  v.  801. 
I  Ealnn  Thcophjlus,  Goreroor  of  New 
Ka>'cti,  i.  ii20.  i.i,  16.5,  161,164,316, 
32(i.  \m,  38a ;  vii.  302 ;  viii.  308  ;  ix. 
<  199,205,211.  Fac-aimile  of  hia  hand- 
,  wiklni;.  ill  J(ii.  And  Rev.  John  Da- 
J  leiijmri,  ilii^ir  Iriiier  tothe  Governor 
of  his 


305; 


Duri. 


.  188; 


.293. 


,  Robert, ,  „. 

.John,  ix.58. 

n,  Hannah,  taken  by  Indian 


Dnaton,  Jonathan,  i 


,  [.37. 
Eaton,  John,  i, 
Eaton,  Nalhanii  , 
Eaton,  Samuel,  vii 
.  Eaton,  Thamaa,  r 
Eaton,  Abi^l,  it, 
Eaton,  Mane,  il. 


157. 


290 


General  Index. 


Eaton,  William,  viii.  276. 

Eaton,  Martha,  ib. 

Eaton,  Jerome,  viii.  308. 

Eaton,  Samuel,  x.  8. 

Eaton,  Mrs.  Hannah,  x.  37. 

EbelinK,  Rev.  Prof.  C.  D.,  i.  290;  vii.  20. 

Eccleaiaatical  (council,  v.  223, 226. 

Ecclesiastical  Council  at  Charlestown,  i. 

,248. 

Ecclesiastical  Government  in  Virginia,  iii. 
43. 

Ecclesia^lical   and  Civil  Government  of 
New  England,  iii.  55. 

Ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  case  of,  i.  248. 

■Eckford,  Henrv,  i.  273. 

Eckley,  Rev.  Joseph,  i.  154. 

Eckley,  Rev. ,  v.  262. 

Eckley,  David,  vi.  299. 

Eclipse  of  the  Moon,  iii.  227. 

Eclipses,  A.  D.  1659,  x.  23. 

Eclipse,  sular,  of  1780,  ii.285;  x.  187. 

Edgaremet,  Indian  sagamore,  i.  112. 

Eddy,  Samuel,  i.  290. 

Edge,  Robert,  viii.  272;  x.  130. 

Edfieremet,  vi.  226,  or  Egermet,  228, 235. 
Treacherously  slain,  244. 

Edict  concerning  marriages  not  celebrated 
by  Romish  priests,  ii.  36. 

Edict  of  Nantes  granted,  ii.  16.    Revoked, 
20. 

Edmund,  x.  7,  21,  37,  38. 

Edward  VI.,  iii.  363. 

Edwards,  Dr.,  ii.  150. 

Edwards,  B.  B.,  v.  292,  294. 

Edwards,  Robert,  viii.  272. 

Edwards,  Thomas,  x.  102. 

Eelles,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  ii.  92,  94. 

Eimes,  Daniel,  i.  124. 

Ela,  or  Healey,  Widow,  ii.  296. 

Elcock,  Anth.,  x.  45. 

Elbridg, ,  i.  199. 

Elderkin, ,  ix.  280,  293. 

Elders,  case  of  Mons.  La  Tour  submitted 
to,  vii.  107. 

Elders  not  duly  honored,  x.  61. 

Eldon,  Lord,  x.  198. 

Eleutherians,  grant  of  land  to,  vii.  158, 
168. 

Elford,  Joan,  viii.  305. 

Elford,  Thomas,  ib. 

Eliot,  Rev.  John,  i.  50;  ii.  59;  iii.  93, 
310,385;  vi.  237;  vii.  72;  viii.  198,199, 
248, 276, 295, 318.  Translates  the  Bible 
into  the  Indian  lanfuage,  ii<  1 48, 244, 248 ; 
iii.  392.  Extracts  from  his  Indian  Gram- 
mar, ii.  148;  and  Bible,  248.  Relation  of 
his  labors  among  the  Indians,  iv.  1-23. 
His  letter  to  Rev.  Thomas  Shepard  con- 
cerning the  late  work  of  God  among  the 
Indians,  49.  His  conference  with  a  Nar- 
raganset  sachem,  61,  62,  64.  Preaches 
to  the  Indians  at  Pawtucket,  82,  123, 
168;  Nashaway,  123,134.  His  letter 
concerning  the  progress  of  the  Gospel 
among  the   Indians,  79,    87,    89,    98. 


Preaches  to  the  Watertown  Indiam, 
118.  His  letter  to  Rev.  Heorv  W^bit- 
field,  119.  Letter  concerning  the  origiii 
of  the  Indians,  ib.  Desires  to  transUto 
some  parts  of  the  Scriptures  into  their 
language,  121.  Letters  of,  122-145, 
163.  His  letters  to  the  corporation  es- 
tablished by  Parliament  for  propacating 
the  Gospel  among  the  natives  of  New 
England,  166*- 175, 181,  190,  191,  194. 
And  T.  Mayhew,  further  nanmtive  of 
the  progress  of  the  Gospel  q^ongst  the 
Indians  in  New  England,  197.  His 
Narrative  of  the  Examinations  of  the 
Indians  about  their  Knowledge  in  Re- 
ligion, by  the  Elders  of  the  Church- 
es, 261-287.  His  Christian  Common- 
wealth, ix.  127-164.  He  makes  sn 
acknowledgment,  128,  284. 

Eliot,  Dr.  Ephraim,  i.  287. 

Eliot,  Rev.  Dr.  John,  of  Boston,  i.  287, 
292,  2i»3;  vii.  9,  10,  17,  276;  ix.  167. 
His  **  Biographical  Dictionary  **  referred 
to,  ii.  50,302;  v.  177;  vi.  2;  vii.  8;  ix. 
123,166;  X.  165. 

Eliot,  Rev.  Andrew,  i.  290. 

Eliot,  Dr.  E.,  i.  298. 

Eliot,  Daniel,  ii.  66,  67,  74,  75. 

Eliot,  Daniel,  Jr.,  ii.  74,  75. 

Eliot,  John  F.,  ii.  366. 

Eliot,  John,  Jr.,  iii.  385. 

Eliot,  Capt.,  V.  141,  142 

Eliot,  John,  Sen.,  viii.  318. 

Eliot,  Thomas,  ib. 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  iii.  363.  Dies,  370;  vi. 
49. 

Elizabeth  Islands,  vi.  13.  So  called  by 
Capt.  Gosnold,  1602,  viii.  76 ;  who 
bunds  a  fort  and  intends  to  settle  there, 
77.  Visited  by  Members  of  Maasacho- 
setts  Historical  Society  in  1817,  70.  De- 
scription of,  77,  88. 

Ellery,  William,  iv.  290. 

Ellery, ,  vi.  232. 

Ellingwood,  Ralph,  vii.  256. 

Elliot,  Andrew,  iv.  290. 

Elliott,  Lydia,  viii.  254. 

Elliot^  Philip,  ib. 

Elliott,  Marie,  ib. 

Elliott,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Elliott,  Sara,  ib. 

Elliott,  John,  Jr.,  viii.  318. 

Ellis,  Rev.  George  E.,  viii.  4;  ix.  2,  31. 

Ellis,  Elizabeth,  viii.  266. 

Ellis, ,  viii.  309. 

EUwood,  Ralph,  viii.  272. 

KImes,  Rodolphus,  viii.  257. 

Embargo,  x.  194. 

Emerson,  Solomon,  i.  155. 

Emerson,  Daniel,  i.  156. 

Emerson,  Rev.  William,  i.  287, 293. 

Emerson,  Rev.  John,  of  Portsmouth,  ii. 
303. 

Emerson,  Rev.  John,  of  Berwick,  vi.  2U7. 

Emerson,  Jo.,  viii.  267. 


Generai  Index. 


291 


Emery,  Rev.  Jacob,  ii.  314. 
Emery,  Rev.  Stephen,  ii.  318. 
Emery,  John,  viii.  319. 
Emery,  Anthony,  ih. 
Emmons,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  D.  D.,  i.  155. 
Encyclopedia  Auiericana,  z.  217. 
Enmcott,  John,  Governor,  and  others,  let- 
ter to  Sir  Henry  Vane,  i.  35.   Letter  from 
Peter  Bulkley,  47.    His  letter,  probably 
to  Lord  Clarendon  or  the  £arl  of  Man- 
chester, 51.    Causes  the  order  of  Charles 
H.  for  the  apprehension  of  Cols.  Whal- 
ley  and  Gone  to  be  printed,  ih.    Sends 
messengers  for  the  accomplishment  of 
the  King's  commands,  52.     Letter  from 
William  Brenton,54.   Mentioned,  iii.  94, 
140,  325,  376.     Deputy -Governor,  383, 
384.    Major-General,  384,385,386,387. 
Deputy-Governor,  388  -  392, 400.    Gov- 
ernor, iv.  177.     His  letter  to  the  Corpo- 
ration for  promoting  the  Gospel  among 
the  Indians,  189,  ^\.    Captain  in  the 
Pequot  war,  vi.  4,  162.     Colonel,  6. 
Letter  from  Mons.  D'AuInoy,  vii.  92, 
123,287.    Governor,  99, 117, 118.    Dep- 
uty-Governor, 119.     Deputy,  viii.  2Co. 
Governor,  213.     Cuts  the  cross  out  qf 
the  banners,  is  called  to  account,   iz. 
208.    Goes  against  the  Pequots,  213, 
244.    His  laws,  257;  x.  176. 
England,  people  of],  first  called  English- 
men, A.  D.  827,  iii.  358. 
England's  oppressive  acts  towards  Ameri- 
ca, relation  of,  v.  87-90. 
English,  Joseph,  a  friendly  Indian,  killed, 

vi.  277. 
English,  Philip,  ii.  60. 
English  Church  at  Leyden,  ix.  42-74. 
English  Fishermen  said  to  have  been  mur- 
dered by  Indians,  v.  49. 
Englishmen    executed  at  Plymouth    for 
robbing  and  murdering  an  Indian,  iii. 
382. 
Epenowe,  an  Indian,  carried  to  England, 

vi.  58,  59.    Escapes,  60-63. 
Epes,  Daniel,  iv.  291. 
Ephraim,  Indian,  iv.  i^. 
Epilepsy  cured,  x.  28. 
Episcopacy,  iii.  106;  v.  207,232,234.    In 
England  at  the  Restoration,  1660,  x.  42. 
Episcopal  Church  at  Providence,  ii.70,72. 
Episcopal  Church,  first  in  New  England, 
becomes  the  first  Unitarian  Church,  v. 
260. 
Episcopal  Minister  laments  the  overthrow 
of  Andros's  government,  vii.  193. 
,   Episcopius,  Simon,  ix.  47,  58. 
Epochs  in   the  History  of  the    French 

Frotestants,  ii.  83. 
Epping,  N.  II.,  Church  and  Ministers  of, 

ii.  319;  iii.  189;  iv.  293. 
Epps,  Daniel,  v.  190. 
Epps,  Elizabeth,  viii.  269. 
Epps,  Samuel,  letter  to  Fitz  John  Win- 
throp,  X.  89,  91. 


Epsom,  N.  H.,  Ministers  of,  ii.  322. 
Church  at,  iii.  189;  iv.  294. 

Erneste,  Grave,  ix.  248. 

Error  in  the  Memoirs  of  Gen.  Heath  cor- 
rected, vi.  283. 

Errors  in  Massachusetts  Historical  Collec- 
tions corrected  by  Aiden  Bradford,  vii. 
296. 

Erskine,  Rev.  Dr.  John,  i.  290.    * 

Erskine's  Sketches  of  Church  History 
quoted,  ii.  5. 

Erving,  Hon.  George  W.,  i.  290;  ii.  368 ; 
V.  293. 

Essex,  Earl  of,  iii.  52;  x.  156. 

Essex  County,  England,  history  of,  x.  151. 

Essex  County,  Massachusetts,  iii.  325. 

Estabrook,  Samuel,  i.  157. 

Estoliland  discovered,  iii.  359. 

Eustace, ,  ix.  2S5. 

Evance, ,  vii.  245. 

Evance,  Mrs.,  x.  8. 

Evans,  Rev.  Israel,  of  Concord,  N.  H.,  i. 
154.  Chaplain  in  the  Revolutionary 
army,  ib.  

Evans,  Cadwallader,  Jr.,  i.  273. 

Evans,  Sir  Hugh,  ix.  206. 

Evelyn,  J.,  vii.  70. 

Everard,  John,  x.  163. 

Evered,  alias  Webb,  John,  viii.  319. 

Evered,  alias  Webb,  Stephen,  ih. 

Everett,  Hon.  and  Rev.  Edward,  i.  287. 
Professor,  ii.  365;  v.  292-298.  Gov- 
ernor, vi.  295,  297;  vii.  25,  294.  Min- 
ister to  England,  viii.  341,  342. 

Everett,  Hon.  Alexander  H.,  iii.  407, 408. 

Ewell,  Hen.,  viii.  274. 

Ewer,  Thomas,  viii.  264. 

Ewer,  Sara,  U). 

Ewer,  Elizabeth,  ih. 

Exeler,  N.  H.,  iii.  99,  342;  iv.  294;  vi. 
227,  259.  Persons  belonging  to,  killed 
by  Indians,  vi.  278.    First  Church,  iv. 

292,  294.     Second  Church,  ii.  319  ;  iv. 

293.  Academy,  vii.  289. 
Eyre,  Manuel,  i.  273. 
Eyre,  John,  drowned,  v.  183. 
Eyre,  Justice,  ih. 
Eyre,  Simon,  vii.  249,  303. 
Eyre,  Isaac,  vii.  249. 
Eyre,  Elizabeth,  ib. 
Eyres,  Mrs.,  vii.  303. 


Faber,  Joseph,  viii.  262. 

Fabian, ,  ix.  256. 

Fabin,  Elizabeth,  viii.  263. 
Fairbanks,  Richard,  vii.  48. 
Fairclough,  Lawrence,  x.  164. 
Fairfax,   Lord,  refuses  to  march  agninst 
Scotland,  i.  188 ;  vi.  219;  iz.281;x.41. 
Fairfax,  Sir  Thomas,  vi.  159. 
Fairfax,  John,  x.  149. 
I  Fairfield,  sickness  at,  x.  21. 


292 


General  Index. 


Fairfield,  Daniel,  Journal  quoted,  ii.  302. 

Fairfield,  Walter,  iv.291. 

Fairweather,  Capt.,  vi.  242. 

Falcon,  Ship,  of  Amsterdam,  iii.  395. 

Paldoe,  Barth.,  viii.  255. 

Falmouth  in  Cbbco  Bay,  i.  86, 102.  Sol- 
diers sent  there  firom  Boston,  102, 105. 
Inhabitants  of  Sheepscot  and  other 
townss  retire  to,   vi.  208. 

Familiam,  A  Brief  Discovery  of,  viii.  286. 

Faneuil  Family,  ii.  53. 

Faneuil,  Andrew,  ib. 

Faneuil,  Peter,  ii.  53;  vii.289. 

Faneuil,  Benjamin,  ii.  60,  67. 

Faneuil  Hall,  ii.  53. 

Fannett, ,  viii.  274. 

Farebrother,  Suzanna,  viii.  269. 

Farlo,  George,  i.  45. 

Farman,  Ralph,  viii.  270. 

Farman,  Alice,  ib. 

Farman,  Mary,  ib. 

Farman,  Thomas,  ib. 

Farmer,  John,  Account  of  Churches  and 
Ministers  in  New  Hampshire,  i.  153, 
158,290,296;  ii.  299;  Ui.  183;  iy.  292. 
Memoir  of  Narrafanset  Townships,  ii. 
273,  365;  iii.  183,  405;  iv.  289;  v.  294, 
297;  vi.  296;  viii.  249,  344. 

Farmer's  Genealogical  Register  referred 
to,  vii.  255  ;  vui.  312. 

Farmer  and  Moore's  Collectionti  referred 
to,  u.  297,  304,  306,  308,  315,  319,  320. 

"  Farmer's  brother,"  an  Indian,  v.  159. 

Farnham,  Capt.,  vi.  208. 

Farrar,  Samuel,  ii.  321. 

Farrar,  Rev.  Stephen,  ib. 

Farrel,  James,  x.  178.  i 

Farrington,  Thomas,  iii.  157. 

Farrington,  Edmond,  viii.  253. 

Farrington,  Elizabeth,  ib, 

Farrington,  Sara,  ib. 

Farrington,  Matthew,  viii.  253;  z.  128. 

Farrington,  John,  viii.  253. 

Farrington, ,  x.  182. 

FarweTl,  Thomas,  ii.  297. 

Fast  "  enjoined  upon  all  the  King's  sub- 
jects," Jan.  30,  1689,  i.  83.  In  Massa- 
i;hu8etts,  on  account  of  Philip's  war, 
vi.  187.  On  account  of  the  Pequot  war, 
X.  176. 

Faucheraud, ,  ii.  57. 

Favour,  Timothy,  ii.  297. 

Fay,  Rev. ,  ii.  321. 

Fayerweather,  John,  vii.  50. 

Fay  re  (or  Fear).  Cape,  Adventurers,  rep- 
resentation of,  i.  55. 

Faysoux, ,  ii.  57. 

Feake, ,  x.  2. 

Peaks,  or  Feakes,  ix.  256,  258. 

Federal  Street  Church,  Boston,  x.  200. 

Feild,  William,  i.  4. 

Feild,  Robert,  viii.  219. 

Felloe,  William,  viii.  254. 

Felt,  Rev.  Joseph  B.,  ui.  169,  405,  406  ; 
v.  292, 297;   vi.  300.     Hia  Anoab  of 


Salem  and  History  of  Ipcwicb  conpU- 

mented,  vii.  85 ;  viii.  2&;  ijL.  187. 
Fen,  Capt,  x.  13. 
Fencing,  teacher  of,  vii.  157. 
Fenn,  Alderman,  viii.  255. 
Fenn,  Richard,  tb. 
Fenner,  Rebecca,  viii.  278. 
Fennick,  Elizabeth,  viii.  870. 
Fenwick,  [George],  1.84,184;  iii.  97,197, 

139, 380 ;  x.  175. 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  extract  ftom  the 

History  of,  viii.  1.    Furniah  Colombiis 

with  vessels,  7.    Lands  gfanted  tO|  by 

the  Pope  of  Rome,  ix.  201. 
Ferguson,  Elizabeth,  ii.  296. 
Ferguson,  Mary,  vi.  214. 
Ferine,  Philip,  x.  138. 
Ferine,  Dorcas,  ib. 
Ferman,  P.,  vii.  189. 

Ferrel,  Capt. ,  vi.  2T^. 

Fessenden,  Rev.  Thowas^  iii.  UW. 
Fessenden,  William,  ib. 
Fessenden,  Thomas  G.,  ib. 

Fessenden, -,  ib. 

Field,  Rev.  David  D.,  v.  892. 

Field,  William,  ix.  278. 

Fielder,  Col.,  u.33a 

Fifield,  John,  ii.  897. 

Fiflh  monarchy,  a  brief  diMoripUoii  of,  viii. 

294 ;  X.  2. 
Fillebrown,  Thomas,  ii.  63. 

Finch, ,  i.  298. 

Fines  [Fiennes  ?],  Lord,  viii.  387,  330. 

Fire  in  London  in  1666,  x.  66. 

Fire  in  Boston,  1711,  vii.  88. 

Firmin,  Goodman,  i.  236. 

Firmin,  John,  i.  245. 

Firmin,  Giles,  iv.  57  ;  x.  168. 

Firmin,  John,  x.  141. 

Fish-carrier,  Indian,  v.  159. 

Fisher,  Rev.  Jabez  P.,  ii.  ai5. 

Fisher,  George,  ii.  333. 

Fisher,  Samuel,  iv.  290. 

FUher,  Oliver,  ib. 

Fisher,  J.  Francis,  vi.  286,  897;  vii.  26, 

222,  293. 
Fisher,  Joshua,  x.  159. 
Fisher,  Anthony,  ib. 

Fisher, ,  ib. 

Fiaher,  Mary,  t^. 
Fisher,  William,  x.  171. 
Fisher's  Island,  vi.  268 ;  x.  78. 
Fishermen  killed  at  Cape  Porpoiae,  vi. 

248.  *^         ^ 

Fishery  on  the  coast  of  Cape  Sablea,  i. 

i  aJU. 

Fishine,  benefits  of,  vi.  109, 110. 
Fisk,  David,  iii.  382. 
Fisk,  David,  iv.  291. 
Fisk,  Edward,  ib. 
Fisk,  John,  viii.  248. 
Fiske,  William,  i.  288. 
Fiske,  Moses,  i.  290. 
Fiske,  Thomas,  iv.  291. 
Fiske, ,  vu.  298. 


General  Index. 


Fitke  Famil7,  1. 156. 

Fuke,  Nichoht,  it. 

Fiikc,  Ricbsrd,  ii. 

Fiike,  Sibil,  or  lubtlii,  ii. 

Fi*k<i,  Bobeit,  1. 156, 1ST.  . 

FUkt,  William,  it. 

Fiike,  Williun,  i.  ]57, 158. 

Fi*lu,  JoMph,  I.  157. 

Fbke,  Jefferj,  x.  1S7, 158, 

Fnkc,  Tbonu*,  i.  157. 

Full*,  Eleozu,  d. 

Fiike,  Anne,  it. 

Fiake,  Jobn,  it. 

FUke,  Nathanisl,  it. 

F»ke,  Eunice,  ib, 

Fiike,  HuuaL  a. 

Fiikc,  Esihci,  tt. 

Fiike,  t^arali,  ii. 

Finke,  Moiei,  ii, 

Fiike,  John,  it. 

Fiike,  SaiDuel,  1. 158. 

Fiike,  JoKph,  ii. 

Fiike,  BeDjamin,  U. 

FLike,  Mvlha,  it. 

Fiike,  Nathaniel,  A. 

Fiike,  Nalliaa,  it. 

Fiike,  Datid,  it. 

Fiike,  Sirah,  I.  isa,  15ilL 

Fiike,  Jamei,  i.  158. 

Fiike,  Phi  ae»,ti. 

Fiike,  Anne,  i.  159. 

Fiike,  Martha,  it. 

Fiike,  Edmunit,  it. 

Fiike,  CornuUui,  x.  160. 

Fiike,  A  mm,  it. 

Fitch,  Eev.  Dr.  Ebeneiet.  i.  386. 

Fitch,  KcT.  Jabez,  ii.  313;  t.  182. 

Fitch,  BenJamiD,  iT.  3!>0. 

Filch,  Guv.  Tbomai,  v.  IS. 

Fitch,  Col.,  vii.  871. 

Fitch,  Janif..-,  vjil  2fiS 

Filch,  Abipiil,  riii.  269;  ».  130. 

Fiicli,J<..,vi„,ii70. 

Filch,  Kev ,  i.  (9. 

Fitch, ,  1.171. 

Fitrhc,  Richacil,  viii  2iS. 

Fia  Wnllor, ,  viii.  310. 

Fits  Nations  of  ndiiDii.  r.  SI,  60,  65 

Ancient  tnendihip  witb  oonfirtned,  vi 

360;  Tii.  231.  aC 
Fligg,  Rev.  Ebenenir,  it.  303- 
FliM,  Lieut.,  vi.210,  !&!4. 
Flanaen,  David,  i,  157, 
Flario,  of  Naplea.  inventor  of  the  maii 

ner'i  coin  pan,  iii.  358. 
rkBi,CBpi,,  1  196,107. 
Fleet,  Engliih,  ai  Quebec,  i.  HI. 
Flefliv.cM>J,  Genera),  i.  195,  1117 ;  ii.  361. 
Fleming,  Rhv.  Ruberl,   t.   VJ.I,  SOO;   il 

6li. 
Fleming,  Abrain,  viii.  361. 
Fletcher,  Eev.  Elijah,  of  Hopkinlon,  i 


FoK(. 


,  IliM.Eaelef.oiMl,r, 


Fleunr, ,  ii. 

14,  16, 50, 79. 
Flint, Rev. Henrv,ofBnuntTeB,i. 50;  iii. 

93,304;  viii.m 
Flint,  Rev.  Jacob,  hii  Hiilorj  and   D«- 

•criplion  DfCuha»ct,  11.84.     Settlediu 

the  minislry  tfiPiB,  98, 
Flint,  J   B.  „,;«.. 
Flint,  EniigD,  iii.  177. 

Flint,  Rev ,  iii.  380. 

Flint,  Rev.  Timolhj,  iii.  408. 

Flint,  Rev.  Thomai,  nf  Conoard,  iv.  41, 

6^.     I.Pitct  uf  Rev    Peter  Bulklev  in 

behalf  of  hii  nidow,  i,  47. 
Florida,  iii.  100.  The  whole  conil  of,  granl- 

ed  lu  the  Earl  uf  Clnrendon  and  oiben. 
55.  Admiful  Colicnj  aendi  French 

ProieiUnli  to  letlle  tbeie,  ii.  7 ;  vi.  I(M. 

Taken   poM«saion  of  bv  Columbui,  ill. 

36ri,  361  ;    by   Julin    da   Ponce,    369. 

French    expedition  into,   363.     Cam- 

loodiiieior,  viii.ll4,nti.    Minei,  181. 
Floyd,  Richard,  iv.  198. 
Floyd,  Cnpl.,  vi.  217,  Sie,  224,  238. 
Fludd,  Dr.,  Worki  of,  ii.  B5S. 


en,  Lapl.,  IJ 
Rev.  jVreDii 


liah,  ii.  311. 


Fdkar,  John,  i 

Foliom,Th.imiii,  iii.  405. 

Folmm,  George,  vi.  309.    Hii  letter,  vii. 

26,31. 
Fonea,  Capl.  John,  vii.  182,  183. 
Fonei,  or  Jonei,  Martha,  viii.  287 ;  1. 133. 

Fonei, ,  ii.  227. 

Fool,  Capt.,  vi.  224. 

Foo^ ,  ii.  281. 

Foole,  C,  iv.  29U. 

Foole,  Samuel,  it. 

Furbet,  General,  7i.  149. 

"      B,  Peici,  ti.297;  vii.StS, 

s»  in  New  England  in  1688,  i.  85. 
Ford,  Capt,  Jo*.,  v.  lab. 
Ford,  Barbara,  vui.  260. 
Fordbam,  Hev.  Mf.,  of  Sudboiy,  iii.  93. 
Forefothen'  Sons,  oooipaaed  about  the 

yeiir  ItWO,  vii.  ai, 
Forijlli,  J,,  Secr^tarv  'ft  Suie,  vii.  803. 
Fort  Biuinglun,  V.  l5l. 
b'ort  Dnqueine,  v.  8. 
Fort  George.  New  York.  v.  10. 
Fort  llarninr,  Irealy  at,  v.  146, 164. 
Fort  Herkimer,  t   118. 
Fort  Hunter,  v.  117. 
Fort  Lieonier,  vi.  149. 
Fori  Schuyler,  V.   118.     New,  119. 
Fori  Stanwii,  novr  Fort  Schuyler,  r.  1 18, 

J 19,  120 
Fort  William  Heiirj,  at  Pemaquid,   vi. 

Fort  laken  by  the  Engliih  in  Philip'i  war. 


294 


General  Index. 


Forts  taken  from  the  French,  vii.  122. 

Foiseker,  Jo.,  iz.  293. 

Fossie,  Daniel,  viil.  307. 

Foster,  Andrew,  i.  125. 

Foster,  Moses,  i.  157. 

Foster,  Isaac,  i.  256. 

Foster,  Hon.  Theodore,  i.  290. 

Foster,  Rev.  Ahiel,  ii.  322. 

Foster,  John  S.,  ii.  368. 

Foster,  Robert,  iii.  232. 

Foster,  Mrs.,  iii.  405. 

Foster,  John,  of  Portsmouth,  iv.  292. 

Foster,  John,  vii.  64,  68, 158. 

Foster,  Rev.  Dr.  John,  of  Brighton,  vii. 
285. 

Foster,  Patience,  viii.  261. 

Foster,  Hopestili,  viii.  261 ;  z.  131. 

Foster,  Christopher,  viii.  266. 

Foster,  Francis,  ib. 

Foster,  Rebecca,  ib. 

Foster,  Nathaniel,  ib. 

Foster,  John,  ib. 

Foster,  John,  viii.  295. 

Fothergill,  Dr.  Anthony,  i.  290. 

Foulfoot,  Thomas,  viii.  252. 

Fountaine,  Edward,  viii.  267.    . 

Four6,  Dr.,  iz.  34. 

Fowle,  Rev.  John,  of  Cohasset,  ii.  92. 

Fowle,  Thomas,  ii.  117, 119,  133. 

Fowle,  John,  iv.  289. 

Fowle,  Capt.,  vi.  261. 

Fowle,  Ann,  viii.  259. 

Fowler,  Thomas,  iv.  290. 

Fowler, ,  vi.  219. 

Fowls,  Capt.  Zach.,  v.  190. 

Fowls,  Capt.  Isa.,  ib. 

Foz,  William,  ii.  60. 

Foz,  George,  ii.  341. 

Foz,  John,  viii.  266. 

Foz,  Richard,  ib. 

Fozcroft,  Francis,  i.  84 ;  vii.  195. 

Fozcrofl,  George,  iii.  326. 

FozcroA,  Rev.  [Thomas],  v.  223. 

Foz  Point  attacked  bjr  Indians,  vi.  217. 

Fozwell, ,  iii.  228. 

Fozwell,  Richard,  iz.  262. 

France,  Geographical  Society  of,  i.  299. 

France.    See  National,  ii.  42. 

Francis  I.,  i.  232.  Learning  and  the  Ref- 
ormation revive  in  France  in  his  reign, 
ii.  2. 

Francis,  Dr.  John  W.,  i.  290. 

Francis,  Henry  M.,  i.  295. 

Francis,  Rev.  Dr.  Convers,  iii.  406,  408 ; 
V.  297;  vi.  294,  298.  His  Memoir  of 
Gamaliel  Bradford,  M.D.,  iz.  75.  Me- 
moir of  Hon.  John  Davis,  LL.  D.,  z. 
186. 

Francis,  Indian  captain,  iz.  91. 

Francis,  Joseph,  Indian  lieutenant-govern- 
or, iz.  94,  95. 

Francis,  Solomon,  Indian,  iz.96,  98. 

"  Francis  Joseph,"  Indian  governor,  iz. 

**  Francis  P6-neis,"  Indian  captain,  ix.99. 


Francis  Turbot,  v.  75-92. 

Francklyn,  Elizabeth,  her  epitaph,  viii. 
316. 

Francklyn,  Lemuel,  ib. 

Fra«9ois,  John,  Indian  governor,  iz.  96. 

Frankland,  Thomas,  vii.  70. 

Franklin,  Josiah,  ii.  53. 

Franklin,  A.  F.,  ib. 

Franklin,  Dr.  Benjamin,  ii.  53.  Plan  of 
union  drawn  up  by,  in  1754,  v.  5, 6, 7, 
14,70.  Medals  of,  vi.  289.  Letters  of, 
in  the  British  Museum,  viii.  278,  316 ; 
iz.  6, 9. 

Franklin's  Works,  Sparks's  edition,  re- 
ferred to,  viii.  278. 

Franklin,  town  of,  in  Pennsylvania,  v. 
103,  105. 

Frary,  Theophilus,  iv.  289. 

Frary,  Ebenezer,  iv.  291. 

Fraser,  Charles,  iii.  408. 

Frazier,  John,  v.  102,  107. 

Frederick  William,  Elector  of  **  Brande- 
bourg,"  ii.  47. 

Freebourne,  William,  z.  143, 144. 

Freebourne,  Mary,  z.  143. 

Freebourne,  Mary,  z.  144. 

Freebourne,  Saraii,  ib. 

Freeman,  Rev.  Dr.  James,  i.  288,  292, 
293,  294  ',  ii.  259,  262 ;  iu.  205  ;  v.  254 ; 
vi.  154;  vii.  9,  17,  23;  iz.  170,  171. 
Memoir  of,  v.  255. 

Freeman,  Nathaniel,  i.  288;  vii.  17. 

Freeman,  Constant,  i.  290. 

Freeman,  Joseph,  iv.  291. 

Freeman,  Capt.,  v.  190, 191. 

Freeman,  Lois,  v.  256. 

Freeman,  Constant,  ib. 

Freeman,  Samuel,  ib. 

Freeman,  Edmund,  vii.  286. 

Freeman,  John,  viii.  266. 

Freeman,  Marie,  ib. 

Freeman,  Sycillie,  ib. 

Freeman,  Ihoraas,  ib. 

Freeman,  Edmund,  t^. 

Freeman,  Edward,  viii.  267. 

Freeman,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Freeman,  Alice,  ib. 

Freeman,  Edmond,  viii.  268. 

Freeman,  John,  ib. 

Freeman,  Anthony,  viii.  272. 

Freeman, ,  viii.  309. 

Freemen,  iii.  82,  83.  Admitted  by  the 
General  Court,  viii.  202. 

Freetown,  ii.  70. 

French,  Rev.  Jonathan,  ii.  316. 

French,  William,  iv.  193. 

French,  Elizabeth,  vii?.  268. 

French,  Marie,  ib. 

French,  Francis,  ib. 

French,  Jo.,  ib. 

French,  William,  ib. 

French,  to  be  aided  by  the  English,  i.  61. 
Settlements  in  Maine,  82.  And  In- 
dians take  Pemaquid  Fort,  85.  Fight 
for  James  II ,  105.    Design  to  have  pot- 


General  Index. 


295 


seauon  of  New  England,  106.  Soldiers 
and  money  §ent  by  the  King  of  France 
to  Quebec,  109.  Design  to  extend  their 
limits  to  Kennebec  River,  135.  Have 
no  claim  beyond  the  River  St.  George, 
1%.  Possessions  on  Canada  River  be- 
long to  Great  Britain,  231  -234.  Settle 
in  Canada,  232.  Subdued  bv  Sir  Wil- 
liam Alexander,  ib.  Expelled  by  the 
English  from  both  sides  or  Canada  Riv- 
er, ih.  Forts,  by  treaty,  delivered  ap  to 
them  by  the  English,  ib.  Plunder  and 
make  prisoners  of  English  settlers,  forts 
taken  oy  Sedgwick  under  a  commission 
from  Cromwell,  make  alliances  with 
Indian  nations,  233.  Intermarry  with 
the  natives,  excite  Indians  to  commit 
cruelties  upon  the  English,  ib.  And 
Indians  assault  a  town  in  Massachusetts, 
234.  Plantation,  iii.  100.  King  sends 
soldiers  to  Canada,  392.  Preacher  at 
Cape  Cod,  iv.  43.  War,  v.  5,  51,  85. 
Send  armies  to  Ohio,  46,  51.  At  Ken- 
nebec River,  49.  Have  liberty  to  trade 
with  Indians,  65.  Aggressions  in  Amer- 
ica, 64-67.  Ships  visit  New  Eng- 
land, vi.  104.  Fleet,  fears  of  invasion 
by, 242.  And  Indian shallopcast  away, 
254.  Store-ship  taken,  ib.  Take  Block 
Island,  263.  iMohawks  kill  several  per- 
sons at  Exeter,  278.  Protestants  in 
Narraganset,  vii.  182.  Forces  to  be 
raised  against,  x.  63. 

French  Protestants  who  settled  at  Oxford, 
Massachusetts,  A.  D.  1686,  memoir  of, 
with  a  sketch  of  the  entire  history  of  the 
Protestants  of  France,  by  A.  Holmes, 
D.  D.,  ii.  1. 

French  River,  ii.  75. 

French  and  Indians,  Niles's  Summary  His- 
torical Narrative  of,  from  1634  to  1760, 
vi.  154. 

Frey,  John,  x.  144. 

Frisk.    See  Fisk. 

Frobisber,  Sir  Martin,  iii.  52,  368. 

Frobisher, ,  x.  161. 

Froiden,  Franc,  viii.  274. 

Frontenac, ,  letter  of,  in  relation  to 

Monsieur  Cbamble,  Governor  of  Aca- 
dia, a  prisoner  at  Boston,  i.  64.  Gov- 
ernor of  Canada,  105, 106.  Complains 
of  the  Governor  of  New  York,  lOo ;  vi. 
238. 

Frontenac,  now  Kingston,  v.  173. 

FronteAac  Fort,  account  of  expedition  to, 
viii.  280. 

Frost,  Hon.  John,  ii.  303. 

Frost, ,  iii.  98. 

Frost,  Major  Charles,  killed,  vi.  242. 

Frost,  John,  vii.  50. 

Frothingham,  Samuel,  i.  273,  275,  278. 

Frothingham,  Capt.,  t.  190. 

Frothingham,  Rev.  Nathaniel  L.,  v.  270  } 
ix.  304. 

Frothingham,  Richard,  Jr.,  x.  236. 


Fruit  trees,  diseased,  how  cared,  iii.  338. 

Fry,  John,  ii.  337. 

Fry,  Capt,  vi.  134. 

Fry,  John,  viii.  303. 

Fuller,  Thomas,  i.  45. 

Fuller,  John,  i.  275. 

Fuller,  Thomas,  iv.  290. 

Fuller,  Capt.,  vi.  179. 

Fuller,  Marie,  viii.  255. 

Fuller,  William,  viii.  262. 

Fuller,  Jo.,  ib. 

Fumell,  ix.  272.    See  Tucnell. 


G. 


Gage,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  iii.  186. 

Gage,  Thomas,  author  of  account  of  Cen- 
tral America,  vi.  280. 

Gage,  General,  vii.  89;  viii.  346. 

jGage, ,  X.  171. 

j  Graillard, ,  ii.  57. 

I  Gains,  John,  ii.  276. 
I  Gale,  Edward,  vii.  178. 

Galeof  1815,  ii.  34. 

Gales.     See  Gates. 

Galeucia,  Daniel,  vi.  277. 

Galindo,  Col.  Juan,  v.  300.  His  letter  to 
Hon.  Thomas  L.  Winthrop,  giving  ac- 
count of  Thomas  Gage,  vi.  2S). 

Gallatin,  Hon.  Albert,  iii.  408;  x.  217. 

Gallop,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

Gallop,  John,  vi.  4. 

Gallop,  Capt.,  vi.  181.    Killed,  182. 

Gallop,  Jonn,  vii.  253. 

Gallway,  Le  Comte  de,  ii.  65. 

Gamstole, ,  ii.  26. 

Gannett,  Caleb,  i.  288. 

Gannett, ,  vi.  299. 

Gannett,  Rev.  Dr.,  Sermon  on  the  Death 
of  Judge  Davis  quoted,  x.  195,  196. 

Gante,  Peter,  ii.  68. 

Gard,  Will[iam],  x.  70. 

Gardener,  or  Gardiner,  Thomas,  viii. 
275. 

Gardiner,  Sir  Christopher,  iii.  378;  viii. 
320,  321,  323 ;  ix.  li&),  253,  254. 

Gardiner,  or  Gardener,  Lion,  his  Relation 
of  the  Pequot  Wars,  iii.  131 ;  vi.  159. 
Biographical  Sketch  of,  by  Alexander 
Gardiner,  X.  173;  viii.  271.  Account  of, 
in  Vol.  III.,  incorrect,  x.  173. 

Gardiner,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

Gardiner,  W.H.,v.  298. 

Gardiner,  Col.,  Life  of,  quoted,  vii.  272. 

Gardiner,  Richard,  vii.  300. 

Gardiner, ,  ix.  292. 

Gardiner,  Alexander,  x.  173. 

Gardiner,  David,  x.  177, 183. 

Gardiner,  Mary,  x.  179. 

Gardiner,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Gardiner  family,  viii.  310. 

Gardner,  Samuel  P.,  i.  288,298;  v.  296; 
ix.  170;  X.225. 

Gardner,  Andrew,  iv.  290. 


Gtnertd  Index. 


GwdMr.Cut.,  *i.  1«1.    KUMviei). 
G«rdner,  Cipl.,  n.  20" 

GMdnet,  R«v. 

cidentallv  killed,  vi.  361. 
GaMner,  Hionsl.,  Tii.  206. 
GHTdner,  Capl.  Snmuel,  lil,  I 
GMrdoer,  PiMer,  viij.  961. 
GBrdiiGi,  Edward,  vili  370. 
Gardner.  I,v.,t,,  viii,  371. 
Gardner,  Har^,  it. 


183. 
Gkroett,  J  Udell 
Garret,  llaraia 

Ganeit, 

Guriion,  Willi 

G«T<K|, ,    

Gvroii,  Hermon.  an  IndiaD,  i.  &9]. 
Gales, SirThoaiiui,iJi.5l,3T:i;  Ti.S3,M. 
GsimII,  Wilier,  vli),  966. 
GtT,  Rev.  Ebenezer,  af  Hinihain,  ii.  87, 

M,317. 

Gay,  Bbt. ,  ii.  92. 

Gar,  Sarab,  i'.'£'6. 

Gednej,   Barlliolontevr.   1.136;    vi.  240; 

ifii,  158-100;  X.  180, 
Gm,  John,  viii.  S74, 375. 


u  Lloyd,  iii.  407. 


TT,Tlit.30S,3M. 


Geere.  Elizabeth,  it. 

Geare,  Sara,  ib. 

Gegg,  Tticimas  v.  170. 

Gendul.  or  Ciiidel,  Cap!.,  killed  by  In- 
diana, ri.  303. 

Gendall,  Walter,  vii.  158. 

Gendron, ,  ii,  57. 

Genealoaical  Noliee*  of  early  aettlere  of 
New  hngland  from  Suffolk,  England, 


S02.  EiiMri-  ifi.rii  1, 1  ,.f,'-  .,|,  relating 
to  enrK  luvi^, -,:iii,  :•:.■:■.:  [..,1  ■  duly  on 
good*  and  pruvisinnri,  i,  74-  Reconia 
of  PWmoutli  <;olony  copied  br  ordei 
of,  T,  354.  ■'ft 

Ganeva,  Miaaiooanea  aeot  ftmn,  to  Brazil, 
ii.7, 

Gennor,  Rev. ,  of  Wermoalb, 

381. 

George,  In.llnn,  ndmonislie.l,  iv.  56. 

George  fl.,  i    vjll 

George  HI.  i 

GenBli 


a  eouneellora,  v.  88 

riii.  278. 

8, 

1)  by  Indiana,  ^ 

Geriah,  John,  ib. 

Germaine, ,  ii.  77,  78,  79. 

Gennan  Flata,  meeting  of  CommiBaione 
and  Indian  Sachem*  at,  in  I77S,  r.  7! 
Ganiib,  Col,  Joseph,  ii.  1176. 
"—   '^   "       '  aeph,  iii.ieO, 


GeHrude-Msrii.  a  t>ti]iah  rfitp  wnAad  at 
Cohsntil,  ii.  104. 

Gibbeiw,  Jamea,  viii-  259. 

Oibbaa, ,  viii.  302. 

Gibbint,  Can!.,  iii  373. 

Gibbon*,  Lient.  [Edward],  ni.  137.  Ma- 
jor, 150.  8eij earn- Major,  330.  Maior- 
Oeneral,  386, 387, 386 ;  Til.  Il». 

Gibbi,John,  i.  1<)9,301. 

Gibbt,  Willian,  Tii.203-.  riii- 4. 

Gibba,  Capt  Jo.,  viii.  373. 

Gibba,Roben,  viii.  308. 

Uibba,  W.,  It. 

Gibba,  John,  ih. 

Gibba,  William,  a. 

Gibba,  Anatice,  it. 

Gibba,  Georn, ». 

Gibba,  Sir  Vioary,  rti 

Gibba,  J.,  viii.  X». 

Gibba,  Tbomai,  viii.  3M. 

Gibba,  Hafgaiet,  ib. 

Gibba,  Geo.  A.,  it. 

Gibba  fimilj,  acoonnt  of,  viii.  301,  30S, 
304, 


Gibaon,  Hiigb,  aeeonni  of  hia  capiirity, 

Ti.  Ml. 
GibioD,  David,  it. 
Gibaon,  Iirael.vi.  161. 
Gibaon,  Richard,  viii.  348, 
GiddiDa,(;i»irg>^,  viii  -J53,  S54. 
Giddina,  Jnne,  vJii.2G3     i.  ISB. 
Gidnay,  „r  Odimv,  Col.,  »i.  »M.      See 

Gsaney. 

Giffbrd, ,  a.  S39. 

Gicnilliai, ,  ii,57. 

GiIben,Rawleyor Ralegh, iii.5I.  Amte* 

in  New  England,  ri.  S4.    President,  G6. 
Gilbert,  Sir  Homphrey,  iii.  313,  365, 366; 

Gilbert,  Cspl.  Ralph,  iii.  371. 

Gilbert,  .-ir  .l..!iii,  dies,  ti,  ZAi. 

Gilbert,  Hipi  MarihnlomeH'.  aoeotnpaBi«s 
Capl.  (ip^nold  in  hi*  voi  aee  to  Amer- 
ica in  J{JOa,  »iii,  83,  SG,  ' 

Gilbert, ,  1,31, 

Gilbert*!  Point,  viii.  75. 

Gilbpne,  Mnllhew,  vii,  IM. 

Gild  a*  quoted,  iv,  GO. 

Gildioin,  Niralaag,  li.  67, 69. 

Gile,  Ephraiin,  i.  156 
Giles,  Hannah,  ii.  396. 
Gilea,  Capt.,  vi.  308. 
Gilea,  Lieut.,  vi.  256. 
Gilea,  Mark,  vi.  359. 
GilehSJrE.,      '   '"* 


Gerriab,  Rev. 


Gill,  - 


i.  S4I. 


Gill,  Capl.,  of  Charleatowo,  vi.  « 

Gillam,  Capt ,  at  Hadlev,  J.  70. 

Gillam,  Ann,  viii,  367. 

Gillam.  Ben,  ii. 

Gilla,  John,  inteipretar,  Ti.346. 

Gilman,  Rev.  Nieolaa,  ii.  306. 


General  Index. 


297 


Gilman,  Nicholu,  ii.  306. 

Gilman,  Elizabeth,  ii.  206. 

Gilman,  Andrew,  ix.  8H,  80. 

Gilson,  Dr.,  Bishop  of  London,  v.  229. 

Giiston  [or  Gelston],  Ann,  viii.  260. 

Girardeau,  ,  ii.  57. 

Girtie,  Simon,  v.  142. 

Gist,  Lieut.-Col.  Christopher,  his  Joarnal 
of  a  Visit,  with  Major  George  Washing- 
ton, to  the  French  Commander  on  the 
Ohio,  in  1753,  y.  101. 

Gladwell,  Aymes,  viii.  261. 

Gleason,  Thomas,  ii.  74,  75. 

Glover,  John,  i.  30,  37. 

Glover,  Anne,  ii.  2^. 

Glover,  Mrs.,  x.  9,  12. 

Glover,  Henry,  z.  141. 

Gloucester,  iii.  323,  376;  iv.  290.  Alarm 
at,  yi.231.     Church,  iu.  383. 

Glyn,  Lord  Chief  Justice,  ii.  347,  348. 

Goad,  Dr.,  i.  241. 

Goad,  Tho.,  viii.  269. 

Goad,  Benjamin,  x.  98. 

Goadby,  John,  viii.  254. 

Goare,  Richard,  viii.  263 ;  z.  131. 

Goddard,  Rev.  Edward,  ii.  318. 

Goddard,  Thomas,  viii.  319. 

Godfrey,  Capt.,  vi.  268,  269,  275. 

Godfrey,  Tho.,  viii.  275. 

Godin, ,  ii.  57. 

Goffe,  Col.  William,  i.  51,  52.  Letter  to, 
from  his  wife,  60.  And  Whalley,  papers 
relating  to,  vii.  123,  303;  viii.  ^,  331 ; 
ix.  122;  X.  39. 

Goffe,  Thomas,  patentee,  iii.  326.  Dep- 
uty-Governor, 327. 

Golfe,  Elizabeth,  viii.  270. 

Gold,  Jurvice,  viii.  255. 

Gold,  Edward,  viii.  256. 

Gold, ,  ix.  286. 

Gold,  Mary,  letter  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 
X.  72. 

Gold,  Thomas,  dies,  x.  97. 

Gold,  Elizabeth,  x.  164,  166. 

Gold,  silver,  and  copper  mines  in  North 
Florida  and  inland  main  of  Virginia, 
viii.  121-123. 

Gold  and  silver  ore  in  Rhode  Island,  ix. 
280. 

Golding,  William,  minister,  ii.  130,  133. 

Goldsmith,  Thomas,  x  88. 

Gomez,  Stephen,  iii.  362. 

(fOod,  Thomas,  x.  145. 

Goodale,  Robert,  x.  141,  142. 

Goodale,  Katherin,  x.  141. 

Goodale,  Mary,  x.  142. 

Goodale,  Abraham,  ib. 

Goodale,  Isaac,  ib. 

Groodhew,  Jane,  viii.  270. 

Goodhue,  Jonathan,  i.  290. 

Goodhue,  William,  Jr.,  iv.  291. 

Goodhue,  Nico,  viii.  270. 

Ooodier, ,  iii.  164. 

Goodier,  Hugo,  ix.  66,  67,  68. 

Good  lad, ,  iii.  217. 


VOL.     X. 


38 


**  Good  Newes  from  New  England,**  a 
rare  tract  in  the  British  Museum,  viii. 
287. 

Goodridge,  Rev.  Sewall,  iii.  184. 

Goodridge, ,  and  his  wife  killed  by 

Indians,  vi.  227. 

Goodridge,  Isabell,  x.  138. 

Goods  sent  from  England,  ix.  261,  265, 
266. 

Goodwin,  Thomas,  i.  33. 

Goodwin,  Rev.  Ezra  S.,  i.  288;  x.  189. 

Goodwin,  John,  ii.  112. 

Goodwin,  Thomas,  iv.  30,  35, 154,  159. 

Goodwin,  Nathaniel,  iv.  290. 

Goo<^win,  Rev.  Ezra  S.,  Memoir  of,  v.  282. 

Goodwin,  Rev.  Hersey  B.,  v.  283. 

Goodwin,  Mehitablo,  taken  by  the  In- 
dians, vi.  212.    Her  child  kifled,  213. 

Goodwin,  Dr.,  z.  42. 

Goodwin,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  Sandwich,  x.  199. 

Goody eare, ,  ix.  276. 

Goodyeare, ,  x.  15. 

Gookm,  Daniel,  i.  45, 63;  ii.  314  ;  iv.  193 ; 
vii.  7,  22,  246.  His  Historical  Collec- 
tions  quoted,  ii.  59. 

Gookin, ,  of  Cambridge,  i.  63. 

Gookin,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  ii.  ol6. 

Gorden,  Edmond,  viii.  259. 

Gore,  Hon.  Christopher,  i.  288,  292;  v. 
262 ;  vii.  21 ;  ix.  170 ;  z.  190.  Memoir 
of,  iii.  191. 

Gore,  John,  iii.  205. 

Gorge,  or  Gorges,  Robert,  grant  from  the 
Council  of  Plymouth,  iii.  343.  Besins 
a  plantation  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay, 
iii.  375.  Settles  at  Weymouth,  vi.  74. 
His  charter  from  the  cfouncil  of  New 
England,  75,  80.  Governor  of  New 
England,  viii.  161. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  iii.  99,  342,  343, 
374,  375, 391 ;  vi.  14,  132,  133;  vii.  169; 
viii.  323,  341.  His  natent  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Maine  (in  Hazard's  Coll.,  Vol. 
I.  p.  442),  vi.  83.  Form  of  government, 
t^. 

Gorges,  Capt.  William,  Governor  of  the 
Province  of  Maine,  iii.  99,  343,  380 ; 
vi.  79  ;  viii.  170. 

Gorges,  Ferdinando,  Esq.,  vi.  46,  79;  viiL 
294. 

Gorges,  Lord  Edward,  vi.  83. 

Gorges  and  Mason's  right  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Maine  confirmed,  viii.  242. 

Gorgiana,  iii.  344. 

Gorffs,  or  Gorges,  Thomas,  iii.  99. 

Gorham,  Col.  Shubael,  ii.  279. 

Gorham,  Capt.,  vi.  181. 

Gorham,  Col.,  vi.  255. 

Gorham,  Rev.  George  C,  viii.  313. 

Gorham  family,  viii.  312,  313. 

Gorram,  John,  viii.  312. 

Gorram,  Ralph,  viii.  312,  313. 

Gorram,  James,  viii.  312. 

Gorram,  Joseph,  ib, 

Gorram,  Jabez,  ib. 


298 


General  Index. 


Gorram,  James,  viii.  313. 

Gorsham,  Rob.,  yiii.  275. 

Gorton,  Samuel,  i.  1,  3, 11.  Bought  land 
of  the  Indians,  215 ;  ii.  135,  136 ;  iii. 
96,  97,  382;  in.  28.  His  *'  Simplicities 
Defence  "  referred  to,  28,  69. 

Gosline,  Thomas,  viii.  297. 

Gosling, ,  i.  242. 

Gosling,  John,  vi.  130. 

Gosmore, ,  iii.  156. 

Gosnold,  Cant.  Bartholomew,  iii.  51,  312, 
370;  vi.  105.  Documents  relating  to 
bis  voyage  to  America,  A.  D.  1602,  viii. 
69  - 123,  280. 

Gosnold's  Hope,  viii.  76. 

Gospel,  its  "  Glorious  Proffress  amonirst 
the  Indians  in  New  Eng&nd,"  iv.  69- 
98.  "  A  Farther  Discovery  of  the  Pres- 
ent State  of  the  Indians  m  New  Eng- 
land concerning  the  Progress  of  the 
Gospel  amongst  them,"  100-147. 

Gosport,  one  of  the  Isles  of  Shoals,  church 
and  ministers,  ii.  312 ;  iv.  293. 

Gosslyn, ,  ix.  239. 

Gostlin, ,  ix.  237, 239,  249. 

Gostlin,  ■    ,  X.  70. 

Gostline,  W.  F.,  viii.  246. 

Gott,  Mr.,  i.  179.  Deacoh  Charles,  letter 
from  Rev.  Hugh  Peter,  i.  179, 180. 

Goudgier,  Hugo,  ix.  66,  67. 

Gouge,  Dr.,  i.  237. 

Gouge,  William,  iv.  159. 

Gouge,  James,  vi.  228. 

Gould,  B.  A.,  i.  297. 

Gould,  John,  iv.  290. 

Gould,  Lieut.  John,  charged  with  treason, 
vii.  150. 

Gould,  Jo.,  viii.  265. 

Gould,  Grace,  ib. 

Gouldson,  Henry,  x.  141, 142. 

Gouldson,  Anne,  x.  141. 

Gouldson,  Mary,  x.  142. 

Goun,  Jasper,  viii.  270. 

Goun,  Ann,  ib. 

Gourden, ,  vi.  256. 

Gourdine, ,  ii.  57. 

Government,  Mr.  Eliot's  form  of,  for  the 
Indians,  i v.  131,271. 

Governor,  appointment  of  by  the  king  in- 
consistent with  charters  of  New  Eng- 
land, i.  120. 

Governor,  Deputy-Governor,  and  Assist- 
ants, how  chosen,  viii.  200. 

Governor's  Island,  iii.  232. 

(Jov-leet,  Newell,  Indian,  ix.  95. 

Gowan,  Thomas,  ix.  66. 

GraAon,  Thomas,  i.  88. 

GraAon,  Duke  of,  i.  148. 

Graflon,  second  Indian  church  there,  ii. 
59. 

Grahame,  James,  iii.  408.  Memoir  of, 
ix.  1.  His  History  of  the  United  States 
ciuotcd,  28,  30,  31. 

Gruhame,  Judge  Thomas,  ix.  2. 

Grahame,  Robert,  ix.  2,  3. 


Grahame,  Thomas,  ix.  39,  40. 

Grammar  rules  **  esteemed  a  Tyrannie," 
X.4. 

Grand  Patent  of  New  England  surren- 
dered, vi.  82,  83. 

Grant,  Capt.,  taken  by  the  Indiana,  vi. 
149. 

Grant,  ,  ix.  246. 

Grant  to  Robert  Gorges,  iii.  343.  To  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  343.  Of  James  I. 
in  1606,  V.  64.  To  Lieut.-Col.  Norton 
and  Ferdinando  Gorges,  vi.  79.  Of 
Narraganset  Townships  by  the  Gener- 
al Court,  ii.  273,  &o.  To  Capt.  John 
Allen,  vii.  120.  To  Kellond  and 
Kirke,  126.  From  the  Pope  of  Rome 
to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  ix.  201. 
From  Charles  I.  to  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick, 204.  From  the  Council  of  Ply- 
mouth to  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton, 
204.  Of  Canonicus  and  Miantonomy 
to  Roger  Williams,  210.  To  WiUiam 
Coddington,  210. 

Grant's  Tavern,  v.  174. 

Grants  and  deeds  of  Narraganset  land  re- 
corded at  Hartford,  i.  2lS. 

Grave,  Joan,  viii.  272. 

Grave,  Mary,  ib. 

Graves, ,  i.  21. 

Graves, ,  vii.  297. 

Graves,  Richard,  viii.  266. 

Graves, ,  ix.  263,  265,  266,  267. 

Gray,  William,  i.  273. 

Gray,  Horace,  i.  274. 

Gray,  Hon.  Francis  C,  i.  288,  293,  294 ; 
VI.  298;  vii.  287;  viii.  70,  16a  His 
remarks  on  the  early  laws  of  Massa- 
chusetts, with  the  Body  of  Liberties 
adopted  in  1641,  viii.  191 ;  x.  235. 

Gray,  John,  vi.  295. 

Gray,  Hon.  John  C,  viii.  4. 

"  Great  Sky,"  Indian,  v.  159. 

Greaves,  Tho.,  i.  252, 262,  264. 

Greely,  Abigail,  i.  156. 

Green,  John,  i.  2. 

Green,  Major  John,  of  Warwick,  i.  222, 
227. 

Green,  Nathaniel,  ii.  296. 

Green,  Isaiah  L.,  ii.  367. 

Green,  John,  iii.  147. 

Green,  John,  iv.  290. 

Green,  Henry,  ib. 

Green,  Bartholomew,  vii.  66,  83,  84. 

Green,  — — ,  Marshal,  vii.  152. 

Green,  Henry,  viii.  247. 

Greene,  Capt.,  i.  223,  224. 

Greene,  Jacob,  i.  255,  258,  259. 

Greene,  Gardiner,  i.  27^,  278. 

Greene,  Gov.  William,  v.  13. 

Greene,  John,  vii.  165. 

Greene,  Edward,  viii.  246. 

Greene,  Thomas,  viii.  254. 

Greene,  Percival,  viii.  260 

Greene,  Ellin,  t^. 

Greene,  John,  viii.  320. 


General  Index. 


297 


Gilman,  Nicholas,  ii.  306. 

Giiman,  Elizabeth,  ii.  21)6. 

Gilman,  Andrew,  ix.  iii^^  89. 

Gilson,  Dr.,  Bishop  of  London,  y.  229. 

Giiston  [or  Gelston],  Ann,  viii.  260. 

Girardeau, ,  ii.  67, 

Girtie,  Simon,  v.  142. 

Gist,  Lieut.-Col.  Christopher,  his  Joaroal 
of  a  Visit,  with  Major  George  Washing- 
ton, to  the  French  Commander  on  the 
Ohio,  in  1753,  y.  101. 

Glad  well,  Aymes,  yiii.  261. 

Gleason,  Thomas,  ii.  74,  75. 

Glover,  John,  i.  30,  37. 

Glover,  Anne,  ii.  295. 

Glover,  Mrs.,  x.  9,  12. 

Glover,  Uenry,  x.  141. 

Gloucester,  iii.  323,  376;  iv.  290.  Alarm 
at,  vi.  231.    Church,  iii.  383. 

Glyn,  Lord  Chief  Justice,  ii.  347,  348. 

Goad,  Dr.,  i.  241. 

Goad,  Tho.,  viii.  269. 

Goad,  Benjamin,  x.  98. 

Goadby,  John,  viii.  254. 

Goare,  Richard,  yiii.  263;  z.  131. 

Goddard,  Rev.  Edward,  ii.  318. 

Goddard,  Thomas,  viii.  319. 

Godfrey,  Capi.,  vi.  268,  269,  275. 

Godfrey,  Tho.,  viii.  275. 

Godin, ,  ii.  57. 

GofTe,  Col.  William,  i.  51,  52.  Letter  to, 
from  his  wife,  60.  And  Whalley,  papers 
relating  to,  vii.  123,  303;  vui.  ^,  331 ; 
ix.  122 ;  X.  39. 

Goffe,  Thomas,  patentee,  iii.  326.  Dep- 
uty-Governor, ^27. 

Gofie,  Elizabeth,  viii.  270. 

Gold,  Jarvice,  viii.  255. 

Gold,  Edward,  viii.  256. 

Gold, ,  ix.  286. 

Gold,  Mary,  letter  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 
x.  72. 

Gold,  Thomas,  dies,  x.  97. 

Gold,  Elizabeth,  x.  164,  166. 

Gold,  silver,  and  copper  mines  in  North 
Florida  and  inland  main  of  Virginia, 
viii.  121  - 123. 

Gold  and  silver  ore  in  Rhode  Island,  ix. 
280. 

Golding,  William,  minister,  ii.  130, 133. 

Goldsmith,  Thomas,  x  88. 

Gomez,  Stephen,  iii.  362. 

Good,  Thomas,  x.  145. 

Goodale,  Robert,  x.  141,  142. 

Goodale,  Katherin,  x.  141. 

Goodale,  Mary,  x.  142. 

Goodale,  Abraham,  ib. 

Goodale,  Isaac,  ib. 

Goodhew,  Jane,  viii.  270. 

Goodhue,  Jonathan,  i.  290. 

Goodhue,  William,  Jr.,  iv.  291. 

Goodhue,  Nico,  viii.  270. 

Goodier, ,  iii.  164. 

(voodier,  Hugo,  ix.  66,  G7,  68. 

Goodlad, ,  iu.  217. 


VOL.     X. 


38 


**  Good  Newes  from  New  England,**  a 
rare  tract  in  the  British  Museum,  viii. 
287. 

Goodridge,  Rev.  Sewall,  iii.  184. 

Goodridge, ,  and  his  wife  killed  by 

Indians,  vi.  227. 

Goodridge,  Isabell,  z.  138. 

Goods  sent  from  England,  ix.  261,  265, 
266. 

Goodwin,  Thomas,  i.  33. 

Goodwin,  Rev.  Ezra  S.,  i.  288;  z.  189. 

Goodwin,  John,  ii.  112. 

Goodwin,  Thomas,  iy.  30,  35, 154,  159. 

Goodwin,  Nathaniel,  iv.  290. 

Goo<^win,  Rev.  Ezra  S.,  Memoir  of,  v.  282. 

Goodwin,  Rev.  Hersey  B.,  y.  283. 

Goodwin,  Mehitable,  taken  by  the  In- 
dians, vi.  212.    Her  child  killed,  213. 

Goodwin,  Dr.,  z.  42. 

Goodwin,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  Sandwich,  x.  199. 

Goody eare, ,  iz.  276. 

Goody eare, ,  z.  15. 

Gookin,  Daniel,  i.  45, 63;  ii.  314  ;  iv.  193 ; 
vii.  7,  22,  246.  His  Historical  Collec* 
tions  quoted,  ii.  59. 

Gookin, ,  of  Cambridge,  i.  63. 

Gookin,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  ii.  316. 

Gordon,  Edmond,  viii.  259. 

Gore,  Hon.  Christopher,  i.  288,  292;  v. 
262;  vii.  21 ;  iz.  170;  z.  190.  Memoir 
of,  iii.  191. 

Gore,  John,  iii.  205. 

Gorge,  or  Gorses,  Robert,  grant  from  the 
Council  of  Plymouth,  iii.  343.  Begins 
a  plantation  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay, 
iii.  375.  Settles  at  Weymouth,  vi.  74. 
His  charter  from  the  Cfouncil  of  New 
England,  75,  80.  Governor  of  New 
England,  viii.  161. 

Gorges,  Sir  Ferdinando,  iii.  99,  342,  343, 
374,  375,391;  vi.  14, 132,  133;  vii.  169; 
yiii.  323,  341.  His  patent  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Maine  (in  Hazard's  Coll.,  Vol. 
1.  p.  442),  vi.  83.  Form  of  government, 
t^. 

Gorges,  Capt.  William,  Governor  of  the 
Province  of  Maine,  iii.  99,  343,  380 ; 
vi.  79  ;  viii.  170. 

Gorges,  Ferdinando,  Esq.,  vi.  46,  79 ;  viii. 
294. 

Gorges,  Lord  Edward,  vi.  83. 

Gorges  and  Mason's  right  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Maine  confirmed,  viii.  ^2. 

Gorgiana,  iii.  344. 

Gorffs,  or  Gorges,  Thomas,  iii.  99. 

Gorham,  Col.  Shubael,  ii.  279. 

Gorham,  Capt.,  vi.  181. 

Gorham,  Col.,  vi.  255. 

Gorham,  Rev.  George  C,  viii.  313. 

Gorhara  family,  viii.  312,  313. 

Gorram,  John,  viii.  312. 

Gorram,  Ralph,  viii.  312,  313. 

Gorram,  James,  viii.  312. 

Gorram,  Joseph,  ib, 

Gorram,  Jabez,  t6. 


300 


General  Index. 


Hall,  Rev.  Thomas,  i.  290. 
Hall,  Eunice,  ii.  295. 
Hall,  Rev.  Avery,  ii.  313. 
Hall,  Rev.  Theophilus,  ib. 
Hall,  Rev.  Aaron,  ii.  315. 
Hall,  Rev.  Richard,  ii.  321. 
Hall,  James,  iii.  371,  372. 
Hall,  S.,  iii.  407. 
Hall,  Stephen,  iv.  291. 
Hall,  John,  vi.  130. 
Hall,  Capt.,  vi.  210. 
Hall,  Edward,  vi.  278. 
Hall,  E.  B.,  vi.  298. 
Hall,  Tho.,  vii.  246. 
Hall,  Samuel,  viii.  263. 
Hall,  Samuel,  viii.  276. 
Hall,  Joan,  ib. 

Hall,  James,  viii.  299.  r 

Hall,  Basil,  ix.  14. 

Hall, ,  X.  187. 

Hallet,  Andrew,  iii.  96. 
Halley,  Dr.,  v.  186. 

Hal  ley, ,  x.  108. 

Hallinck,  John,  viii.  266. 
Hallingworth.     See  Hollingworth. 
Hallock,  G.,  i.  297. 
Hallowell,  Capt.,  i.  149. 
Halsen,  William,  vii.  216. 
Halsey,  Rev.  Luther,  vii.  26. 
Halsey,  Jo.,  viii.  263. 
Halsey,  Se<'irgeant,  x.  10. 
Halsey,  Thomas,  x.  88. 
Halsey,  Thomas,  Jr.,  ib. 
Ham,  John,  i.  87. 
Ham,  Mary,  i.  157. 
Ham,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Ham, ,  viii.  309. 

Hamilton,  James,  v.  14. 

Hamilton, ,  v.  124. 

Hamilton,   Andrew,  Postmaster-General 

in  1694,  vii.  51. 
Hamilton, ,  Gov.  of  Pennsylvania, 

vii.  223,  225,  239. 
Hamilton,  Col.,  vii.  239. 
Hamilton,  Sir  William,  ix.  12. 
Hamilton, T)uke  of,  ix.  121. 
Hamilton,  Marquis  of,  i.  241 ;  vi.  83;  ix. 

204. 
Hammon,  Richard,  vii.  181. 
Hammond,  Capt.  Lawrence,  i.  252-263; 

ii.  60. 
Hammond,  William,  iii.  130,  157;  x.  182. 

Hammon4, ,  vi.  232. 

Hammond,  Major,  of  Kittery,  taken  by 

Indians,  vi.  238. 
Hamond,  Elizabeth,  x.  143,  144. 
Hamond,  Sarah,  x.  144. 
Hamond,  John,  ib. 
Hampden,  John,  ii.  350;  viii.  245,  246; 

ix.  122,  204. 
Hampstead,  church  and  ministers,  ii.  302; 

iv.  293. 
Hampton,  iii.  324.     Village  attacked  by 

Inaians,    vi.    250.     Church,    iii.    38^. 

And  miuistera,  ii.  299;  iii.  187;  iv.  292. 


Hampton  Falls,  churches  and  ministera, 
ii.  301 ;  iii.  187 ;  iv.  293. 

Hanbury,  Paniel,  viii.  254. 

Hancock,  John,  ii.  54  ;  iii.  133. 

Hancock,  Rev. ,  ii.  92. 

Hancock,  Torrey,  iii.  407. 

Hancock,  Nathaniel,  v.  239. 

Hancock,  T.,  x.  135. 

Hanford,  Eglin,  viii.  257 ;  x.  128. 

Hanford,  Margaret,  viii.  257. 

Hanford,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Harbert,  John,  i.  25. 

Harbert,  John,  viii.  266. 

Harbert, ,  x.  21. 

Harding,  Capt.,  ii.  130  ;  iv.  88. 

Harding,  John,  iv.  290. 

Harding,  Chester,  v.  292. 

Harding,  Elizabeth,  viii.  262. 

Hardres,  Elizabeth,  viii.  315. 

Hard  res,  Thomas,  t^. 

Harford,  Widow,  ii.  295. 

Harford,  George,  x.  139. 

Harford,  John,  ib. 

Harford,  William,  ib. 

Harford,  Jane,  ib. 

Harford,  Margaret,  ib. 

Hariot, ,  iii.  51. 

Harlackenden,  Roger,  iii.  379,  384 ;  viii. 
268,  314,  315. 

Harlackenden  family,  viii.  314,  315. 

Harlakenden,  Eliza,  viii.  268. 

Harlakenden,  Mable,  or  Mabell,  viii.  268, 
315. 

Harlakenden,  William,  viii.  314. 

Harlakenden,  George,  viii.  315. 

Harlakenden,  Richard,  ib. 

Harleian  MSS.,  viii.  276. 

Harley,  Capt.  Henn^,  vi.  58. 

Harlow,  Edward,  iii.  51. 

Harman,  Sir  Joljn,  iii.  393. 

Harman,  Augustine,  vii.  246. 

Harman,  Jo.,  viii.  271. 

Harman,  Francis,  ib. 

Harman,  Sara,  ib. 

Harman,  Tho.,  viii.  275. 

Harnset,  Samuel,  Bishop  of  York,  i.  237. 

Harreden,  Cant.,  vi.  25o. 

Harriman,  John,  vii.  246. 

Harrington,  Earl  of,  ii.  271. 

Harrington,  Rev.  Timothy,  ii.  317. 

Harrington,  Sir  James,  ii.  356. 

Harris,  William,  i.  4. 

Harris,  Thomas,  t^. 

Harris,  William,  i.  223,  225. 

Harris,  Charles,  i.  275. 

Harris,  Rev.  Dr.  Thaddeus  M.,  i.  268, 
293,294;  ii.  302,  366;  iU.  406;  vii.  8, 
9,  12,  17,  275.  Acknowledgment  of 
donations  to  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  292.  His  Life  of  Oglethorpe 
mentioned,  ix.  172. 

Harris,  Rev.  Dr.  William,  i.  290. 

Harris,  Capt.,  vi.  275. 

Harris,  John,  viii.  252. 

Harris,  Parnel,  viii.  275. 


General  Index. 


Hams,  Dr.  WillUm  T.,  i.  23t>. 
Hniriwui,  Major-tieDenl  Thomu,  i.  ia4 
X.  3, 42. 


Harriiion,  Wiiliun,  tiii.  21 
Hut,  Tbomaa,  Tiii.  266. 
Ha^^  Jo.,  Tiii.  270. 


Harlley,  Riilitri,  .iii.  296. 
H.rtlib,  (SbfiiuuI],  i.  38. 
Hansrdj  Jot        '  "■" 


Hat 


i.MS. 


.247,349. 


Harvard,  Ttiomaa, 

Har*arJ  Coll.nr.  i.  6a,  Gl,  Cm,  83,  100, 
101;  ii.  7;-,  ll(-,  aas;  lii.  :i|f>,3ai,382, 
3e3,3ri',;(yl.3;iJ,^i)(i;  iv.'-J;  v.  J«2, 

aan,  itti;  vi.a<),a74.  vii.ri-,  Yiii.ans, 

3:11 ;.».  10,31,11(1-123;  i.  H,  16,  23, 
155,  I6J,  201-  Benelactioiu  to,  i.  63. 
Hnirey,  Tliotrw,  Iv.  21KI. 


Har« 


1. 188. 


Ilarvif,  Kichard,  i 
Hurwntd,  vili.  302. 
Harward,  TJiomaa,  1. 139. 
HarwDod,  George,  iii.  326. 
HarWDod,  James,  viii.  252. 
Harnoud,  ThoDias,  i.  IXf. 
Harwood,  Frances,  ib. 
Haselrig^.  [Sir  Arthur],  ij.  354,  356. 
llut^lljn.,  k*s.  Kl-enezer,  ii.  32). 


ILi^ki' 


L'.K'O, 


i.256. 


II..-',    .       i;  :ph!i.,   ii.  316. 

HaWiiigSpiliomiu.,  i.  141. 
Haslings,  IJuwin,  ib. 
Hatch,  Re».  Roger  C,  of  Hopkin: 

l.'>3. 
Hatch,  William,  viii.  275. 
Hutch,  Jane,  it. 
Hatchor,  Henrv,   i.  133.    His  letter  to 

the  Dean  of  tjuligbury,  134. 

Hatcher, ,  i.  134. 

UatHefd,  Boldten  there  in  Philip's  war, 

70;  ir.SKl;  vi.  161,187,241.    Moai 

ows,  vi.  245. 
Hathvrley,  Timothy,  i.  199;  ii.  267;  i: 

24!l.'.»),  a.-a,  i&<,259. 
Hithnrne,  William,  i.  30,  ISO. 
Hathnrne,  John,  Justice  of  the  Peace, 

121). 

natliorne, ,  rii,  261. 

Hathorne,  Jolm,  X.  120. 

Halley,  Hu-h, 


lalley,  Kirhard,  Vltl.  ?73. 

ifliiKh,  Atijerton.  .,li   343,     Mayor  of 

IWon,  Enft ,  .ill.  344 
llaukswonh,  Thomafl,  vlll.  253 
HmuIict,  Isaac,  vii,  JH7 
llaiilton,  WilliiUTi,  I   143. 
Huu>,  Robert,  viii.  263. 


290. 


HareiD,  M.  A.  Jr. 

HaTcn,  Re*.  Joseph,  ii. 

Haven, .  ii  341 

HsTen,  N,  A.,  ii.  366. 
Haten,S.F., 


.  I'-S, 


Ho«M,  Richard,  viii.  272. 
Hanea,  Add,  ii. 
Hawes,  Anna,  it. 
Hawea,  Obadiah,  ii. 
Hawes,  Edmund^  viii.  320. 
Hawes,  John,  x.  164,  I6U. 
Hawes,  Elizabeth,  1. 164. 
Hawes,  £lijtn1>cili.  i.  166. 

king,  John,  Iiidiun  Bogninore,  i 


Ha 

Hawkins,  Daniel,  i.  15 
Hawkins,  Sir  John,  tii 
Hawkins,  Sir  Richard, 

Hawkins, ,  vii. 

Hawkins,  J..),,  vj,|  ur, 
Hawkins,  Harie,  viii. : 
Hawkina,  Robert,  ib. 


m,  Kiel 


Hut 


I  letter  to  Lieu  I. -Got. 


iy,  Joseph,  iv.  aai. 

HawloT.  Major  JoHph,  T-  75. 
Hawtherne,  Cant ,  X.  [O. 

Hawthorn,  Capi.,  vi.  202.      ' 
H.,.vilii.ni,  I.i,.iM-f.jl  ,  Vi  237,240. 
Hawtbome,  Cant.  WiMiam,  vii.  102, 106, 

lOS. 
Hawthorne,  William,  viii.  205,  201^. 
Hayes,  John,  vii.  2?7. 
Hayes,  Edm.,  viii.  -414.  •'75. 

Hnvler, -.  vji.  yili. 

HiiVman.  or  Hem;m, ,  i.  252-259. 

HnVne..  J„hn   tiov..  i.  170, 176, 231 ;  iii. 

I>,  153,  154,  I.V.,  37d,  .■mi ;  viii.  204, 

HGf,  315 ;  ii.  VM.     His  letter  to  Gov. 

Winthrop,  i-  lay 


r,  2!H. 


26!>. 


ifl  at,  by  Columbus,  viii.  13. 
Killed, -JT 
H^ywHirl,  John,  vii.  50. 

Hayward, ,  vii.  257. 

Hnywond,  Anlho.,  i.  84, 
Huxard,  Kbenez«r  i.  200. 
Hazard's  HistOFici   Collections,  refprred 


>.  73,  S 


x.^M. 


G.W     v.  295. 
Healey     Hut  Ela. 
Heard,  Widow,  ji.  -at*. 
Heard,  Mrs.,  ramarkable  prenrvalion  of, 


302 


General  Index, 


**  Heart  of  New  England  rent,*'  a  tract 
concerning  the  Ciuakers,  by  Rev.  John 
Norton,  mentioned,  viii.  29d. 

Heath,  Sir  Robert,  i.  238. 

Heath, ,  quoted,  ii.  334,  337,  338, 


340,  344. 
Heath, 


-,  ii.  351,  355. 


Heath,  Elder,  iv.  141, 167. 

Heath,  Maior-Gen.,  error  io  his  Memoirs 

corrected,  vi.  283. 
Heath,  Isaac,  viii.  272. 
Heath,  Elizabeth,  ib. 
Heath,  Martha,  t6. 
Heathcote,  George,  letter  to  John  Win- 

throp,  Jr.,  X.  76. 
Hedge,  Levi,  i.  288. 

Hedge, ,  vi.  23,  37, 165. 

Hedge,  Rev.  F.  H.  vi.  299. 
Hedge,  Mercy,  x.  186. 
Hedsall,  Thomas,  viii.  256. 
Hegon,  Indian  chief,  his  son  killed,  vi. 
237,  247. 

Helmont, ,  x.  18. 

Heman.    See  Hay  man. 
Hemphill,  Joseph,  i.  273. 

Henault, ,  ii.  17. 

Henchman,  Major  John,  i.  86. 
Hendicot.     See  Endicott. 
Hendrick,  Mohawk  sachem,  speeches  of, 
V.  37,  40,  61. 

Hendrick,  Capt. ,  v.  154, 159. 

Henley, ,  vii.  185. 

«*  Henriade,"  the,  quoted,  ii.  13, 14, 15, 17. 
Henry  II.,  of  France,  ii.  3. 
Henry,  King  of  Navarre,  ii.  8.      Mar- 
riage of,  9. 
Henry  III.,  of  France,  favors  the  Protes- 

tants,  ii.  15.    Assassinated,  16. 
Henry  IV.  of  France,  grants  to  the  Prot- 
estants the  Edict  of  Nantes,  ii.  16. 
Hated  by  the  Popish  clcrsy,  assassinated, 
17.     Character  of,  17,  44,  45. 
Henry  VII.  of  England,  discoveries  of 
Sebastian  Cabot  and  son,  in  his  reign, 
i.  231 ;  iii.  360,  361 ;  v.  64  ;  viii.  95. 
Henry  VIII.,  iii.  361,362. 
Henry,  Alexander,  i.  273. 

Henry, ,  v.  176. 

Henry,  Elizabeth,  vi.  142. 
Herbert,  Lieut.  Richard,  i.  158. 
Heresies,  Sermon  of  Mr.  Cotton  concern- 
ing, iii.  69. 
Herkimer,  General,  v.  120. 
Heme,  Margaret,  x.  161. 
Heme,  Francis,  x.  162. 
Heme,  William,  ib. 
Heme  family,  ib. 
Herrick,  E|pnraim,  vii.  253. 
Herrick,  Henry,  vii.  253,  256. 
Herrick,  Zacharie,  vii.  253. 
Herrick,  Lydia,  vii.  256. 
Herrick,  Mary,  ib. 
Herrick,  Ede,  ib. 
Herrick,  Jonathan,  vii.  269. 
Herries,  Sir  Artliur,  i.  241. 


Herriot,  Thomas,  viii.  117. 

Herryman, ,  x.  31. 

Herschel,  Sir  John  F.  W.,  ix.  1,  4,  10, 

12, 15,  34. 
Heryot,  Thomas,  vi.  105. 

Hewet, ,  iii.  97. 

Hewley,  Sarah,  a  benefactress  of  non- 

conforaiists,  x.  155. 
Heydon,  Sir  John,  x.  17. 
Heyles,  or  Heyler,  Richard,  viii.  252 ;  x. 

127. 
Heyman,  Samuel,  iv.  289. 
Heynes,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  Hartford,  x.  61,  G2, 

74. 
Heyres.    See  Eyre. 
Heyward,  Tho.,  viii.  274. 
Hey  ward,  Susannah,  ib. 
Heywood,  Oliver,  x.  166. 
Hiacoomes,  preaches  to  the  Indians,  iv. 

107-118,146,  188. 
Hibbard,  Robert,  vii.  253. 
Hibbins,   William,  i.  37;    viii.  209,    or 

Hibbens,  211. 
Hickford,  John,  iii.  229. 
Hickiing,  William,  ii.  63. 
Hickman,  Henry,  ix.  66. 
Hickson,  Matthew,  viii.  307. 
Hide,  John,  viii.  319. 
Hiero  sends  to  Britain  for  a  mast,  iii.  357. 
Higden,  Peter,  viii.  319. 
Higginson,  Stephen,  Jr.,  i.  288. 
Higginson,  Stephen,  ii.  294. 
Higginson,  Rev.  John,  iii.  97,  144,  147, 

m,  179,  180;  vii.  258,  263;   x.   34. 

Several  letters  to  and  from   him,   vii. 

197-222.    His  last  words  to  his  chil- 
dren, 222. 
Higginson,  Rev.  Francis,  iii.  376,  377, 

1^2;  via.  248. 
Higginson,  John,  iv.  289.  ^ 

Higginson,  Nathaniel,  letters  to  and  from, 

vii.  197  -  222. 
Higginson,  Anna,  vii.  198. 
Higginson,  Mary,  vii.  199. 
Higginson,  John,  vii.  199.     His  children, 

202,  203. 
Higginson,  Sarah,  vii.  199. 
Higginson,  Elizabeth,  ib. 
Higginson,  Thomas,  vii.  199,  221. 
Higginson,  Mary,  vii.  220. 
Higginson,  John,  ib. 
Higffinson,  Samuel,  ib. 
Hignams,  Sir  John,  a  patron  of  the  Puri- 
tans, viii.  318. 
High  Court  of  Justice,  act  for  erecting 

burnt,  ii.  357.    Judges  condemned,  x.  4. 

Higinbotham,  — ,  ix.  254. 

Higon,  Ned,  i.  114. 
Higuers,  the,  i.  104. 
Hill,  Ralph,  i.  44. 
Hill,  Capt.,  ii.  271. 
Hill,  Rev.  Samuel,  ii.  313. 
Hill,  Ralph,  iv.  290. 
Hill,  Capt.,  V.  190. 
Hill,  Capt.,  vi.  233,  262. 


General  Index. 


303 


Hill,  Valentine,  vii.  119. 

Hill,  John,  vii.  253,  256,  267, 268. 

Hill,  Abigail,  vii.  256. 

Hill,  Robert,  viii.  269. 

Hill,  William,  viii.  270. 

Hill, ,  X.  37. 

Hill,  Charles,  letter  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 

X.  66. 
Hill  in  Maine,  removed  from  its  place,  x. 

123  125. 
Hillard,  George,  S.,  ix.  304. 

Hilliard,  Rev. ,  v.  245. 

Hilliard,  Rev. ,  vii.  273. 

Hilliard,  William,  viii.  263. 
Hillman,  Ellincr,  viii.  267. 
Hills,  Henry,  viii.  289. 

Hills, ,  ix.  252. 

Hillsborough,  its  church  and  ministers,  i. 

Hilton,  Col.  Winthrop,  v.  190, 192,  195. 

Hilton,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

Hilton,  Capt.,  vi.  218,  278.  Major,  251. 
Col.,  261. 

Hilton,  William,  letter  to  John  Winthrop, 
Jr.,  ix.  262. 

Hinckley,  Thomas,  Governor  of  Ply- 
mouth, ii.  266 ;  vii.  166, 167,  300. 

Hincks,  John,  vii.  268. 

Hind, ,  i.  82. 

Hindecot.     See  Endicott. 

Hinderson,  Capt.,  iii.  230. 

Hinds,  Sarah,  x.  168. 

Hinds,  ,  ib. 

Hingham,  ii.  84;  iii.  320;  iv.  291.  Con- 
troversy  about  the  choice  of  their  cap- 
tain, ii.  114.  Church,  i.  49;  iii.  79,  380. 

Hinkley,  Sam.,  viii.  275. 

Hinkley,  Sarah,  ib. 

Hispaniola  discovered,  viii.  9.  Taken 
possession  of,  iii.  360. 

Histoire  de  I'Edit  de  Nantes,  quoted,  ii. 
47,48,51. 

Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  vi. 
297. 

History  of  Boston,  quoted,  ii.  52. 

History  of  Cohasset,  ii.  84  - 109. 

History  of  the  Clergy  during  the  French 
Revolution,  quoted,  ii.  38. 

Hitchcock,  Rev.  Gad,  ii.  ifd. 

Hitchcock,  Rev.  Dr.,  v.  245. 

Hitchcock,  Matthew,  viii.  259. 

Hixon,  Perry,  i.  158. 

Hoar,  Dorcas,  vii.  262. 

Hoar,  I^oiiurd,  vii.  21^8;  viii.  341. 

Hoar,  Hon.  Samuel,  viii.  4. 

Hobart,  Rev.  Peter,  of  Hingham,  ii.  84  ; 
iii.  93,  380. 

Hobart,  David,  ii.  89. 

Hobart,  Rev.  Nehcmiah,  first  minister  of 
Cohasset,  ii.  86-89. 

Hobart,  Rev.  Gcrshom,  vi.  236.  See 
Hubbard. 

Hobbs,  Rev.  Janien,  ii.  320. 

Hobert,  or  Hubbard,  William,  x.  165. 

HobsoD,  John,  ii.  274. 


Hobson,  Capt.,  comes  to  New  England 
in  1614,  VI.  60. 

Hockin,  [Hawkins!*],  vii.  109. 

Hodgdon,  Jonathan,  ii.  296. 

Hodges,  Rev.  R.  M.,  v.  2!)2. 

Hodges,  Capt.,  viii.  255,  256. 

Hodges,  Ilumphra,  x.  77. 

Hodshon, ,  i.  246. 

Hodson  [or  Rodson], ,  ix.  259. 

Hody,  John,  yiii.  301. 

Hoei,  Mrs.,  vi.  274. 

Hoel  Dha,  Laws  of,  vii.  18. 

Hoeman,  William,  viii.  265. 

Hoeman,  Winifrid,  ib. 

Hoeman,  Hanna,  t^. 

llocman,  Jeremy,  ib. 

Hoeman,  Mary,  Uf. 

Hoeman,  Sarra,  ib. 

Hoeman,  Abraham,  ib. 

Hoffman's  Lexicon  Universale,  quoted, 
ix.  73. 

Hoff  Island,  vii.  166. 

Holbrook,  Dr.  Amos,  iii.  207. 

Holbrook,  John,  iv.  291. 

Holbrook,  Silas  P.,  v.  291. 

Holden,  Randall,  i.  3,  16,  215,  223,  224. 
Libel  of,  against  the  government  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, 5. 

Holden, ,  ix.  271. 

Ilolderness,  Earl  of,  viii.  161. 

Holdred,  William,  viii.  256. 

Holland,  Earl  of,  ix.  121. 

Hollanders,  made  rich  by  fisliing,  ?i.  109. 

Holled,  John,  viii.  244,  245,  246. 

Hollet, ,  ix.  277. 

Hollingworth,  William,  viii.  270. 

HoUingworth,  Eliz.,  ib. 

Hollingworth,  Richard,  ib. 

Hollingworth,  Suzan,  ib. 

Hollis,  [Denzill],  ii.  353. 

Hollis,  'Thomas  .**],  vii.  9. 

Hollis,  brand,  x.  155. 

Hollis,  New  Hampshire,  its  church,  iv. 
293. 

Holloway,  Henry,  vii.  157. 

Hoilowav,  John,  viii.  262. 

Holly,  Eliza,  viii.  267. 

Holmes,  Rev.  Dr.  Abiel,  i.  288,  292,  293, 
294.  Acknowledgment  of  donations  in 
behalf  of  Massachusetts  Historical  So- 
ciety, i.  295,  297;  ii.  279,  365,  :i68;  iii. 
404,  406.  Communication  to  Mass. 
Hist.  Soc,  V.243,  294.  Annals,  v. 243; 
vii.  8,  24  ;  ix.  43.    Memoir  of,  vii.  270. 

Holmes,  Nathaniel,  iv.  291. 

Holmes,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

Holmes,  Dr.  David,  vii.  271. 

Holmes,  Mrs.  Mary,  vii.  273. 

Holmes,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  Duxbury,  vii.  297. 

Holmes,  Obadiah,  viii.  293  ;  ix.  291,  293. 

Holmestead,  Richard,  x.  166.   * 

Holt,  Rev.  Peter,  ii.  319;  iii.  189. 

Holte,  Nicholas,  vui.  319. 

Holyoke,  John,  iv.  291. 

Uolyoke,  Rer.  Edward,  settled  in  Mar- 


804 


General  Index. 


blehead,  t.  218.    Chosen  President  oflHovey,  Deacon,  of  Weymoath,  vi.  319 


Harvard  College,  222,  223. 

Holy  Scripture,  Christian  religion  con- 
tained in,  to  bo  the  public  prufeasion  of 
the  Commonwealth  of  England,  ii.  337. 

Homer,  Rev.  Dr.  Jonathan,  i.  288;  x.  225. 

Homer,  Rev.  Dr.  Arthur,  i.  290. 

Homer,  J.  L.,  vi.  298. 

Homes,  Nathaniel,  vii.  179. 

Honeyman,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  Newport,  R.  I., 
ii.  70,  71,  72. 

Honny  wood,  John,  viii.  275. 

Hood,  Lieut.,  vii.  294. 

Hooffborn, ,  ii..66. 

Hook,  Major,  vi.  233. 

Hook,  Sergeant,  vi.  249. 

Hooke,  Rev.  William,  his  letter  to  John 
Winihrop,  Jr.,  i.  181,  185;  iii.  95,96, 
107  ;  viii.  249,  251,  284  ;  x.  6,  38,  39. 

Hooker,  Rev.  Thomas,  i.  79,  239;  iii.  97, 
378,  385;  iv.  215;  vi.  161,  176;  viii. 
248  ;  ix.  204,  211  ;  x.  60,  74, 168. 

Hooker's  Eccles.  Politic,  (Pref ,)  quoted, 
ii.  2. 

Hooper,  William,  viii.  ^0. 

Hoornbeeck,  Professor,  ix.  58. 

Hoornbeeck,  John,  ix.  72. 

Hope,  an  Indian  man,  sold  to  John  Main- 
ford,  i.  27. 

Hope-Hood,  Indian,  i.  104 ;  vi.  210,  217. 

Hopkins,  Thomas,  i.  4. 

Hopkins,  Benjamin,  i.  156. 

Hopkins,  Edward,  i.  184 ;  iii.  381 ;  iv.  196; 
ix.  199,  205 ;  x.  74. 

Hopkins,  Stephen,  v.  13. 

Hopkins,  Mrs.,  x.  9. 

Hop  kin  ton,  its  church  and  ministers,  i. 
153 ;  iv.  293. 

Hopton,  Sir  Ralph,  ii.  130. 

Horn's  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  ix.  73. 

Home, ,  X.  136. 

Horry, ,  ii.  57. 

Horses,  418  in  Boston  in  1742,  i.  152. 

Horton,  Ruth  P.,  iii.  207. 

Horwood  [Harwood  .**],  Jaiftes,  viii.  252. 

Hosack,  Dr.  David,  i.  290. 

Hosmer,  James,  viii.  256. 

Hosmer,  Ann,  ib. 

Hosmer,  Marie,  ib. 

Hotchkiss,  Thomas,  viii.  317. 

Hot-house,  Indian,  for  euro  of  diseases, 
construction  of,  vi.  194. 

Hough.     See  Haugh. 

Houghton,  Oliver,  iii.  207. 

Houghton,  Ralph,  iv.  290. 

Houghton,  John,  ib. 

Houghton,  William,  viii.  261. 

Houlden,  Captain,  i.  223,  224. 

Houlding,  Just.,  x.  143. 

Houlding,  Richard,  ib. 

Houldon.  •Seellolden. 

House  of  Commons,  call  for  the  Great 
Charter  of  New  England,  vi.  66,  71. 

Houses,  1,717  in  Boston  in  the  year  1742, 
i.  152. 


How,  Cant.,  vi.  259. 

How,  Epnraim,  vii.  151. 

How, ,  vii.  201. 

Howard,  Capt  Anthony,  i.  64. 

Howard,  Martin,  Jr.,  v.  13. 

Howard,  Rev. ,  v.  262. 

Howard,  Dr.  John  C,  vi.  295. 

Howe,  Lieutenant,  iii.  98. 

Howe,  John,  vii.  151. 

Howe,  Edward,  viii.  272. 

Howe,  Elizabeth,  ib, 

Howe,  Jeremie,  ib. 

Howe,  Sarah,  t^. 

Howe,  Ephraim,  ib. 

Howe,  Isaac,  ib. 

Howe,  William,  ib. 

Howe,  Isaac  R.,  ix.  125. 

Howes,  Edward,  letters  to  John  Win- 
throp,  Jr.,  ix.  240-265.  Letter  from 
Rev.  Thomas  Archisden,  239,  249,  250. 

Howes,  Ed.  F.,  ix.  257. 

Howell, ,  iii.  156. 

Howell,  James,  x.  18. 

Howell,  John,  x.  88. 

Howell,  Cant.,  x.  92. 

Howland,  J.,  i.  118. 

Howland,  John,  President  of  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Society,  v.  243. 

Howson,  Peter,  viii.  252. 

Howson,  Ellin,  ib. 

Hubbard,  benjamin,  his  letter  to  Gov. 
Winthrop,  invention  concerning  longi- 
tude, i.  20. 

Hubbard,  Rev.  William,  appointed  to 
officiate  as  President  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege in  1688,  i.  63 ;  ii.  144  ;  vii.  7.  His 
History  of  New  England  distributed  by 
the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  vii.  21, 
299;  ii.  258,  308 ;  ix.  53, 61, 172 ;  x.  92, 
96,  165 ;  viii.  270. 

Hubbard,  Gershom,  i.  256.     See  Hobart 

Hubbard,  Gilbert  H.,  i.  290. 

Hubbard,  Daniel,  ii.  106. 

Hubbard,  John,  vii.  49. 

Hubbard,  Rev.  Josiah,  vii.  250. 

Hubbard,  Rev.  Jeremiah,  vii.  250,  256. 

Hubbard,  Rev.  Joshua,  vii.  256. 

Hubbard,  Tho.  [John  .?],  viii.  258. 

Hubbard,  WiUiam,  viii.  258,  261. 

Hubbard,  Jo.,  viii.  261. 

Hubbard,  William,  viii.  269. 

Hubbard,  Judith,  t^. 

Hubbard,  John,  ib. 

Hubbard,  Martha,  viii.  270. 

Hubbard,  Mary,  ib. 

Hubbard,  Nathaniel,  ib. 

Hubbard,  Richard,  tb. 

Hubbard,  Marie,  viii.  272. 

Hubbcrd,  Joshua,  i.  45. 

Hubberd,  Peter,  viii.  248. 

Hubbert,  or  Hobart,  -,  miniPter  of 

Hingham,  i.  49. 

Hubbert,  Margaret,  viii.  315. 

Hubbert,  Edward,  ib. 


General  Index. 


305 


•,  X.  171. 


Habbert, 

Hubbord.     See  Hobart. 

Huckins,  Li«ut,  ri.  20% 

Hudson, ,  i.  241. 

Hudson,  William,  ii.  74,  75. 

Hudson,  Henry,  vi.  106.  VojaMs,  iii. 
371,372. 

Hudson,  Ralph,  viii.  260. 

Hudson,  Marie,  ib. 

Hudson,  Hanna,  ih. 

Hudson,  Eliz.,  ib. 

Hudson,  Jo.,  th. 

Hudson,  John,  x.  164, 166. 

Hudson,  Christopher,  z.  166. 

Hudson's  River,  or  Mohegan  River,  iii. 
391;  T.  Ill,  117, 118;  ri.  13.  Claimed 
by  the  English,  72,  83. 

Huet,  Rev. ,  iii.  383. 

Huger,  Francis  K.,  ii.  54. 

Huger, ,  ii.  57. 

Huguenots,  or  French  Protestants,  Histo* 
ry  of,  by  Rev.  Abiel  Holmes,  D.  D.,  ii. 
1  —83 

Hull,  i.  51 ;  iv.  291. 

Hull,  Ben.,  i.  88. 

Hull,  John,  i.  213. 

Hull,  Rev. ,  a.  312 ;  vi.  210. 

Hull,  Mrs.,  acts  as  secretary  for  the  In- 
dians, vi.  226. 

Hull,  Isaac,  vii.  253. 

Hull,  Katherin,  viii.  272. 

Hulls,  Andrew,  t^. 

Humboldt,  Baron  Alexander  Von,  i.  290. 

Hume,  David,  History  of  England  by,  re- 
ferred to,  i.  185 ;  if.  47  ;  ix.  193. 

Humuanequem,  Indian,  iv.  115, 176. 

Humphrey,  Capt.  Ebenezer,  ii.  80. 

Humphrey,  John,  iii.  94,  97,  106,  138, 
326 ;  VI.  81 ;  viii.  321 ;  ix.  178,  243, 
253.  Letters  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr., 
232,  233,  245,  252. 

Humphrey's  Hist,  of  Soc.  for  the  Propan- 
tion  of  the  Gospel,  du;.,  quoted,  ii.  70. 

Humphry,  Ebenezer,  ii.  74,  75. 

Hunkinges,  William  W.,  i.  4. 

Hunkins,  Thomas,  ii.  74,  75. 

Hunnewell,  Capt.,  vi.  250. 

Hunt,  Rev.  Robert,  of  Virginia,  iii.  45. 

Hunt,  Capt.  -,  iu.  374.  Sells  In- 
dians in  Spain,  vi.  132. 

Hunt,  Jonatnan,  iv.  291. 

Hunt,  Ephraim,  ib. 

Hunt,  Capt. ,  v.  190,  191. 

Hunt,  Samuel,  v.  190. 

Hunt,  Rev.  Dr.,  v.  199. 

Hunter,  Rev.  Joseph,  viii.  251, 252.  His 
letter  to  Hon.  James  Savace,  viii.  298; 
X.  127.  His  genealogical  notices  of 
early  settlers  of  New  England  from 
Suffolk,  Eng.,  X.  147. 

Hunter,  Christian,  viii.  270. 

Hunter,  Eliz.,  ib. 

Hunter,  Tho.,  ib. 

Hunter,  William,  ib. 

Huntoon,  John,  ii.  296. 


Hurd,  Rev.  Isaac,  ii.  320. 

Hurlbut,  Thomas,  iii.  136,  140,  143, 147, 

160. 
Hurricane  in  New  England,  iii.  380. 
Hurst,  William,  viu.  301. 

Hurst, ,  viii.  302. 

Huse,  Hannah,  i.  156. 

Huske,  Ellis,  vii.  86. 

Huson, ,  i.  34.    Spelt  Haison,  335, 

240. 
Hutching,  Jonathan,  vi.  246. 
Hutchins,  Thomas,  iii.  326. 

Hutchins, ,  v.  286. 

Hutchins,  Enoch,  vi.  274. 

Hutchins's  History  of  Dorset,  extract  from, 

viii.  306. 
Hutchinson,  Mrs.,  i.  13;  iii.  380,  381 ;  vi. 

198,  201 ;  viii.  194. 
Hutchinson,  Capt.,  one  of  the  porchaaers 

of  Rhode  Island,  i.  213. 
Hutchinson,  Elisha,  i.  290. 
Hutchinson,  Rev.  John,  ii.  366 ;  iii.  406. 
Hutchinson,  Joseph,  Sen.,  iii.  176, 177. 
Hutchinson,  Gov.  Thomas,  v.  6,  9;  vii. 

7,  8,  90,  243,  287;  ix.  122, 181.    Letter 

from  Gov.  Pownall  to,  i.  148.    From 

Gideon  Hawley,  150. 
Hutchinson,  Elisna,  v.  194  ;  vii.  64 ;  yiii. 

195. 
Hutchinson,  E.,  v.  215. 
Hutchinson,  Counsellor,  ib. 
Hutchinson,  Capt.,  vi.  178. 
Hutchinson,  Major,  vi.  225,  226;  x.  121. 
Hutchinson,  Capt.  Thomas,  vii.  69. 
Hutchinson,  Samuel,  his  letters  to  John 

Winthrop,  Jr.,  concerning  salt-works, 

X.  49,  50,  52. 
Hutchinson,  John,  x.  145. 
Hutchinson's  Collection  of  Papers,    re- 
ferred to,  iii.  398 ;  viu.  192,  194,  195 ; 

X.  121. 
Hutchinson's    History    of  Massachusetts 

referred  to,  i.  81, 139,  148,  150;  ii.  273; 

iii.  399 ;  V.  5,  6 ;  vu.  126.  288  ;  ix.  173. 

Error  in,  corrected,  viii.  344. 
Hutchinson  Papers,  i.  1-151  (x.  second 

series). 
Hyde,  Sir  Henry,  ii.  334. 
Hyde,  Sir  Edward,  ib. 
Hyde,  David,  vii.  88,  89. 
"  Hypocrisy  tJnmasked,"  viii.  287. 


I 


leogiscat,  an  Indian,  account  of  his  re- 
covery from  sickness,  iv.  77. 

Ig^Iden,  John,  viii.  246. 

Illinois  Indians,  i.  233. 

"  111  Newes  fh)m  New  England,'*  by  John 
Clark  of  Rhode  Island,  viii.  288.  An- 
swered by  Rev.  Thomas  Cobbett,  293. 

Independents  and  Presbyterians,  i.  33. 

Indian,  aged,  visits  Boston  in  1723,  i.  150. 
Children,  two,  brought  to  Roger  Wil- 


▼  OL.  X. 


39 


liami,  70.  Preachen,  101.  Capiives 
deliTcred  up,  113.  Trade  laluuble, 
109.  Namei  of  tiien,  iii.  22.  Man- 
ner of  living,  lOTarnmeDt,  &c,,  IU3. 
War,  lener  oT  f  Talcotl  to  Sii  E.  An- 
droa  relating  to,  167.  Robbed  and 
murdered  DearProvideaceiSSS.  ^c^hitol- 
maater,  iv.  177,  19U^  Woman'a  dying 
ap«ecfa  to  har  children,  BO.  Guide  wilE 
MEJorWasbingloninlTM,  ».  107.  In- 
lerprelen  bribed,  171.  ABaira,  depart- 
menta  of,  ealabliabed  b;  the  CoDtiaeatBl 
Congreaa,  75.  Squaw-aachem  Eaves  the 
lifeof  Samuel  Butlerfeld.vi. 279.  Stnl- 
>geiii,S46.  Chiefa,  gpeecheaof,  ii.  t«5~ 
9S^  submit  to  King  James  1, 212.  GoT- 
ernora  chosen,  96-.y6.  Childrta  to  be 
instructed,  24».  Sachemi  meet  bI  Roger 
Williami'a  bouge,  272.  Plot  to  destroy 
the  colonies  defeBted,  i.  130. 
Indian  language,  the  Bible  tranilated  into, 
i.  101 ;  II.  2ltj.  The  Lord's  prayer  in, 
S48.    Sermon  by  Joaiah  Collon  In,  249. 

Indian  languages,  i[i.22;  i.  198-217. 
ndian  Primer,  eitracts  Trom,  ii.  S45,  248. 
Indian  tribes  in  New  England,  accounl  of, 
bv  William  D.  Williamson,  i(.  92-100. 
Indian  Vocabulary,  bv  Joaiah  Cotton,  ii. 

147-257. 
Indiana  and   Frencb  take  Falmouth,   i. 
104,  IDS.    Truce  with,  112.    Easlern, 


pelitiOD  ol  ministers  for  propagetion  or 
Chrialianity  among,  133.  MashpeE, 
longBTily  of,  150-152.  Onohoiiuaaa, 
Mohank,  and  Stockbridge,  do  not  live 

"'      ' oog' 

161. 


,  upon  the  English,  233. 


a  great  age,  151.   Wunhonatuckoof 

confederate    wtiti    the    Pequois, 

Mauquawoga,  17U.     Nanaganaet, 

229.     Excited  by  Jesuila  and  bi 

commit  cruelties  upon  the  Englji 

And  Fi.  ..   ,  

chuselts,  234.  Aaaaull  North  Hampton, 
69.  And  Frencb  uke  Pemaquid  fort, 
85.  Destroy  faroiliea  al  Cocheca,  US. 
Damage  done  by,  al  Blue  Point  Garri- 
son, 92.  Begin  a  second  wai  willi  thi 
English  in  1675,  95.  In  New  Englani 
converted,  101.  Outrages  of.  In  cnsleri 
partsof  New  England,  101-112.  An 
imatodbylheFrencbto  make  war,  102 
Treachery  of,  103.  Seized  by  Jualice 
Btackman,  102.  Are  set  at  liberty  by 
Andros,  103.  Rum  sold  to.ii.  61.  Kill 
John  Johnson  and  his  children  al  Oi. 
ford,  31,  60,  67.  Number  of  praying,  in 
Plymoulh  counly,  in  1703,  244  Inlor. 
mation  concemine,  in  Plymouth  Gen. 
era!  Court  records,  269.  Land  nur. 
chased  of,  270.  Employed  in  hunt, 
ing  by  Ihe  first  setllers  of  Virginia,  lil.  9. 
Kill  347  of  the  English,  13.  In  New 
England  die  of  a  plague,  16,22,23.  [ii 
Virginia,  Si.  Cruelty  to  csptivee,  151. 
Relation  of  tbeir  pFol  lo  deitroy  the 
English  --  -"'•"  "'■   ™"    ""      " 


D  1642,161,293- 


tnlity  among,  394.  Their  goTCTDinent, 
30^1.  Siiian-poi  among,  379.  John 
Oldham  killed  by,  380.  At  Mawacba- 
■etts  decreased,  37G.  Of  New  EogUad, 
tracts  relating  to  the  alleinpla  to  convert 
Ihem  lo  Christianity,  iv.  1-287.  Said 
to  have  murdered  English  fishermen,  r. 
49.  Complain  of  their  lands  being  takea 
from  them,  35-59.  Drawn  from  the 
British  inlerest  by  the  French,  66.  Of 
Rieer  Si.  Lawrence,  76,  77.  TrMIr 
withlliotliiiNatiansor,inl7&4,v.5.  In 
1775,1.75.  Wilhtribeaof,oortbwBalor 
Ihe  Ohio,  109.  In  North  America,  sim- 
ilarity of  dressand  mBnners,137.  Cloih- 
ing  of,  152.  Reduction  of,  153.  Their 
mode  of  warfare,  vi.  4,  'J6.  Dress,  34. 
Kill  some  Ene'iih  al  Saybrook,  35. 
Carried  io  England,  60.  Die  of  Ihe 
piflgue,  57.  Defrtiuded,  70.  Their  gov- 
ernment in  New  England  monarchical, 
8!).  Plague  among,  90.  Baababa  of, 
killed,  sagamores  destroy  each  other's 
people,  9U.  Of  Penobscot,  seldom  made 
voyages  to  MaseacbuseOs,  1)9.  Sold  in 
Spam  Tot  slaves,  132.  Kill  sevend 
Englishmen,  I7d.    Desire   peace,  22S. 


Truce 


riih,2 


ar  theii 


on,  345.  Near  Cape  Cod,  accounl  of, 
in  1603,  viii.  74,  75.  Of  Martha's  Vin» 
yard,  76.  Near  Elizabeth 'a  Island,  77- 
Hl,  >S>-m,  1^-147.  Five  carried  to 
England  by  Capt.  Waymouth,  145, 16^ 
17U  -  179,  334,  341.  Manner  of  killing 
whales,  156.  Of  New  England,  176- 
17!t.  Give  up  ihe  Nan«ganset  country, 
ii.  28.  OfPlymouth,  die  of  the  plague, 
212.  Driven  bcrond  the  Misaissini, 
198,  S64,  269,  27(1,  272.  Executed  &r 
murder  at  Southampton,  I.  182.  Of 
Cusealuck  tu  be  removed,  64.  Saga- 
mores manifest  great  kindneaa  to  Capl. 
Levelt  in  1623,  viii.  169.  Chie&  as- 
semble at  Miami  rapids,  v.  129, 167. 

ndians  in  New  England,  strictures  upon 
atnemoirnflhc.in  Ibe  Boston  Montbly 
Magazine,  fur  M.irch,  1836,  ii.269. 

ndiansandFrniii  li.  Niles'sSummarr  Hia- 
— icalHarr  '"^ -"^      '  "' 


Indici 


:n..  t>f  Warawith,vi.  154. 


e  F.T.r 


Indies,  how  di^'ovi^red,  viii.  6. 
Infant  Baptism,  v ill.  286. 
Ingalls,  Julin,  ii. ->.«. 
Ingalls,  Sanint'l.  iv.  391. 
Ingerwill,  Dwicun,  ui.  178, 179. 
Ingles,  Maurice,  viii.  319. 
Inglc%,  Nitbola.,  vii.  188,  I6D. 
Ingoldsliy,  Richard,  ii.  351. 
Ingram,  William,  vi.  130. 
Ingram.  Edward,  viii.  271. 
Innholdera  restrained,  vli.  49. 

ions  to  Guv,  losiah  Winslow.c 


inder-i 


Inlempe 


n  Phili. 
»  prevenW  ii 


General  Index. 


307 


Ipswich,  iii.  323 ;  x.  172.    Charch  gath-  James  II.,  i.  105,  106.    Declares  himself 


ered,  37'J ;  iv.  21>1 ;  vi.  42.  Delecates 
meet  there  in  relation  to  Mason's  claim, 
vii.  266.  Magistrates,  appointed  by  the 
General  Court  a  committee  to  consider 
of  the  ''  Body  of  Liberties,"  riii.  209. 

Ipswich,  Hamilton,  and  Essex,  History  of, 
by  Rev.  Joseph  B.  Felt,  referred  to  as 
a  valuable  puolication,  yii.  25. 

Ipswich  Mills,  offered  by  Mr.  Saltonstall 
for  the  CoUeee,  i.  63. 

Ireland,  Samuel,  viii.  261. 

Ireland,  Marie,  ib. 

Ireland,  Martha,  ib, 

Ireson,  Edward,  viii.  266. 

Ireson,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Ireton,  Henry,  ii.  354. 

Irish,  Grace,  viii.  303. 

Irish,  Thomas,  ib. 

Iron,  Virginia  merchants  petition  Parlia- 
ment for  its  free  importation  from  the 
colonies,  i.  140.  Ore  in  Virginia,  iii.  10. 
Works  in  Lynn,  322. 

Iroquois  country,  y.  64,  66.  Lake,  now 
Lake  Champlain,  ^,  67. 

Irving,  Washington,  iii.  406. 

Isaac,  Indian  deacon  at  Mashpee,  i.  150. 
Dies,  151 . 

Isaack,  Skipper,  ix.  277. 

Isaacke,  Rebecca,  x.  141. 

Isle  of  Sables,  iii.  100. 

Isle  of  Shoals,  iii.  100;  vi.  227;  viii.  164. 

Iveii,  William,  viii.  273;  x.  130. 

Ivy,  Martin,  iii.  216. 


Jacie,  Henry,  letters  to  John  Winthrop, 

Jr.,  i.  235-246;  ix.  239. 
Jacie,  Thomas,  i.  239. 
Jackson,  Hon.  Charles,  i.  288;  x.  216. 
Jackson,  Jonathan,  ii.  285. 
Jackson,  Benjamin,  ii.  296. 
Jackson,  Capt.,  iii.  230. 
Jackson,  Edward,  iv.  46,  65. 

Jackson, ,  iv.  177,  231. 

Jackson,  F.,  vi.  298. 
Jackson,  Henry,  viii.  258. 
Jackson,  John,  viii.  263. 
Jackson,  John,  viii.  269. 
Jackson,  Margaret,  viii.  270. 
Jackson,  John,  ib. 
Jackson,  Thomas,  viii.  275. 
Jackson,  Edmund,  viii.  344. 
Jackson,  Dr.  James,  x.  208. 
Jacob,  Deacon  John,  ii.  88,  89. 

Jacob,  Rev. ,  ix.  51. 

Jacobs,  Capt.,  an  Indian  warrior,  vi.  143. 
Jamaica  taken  by  the  English,  iii.  388. 

Description  of,  viii.  44,  ^. 
James  I.  mnts  L'Acadie,  by  the  name  of 

Nova  Scotia,  to  Sir  William  Alexander, 

i.232;  iii.  31,  374,375;  v.  64;  vi.  49, 

78 ;  ix.  229 ;  x.  18. 


a  Papist,  ii.  23,  47,  330.  Vacates  the 
charters  of  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth, 
ix.  221.  His  commission  to  Sir  Edmund 
Andros,  vii.  139.  His  order  conceminc 
Pemaquid,  160.  Conmiission  to  Edward 
Randolph,  161.  Abdicates  the  British 
throne,  vi.  205. 

James,  Thomas,  ii.  88. 

James,  Eleazer,  ii.  99. 

James,  Christopher,  ii.  102. 

James, ,  iii.  98. 

James,  Rev. ,  iii.  385. 

James,  Rev. ,  of  Charlestown,  vii. 

300. 

James,  Thomas,  viii.  248. 

James,  Michell,  x.  135. 

James,  Rev. ,  x.  181, 183. 

**  James  Cittie,*'  in  Virjipnia,  ii.  339. 

Jamestown,  Virginia,  iii.  371. 

Jarman,  Precilla,  viii.  263. 

Jarvis,  Capt.,  ▼.  190. 

Jay,  Hon.  John,  i.  291 ;  u.  36,  54,  329; 
iii.  194.     See  Le  Jay. 

Jay,  Hon.  William,  v.  300. 

Jay,  Sir  Thomas,  viii.  f^3. 

Jeannerette, ,  ii.  57. 

Jeanson.     See  Johnson. 

Jefferds,  Rev.  Forrest,  iii.  189. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  ii.  289;  v.  109;  vi. 
289;  vii.  288;  ix.  24.  Acknowledges 
his  error  in  his  "  Notes  on  Virginia,"  as 
to  *^  the  inferiority  of  the  intellectual 
capacity  of  the  negroes,"  36. 

Jeffreys,  Arthur,  v.  190. 

Jeffrie,  Margaret,  x.  138. 

Jeffries,  Sergeant,  vi.  170. 

Jeffries,  Edward,  viii.  273. 
Jeffries, ,  viii.  279. 


Jeffries,  Dr.  John,  ib. 

Jenkins,  L.,  i.  74. 

Jenkins,  Elizabeth,  viii.  272. 

Jenkinson,  Anthony,  iii.  363. 

Jenks,  Rev.  Dr.  William,  i.  288,  292, 294, 
298 ;  ii.  366,  368;  iii.  407.  Delivers  a 
eulogy  at  the  decease  of  Hon.  James 
Bowdoin,  ii.  50.  His  account  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  vii.  5. 

Jenks,  S.  H.,  iu.  407. 

Jenks.    See  Hincks,  vii.  168. 

Jenkynn,  Jo.,  viii.  270. 

Jenner,  Dr.  Edward,  i.  291. 

Jenner, ,  iii.  99. 

Jenner,  Rev. ,  iv.  144. 

Jennings,  Nicholas,  x.  143. 

Jennings,  Richard,  x.  170. 

Jenningson.    See  Jennison. 

Jennison,  Dr.  Timothy  L.,  ii.  366. 

Jennison,  Capt.  William,  vi.  4. 

Jeofferies,  Robert,  viii.  263. 

Jeofferies,  Marie,  ib. 

Jeofferies,  Tho.,  ib. 

Jeofferies,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Jeofferies,  Mary,  ib. 

Jermon,  Ober,  ii.  68. 


308 


General  Index. 


-,  il  60.    Capt.,  68. 
-,  ii.  60. 


Jermona,  — 

JermoDt, 

Jernell,  Tbomaa,  viii.  256. 

Jeraejr,  East  aod  West,  New,  vii.  239. 

Jereeya,  petition  for  restoration  of  charter 
of,  i.  120. 

Jeasepiok.    See  Chesapeake. 

Jessop,  William,  ii.  346. 

Jessup,  John,  x.  88. 

Jesuits  and  friars,  sent  among  the  Indians 
to  enffage  them  to  subdue  New  Eng- 
land, 1. 108.  And  priests  excite  Indians 
to  commit  craelties  against  the  English, 
23.  Agent  of,  in  New  England,  ii.  111. 
And  Roman  Catholics  commanded  to 
depart  out  of  England,  341.  Present 
English  captives  being  brought  fit>m 
Canada,  vi.  278.  The  Pope's  «<  grand 
ingineers,"  x.  27. 

**  Jesuits  Maxims,"  x.  11. 

Jewett,  Moses,  ii.  298. 

Jewett,  Ezekiel,  iv.  290. 

Jewett,  Nehemiah,  iv.  291 ;  vii.  57, 58. 

Joanes, ,  x.  34,  37. 

John,  King  of  Portugal,  refuses  the  offers 
of  Columbus,  viii.  7. 

John,  Sagamore,  with  180  Nipmuck  In- 
dians submits  to  the  English,  vi.  189. 

Johnes,  Will.,  viii.  275. 

Johnes,  Margaret,  ib. 

Johnson,  Capt.  Edward,  of  Woburn,  i.  30; 
vi.  46 ;  viii.  284. 

Johnson,  John,  i.  49. 

Johnson,  Elizabeth,  i.  124. 

Johnson,  Betty,  i.  125. 

Johnson,  William,  i.  291. 

Johnson,  John,  and  his  three  children 
massacred  by  the  Indians  at  Oxford, 
Mass.,  ii.  31,  60,  77,  78,  80,  81. 

Johnson,  Charles,  ii.  60. 

Johnson,  Widow,  ii.  295. 

Johnson,  Isaac,  iii.  326,  377;  vii.  296, 300; 
ix.  178.  The  founder  of  Boston,  viii. 
243.    His  will,  244. 

Johnson,  Lady  Arbella,  iii.  377;  viii.  243, 
245 ;  ix.  178. 

Johnson,  Matthew,  iv.  290. 

Johnson,  John,  iv.  291. 

Johnson,  Col.,  v.  37,  43.  A  friend  to  the 
Indians,  48-51.  One  of  their  sachems, 
52,  93,  94,  95. 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  v.  117,  150. 

Johnson,  Sir  John,  v.  161. 

Johnson,  Capt.,  vi.  181.    Killed,  182. 

Johnson,  Sir  Nathaniel,  vii.  229. 

Johnson,  Abraham,  viii.  245. 

Johnson,  Philip,  viii.  246. 

Johnson,  Jo.,  viii.  259. 

Johnson,  John,  viii.  270. 

Johnson,  Suzan,  ib. 

Johnson,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Johnson,  Thomas,  ib, 

Johnson,  Edmond,  ib. 

Johnson,  Tho.,  viii.  272 ;  x.  130. 

Johnson,  Edward,  viii.  276. 


ohnson,  Susan,  viii.  276. 

ohnson.  Rev. ,  ix.  51,  52,  73, 254. 

ohnson,  William,  x.  121. 

ohnson's  Plain,  ii.  80. 

ohnson 's    Wonderworking    Providence, 
vii.  300.    Referred  to,  viii.  284 ;  ix.  120. 

ohonnet,  Andrew,  ii.  63. 

ohonnot,  Zechariah,  ib. 

oie,  John,  x.  135. 

ole,  Robert,  i6. 

oncaire, ,  ▼.  103, 104. 

ones,  Abi^l,  i.  156. 

ones,  Daniel,  i.  157. 

ones,  ,  i.  265. 

ones.  Sir  William,  i.  291. 

ones,  Ebenezer,  ii.  295. 

ones.  Col.  John,  ii.  343 ;  x.  42. 

ones,  Thomas,  iii.  218. 

ones,  Abram,  iv.  291. 

ones,  Samuel,  ▼.  275,  277. 

ones,  William,  v.  277. 

ones,  Edward,  v.  295. 

ones, ,  ib. 

ones,  Margaret,  vii.  263. 

ones.  Miss,  vii.  289. 

ones,  John,  viii.  250. 

ones,  William,  ib. 

ones,  John,  viii.  259. 

ones,  Charles,  viii.  264. 

ones,  Isaac,  viii.  266. 

ones,  Hester,  t6. 

ones,  Tho.,  ib. 

ones,  Sara,  ib. 

ones,  Mary,  ib. 

ones,  Jo.,  viii.  268. 

ones,  Jo.,  viii.  269. 

ones,  Sara,  ib. 

ones,  Ruth,  ib. 

ones,  Theophilus,  ib. 

ones,  Rebecca,  ib. 

ones,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

ones,  Alice,  viii.  270. 

ones,  or  Fones,  Martha,  viii.  297. 

ones,  Thomas,  ib. 

ones,  John,  ix.  281. 

ones, ,  X.  7. 

ones, ,  X.  43. 

ones,  William,  letter  to  John  Winthrop, 
Jr.,  X.  77. 

ones.  Sir  William,  x.  214. 

ope,  William,  viii.  271. 

ordan  family,  killed  by  Indiana,  vi.  248. 

ordan,  Joane,  viii.  265. 

ordane,  Lieut.  John,  i.  85. 
Joseph   English,'*    a   firiendly    Indian, 
killed,  vi.  STI. 

osias,  Indian  sachem,  iv.  S270. 

ossclyn,  John,  his  account  of  two  voyages 
to  New  England,  and  chronological  ob- 
servations of  America,   iii.  211  -  396. 
^*FuIl  of  mistakes  and  errors,"  vii.  299. 
Jostlin,  Thomas,  viii.  256. 
Jostlin,  Rebecca,  ib. 
Jostlin,  Dorothy,  ib. 
Jostlin,  Nathaniel,  ib. 


General  Index. 


309 


Jostlin,  Eliza,  viii.  256. 

Jostlin,  Mary,  ib. 

Journal  of  the  Proceeding!  of  the  Con- 
gress held  at  Albany  in  1754,  v.  5.  Of 
the  Treaty  held  at  Albany  in  August, 
1775,  by  the  commissionera  of  the  twelve 
United  Colonies,  75.  Of  Mr.  Chriato- 
pher  Gist,  who  accom|>anied  Major 
George  Washington  in  his  firat  visit  to 
the  French  commander  of  the  troops  on 
the  Ohio,  101.  Of  a  treaty  held  in  1793, 
with  the  Indian  tribes  northwest  of  the 
Ohio,  109. 

Journal  of  the  Expedition  to  Canada,  by 
Sir  Hovendon  Walker,  i.  143. 

Journals,  manuscript,  of  the  Long,  Little, 
&c.  Parliaments,  in  the  Library  of  the 
New  York  Historical  Society,  account 
of,  and  extracts  from,  by  James  Bow- 
doin,  ii.  323. 

Joy,  Michael,  i.  291. 

Joy,  Amos,  ii.  96. 

Joynes,  Jo.,  viii.  255  ;  x.  128. 

Juanemo,  i.  170,  176,  or  Ayanemo,  iz. 
300,301. 

Judd,  Sylvester,  x.  236. 

Judges  of  Charles  I.,  order  coocemiBg, 
ii.  354.    Condemned,  x.  42. 

Julius  Cssar,  iii.  357. 

Julius  Agricola,  ib. 

Jurieu, ,  ii.  26. 

Justin  Martyr,  ii.  4. 


K. 


Kakaipilashy,  a  Shawancse  chief,  v.  145. 
Kanaghquaesa,  Sachem  of  Oneida,  speech 

of,  V.  77,  92. 
Kane,  Florence,  vii.  179. 
Kay,  Robert,  viii.  314. 
Kaye,  Grace,  t^. 
Keayne,  Capt.  Robert,  iii.  106;  vii.  297; 

viii.  270.    See  Keyne. 

Keble, ,  ii.  334. 

Keble,  Samuel,  vii.  79. 

Keele,  Edward,  viii.  254. 

Keene,  N.  H.,  churches  and  ministers,  ii. 

315 ;  iv.  293. 
*'  Keenebank-river,*'  hill  near  to^removed, 

X.  123,  125. 
Kefflers,  x.  16. 

K ,  N ,  X.  24,  25. 

Kellogg,  Rev.  Elijah,  iii.  181. 

Kellogg, ,  interpreter,  v.  49. 

Kellond,  Thomas,  vii.  126,   128.     And 

Kirke  sent  in  pursuit  of  Messrs.  Whal- 

lev  and  Gofie,  viii.  325. 
Kelly,  Rev.  John,  ii.  302. 
Kelly,  Rev.  William,  ib. 
Kelly,  Col.  Moses,  ib. 
Kelly,  John,  ii.  302,  312. 
Kelly,  John.  ii.  302,  306,  308,  319,  321. 
Kemball,  Henry,  x.  141, 142. 
Kemball,  Susan,  x.  141.  ^ 


Kemball,  Richard,  x.  141, 142. 

Kemball,  Ursula,  x.  141. 

Kemball,  Elizabeth,  x.  142. 

Kemball,  Susan,  ib. 

Kemball,  Mary,  ib, 

Kemball,  Martha,  ib. 

Kemball,  John,  ib. 

Kemball,  Thomas,  ib. 

Kemp,  William,  viii.  319. 

Kemp,  Dorothy,  x.  156. 

Kemp,  William,  ib. 

Kenabeca,  iii.  22. 

Kendall,  Lieut.  Temple,  i.  157. 

Kendell,  Francis,  i.  45. 

Kennebeck,  iii.  345;  vi.  107, 117. 

Kennebeck  River,  i.  113,  135,  136;  v. 
49,65. 

Kennebunk,  Maine,  i.  86 ;  iii.  395 ;  vi.  204. 

Kennedy,  John,  i.  158. 

Kennedy,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  ii.  311. 

Kennedy, ,  v.  6. 

Kensington,  N.  H.,  charcb  and  ministers, 
u.  311 ;  iv.  293. 

Kent,  Ebenezer,  ii.  88. 

Kent,  Deacon  Abel,  ii.  89, 96,  98. 

Kent,  Mary,  ii.  296. 

Kent,  Hon.  W.  A.,  iii.  187. 

Kent,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

Kent,  Rev.  Benjamin,  v.  246. 

Kent, ,  vi.  195. 

Kent, ,  vi.  249. 

Kent,  Richard,  vii.  134. 

Kerbie,  Jo.,  viii.  272. 

Kerke.    See  Kirke. 

Kettell,  Peter,  viii.  262. 

Ketteramogis,  vi.  235. 

KetUe,  Sei^eant  Richard,  i.  261,  264. 

Key,  James,  vi.  212. 

Key,  John,  ib. 

"Key  into  the  Language  of  America,*'  by 
Rocer  Williams,  viii.  295. 

Keysler's  Travels  referred  to,  ii.  44. 

Keyne,  Robert,  viii.  270. 

Keyne,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Keyne,  Ann,  ib. 

Keyne,  Ben.,  ib.    See  Keayne. 

Kind,  Capt.,  and  Capt.  Walkington,  pro- 
posals to  and  from  them  to  suppress  an 
enemy  privateer,  i.  122, 123 ;  vii.  209. 

Kidder,  Job,  ii.  296. 

Kilbome,  Thomas,  viii.  261. 

Kilborne,  Francis,  ib. 

Kilborne,  Market,  ib, 

Kilborne,  Lydia,  ib. 

Kilborne,  Marie,  ib. 

Kilbome,  John,  ib. 

Kilbome,  Thomas,  x.  141. 

Kilbome,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Kilham,  Hon.  Daniel,  i.  288. 

Killinghall,  Marcaret,  viii.  273. 

Kimball,  Lieut.  Joseph,  i.  157. 

Kimball,  Peggy,  ii.  296. 

Kimball,  Anna,  ii.  297. 

Kimmerly,  Nath.,  x.  22. 

Kincarten,  Lord,  x.  114. 


310 


General  Index. 


Ring,  Hon.  Rufus,  i.  291 ',  ill.  195,  205 ; 

v.^6;  X.  187,208. 
King,  John,  iv.  291. 
King,  Peter,  ib. 
King,  Daniel  P.,  v.  293. 
King,  Capt,  vi.  227. 
King,  Hon.  John  G.,  viii.  4. 
King,  Thomas,  viii.  154. 
King,  Percy,  viii.  259. 
King,  Thomas,  viii.  267. 
King,  Suzan,  ib. 
King,  William,  ib. 
Kinge,  Henry,  viii.  319. 
King,  Thomas,  x.  142. 
King,  Thomas,  x.  143. 
^  King  Beaver,"  an  Indian,  vi.  112, 148. 
King's  Arms  taken  down,  ii.  337. 
King's  Chai>el,  v.  257-260. 
King's  Province,  or  Narraganset  country. 

See  Narrasanset. 
Kingerbie,  Capt.  Thomas,  viii.  287. 
Kingsbury,  Col.  Jeremiah,  ii.  78. 
Kingsbury,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  iii.  185. 
Kingsley,  Professor,  vii.  301,  302. 
Kingston,  formerly  Frontenac,  v.  173. 
Kingston,  alias  Rochester,  vii.  182. 
Kingston,  New  Hampshire,  its  churches 

and  ministers,  iii.  186;  iv.  293. 
Kinkina,  bark  of,  fevers  cured  by,  x.  17. 
Kinsman,  Robert,  iv.  291. 
Kirby,  Francis,  letters  to  John  Winthrop, 

Jr.,  ix.  237,  266. 
Kirck,  Lady,  x.  26. 

Kirk,  Sir  David,  expels  the  French  from 
Canada,  Governor  of  Quebec,  i.  232; 
vi.  41.    Admiral,  215 ;  vii.  128. 
Kirk,  Sir  Lewis,  i.  233. 

Kirk,  Judith,  viii.  260. 

Kirke,  Thomas,  vii.  126, 128 ;  viii.  325. 

Kirke,  Capt. ,  ix.  238. 

Kirkham, ,  viii.  303. 

Kirkland,  Rev.  Dr.  John  T.,  i.  288,  292, 
293 ;  V.  121 ;  ix.  170. 

Kist,  V.  J.,  ix.  72. 

Kittatteash,  son  of  Onchas,  x.  10. 

Kittery,  iii.  344 ;  vi.  236,  274. 

Knapp,  John,  viii.  319,  230. 

Knight,  John,  of  Woburn,  i.  44. 

Knight,  Joseph,  ib. 

Knight,  Rev. ,  iii.  93. 

Knight,  John,  iii.  371. 

Knight,  Alexander,  vi.  41. 

Knight,  Richard,  vii.  49. 

Knight,  George,  Esq.,  vii.  295. 

Knight,  Dorothee,  viii.  270. 

Knight,  Sara,  ib. 

Knight,  John,  viii.  319. 

Knight,  Richard,  ib. 

Knightly,  Richard,  viii.  244. 

Knollis,  Rev.  Hanserd,  ii.  307,  308;  iii. 
93,98,99,106,403;  viii.  249. 

Knollis,  Rev. ,  of  Watertown,  iii. 

71,93. 

Knore,  Thomas,  viii.  266. 

Knore,  Noll,  ib. 


Knore,  Sara,  viii.  266. 

Knowler,  John,  viii.  275. 

Knowles,  John,  his  letters  to  Gov.  Lever- 
ett,  i.  62,  65. 

Knowles,  Rev.  Professor,  vii.  7. 

Knowles,  Henry,  viii.  260, 

Knowles, ,  x.  34. 

Knox,  Thomas,  i.  273. 

Knox,  Gen.,  v.  169, 170. 

KoUock,  Dr.  Lemuel,  i.  291. 

Kory,  Martha,  iii.  172. 

Kunkapot,  Capt.,  oldest  of  the  Stock- 
bridge  Indians,  i.  151. 

Kyrtland,  Philip,  viu.  253. 

Kyrtland,  Nathaniel,  ib. 


L. 


Labcree,  Mons.,  vi.  228.    Killed,  230. 
L'Acadie,  and  Nova  Francia,  discovered, 
i.  231.     Granted  to  Sir  WUliam  Alex- 
ander, 232. 
Lactantius,  iii.  357. 
Lacy,  Lawrence,  i.  124. 
Lacy,  Dr.  Edmund,  viii.  304. 
La  Fayette,  ii.  39-41;  vii.  288;  ix.  15- 

19,  25,  36. 
Lafebure,  Mons.,  vi.  256. 

La  Flower, ,  i.  82. 

"  La  Henriade,"  quotations  from,  ii.  13, 

14,  15, 17. 
La  Heve,  vii.  91. 

La  Hontan,  Baron,  author  of  New  Voya- 
ges to  America,  quoted,  ii.  51. 
Lake,  Mrs.,  i.  184 ;  ix.  275,  276,  284, 291, 

294. 
Lake,  Capt.  Thomas,  killed  by  Indians, 

vi.  202 ;  vii.  120. 
Lake  Champlain,  v.  65. 
Lake  Erie,  ib. 

Lake  Iroquois,  now  Lake  Champlain,  t^. 
Lakeman,  Widow,  ii.  297. 
Lake  Ontario,  v.  65,  138. 
Lamb,  Abiel,  ii.  74,  75. 
Lamb,  Capt.,  vi.  255. 
Lamb,  Thomas,  viii.  286. 
Lambert,  Gen.  John,  i.  61,  195;  ii.  354,, 
356;  vii.  155;  x.29,31. 

Lambert, ,  i.  82. 

Lambert,  Edward  R.,  vii.  295. 

Lambert,  William,  viii.  258. 

La  Mole,  ii.  16. 

La  Moyne,  Capt.  Bernard,  viii.  334. 

Lampereel  River,  vi.  217,  254. 

Lamprey,  Martha,  ii.  298. 

Lampson,  Jonathan,  i.  156. 

Lamson,  Rev.  — ,  vi.  300. 

Lamson,  Rev.  Dr.  Alvan,  vii.  294 ;  viii.  4. 

Lancaster,  Massachusetts,   iv.  290.     At- 

tacked  by  Indians,  vi.  183, 244,  261. 
Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,  council  at,  v. 

83,98. 
Lancaster,  James,  iii.  369. 
Land  taken  from  the  Pequots  claimed,  x.105. 


General  Index. 


311 


Landor's  Imaginary  ConvenationB  quoted, 
ix.  78. 

Lane,  Ralph,  iii.  366,  367.  Got.  of  Vir- 
ginia, viii.  122. 

Lane,  Mrs.,  x.  113,  114. 

Langdon,  Ann,  i.  155. 

Langdon, ,  ii.  293. 

Langdon,  Rev.  Samuel,  D.  D.,  ii.  301. 

Langdon,  Rev.  Joseph,  ii.  305. 

Lansac, ,  ii.  o7. 

Lantsman, ,  ix.  67,  69. 

Larabe,  Lieut.,  vi.  243. 

Large,  Mrs.  Mary,  vii.  214. 

Larkham,  Rev.  Thomas,  ii.  307,  308. 

Lamed,  Ebenezer,  ii.  74,  75. 

Larned,  Isaac,  i6. 

Larnit,  Isaac,  i.  45. 

La  Roche, ,  ii.  57. 

Larraby,  Capt. ,  vi.  261. 

Lathrop,  Thomas,  i.  180. 

Lathrop,  John  J.,  Jr.,  ii.  109. 

Lathrop,  Mary,  ii.  319. 

Lathrop,  Isaac,  vii.  17. 

Lathrop,  Barnaby,  vii.  167. 

Lathrop,  Rev.  Dr.,  vii.  270. 

Lathrop, ,  tb. 

Latimer,  I.,  x.  S^. 

Latin, ,  i.  82. 

La  Tour  and  D'Aulney,  papers  relating 
to,  vii.  fK). 

Laud,  William,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, drives  French  Protestant  refugees 
back  to  France,  ii.  18:  viii.  276;  ix. 
208;  X.  2. 

Laudonniere,  Rene,  viii.  116, 122. 

Laughton,  John,  x.  88. 

Launce,  Mary,  x.  161. 

Launder,  Tho.,  viii.  267. 

Launin,  James,  viii.  253. 

Laurens,  Henry,  one  of  the  first  Presidents 
of  Congress,  ii.  36,  55. 

Laurens,  Col.  John,  ii.  55. 

Laurens, ,  minister,  ib. 

Laurens, ,  ii.  57. 

Laurie, ,  minister,  ii.  62. 

Laval's  History  of  the  Reformation  in 
France  quoted,  ii.  5. 

Lavericke,  John,  x.  142. 

Lawmolach,  Indian,  v.  103, 104. 

Lawrence, ,  ii.  94. 

I^wrence,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

Lawrence,  Hon.  Abbott,  v.  298 ;  vi.  297. 

Lawrence,  John,  viii.  253. 

Lawrence,  William,  ib. 

Lawrence,  Lord  President,  x.  2. 

Lawrence,  Marie,  viii.  253 ;  x.  128. 

Lawrence,  Matthew,  x.  171. 

Laws  of  Massachusetts  Colony,  iii.  385. 
Ilcin.  F.  C.  Grab's  remarks  on,  with  the 
Body  of  Liberties  adopted  in  1641,  viii. 
191  -237.  His  account  of,  from  1628 
to  1660,  199-215.  Of  Capt.  Endicott, 
ix.  257.  Of  England  to  be  in  the  Eng- 
lish language,  ii.  336,  337,  338.  Of 
PlymouOi,  11.  27d. 


-,  ii.  67. 


Lawson, 

Lawton,  Rev.  John,  i.  155. 

Layne,  Sir  Ralph,  iii.  51. 

Lea,  William,  viii.  255. 

Lea,  Capt.  Robert,  viii.  256,258,259,260. 

Lea,  John,  x.  144. 

Leach, ,  iii.  389. 

Leach,  Sarah,  vii.  256. 
Leach,  Margaret,  viii.  255. 
Leach,  Margaret,  viii.  259. 
Leake,  Anne,  viii.  266. 
Leason.     See  Gleason. 
Leaves,  Ellin,  viii.  272. 
Leavitt,  Rev.  Jonathan,  iii.  190. 
Leavitt,  John,  iv.  291. 

Le  Blanc, ,  ii.  26. 

L[e  Blom],  James,  ii.  66. 

Le  Boeuf,  Capt.,  vii.  100. 

Le  Boyteulx,  Gabriel,  ii.  65. 

Lecester,  Capt.  Jo.,  viii.  SMS7. 

Lechford,  Thomas,  his  **  Plain  Dealing,  or 

Newes  from  New  England,"  at  large, 

iii.  55.    Notes  to,  397 ;  vui.  285. 
Lee,  William,  i.  291. 
Lee,  Lord,  iii.  381. 
Lee,  Samuel,  viii.  251. 

Lee, ,  ix.  240. 

Leech,  John,  Sen.,  vii.  253. 

Leech,  John,  Jr.,  ib. 

Leet,  Samuel,  x.  116. 

Leete,  William,  Dep.-Gov.,  vii.  124 ;  x. 

56,  74,  75. 
Leeth,  John,  viii.  275. 

Leeven, ,  ix.  65. 

Le^re, ,  ii.  57. 

Leicester,  Earl  of,  his  Journal  referred  to, 

ii.  342. 
Leigh,  Rev.  William,  letter  to  John  Win- 

throp,  ix.  226 ;  x.  156. 

Leigh, ,  ix.  226. 

Leigh,  William,  x.  156. 

Leiffh,  Ralph,  ib. 

Le  Jay,  Guy  Michel,  ii.  55. 

Le  Mercier,  Rev.  Andrew,  ii.  32,  47,  63. 

Le  Neve,  Peter,  viii.  277. 

Lenfant, ,  ii.  26. 

Lenox,  Duke  of,  vi.  ^. 

Lent,  persons  licensed  to  eat  flesh  in  the 

time  of,  X.  137. 
Lenthall,  Hon.  William,  Speaker  of  the 

Parliament,  i.  35 ;  ii.  344. 

Lenthall, ,  iii.  403. 

Lenthall,  Robert,  viii.  247. 

Lenud, ,  ii.  57. 

Leonard,  Rev.  Elijah,  ii.  97. 

Leprosy,  cause  of,  ix.  256. 

Lescaroot,  cited,  ii.  7. 

Lesse,  Dr.,  State  of  the   Protestants  in 

France,  quoted,  ii.  37,  38. 
Lester,  Capt.  John,  viii.  270. 
Le  Tellier,  ii.  46. 
Letters  and    papers    relating  to  French 

Protestants,  ii.  64,  &c. 
Letters,  laws,  ^1^.  relating  to  conveyance 

of,  from  16:il»  to  1775,  vii.  48. 


312 


General  Index. 


Lettice,  Walter,  iz.  280. 

Letlrell, ,  i.  82. 

Lettsom,  Dr.  John  C,  i.  291. 

Lettyne,  Tho.,  viii.  259. 

Leverage,  Henry,  viii.  319. 

Levereage, ^  x.  114. 

Leverett,  John,  Gov.,  ii.  130,  133.  Let- 
ters  from  John  Knowles  to,  i.  62,  65 ; 
ii.  130,  133;  iii. 392-396;  vii.  120,  298; 
ix.  124 ;  X.  14.  Letters  to  J.  Winthrop, 
Jr.,  96,  101,  104.  From  William  Cod- 
dington,  106;  viii.  341. 

Leverett,  Thomas  [John],  Gov.,  iii.  391, 
396;  viii.  343. 

Leverett,  John,  President  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, V.  182, 194, 196 ;  vi.  274. 

Leveridge,  or  Leverich,  Rev.  William,  ii. 
307;  iii.  96;  iv.  162,  176,  177.  His 
letter  to  the  Society  for  Promoting  the 
Gospel  among  the  Indians,  180,  181  - 
184, 194, 244 ;  viii.  248. 

Levett,  Christopher,  his  account  of  his 
voyage  into  New  England  in  1623,  re- 
print of,  viii.  159,  280. 

Levett's  River,  viii.  169. 

Lewes,  Robert,  viii.  270,  271. 

Lewes,  Eliz.,  ih. 

Lewis,  Rev.  Daniel,  ii.  87. 

Lewis,  Capt.  John,  ii.  106. 

Lewis,  Alonzo,  iii.  404,  408. 

Lewis,  Isaiah  W.  P.,  vi.  296. 

Lewis,  John,  viii.  275. 

Lewis,  Sarah,  i6. 

Lewis,  Mrs.,  viii.  303. 

Lewis, ,  viii.  309. 

Lewis,  Edmond,  x.  140, 142. 

Lewis,  Mary,  x.  140. 

Lewis,  John,  z.  142. 

Lewis,  Thomas,  ih. 

Lewson, ,  of  Yarmouth,  pardoned, 

i.6l. 

Lexington,  battle  of,  viii.  278. 

Leyden,  church  at,  gathered,  iii.  372. 

Levden,  Histories  of,  mentioned,  ix.  51, 
b3,  65.  Magistrates  in  1609  and  1620, 
74.    Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at,  ix.  42. 

Library  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.,  account  of, 
vii.  18. 

Lidffet,  Charles,  i.  84  ;  vii.  50. 

Lieiord,  Ann,  viii.  263. 

Lightning,  several  persons  killed  by,  iii. 
393;  VI.  220-223. 

Lillie,  John  S.,  i.  275. 

Lincoln,  Gen.  Benjamin,  i.  288;  vi.  283; 
vii.  288;  x.  188.  Commands  the  forces 
raised  to  suppress  insurrection  in  1787, 
i.  205.  Commissioner  to  Western  In- 
dians, his  journal,  v.  109.  Letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  137. 

Lincoln,  Inaac,  3d,  ii.  96. 

Lincoln,  Uriah,  ii.  98. 

Lincoln,  Isaac,  ii.  99. 

Lincoln,  Abiah,  ii.  297. 

Lincoln,  Hon.  Solomon,  iii.  406;  ▼.298; 
ix.  304. 


Lincoln,  William,  iii.  408;  ▼.  296;  vi. 
299.  His  History  of  Worcester  com- 
plimented, vii.  25,293;  iz.  172.  Me- 
moir of,  X.  225. 

Lincoln,  Benjamin,  Esq.,  x.  188. 

Lincoln,  Hon.  Levi,  x.  225. 

Lincoln,  Hon.  Levi,  x.  226. 

Lincoln,  Bishop  of,  viii.  343. 

Lincoln,  Earl  of,  ix.  178. 

Lindall,  Timoth;^,  iv.  289. 

Line, ,  vii.  299. 

Ling,  Benjamin,  ix.  297. 

Linge, ,  i.  199. 

Linsel,  Rev.  Dr.,  i.  238. 

Lion  killed  at  Piscataway,  iii.  228. 

Liopoldt,  F.,  vii.  287. 

Lippincott,  Joshua,  i.  273. 

Lisle,  Lord  Commissioner,  ii.  347. 

Lister,  ii.  348. 

Litchfield,  New  Hampshire,  iv.  293. 

Little,  Rev.  Daniel,  ix.  84. 

Littlebury, ,  viii.  309. 

Little  Compton,  R.  I.,  ii.  70. 

Littlefeild,  Annis,  x.  145. 

Liturgy  altered  at  King's  Chapel,  ▼.  260. 

Livenston,  Capt.,  vi.  262. 

Livingston,  Thomas,  i.  156. 

Livingston,  Judge  Brockholst,  ii.  329. 

Livingston,  Gov.,  ii.  329 ;  v.  7. 

Livingston,  William,  v.  55,  56. 

Livingston,  Philip,  ib. 

Livingston,  Robert,  v.  87. 

Lloyd,  Capt.  John,  i.  86. 

Lloyd,  James,  i.  273. 

Lloyd,  Hon.  James,  i.  295. 

Lloyd,  Walter,  viii.  272. 

Locke,  Deacon  John,  i.  157. 

Locke, ,  ii.  293. 

Locke,  Mary,  ii.  297. 

Locke,  William,  viii.  253. 

Locke,  Daniel,  x.  160. 

Locke,  John,  ib. 

Lockhart,  Capt.  George,  i.  86;  vii.  187. 

Loganian  Society,  Trustees  of,  iii.  407. 

^ggi  Commodore,  v.  197,  199. 

**  Lolan  Jo,"  or  Joseph  Loring,  Indimn 
saffamore,  ix.  90. 

Londenoys, ,  viii.  314. 

**  London  Intelligencer,*'  a  Parliamentary 
paper,  x.  36. 

London,  Society  in,  for  Propacatinff  the 
Gospel,  send  misaionariet  to  Rhode  Isl- 
and, ii.  70.    Great  fire  of  1666^  z.  66. 

Long,  Nathaniel,  i.  25. 

Long,  Rev.  Joseph  A.  E.,  ii.  311. 

Long, ,  killed  by  Indians,  vi.  236. 

Long,  Nico,  viii.  270. 

Long  Island,  iii.  98 ;  vi.  13.  Eni^isbmen 
there  killed  by  Indians,  178 ;  z.  87,  89. 
Defended  by  Major  Fitz-John  Win- 
throp, 92, 182. 

Long  island  Sound,  z.  101. 

Long,  Little,  du;.  Parliaments,  aocoant 
of  MSS.  Journals  of,  in  the  New  York 
Historical  Society's  library,  it.  353. 


Gevtral  index. 


Lqpf't  Ordioarj,  CharlMtown,  iii.  830. 


11.359. 


[.13a. 


Long*. 

Longe,  Elizabeth,  viu.  9t>5. 

Longe,  Hicbelt,  »i. 

Longe,  San,  it. 

LoDge,  Eliia,  ii. 

Long*,  Aoa,  it. 

Longo,  Mary,  ii. 

Longe,  Rebecca,  it. 

LoDge,  Jnbo,  ii. 

LoDge,  Zachsiy,  tui.  066,  307. 

LoDgo,  Jiuliua,  viii.  iflio. 

LoDgii,  Hoiab,  viii.  307. 

LongBiitj  of  Maihpea  Indiana,  i.  150- 


1^. 


Loomi 


r,  rroftnor   1. 187. 


,  Edw. 


Lord,  Phebo,  „  . 

J.ord.  Rev.  Dr  Nalban,  iii.  163,  IH. 
Lord,  Mekm,T.  297;  vi.897. 
Lord,  Tboinaa,  vUL  jHS. 
Lord,  Dorotlir,  it. 
Lord,  Ann,  ii. 
Lord,  William,  U. 
■  Lord,  Jobn,  it. 
Lord,  Kobert,  ii. 
Lord,  Ajmit),  it. 
Lord,  Captain,  viii.  396. 

Lord, .  1  aS). 

"Lord  North',  hlund      x.SSO. 

Lord*  Day,  lreiiti»«conGerniiig,  viii.  3M. 

Lord'«I'fiiyer,inIheSliawiinaie  lansuue, 

Y  asT,     From  Eliofs  Bible,  ii.  aSs. 
Lordi  of  Trade  dituct  a  lueoling  of  coni- 

minioaera  fiota  lev  oral  uf  llie  aoloDiu, 

T.  6, 19. 
"  Lord*  lile  of  ProvidoDM,"  iii.  103. 
Loring,  Jobn  J.,  i.  375. 
Lotfaun,  Capl.,  Ti.  263. 
Loltarop,  luac,  i.  2B8. 
LMhrop,  1'bomae,  Jl.  90. 
Lothrop,  Rev.  ItamuaJ  K.,  iii.  188. 
Loihrap,Capt.Tlioruaa,andoihen,  killed 

at  DeerGeld,  Ti.  liM ;  Tii.  356, 360. 
Lothrop,  Bethiuh,  vii.  356. 
Lolbrop.  Rev.  Jobn.  vii.  300 ;  Tiii.  IM9. 


i.236. 


1.06. 


Louis  .\1II.,  ii.  17. 

of  NanlBn,  18.    Dutieaaea  the  Prolea- 

Unta,  \6,  49,  S6. 
Louii  XIV.,  ii.  16, 18, 19,  S5. 
Louia  XV.,  ii.  36. 
Lou»  XVI.,  ii.  37. 
Louisbure  eipedition,  ix.  16S, ' 
Love,  [Christopher},  i.  169. 
LoTelace,Lord,GaT.ofNew¥ork,ii.330. 
Lovelace,  Fiancia,  Got.  of  N«i*  York, 

leuera  to  J.  Wiolhrop,  Jr.,  i.  79,  80, 

ti6.     Aniwer.SS;  iiL314. 

Lovell, ,  m.  191 ;  t.  9e6. 

l.overinge, ,  i.  68. 

VOL.     X.  40 


Loveringe, ■,  i. 

LovBtl,  Cbarlca  W.,  ' 
Lovetl,  John,  Sen.,  i 


Lowe,  Dorothie,  »iii.  873. 

Lowell,  John,  1.  3CI8. 

Lowell,  Rev.  Dr.  Cbarlei,  i.  388, 303, 1 
iii.  ida;  «.  2!)8.  AcknonledEinHD 
dunauont  to  HuMchuaetts  Hisioi 


r.391; 


i.5D,S 


i.-2!M. 


Lev.  Dr.  John,  hii  bjogrBpbicu 
if  Dudley  A.  Tyng,  LL.  D  ,  ii. 


Lowell,  Ilev.  Dr.  John,  hii  bJogrBpbical 
Tvng,  ■ 
SBU,3(j6;  iii.  406  :  vi.  2j|). 
Lowell,  Abigail,  ii.  B97. 

Lo«e)l,  Capl. ,  T.  190. 

Lowell,  Charle*  K-,  v.  8S7. 

Lowrej, ,  i.  ta. 

Lowthrapp,  Tbomiu.  i.  45. 
Luddington, CbfiBiiaii    " '"  " 


LudkiD,  Dea 


Depuly-Govi 

Ludlow, ,  V 

Ludlow, ,  i: 

Luff,  Bridget,  vii. : 

Lufltin, ,  Ti 

Lummu.,  Edward, 
Lunl,  Rev.  Willini 
Lupton,  ITbriBlopbi 


-355. 


1.96,13^146,161-163. 


Tiii.  4. 


1-88. 


5o.6l.' 
I.u»n,  Sit  Richard,  iii.  53. 
Lutbor,  Calvin,  nnd   Beaa'i  piclurea,  b; 

procurenienl  oT  the  Jeiuita,  caat  into  a 

pitwilbare,  i.341. 

Lutieridm, ,  v  33. 

Luiun,  Cupl.  George,  iii.  839,  233. 


Lydini 


i.m. 


i.254. 


Lyfort, 

Lyman,  Hon.  Tlieodore,  Jr., 
Ljman,  Caleb,  vi.  358. 
Lyman,  Mm,  Lucreda,  vi.396. 

Lynch, ,  Of  South  Carolina,  ».  ( 

Lynch,  Head.  Til.  86. 
Lynde,  Ja«pb,  i*.  389. 
Lynde,  Simon,  Tii.  169. 

Li.iJe, ,  ii.lS*. 

Lyndei,  Joeeph,  i.  365. 
Lvndeborouib,  N.  H.,  iu  churchea  a 

mini.lenh  iii.184;  iv.a03. 
Lyne,  Mary.  v.il.  369. 

Lyng, —,  ii.  295. 

LynS.  iii.  332 .  iv.  88, 390. 

Lyon,  William,  viii.  273. 

LyKin'a  Mt^nit  Briunaia,  extract  fro 


314 


General  Index. 


M. 


Macauley,  Mrs.,  i.  185.    Her  Hittory  of 

England,  quoted,  ii.  334. 
Macclintock,  Rev.  Samuel,  ii.  304. 
Mace,  Samuel,  aent  to  Virginia  bj  Sir 

Walter  Raleigh,  viii.  94. 
MacFarland,  Rev.  Asa,  D.  D.,  i.  154. 
MacGregory,  Lieut.-Col.,  i.  85. 

Machan, ,  diacoTers  Madeira,  iii.  358. 

Mackerel  Cove,  Beverly,  vii.  251. 
Mackerty,  Thaddeuei,  i.  84. 
Mackintosh,  Sir  James,  ix.  79. 
Maclaine,  Dr.,  his  translation  of  Moebeim's 

Eccles.  Hist,  referred  to,  ii.  46. 
Macquoit,  in  Casco  Bay,  vi.  S24,  397. 
Macy,  Obed,  v.  294. 
Madaumbis,  vi.  235. 
Maddox,  Jo.,  viii.  353. 
Madeira  discovered,  iii.  358,  359. 
Madoc,  Prince  of  ^lo^th  WiUee,  iii.  358. 
Madockawando,  i.  105;  vi.  226, 228, 235; 

vii.  180 ;  ix.  83. 
Magellan,  Ferdinand,  iu.  52,  361,  362; 

VI.  107. 
Maffin,  Teady,  v.  55. 
**  Afagistcrium  of  coral,**  x.  22. 
Magistrates  and  others,  charges  for  diet  at 

several  courts  in  164%,  i.  16-20. 
Magna  Cbarta,  viii  310. 
Magnalia,  Mather's,  quoted,  ii.  62. 
Magnetical  cure  of  agues,  x.  17, 18. 
Mugnuson,  Finn,  v.  300. 
Mu|;u8,  a  praying  Indian,  iv.  252. 

Maiden, ,  i.  236. 

Maidston,  John,  i.  183 ;  x.  38.    His  letter 

to  John  VVinthrop,  Jr.,  giving  an  ac» 

count  of  the  civil  war  and  character  of 

Oliver  Cromwell,  185.    Errors  in  the 

copy  in  Thurloe's  State  Papers  oorrect- 

ed,  185. 
Maidstone,  Robert,  x.  165. 
Maillet,  Jean,  ii.  60. 

Maillet,  ,  vii.  92. 

Main,  Rev.  Amos,  ii.  313. 
Maine,  John,  his  petition,  vii.  176. 
Maine,   Province   of,    Indian  barbarities 

there,   i.   101-111,   113;  ui.  99,  343, 

348,  352,  371,  391.     Patent  of,  |^rant- 

ed  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorces,  vi.  83. 

Form  of  Government,  ib.    Officers,  84. 

Wars  in,  203-279.    Sullivan's  Ubtory 

of,  referred  to,  vii.  24.    Purchased  by 

Massachusetts,    169.     Designs  of  the 

French  in  relation  to,  227. 
Maine's  Point,  vii.  176. 
MainfTort,  John,  i.  27. 
Malcom,  Rev.  Mr.,  v.  234. 
Maiden,  iii.  :^25 ;  iv.  290 ;  vi.  255.  Church, 

iii.  386 ;  vii.  297. 
Malebranche,  quoted,  x.  197. 

Malhcrbe, ,  ix.  30. 

Malesherbes  and  Lafayette  make  efforts  to 

relieve  the  Protestants  of  France,  ii.40, 

41. 


Mallacar,  iii.  316. 

Mai  thus  on  population,  ix.  6. 

Malthus, 1 — ,  ix.  255. 

Mamoho,  Indian  sachem,  i.  161. 

Man,  William,  i.  4. 

Man,  Edw.,  x.  141. 

Manadaes,  or  Manahanent,  discovery  oi^ 

called  by  the  Dutch  New  Netherlands, 

iii.  313.   • 
Manchester,  Earl  of,  i.  53. 
Mandivel,  Sir  John,  dies,  iii.  359. 
Manida,  or  Maneddo,  Indian,  carried  to 

Ensland,  vi.  50 ;  viii.  145, 157. 
Manifold,  Jo.,  viii.  270. 
Manigault,  Gabriel,  of  Sooth   Carolina, 

ii.  36,  55,  57. 
Manigault,  Peter,  ii.  56. 
Manigault,  Judith,  ii,  , 
Maninff,  George,  i.  27. 
Manni&in>  a  town  on  Jamee  RiTer,  ii.  57. 
Manning,  Capt,  i.  85. 
Mansfield,  Isaac,  Eaq^  i.  296;  W.  295. 
Mansfield,  Jo.,  viii.  ^9. 
Mansfield,  Lord,  ix.  2. 
Manson,  Thomazin,  viii.  267. 
Manufactures  in  England,  improTements 

in,  owing  to  French  refugees,  ii.  47. 
Manuscript  of  Rev.  Matthias  Candler  ia 

the  British  Museum,  x.  147. 
Map  of  New  England,  Capt.  Smith's,  iii.  I. 
Mapes,  John,  x.  143. 
Maquis,  Indians,  i.  106,  110,  ill,  or  Ms- 

quas,  vi.  210,  233,  or  Maqueea,  viii.  331, 

or  Maquaaes,  x.  79. 
Maquoite,  i.  102. 

Marble  harbour,  now  Marblehead,  iii.  37. 
Marblehead.  iii.  37, 75, 323 ;  i v.  291 ;  v.  177. 

Formerly  a  part  of  Salem,  vii.  249. 
Marbois,  Barbc,  i.  291. 

Marcel, ,  ii.  9. 

March,  Martha,  ii.  297. 

March,  Col.  John,  of  Newbury,  t.  189-196 

March,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

March,  Capt,  vi.  227, 238. 

March,  Sergeant,  and  others,  killed,  vi. 

238. 
March,  Lieut,  vi.  275. 
Marechitcs,  ix.  92. 

Marie, ,  vii.  92. 

Mariner's  coinpass  invented,  iii.  358. 
Marion,  Col.  Francis,  ii.  56,  57. 

Marion, ,  ii.  57. 

Marlborough,  iv.  290.    Bnmt  by  Indians, 

vi.  183. 
Marlborough,  Duke  of,  ?.  203,  206. 
Marot,  Clement,  ii.  4. 
Marriage,  bond  given  Ibr  license  of,  in 

1686  -  87,  vii.  170. 
Marriages  in   Massachusetts   to)einnis(>d 

hj   magistrates,  ii.  270;   iii.    94.      In 

France,  not  celebrated  by  Romish  priests, 

declared  concabina|[e,  li.  36. 
Marsh,  Ebenezer  G.,  i.  291. 
Marsh,  John,  vii.  178. 
Manhal,  Capt,  vi.  181.    Killed,  183. 


Oeneral  Index. 


315 


•,  i.  237. 


Marshall,  — 

Marahall,  Hon.  John,  i.  291;  yL  294. 
His  Life  of  Waahinglon  referred  to,  ix. 
42. 

Marshall,  Stephen,  iv.  30,  35. 

Marshall,  Hubart,  v.  23. 

Marshall,  Henry,  Postmaster,  vii.  85. 

Marshall,  Francis,  viii.  252. 

Marshall,  William,  viii.  266. 

Marshall,  Thomas,  viii.  270. 

Marshall,  Jo.,  viii.  272. 

Marshall,  Samuel,  viii.  274. 

Marshall,  William,  x.  135. 

Marston,  Manasseh,  iv.  289. 

Martell, ,  i.  82, 

Marten,  Sir  Henrj,  viiL  246. 

Marten,  Henry,  tb. 

Martha's  Vineyard,  iii.  100,  316;  iv.  76, 
81.  Indians oi,  107, 125, 184-194,  207 ; 
vi.  13.  So  named  by  Capt  Croenold, 
viii.  75,  76. 

•Martin,  — — ,  ii.  26. 

Martin,  Jonathan,  ii.  297. 

Martin, ,  iii.  81. 

Martin,  Marie,  viii.  256. 

Martin,  Richard,  viii.  258. 

Martin,  Salomon,  viii.  270. 

Martin,  Capt.,  ix.  298. 

Martin, ,  x.  104. 

Martin's  Vineyard.  See  Martha's  Vine- 
yard. 

Martyn,  Richard,  i.  88. 

Martyr,  Jostin,  ii.  4. 

Marvyn,  Mathew,  viii.  261. 

Marvyn,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Marvyn,  Marie,  ib. 

Marvyn,  Sara,  ib. 

Marvyn,  Hanna,  ib. 

Mary,  Queen  of  England,  iii.  363. 

Maryland,  ii.  339;  iii.  100;  v.  15;  ix.  192. 

Masherosqueck,  iii.  22;  vi.  107. 

Mashpee  Indians,  longevity  of,  i.  150- 152. 

Mason,  Robert,  crandson  of  Capt  John 
Mason,  claims  Uie  land  between  Naiim* 
keag  and  Merrimac  Rivers,  i.  72.  Per- 
mitted to  prosecute  his  right,  73.  Letter 
from  Charles  IL  to  Massachosetts,  in 
relation  to,  72 ;  vii.  265, 267. 

Mason,  Major  John,  of  Conneeticat,  i. 
170;  iii.  136, 146, 148, 158;  vi.  11-36, 
157,  159,  162,  175,  176;  ix.  268,  271, 
278,279,282,287;  x.  177. 

Mason,  Hon.  Jeremiah,  i.  291. 

Mason,  Capt  John,  iii.  341  ;  vi.  78, 83. 

Mason,  Dr.  John,  of  Bangor,  v.  293. 

Mason,  Capt.,  vi.  181. 

Mason,  Major,  of  Connecticut,  vi.  254. 

Mason,  Ralph,  viii.  268. 

Mason,  Anne,  ib. 

Mason,  Richvd,  ib. 

Mason,  Samuel,  ib. 

Mason,  Susan,  ib. 

Mason,  Em.,  viii.  275. 

Mason, ,  viii.  309. 

Mason,  Hugh,  x.  143. 


Mason,  Hester,  x.  143. 

Mason  and  Gorges's  right  to  the  covem^ 
ment  of  Maine  confirmed,  viii.  239. 

Massachusetts,  bounds,  ii.  267;  iii.  22, 
318;  viii.  334.  Description  of,  iii. 
34.  State  of  the  country,  101.  Rob- 
ert Gorge  begins  a  plantation  in,  375. 
Arrival  of  Gov.  Winthrop  at,  326,  376. 
Its  boundaries,  327.  By  charter  extends 
to  the  South  Sea,  v.  64 ;  vi.  14,  108. 
Capt.  John  Smith's  description  of,  118. 
Purchased  from  the  Plymouth  Company 
in  England,  viii.  200.  Patent  and  sov- 
emment  of  the  Company  in  England 
transferred  to,  201.  Has  eight  towns 
in  1634,   ib. 

Massachusetts  Colony,  Governor  and  As- 
sistants addressed  by  inhabitants  of 
Providence,  complaining  of  Samuel 
Gorton  and  hie  company,  i.  2.  Its 
General  Court  pass  a  vote  of  thanks  to 
Richard  Andrew*,  23.  Mr.  Welde 
bound  in  behalf  of,  to  Mr.  Sherley,  in 
iCllO,  26.  The  widow  of  Mons. 
d'Aulney  sends  to,  desiring  the  same 
good  intelligence  between  Massachu- 
setts and  Acadie  as  in  the  time  of  Mons. 
d'Aunay,  28.  Report  of  committee  in 
the  case  of  Marmadnke  Mattbewes,  30. 
Council  send  a  copy  of  Nathaniel  Bris- 
coe's letter,  containing  reflections  upon 
the  Parliament  of  England  to  the  Speak- 
er, 351  Council  send  a  letter  to  Sir 
Henry  Vane,  in  answer  to  his  letter  in 
behalf  of  Mr.  William  Pincheon,  ib. 
General  Court,  petition  of  several  of 
Woburn  church  and  inhabitants  to,  38  - 
45.  Apology  of  Michael  Powell,  45. 
Letter  of  Peter  Bulkeley  to  Gov.  Endi- 
cott  and  Dep.-Gov.  Bellingham,  in  be- 
half of  Mrs.  Flint,  47.  Motion  pro- 
pounded in  the  [General]  Court,  in  be- 
nalf  of  Mrs.  Nowell,  ib.  Report  of  a 
committee  of  the  General  Court,  con- 
cerning the  maintenance  of  the  min- 
isters m  the  county  of  SuflTolk,  49. 
Charles  II.  promises  to  protect  and  de- 
fend the  liberties  formerly  granted  to,  52. 
Charles  II.  proclaimed  in,  53.  Council 
make  proclamation  as  to  the  concealing 
of  Col.  Whalley  and  Gofle,  and  cause 
the  Secretery  to  write  to  the  Governor 
of  New  Haven  in  relation  to  their  ap- 
prehension, 52.  [General]  Court  to  ex- 
amine petitioners  in  1666,  and  depute 
some  person  to  implead  them,  60. 
Count  Frontenac  senas  a  messenger  to 

Erocore  the  liberty  of  Monsieur  Cliam-> 
le.  Governor  of  Acadia,  65.  Letter 
from  Charles  II.  to,  in  relation  to  Rob- 
ert Mason's  claim,  72.  Opposed  Robert 
Mason  **in  the  prosecution  of  his  right," 
ib.  Directed  to  adroit  him  to  prosecute, 
73.  Messengers  dieclaim  title  to  lands 
cHumed  by  Robert  Maton.  79l   Charter 


316 


General  Index. 


of,  arguments  againtt  relinquishing,  74. 
Governor  and  Council,  letter  from  major 
Robert  Pike,  with  account  of  attack  by 
Indians  upon  Cocheca,  and  answer,  89. 
Advise  Richard  Marty n  and  others  of 
New  Hampshire  to  adopt  some  form  of 
government,  90.  Not  willing  to  exer- 
cise authority  in  New  Hampshire,  ib. 
Governor  and  Council,  letter  from  Ma- 
jor Benjamin  Church,  91 .  Charter  ille- 
gally wrested  from,  in  1683,  96.  Gov- 
ernor and  Council  of,  appoint  commis- 
sioners to  treat  with  the  Eastern  In- 
dians, 1 12.  Governor  and  Council,  com- 
plaint to,  of  Gov.  de  Meneual  asainst 
Gov.  Phips,  114.  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil, their  proposals  to  and  from  Cajpt. 
Kid  and  Capt.  Walkington,  &c.,  122, 
123.  General  Court  srant  liberty  to 
Spelled  Protestants  of  Rochelle  to  in- 
haoit  in,  ii.  27.  Capital  laws,  126.  Ac- 
count of  first  settltra  of,  iii.  8.  Church 
Government,  55.  Government  of  the 
**  Commonweale,"  81 .  Governor,  how 
chosen,  82.  Book  of  Common  Prayer 
prohibited  in,  376.  Money  and  cloth- 
ing wanted  in,  101.  Magistrates,  in 
1641,94.  Send  messengers  to  Pascat- 
aqua,  106.  Instructions  to  John  Win- 
throp.  Governor  of  Connecticut,  to  treat 
with  the  Pequots,  129.  Government 
of,  328,  329.  Laws,  329.  Military,  ib. 
Take  possession  of  the  province  of 
Maine,  343,  384.  General  Court  con- 
demn the  opinions  and  errors  of  Mrs. 
Hutchinson,  380.  Body  of  laws  print- 
ed, 385.  Required  to  restore  the  prov- 
ince of  Maine  to  F.  Gorges,  391.  Gren- 
eral  Court's  order  concerning  the  In- 
dians, iv.  48.  Send  forces  against  the 
Pequots,  vi.  4, 162.  Complaints  against, 
82.  Send  forces  against  the  Indians, 
187,  202, 209,  215,  224.  Assist  Uncas, 
191.  Charterof,enlarged  and  confirmed, 
80.  Governor  and  Council's  letters 
toandfromD'Aulnev,vii.91,&c.  Gov- 
ernor and  Council,  letters  to  and  from 
Madame  d'Aulney  and  Mons.  de  St. 
Mas,  1 14  - 117.  Purchase  the  Province 
of  Maine,  169.  Order  for  preservinc  the 
records  of,  vii.  162;  viii.  180.  **Law8 
and  Liberties  printed,  1649,  1660,  and 
1672, 196.  Hon.  F.  C.  Gray's  remarks 
on  the  early  laws  of,  with  the  Body  of 
Liberties  adopted  in  1641,  191-237. 
Legislature  of,  occasion  of  division  into 
two  branches,  204.  Controversy  with 
Mason  and  Gorges,  respecting  govern- 
ment of  Maine  decided,  boundaries,  240, 
241.  Legacy  of  Isaac  Johnson  to,  245. 
Slandered  by  Sir  Christopher  Gardiner, 
321  ;  and  others,  323.  Account  of,  in 
1632,  322.  Sir  F.  Gorges  endeavours 
to  subvert  the  government  of^  323.  Mil- 
itary forces  and  fortifications  in  1660, 


333,  334.  Principal  towns  of,  335. 
Churches,  335,  340.  Rivers,  trade, 
merchants,  vessels,  335.  Ships  of,  taken 
by  Algerines,  338.  Liberties  confirmed 
by  Charles  II.,  339.  R^uoed  by  In- 
dian war,  ib.  Religion  of,  and  church 
discipline,  339,  340.  Number  of  set- 
tlers from  1628-1643,  iz.  178, 183, 199, 
202.  Representatives  to  General  Court 
of,  first  chosen,  203,  204,  211.  Crew 
of  trading  bark  of,  killed  by  Pequots, 

213.  Decline  a  union  with  Plymouth, 

214.  Severity  of  government  of,  244. 
Preached  against,  at  Paul's  Croas,  253. 
Unjustly  complained  against,  260.  Gen- 
era]  Court  send  vessels  of  war  to  Con- 
necticut, z.  97,  100,  101.  Inhabitanti 
of  Southainpton  send  their  declaratioa 
to,  in  1673,  86.  Ship  belonging  to, 
plundered  at  Jamaica,  102, 172.  Letter 
to  Governor  and  Council  of,  from  Gov- 
ernor and  Council  of  Connecticat,  63.- 
Answer,97, 100, 101. 

Massachusetts,  Province  of,  petition  of 
ministers  to  Governor  and  CooDcil,  for 
sending  the  Gospel  to  Eastern  Indians, 
133.      Lawsuits   against,    by    Mrs. 


1. 


Watts,  145,  146.  Jeremiah  Dummer, 
agent's  letter,  139.  Sustains  a  great  loss 
by  the  death  of  Sir  William  Aabnnt, 
*'  a  hearty  lover  of  our  civil  and  relig- 
ious liberties,"  &c.,  146.  Send  an  army 
to  Port  Royal,  v.  189.  Send  Commis- 
sioners to  Congress  in  Albany,  in  1754, 
9.  Trouble  in,  by  contraband  trade 
with  the  French,  vi.  276.  Post-Offices 
in,  taken  charge  of  by  Provincial  Con- 

Sees,  vii.  89.  Number  of  votes  for 
agistrates  in  1692,  x.  120. 

Massachusetts,  Commonwealth  of,  L^s- 
lature  contribute  lar^ly  to  the  publica- 
tion of  Hubbard's  History  of  New  Eng- 
land, Winthrop's  History,  and  to  the 
copying,  &c.,  of  Plymouth  Colony  Rec- 
ords, i.  296 ;  ii.  258 ;  iii.  405,  406 ;  v. 
293,  294,  298 ;  vi.  297, 296;  vii.  23, 295. 
Statutes  of,  revised,  z.  216. 

Massachusetts  Archives,  documents  firom, 
relating  to  the  post-office,  vii.  48. 

Massachusetts  Bay,  islands  in,  iii.  317. 

Massachusetts  General  Hospital,  formed, 
i.  208. 

Massachusetts  Historical  Socie^,  accoaot 
of,  by  Rev.  Dr.  Jenks,  vii.  4.  Alpha- 
betical lists  of  its  members,  i.  287 ;  iii. 
408;  V.  299;  vii.  25.  Members  elected 
since  1824,  iii.  408.  Laws  and  regula- 
tions, iv.  331.  Alphabetical  list  or  res- 
ident members,  v.  299 ;  viii.  4 ;  iz.  304. 
Corresponding  members  elected  since 
1824,  V.  300 ;  vii.  26.  List  of  por- 
traits in  the  Hall  of,  vii.  265.  Errors 
in  its  printed  collections  corrected,  296; 
z.  127.  Members  visit  Elizabeth  Isl- 
ands, the  place  of  Gosnold't  aottAeinent 


General  Index. 


317 


in  1603,  viii.  70.  Officers,  i.  292;  yi. 
1 ;  vii.  4 ;  yiii.  4 ;  ix.  303 ;  x.  at  the 
end.  Donations  to,  i.  295;  ii.  365; 
iU.  404;  Ti.  294;  yii.  292.  Dis- 
course  of  Hon.  John  G.  Palfrey  be- 
fore, ix.  165.  Origin  of  the  Society, 
165.    First  a«ociates,  166,  167.    Ob- 

i'ects  of,  167.    First  meeincs,  ih.    Pub- 
ications,  169.    Discourse  of  Hon.  John 

Q^incy  Aftams,  ix.  189.    Members  re- 
cently elected,  x.  236. 
Massachusetts  Horticultural  Society,  v. 

297. 
Massachusetts  Humane  Society,  ii.  106. 
Massachusetts  Indians,  i.  150;  iii,  294; 

iv.  1 ;  yi.  107. 
Massachusetts   (or   Natick)  Indian    lan- 
guage, Vocabulary  of,  &c.,  ii.  147-257. 
Massachusit,  Mountain  of,  yi.  120. 
Massacre  in  Virginia,  iii.  13. 
Massacre  of  the  Protestaltats  on  St.  Bar^ 

tbolomew's  day,  account  o^  a  subject  of 

joy  at  Rome,  li.  13. 
Massasoit,  Sachem  at  Mount  Hope,  now 

Bristol,  a  friend  to  the  English,  yi.  178; 

ix.  212. 
Maasey,  ,  i.  32. 

Masters,  Rey. ,  y.  199. 

Mather,  Rey.  Samuel,  i.  46. 

Mather,  Rey.  Richard,  i.  50,  79 ;  iii.  93, 

106,  379 ;  iy.  56,  225. 
Mather,  Rey.  Dr.  Increase,  i.  119.  120, 

126-134,256;  U   60;  y.  182, 185, 189, 

1%,  205,  215;  yi.  274;  yii.  290;  yiii. 

250. 
Mather,  Cotton,  i.  120,  134;  ii.  62;  y. 

185,  186,  189,  106,  215,  227 ;  vi.  190 ; 

yii.  6;  yiii.  249,276;  ix.  43,  44, 53, 122, 

173,  182.    His  letter    to  Hon.   John 

Saffin,  i.  137. 
Mather,  Rey.  Samuel,  ii.  272 ;  y.  230. 
Mather,  Henry,  x.  139. 
Mather's  Magna! ia,  y.  207;  yiii.  250;  x. 

157, 161, 163, 165. 
Mathews,  Marmaduke,  i.  29, 31 ;  yiii.  250. 

Mathews,  Rev. ,  iii.  96. 

Mathews,  Mathew,  yiii.  250. 

Matignon,  Rey.  Dr.  Francis  A.,  ii.  64. 

Matinnack,  rock  of,  yi.  120. 

Matoonas,  vi.  189. 

Mattahunt,  iii.  22. 

Mattahunts,  Isles  of^  yi.  107, 118. 

Matthewes,  Marmaduke,  his  defence,  i. 

29.    Petition,  31. 

Matthews, ,  vii.  299. 

Mattoon,  Gen.   Ebenezer,  his   letter  to 

President  Quincy,  vi.  283. 
Mauchage,  or  Oxford,  ii.  59. 
Mauconipus,  Indian  giant,  y.  207. 
Maud,  Rev.  Daniel,  ii.  307,  308;  yiii. 

248. 
Maudsley,  Henry,  viii.  271. 
Mauduit,  Rev.  Mr.j  y.  199. 
Maulder,  Febe,  viii.  270. 
Mauquawogs,  ix.  272,  273. 


Maverick,  Samuel,  Esq.,  appointed  one  of 
the  commissioners  to  examine  differen- 
ces in  New  England,  i.  219 ;  iii.  220, 
230,  231,  377,  391 ;  vii.  119, 127. 

Maverick,  Elias,  i.  257,  261, 264. 

Maverick,  Rev. ,  iii.  377. 

Maverick,  John,  viii.  247. 

Maverick,  Radford,  viii.  302. 

Maveriok, ,  x.  171. 

Maxwell, ,  drowned,  y.  183. 

May,  Col.  Joseph,  i.  299. 

May,  Henry,  iii.  368. 

May,  Rev.  S.  J.,  vii.  295. 

May,  Capt.  John,  yiii.  270. 

May,  or  St.  Augustine,  river  of,  ii.  7. 

May  bees,  • ,  v.  116. 

Maydestone,  Mr.,  or  Maidston,  i.  183. 

Mayhew,  Rev.  ,  minister  of  tlie 

new  church  in  Boston,  i.  50. 

Mayhew,  Rev. 

Mayhew,  Dr. 


■?. 


ii.94. 


,  li.  95;  y.  261. 


Mayhew,  Thomas,  iii.  316;  iv.  81 ;  viii. 
247;  Z.169. 

Mayhew,  Thomas,  Jr.,  iii.  385;  iv.  76. 
His^ letter  to  Edward  Winslow,  77. 
Preaches  to  the  Indians,  61,  98,  107. 
His  letter  to  Rev.  Henry  Whitfield, 
109-118,  122,  125,  128,  132, 143, 176, 
185,  191, 194.  Letter  to  the  Corpor»> 
tion  for  promoting  the  Gospel  among 
the  Indians,  201.  And  Rev.  J.  Eliot, 
their  Further  Narrative  of  the  Progress 
of  the  Gospel  amongst  the  Indians  in 
New  Enaland,  197, 231,244, 276;  vii.22. 

Mayhew,  Ann,  x.  169. 

Mayhew,  John,  ib. 

May  hue.  Thomas,  vii.  246. 

Maynard,  Rev. ,  ii.  49. 

Mayo,  John,  ii.  34. 

Mayors  Hill,  or  Fort  Hill,  ii.  34,  80. 

Mazarine,  Cardinal,  ii.  19,  339. 

Mazyck, ,  ii.  57. 

McAllaster,  James,  i.  275,  278. 

M'Allister,  Alexander,  vi.  143.  Hb  wife 
killed  144. 

McCall,  Major  Hugh,  i.  291. 

M'Clelland,  Mary,  vi.  141. 

M'Clelland,  William,  vi.  152. 

McClure,  Rev.  David,  i.  291 ;  ii.  316. 

McCrillis,  John,  ii.  295. 

McCrillis,  Abigail,  ii.  296. 

McDuffee,  Widow,  ii.  295. 

M'Farland,  Rev.  Dr.  Asa,  iii.  166. 

McGillivray, ,  v.  169  - 171. 

Mclntire, ,  v.  174. 

McKean,  Rev.  Joseph,  i.  288,  292,  293, 
294. 

McKean,  Rev.  Dr.,  vii.  22 ;  ix.  170. 

McKean,  Professor,  vii.  275. 

McKee,  Col.,  y.  157, 158,  159. 

McKee,  Alexander,  v.  S^. 

McKeen,  William,  ii.  298. 

McKim,  John,  i.  273. 

McLeod  affair,  x.  216. 

McSparran,  Rev.,  ii.  70, 71,  72. 


S18 


GeMTol  Jndex. 


',  ii.  346. 


MemAe,  Rev.  -— 

Meadofi  Nathaniel,  wi.  354. 

Jieaker,  Robert,  vii.  245. 

Mearne,  Anne,  viii.  2B4. 

Mearne,  Samuel,  ib, 

Mears,  James,  ii.  62. 

Mease,  Dr.  James,  deMnptioil  of  Ameri- 
can medals  by,  iv.  297;  r.  300.  His 
letter  to  Mass.  Hiat.  Soc,  v.  101, 102, 
104, 293  ;  tu.  282. 

Mecadacut,  iii.  22,  or  Meeeadacuty  vi.  107, 
117. 

Medals,  American,  deacriptioii  o^  it.  297; 
vi.  286. 

Medefield,  or  Dedham  Tillage,  it.  178. 

Medfield,  allow  their  miDistar,  Mr.  WiU 
SOD,  £50  per  aDOum,  i.  60;  it.  290^  z. 
172. 

Medford,  ui.  321 ;  iv.  291. 

Medicines  recommended,  x.  16, 17,  IB. 

Medicines  and  advice  requested  of  J. 
Wtnthrop,  Jr..  ix.  293,  296,  296.  Fiut 
nished  by  him,  x.  21,  22,  37^59,  67, 77, 
115. 

Meiksah,  Indian  sachem,  x.  10. 

Mellen,  John,  i.  288.  * 

Mellen,  Rev.  John,  ii.  97. 

Mellen,  ReT.  Joha,  Jr.,  Tii.  17. 

Mellen,  Rev.  ,  of  Barnstable,  vii. 

300. 

Mellichamp, ,  ii.  57. 

Meloon,  Rachel,  ii.  295. 

Memoirs  of  the  Pil^ims  at  Leyden,  ix.  42. 

Menan,  Bay  of,  viii.  123. 

Menawormet,  Indian  sagamore,  Tiii.  170, 
174. 

Mendon,  iv.  290.  Burnt  by  the  Indians, 
vi.  182. 

Menis,  vi.  256. 

Mepdam,  John,  x.  88. 

Mercer,  Judge,  ii.  285. 

Mercer,  Luce,  viii.  270. 

"  Merchant  Adventurera  '*  of  England  as- 
sist Plymouth  settlers,  ix.  60. 

Merchants  petition  General  Court,  1677, 
vii.  49. 

**  Mercurius  Americanus,"  b^  John  Wheel- 
wright, Jr.,  referred  to,  viii.  286. 

Mercury,  conjunction  of^  with  the  sun, 
Oct.  25, 1G64,  X.  47. 

Mere,  Robert,  viii.  266 ;  x.  130. 

Mere,  Samuel,  ib. 

Mermaid,  iii.  372. 

Mermak.    See  Merrimack. 

Merriam,  Hannah,  ii.  297. 

Merriam,  Rev.  Jonas,  ii.  316. 

Merrill,  James  C,  i.  288,  294 ;  ix.  125. 
His  Memoir  of  James  Bowdoin,  224. 

Merrill,  Rev.  Giles,  ii.  310. 

Merrill,  Benjamin,  v.  299. 

Merrimac  River,  i.  86,  or  Monnmaeh, 
iii.  324;  iv.  123;  v.  49;  vi.  83.  And 
Naumkeag  River,  land  between,  claimed 
by  Mason's  heirs,  vii.  265.  Falls  ot, 
iv.  81. 


Merrimack,  New  Hampehire,  its  church- 
es and  ministers,  iii.  185. 

Merry-meeting  [Bay],  vi.  204. 

Mesambomett,  Indian  chief^  vi.  247. 

Mesandowit,    Indian   sagamore,    betrays 
Cape  WaldroD,  vi.  207. 

Messengers  on  pubiie  service,  order  con- 
cerning, viii  49. 

Messer,  Sarah,  i.  158. 

Mestrezat.  ■,  ii.  26.      * 

Metcalf,  £.  W.,  u.  368. 

Metcalf;  Thomas,  iv.  290. 

Metinicus,  vi.  120. 

Metz,  Henry,  t.  163. 

Mevis.    See  Nevis. 

Meyer,  — — ,  ii.  343. 

Me^eray,   ii.  7,  10.    His  Chronological 
Historv  of  France  quoted,  11, 16. 

Miami  Rapids,  Indiain  nations  asaeosbia 
there,  v.  12^  165, 167. 

Mian, ,  ii.  53. 

Miantunnomu,  sachem  of  the  Narragan- 
sets,  keeps  his  court  at  Roger  Wiiliams's 
bouse,  i.  159.  Place  of  rendezvous,  l&f. 
And  Canonicus,  their  defence  as  to 
breach  of  league  with  Massacfansetts, 
&c.,  162-164.  Complains  of  the  £ngs- 
lish,  163,  164,  165.  And  Canonicas, 
desire  Roger  Williams  to  dwell  near  to 
them,  165.  Being  accused,  Roger  Wil- 
liams writes  in  nis  defence  to  Gov. 
Winthrop,  166,  170.  Elenounces  war 
against  Juanemo,  170,  174.  Gives 
names  of  Pequot  sachems  and  mur- 
derers of  the  English,  175.  Or  Mian- 
tinomy,  taken  prisoner  and  put  to 
death,  210,  229.  Nephew  of  Cono- 
nocus,  employed  by  nim  in  warlike 
af&irs  as  his  general,  210.  Or  Mian- 
tunnomoh,  iii.  135, 151, 153, 154,  161  - 
164.  Or  Miantinonoo,  vi.  157.  Head 
sachem  of  the  Narragansets,  173.  Or 
Miantoaomy,  ix.  210.  Summoned  to 
Boston,  214.  Attacks  Uncas,  is  defeat- 
ed and  put  to  death,  215,  299,  300,  301. 
Or  Miantoiiomoh,  x.  179, 180. 

Michau,  — ,  ii.  57. 

Michell  [or  Mitchel], ,  iii.  144^ 

Michigan  Historical  Society,  iii.  406. 

Mico, ,  V.  203. 

Mico, ,  vii.  219. 

Microscope,  improved  construction  ofl  t. 
275. 

Middlecott,  Richard,  ix.  124. 

Middlesex  County,  iii.  3^. 

Milbume,  Mr.,  writes  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 
about  observing  an  eclirae,  t  243. 

Mildmay,  Sir  Henry,  ii.  356. 

Mildmay,  Sir  Humphrey,  iii.  35. 

Mildmay,  Sjr  William,  viii.  297. 

Mildmay,  Alice,  viii.  315. 

Mildmay,  Henry,  i^. 

Mildmay,  Sir  Tliomas,  ib. 

Mildmay,  Alice,  ib. 

Mildmay,  William,  ibs 


Mildmav,  Sir  Hearr,  Tiii.  315. 

MiJdm>7,  Lady ,  x.lsi. 

MildmST,  Tbomu,  it. 

Hndma;,  Wllliain,  H. 

Mildmay,  Sir  Hemy,  iS, 

Mil'IniBv,  Hiiiiry,  vontl  nuuie  by  Adim 

WLDlhrop  al  ihe  birtb  of.  i.  15tf. 
HildiDije,  Williim,  Tiii  2(7, 
IHildoMyei  Thomu,  it. 
HiJdmave,  Alice,  d. 


dmaye,  Alice,  it 
eg,  lleT.  U.  A., 


HuasKliaietti  in 


Hilea,  Rev.  Snoiuel,  vii.  lOS. 

Milford,  town  of^  ordered  ia  ba 
fur  Mesns.  Wtiallej'  andGofie, 

Miliiary  companiea  m 
ItMO:  viij.333. 

Mill  at  Oirord,  ii.  66. 

Miller,  Phineaa,  i.  801. 

Miller,  Rev.  Dr.  Samoel,  A. 

Miller,  Ebt.  .^ -,  iii.  93, 

Miller,  Robort,  ri-lllO,  136. 

Miller,  John,  fiii.  248 

Hitter,  JoMph,  viii.  873. 

Millet,  Tboniiu,  viii.  3561  1. 199. 

Millet,  Maria,  A. 

Millet,  Jean,  ii.  60. 

Hinelon,J«ut,  ii.68. 

MilliDj,  John,  ii.  66. 

Milling,  Robert,  ■&. 

Hilner,  Hichell,  viii.  370. 

Miliimore,  Rev.  Jamei,  ii.  307. 

Mlllon,  MnaaachiiBetu,  iii.306;  ir.  991. 

Millon,  Joba,  ii.  350:  viii.  MB;  i.  4. 

>linB»,  ([Old,  ailver,  and  copper,  in  North 
DoriJa  nnd  Ih<i  inland  main  of  Virgin- 
ia, viii.  131-193.     In  tlie  Bay  of  He- 


ippi  River,  Spaniard!  eract  a  fbrtl- 
nn  OD  the  eait  aide  of,  v.  179. 
Hiatick,  iii.  399.    River,  390.    lodlaM, 

iv.8d. 
Hitdiel,   Rev.    [Jonatiun],   minialar   of 

Cambridge,  i.  K;  iii.  143,  3M. 
Hitcbel,  ,  killad  bv  (!■•  Indiana, 

iii.  H3. 

Miichel, ,  iii.H?. 

Mitchell,  Hon.  Nahum,  i.  966. 
Milchelt,  Dr  Samuel  L.,  1.901. 
Mitchell,  Rhv.  Daniel,  ii.3H. 
Mitchell,  N.,  y.  ai4,  a*.  297. 
Mitchell,  Tliomaa,  vi.  27i, 
Hiicfaell,  William,  ii.  66. 
MmadherijI,  1.71.   Indiana  than,  Aaw^ 

sfiwaukii  tWirsBchfiiii,  ii. 

Millin, 


Miuskillun 


[iier,  Sarah,  it. 

Iixcr,  lanac,  i.  Mv. 
Model  of  Chrisiian  Charitv,"  bv  Gov. 
Winthrop,  vii.  31. 
JHodi^rd.  ( 


Jklodye  [Moody  ?],  Lady, 
Moereofiout,  T.  A.,  vii, ! 


,  i. «. 
Uinielera,  in  16 

Court,  i.  78. 

Mininters  of  BoBton,  ihcir  i 

Duke  of  NewcBilie,  ii.  ?; 

Miniiien  of  Masaacbuieiu  r 

),  mninle nance  of^ 

■  i.  340. 


I,  adviae  ilie  General 


i.  331 ; 


Miniiieri,  eleven,  aniye  in  Now  Ensltrtd 

in  1635,  iii.   370.    In  Pljmoiilh,  383. 

Educated  in  Now  EiijrlBud  prior  to  1643, 

304.  »  1- 

Hiniaten  of  New  England  eomplainad  of, 

Tii.  165. 
Miniitera  in  Old  England,  latter  to  their 

brethren  in  New  England,  viii.  «S 


Hinot,  George  Richardx,  i.  SS9, 900, 893; 
V.  969;  vii.  9,  )1,  17;  ii.  170.  Hi* 
coDlinuation  of  the  Hiat  of  Haaa.  re- 
ferred to,  V.  5. 

Hinot,  Hon.  Williani,  vi.  990. 

Minter,  John,  vi.  134. 

Mirviele, ,  x.  109. 

Hiaaionaiiaa  io  tb«  Indiana,  v.  00, 


[.  111. 


i.lM. 


9& 
Mohawk  River,  v.  1 16, 119, 190. 
Hobawktown,  v.  117. 
Alohawki,  i.  151.    Enemiaa  to  other  In- 
diana, 111.  309;  V.  19,  91,  95.    Deaira 
to  have  a  church,  34, 38,  53, 60.    Hin- 
iiter,  95.    Pequola  killed  by,  vi.  40 ;  i. 


i.  313,  391,  373,  ST3. 


Mohegan,  i 
Mobenn  1 

Or  Hudton'B  River,  l 

taken,  391 . 
Hohegan,  or  Monohrgcn,  Indiana,  iv.l40; 

ii.  214;  I.  111.    Cruellj  of  Block-ld- 

andera  to,  vi.  107,354.    Join  Ihe  Ens. 

l.»h  in  Ihe  Pequoi  war,  vj,  16,  35.    Or 

■■     ■■  "■    i!7S,  2r*0. 


Moliieanic  Kivi 

Molell 


leanic  Kiver,  i 


161. 
I.  8,9 
1:977. 


MoHr. 

Mollhroi 

Molyne,  laaok,  i.  IO8, 109, 110. 

Motumenateck,  Indian  aachem,  vi.  10. 

Monacatuocha.  v.  103. 

Monahiggan,  l»!e  of,  iii.  19.    Capi.  Snilb 

amvu  at,  vi.  1U3, 130. 
Honania,  vi.  120. 
Monardea, .aulfaor  of  "The  JoyM 


131. 


n  froi 


e  Weit 


i.  117- 


Honck,  General,  i.  196, 196;  ii.  338,  363: 

1.99,31,38,41. 
Honck,  George,  innholdar  of  Beaton,  vU. 

178. 
Honeqiiaaann,   Indian  achoolmaater,   fv. 

234, 937, 373. 
Monev  exceeding  acarca  in  New  Enr- 

land,  vii.  390. 
Honninp,  Edmund,  vii).  966;  1. 130. 


320 


General  bkdex. 


MonniDgt,  Mary,  Tiii.  266. 

MonniDgB,  Anna,  ib, 

Jfonnings,  Michelaliol,  Tiii.  266;  1. 129. 

Mouobegen.    See  Monegan. 

Monongahela,  houie  built  at,  ▼.  47.  River, 
102. 

Monshonock,  Indian  name  of  Gardin«r*a 
Island,  X.  178. 

Monson,  Lord,  ii.  356. 

Montague,  General,  iii.  388. 

Montaukett  Indians^  x.  178  - 183. 

Montel, ,  ii.  60. 

Montgomery,  — — ,  i.  154. 

Montier,  Jacques,  ii.  60. 

Montinicus,  iii.  347. 

Montmorency,  Manhal  de,  ii.  14. 

Montmorency,  Duke  de,  v.  300. 

Montour,  Andrew,  v.  46. 

Montreal,  v.  174. 

Mont- Vernon,  New  Hampshire,  its  church- 
es and  ministers,  iii.  lo5. 

Moodie,  Sir  Henry,  x.  29. 

Moody, ,  ii.  285. 

Moody,  Joshua,  ii.  303. 

Moody,  Samuel,  ib. 

Moody,  Mary,  ib. 

Moody,  Rev.  John,  ii.  319. 

Moody,  Rev.  Amos,  ii.  320. 

Moody,  Rev  Samuel,  of  York,  ▼.  190. 
Lines  by,  ix.  124. 

Moody,  Capt.,  vi.  263. 

Moody,  Capt.  James,  vii.  241. 

Moody,  John,  x.  170. 

Moody,  George,  ib. 

Moore,  Jacob  B.,  his  Annals  of  Concord 

.    referred  to,  i.  154.  Visits  Samuel  Welch, 

.  aged  112i  years,  i.  158,296.    And  Farm- 
er's Collections  referred  to,  ii.  297. 

Moore,  Rev.  M.,  i.  295. 

Moore, ,  ii.  72. 

Moore,  R.,  Governor  of  Bermudas,  iii.  372. 

Moore,  John,  iv.  290. 

Moore,  John,  Jr.,  tb. 

Morant*s  History  of  Essex  County,  Eng., 
X.  151. 

Moray,  Sir  Robert,  x.  114, 124  - 126. 

More,  Johnf  viii.  253. 

More,  Jo.,  viii.  260. 

More,  Isack,  viii.  261. 

More,  John,  viii.  266. 

More,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

More,  Richard,  viii.  267. 

Moreau,  C^sar,  v.  300. 

Morecock,  Nicholas,  viii.  264. 

Morecock,  Bennett,  ib, 

Morecock,  Marie,  ib. 

Moreno,  Manuel,  iii.  408. 

Moreton, ,  viii.  323. 

Morgan,  Johh,  ii.  297. 

Morgan,  Col.  George  his  letter  to  General 
Washington,  v.  &6. 

Morgan,  Robert,  vii.  253, 256. 

Morgan,  Col.,  Deputy-Governor  of  Ja- 
maica, X.  106. 
Morgan,  Edward,  x.  169. 


Morial,  i.  109, 110,  111. 

Morice,  Anne,  x.  160. 

Morning  Star,  the  title  of  a  book,  i.  839, 
241. 

Morrel,  Rev. ,  iii.  375. 

Morrey,  Geonre,  viii.  273. 

Morrice,  Sir  William,  Secretary  of  State, 
i.  51,  52.  Letter  of  CoL  Temple  to, 
viii.  325. 

Morril,  Jacob,  iv.  290. 

Morrill,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  ii.  309. 

Morris,  Isaac,  viii.  254. 

Morris,  Capt.  Robert,  letter  to  J.  Wtn- 
throp,  Jr.,  X.  70. 

Morrison,  Rev.  Dr.  Robert,  i.  291. 

Morrison,  Elizabeth,  viii.  254. 

Morse,  Kezia,  i.  157. 

Morse,  Hazen,  i.  274. 

Morse,  Rev.  Dr.  Jedediah,  i.  268,  293; 
ix.  171.    Geography  reviewed,  vii.  23. 

Morse,  Rev.  Joseph,  minister  of  Dorcbee- 
ter,  ii.  71. 

Morse,  Rev.  Stephen,  iii.  185. 

Morse,  Samuel,  viii.  261. 

Morse,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Morse,  Joseph,  ib. 

Morse,  Anthoney,  viii.  319. 

Morse,  William,  ib. 

Mortimer,  Cromwell,  x.  122. 

Morton,  J.,  i.  120. 

Morton,  Rev.  Charles,  i.  134  ;  ii.  60. 

Morton,  Dr. ,  i.  146. 

Morton,  Rev.  Dr. ,  i.  238. 

Morton,  ,  of  Merrimount,  taken 

prisoner,  iii.  376. 

Morton,  Nathaniel,  vii.  7,  27.  New  Elng- 
land's  Memorial  referred  to,  vi.  157;  ix. 
44,  46,  69. 

Morton,  Rev.  Charles,  viii.  251. 

Morton, ,  viii.  299. 

Morus, ,  ii.  26. 

Mory,  Jo.,  viii.  267. 
Mosely,  Capt.,  i.  70;  vi.  180,  181. 
Mosely,  Capt.  Samuel,  x.  100,  101. 
Mosheim's  Ecclesiastical  History  referred 

to,  ii.  2. 
Moshoquen,  iii.  22 ;  vi.  107. 
Mosse,  Joseph,  x.  140. 
Motin,  Jane,  Widow  of  Mons.  d'Aanay, 
deceased,  her  letter  to  the  "  Goveroours 
and  Magistrates,"  i.  28.    See  D'Aulney. 
Mott,  Sara,  viii.  268. 
Mott,  Jo.,  ib. 

Mott,  Adam,  viii.  268 ;  x.  155. 
Mott,  Jonathan,  viii.  268. 
Mott,  Elizabeth,  ib. 
Mott,  Mary,  ib. 
Mott,  Thomas,  x.  155. 
Mougrave,  Lord  of,  vi.  83. 
Moulton,  Sarah,  i.  158. 
Mounta^ue.    See  Montague. 
Mountams  and  hills  in  Maine  and  New 

Hampshire,  iii.  345. 
Mountijnje,  Gen.,  x.  29. 
Mount  WooUaston,  now  Braintree,  iii.  75. 


General  Index. 


321 


Mourt's  relation  referred  to,  iz.  212.  Notes 

to,  written  by  Dr.  Freeman,  ▼.  267. 

Mousaet, ,  ii.  6<). 

Mouzon, ,  ii.  57. 

MowhauogB,  ix.  301. 

Moxon,  George,  viii.  248. 

Moxufl,  Indian  sagamore,  vi.  226, 228, 235, 

247,  249. 
Muddy  River,  iii.  321.    See  Brookline. 
Mulberry  trees  in  New  England,  ix.  245. 
Munnings  George,  z.  141,  142. 
Munnings,  Elizabeth,  x.  141. 
Munnings,  Elizabeth,  z.  142. 
Munnings,  Abigail,  ih, 
Munson,  Susan,  z.  141. 
Munnadoes  [or  Munhadoes],  ix.  277. 
Munsell,  Capt.  Joseph,  iz.  83,  9Q. 
Murray,  Sir  William,    afterwards    Lord 

Mansfield,  i.  154. 
Murray,  (or  Moray),  Sir  Robert,  z.  114. 
Muretus,  Antony,  ii.  45. 
Murrel,  Sarah,  vii.  262. 
Musgrave,  Philip,  vii.  84. 
Musgrove,  Jabez,  vi.  220. 
Mussell,  John,  viii.  256. 
Musselwhite,  John,  viii.  319. 
Muskett,  Simon,  viii.  253. 
Muskett,  Bridget,  z.  158. 
Muskingum,  v.  164. 
Mussey,  Widow,  killed  by  Indians,  vi. 

250. 
Mutton,  Pilot,  vii.  91. 
Myals,  Samuel,  vi.  278. 
Mydutonno  [Miantonnomo  .^],  vi.  36. 

Myles,  Deacon ,  z.  31. 

Myles, ,  z.  35. 

Myndcll,  John,  viii.  261. 

Myoxeo,  instructed  by  Hiacoomes,  iv.  Ill, 

211. 

Myrior, ,  z.  118. 

Myrick,  Capt.,  vi.  255. 


N. 


Nshant,  iii.  322. 

Nahanticot,  vi.  13.     Indians,  7. 

Nahapassumkeck,  vi.  108. 

Names  of  places  in  New  England  given 
by  Charles,  Prince  of  Wales,  vi.  97,  99. 

Nancy,  Robert,  viii.  259. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte,  i.  204;  ii.  42. 

Narrackomagog,  vi.  246. 

Narraganset,  or  Nanhiganset,  Country, 
history  of,  i.  209,  228  Sachems  sub- 
mit themselves  to  the  English  govern- 
ment, 212.  Charter  procured  by  Mas- 
sachusetts for  its  government  in  1643, 
ih.  Another  charter  procured  by  Roger 
Williams,  for  the  same  land,  both  char- 
ters invalid,  ib.  Mortgaged  to  the  Com- 
missioners of  the  United  Colonies  by 
the  Narraganset  Indians,  for  600  fath- 
oms of  wampompeage,  213.  Which 
was  afterwards  paid  by  Major  Atberton 


and  his  associates,  and  a  new  mortgage 
made  to  them,  and  possession  given  them 
by  the  sac  hem,  214.  By  order  of  the  Com- 
missioners of  Charles  II.,  called  **  the 
King's  Province,  i. 219.  Commissioners 
appointed  to  examine  titles  to,  226.  Who 
report  to  the  kins,  227.  Included  by 
the  name  of  the  King's  Province  of  the 
Narracansett  in  the  commission  of  Jo- 
seph Dudley,  President  of  New  Eng- 
land, who  took  possession,  established 
courts  of  judicature,  and  chose  a  com- 
mittee to  examine  Mr.  Atberton 's  part-  \ 
ners'  title,  &c.,  ib.  Indians  report  that 
Uncas  had  received  wampam  for  ransom 
of  Miantonimo,  but  denied  by  Uncas, 
229.  Land  purchased  at,  by  J.  Win- 
throp,  Jr.,  X.  28. 

Narraganset  Country,  surrendered  by  the 
Indians,  ix.  28. 

Narraganset  and  Pequot  Country,  intru- 
sions of  Rhode  Island  people  into,  iii. 
209. 

Narragansetts,  x.  4,  111.  Make  war 
against  the  Montaukets,  180,  182, 183. 
Allies  of  King  Philip,  i.  67.  Or  Nahi- 
gonsiks,  controversy  about  land,  71 ;  iii. 
379;  ix.  213,  214,  271,  278,  286,  289, 
299. 

Narraganset  sachem,  conference  of  Mr. 
Eliot  with,  iv.  61,170. 

Narraganset,  church  built  there,  ii.  70. 
Otherwise  called  Kingtown,  ib. 

Narraganset  Bay,  vi.  13. 

Narraganset  Townships,  Memoir  of,  by 
John  Farmer,  ii.  275. 

Narramore,  Richard,  vii.  165, 186. 

Nash,  Jacob,  iv.  291. 

Nash,  Timothy,  ib. 

Nash,  Thomas,  vii.  244. 

Nash,  Timothy,  x.  22. 

Nasbaway,  vi.  259.    Sachem,  iv.  125. 

Nashawog,  iv.  81. 

Nasnecomacack,  vi.  108. 

Nassaque,  iii.  22  ;  vi.  107. 

Natadus,  or  William,  of  Sudbury,  Indian, 
iv.  232,  233. 

Natick,  first  Indian  church  there,  ii.  59 ; 
iv.  177,222,270,271. 

National  Assembly  in  France,  in  1792, 
declares  itself  hostile  to  all  ministers 
who  would  not  assist  in  establishing  an 
atheistical  system,  ii.  42. 

Natombamet.  See  Watombamet,  i.  113, 
114. 

Naumkeag,  ii.  341.  Or  Naemkeck,  iii. 
22,34;  vi.  107,  118. 

Naumkeaff,  or  Naumkeck,  and  Merrimack 
rivers,  land  between  granted  to  John 
Mason,  claimed  by  his  grandson,  Robert 
Mason,  i.  72;  vii.  265. 

Navarre,  King  of,  killed,  ii.  6.  Queen 
of,  aids  the  Protestants,  declares  her 
son.  Prince  Henry,  head  and  protector 
of  th«  Protestant  caute,  aboUthea  Popery 


VOL.  X. 


41 


322 


General  Index. 


and  establishes   Protestantism  in    her 

dominions,  ii.  8. 
Navarre,  Henry,  Prince  of,  marries  the 

sister  of  Charles  IX.,  ii.  8,  44. 
Nawset,  Isle  of,  iii.  22 ;  vi.  108, 119. 
Nayantaquit  men,  confederate  with  the 

Jrequuts,  i.  161. 
Nayantaquit  River,  ib. 

Nayler, x.  31. 

Neal,  Rev.  James  A.,  ii.  304  ;  iii.  188. 

Neal,  Andrew,  vi.  251. 

Neal's  History  of  the  Puritans  quoted,  ix. 

50,  51,  70,  205.     Translated  into  the 

Dutch  language,  65. 
Neal's  History  of  New  England  quoted, 

ix.  53. 
Neaiand,  Benjamin,  ii.  74,  75. 
Neule,  Bishop,  Archbishop  of  York,  i.  244. 
Neaie,  Thomas,  EiW] ,  vii.  50,  &.c. 
Neander,  Dr.,  ix.  43. 
Neau,  Ellas,  ii.  65,  66. 
Neepmucks,  ix.  300.     See  Nipmucks. 
Neff,  Mary,  vi.  240. 
Negroes,  reason  of  their  blackness,  iii.  335. 

1374  in  Boston  in  1742,  i.  152;  ix.  36. 
Neile,  Dr.,  i.  23S. 
Nelson,  J.,  i.  118. 
Nelson,  John,  letter  from   Paris,  giving 

account  of  French   designs   to  extend 

their  limits,  i.  134. 
NeUon,  John,  ii  73. 
Nelson,  Elizabeth,  ib. 
Nen(;kiinat,  Indian  sachem,  ix.  269,  273- 

276,  2-2  -  28.'>,  2r'S»,  2!»2. 
Neptune,  John,  Indian   Lieut.-Gov.,  ix. 

91,  93. 
Neptune,  Newell,  Indian  Lieut.-Gov.,  ix. 

95. 
Neptune,  Sabbatis,  Indian,  i6.   His  speech, 

97. 
Neptune,  Nicholar,  Indian,  ix.  96. 
Nesbitt,  iSir  John,  v.  171. 
Nesbitt,  Robert,  x.  122. 
Neuville,  Mons.  Bourdeaux,  ii.  339. 
Nevers,  Duke  of,  ii.  9. 
Nevis,  iii.  362.     Planted  by  the  English, 

376. 
New  Amsterdam,  now  New  York,  taken 

by  the  English,  iii.  313,  391. 
Newbery,    Walter,    i.  227^    And    Major 

John  Coggeshall,  in  behalf  of  Rhode 

Island,  obl^din  a  copy  of  President  Dud- 
ley's commission,  to. 
Newbury,  iii.  324;  iv.289;  vi.42.  Church, 

iii.  80,  379. 
Newbury,  Walter,  vii.  165,  167,  168. 
New  Cambridge  (or  Newton),  iv.  290. 
Newcastle,    New    Hampshire,    formerly 

called  <ireat  Island,  its  church  and  min- 
isters, ii.  3«)2  ;  iii.  187  ;  iv.  293. 
Newcom,  Francis,  viii.  255. 
Newcom,  Rachel,  ib. 
Newcom,  Jo.,  ib. 
Newcom,  Matthew,  ix.  66. 
New  Dartmouth,  i.  e.,  New  Caitle,  &c., 


forces  there  in  1689,  fort  deserted  in 
April,  1689,  i.  65. 

New  Dover,  alias  Pascattaqua,  alias  North- 
am,  iii.  106. 

Newell,  Abraham,  x.  143, 144. 

Newell,  Francis,  or  Frances,  z.  143. 

Newell,  Fayth,  x.  144. 

Newell,  Abraham,  ib. 

Newell,  John,  ib. 

Newell,  Isaac,  ib. 

Newells,  Grace,  ib. 

New  England,  several  persons of^  subscribe 
**  for  the  carrying  on  a  planution  io 
Charles  River  on  the  coast  of  Florida,'* 
i.  55.  Induce  others  to  subscribe  io 
England,  56.  Some  that  were  sent 
from  New  England  for  the  carrying  on 
of  said  plantaUon,  return,  58.  Spread  a 
reproach  upon  the  harbour,  &c.,  of  said 
river,  ib.  **  Inhabitants  of^  free  from 
taxes  more  than  what  is  laid  upon  them- 
selves by  tliemselves,**  57.  Non-con- 
formists, 75.  Matters  in,  designed  to  be 
reduced  to  the  same  state  that  London 
charter  is  reduced  unto,  76.  Forces 
raised  in  1688,  Forts  built  and  forces 
how  posted,  in  April,  1689,  85.  Stand- 
ing companies  on  establishment  in  Eng- 
land then  disperse,  86.  Lies  between 
40°  and  45°  ot  northern  latitude,  known 
by  the  name  of  the  Northern  Planu- 
tion, the  name  of  New  England  given 
by  Charles  I.  (then  Prince  of  Wales), 
first  settlement  in  1620,  viz.,  at  New 
Plymouth,  built  upon  purely  reli^ioiM 
interests,  93.  Charter  obtained  in  1628, 
94.  In  danger  of  bf  ing  cut  off  by  the 
Indians  in  1637 ;  from  1643  to  1689 
more  persons  have  removed  from  than 
have  come  to,  number  of  inhabitants  in 
1689,  200,(100,  95.  Sir  Edmund  Andros 
sent  to,  with  a  commission,  by  James 
II.,  96.  People  of,  in  ltJ81>,  assert  their 
English  liberties,  and  declare  for  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  the  Parliament 
of  England,  97.  Took  forts  from  the 
French  in  CromwelKs  time,  which  were 
restored  by  Charles  II.,  99.  Designs 
against,  by  the  French,  108,  118.  Ap- 
pointment of  Governor  by  the  kins,  in- 
consistent with  charters  of,  121.  Rea- 
sons against  sending  a  governor  to,  ib. 
Political  fables  of,  126  -  133.  Ships  of^ 
in  England,  to  be  sequestered  at  the 
suit  of  Mrs.  Watts,  145,  146.  Sir  Wil- 
liam  Ashurst,  a  generous  and  disinter- 
ested friend  of,  146:  The  best  part  o^ 
abandoned  by  the  English  in  conse- 
c^uence  of  French  and  Indian  depreda- 
tions, 234.  French  refugees  settle  in, 
ii.  49.  Jesuits  have  an  agent  in,  111. 
Government  of,  defamed,  120.  Ad- 
hered to  the  Parliament,  124.  Trials 
in  by  jury,  139.  Four  colonies  of, 
unite  for  commoD  defence,  140.   Reports 


General  Index. 


323 


circulated    in    London    to   injure   the 
credit   of,   vii.   126.     Cmplaint  against 
miniflters  of,  155.     Fishing  ketches  of, 
taken  by  the  French,   IrtS.     Impover- 
ished hv  the  French  and  Indian  wars, 
i206.    Trade  of,  in  17(NI,  218.     Map  of, 
by  Cnpt.  John  ^mith,  iii.  1.    Named  by 
him,  and  confirmed  by  Charles,  Prince 
of  Wales,  2().     Description  of  its  coast, 
harbours,   habitations,   landmarku,    lat- 
itude and  longitude,  21 .    Divided  among 
patentees,   'M.     45  Churches   and    Itib 
towns,  in  1674,  376.     Ministers,  ships, 
and  passengers  in  the  first  ten  years, 
381.     Great  mortality  among  children 
in,  386.     Fruits  in,  destroyed  by  cater- 
pillars, ib.     Ecclesiastical  and  civil  gov- 
ernment, 55.      Faithful  to  the  Parlia- 
ment and  Commonwealth  of  Fngland, 
iv.  103.     Learning  and  piety  in,  pro- 
moted by  the  Parliament,  ItH  ;  v.  51. 
Dispute  with  Gov.  Penn,  IW.    Jeremiah 
Dummer,  agent  of,  208.     First  attempt 
at  settlement  of,  by  the  English,  under 
command  of  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  viii. 
61).     Levetts's  account  of  his  voyage 
into,  in  1623,  reprint  of,  15l>.     Robert 
(lorges  Governor  of,  161.     Riyers  artd 
harbouritof,  165.     Soil  and  productions, 
17'J.     Climate,  181.     Abstract  of  laws 
of,  by   Rev.  John   Cotton,  printed   in 
1641,  IJH,  11)2;  ii.  11.     History  of  Con- 
gregationalists  in,  43, 193, 11)7,  108,  213, 
256.     Notice  of  books  relating  to,  by 
Hon.   James   Savage,    yiii.    2^4  -  29d. 
Names  of  passengers  to,  252-276,  319; 
X.  127-172.     Capt.  John  Underhills's 
relation  of,  warlike  proceedings  in,  vi. 
1-28.     Mi?istatement   concerning  cor- 
rected, 5.     P.  Vincents's  relation  of  the 
Pequot  war  in,  33.     Fir!*t  settlers  of,  ib. 
Prosperous  state  of,  in  1638,41.     Popu- 
lation, 42.     Description  of,  by  Sir  Fer- 
diiiando  Gorges,  reprinted,  45-9*3.    Pas- 
sengers to,  restrained,  80,  82,  89.   Capt. 
John  Smith's  description  of,  95.    Names 
of  ulaces  in,  given  by  Charles,  Prince 
of  VVales,  97.     And  New  York  raise 
forces  to  subdue  Canada,  215.    Division 
of,  on  the  surrender  of  the  Grand  Pat- 
ent, vi.  83     Boundaries  of,  104.    Jos- 
selyns's  voyages  to,  iii.  211-396.     Lat- 
itude and  l)oundarieB,  239,  240,   Mines, 
241.     Climate,   242.     Earthquakes   in, 
250,      Plants,    251.      Shrubs,    bushes, 
trees,  animals,   <&c.,  252.      Discovery 
and  settlement  of,  312,  376.    Popula- 
tion,  33^3.      Diseases,  tb.      Plants,  ib. 
Fruit  trees,  337.     Cattle,  338.     Vessels 
of,  cast  away  and  taken  in  1666,  393. 
Brief  relation  of,  from  its  founding  to 
the  year  1689,  i.  93. 
New  England's  Salamander  discovered, 
by  E.  Window,   ii.    110  - 145 ;    viii. 
287. 


New  England's  Jonas  cast  up  at  London, 
answered  by  Edward  Winslow,  ii.  110^ 
viii.  287. 

New  England  Library,  collected  by  Rev. 
Thomas  Prince,  and  ^ven  by  him  to 
the  Old  South  Church  in  Boston,  ii.  28; 
vii.  7. 

New  England's  Memorial,  Morton's,  re- 
ferred to,  vi.  157. 

New  England,  a  word  to,  by  Gov.  Brad- 
ford, vii.  28. 

New  England  History,  gleanings  for,  by 
Hon.  James  Savage,  viii.  243.  More 
gleanings  for,  i.  127.  Notes  on  former 
gleaning!*,  131.     New  gleanings,  13:i. 

New  England,  historical  view  of  difficul- 
ties in  planting,  by  Rev.  A.  Adams,  re- 
ferred to,  viii.  280. 

New  England's  Tears  for  Old  England's 
Fears,  extract  from,  viii  284. 

New  England  (confederacy  of  1643,  dis- 
course of  lion.  J.  Q.  Adams,  concern- 
ing, in  1843,  ix.  181». 

New  Englanders  claim  »*  an  equitable 
title  "  to  the  soil  of  Charles  River  on 
the  Coast  of  Florida,  with  the  lands 
adjacent,  i.  56. 

"  Newes  from  America,"  by  Capt.  John 
Underbill,  vi.  1  -28. 

Newfoundland,  iii.  100.  Discovered,  313, 
361,  362,  347,  :M8,  371  ;  vi.  41.  Fish- 
eries,  91.  English  vessels  there  attacked 
by  French  and  Indians,  2t)0;  viii.  73, 
9t.  400  ships  go  to,  yearly,  for  fish  and 
whale  oil,  98. 

New  Hampshire,  advised  in  1689  by  the 
Government  of  Massachusetts,  to  "  fall 
into  some  form  or  con»«titulion  of  gov- 
ernment," i.  90,  Province  of,  113. 
Churches  and  ministers,  153;  ii.  299; 
iii.  183;  iv  292.  Instances  of  longevity 
in,  i.  155;  ii.  295.  Sends  commission- 
ers to  Albany  in  1754,  v.  10.  Governor 
of,  sends  a  company  up  Connecticut 
River,  49.  Inhabitants  of,  prevented 
from  settling  Coos.  66;  vi.  218. 

New  Hampshire  Historical  Society,  ii. 
366;  vi.  298,  299;  vii.  292. 

New  Haven,  Governor  of,  written  to  by 

I  order  of  the  Council  of  Massachusetts, 
in  relation  to  the  apprehension  of  Col. 
Whalley  and  Goffe,  i.  52.  Or  Quin- 
apeag.  iii.  73,  98.  Colony,  380,  384; 
VI.  178  ;  viii.  321> ;  ix.  199.  Settlement 
of,  205.  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  invited 
to  settle  at,  x.  9.  Sickness  at,  6,  21, 
22.  House  in,  bought  for  J.  Winthrop, 
Jr.,  24,  37,  42,  43.  Governor  of  dies, 
44,  45. 
Newichawannik,  now  Berwick,  vi.  217, 

242. 
Newington,  N.  H.,  church  and  ministerB, 

ii.  304  ;  iv.  293. 
New  Ipswich,  N.  H.,  church  and  minis- 
ten,  ii.  321;  iu.  189;  IT.  294. 


324 


General  Index. 


New  Jersey,  vii.  292;  x.  51,  84,  85.    Col- 

lege  of)  li.  51. 
Newman,  Dr.  John,  i.  291. 
Newman,  Rev.,  of  Weymoath,  iii.  93. 
Newman,  Rev.  Samuel,  of  Rehoboth,  iii. 

390 ;  viii.  249,  250,  251,  293. 
Newman,  Capt.,  v.  190. 
Newman,  Henry,  v.  229. 
Newman,  Rev.  Antipas,  vii.  258. 
Newman,  Richard,  viii.  250. 
Newman,  Elizabeth,  viii.  264. 
Newman,  Francis,  Gov.  of  New  Haven, 

Sickness  of,  x.  43.    Death,  44.    Char- 
acter, 45. 
Newman  [Robertl,  x.  46. 
Newmarket,  N.  H.,  church,  iv.  293. 
New  Plimouth.     See  Plymouth. 
New  Netherlands,  iii.  313, 373,  391.  Gov- 

ernor  of,  comes  to  Boston,  341. 
Newport,  R.  I.,  iii.  96.    Episcopal  church 

there,  ii.  70.  Congregational  church,  71. 
Newport,  Capt.,  iii.  '3&. 
Newport,  an  English  man-of-war,  taken 

by  the  French,  vi.  239. 
New  Rochelle,  N.  Y.,  settled  by  French 

Protestants,  ii.  34. 
New  Scotland,  i.  234.    See  Nova  Scotia. 
Newton,  iv.  290. 
Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  v.  186. 
Newton,  E.  A.,  vi.  298. 
Newton,  Elizabeth,  x.  156. 
Newton,  Hon.  Rejoice,  x.  227. 
Newtown  fort,  in  Kennebeck  River,  i.  85. 
New-town,  or  Cambridge,  iii.  321,  380, 

381 ;  ix.  204. 
Newtown,  N.   H.,  minister  of,   ii.  321. 

Church,  iv.  293. 
New-towne,  now  Hereford,  vi.  35. 
New  York,  soldiers  there  disperse  in  the 

revolution  of  1689,  i.  87.     English  at, 

cause  of  the  war  in  this  country  betwixt 

the  French  and  English,  106.     Petition 

in  relation  to,  120;  ii.  34;  iii.  313;  v. 

20,  22.      Revenue   in   1703,  vii.  234. 

Militia,  235.     Arms,  ammunition,  and 

fortifications,  236.    Trade,  laws,  237; 

viii.  334,  338,  341 ;  ix.  183,  210.    Dutch 

ships  prohibited  from  coming  to,  x.  77. 

Free  trade  granted  to  merchants  at,  78. 

Taken  by  the  Dutch,  87,  106, 108, 109, 

111.    Delivered  up  to  Sir  E.  Andres, 

112. 
New  York  Historical  Society,  ii.  57,  368 ; 

iii.  405;  vii.  31. 
New  York  Lyceum,  iii.  405. 
New  York  and  Erie  Railroad  Company, 

vi.  297. 
Niagara,  v.  85. 
Niagara  Fort,  v.  124. 
Niagara  Falls,  ib. 
Nicholar,  Capt.,  ix.  83,  90. 
Nicholas,  Sir  Edward,  Secretary  of  State, 

i.  52;  vii.  123. 
Nicholes,  John,  vii.  183. 
NichoUs,  Col.  Richard,  one  of  the  Conmui- 


sioners  to  New  England,  i.  217,  219; 

iii.  314,  391 ;  vii.  127. 
NichoUs,  Francis,  viii.  244. 
Nicholls,  Elizabeth,  viii.  259. 
NichoUs,  Edw.,  viii.  275. 
Nichols,  Benjamin  R.,  i.  294,    Pljmoath 

Colony  records  transcribed  and  indexed 

under  his  superintendence,  ii.  258-271 ; 

V.  254  ;  vii.  24. 
Nicholson,  Col.,  i.  144. 
Nicholson,  Col.,  Governor  of  MaryUnd, 

vi.  241. 
Nicholson,  Capt.  Francis,  vii.  184. 
Nicholson, ,  Gov.  of  Pennsylvania, 

vii.  222,  231,  232. 
Nicolls,  Capt.  Matthias,  letters  to  J.  Win- 

throp,  Jr.,  X.  99,  103,   109,  110,  113. 

Letter  from  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.  to.  111. 
Nicols,  Gen.,  x.  58. 

Nie  [or  Nye], ,  x.  42. 

Niles,  Hon.  Nathaniel,  i.  291. 
Niles,  Rev.  Samuel,  his  Summary  Histor- 
ical Narrative  of  French   and   Indian 

wars  in  New  England   from  1634  to 

1760,  vi.  154. 
NinicraA,  vi.  157,  1/2.      Sachem  of  the 

Nyantics,  173.    Or  Ninegret,  173,  191. 

Or  Ninechrat,  iii.  155.   Succeeds  Mian- 

tonomoh,  x.  180. 
Nipmuck  River,  ii.  59. 
Nipmuck,  or  Nipmug,  Indians,  ii.  61 ;  vi. 

178.     Treachery  of,  179.     Submit  to 

the   English,   169;    ix.   300.      English 

killed  by,  X.  117. 
Nipnet  Indians,  iv.  171. 
Nishohkou,  iv.  249,  250.      Death  of  his 

child,  259. 
Nitamemet,  vi.  235. 
Noah's  Ark,  the  first  model  of  a  ahip,  iii. 

36. 
Noah,  M.  M.,  vii.  293. 
Noble,  Mary,  ii.  298. 
Noble,  Rev.  Oliver,  ii.  303. 
Noble,  Obadiab,  ib. 
Noble,  Rev.  Oliver,  iii.  187. 
Noddle's  Island,  i.  44  ;  iii.  220,  326,  377. 

Noise, ,  X.  171. 

Nookau,  iv.  254,  255. 

Noonatomen,  i.  e.,  rejoicing,  Indian  town, 

iv.  20,41,50,61,^,65. 
Norborough,  Capt,  v.  197, 199. 
Norcrosse,  Nathaniel,  viii.  248. 
Norden,  Nathaniel,  iv.  291. 
Norfolk  County,  iii.  325. 
Norman  Tyranny,  bases  of,  abolished,  ii. 

336. 
Norridgewock,  vi.  246,  247,  261. 
Norris,  Rev.  Edward,  of  Salem,  iii.  93 ; 

vii.  2.55 ;  viii.  247. 
Norris,  Isaac,  v.  14. 
Nort,  H.,  X.  28. 
North,  D.,  vii.  176. 
North,  John,  viii.  259. 
Ndrtham,  alias  Dover,  alias  Paacatiaqua, 

iii.  98. 


General  Index. 


325 


North  American  Confederacy  of  1774,  U. 
219,220. 

North  American  Review,  ii.  54;  iz.  31, 
179;  X.  123. 

Northampton,  Earl  of,  i.  66. 

Northampton,  iv.  291. 

North  Church,  Boston,  ▼.  215,  216. 

Northcote, ,  viii.  302. 

Northern  Star,  a  book  of,  (by  Dr.  Goad), 
i.241. 

North-Hampton,  N.  H.,  church,  ii.  316; 
iv.  293. 

Northwest  Bay,  French  depredations  there, 
i.  108. 

Northwest  Passage,  attempt  to  discover, 
iii.  360  ;  vi.  50 ;  ix.  264. 

North  Yarmouth,  and  other  places  at  the 
eastward,  outrages  of  the  Indians  there, 
i.  101-112;  vi.  202. 

Norton,  Rev.  John,  teacher  of  the  church 
of  Ipswich,  answers  Mr.  William  Pin- 
cheon's  book,  i.  36;  iii.  93,  379,  390; 
viii.  248.  His  life  of  John  Cotton  re- 
ferred to,  294,  295,  316. 

Norton,  Rev.  Asa,  i.  291. 

Norton,  Capt.,  killA  by  the  Pequots,  iii. 
379 ;  vi.  7. 

Norton,  Lieut.-Col.,  and  Ferdinando  Gor- 
ges settle  a  plantation  on  the  river 
Agamentica,  vi.  79. 

Norton,  Richard,  viii.  315. 

Norton, ,  ix.  255. 

Norwalke,  sickness  at,  x.  21. 

Notables,  assembly  of,  in  France,  opened, 
Lafayette  a  member,  ii.  40. 

"  Notes  on  Virginia,"  error  in  acknowl- 
edged by  the  author,  ix.  36. 

Nott,  Rev.  Dr.  Eliphalet,  i.  291. 

Nott,  Rev.  Handel  G.,  iii.  186. 

Nottingham,  N.  H.,  church  and  ministers, 
U.318;  iv.  293. 

Nottingham,  Lord  Admiral,  iii.  52. 

Nottingham,  vii.  191. 

Nottingham-West,  N.  H.,  church  and 
ministers,  ii.  314  ;  iv.  233. 

Novania,  or  New-found-land,  vi.  41. 

Nova  Francia,  or  Canada,  and  L'Acadie, 
or  Nova  Scotia,  first  discovered  by  Se- 
bastian Cabot  and  his  son,  i.  231 :  iii. 
362. 

Nova  Scotia,  surrendered  by  the  treaty  of 
Breda,  i.  135.  Sold  to  the  French,  iii.  347. 
or  Acadie  ceded  to  Great  Britain,  v.  64. 
French  take  possession  of,  65.  Expe- 
dition to,  in  1707,  189.  Granted  to  Sir 
William  Alexander,  vi.  78;  vii.  90; 
viii.  334,  338. 

Nova  Scotia,  order  of  knights  of,  ordained 
by 'Barnes  I.,  iii.  375. 

Nowel,  Alexander,  iii.  243. 

Nowell,  Increase,  secretary,  i.  37;  iii.  94, 
138,  326,  400 ;  ix.  199,  lfe9 ;  x.  13. 

Nowell,  Mrs,  i.  47. 

Nowell,  Rev.  Samuel,  i.  256;  vi.  182. 

Noy,  [Six  Waiiam],  i.  238. 


Noyet,  ReT.  Nathaniel,  ii.  318. 
Noyes,  Parker,  ib. 

Noyes,  Rev.  ,  of  Newbury,  iii.  93. 

Noyes,  Rev.  Nicholas,  of  Salem,  iii.  179,^ 

2ti0  ;  V.  185 ;  vii.  200,  202.     His  letter 

to  N.  Higginson,  212. 
Noyes,  Thomas,  iv.  289. 
Noyes,  Peter,  iv.  291. 

Noyes  Rev. ,  of  Stonington,  vi.  186, 

Noyes,  Capt.,  vi.  207. 
Noyes,  Mrs.  Sarah,  vii.  258. 

Noyes,  Rev. ,  viii.  288. 

Noyes,  Wilielmus,  viii.  316. 

Noyes,  Nathan,  viii.  317. 

Noyes,  William,  ib. 

Noyes,  James,  letter  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 

X.67. 
Noyes,  Rev.  James,  x.  140. 
Noyse.     See  Noyes. 
Nunn,  Richard,  viii.  261. 
Nunnenunteno,  Indian  sachem,  vi.  185, 

186. 
Nurse,  Samuel,  iii.  171  -  178. 
Nurse,  Mrs.,  iii.  175. 
Nurse,  Francis,  iii.  177. 
Nurse,  Good  wife,  vii.  261. 
Nusconcus,  iii.  20,  22 ;  vi.  107,  117. 
Nut,  Miles,  i.  44. 
Nutbrowne,  Francis,  viii.  270. 
Nyantecets  join  the  Pequots,  vi.  35-37. 

Nye, ,  i.  33. 

Nye,  Philip,  iv.  30,  35, 159. 


O. 


.,  i.  256,  259. 


Oakes  R.ev  ^■^■•- 

Oakes*  Thomas,  iv.  289,  292;  vii.  67,  68; 

X.  121. 
0*Bear,  Soc,  Indian  captain,  ix.  95. 
Odgden,  John,  x.  84. 
Odiorne,  James  C,  vii.  294. 
Odlin,  Rev.  John,  ii.  319  ;  iv.  295. 
Odiin,  Rev.  Woodbrid^e,  iv.  295. 
Oglethorpe,  Harris's  Life  of,  ix.  172. 
Ohio,  Shawanese  and  Delaware  Indians 

remove  thither,  v.  46.     United  nations 

at,  forewarn  the  French  off  their  land, 

47. 
Ohio   River,    v.   101,   166.     Journal    of^ 

Treaty  with  Indians  northwest  of,  109- 

176. 
Okace,  or  Uncas,  i.  163,  167,  175,  176. 

See  Uncas. 
Okey,  Col.,  i.  184. 

Oldam,  ,  CanonicuB  gives  an  isl- 
and to,  i.  165. 
Oldenburg,  Henry,  letter  to  J.  Winthrop, 

Jr.,  X.  47. 
Oldfield,  Dr.,  v.  199. 

Oldham, ,  iii.  137;  x.  175. 

Oldham,  John,  killed  by  the  Indians,  iii. 

152,  163,  380  ;  vi.  4,  158 ;  ix.  213. 
Oldham,  John,  viii.  264. 
Oldham,  Thomas,  t^. 


326 


General  Index. 


Old  South  Church  in  Boston,  ii.  28;  v. 
257,  258.    HiBtorj  of,  referred  to,  vii.  7. 
Oliardt,  Nicolaas,  ix.  67,  69. 
Oliphant,  Rev.  David,  ii.  315. 

Oliver, ,  ii.  78,  79. 

Oliver, ,  iii.  108. 

Oliver,  James,  iii.  389. 
Oliver,  Capt.,  v.  170. 
Oliver,  Capt.,  vi.  181. 
Oliver,  A  ,  vii.  87. 
Oliver,  Capt.  Blackwell,  vii.  155. 
Oliver,   Rev.   George,  of   Exeter,   Eng., 
extracts  from  his  letter  to  Hon.  Jaraes 
Savage,  relating  to  ancestors  of  several 
New  England  families,  viii.  300. 

Oliver,  Rev.  G. ,  his  Ecclesiastical 

Antiquities  of  Devon  quoted,  viii.  304. 
Oliver,  Capt.,  x.  11. 
Oliver,  Dr.  Daniel,  x.  213. 
Olivetan,  an  uncle  of  Calvin,  translates 
the  Bible  into  French,  which  is  perused 
and  studied  by  nobles  and  peasants,  ii.  3. 
Olmestcad,  or  llolmestead,  Richard,  x.  166. 
Olney,  Tho.,  viii.  253. 
Olney,  Mary,  ib. 
Olney,  Epenetus  ib. 

OInie, ,  X.  28. 

Oneida  sachems,  speeches  of,  v.  77,  82. 

Indians,  x.  63. 
Onge,  MarVt  x.  143. 
Onkus,  i.  71,  <&c.     Or  Onkas,  ix.  272- 

287.     See  Uncas. 
Onondago  Indians,  v.  23,  46,  66. 
Onyon,  Robert,  viii.  267. 
Openangos,  ix.  92. 

Opinion  of  the  Attorney  General  and  oth- 
ers in  favor  of  Connecticut  Charter,  i. 
119. 
Opparunwit,  Indian  sagamore,  viii.  174. 
Oraer  respecting  messengers  on    public 

service,  vii.  49. 
Order  for  the  preservation  of  the  Colony 

records,  vii.  162 
Orderin council  confirminff  Sir  F.  Gorges's 
right  of  government  in  Maine,  viii.  238. 
Orders  of  General  Court  respecting  post- 
office,  1639-1775,  vii.  49. 
Ordination,   iii.  107,  123,  319.    Refused 
by  Bishop  Provost,  v.  262. 

Orem, ,  ii.  70. 

Orlers, ,  ix.  51. 

Orne,  Dr.,  v.  272. 

Orono,  Joseph,  a  Penobscot  chief,  notice 

of,  ix.  82.     Speech  of,  86. 
Orris,  George,  viii.  263. 
Orthodox  Evangelist  [Norton's],  viii.  294. 
Osborn,  Wyman,  i.  275. 
Osborne,  Sir  Danvers,  Grovernor  of  New 

York,  v.  37. 
Osburn,  William,  iii.  176. 
Ossgood,  John,  iv.  290. 
Osgood,  Christopher,  ib. 
Osgood  Samuel,  v.  292. 
Osgood,  C.  vii.  288. 
Osland,  Humphrey,  vii.  210. 


Ossepe,  i.  113. 

Osson,  an  Indian  chief,  ii^.  84,  87,  98. 

Oswegatchie,  fortified  by  the  French,  ▼. 

2:^,  66. 
Oswego  traders,  remonstrance  of,  ¥.25, 93. 
Otis,  Richard,  i.  87. 

Otis, ,  i.  88. 

Otis,  Capt.,  V.  190, 192. 

Otis,  James,  vii.  87 ;  ix.  172;  z.  188. 

Otis,  General  Joseph,  x.  188. 

Otter  skin,  how  known  from  Beaver,  ix. 

247,  263. 
Otterson,  James,  ii.  296. 

Ottis, ,  iii.  93. 

Ousamequin,  iv.  81. 

Ofitsure,  Captain  John,  his  ship  taken  by 

the  French,  i.  108. 
Ovell,  Nathaniel,  viii.  276. 
Overton,  Henry,  i.  246;  viii.  286. 
Owdie,  John,  viii.  261 ;  x.  129. 
Owen,  Abigail,  ii.  296. 
Owen,  Rev.  John,  iv.  120,  154,  159. 
Owussumag,  iv.  257. 

Oxenbridge, ,  i.  64. 

Oxenbrid^e,  Rev.  : — ^ — ,  iii.  394. 
Oxenbridge,  John,  vm.  250. 
Oxenbridge,  Daniel,  ib. 

Oxenbridge, ,  viii.  314. 

Oxford,  Massachusetts,  memoir  of  French 

Protestants  settled  at,  1686,  ii.  1.    Or 

New  Oxford,  58. 
Oxford,  Earl  of,  x.  147. 
Oyster  River,  vi.  232,  235,  244,  257, 259, 
^     275. 


P. 


Pacific  and  Atlantic  Oceans,  communica- 
tion between  by  land,  proposed  in  1602, 
viii.  101. 

Pack,  Sir  Christopher,  ii.  347. 

Packenett,  James,  ii.  63. 

Paconekick,  iii.  22. 

Pacxenham, ,  ix.  251. 

Paddy,  William,  ii.  267 ;  vu.  286 ;  viii. 
320. 

Page,  Thomas,  viii.  258. 

Page,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Page,  Katherin,  ib. 

pH^hhuntanuck,  vi.  107. 

Paige,  Rev.  Lucius  R.,  iz.  304. 

Pain,  Thomas,  i.  88. 

Paine,  Capt.,  vi.  268,  269,  270,  275. 

Paine,  William,  vii.  245. 

Paine, ,  ix.  292. 

Paine  [William  .=»],  x.  44. 

Paise, ,  ix.  256. 

Paion, ,  ii.  26. 

**Pake  Ponesso,"  Indian  sasamore,  iv. 
109,  110. 

Palfrev,  Rev.  John  G.,  i.  271;  iii.  406; 
V.  2i>9.  Professor,  vi.  299;  vii.  2««, 
293,  294,  295.  Hon.  his  discourae  be> 
fore  the  Masa.  Hist.  Society,  iz.  165. 


General  Index. 


PallVj,  Peter,  vii.  2M. 

Palgrave,  Sir  Prancja,  w.  293,  300. 

Psirera, ,  ii-  53. 

Pallole,  JomdIi,  ii.  »lHi. 
Palmer,  Kev.  Supheii,  i.38B. 
Palmer,  Jolm,  i.  ^y-X 
PHlmer,  Icliahod,  ii.  2<*6. 
Palmer,  Sergeant,  ti.  170, 
Palmer,  Kichard,  vlii.  Z70. 
Palmer,  Hon.  I.  lelMn  lo  him  from  Gon. 
Waahinglon,  »i>i.  M5,  346. 


Palm. 


,John 


I.  2». 


Pilmet,  Johi 
Palraerley,  Jo.,  VhI  2>8, 
Pulnjei,  Alaior  Edward,  i.  95,  III. 
PHmanacb,  Indian  name  of  Long  Iiland, 

X.  ItW. 
Pameletick,  i.  167. 
Panama,  iii.  35G. 
PancriMt,  Ann,  viii.  S64  ;  i.  138. 
rannaway,  viii,  164. 
Panion,  Le«|j«  &  Co.,  T.  172. 
Papmw  in  England,  "grow  very  intolenl 

lo  boBst  over  Protensnli,"  i.  344. 
Pqpoodiwk,  vi.217. 
Paqualiaret,  vi.  2»S. 
Parwli,  Tliomaa,  viii.S61. 
Parker,  John,  i.  45. 
Parker,  Jamea,  ib. 
Parker,  Ahrnm,  ib. 
P«ker,  Iliinnuli.  i    l.'.T. 
Parker,  J.Jiii,  i. -iT;!   278. 
Parker,  DaniL.l  I' 


Long,  !idl ;  I.  2,  36,  2!l,  31.    Ricbard 

Cromwell'aractiuotin,  41. 
Purliarnoiit  Journala.  MM.,  occounl  of,  ii. 

3:£t;  ii.S^. 
Panie,  Edward,  viii.  273. 
Pairis,  Juhn,  i.  25. 

Parria,  Huv.  Samiii'l,  iii.  1G9, 173, 176. 
Parris,  Jolin,  iv,  2!ilk 
Parris,  Uiihi'rl,  i».  201. 
Persona,  KWiitKer,  i. 'iW. 
Parwni,  Dr.  Usher,  i.  3!I5. 
Puntona,  Ker.  Joeeph,  ii.  302. 
Pareona,  Kev.  Samuel,  ii.  309. 
Panooa,  Kev.  William,  ii.  316. 
Piirfon*,  Chief  Juatice,  ii.  2»3, 986. 
Parsons,  Mary,  iii.  18!l. 
Parsons,  Rev.  Samuel,  ib. 

ind  daugliler,  taken  by  In- 


Park 


,.297. 


Parker,  Huv   Freilrrl.-,  11.322. 
Parker,  Archbishop,  quoied.  ii.  3S5. 

Parker,Rev ,  of  Weymouth,  lii.S 

Parker,  Rev. ,  of  Newbury,  ib. 

Parker,  Kev.  Roherl,  ii. 
Parker, ,  iii. !«. 


Parker,  Jjinies, 

Parker,  The.  »ii]..i3:.. 

Parker,  Ceorge,  Tjii.  263. 

Parker,  Rei.ThDma!,  viii.  286, 388. 

Parker,  John,  viii.  319. 

Parker.  Kev. ,  ii.  52,  72. 

Parker, ,  i.  28. 

Parker,  Nathaniel,  1. 145. 

Parker,  Robert,  x.  168,  169. 

ParkhuiBl, ,  Y.  199. 

Vnrhmun,  Rev    Dr.  Francia,  iu.  406 
27U,a:i5,  vii.293. 

Parliament  ofEngland.  order  that  the  lawB 
and  jadicial  recoida  ahall  he  in  the  Eng- 
lish Inniiia^e,  ii.  331).  Dimolved  bv 
Oliver  Cmiowdl,i.  190;  ii.  340.  Bare- 
honei,  343,  343.  Copy  of  ■  letter  con- 
laming  reaecliona  and  chareei  concern - 
in.t,  sent  to  ilie  epeaker,  i.  35.  Vole 
t-ir  a  "kingly  government.-  191,  230. 
Paaa  an  act  for  [he  enoourni^nienl  and 
■dvutcement  of  iBaming  and  pte^  in 


379. 


dians,  vi.  250. 
Pardons,  Hannah,  ' 
Parauna,  (Jhailes,  C,  vi.  K<4. 
Parsona,  Dr.  Usher,  vi.  ■JOO;  vii.  26. 

Parsons, ,  viii.  302. 

Parsons,  Mrs.,  ti. 
Parsons,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Parsonn, ,  viii.  303. 

Parsons,  Robert,  ib. 

Paraons,  Henry,  ii. 

Parauns,  Mary,  ii. 

Paraons,  Thumas,  H. 

Paraona,  Sarah,  ii, 

Pareont,  John.  ii. 

Paraons,  Azariah,  ii. 

Parsons,  William,  viii.  319. 

Parsons,  Richard.ii.  66,  6(3. 

Purtriek.     See  Partridge. 

Partridge,  Hon.  UeorRe,  1.  203;  v.  246. 

Partridge,  Rev.  [Ralph  P],  iii.  380,  3t»i 

X.  16». 
Partridge,  Samuel,  iv.  391. 
Partridge,  Oliver,  v.  9. 
Partridie,  John.  vi.  KM,  136. 
Pustalaway,  ur  PIscatique,  River,  iii.  341, 

346.    Colony   341 
Posratlatjua.  iii,  Vi,  106.    Or  Puacataway, 

vi.   14.    Or  PBM:atnque,    ix.  357.    Or 

Passataquak,  iii.  92.    Or  Pasaataquack, 

vi.  107,  lltj. 
Pusruniuck  atlnched  by  Indiana,  vi.  354. 


PBBhai 


i.  33;' 


.107. 


Indian  aacfaem,  iv.  69, 

S-2,  S3. 
Pnssaiiiu<|u<>ddy  Vocabulary,  Iii.  181. 
PoKseneers  for  New  England,  viii.  352- 

2r6,:il!l;  1.127-173. 
Patch,  Thoma!<,  iv.29l. 
Patch.  Elizabeth,  vii.  956. 
Patch,  Nicholas,  ib. 

Patent,  Sir  Thomas  Temple 'a,  referred  to, 

Of  MBHOchuaetts,  extent  of  tta 

New  Eog- 


jurisdlclmn,  iji.   IfKi. 
land,  granled,  iii.  374. 


Fateoleei  of  Haa 


328 


General  Index. 


Path-way  to  erect  a  Plantation,  hj  Capt. 

John  Smith,  iii.  1. 

Patishal, ,  vi.  208. 

Patrick,  Rev.  William,  ii.  322. 

Patrick,  Captain,  vi.  27,  28,  40,  168, 169 ; 

ix.  21)9.     Or  Patridge,  271.    Or    Par- 
tridge, 278,  280. 
Patrick,  Col.,  vi.  261. 
Patroon's  Mill,  v.  57. 
Pattee,  Capt.  Asa,  ii.  298. 
Patterson,  William,  i.  273. 
Patteson,  Edward,  viii.  252. 
Pattison,  Edward,  vi.  164. 
Patucket  Falls,  canal  at,  ii.  293. 
Patuxet,  Indian  name  of  Plymouth,  ix.212. 
Pauchaug  land,  x.  68. 
Pauhuntanuck,  iii.  22. 
Paulding,  J.  K.,  ▼.  300. 
Pautucket,  or  Pawtucket,  iv.  81, 123, 168. 
Pawatuckqut,  i.  171. 
Pawmet,  vi.  108,  119. 
Pawtucket  River,  ii.  59. 
Paxton,  Charles,  vii.  289. 
Payne,  Deacon  Edward,  iii.  206. 
Payne,  William  E  ,  v.  293. 
Payne,  Capt.  Edward,  viii.  258,  260,  263. 
Payne,  William,  viii.  261. 
Payne,  Anna,  ib. 
Payne,  John,  ib. 
Payne,  Daniel,  ib. 
Payne,  Suzan,  ib. 
Payne,  John,  viii.  266. 
Payne,  William,  ib. 
Payne,  Rohert,  x.  170, 171. 
Paynter,  Rev.  Henry,  letter  to  John  Win- 

throp,  Jr.,  ix.  231. 
Pay  son,  Giles,  viii.  254. 
Peabody,  John,  iv.  291.     See  Peboddy. 
Peace  concluded  with  the  Indians,  vi.  235, 

237. 
Peach,  Arthur,  i.  171,  172, 176. 
Peacock,  William,  viii.  254. 
Peacock,  William,  ix.  274. 
Pead,  VVilliam,  his  letter  to  Gov.  Win- 

throp,  i.  25. 
Peag,  value  of,  ix.  283.    Demanded  of 

JNarraganset  sachems,  290. 
Peage,  VVidow,  i.  151. 
Peake,  Maria,  viii.  255. 
Pearce,  Robert,  i.  44. 
Pearce,  John,  i.  45. 
Pearson,  Eliphalet,  i.  288. 
Pearson,  Daniel,  ii.  74,  75. 
Peju-son,  Widow,  ii.  298. 
Pearson,  Rev.  Ora,  iii.  186. 
Pearson,  John,  Sen.,  iv.  290. 
Pearson,  Dr.,  Dean  of  Salisbury,  x.  133. 
Pease,  Robert,  x.  143. 
Pease,  John,  x.  14.3,  144. 
Pease,  Robert,  x.  144. 
Peat,  Jo.,  viii.  254. 
Peboddy,  Francis,  viii.  253. 
Pechepscut,  i.  113. 
Pechypscott,  fort  built,  vi.  204. 
Pechypscot  Plain,  vi.  225. 


Peck,  William  D.,  i.  288 ;  vii.  17. 
Peck,  Thomas  H.,  ii.  63. 

Peck,  Rev. ,  of  Hingfaam,  iii.  93. 

Peck,  Rev. ,  iii.  363. 

Peck,  Nathaniel,  vii.  170. 

Peck,  Mary,  vii.  171. 

Peck,  Robert,  viii.  246,  248. 

Peck,  Richard,  viii.  269. 

Peck,  Margery,  ib. 

Peck,  Israel,  ib. 

Peck,  Elizabeth,  ih. 

Peck's  Desidera  Curioia,  extract  from,  Tiii. 

295. 
Pederson,  Chevalier,  ii.  367,368;  iii.  406. 
'*  Pe-el  Tomar,"  Indian  captaio,  iz.  99. 
Peerce,  Marmaduke,  viii.  276. 
Peerce,  Mary,  ib. 
Peeters,  William,  i.  200,201. 
Peirce,  John,  vii.  300. 
Peirce,  or  Pearce,  Capt.,  viii.  365. 
Peirce,  Benjamin,  his  History  of  Harrard 

College  referred  to,  ix.  31. 
Peirce,  Capt.  Daniel,  x.  121. 

Peiret, ,  Rev.,  ii.  65. 

Peirse,  Rebecca,  viii.  266. 

Peirson,  Rev. ,  iii.  98. 

Peirson,  Henry  z.  88. 
Peiepscot  Fort,  i.  85.    See  Pechypecot. 
Pekar,  or  Peckar,  Capt.,  takes  Block  bl- 
and, vi.  264.    Driven  off,  269. 
Pelham,  N.  H.,  church  and  ministen,  ii. 

320  J  iv.  293. 
Pelham,  Herbert,  ii.  Ill,  130,  382;  ir.  89» 

125;  vii.  108,286;  viii.  249;  iz.  853. 
Pelham,  Penelope,  vii.  286;  viii.  259. 
Pelham,  Jo.,  viii.  259. 
Peling,  William,  vii.  179.  ' 

Pell, ,  iii.  144, 147, 148, 149. 

Pell,  Thomas,  viii.  255. 

Pell, ,  X.  9,  74. 

Pel  lam.     See  Pelham. 

Pemaquid,  or  Penaquid,  iii.  90,  22,  347. 

Or  Pemyquid,  i.  85 ;  vi.  107, 1 17.     Fort 

built,  204.    Taken,  207,  238,  244 ;  vii. 

160. 
Pemaquid  and  Penobscot,  order  reiatire 

to,  vii.  179. 
Pemberton,  Thomas,  i.  288 ;  vii.  17. 

Pembcrton, ,  ii.  63. 

Pemberton,  W.  W.,  vi.  300. 

Pemberton 's  description  of  Boston,  Qn 

Vol.  HI.,  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.),  qaoted,  ii.  64. 
Pembroke,  N.  H.,  church  and  ministera, 

ii.  314  ;  iv.  293. 
Pemniaquid,  or  Penobscot,  River,  ▼!.  50. 
Pemptagoiett,  Penta^iett,  or  Pentaconett, 

or  Penobscot,  claimed  by  the  French, 

vii.  94. 

Pen,  General, ,  x.  11. 

Penacook  and  Saco  Indians  unite,  t\.  206. 

Murder  several  of  the  English,  207. 
Pendleton,  Richard,  v.  170. 
Pendleton,  William,  t.  295, 296. 
Pen  hallow,  ,  ri.  278. 

Penn,  Elder  [James],  dies,  iii.  395. 


General  Index. 


329 


Penn,  John,  ▼.  14. 

Penn,  Governor,  and  New  England,  dis- 
pute about  land,  v.  98, 100. 

Penn,  William,  ▼.  147;  vii.  222,  223,  225, 
240;  ix.  14. 

Pcnnacook,  vi.  247. 

Pennoyer, ,  a  benefactor  to  Harvard 

College,  i.  63. 

Pennsylvania,  instructions  to  Commission- 
ers to  Congress  in  1754,  ▼.  14.  Land 
sold  to,  by  the  Wyandot  and  Delaware 
nations,  147.  Courts  of  Judicature,  vii. 
22:),  225,  226.     Motto  of,  ix.  210. 

Pennsylvania  Historical  ISociety,  ii.  367 ; 
vii.  222. 

Penobscot,  iii.  22;  vi.  107,  231,  247;  viii. 
154.  Fort  taken,  i.  64.  Bay  of,  vi.  117. 
Mountains  of,  117,  120.  River,  50. 
Taken  by  D'Aulncy,  vii.  94,  101,  179. 

Penobscot  and  St.  Croix  Rivers,  French 
settlements  between,  i.  82. 

Pentecost  Harbour,  viii.  133. 

Pepper,  Richard,  x.  143,  144. 

Pepper,  Mary,  x.  143. 

Pepper,  Mary,  x.  144. 

Pepperell,  William,  vii.  86. 

Pequots,  land  said  to  be  taken  from, 
claimed  by  William  Brenton  as  belong- 
ing to  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island,  i.  54. 
And  Monhlggins  take  Indians  at  Cow- 
wesit  prisoners,  71.  Squaws  to  be  sent 
home,  162,  163,  164.  Some  of  them 
murderers  of  the  English,  166.  Their 
names,  168.  Monaliiggins  and  their 
confederates,  complaint  aeainst,  by  Nan- 
higgonticks  and  WunnasTiowatuckoogs, 
174.  Names  of  sachems  and  murderers 
of  the  English,  175.  Instructions  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  treat  with,  iii. 
129,  130.  Are  required  to  deliver  up 
the  murderers  of  Capt.  Stone,  130.  Ac- 
count of  the  remnant  of  the  tribe,  134. 
Account  of  war  with,  iii.  136.  Sachem 
killed  by  the  Mohu>^ks,  151,  379,  361 ; 
iv.  194.  Their  excuse  for  killing  Capt. 
Stone,  vi.  9.  Attack  Watertown  or 
Wethcrsfield,  12,  15,  35.  Capt.  Tilly 
killed  by,  15.  Drive  the  Mohigans  out 
of  their  possessions,  ib.  Relation  of 
the  late  battle  fought  in  New  England 
between  them  and  the  English,  reprint- 
ed, 29  -  43.  Suppose  *  the  Dutch  and 
English  to  be  one  nation,  9.  Prisoners 
among  them  redeemed,  18.  Killed  by 
the  Mohawks,  40,  157.  Resolve  to  de- 
stroy the  English,  157.  Survivors  of 
them,  how  disposed  of,  173,  254  ;  ix. 
213,  273,  275,  299,  300,  :«)1.  At  Caus- 
satuk,  to  be  removed,  x.  64,  67. 

Pequot  War,  Capt.  Underhill's  history  of, 
vi.  J  -28.  Cause  of,  3,  35.  Fort  de- 
Ftroyed,  23,  37.  P.  Vincent's  history 
of,  29.  Rev.  S.  Niles's  account  of,  160; 
X.  175. 

Pequot  battle-ground,  description  of,  iii.133. 


Pequot,  or  Pequeat,  River,  vi.  17. 
Pequot,  Mohegan,  and  Narraganset  tribes 

of  Indians,  account  of  tlie  remnant  of, 

iii.  131. 
Perce,  Pliebe,  viii.  261. 
Percys,  the,  of  Virginia,  viii.  309. 
Perkins,  Col.  Thomas  II.,  i.  272,  273, 278 ; 

V.  298. 
Perkins,  James,  i.  288. 
Perkins,  Thomas,  ii.  297. 
Perkins,  William,  ih. 
Perkins,  Nicholas,  viii.  307. 
Perley,  Allen,  viii.  254. 

Perrot, ,  i.  117. 

Perry,  Richard,  iii.  326. 
Perry,  John,  vii.  178. 

Perry, ,  vii.  244. 

Pert,  Thomas,  Vice- Admiral,  iii.  361. 
Perth,  Earl  of,  viii.  310. 


Perye,  William,  viii.  303. 
Pesickosh,  ix.  270.     Or 


292. 
Pessacus,  vii.  299. 


Pesicosh,   290, 


-,  ii.  48. 


Petavius, 

Peter,  Rev.  Hugh,  i.  34.  His  letter  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  179.  And  to  Dea- 
con Gott,  179, 180, 183,  184 ;  iii.  93,  98, 
9J),  106,  i:«,  138,  139,  379,  387;  viii. 
204,  205,  248,  278 ;  ix.  286 ;  x.  1.  His 
wife  distracted,  2,  26,  27,  38,  42,  ir3, 
175. 

Peter,  Josias,  an  Indian,  i.  151. 

Peter,  Indian,  his  confession  read  before 
the  elders,  iv.  245. 

Peter,  an  Indian  guide  in  Philip's  war,  vi. 
181,182. 

Peter,  Grace,  vii.  178. 

Peter,  the  Apostle,  temporal  power  not 
granted  to,  ix.  201. 

Peters,  Thomas,  his  letter  to  Gov.  Win- 
throp, i.  23. 

Peters, ,  ii.  111. 

Peters,  Rev.  Thomas,  ii.  130. 

Peters,  Richard,  v.  14. 

Peterson,  John,  vii.  246. 

Petition  of  several  of  the  church  and  town 
ofWoburn,  i.  38.  To  the  Parliament, 
in  1646,  tJirown  overboard,  ii.  132.  Or 
apology  of  Michael  Powell,  x.  45.  For 
restoration,  &c.,  of  charters  of  New 
England  and  the  Jerseys,  121. 

Petitions,  (printed  in  Alass.  Hist.  Coll., 
Vol.  VIII.,  Sec.  Scries,  pp.  103  et  seq.,) 
the  gentlemen  who  presented  them  to 
the  General  Court  censured,  i.  59. 

Pcttingell,  Moses,  vi.  2!)4. 

Phelps,  Sarah,  i.  124,  125, 126. 

Phelps,  John,  ii.  356. 

Phi  Beta  Kappa  Society,  x.  205. 

Philadelphia,  library  at,  iii.  407.  Com- 
missioners of  United  Colonies  meet  at, 
in  1775,  V.  75.  Congress  at,  100.  In- 
dian chiefs  meet  there,  172.  Volunteers 
from,  in  Cambridge,  in  1775,  viii.  345. 

Philbrick,  Beululi,  i.  158. 


VOL.     X. 


42 


General  Index. 


rhilip,  King,  or  Mount  Hope,  ilL  307;  ti. 

17..,   lC!i,  !■");   ijL.   Itfl;   i.  117,  11(?, 

l.-J. 
l'li<li|i'B  War,  iiwlrui'li<inH  to  Jiwinti  Winn- 

t»w,  Kw|.,  i-oui inutility r-in-tliief,  i.  66. 
riiiliiHi,  Julin,  of  Minabtielil,   killed   by 

lialitniiig,  iii.  Sdd. 
PJiiUui,  »tt  Tliomu,  Tiii.  316. 
Philiju,  Alajor  William,  x.  IW. 
Pliillm»,  Kev.  (ieoToo,  i.  245,  S&:i ;  iii.  93, 

»77,  3Hi;  viii.  fUii,  2^ffii  ix.  VJO. 
PliitliiM, JoJm,  IVii. 
Pliiiri|»>,Jolin,  i.  it65. 
riiillip*,  Willinin,  LiuuI.-(ioTernor,  ii.  .'>3 ; 


I'liiltiiM,  Cut.  Juhn,  ri.  '^17,  iVt. 
Phillipn,  Prerluiic,  vii.  »KI. 
Pbilliiu,  Ker.  Soniui'l,  vii.  Sf-II,  3!I0. 
Philliiu,  John,  U,.  D.,  vii,  :jt<'.). 
Pliillijia,  Samwl,  ii. 
riiilli|iM,  [ton  JoDtiilan,  vii.  2*0. 
Phillii.*,  John,  >iii.  -iV,  iiVJ. 
Phil1i|»s  I'hiliii,  viii.-J.->:i. 
Philli|H<,  John.  vU>.^.'>. 
Phillips,  Z  rulilinbcl,  I  c^- 
Phillirm,  Major,  i.  1->II. 
l>hi<li|<H  Ai'udutny,  Aiirlovrr,  vii.  liV. 


I,  JoDBllian,  i.  Vit. 

-iiNt,  ..  3G,37. 

,  ItBV.  [Aliraham?],  iii.  Km. 

Piereon,  Kev.  Ahntliim,  viU.  :MlJ.     HU 

lullur  to  J.  Winllirop,  Jr.,  x.  t>:),  ^. 

Pigd,  Bev ,  ii.  7lP ;  V.  aai.  2*1. 

I'igwocltet,i.  113.     OrPigw!i,l,el,»],247, 

Pikc..MajorKobcrt.lHIerrromPorlim>onlli, 


»ok  "l>e  .Mundo" 


Phi 


f  in  Peni 


e,  Gvlei,  vii.  1S3, 

f,  -^ ,  ix.  lai.  233.  337. 

L',  VVilham,  ix.  'J46-Ub-J.    Kke  Piene. 
s,!)anv<ll,  X.14I. 


nell.  Th. 


i.  an. 


'iitxIC 


11,  out!  iheir  ui 


Pliippcnj'. ,  vi.  il!l, 

Phippin,  Judith,  viii.  ^'i:t. 

Phiixs  t<ir  William,  Governor,  i.  107, 108 : 

VI.  an,  a:(l  -,  vii.  i)4  ;  nil.  277  ;  x.  VM. 
Phonen.    l^ee  Poiicii. 
Phj'Kii-ianx  vxi-iiipl  I'roin  ppnonRl  genricM, 

tnUt,  niiH  iii>HVM>iiienls,  x.  74. 
Pirk.-iw,  tii-n.,  V.  I7i 

r,  Hon.  John,  i,  3rU,a:U;  *.  2ni, 


Hi»  ti. 


.  ,,f^\^ 


s  iiitiii 


<-!ihiil.irv',  &c.,  ii.  14:':  iii.  4Ur>;  \.a.H; 
vi,  a«;"vii.*ii,ai-J,a!':.;  i.  IHd.  Me- 
moir oi;  'JIU.  ll»  Ureek  nnd  English 
Lexiron,  SI3. 

Pirhrring,  Col.  Timothy,  i,  2fH,  aW. 
Co,i,...!«-ioi.ei  to  t«a.  with  We.tern 
Indiiinii,  v.  HU),  176  :  x.  'Ali. 

Pickering,  ^ir  (iilhi-rl.  ii.  343,  346. 

Pickering,  JuIin,  Iv.  'Hfii. 

Pirkcring,  John,  ^^liFiiker  of  the  House  of 
Ki'preHinlalives,  x,  'Mi. 

Pii-ki'ring,  John,  Jr  ,  x.  •ili}. 

Pick<-nng,  Ilenrv  W,,  ib. 

Piiki^riiif , '-,  tt. 

Piorc.!,  ttcv.  l»r.  Jolin.  i.  a?e,  KO,  234  ; 
iii.  41)6;  vi.niNI:  vii.S.V 

Piercp, ,  of  Hwion,  iii.  IHP, 

l*ierce,  Jamea,  hilled  by  lighlning,  iii.3t<!l. 


Pike,  Itev.  John,  ii,  3117.  :tnK 

Pikti,  Kev,  Janies,  ii.  310,311. 

Pik.',  .\icholM,  ii.  310. 

Piki',  Itev.  Juhn,  iii,  Idd. 

I'>k,.,  J.ISI -ph,  iv.  awi. 

Pike,  Jos.  pb,  vi.  'jaa. 

Pike,  John,  viii.  SVi. 

Pik«,  Major.  1.  liM. 

I'ilgritn  Niciciv,  PtymoiKh,  t.  STA, 

PilkingtiiD,  Col.  C.'A.,  litliogrniili  copv  of 
nrketch  made  by  bini,  v.'l'b. 

Piiichon,  William,  i.'H.     Lnterof  John 
Kndinoll  and  utlien  U>  Sir  Hrnrr  Vuis 
ill  n^Iuiiim  to,  :(.">.      lii  iDfit  Aitmmi 
bv  Iti'V.John  NonoD,  36,»:ti     n    A), 
.     :t^i;  viii.  :tRE<,  394, 3J6-,ii.-Jol>,  361. 
;Pin<-lion,  Miijor,  i.  (Hi;   vi.   1^1  ;  x.  Vii\ 
\Vm,:*  t;  Aajnr  Tliomai  Sovogefuru- 
I     mmMicc  n  Philip'*  War,  i.  (jit, 
iPiiidir>n,  John,  X.  'M. 

PiiH-kiiev,  Hon,  William,  of  MarjUnd. 

Pinchnej,  Francea,  Iii.  QOH. 
Piillurd,  Jnlm,  i.  ^)1.    Itecordinir  i<errp- 
larr  of  New  Yurk  Hii4.  Sih!.,  ii.  ;>7, 3£f. 
Pinzon,  Tiipt.  Martin  AInnxn,  riij.  i. 
Pipiiil,  I'naign  Joahua,  vii.  IMI. 
Pirutex,  i.  M ;  vii.  1b4,  -Jiki.  'Jill. 
Pucnl«q.ia,   ri.  a07.     Kivcr,  336.     Sw 

Pi«uiiiiW'iv  fl'ifm  and  Hnrboiir,  viii.  IS. 
Pitcher,  K'ev.  Nnlhnnirl,  ii.  t>7. 
Pilhoiise  John   viB.iih). 
Pitkin,  Hon, Tirln.ltiv,i.ani. 


Pilkin, 

I'itoiDn  Mil., 
Pitney,  Para, 
Pitney,  Son.ufil,  16. 
Pilni-y,  Mnrgarcl,  i*. 
Pilnie,  Jarnen,  1,11. 
Piltnei,    f^a  Pilney. 

«■,  Lury,  ri.17. 


K?. 


General  Index. 


331 


Placentia,  i.  143.  In  Newfoundland, 
French  colony  at,  ii.  51  ;  viii.  73. 

Plague,  Indians  of  ^ie\v  England  die  of, 
ill.  IG. 

"  Plain  Dealing,  or  Nevvcs  from  New 
England,"  iii.  55. 

**  Plaintes  des  Protestans  do  France  "  re- 
ferred to,  ii.  47. 

Flaisted,  Mrs.  Mary,  taken  prisoner  by 
the  Indians,  vi.  :il3.  And  her  child 
killed, -214. 

Plaistcd,  Jamc9,  vi.  213. 

Flaisted,  Lieutenant,  vi.  225. 

Piaistow,  M.  Ii.,  church  and  ministers,  ii. 
301) ;  iv.  2!)3. 

Plan  of  I'nion,  drawn  up  by  Dr  Franklin, 
V.  5,  G,  7,  3i»,  70. 

Planter,  instructions  for,  iii.  220. 

Plalfonn  of  Church  Discipline,  iii.  d&j', 
viii.  21)4. 

Plato's  Timteus  referred  to,  iii.  355. 

Play  fair.  Professor,  ix.  4. 

Plumbe,  John,  his  description  of  a  falling 
star,  X.  57. 

Plumbe, ,  X.  79. 

Pluiuer,  VVilham,  i.  21)1. 

Flutarque  Franqais  referred  to,  ii.  7. 

Plymouth,  partners  complained  of  for  un- 
fair and  unjust  dealing,  i.  21.  Charter 
and  privileges  violently  taken  away  in 
lGf:Ki,  l)(j.  Three  men  executed  there 
for  killing  an  Indian,  176.  Weakly  re- 
solved to  stand  to  their  government  and 
libertie.s,  ib.  llequest  Roger  Williams 
to  inquire  out  the  murder  of  a  Plym(»uth 
man,  ib.  County,  praying  Indians  in,  ii. 
244.  Colony  Kecords,  account  of,  258. 
And  Massachusetts,  bounds  between, 
267.  Extracts  from  records  of,  266;  vii. 
23.  Colonv,  Governors,  Lieut.-Govern- 
ors,  and  oilier  public  officers  of,  ii.  266. 
Courts,  267.  Divided  into  three  counties, 
viz.  Plymouth,  Bristol,  and  Barnstable,  ib. 
First  settlers  of,  endure  losses,  iii.  8,  25, 
26,  312,  316.  Colonv,  towns  in,  316. 
Settlement  of,  374-376,  385.  Minis- 
ters, 383,  :^,  388,  381);  vi.  13.  Settle- 
ment of,  73.  (irant,  of,  obtained  from 
the  Council  of  New  England,  73,  74. 
Persons  killed  at,  by  Indians,  183.  Cov- 
enant renewed,  187.  Send  forces  against 
the  Indians,  224  ;  vii.  15,  2:?,  27,  21)7, 
21)0,  :«)0;  viii.  18, 164,  180.  Magistrates 
advise  John  Clark  and  others  to  settle 
at  Aquedneck,  21)2.  Settlers  assisted 
by  "  merchant  adventurers,"  ix.  60. 
Colonists  from  the  North  of  England, 
11)4.  Indian  name  Patuxet,  212.  De- 
sirous of  union  with  Massachusetts,  214, 
271  ;  X.  200. 

Plymouth  Company  Accounts,  1628,  i.  100. 

Pocahontas,  iii.  372.  Christened  and  called 
the  Lady  Uehecca,  373. 

PtM-apawmet,  vi.  108.     • 

Pucobiult,  battle  theic  in   Philips  War, 


vi.  180.  Squaw-sachem  of,  drowned, 
11)0. 

Pocock,  John,  i.  100. 

Pocopassum,  iii.  22.     Indians,  vi.  107. 

Podd,  Samuel,  viii.  258. 

Poggatacut,  Indian  sachem,  x.  182. 

Point  Alderton,  viii.  346. 

Point  Care,  viii.  74. 

Point-Cave,  iii.  316. 

Political  fables  of  New  England,  i.  126- 
133. 

Pollard,  Benjamin,  vii.  280. 

Pollard,  Ann,  vii.  201. 

PoUatha  Wappia,  Indian,  v.  103. 

Polwhele, ,  viii.  3i)2. 

Polyhius  referred  to,  iii.  357. 

Pomcroy,  Medad,  iv.  21)1. 

Pomfret,  Rev. ,  v.  100. 

Pomroy,  Edward,  vi.  173. 

Ponanipam,  Indian,  iv.  240,  241,  242. 

Pond,  Rebecca,  x.  145. 

Ponkipog,  iv.  270. 

Pool,  Joanna,  i.  158. 

Poore,  Benjamin  P.,  ix.  187. 

Poore,  Samuel,  x.  145. 

Poore,  Dayell  [Daniel .'],  ib. 

Poore,  Alee,  ib. 

Po]>ery  increases  in  England,  i.  244. 

Pophain,  Sir  John,  iii.  15,  312,  347,  371. 
Sends  Capt.  Priii,  or  Pring,  to  New 
England,  vi.  53,  55,  105. 

Popham,  Capt.  George,  iii.  51,  371.  Pres- 
ident of  New  England,  \i.  54.  Dies,  55. 

Popham,  Sir  Francis,  vi.  56,  130. 

Popkin,  Rev.  John  S.,  i.  288. 

Popmunnuck,  Indian  sach(>m,  i.  150. 

Po<}uanum,  iv.  253,  254. 

Porter,  Dr.  Jacob,  i.  206;  ii.  *M\C))  iii.  405 ; 
V.  202,  204,  205,  206;  vi.  205,  200;  vii. 
203,  204. 

Porter,  Rev.  Huntington,  ii.  300. 

Porter,  Rev.  John,  ib. 

Porter,  Rev.  Reuben,  ii.  311. 

Porter,  Israel,  iii.  177. 

Porter,  Rev.  Dr.  Nathaniel,  iii.  183. 

Porter,  Dr.,  v.  256. 

Port  Nelson,  i.  108. 

Portneuf,  General,  vi.  228. 

Portraits  in  the  hall  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc, 
list  of,  vii.  18,  285. 

Port  Royal,  destroyed,  iii.  372.  Account 
of  expedition  to,'in  1707,  v.  ISO.  Forces 
ordered  to,  vi.  256;  vii.  227.  Letter 
from  Sir  E.  Andros  to  Governor  of,  le3. 
Claimed  by  the  French,  04. 

Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  its  churches 
and  ministers,  ii.  i^)0,  320.  First  Church, 
iv.  21)2.  Second  and  Third  Churches, 
203.  Letter  from,  asking  for  asAistance 
from  Massachusetts  against  the  Indians 
in  1680,  i.  88;  vi.  218,  2:J0. 

Port.Miiouih,  Rhode  Island,  iii.  06;  ix.  271. 

Portuguese  iiiassa<Te  French  Protestants 
at  Brazil,  ii.  7. 

Post,  Frcdciick,  vi.  148. 


332 


General  Index. 


PostagCf  rates  of,  in  1693,  vii.  52.  In 
1710,  72. 

Post-offico,  documents  relating  to,  1639- 
1775,  vii.  48. 

Post-riders,  vii.  &6,  89. 

Potter,  John,  i.  273. 

Potter,  Mrs.,  ii.  297. 

Potter,  Vincent,  iii.  232. 

Potter,  William,  viii.  261. 

Potter,  Vyncent,  viii.  263. 

Potter,  William,  viii.  267. 

Potter,  Francis,  ib. 

Potter,  Joseph,  ib. 

Pount,  or  Pond,  Thomas,  viii.  262;  x.  129. 

Powder,  &c.,  in  Boston  and  in  the  Castlo, 
April,  1689,  i.  87.  184  barrels  in  Cam- 
bridge in  1775,  viii.  346. 

Powell,  Michael,  minister  of  a  church  in 
Boston,  his  apology  to  the  General 
Court,  i.  45. 

Powell, ,  minister  of  the  new  church 

in  Boston,  i.  50. 

Powhatan,  iii.  372. 

Pownull,  Gov.  T.,  his  letter  to  Gov.  Hutch- 
inson, i.  148.  A  friend  of  Massachu- 
setts 149  *  V.  6. 

Powows,  Indian,  iv.  19,  20,  50, 185-207; 
V.  154. 

Pratt,  Benjamin,  Chief  Justice  of  New 
York,  ii.  98,  99. 

Pratt,  Aoron,  ii.  98. 

Pratt,  Capt.,  v.  129. 

Prayer,  to  be  attended  daily  in  the  army 
in  Philip's  War,  i.  67. 

Praying  Indians,  tracts  relating  to,  iv.  1  - 
287. 

Preaching  in  the  army  in  Philip's  War,  i. 
67. 

Preble,  Capt.  John,  ix.  89. 

Prence,  Thomas,  Governor  of  Plymouth, 
ii.  266,  267;  iii.  379,  381,  388,  389- 
395. 

Prentiss,  Rev.  Caleb,  ii.  98. 

Presbyterian  Church  in  Providence,  ii.  71. 

Presbyterians  flock  to  Gen.  Monck,  x.  29. 

Presbyteries,  erected  in  England  in  1572, 
iii.  364. 

Prescot,  Capt.,  vi.  259. 

Prescott,  Widow,  i.  156. 

Prescott,  Col.  Benjamin,  ii.  279. 

Prescott,  Rev.  [Benjamin  ?],  v.  223,  226. 

Prescott,  William  H.,  vii.  294.  History 
of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  quotation 
from,  viii.  5.  His  Memoir  of  Hon. 
John  Pickering,  LL.  D.,  x.  204. 

Prescott,  Hon.  VVilliam,  ix.  224. 

Press  licensed,  vii.  171. 

Preston,  Sir  Amia:*,  iii.  369. 

Preston,  Edward,  viii.  252. 

Preston,  Roger,  viii.  256. 

Prrston,  Daniel,  viii.  262. 

Preston,  William,  viii.  272. 

Pn-Hlon,  Mario,  ih. 

Preston,  Eli/abrtli,  ib. 

i'rcston,  Sara,  ib. 


Preston,  Jo.,  viii.  272. 

Preston,  Edward,  x.  22. 

Prestwood, ,  viii.  302. 

Prevost,  Mons.,  vii.  118. 

Price,  Ezekiel,  i.  288;  vii.  17. 

Price,  John,  iv.  289. 

Price,  Rev. ,  v.  229. 

Price,  Ralph,  viii.  311. 

Prices  of  several  articles  in  Plymouth 
from  1633  to  1685,  ii.  268. 

Prichard,  Capt.,  viii.  252. 

Prichard,  Capt.,  ix.  272. 

Pride,  [Col.  John],  one  of  the  Judges  of 
Charles  I.,  ii.  354. 

Prideaux,  Dr.,  ix.  265. 

Pridgeon,  Mr.,  iii.  98. 

Prier,  Jo.,  viii.  272. 

Priestley's  Lectures  on  History  cited,  vii. 
270. 

Priests  and  Friars  frustrate  a  design  to  ex- 
change prisoners,  vi.  262. 

Prin,  or  Pring,  Capt.,  sent  to  New  Eng- 
land, iii.  51 ;  vi.  53. 

Prince,  Widow  Eliscabeth,  i.  158. 

Prince,  Rev.  Dr.  John,  of  Salem,  1.  288. 
Memoir  of,  v.  271 ;  vii.  17. 

Prince,  Rev.  Thomas,  ii.  272;  v.  230;  vi. 
159;  vii.  7;  viii.  243.  His  introdurtioa 
to  Mason's  History  quoted,  vi.  176.  An- 
nals referred  to,  46,  173;  ix.  48.  A 
new  edition  of  his  chronology  edited  bv 
Hon.  N.  Hale,  vii.  7.  Portrait  of,  2)6. 
Errors  of,  corrected,  ix.  49. 

Prince,  Henry,  vi.  99. 

Prince,  Thomas,  viii.  304. 

Prince,  Bernard,  ib. 

Prince.     See  Prenoe. 

Prince  Edward,  son  of  George  IH.,  v. 
162. 

Prince  of  Orange,  i.  100,  106. 

Printers,  names  of  republican,  in  the  Com- 
monwealth of  England,  ii.  335. 

Printing-press  set  up  in  New  England,  iii. 
382.     Licensed,  vii.  171. 

Prinff,  Capt.  Martin,  iii.  51. 

Prioleau,  Rev.  Elias,  ii.  5G. 

Prioleau,  Samuel,  ib, 

Prioleau,  Dr.  Thomas  G.,  ib. 

Prioli,  Anthoine,  ib. 

Priolo,  Benjamin,  ib. 

Prisoners  in  Canada,  exchange  of^prevent- 
ed  by  priests  and  friars,  vi.  2G2. 

Prison  Discipline  Society,  iii.  407. 

Privateer  enemy,  to  be  suppressed  by 
Capt.  Kidd,  i.  122. 

Privateering  condemned,  vi.  109. 

Probert,  Charles  K.,  viii.  314. 

Proceedings  of  Congress  held  at  Albany 
in  1754,  V.  5. 

Proclamation  for  Fast,  30  Jan.  lfv^-0, 
i.  83. 

Procter,  John,  viii.  258. 

Proctor,  Martha,  t6. 

Procter,  Marie,  i6. 

Proctor,  Nathuuiel,  ii.  63. 


General  Index. 


Wulkiiiglon.  i.  122,  I 


id  rrDTnCnpt.KiddODdCapt. 


?xp«ditiun  BgninM  Can- 
inled   "  heretic* 


ihe  Prince  or  Orange,  .. 

ProleglonU  of  France,  iketcb  of  (he  cd- 
(ire  hislory  oT,  ii.  1  -  H3 ;  n.  258. 

PrulesUnti,  Trench,  b1  Oxford,  Muucbu- 
MtU,  memoir  of,   ii.  1. 

PmteaUnti,  great  peneculian  of,  fVom 
Romanian,  feared  bellire  Ihe  downfall 
of  the  Papacv,  i.  37,  28,  4U.       • 

ProlvBtants  anil  Turks,  "  the  aword-RBli 
and  the  tliraiher  "  of  "  tlie  Popish  Le- 
viathan," X,  40.  I 

Prout,  Ebenezcr,  Clerk  of  the  llouae  of 
Kepresentnlivea,  i.  IN);  iv.  291. 


Purilin  isthera,  Amerii 
rivil  Olid  religioua  lib 

runiunK  in  KneTand  in  1 
secijleilinI::iielurid,T 
ii  44,  45.  Tliuir  ci 
Eiiginnd,  X.  3. 

Purpooduck  altackod  by  Indi. 

Piirrj'er,  Wilham,  «iii.  !&3. 

Purrjer,  Mary,  ii. 

rurrjer,  Sara,  ii. 

Purrver,  Nallian,  ii. 

Purr'vcr.Alyce,  iS, 

Pulknmmer, ,  ix.  64. 


Putnam,  John,  Sen.,  iii.  172. 
I'ulnam,  Deacon,  iii.  174. 
VMnnm,  Joaepb,  iii.  176. 
m,Captari     ■'   ■" 


drvu  (he  Gorecnar  and  AHiitaota  of 
Mauochuselta,  glring  intelhgeaco  "of 
Ihc  iniiolenl  and  riotous  carriaget  of 
IJamuel  Goiton  and  hit  company,  i.  3. 
BoughtofNarriigDnset>achema,315,319. 
Claimed  by  Plymouth,  ii.  2b7.  Epia- 
cocal  church  at,  TO.  Effort!  to  ealabtieb 
'rchylerian  church  in,  71  ;  jU.  97 


Psalci 


[»,  Hon.  Samuel,  i.  30n. 
n,  John,  X.  136. 
B  of  David  tranilated  ii 
I,  ii.  4. 


'.  13^ 


Hou« 


i.  2U0.     Roger 
[.  SOO.     River,  ii 


Provii 


rial  Congreu,  Tii.  B9,    Jonrnal  of. 


I.  17a. 


Provoat,  Biobop,  v.  263. 

Ptuddcn,  Peter,  viii  247. 

Prudence  Island,  i.  164. 

I'ryer,  Daniel,  viil.  273. 

Public  iichoul*  established  hy  lavr  in  1G47, 
viii.  214. 

Puddington,  Licul.,  i.  86. 

Puerto  Sruilo  Island  discovered,  iii.  359. 

Puggnmugga  River,  vii.  1^. 

I>u]-M<>nlbrun,  [Lo  Comte  de],  ii.  16. 

Pulcifer,  or  Pulaifer,  Benedict,  vi.  303. 

Pallin-point,  iii.  317. 

Pumhom  and  othcra  laken  into  the  jaria- 
ment  of  Hasiiachu- 
i  hy  Randall  Hoi- 
den,  10. 

Pummakummim,  sachem  ofQunnuhbagge, 
oflera  himaelf  and  hia  men  to  worahip 
God.  dcairea  (o  be  instructed  by  tlic' 
English,  iv,  101.    Or  Pumtnakommio, 


li  policy,  began  iu  (jenuva 


Pwokatuckj  I 
Pym,  John,  ix.  204. 
Pynclion,  John,  Aaeistai 
Pvnclion,  John,  Jr.,  vii 
"      '      Mary,  viii.  350 
_    _  _      Francis,  ii. 
P'vrdcr,  Marie,  ii. 
Pander.  Joanna,  ii. 
Pynder,  Anna,  »i. 
Pvndpr.  Kathorin,  li. 
Pyndor,  Jo.,  ii. 


irsz 


Ounhogild,  iv.  125. 

Uo^iboag,  vi.  333.      Or  Quobalig,   now 

rirookficld,  35!). 
Quack,  viii,  167.    Called  York  by  Cant. 

Levell,  I6d.    See  York. 
Qunhint,  ii.  351,  352;  iii.  316,  331,  388. 

At  the  conference  with  Western  Indiana 

in  1703,  V.  I76-,  »i.  350.  367  ;  vii.  230, 

240;  viii.'205,340i  ».  25,  28,  41. 

a_,  R ,  viii,  295. 

(lunniini:he(,  sachem  of  the  narraganieti, 

VI    !KJ. 
Uu.irlcs,  Francis,  iii.  336. 
Uuairv,  Col.,  hia  memorial  on  the  atate 

of  the  American  coloniea,  vii.  222. 
aiiiincr  Courts,  iii.  83,64. 
(Quebec.  French  there  design  (n  anlHlnc 

New  England,  i.  11)8-111,232:  ix.  230. 
dtiLliLc  Histuncol  tdiciety,  v.  294. 
Quudor,  V.  81, 83, 92. 


334 


General  Index. 


auecii  Elizabeth,  ix.  32,  229. 

Q,ueen  Anne*i»  instructions  to  Governor 
J.  Dudlev,  ii.  101. 

Q,iieenapioK,  vi.  13. 

Questions  proposed  to  petitioners,  (see 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  Vlll.,  Sec.  Sc- 
ries, pp.  103  et  seq.,)  i.  60. 

Quick's  Synod  icon  quoted,  ii.  2,  3,  4,  5, 
10,49,  50,  55. 

(),uillypieck,  iii.  IGG. 

Quinapeag,  or  New  Haven,  iii.  73,  98. 

Quincy,  Hon.  Josiah,  i.  2519,  21»2,  293, 
2lM,  298;  ii.  367 ;  iii.  406  ;  v.  293,  296, 
297;  vi.  299.  His  letter,  inclosing  a 
letter  from  Gen.  K.  Mattoon  to  him, 
2d3.  Desirous  to  produce  a  mutual  ac- 
commodation for  several  literary  soci- 
eties in  boston,  vii.  16,  25,  275,  288, 
289,  290.  His  Memoir  of  James  Gra- 
liame,  ix.  1.  His  History  of  Harvard 
University  referred  to,  33. 

Quincy,  Edmund,  iv.  290. 

Quincy,  John,  vii.  85. 

(iuincy,  Josiah,  Jr.,  vii.  294. 

Quinebaug  River,  ii.  76. 

Quitrcnts  introduced  by  Sir  E.  Andros, 
vii.  169. 

Qunnihticut,  ix.  287,  300.  River,  i.  161, 
164.     See  Connecticut. 

Qunnubagge,  sachem  of,  iv.  191. 

Quo  Warranto  against  the  charter  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, i.  /6,  79.  Writs  of,  served 
on  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  vii. 
154,  177. 

Quocliecho,  massacre  by  Indians  at,  vi. 
2(»7,  208,  228,  239. 

Quo(l<ly  Indians,  vocabulary  of  words  in 
their  lan^a^e,  iii.  181. 

Quonahas.sit,  vi.  108. 

Quonouotjut  bought  of  Indian  sachems, 
i.  215. 


R. 


Rafn,  Professor  C.  C,  ii.  368;  iii.  406, 
408 ;  vii.  292. 

Raiment, ,  vii.  257. 

Rainsford,  Edward,  viii.  266. 

Rah  gh.  Sir  Walter,  iii.  239, 312, 363,  366, 
:^7,  :«i9,  370,  373;  vi.  105;  viii.  69,  8:i, 
85.  Sends  a  bark  to  search  out  his  col- 
ony in  Virginia,  94,  95,  148. 

Ram,  George,  viii.  267. 

Ramsny,  Epiiraim,  i.  291. 

Ramsay,  lion.  David,  ib.  Ilis  History  of 
South  Carolina  referred  to,  ii.  55. 

Ramsay,  Martha  Laurens,  Memoirs  of,  re- 
ferred to,  ib. 

Rand,  Dr.  Isaac,  i.  289. 

Rand,  Rev.  John,  iii.  184. 

Rniid,  Edward  S.,  vii.  294. 

Randall, ,  vii.  298. 

Randolph,  Edward,  letter  from  Walter 
Clarke  to,  i.  81, 222.    And  others,  cum- 


missioners  to  examine  as  to  the  title  to 
the  King's  Province,  227.  Secretary, 
227 ;  vi.  204.  Collector,  his  instruc- 
tions, vii.  129.  Letter  to  the  Lord 
Treasurer  of  England,  154,  157.  S«rc- 
retary,  151,  153,  158,  167,  170,  173. 
His  commission,  161, 191  ;  viii.  331. 

Randolph,  Edmund,  i.  291. 

Randolph,  Beverley,  commissioner  to  treat 
with  the  Indians,  v.  109  - 176. 

Randolph, ,  vii.  2!)8. 

Ranton,  Sir  Nicholas,  viii.  259. 

Ran  ton  l\  Robert,  his  account  of  Beverly, 
vii.  250.  Memoir  of  Rev.  John  Hale, 
255. 

Ranin's  History  of  England  quoted,  ii.  11, 
345,  :i49-35(}. 

Rashley,  Rev. ,  iii.  99, 100. 

Rasles's  Dictionary,  x.  217. 

Ratcliir,  Rev. -,  v.  199. 

Raiclilfe, ,  viii.  323. 

Rathbun,  John,  vi.  266. 

Rat.<tock,  Joshua,  vii.  186. 

Ravenscroi),  Samuel,  vii.  195. 

Rawlin,  Jane,  viii.  t^l  ;  x.  129. 

Rawlings,  Jean,  ii.  60. 

Rawson,  Edward,  i.  32.  Secretary,  35, 
51.  Directed  to  write  to  the  Governor 
of  New  Haven  to  discharge  his  duty  in 
the  apprehension  of  Col.  Whalley  and 


126.      Andres's  committee   to    receive 

the   General  Court  records  from,  162; 

viii.  212,  341 ;  x.  88^101,  108. 

Rawson, ,  iv.  177. 

Ray,  Simon,  Esq.,  vi.  266,  267. 

Rayo, ,  ix.  iS6. 

Rayment,  John,  vii.  253,  268. 
Rayment,  VV'illiam,  ib, 
Raymond,  William,  iv.  290. 
Raymond,  Capt.  William,  vii.  268. 

Raymond, ,  x.  30. 

Rayner,  Rev.  John,  ii.  307,  308;  iii.  1^5. 

Rayner,  Rev.  John,  Jr.,  ii.  1^)7,  308. 

Raynor,  Thurston,  x.  141,  142. 

Ray  nor,  Elizabeth,  x.  141. 

Raynor,  Thurston,  x.  142. 

Raynor,  Joseph,  ib. 

Raynor,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Raynor,  Sarah,  ib. 

Raynor,  Lidia,  ib. 

Raynor,  Edward,  ib. 

Raynton,  Sir  Nich.,  viii.  254. 

Razilly,  vii.  93. 

Read,  William,  viii.  269. 

Read,  Mabell,  ib. 

Read,  Georgti,  ib. 

Read,  Ral|>h,  ib. 

Read,  Justice,  ib. 

Read,  Sir  John,  viii.  343. 

Rrade,  (.'ol.,  x.  tW, 

Rtadin^,iii.325;  iv.290;  \i.277.  Church, 

iii.  3d4. 


General  Index. 


335 


C 

E 


Readinge,  John,  viii.  244,  24S,  246.  | 

Reasons  againit  sending  a  Governor  to. 
New  Kncland,  i.  V2l.  \ 

Recaldus,  Joliunnei*  Martinus,  iii.  'SijS. 

Record  Office,  London,  viii.  273. 

Records  of  Plymouth  Colony  transcribed 
under  the  superintendence  of  Benjamin 
R.  Nichols,  li.  263.  Account  of,  258  - 
271  ;  V.  254.  Of  the  Commissioners  of 
the  United  Colonies,  ii.  264.  And  doc- 
uments of  the  General  Court  of  Maasa- 
husctts,  copies  of,  to  be  procured  from 
i^ngland  and  France,  vii.  155,  162;  ix. 
1  d7.  Scotch,  placed  in  the  Tower  of  Lon- 
don, ii.  338. 

"  Redeemed  Captive  returning  to  Zion," 
Rev.  Mr.  Williams  author  of,  vi.  253. 

Redknap,  Col.,  v.  liH),  1!)2. 

Redwood  Library  Company,  i.  295. 

Reeve,  William,  viii.  ^2. 

Reeves,  Jo.,  viii.  252. 

Reeves,  Thomas,  x.  88. 

Reeves,  Thomas,  x.  145. 

Reformed  churches  in  France,  account  of, 
by  Rev.  Abiel  Holmes,  ii.  1-83. 

Reformed  religion,  exercise  of,  abolished 
in  France,  ii.  20. 

Register  of  Deeds'  office  in  Plymouth, 
original  records  of  Plymouth  Colony 
deposited  in,  ii.  263. 

Rehoboth  church,  viii.  293. 

Reid,  Mrs.,  ix.  20. 

Reinolds,  William,  i.  4. 

Relation,  P.  Vincent's,  of  the  late  battle 
fought  in   New  England  between  the! 
English  and  the  Pequots,  1637,  reprint- j 
ed,  vi.  29. 

Relation  of  Indian  plot  to  destroy  the 
English  in  1642,  iii.  161. 

Reid,  Gabriell,  viii.  272. 

Remes, ,  ii.61. 

Remington, ,  ix.  124. 

Renne, ,  i.  82. 

Rensselaer,  John,  v.  23. 

Rensj«elaer, ,  x.  187. 

Reporter  of  Derisions  of  the  Supreme  Ju- 
dicial Court  of  Massachusetts,  ii.  290. 

Representative  government  of  New  Eng- 
land, origin  of,  viii.  204. 

Representatives  to  the  General  Court  first 
chosen,  ix.  203,  204.  List  of,  1689- 
161>2,  iv.  2H1)  -  2!»2. 

Restoration  of  Charles  IL,  x.  42. 

"  Retired  Man's  Meditations,"  published 
by  Sir  Henry  Vane,  x.  19. 

Revised  Statutes  of  Massachusetts,  x.  216. 

Revolution  of  1689.  Account  of  forces, 
&o.,  by  Sir  E.  Andros,  i.  85^  104 ;  vi. 
206. 

Revolution,  American,  Medals  of,  describ- 
ed, vi.  290. 

Rtjynrr,  John,  viii.  248. 

Reyner,  Jonathan,  x.  88. 

Reynolds,  Kev. ,  v.  199. 

Reynolds!,  Henry,  vii.  182,  183. 


Reynolds,  Joseph,  vii.  182,  183. 

Reynolds,  Jarne-*,  vii.  183. 

Reynolds,  James,  Jr.,  i^. 

ReynoKltj,  Franci?,  ih. 

Reynolds,  Sarah,  x.  141. 

Reynor,  Joseph,  x.  88. 

Rhode  Island,  land  said  to  be  taken  from 
the  Pequits,  claimed  as  being  within  the 
Colony  of,  i.  54.  Governor  of,  written 
to  by  Ro|;er  Williams,  71.  Charter 
granted  1662,  95.  Charter  and  privi- 
leges violently  taken  away  in  l68o,  96. 
Formerly  called  Aquednetick,  160,  212. 
Capt.  Hutchinson  one  of  the  purchasers 
of,  213.  Bought  of  Narraganset  sa- 
cheius,  215.  And  Providence  Planta- 
tions, charter  granted  to,  218.  Appoint 
a  committee  to  see  the  commission  of 
President  Joseph  Dudley,  227.  As- 
sumes the  government  of  the  King's 
Province  or  Narraganset,  228 ;  iii.  201), 
316.  Send  Commissioners  to  Albany, 
▼  .  13 ;  viii.  ^U.  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil's letter  to  Connecticut,  x.  82.  An- 
swer letter  from  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to 
Governor  and  Council  of,  83.  Charter 
of,  procured,  ix.  26-28,  183.  Founded 
by  Roger  Williams,  206,  210,  271,  278, 
280,  281,  286.  Writ  of  Quo  Warranto 
served  on,  vii.  154.  Charter  of,  sur- 
rendered, 162,  164, 168.  300. 

Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  ii.  366; 
V.  296.   Collections  of,  referred  to,  ix.  28. 

Riba, ,  ii.  'SM. 

Ribald,  John,  iii.  363. 

Rice,  Henry  G.,  i.  274. 

Rice,  Nathan,  iii.  407;  vi.  294. 

Rice,  Col.  Nathan,  ix.  76. 

Rice,  Sophia,  ib. 

Rich,  Col.,  i.  184. 

Rich,  Obadiah,  i.  289;  v.  293;  vi.  96; 
viii.  288.  His  Catalogue  referred  to,  293. 

Richards,  Mercy,  i.  151. 

Richards,  Benjamin,  i.  155. 

Richards,  Rev.  Dr.  James,  i.  291. 

Richards,  John,  i. 248,252,262;  x  47,120. 

Richards,  Widow,  ii.  295. 

Richards,  John,  vii.  214. 

Richards, ,  x.  33. 

Richardson,  Philip,  ii.  295. 

Richardson,  Hannah,  ii.  296,297. 

Richardson,  Josiah,  iv.  291. 

Richardson,  Stephen,  vi.  263. 

Richardson,  George,  viii.  260. 

Richardson,  Henry,  viii.  276. 

Richanlson,  Mar}-,  ib. 

Richardson, ,  viii.  299. 

Richardson,  Edward,  ix.  66. 

Richardson,  Amos,  x.  38,  47. 

Richardson, ,  x.  60. 

Riclihel, ,  X.  86. 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  ii.  18, 10;  vii.  91. 

Richmans  Island,  iii.  'i45. 

Richmond,  Duke  of,  vi.  83. 

Riddlesden,  Marie,  viii.  259. 


336 


General  Index. 


Ridley,  Richard,  viii.  255. 

Right,  Timothy,  Indian,  i.  152. 

Rincs,  William,  ii.  296. 

Ring,  Joseph,  vi.  231. 

Ringht,  Robert,  x.  145. 

Rineht,  John,  ib. 

Ripley,  Rev.  Samuel,  i.  289. 

River  Indians,  v.  34,  52,  55.  Speech  of, 
57.  Account  of  first  landing  of  the 
English,  57, 62,  63. 

Rivers,  Earl,  ix.  17d ;  x.  161. 

Rivet, ,  ii.  48. 

Robbing,  Rev.  Chandler,  vii.  290;  ix.304. 

Robbins,  Robert,  viii.  268. 

Roberts,  Abigail,  i.  158. 

Roberts,  Robert,  x.  135. 

Robertson's  America  referred  to,  ix.  42, 
193. 

««  Robin  Doney,"  vi.  235. 

Robinson,  Sir  John,  i.  66. 

Robinson,  Rev.  David,  ii.  303. 

Robinson,  William,  iii.  389. 

Robinson, ,  vii.  297. 

Robinson,  Capt.  Robert,  v.  206. 

Robinson,  Rev.  John,  viii.  246,  248,  249. 
Account  of,  and  of  his  church  at  Ley- 
den,  ix.  42  -  74.  His  sickness  and 
death,  54.  Fac-simile  of  the  record  of 
his  burial,  71. 

Robinson,  Robert,  viii.  252. 

Robinson,  Nicholas,  viii.  267. 

Robinson,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Robinson,  Sara,  ib, 

Robinson,  Jo.,  ib. 

Robinson,  Kat.,  i6. 

Robinson,  Mary,  ib. 

Robinson,  Isaac,  viii.  272. 

Robinson's  Memoirs  of  Reformation  in 
France  Quoted,  ii.2, 11,16, 17, 19,24,26. 

Roblcy,  Matilda,  ix.  5. 

Rochelle  City,  declares  for  the  Protestants, 
ii.  8.  Taken  from  the  Protestants  in 
1625,  19.  Citizens  driven  out  and  ex- 
iled, 20.  Apply  to  Massachusetts  gov- 
ernment for  feave  to  inhabit  there,  which 
is  readily  granted,  27,  57 ;  ix.  258. 

Rochester,  vii.  182. 

Rochester,  N  II  ,  its  churches  and  minis- 
ters, ii.313;  iii.  188:  iv.  293. 

Rocket,  Joseph,  ii.  74,  75. 

Rorraft,  Capt.,  vi.  62,  63. 

Rodgors,  John,  vii.  172. 

Rodman,  Dr.  John,  vi.  267. 

Rodney,  Capt.,  vi.  273. 

Rofe,  fijirhcry,  viii.  272;  x.  130. 

Roger,  James,  viii.  261. 

Roger,  Syni.,  viii.  270. 

Rogers,  nev.  Kzckiel,  of  Rowley,  his  let- 
ter to  Governor  Winthrop,  i.  26:  iii.  93; 
viii.  248;  x.  163,166. 

Rogers, ,  i.  199. 

Roijt^r.*",  Rev.  John,  of  Dedham,  Eng.,  i. 
236.   His  epitaph,  viii.  309;  x.  16'2.  164. 

Rogers,  Rer.  Daniel,  of  Exeter,  ii.  319. 

Rogers,  Rev.  John,  of  Ipswich,  ii.  320. 


Rogers,  Rev.  John,  President  of  Harvard 
College,  ii.  320 ;  x.  165. 

Rogers,  Dr.  John  S.,  ii.  368;  v.  202,  295. 

Rogers,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  of  Ijiswich,  iii. 
93,  380;  viii.  248,  249;  x.  164,  165,  166. 

Rogers,  Rev.  John,  of  Portamoutli,  v.  Ib2. 

Rogers,  J.  Smyth,  v.  300. 

Rogers,  Robert,  vi.  211. 

Rogers,  Capt.,  vi.  256. 

Rogers,  John,  of  Kittery,  yi.  275. 

Rogers,  Capt.,  vii.  241. 

Rogers,  Obadiah,  x.  88. 

Rogers,  Rev.  Richard,  Lecturer  of  Weth- 
ersfield,  author  of  "  The  S«ven  Trea- 
tises," and  other  books  of  great  use,  x. 
162,  163. 

Rogers,  Nathaniel,  x.  163. 

Roffers,  Rev.  Daniel,  of  Wcthersfield, 
Eng.,  ib. 

Rogers,  Ezra,  ib, 

Rogers,  Sarah,  ib. 

Rogers,  Rev.  Daniel,  x.  164. 

Rogers,  Nathaniel,  x.  165. 

Rogers,  John,  ib. 

Rogers,  Samuel,  ib. 

Rogers,  Timothy,  ib. 

Rogers,  Margaret,  ib. 

Rogers  Family,  x.  162-167;  viii.  309. 

Rolf,  John,  iii.  372. 

Roman  Catholics  in  Rhode  Island,  ▼.  244. 

Rome,  account  of  its  antiquities,  drc,  pub- 
lished by  Gamaliel  Bradford,  Esq.,  i. 
204.    Causes  of  its  rise  and  fall,  vi.  122. 

Romilly,  Rev.  Joseph,  viii.  248. 

Romish  religion  renounced,  vi.  211. 

Rookeman,  John,  viii.  266. 

Rookeman,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Roote,  Josiah,  Sen.,  vii.  256. 

Roote,  Ralph,  viii.  266. 

Roote,  Mary,  viii.  267. 

Rootcs,  Joseph,  vii.  260. 

Rootes,  Susanna,  vii.  262. 

Rootos,  Jos.,  viii.  275. 

Rose,  Capt.  John,  vii.  93. 

Rose,  Henry,  viii.  320. 

Rose, ,  ix.  262. 

Rose,  Robert,  x.  143, 144. 

Rose,  John,  x.  144. 

Rose,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Rose,  Mary,  ib. 

Rose,  Samuel,  ib. 

Rose,  Sarah,  ib. 

Rose,  Daniel,  ib. 

Rose,  Dorcas,  ib. 

Rose,  Margery,  ib. 

Roswell,  bir  llenir,  iii.  326. 

Rosier,  James,  viii.  69.  His  relation  of 
Way  mouth's  voyage  to  America  in  1605, 
viii.  12o-157. 

Ross,  Jan,  ix.  65. 

Rosscter,  Bryan,  letter  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr. 
about  taxps,  x.  73-76. 

Rossiter, ,  viii.  303. 

Rous, ,  ii.  343. 

Rons, ,  X.  S"!*. 


General  Index. 


337 


Rouse,  Capt.,  vi.  276. 

Kowdon,  Elizabeth,  her  petition  to  Sir  £. 
Andres,  vii.  181. 

Rowdon,  John,  ib. 

Rowe,  Mrs.,  v.  20(),  206. 

Rowe, ,  V.  206. 

Rowland,  Rev.  William  F.,  iv.  296. 

Rowley,  iii.  324 ;  iv.  290 ;  vi.  227 ;  x. 
172. 

Rowton,  Richard,  viii.  260 ;  x.  128. 

Rowton,  Ann,  ib. 

Rowton,  Edraond,  ib. 

Roxburj  allow  Mr.  Elliot  and  Mr.  Dan- 
forth,  their  ministers,  each  £60  per  an- 
num, i.  50;  iii.  318;  iv.  291 ;  ix.  204. 

Royal  Society  at  Copenhagen,  v.  295. 
Of  Northern  Antiquaries,  vi.  297. 

Royal  Society  of  London,  letter  to  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  x.  47,  71.  Recommen- 
dation of  his  grandson,  J.  Winthrop,  to, 
121.  Thanks  of  the  Society  to  him, 
122,124-126. 

Royal,  Michael,  vi.  275. 

Rubila,  a  medicine,  x.  36,  37,  43. 

Ruck,  John,  iv.  289. 

Ruck, ,  V.215. 

Ruggclls,  John,  viii.  254  ;  x.  128. 

Ruggells,  Barbaric,  yiii.  254. 

Ruggles,  Joseph,  ii.  278. 

Rugglcs,  Sarah,  ii.  319. 

Ruggles,  Samuel,  iv.  291. 

Rum,  sold  to  the  Indians  by  incorrigible 
rumsellers,  complaint  or  its  baneful 
effects,  ii.  61.  Kills  many  of  them,  iii. 
304.  Selling  of,  to  Indians,  to  be  pro- 
hibited, V.  57,60,67;  vi.  167. 

Rumball,  Thomas,  viii.  273. 

Rumble,  Thomas,  iii.  143. 

Rumford,  Benjamin  T.,  Count,  i.  291; 
viii.  278,  279. 

Rumncy-marsh,  iii.  75,  322. 

Rupe, ,  iii.  216. 

Rusco,  William,  viii.  258. 

Rusco,  Rebecca,  ib. 

Rusco,  Sara,  ib. 

Rusco,  Marie,  ib. 

Rusco,  Samuel,  ib. 

Rusco,  William,  ib. 

Rush,  Dr.  Benjamin,  vi.  290. 

Russell,  Rev.  John,  i.  44. 

Russell, ,  i.  117. 

Russell,  Rev.  Daniel,  called  to  settle  in 
Charlestown,  several  brethren  dissent, 
their  reasons,  i.  248.  Proceedings  of 
the  church  in  relation  to,  248-264. 

Russell,  James,  i.  255-264. 

Russell,  Hon.  James,  ii.  287. 

Russell,  Rebecca,  t6. 

Russell,  George,  viii.  256. 

Russell,  William,  x.  88. 

Russell,  James,  x.  120. 

Rust,  Rev.  Henry,  ii.  307. 
Rust,  Nathaniel,  iy.  291. 

Rutterford, ,  x.  36,  37. 

Ryal, ,  vi.  204. 


Rye,  New  Hampshire,  its  church  and  min* 
isters,  ii.  309 ;  iv.  293. 


S. 

-,  viii.  295. 
-,  X.  3. 


S ,  H- 

Sabando, - 

Sabbatarian  doctrine  published,  iii.  369. 
Sabbath,  viii.  294.  Not  to  be  profaned 
by  the  army  in  Philip's  War,  i.  67. 
Indians  careful  to  sanctify,  iv.  51,  52. 
Post-rider  fined  for  violation  of,  vii. 
88. 

Sabin, ,  ii.  53. 

Sabran, ,  vii.  104. 

Sachachanimo,  his  sickness  and  recovery, 

iv.  78, 114. 
Sacheverell,  Dr.,  y.  201  -  205. 
Saco,  officers  and  soldiers  at,  desert,  in 
1689,  i.  86;  iii.  345;  vi.  206,207,217. 
Fort,  233,  238,  240,  243,  248.    River, 
i.  86,  102.    Harbour,  viii.  165, 167. 
Sacodehock.     See  Sagadahock. 
Sacomb,  Capt.,  v.  190. 
Saconct,    now    Little  Compton,    squaw- 
sachem  of,  submits  to  the  English,  vi. 
188. 
Sacred  music,  revival  of,  in  France,  ii.  4. 
Sadamoyt,  the  great  sagamore  of  the  East 

Country  in  1623,  viii.  168, 174. 
Sadler,  Richard,  ii.  130, 131, 133. 
Sadler,  Anne,  yiii.  317. 

Sadler, ,  ib. 

Saffacomoit,  Indian,  carried  to  England, 

yiii.  145, 157. 
Saffin,   Hon.   John,   letter   from    Cotton 

Mather  to,  i.  137.     Dies,  139. 
Saffin,  Mrs.,  i.  137. 

Sagadahock   (or  Kennebec)   fort,    i.  85. 
iii.  22,   51,  313,   345,    347;    vi.    107. 
Treaty  with  the  Indians  at,  i.  112;  vi. 
225,  SS8.     River,  vi.  83.     Western  col- 
ony planted  at,  by  Sir  John  Popham, 
105,  117;  viii.  169. 
Sagamores,  fall  to  variance  afler  the  death 
of  the  Bashaba,  vi.  90.   Masters  of  shipa 
so  called  by  the  Indians,  viii.  178. 
Sa^oquas,  vi.  108. 
Saiconke  burnt  by  Indians,  x.  117. 
Saiewcll,  James,  viii.  267. 
Saiewell,  Robert,  ib. 
Saiewell,  Suzan,  ib. 
Salazar,  Jos6  M.,  iii.  408. 
Salem,  relief  affisrded  by,  to  French  Prot- 
estants, ii.  62;  iii.  15.    Capt.  Smith's 
account  of  planting  of,  33.     Called  by 
the  natives  Naemkecke,  by  Charles  (• 
Bastable,  by  the  planters  Salem,  34,  45, 
323,  325,  341.    The  first  town  built  in 
Massachusetts,  376.     Supposed  witch- 
craft at,  169 ;  iv.  289.    First  church,  y. 
272,  282 ;  vi.  42 ;  vii.  15,  89.    Settie- 
mont  of,  254.    Suficrs  great  loss  in  the 
French  and  Indian  wars,  202,  206, 206. 


VOL.  X. 


43 


338 


General  Index. 


vention  there  in  1643,  203,  345.     Furt, 

33:j.     Disfrunchised,  ix.  208.     Church, 

20(5-201).     Vessel   of  war  sent  from, 

against  the  Dutch,  x.  100,  209,  215. 
Salem  village.    See  Dan  vers. 
Salem,  Mew  Haiupshire,  its  church  and 

ministers,  ii.  317 ;  iv.  293. 
Salem,  Annals  of,  by  Rev.  Joseph  B.  Felt, 

a  valuable  publication,  vii.  S£. 
Sales,  Francis,  ii.  58. 
Salisbury,  Massachusetts,  iii.  324 ;  iv.  290. 
Salisbury,  New  Hampshire,  iii.  185. 
Sail,  Edward,  viii.  262. 
Sallmon,  John,  vii.  247. 
Sallows,  Hannah,  vii.  256. 
Sallust,  works  of,  edited  by  Hon.  J.  Pick- 

ering  and  D.  A.  White,  x.  2U9. 
Salmon  Falls,  vi.  210,  212. 

Saloway,  Major ,  i.  196. 

Salt  made  at  Plymouth,  iii.  28. 
Salt  springs,  v.  121. 
Salt  works,  x.  49-53. 
Salter,  Sampson,  viii.  319. 

Salterne, ,  vii.  300. 

Saltonstall,  Richard,  Jr.,  i.  63 ;  iii.  94 ; 

vii.  108;  viii.  247,  249,  258,  314;  ix. 

122;  X.  131. 

Saltonstall, ,  i.  63. 

Saltonstall,  Hon.  Leverett,  i.  289.    Notice  j 

of  the  Life  of,  ix.  117.    Ancestors  of, 

119. 
Saltonstall,  Sir  Richard,  iii.  137, 336,  377 ; 

vii.  93, 101 ;  viii.  247,  313,  314 ;  ix.  119, 

120,  121. 
Saltonstall,  Henry,  viii.  251  ;  ix.  122. 
Saltonstall,  Mcrriall,  viii.  258. 
Saltonstall,  Gilbert,  viii.  314. 
Saltonstall,  Samuel,  viii.  314  ;  ix.  119. 
Saltonstall,  Gilbert,  ih. 
Saltonstall,  Dr.  Nathaniel,  ix.  117.    His 

children,  125. 
Saltonstall,  Gurdon,  ix.  123. 
Saltonstall,  Richard,  ib. 
Saltonstall,  Nathaniel,  ib. 
Saltonstall,  Major  Nathaniel,  iz.  123;  x. 

120. 
Saltonstall,  Judge  Richard,  ix.  124. 
Saltonstall,  Nathaniel,  ib. 
Saltonstall,  Col.  Richard,  ix.  125. 

Salvaterra, ,  iii.  363. 

Samford, ,  ix.  255,  257. 

Samond,  William,  viii.  262. 
Samoset,  an  Indian  chief,  ix.  212. 
Sampson,  Rov.  Ezra,  i.  21)1  ;  x.  188. 
Sampson,  Cai>t.,  vi.  250, 5^8. 
Sampson,  John,  vii.  253. 
Samuel,  Cant.,  vi.  248. 
Sanborne,  Abigail,  ii.  295. 
Sanders,  Robert,  v.  23. 
Sandford,  Jo.,  vii.  165. 
Sandford,  William,  viii.  275. 
Sandifort,  Professor,  ix.  58. 


Sandown,  New  Hanopehire,  church  and 
ministers  of,  ii.  321 ;  iii.  189;  iv.  293. 

Sands,  Capt.  James,  vi.  198, 2U1, 221,  aK>, 
271. 

Sands,  Capt.  John,  vi.  199. 

Sands,  Mrs.  Sarah,  skilled  in  surgery,  ib. 
Her  child  drowned,  200,  221. 

Sands,  Samuel,  vi.  221. 

Sands, ,  ix.  294. 

Sanford,  John,  i.  235. 

Sanford,  Thomas,  vii.  124. 

Sanford,  John,  x.  83. 

Sandwich,  formerly  Duzbury,  iii.  316. 
Indians,  iv.  177.    First  Parish,  ▼.  282. 

Sandy  Beach,  vi.  227. 

Sankey,  Robert,  viii.  250. 

San  Salvador,  island  of,  discovered,  viii.  8. 

Sansom,  Richard,  viii.  264  ;  x.  12U. 

Sargent,  Hon.  Wintiirop,  i.  291. 

Sargent,  William,  iv.  290. 

Sargent,  Col.  Henry,  vii.  235,  288. 

Sarjant,  Rev. ,  of  Maiden,  iii.  386. 

Sasanou,  mountain  of,  vi.  120. 

Sasawin,  or  Sequassin,  sachem  of  Sicaogg, 
iii.  161. 

Sassacus,  or  Sasacous,  i.  161 ;  ix.  300. 
Or  SassachuB,  chief  commander  of  the 
Penuots,  vi.  28,  39,  157,  1G6,  167. 
Killed,  171. 

Sassamun,  i.  163. 

Sasscnow,  Indian  sagamore,  vi.  54. 

Satquin,  iii.  22. 

Satquin  [Seguin  .'],  vi.  120. 

Saugus,  iii.  322. 

Saunders,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

Saunders,  Martin,  viii.  254. 

Saunders,  Rachel,  ib. 

Saunders,  Lea,  ib. 

Saunders,  Judith,  t^. 

Saunders,  Maria,  ib, 

Saunderson,  Bishon,  z.  148. 

Saurin,  James,  ii.  2.  Account  of  the  auf 
ferings  of  the  Huguenots,  23-26.  His 
father  an  eminent  Protestant  lawyer, 
24,25. 

Sausaman,  John,  discovers  Philip's  plot 
against  the  Enclish,  murdered  by  the 
Indians,  vi.  182. 

Sauuage  (or  Savage),  Abraham,  ii.  60. 

Savage,  Thomas,  and  others,  committee 
of  the  General  Court,  their  report  con- 
cerning maintenance  of  SutToIk  minis- 
ters, i.  49. 

Savage,  Major  Thomas,  his  letter  to  the 
Governor  and  Council,  i.  68.  Sends  a 
company  to  strengthen  Hatfield  in  Phil- 
ip's war,  69.  Commander  of  forts  on 
Kennebec  River,  in  the  revolution  of 
1689,  seized  Lieut.-Col.  Mac^^regory, 84. 

Savage,  Hon.  James,  i.  289, 2lfe,  tS»3,  294. 
President  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  298 ;  ii.  258,  367 ;  iii.  4t>5 ;  v. 
291,  296 ;  vi.  46,  299.  His ''  Gleonints 
for  New  England  History,**  being  vd- 
uablc  collections  made  by  him  in  Eng- 


General  Index. 


339 


land,  of  names  of  early  settlers,  extracts 
irom  records,  and  account  of  scarce 
books  and  tracts  written  in  New  Eng- 
land, viii.  242-:i48;  x.  127-172.  Let- 
ter of  James  Bowdoin  to,  giving  ac- 
count of  MS.  Journals  of  the  Long, 
Little,  Slc.j  Parliaments,  ii.  323.  Win- 
throp's  History  of  New  England  edited 
by,  referred  to,  299,  308,  312;  iii.  399; 
vii.  7;  viii.  193;  x.  150-170. 

Savage,  Ephraim,  v.  194. 

Savage  Rock,  viii.  73. 

8a valet, ,  vii.  300. 

Saxony,  Duke  of,  joins  with  Sweden,  be- 
sieges Magdeburg,  subdues  Bohemia  and 
Moravia,  i.  241. 

Saxton,  Rev.  Peter,  iii.  96,  383;  vui.  248, 
317. 

Say,  Lord,  iii.  137 ;  vi.  4  ;  vii.  127;  viii. 
327,  330 ;  ix.  204  ;  x.  42. 

Say broolc  Fort,  vi.  7-35, 157,159.  Built, 
X.  175, 176^  177. 

Sayer,  Francis,  x.  88. 

Sayer,  Job,  ib. 

Sayer,  Daniel,  ib. 

Sayers,  James,  viii.  275. 

Sayles,  Capt.  William,  ii.  130, 133. 

Scales,  Rev.  James,  of  Hopkinton,  i.  153. 

Scammoll,  Alexander,  x.  187. 

Scanandanani,  or  Susquehanna,  given  by 
the  Indians  to  Gov.  Penn,  v.  98. 

Scarlet,  Capt,  vii.  246. 

Schaticook  and  River  Indians,  y.  55,  57, 
62. 

Schenectade,  i.  105.  Or  Schenectady,  v. 
51,  60,  97.  Description  of,  114,  116. 
Attacked  by  Indians,  vi.  210. 

Schlegel,  William,  v.  300. 

Schmoll,  Barthoil  Otto,  vii.  180. 

Scboodak,  iii.  181. 

School,  petition  to  Sir  E.  Andros  respect- 
ing, vii.  186. 

Schools,  public,  in  Massachusetts,  estab- 
lished by  law  in  1647,  viii.  214. 

School  Street,  Boston,  French  Protestant 
church  in,  ii.  64. 

Schuyler,  Col.  Mynd't,  v.  23. 

Schuyler,  Major-General  Philip,  v.  75, 80, 
81,82,100,113,114. 

Schuyler,  Col.,  vi.  276. 

Sciatica  cured,  v.  233. 

Science  of  Sanctity,  by  Rev.  Tho.  Fes- 
scndun,  iii.  190. 

Scire  Facias  from  the  Court  of  Chancery 
against  the  charter  of  Massachusetts,  i. 
96,  121. 

Scoaies,  Thomas,  viii.  319. 

Scobcll,  Henry,  clerk  of  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment, ii.  340,  343,  344, 345, 349.  Letter 
of  Nathaniel  Brewster  to,  viii.  295. 

Scodook,  alias  Samson,  Indian,  vi.  246. 

Scollay,  William,  vii.  15. 

Scot,  Philip,  X.  30. 

Scot,  Mrs.,  X.  41. 

ScotlaDd,  trialf  in  for  high  treoion,  ix.  3. 


Scots,  petition  the  General  Court  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, ii.  144.  Defeated  by  Crom- 
well, ix.  277.  And  Welsh  prisoners 
sold  ns  slaves,  ib. 

Scott,  Etither,  i.  156. 

Scott,  Sir  Waller,  i.  291. 

Scott,  Thomas,  viii.  344. 

Scott,  Martha,  x.  141. 

Scott,  Elizabeth,  x.  142. 

Scott,  Abigail,  ib. 

Scott,  Thomas,  ib. 

Scottish  church  at  Rotterdam,  ix.  65,  66. 

Scottish  Presbyterians  and  Covenanters 
defended,  ix.  6. 

Scottow,  Joshua,  vii.  119, 120. 

Seager,  Lawrence,  viii.  319. 

Seaman's  Aid  Society,  vi.  299. 

Seaman,  Lazarus,  iv.  159. 

Searle,  Edward,  ix.  232. 

Sears,  Hon.  David,  i.  274 ;  x.  236. 

Sea-serpent  at  Cape  Ann,  iii.  228. 

Sea-sickness,  recipe  for  prevention  of,  iii. 
221. 

Sebug  or  Sebago  Lake,  iii.  346. 

Seccasaw,  vi.  108. 

Seeker,  Archbishop,  v.  231. 

Secretary  of  State's  office,  manuscript  copy 
of  Plymouth  Colony  records  deposited 
in,  11.  26i>. 

Sedgwick,  Major  Robert,  subdues  Frenchf 
forts,  i.  233;  iii.  330;  vii.  122;  viu. 
317 ;  X.  10. 

Sedgwick,  Jo.,  viii.  272. 

Segar,  William,  viii.  314. 

Segocket,  iii.  22;  vi.  107, 117. 

Segotago,  iii.  22  ;  vi.  107. 

Seilv,  Lieut.,  iii.  148, 158;  vi.  15. 

Selden,  Mrs.,  ii.  286. 

Sellick, ,  ix.  292. 

Sellin,  Joan,  viii.  261. 

Sellin,  Ann,  ib. 

Seneca  chief,  speech  of,  v.  125. 

Seneca  Indians,  v.  23. 

Senecas'  River,  i*. 

Senshnagcnrat,  Oneida  sachem,   speech 

Sension,  Nico.  [Nicholas  ?],  viii.  258. 

Scnter,  Dr.  Isaac,  i.  291. 

Sergeant,  Peter,  ii.  73. 

Sergeant,  Mehetabell,  ib. 

Sesquankit,  i.  164. 

Sever,  Rev.  Nicholas,  ii.  307,  308. 

Sewall,  Hon.  David,  i.  289 ;  vii.  17. 

Sewall,  Rev.  Edmund  Q.,  iii.  184. 

Sewall,  Samuel,  Chief  Justice,  iii.  406; 

vi.  46;  viii.  243;  ix.  124, 182;  x.  12L 
Sewall,  Samuel,  v.  299. 
Sewall,  Chief  Justice  Jonathan,  v.  300. 
Sewall,  Professor,  x.  187. 
Sexton,  Richard,  viii.  271. 
Shafflin,  Michael,  viii.  320. 
Shannon,  Lord,  v.  209. 
Shannopin's  town,  v.  102. 
Shapleigh, ,  killed  by  Indians,  vi. 

275.    His  eon  carried  to  Canada^  io: 


340 


General  Index. 


-,  vi.  256. 


Shorkec, 

Sharp,  Robert,  viii.  266. 
Sliarpe,  llor'o  [Horatio?],  v.  17. 
Sharpc,  John,  letter  to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr., 

X.  108.     Imprisoned,  109. 
Sbashin  River,  iii.  324. 
Shattuck,  Lemuel,  ii.  366;  iii.  408;  t.  295, 

300;  vi.  296;  vii.293,2a5. 
Shaw,  Thomas,  i.  222. 
Shaw,  William  S.,  i.  289, 292, 296 ;  ix.  170. 
Shaw,  Rev.  William,  ii.  97. 
Shaw,  Rev.  Josiah  C,  of  CohaBset,  ii.  97, 

106. 
Shaw,  Rebecca,  ii.  296. 
Skaw,  Rebecca,  ii.  297. 
Shaw,  Rev.  Naphtali,  ii.  311. 
Shaw,  William,  i6. 
Shaw,  Rev.  Jeremiah,  iii.  183. 
Shaw,  Hon.  Lemuel,  y.  300. 
Shawanese  Indians  remove  to  Ohio,  v.  46, 

94.     Towns  burnt,  v.  161. 
Shawanese  language,  the  Lord's  Prayer 

in,  V.  286,  287. 
Shawanon,  sachem  of  Nashawog,  iv.  81. 
Sheafe,  Samson,  vii.  49. 
Shedraguscett,  Indian  sagamore,  viii.  174. 
Slieepscott  assaulted  by  the  Indians,  yi. 

204, 208, 
"  ShcepBcott  John,"  Indian,  vi.  235,  237. 
Sheldon,  ,  brings  prisoners  from 

Canada,  vi.  262,  278. 

Shelley, ,  viii.  317. 

Shelter  Island,  x.  92,  JH). 

Shepard,  Rev.  Thomas,  of  Cambridge,  i. 

7<).     Persecuted  in  England,  236,  238, 

250 ;  iii.  93,  379,  386.   "  Clear  Sunshine 

of  the  Gospel  breaking  forth  upon  the 

Indians  in  New  England,"  written  by, 

reprinted,  25-67;  viii.  204,  205,  248, 

249,  268,  286 ;  x.  132,  155.    See  Shep- 

pard. 
Shepard,  Rev.  Thomas,  of  Charlcstown, 

i.  254-264;   viii.  268.    His  letter  to 

John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  x.  70. 
Shepard,  John  W.,  i.  298. 
Shepard,  Rev.  Samuel,  of  Rowley,  iii.  394. 
Shepard,  John,  iv.  290. 
Shepherd,  Resin  D.,  i.  274. 
Shepherd,  Samuel,  viii.  268.   See  Shepard. 
Sheppard,  Ralph,  viii.  267. 
Sheppard,  Thanks,  t^. 
Sheppard,  Sara,  ib. 
Sheppard,  Margaret,  viii.  268. 
Sheopard,  John  [Thomas .'],  viii.  268;  x. 

Sherburn,  Capt.,  vi.  217,  227. 

Sherburne,  Anna,  ii.  296. 

Sherburne,  iv.  2iK). 

Sherburne,  Henry,  Jr.,  v.  11. 

Sherfield,  Henry,  x.  135, 136. 

Sherfield,  Rebecca,  x.  137. 

ShorifTs,  persons  appointed  to  office  of,  by 

Ciiarles  I.,  to  prevent  their  election  to 

Parliament,  x.  131. 
Sherin,  Robert,  x.  141. 


Sherley,  James,  i.  !^,  22,  23, 26,  200, 201. 

Sherley,  Sir  Anthony,  iii.  369. 
Sherlock,  James,  vii.  186. 

Sherman,  Rev.  John,  of  Watertown,  i. 
256-264 ;  viii.  248,  309;  x.  07, 14U,  161. 

Sherman,  Rev.  Caleb  H.,  ii.  307,  309. 

Sherman,  Bezaleel,  vii.  200. 

Sherman, ,  viii.  309. 

Sherman,  Edmund,  t6. 

Sherman,  John,  x.  161. 

Sherman,  Thomas,  ib. 

Sherman,  Daniel,  ib. 

Sherman,  William,  ib. 

Shermans,  The,  ib. 

Sherwood,  Thomas,  x.  143. 

Sherwood,  Alic«,  ib. 

Sherwood,  Anna,  x.  144. 

Sherwood,  Rose,  ib. 

Sherwood,  Thomas,  Uf. 

Sherwood,  Rebecca,  ib. 

Shetucket  River,  ii.  76. 

Shingiss,  Indian  kins,  v.  103  ;   vi.  148. 

Ship,  from  New  Ensland,  remarkable  pres- 
ervation of,  ii.  132. 

Ship  William  and  Francis,  ii.  299. 

Ship  James,  Capt.  Wiggin,  ii.  308. 

Ship  cast  awa^  on  the  coast  of  New  Eng- 
land, iii.  lo. 

Shippen,  Judge,  of  Pennsylvania,  v.  101. 

Shippen,  Edward,  vii.  49. 

Ships,  five  from  the  East  Indies,  and  Sir 
George  Askew  and  his  6eet,  blocked  up 
by  eighty  sail  of  Hollanders,  in  Pli- 
mouth,  England,  i.  33.  To  go  out  to 
help  the  French  against  the  Dutch,  61. 
Many  built  in  New  England,  98.  Two 
taken  by  the  French,  108.  Sail  from 
Quebec  for  the  Northwest,  t^.  Five 
English,  taken  by  the  French,  111.  Of 
New  England,  sequestered  at  the  suit 
of  Mrs.  Watts,  in  England,  dischareed, 
145,  146.  French,  come  to  New  Eng- 
land in  1617,  iii.  24.  Built  in  New 
England  before  1638,  x'l.  42.  Number 
of,  from  Old  England  to  New,  firom 
1628  to  1640,  vii.  300. 

Shirley,  Governor,  his  instructions  to  Com- 
missioners to  Conmss  in  1754,  v.  9, 49. 

Shoal  Hope,  viii.  74. 

Short,  Clement,  killed  by  Indians,  vi.  210. 
His  wife  and  children  taken  prisoners, 
211. 

Shove,  Edward,  ii.  274. 

Shove, ,  vii.  296. 

Shrewsbury,  E!arl  of,  i.  120. 

Shrimpton,  Col.,  v.  200. 

Shumway,  Mrs.,  ii.  78. 

Shumway,  Peter,  ii.  80. 

ShurtlefiC  Rev.  William,  ii.  303, 316. 

Shurtleff,  Dr.  Nathaniel  B.,  z.  236. 

Shute,  Governor,  ii.  69;  v.  229. 

Shute,  Rev.  Daniel,  D.  D.,  ii.  97,  98. 

Sibley,  Patience,  i.  156. 

Sibley,  John  L.,  vi.  299;  vii.  294 ;  ix.  304. 

Siblj,  Mary,  iii.  17a 


General  Index. 


341 


Sibrandus,  Dr.,  ix.  58. 

Sidney, ,  viii.  309. 

Sidney,  Algernon,  ix.  211. 

Sigournay,  Andr6,  ii.  GO,  63,  77,  78,  79. 

Siguurney,  Andrew,  ii.  30. 

Sigourney,  Andrew,  ii.  77,  78,  80. 

Sigourney,  Mrs.  L.  Iluntley,  lines  by,  on 
visiting  a  vine  planted  by  the  Huguenots 
at  Oxford,  Mass.,  ii.  82. 

Silk,  workers  in,  from  France,  settle  in 
England,  ii.  47. 

Silk- weavers  make  trouble  in  London,  i.  66. 

Silliman,  Benjamin,  i.  291. 

Silsbec,  Nathaniel,  i.  273. 

Silvester,  Thomas,  viii.  299. 

Silvester, ,  »6. 

Simcoe,  Governor,  y.  122,  123,  128,  130, 
156,  157. 

Simes,  Sarra,  viii.  268. 

Simmons, ,  viii.  286. 

Simon,  Indian  preacher  at  Mashpee,  i. 
150,  151. 

Simonds,  Henry,  iii.  98. 

Simons.     See  iSymonds. 

Simple  Cohler  of  Aggawam,  by  Rev.  Na- 
thaniel Ward,  viii.  196,  287. 

Simplicitie's  Defence  against  Seven-head- 
eu  Policy  in  the  Government  of  the 
Church  in  New  England,  viii.  287. 

Simpson,  Sydrach,  iv.  30,  35,  154, 159. 

Simpson,  Jo.,  viii.  273. 

Sims,  Zcchary,  i.  256.    See  Symmes. 

Simson, ,  i.  33. 

Simson,  John,  x.  2. 

Singer, ,  v.  200,  206. 

Six  Nations  of  Indians,  treaty  with,  in 
1754,  V.  5-70.  Journal  of  treaty  with, 
in  1775,  75  -  100.  Message  of  United 
States  Commissioners  to,  168.  Society 
for  propagating  the  Gospel  among,  231 . 

Skelton,  Rev.  Samuel,  iii.  376,  379,  382 ; 
viii.  248 ;  ix.  206,  207. 

Skctwarroes,  an  Indian,  carried  to  Ens- 
land,  vi.  51,  54.  Or  Skicowaros,  viii. 
145, 157. 

Skinner,  Abram,  ii.  74,  75. 

Skinner,  Capt,  vi.  208. 

Skofield,  Richard,  viii.  259. 

Skott,  or  Scott,  Elizabeth,  x.  141. 

Skott,  or  Scott,  Thomas,  x.  141, 142. 

Skuddcr,  Jo.,  viii.  264. 

Slater,  Samuel,  x.  171. 

Slave,  first  one  set  free  in  England  by 
judgment  of  court,  ix.  2. 

Slave  property  relinouished,  ix.  35. 

Slavery,  decisions  or  Courts  in  England 
against,  ix.  2.  In  the  United  States, 
pamphlets  written  against,  36-39.  Pro- 
test against,  in  Massachusetts,  122. 

Slaves  protected,  ix.  35. 

Sloan,  Ciipt.  John,  ii.  298. 

Sloane,  Iians,  x.  122. 

Smale,  John,  viii.  320. 

Small,  Isaac,  ii.  296. 

Small,  Haonah,  ib. 


Small-pox  at  Dorchester,  i.  118.  Among 
the  Indians,  iii.  379.     At  Boston,  393. 

Smart,  Sarah,  ii.  297. 

Smeth,  or  Smith,  x.  117. 

Smibert, ,  vii.  2lK). 

Smith,  Rev.  Ethan,  of  Hopkinton,  i.  153. 
Author  of  a  Dissertation  on  the  Proph- 
ecies, ib. 

Smith,  Rev.  Professor  John,  i.  154. 

Smith,  Isaac,  i.  156. 

Smith,  Richard,  Jr.,  i.211. 

Smith,  Richard,  Sen.,  sets  up  a  tradinc- 
house  in  Narraganset,  i.  211,  212,  213, 
215. 

Smith,  Major  Richard,  i.  223,  226,  228; 
vii.  183. 

Smith, ,  i.  241. 

Smith,  Dr.  Eliha  H.,  i.  291. 

Smith,  Hon.  John  C,  i.  291 ;  iii.  406. 

Smith,  Rev.  Isaac,  of  Boston,  ii.  62. 

Smith,  Rev.  William,  ii.  92,  94. 

Smith,  John,  ii.  117, 125. 

Smith,  Elizabeth,  ii.  295. 

Smith,  Rev.  John,  ii.  317. 

Smith  (or  Smythe),  John,  ii.  349. 

Smith,  Capt.  John,  his  Pathway  to  erect 
a  Plantation  reprinted,  iii.  1.  Articles 
sent  by  him  to  England,  9.  His  first 
voyage  to  New  England,  19.  Makes  a 
map  of  the  coast  and  calls  it  New  Eng- 
land, 20.  Admiral  of  New  England, 
24,  316,  347,  371,  377.  His  "  Descrip- 
tion  of  New  England,"  vi.  96-140; 
viii.  69;  ix.  193. 

Smith,  Rev. ,  iii.  95. 

Smith,  John,  iii.  207. 

Smith,  Erastus,  iii.  406;  v.  300. 

Smith,  Adam,  vi.  130. 

Smith,  Sir  Thomas,  vi.  131. 

Smith,  Capt.,  vi.  256. 

Smith,  Richard,  his  petition  to  Sir  E.  An- 
dros,  vii.  166. 

Smith,  Daniel,  vii.  167. 

Smith,  William,  vii.  179. 

Smith,  John,  viii.  244. 

Smith,  Ralfih,  viii.  248. 

Smith,  Maria,  viii.  255. 

Smith,  Richard,  ib. 

Smith,  Ilanna,  Uf. 

Smith,  Alice,  viii.  257. 

Smith,  Jo.,  lb. 

Smith,  Jo.,  viii.  258. 

Smith,  Hanna,  viii.  259. 

Smith,  Marie,  ib. 

Smith,  Dorothy,  viii.  262. 

Smith,  Mary,  tb. 

Smith,  Matthew,  viii.  276. 

Smith,  Jane,  ib. 

Smith,  Rev.  John,  of  Leyden,  ix.  65,  73. 

Smith, ,  ix.  246. 

Smith, ,  ix.  282,  294. 

Smith,  Jo.,  chosen  President  of  Rhode 
Inland,  ix.  2t^. 

Smitli,  Old  Mr.,  x.  74. 

Smith,  Richard,  x.  92. 


342 


General  Index. 


Smith,  John,  x.  121. 

Smith,  Capt.,  ib. 

Siiiitii,  Saniuel,  x.  142. 

Smith,  Mury,  ib. 

Smith,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Smith,  Philip,  ib. 

Smith,  Sarah,  x.  158. 

Smith,  Edmund,  ib. 

Smith,  Widow,  x.  159. 

Smith,  Edmund,  ib. 

Smith,  Rev.  George,  x.  160. 

Smith,  Amoit,  ib. 

Smith,  William,  x.  207. 

Smith's  History  of  New  York  quoted,  v.  7. 

Smith's  Isles,  lii.  31  ;  vi.  120. 

Smithe,  Thomas,  viii.  311). 

Smithe,  Elizabeth,  x.  141. 

Smithe,  Sanmel,  x.  141, 142. 

Smynden,  William,  viii.  263 ;  x.  12d. 

«»  Smythe's  Arte  of  Gunnery,"  ix.  255. 

Snell,  Hannah,  ii.  2.'K>. 

Snelling,  Nathaniel  G.,  i.  2d9,  202;  Tii. 
2t»5. 

Snelling,  Samuel,  viii.  305. 

Snelling,  Sampson,  ib. 

Snelling,  John,  ib. 

Snelling,  Thomas,  x.  305. 

Snelling,  William,  ib. 

Snelling,  Robert,  ib. 

Snow-sbocM,  vi.  275. 

Snow,  of  1717-18.  ii.  75. 

Snow,  Richard,  i.  45. 

Snow,  Dr.,  ii.  62. 

Snow,  Mary  Ann,  ii.  296. 

Snow,  Warren,  ii.  297. 

Snow,  Dr.,  ii.  367. 

Snow,  Caleb  II.,  iii.  408. 

Snow's  History  of  Boston  referred  to,  ii. 
64  ;  vii.  H,  25. 

Snowc,  William,  viii.  259. 

Socconanocco,  accused  by  Randall  HoU 
den,  i.  10. 

Society  for  the  Moral  Iniprovement  of 
Seamen  in  Boston,  i.  205. 

Society  for  propagating  the  Gospel  among 
the  Indians,  iii.  Ibl. 

Sohcagc,  or  Sequin,  sachem  of  Matebe- 
seck,  iii.  161. 

Solemn  League  and  Covenant  ordered  to 
be  burnt,  li.  3.*>7. 

Solihoany,  v.  77,  79. 

Somers,  5*ir  J.,  Solicitor-General,  i.  119. 

Somers,  Sir  George.     Sec  Summers. 

Somerset,  Indian  sngamorc,  faithful  to  the 
English,  170.  Adopts  Capt.  Levett  as 
his  cou.sin,  171,  173,  174.  Would  have 
his  son  and  Capt.  Levett's  to  be  broth- 
ers, 175. 

Soniorsworth,  N.  H.,  church  and  minis- 
ters, ii.  310;  iv.  2J)3. 

Summers,  Capt.  George,  iii.  369. 

Somnor,  Henry,  viii.  266. 

Somner,  Elisa,  i6. 

Sorico,  Isle  of,  vi.  120. 

Sother  [Southworth  .^],  CoMtant,  i.  199. 


Southack,  Capt.  Cyprian,  ▼.  190;  ▼i.24&, 
246,  249,  256. 

Southampton,  Earl  of,  iii.  52 ;  vi.  59. 

South  Carolina,  Ramsay's  History  of,  re- 
ferred to,  ii.  55. 

South  Carolina  Society,  vii.  292. 

SouthcoAt,  Thomas,  iii.  326. 

Southcotc,  John,  viii.  305. 

Southcott,  Thomas,  viii.  303. 

SoQthcott,  George,  ib. 

Southcott,  Peter,  ib. 

Southcott,  John,  ib. 

Southcott,  Richard,  ib. 

Southcott,  John,  viii.  304. 

Souther,  Nathaniel,  ii.  266. 

Southern  Colonics,  charitable  people  of 
the,  relieve  Sagadahock,  vi.  iid. 

Southey,  Robert,  i.  291. 

South  Ilampton,  N.  H.,  churcb  and  mill* 
istcrs,  ii.  318;  iv.  293. 

South  Hampton  submits  to  the  Dutch,  x. 
87.  Declaration  of  the  inhabitants  oi^ 
b6,  92, 181, 183. 

Southhold,  X.  92,  96. 

South  Kingston,  vi.  181. 

South  Sea,  ancient  colonies  of  Massacha- 
setts  Bay  and  Connecticut  bounded  oo, 
V.  64. 

Southworth  (spelt  Soathward,  Soutbwood| 
and  Southerne),  Constant,  ii.  267. 

Southworth,  Thomas,  vii.  27. 

Sov^-eo,  Francis,  Indian,  ix.  94. 

Sowahegan  Indians,  iv.  123. 

Sowocatuck,  vi.  108, 117. 

Sow-wames,  claimed  by  Pljrmonth  Col- 
ony, viii.  291. 

Spalding,  Edward,  iv.  291. 

Spanish  forces  subdued  by  the  king  of 
Sweden,  i.  236. 

Sparhawk,  Nathaniel,  x.  167. 

Sparhouse,  Samuel,  x.  165. 

Spark,  Rev.  Alexander,  i.  391. 

Sparks, ,  ii.  334. 

Sparks,  Jared,  v.  300;  vi.  295;  viii.  70, 
160.  His  edition  of  Franklin's  Works 
referred  to,  v.  5,  70 ;  viii.  278.  His 
edition  of  Washington's  Writings  quot- 
ed, V.  101.  His  American  Biogmphj 
referred  to,  vi.  96. 

Sparks,  Edward,  viii.  258. 

Spear,  Mrs.,  ii.  297. 

Speene,  John,  iv.  246,  247. 

Speene,  Rol)in,  iv.  248,  249.  Death  of 
his  child,  259. 

Spencer,  John,  iii.  143, 144. 

Spencer,  William,  viii.  205. 

Sperry,  Rev.  Ebenczer  P.,  iii.  186. 

Sperry's  Summary  History  of  the  Church 
in  Dunstable  referred  to,  ii.  302. 

Spooner,  Hon.  William,  i.  289,  293. 

Spooner,  William  J .,  i.  289, 294.  Memoir 
of,  265. 

Spooner,  Rev.  John  J.,  i.  201. 

Sprague,  Samuel,  ii.  266. 

Bprague,  Rev. ,  ii.  365. 


General  bidex. 


Spmgue,  Josepb  E.,  ii.  36G. 

Spnigue,  Rk'liurd,  iv.  2iJ9. 

Sprague,  Pliiiidiiu,  iv.  2!)0. 

Spraguc,  Jahii,  ib. 

Spraguc,  Caiit.  Richird,  i.  1W,  101. 

Spraige,  Capi ,  i.  St. 

6praii,Miiry,  fiii.  270. 

Spnng,  Bev.  asinuil,  li.  311. 

Spring,  FJinur,  X.  IJU. 

Spring,  JobD,  X.  140, 142. 

Spring,  John,  i.  142. 

Spring,  Mar;,  ib. 

Spring,  Hvnry,  it. 

Spring,  VVillmm,  ih. 

Springe,   Sir  William,  Idler  tram  John 

WiDiUropto,  ii.  227. 
SpHngSeld,  i.  GO.    Or  Agnwun,229;  i*. 

331;  vi.  181,  lua.'jr^.,    Cliurc-h.iii.  384. 
Spruca  Creek,  vL.  '^17,  336,  344,  874. 
Spurr,  Major,  v.  I'.W,  1!)1. 
Spuratqw.  William,  ir.  159. 
Spurwinch  Rirer,  iii,3«5. 
Spurvrink,  vi.  217,848. 
Spurzheim,  Dr.,  \%.  77. 
8i]Dn,  SBcliem,  iii.  10C>. 
Sqiiakliuas,  vi,  IHl,  \€i. 
Squanto,  an  Indian,  cnrried  to  Bnilaod, 

lu.  374  ;  yi,  156. 
Squanlo  and  Tanlo,  namea  oflndian  hhIb, 

viii.  177.  " 

8t.  AugUBiino.  iii.  3S7. 
Si.  AugitBiine,  vii.  '227,  998 
St.  Bnche,  Wiiliara,  1. 134. 
St.   llartholomen'a  dt 

massacrii  <iti,  lj,8-. 

tanu  masMcred,  38. 

St.  Castin, ,  i.  82. 

8t  Chriatopher'i  iaiand  planted,  iii.  3T&. 

St.  Clair,  Governor,  v  164. 

St.  Croii,  Governor  of,  ii.  106 

Si.  Frnnala  Kiver,  \.  65. 

Si.   George,   Kiver   of,  ancient   French 

bnundarj,  i.  136. 
St,  George  a  Fon,  al  Sagadahoc,  buill,  iii. 

St.  George ■■  Inland,  vjii.  147. 
Si.  John,  Oliyer,  ii.  17H. 
Si.  John's,  eipedition  (o,  frnm  Mnivnchu- 
icttB,  vi.  IMU,    Attacked  by  French  and 


St.  Jiibna,  Henry,  vii.  98. 

SLJulien, 1.  ii.ia. 

St.  Jjiwrunce,  Bay  and  River  of,  iii.  348. 
St.  Lawrence  River,  Indiana,  v.  76. 
81.  Lewis,  ii.  45. 
Si.  Robin,  Cliarle*,  i.  82. 

Hi.  Robin, ,  a, 

Suice,  Freogift,  viii.  374,  275. 
Stack,  Thomoa,  i,  122. 
Suiry,  Simon,  iv.  3111. 
Staffnn,  Htnry,  ii.  67,  6fl,  CO. 
Slflgg.Copl.  Williaro.  viii. 265-361. 
Stalingi,  Edniud,  vi.  130, 136. 


(JtanJish,  Capt.  Miiea,  ii.  367;  ' 

Slandv,  Robert,  viii.  364. 
Stanfu'rd,  Holwrt,  ii.  a7it. 
Stanley,  Ciiriijiciplivr,  viii.  Hm. 


Stannion,  Anttiny,  ' 
Stanaley,  Tfaomaa,  ' 
Btanlley,  Jo.,  viii.  S 
Stanton,  Thomas,  i 
14S,  146,  164 ;  vi. 


170;  Hi.  137,  144, 


SlBDlon,  - 


-,  letter  fi 


n  H.  Stephei 


Stanton,  Dorolby,  i.  1G4. 

Stanton,  Mciiolaa,  z.  171. 

Slaplelon,  Kev.  Ambrnac,  viii.  306. 

8tnpyllon,CBpt.,  vii.  341. 

Stares,  Thomas,  viii.  253. 

Star,    fBlllng,  reniarkuhle  doacription  of, 

1,57. 
Star  Iaiand,  now  Gosport,  ii.  313. 
Stark,  John,  v.  206. 
Slarkwenlher,  Robert,  i.  15C. 

Slaiky, ,  vi,  307. 

Siaihng,  or  Sterling,  Lord,  iii.  06. 

Starr,  Benjamin.  vTl.  348. 

Starr,  Allerton,  ib. 

Sinrr,  Thoniaii,  viii.  276. 

Starr,  Suwn,  ib. 

SlBir,  Simon,  viii.  3111. 

Slaire,  Comfort,  viii.  275. 

Slnirn  Iaiand.  i.  fG- 

Slale'pnper  oSoa,  England,  viii.  343. 

^mi.'  PtJBon  al  Charleaiown.  i.  306. 

Steam*,  Rev.  Joaiah,  ii.  316,  310. 

Si  earn*,  John,  ii.  310. 

Slearns,  Samuel,  ib. 

Slearna,  Nathaniel,  iv.  300. 

Sieania,  Dr.  Thomai,  v.  201. 

Slearna,  Proriaaor,  i.  2lfi. 

^li'bing,  i^umli,  I.  143. 

Stebing,  Rowland,  x.  143,  144, 

Slebing,  TliDtii:ix,  i.  144. 

Slebing,  (iamli.  ib. 

Stebing,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Slebing,  John,  ih. 

Slebbina,  Elizabelli,  ii.  205. 

Stednian, ,  v.  126,  137. 

Sledman,  Elizabetli,  viii,  361. 
Stednian,  Nathaniel,  ib. 
Sledman,  laoac,  ii. 

Steel, ,  iii.  140. 

Steele,  William,  tv.  106,  300. 
Slecrer,  Elizabeth,  viii.  370. 
Steevena,  Tho.,  viii.  2G3. 
Steevena,  Henry,  viii.  3t)». 
Steevena,  Alice,  ib. 
Stenwick,  Comeliua,  x.  10!). 
Stephen!,  William,  viii.  324. 
StcphenB,  Henry,  letter  to  Mr.  Stanton, 

1. 117. 
Stephens,  Henry,  1. 140. 


344 


General  Index. 


StcphensoD,  T.,  ii.  99. 

Steward, ,  i.  241. 

Steven,  Rev.  William,  ix.  65. 
Stevens,  James,  iv.  290. 
Stevens,  Capt.,  vi.  251. 
Stevens,  Erasmus,  vii.  157. 
Stevenson,  Marmaduke,  iii.  389. 

Stewart, ,  vii.  2e!9. 

Stewart,  John,  ix.  1,  7, 16, 17,  34,  40. 

Sticknoy,  Samuel,  iv.  290. 

Stileman,  Elias,  iv.  292. 

Stiles,  Rev.  President  Ezra,  i.  291 ;  v.  177; 

vii.  271,  273,  274.     His  History  of  the 

Judges  quoted,  126,  301 ;  viii.  306. 
Stiles,  Tryphena,  ii.  297. 
Stiles,  Thomas,  vi.  174. 
Stiles,  Francis,  viii.  252. 
Stiles,  Thomas,  ib. 
Stiles,  Jo.,  ib. 
Stiles,  Henry,  ib. 
Stiles,  Joan,  ib. 
Stiles,  Rachel,  ib. 
Sulcs,  Richard,  viii.  306. 
Stiles,  Maria,  ib. 
Stiles,  Thomas,  ib. 
Stiles,  John,  ib. 
Stiles,  Christopher,  ib. 
Stiles,  Francis,  ib. 
Stiles,  Joanc,  i^. 
Stiles,  Elizabeth,  ib. 
Stiles,  Widow,  ib. 
Stirling,  Earl  of,  iii.  347 ;  x.  178. 
Stitson,  Deacon  William,  i.  255-261. 
Stoekbridge,  Jo.,  viii.  267. 
Stockbridge,  Ann,  ib. 
Stockton,  Thomas,  viii.  273. 
Stoddard,  Stephen,  ii.  88. 

Stoddard, ,  v.  199,  202. 

Stoddard,  Anthony,  vii.  128. 

Stoddard,  Simeon,  vii.  153, 168. 

Stokes,  C.  W.,  ii.  325. 

Stokes,  Grace,  viii.  272. 

Slon,  or  Stou,  John,  viii.  256 ;  x.  128. 

Stone,  Rev.  Eliab,  ii.  98. 

Stone,  Capt.,  killed  by  the  Indians,  iii.  130, 

137,379;  vi.  7,9,  158;  x.  175. 

Stone, ,  iii.  148. 

Stone,  Rev.  Samuel,  iii.  378,  391 ;  vi.  16, 

161;  viii.  24ri,  249;  x.  74. 
Stone,  Simon,  iv.  291. 
Stone,  Simon,  vi.  218,  219. 
Stone,  John,  Sen.,  vii.  256. 
Stone,  Symon,  viii.  261. 
Stone,  Joan,  ib. 
Stone,  Franci.«»,  ib. 
Stone,  Ann,  ib. 
Stone,  Marie,  ib. 
Stone,  John,  £//. 
Stonington,  Conn.,  vi.  184, 186. 
Stony  River,  iii.  321. 
Storer,  Lieut.  Joseph,  Indian  sagamores 

agree  to  sign  and  seal  a  treaty  at  his 

garrison -house,  i.  113. 

Storer, s-,  v.  157. 

Storer,  Lieut.,  vi.  217. 


Storer,  Samuel,  yi.  228, 229. 

Storer, ,  vi.  299. 

Storrs, ■,  V.  116. 

Story,  Hon.  Joseph,  i.  289;  ii.  341 ;  vii. 
7,25;  X.  191,  193,195. 

Stoughton,  William,  i.  72,  102, 118,  226; 
ii.  29,  60,  67,  69,  73 ;  vi.  202.  Lieuten- 
ant-Governor,  sends  forces  against  the 
French  and  Indians,  239-241.  Gov- 
ernor, vii.  56,  58,  167;  viii.  251;  ix. 
182;  X.  120. 

Stoughton,  Capt.  Israel,  iii.  94, 150,  400; 
vi.  28 ;  viii.  207 ;  ix.  299. 

Stovers, ,  vi.  275. 

Stow,  iv.  291. 

Strahan  and  Spottiswoode,  Mcasrs.,  ix.  14. 

Stratham,  N.  H.,  iv.  293.  Church  and 
ministers,  ii.  307. 

Straw,  Mary,  ii.  298. 

Strawberry  Bank,  iii.  341. 

Streate,  Rev.,  iii.  96,  107. 

Streaton,  Elizabeth,  viii.  261. 

Street,  Alice,  viii.  258. 

Streete,  [Rev.  Nicholas],  x.  96,  62. 

Strcme,  Thomas,  viii.  272. 

Streme,  Jo.,  ib. 

*^  Strength  out  of  Weakness,  or  a  Glorious 
Manifestation  of  the  Further  Process  of 
the  Gospel  among  the  Indians  in  New 
England,"  iv.  149-U16;  viii.  293. 

Strete,  William,  viii.  73. 

Strickland, ,  ii.  343. 

Strong,  Gov.  Caleb,  i.  289 ;  iii.  198. 

Strong.  Rev. ,  u.  335,  336. 

Strong,  William,  iv.  154,  159. 

Strowde,  John,  viii.  266. 

Strype's  Annals  quoted,  ii.  11. 

Stuart,  Henry,  son  of  Charles  I.,  to  be 
sent  bevond  sea,  ii.  339. 

Stuart,  Alexander,  x.  122. 

Stucbruge,  Charles,  viii.  267;  z.  130. 

Studman,  Isaac,  viii.  256  ;  x.  128. 

Stukely,  Sir  Lewis,  iii.  373 ;  vi.  133. 

Stukely,  Capt.  Charles,  v.  190. 

Stuvvesant,  Peter  G.,  v.  300. 

Stylles.     See  Stiles. 

Subercas,  French  Governor,  t.  191. 

Subsidy  men  not  to  pass  to  Ameriraii 
plantations  without  license,  viii.  274. 

Sudbury  Indians,  iv.  88. 

Sudbury,  iii.  325;  iv.  291;  vi.  183,  184; 
X   172. 

Suffolk  Countv,  salaries  of  ministers  in 
1657,  i.  49; 'iii.  325. 

Suftblk  bar,  x.  194. 

Suffolk,  Eng.,  notices  of  early  settlers  of 
New  England  from,  by  Rev.  Joseph 
Hunter,  x.  147. 

Sullivan,  Genera],  i.  154. 

Sullivan,  John  L.,  i.  289. 

Sullivan,  Hon.  William,  i.  289,  293 ;  vii. 
25,  293  ;  ix.  172. 

Sullivan,  Hon.  James,  i.  289,  292,  293; 
vii.  9.    Governor,  10, 17,  24 ;  ix.  171. 

Sullivan,  Rev.  Thomas  R.,  ii.  316. 


General  Index. 


345 


Sully,  Duke  of,  ii.  10.  Prime  minister 
of  Henry  IV.,  11.  Memoirs  of,  quoted, 
11,  12,  13,  16. 

Summary  Historical  Narrative  of  the  Wars 
in  New  England  with  the  French  and 
Indians,  from  \6'M  to  17G0,  vi.  154. 

Summers,  Sir  George,  iii.  51,  372;  vi.  53. 
Summer  Islands,  so  named  in  memory 
of,  54. 

Summcrsby,  Capt.,  vi.  2.'>0. 

Sumner,  Rev.  Clement,  ii.  315. 

Sumner, ,  iii.  407  ;  vi.  21)4. 

Sumner,  George,  his  Memoir  of  the  Pil- 
grims at  Leyden,  iz.  42. 

Supercass,  Mons.,  destroys  English  settle- 
ments, vi.  262. 

Susquehanna  given  by  the  Indians  to 
Gov.  Penn,  v.  98. 

Sutlitfe,  Dr.,  vi.  133. 

Sutton,  ii.  59. 

Sutton, ,  ii.  85. 

Swain,  Widow,  ii.  21)6. 

Swain,  Jeremiah,  iv.  290. 

Swaine,  Capt.,  x.  121. 

Swamp  Fight,  the,  vi.  182. 

Swanipscot,  iii.  97. 

Swan,  Timothy,  i.  124. 

Swanzey,  people  at,  killed  by  Indians,  vi. 
178;  X.  117. 

Swanzey  (N.  H.),  church  and  ministers, 
ii.  317;  iii.  188;  iv.  2<a 

Swayn,  Major,  vi.  209,  210. 

Swayne,  Elizabeth,  viii.  255. 

Swayne,  William,  viii.  257. 

Swayne,  Francis,  ib. 

Swayne,  Elizabeth,  viii.  259. 

Swayne,  William,  viii.  262. 

Swayne,  Richard,  viii.  273. 

Sweden,  King  of,  subdues  Spanish  forces, 
i.  2:^6,  240,  241  ;  ix.  247,  250,  251. 

Swedes  and  Danes,  commissioners  to  com- 
pose matters  between,  x.  26. 

Swett,  Col.  Samuel,  ii.  365;  vi.  296. 

Swelt,  John,  vii.  182,  183. 

Swinnok,  or  Swinnuck,  Thomas,  viii. 
274. 

Sydenham,  Col.,  ii.  343. 

Sydlie,  Tho.,  viii.  259. 

Syll,  Capt.,  vi.  202. 

Sylvester,  Capt.,  x.  92,  93,  94. 

Symmes,  Rev.  Zcchariah,  iii.  379,  389  ; 
viii.  248,  249,  307,  308. 

Symmes,  William,  viii.  307. 

Symmes,  Marie,  ib. 

Symmes,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Symmes,  Huldah,  ib. 

Symmes,  Hannah,  ib. 

Svmmes,  Rebekah,  ib. 

Symonds,  Samuel,  i.  30,  37,  180;  iii.  106. 
Deputy-Governor,  396. 

Symonds,  llarlackenden,  x.  89,  90,  123. 

Symons, ,  viii.  306 

Synod,  first  national  in  France,  ii.  5. 

Synod,  1637,  iij.3tfl.  At  Cambridge,  385, 
386.    In  1647,  iv.  45.    At  Boston,  book 


Eublished  by,  answered  by  the  Rev.  J. 
davenport,  x.  60. 


T. 


"Table  Rock,"  v.  128. 

Taconet,  vi.  231,  232. 

Tackuppawillin,  ii.  59. 

Tahanedo,  Indian,  carried  to  England, 
viii.  14.5,  157. 

Talbot,  Rev.  W.  K.,  ii.  315. 

Talbot,  Capt.,  v.  190, 191,  195. 

Talcot,  [John],  x.  31. 

Talcolt,  John,  (iovernor  of  Connecticut, 
address  of  condolence  to,  on  the  death 
of  his  wife,  i.  246.  His  answer,  248. 
His  letter  to  Sir  E.  Andros,  iii.  167, 
210. 

"  Tales  of  my  Landlord  "  referred  to,  ix.  6. 

Tallant,  Hugh,  ii.  295. 

Talmage,  x.  171. 

Tanacharisson,  or  Half  King,  v.  47. 

Tappan,  Rev.  Dr.  Benjamin,  vii.  26. 

Tapping,  James,  vii.  124. 

Tapping,  Jonathan,  x.  88. 

Tarbell,  John,  iii.  171  -  177. 

Tarratines,  iii.  22;  vi.  90,  117,  131.  No- 
tice of  Orono,  chief  of,  ix.  82.  Ac- 
count of,  in  1829,82-91. 

Tartarien,  John,  ii.  62. 

Tasker,  Col.  Benjamin,  v.  16. 

Tasker,  Benjamin,  Jr.,  v.  17. 

Tasket,  William,  vi.  257. 

Tasquantum,  or  Tisquantum,  carried  to 
England,  vi.  51. 

Tatobam,  sachem  of  the  Pequols,  vi.  160. 

Taughtanakagnet,  iii.  22;  vi.  107. 

Taunton,  vi.  184.  Town-clerk  of,  order 
for  his  imprisonment,  vii.  190. 

Tax,  1686-7,  vii.  171. 

Taxes,  charges,  and  impositions,  "  English 
living  in  the  several  colonies  of  New 
England  "  free  from,  except  "  what  is 
laid  upon  themselves  by  themselves," 
i.  57,  149.  Payment  of,  objected  to, 
viii.  201.  Samuel  Vassall  imprisoned 
for  opposing,  294. 

Tayler,  Major,  vi.  259. 

Tayler,  Dyonis,  viii.  259. 

Tayler,  George,  viii.  272. 

Taylor,  William,  ii.  73. 

Taylor,  Edmund,  ii.  74,  75. 

Taylor,  Robert,  iii.  213. 

Taylor,  Rev. ,  v.  204. 

Taylor,  Kdward,  vi.  2.'>4. 

Tavlor,  Rebecca,  vi.  278. 

Taylor,  William,  vii.  296. 

Taylor,  Kat.,  viii.  258. 

Taylor,  Elizabeth,  viii.  263. 

*'  Tears  of  Ropenlaiice,  or  a  Further  Nar- 
rative of  the  Progress  of  the  Gospel 
among  the  Indians  in  New  England," 
iv.  197-260;  viii.  294. 

TefTercau, ,  ii.  69. 


VOL.     X. 


44 


General  Index, 


sTOpo,  Binnd   contrived  (or,  by   Dr 


TSort 


Ttilliei 
liui 


•  tl>v  Fun 


■m. 


ioui,"  ii.  41.    LeTel- 


Teiiiiilu,  Sir  Ttiunina,  liis  patent  leterred 
1<>,  i.  V.W;  vii.  lail,  127.    Hii  letter  - 
Secretary  MotiicH,  viii.  3!£>,    Letter 
bim,  from  Kcv.  J.  Davenport,  3:27; 

laa. 


riiuleinnn, , 

■1  l^yrk,  Jacob  C, 

II  ifllJa  [rariii],  I.  : 


Term 


L,  II.  - 


1,212. 


Terry,  Jo., 
Terry,  Tboni;is,  viii.  270. 
Turry,  KobFrt,  ib. 
Turry,  KiRhurd,  ii. 
Thwher.PvWrO.,  i.aW;  t- S96. 
TliacJier,  lU'v.  Dr.,  ii.  50. 
Thailwr,  Kev.  Di.  Peur,  i.  2d9,2£ 
227;  vii. !),  17;  ix.  170. 


ia7. 
Tliuchur,  Martlm,  x.  136. 
Tliiu-iier,  Kliiaheih,  H. 
Tliarlier,  J'lhii,  ib. 
Tliaclii  r,  SbiiiUuI,  ib. 
Thiutier,  l'»ul,  I.  137. 
Thncher,  IliirTiabiu,  ib. 
Tliw'luir,  AniluiDv,  ib. 
TliaiThvr,  Ut'tijiuu'iii,  ib. 
Tlinchrr,  Marv,  ib. 
ThiU'liei,  AntiB,  liieniKd 

l^iil,  ib. 
Thaiiki'iiving,  Tor  Ruccesi  in  the  Tequol 

Tlialviicr,  Kav,  I>eit>r,  of  Wcymnulb,  i. 

4!).     And  Kcxlon,  iii.  :t|l5 ;  vi.  3.KJ. 
Thatelmr,  I't'ler,  viii.  317.    t<ee  Tlietcliet. 
Tliailer,  Caijt.,  vi.  2»*. 
Tliiivt.'r,  K«v.Jnbii,ii.(>J. 
TliiivRr,  K.'V.  Kbi'iirzor,  ii.  300. 
•'  Tile  lJlo..dy  Tuiiinl  wasliod,"  &c.,  viii, 

2H7. 
"Tile  Civil  Ma^iKtrale'aPnwcrin  Mailer* 

orKelisi.in,"bv  Hot.  Tliomat  Cobbett, 

r<-fi<ir>-dl»,  viii.  2!i:). 
"  Tliu   Uliirioim  I'nigreu  of  the   Goipcl 

anmof:  tbe  Indian-  in  New  England," 

repfinied,  iv  ft     viii  2tW. 
"Tlii'Joyfi   JiewiftumtheWeallndiea," 

bv  MiinardcP,  rrCtrreii  to,  viii.  117. 
TliiVhcr,  Anilionv,  viii,  3111. 
Tliiiitiiri,  \Vil1ia<n,'  i.  Iliil. 

TIlXlllTIX,  iMliull,   i.  ^.1. 

Tlionia*,  J.WI11111,  ib. 

Tboinu, ,  or  Plyinoiill.,  iii.  lOG. 

Tboinos  Imiah,  i.  !£I7  ;  iii.  405. 
ThdDiao,  Rov.  MiiKu  i;.,  iii.  187. 
Tliiinmii,  Jo,,  viii.  273. 


i«.  Gpk 


i.  347. 


i.  aea. 

Tliuiiiii<ii>ii'ii  ('»lli-riic>Ti  of  pampbleta  in 

lu  UritiKli  MuMiini,  Tiu.  2e0. 
Tboinlina,  Ben.,  viii.  2GU. 
TlioniliiK,  i:d»ard,  tb. 

Tbi>nip»on,R(>r .orBrainme.t.SO. 

TliDiiipion,  Kuaonnn,  i.  I&T- 
TtiomiAon,  Major  Kubcrl,  ii.  2<),  69. 
Tlioniiuoii,  William,  iii.  3^. 
ThunipBun,  an  Indian,  v.  171. 
Tliuiiipaon,  [Benjamin],  Count  Rumford, 

.  ,  ion,  Ed'tnund,  i.  159. 
ThoiiijHiin,  Marlha,  ib. 
Tliuiiiu;H)ii,  Julin,  tb. 
TbumiKon,  Anne,  ib. 
Tb<.iii[ii»iii,  Ttioina*,  ii. 
Tbuinpuin,  llnnnali,  ib. 
ThomuBon,  lUtber,  ib. 

Tliun.«,n.Rev  ,DrBfainliP*,iii.!)3. 

Tboin«n,  Charles,  i.  IfiB  J  »■  10!). 
ThsniBon,  Jo.,  viii.  1fi3. 
Tboinouii,  Tho.,  viii.  Hm. 
Thornton,  Murii,  ii,  SM. 
Thorn,  Andrew    iii,  Hi:*,  362. 
ThomdiliB.  Israel,  *ii,  30,  2eI5. 

Thonidike, ,  vii.  260. 

Thoriidik«,  Paul,  vii.  2()T. 
Thorndike,  Lieut.,  vii.  2(«. 
Thome,  Peter,  viii,  257. 
Thornti>n,  VVnIler,  viii.  2o8. 
in,  Joanna,  ib. 
.  in,  Kobort,  viii.  S61. 
Tliorji,  Ju,,  viii,  234, 
'■Thri's  Tucks'  Head.,'"  tI.  118,  120. 

"  ogniorloi,,  or  T  brock  morion,  ii.  276, 
n.2W. 
Throshy,  John,  viii.  300. 

Tbuanui, ,  ii,  7,  13. 

Thnrloei.  Slate  Papera,  Vol.  I.,  p.  763- 

71>J,  rpfi'rreii  to,  and  erron  corrected,  i. 

I«5;  ii.  330. 
Thiir>.ti>ii,  Rev.  Picrwin,  ii.  311. 
Thuntun,  Kev.  Bemniiiin,  ii.  316. 
ThuiKt'in,  Will,,  viii,  -275. 

Aloiander,  viii,  Sw. 
Thwing,  »Rn.,  viii.  260. 
Tiaboewando,  Indian  aochem,  ppeech  of, 

V.  77,  711,  W, 
Tibbald*.  Tho„  viii.  272, 
Tibotl,  Kli7,ilboth    VII    Wo. 
Tieknall.  Henrv,  viii,  272. 
Ticknar,  Copt,,' viii.  310. 
Ticknnr,  George,  v,  300. 
TiconderocB,  v.  t^. 
Tid,  Jolin,  i,  44, 
Tilden,  JcBH-ph,  i,  2!^,9i»3. 
Tilden,  KrynniP,  v,2;« 
Tildcn,  Nathaniel,  ( iii,  274. 
Tildcn.  Lydia.  ib.     See  Tvhicn. 
Tileuton,  Tlioino',  ii,  274,'27ij. 

,  Tiinolhv,  iv.  2S». 
TileWon,  Capl.,  v'  IWI. 
Tilghroun,  Chief  Jualice,  i.  207. 


General  Index. 


347 


Tillinghast, 


X.  13. 


Tillotson,  Jonathan,  ii.  74,  73. 
Tilly,  Sergeant,  iii.  13J),  147,  148. 
Tilly,  Capl.,  killed  by  the  Pequots,  vi.15. 
Tiliy,  William,  viii.  2()4. 

Tilly, ,  ix.  2351. 

Tilton,  Peter,  x.  l^tj. 

Ting,  Edward,  i.  25.     Capt,  iii.  213,  219, 

220. 
Ting,  Capt.,  i.  85. 
Titacut  Indiana,  iv.  58,  81. 
Titus,  Robert,  viii.  254. 
TitU8,  Hanna,  ib. 
Titus,  John,  ib. 
Titus,  Edmond,  ib. 
Tiverton,  Rhode  Island,  ii.  70. 
Tobacco  raised  in  Virginia,  iii.  9.     First 

brought  into   England,  363,  3()7,  368. 

£pih'j)sy  cured  by,  x.  28. 
Toby,  James,  vi.  2/5. 
Tokers,  8amuel,  x.  88. 
Toller,  Marie,  viii.  261. 
Tomar,  Louee,  Indian,  ix.  95. 
Tomasus  (or  Tomer),  Indian  chief,  ix.  84, 

87. 
Tomer,  Francis,  Indian  Governor,  ix.  95. 
Tomer,  Captain,  Indian,  ib. 
Tomkins,  Ralph,  viii.  272. 
Tomkins,  Kat.,  ib. 
Tomkins,  Elizabeth,  ib. 
Tomkins,  Mary,  ib. 
Tomkins,  Siimuel,  ib. 
To-mollou^-ey,  Indian,  ix.  96. 
Tompson,  t^amuel,  iv.  290. 
Tompson,  William,  viii.  249. 
Tomson,  Symon,  i.  45. 
"Tontine  Crescent,"  Franklin  Place,  vii. 

15. 
Toogood,  Thomas,  vi.  211. 
Tooke,  Hornc,  ix.  3. 
Tuokee,  Giles,  x.  135,  136. 
Tookey,  Job,  vii.  262. 
Tookie,  B.,  x.  Vt\o. 
Toope,  John,  ii.  'M6. 
Toothaker,  (joody,  i.  124. 
Toothaker,  Roger,  viii.  272. 
Toothaker,  Margaret,  ib. 
Topeont,  vi.  lOri. 
Toppan,  Sarah,  ii.  295. 
Topsfield,  iv.  290. 

Toquelmut,  Indian  sagamore,  i.  112,  114. 
Tories,  i.  119. 

Torrey, ,  ii.  [H. 

Torrey,  William,  iii.  210;  iv.  291;  vii. 

50,121,125. 
Totant,  iii.  22. 
Totenham,  Henry,  i.  45. 
Tothect,  vi.  108. 
Totherswampe,  an  Indian,    iv.    42,  65, 

229,  230. 
Touton,  Dr.  John,  ii.  27. 
Towanquattick,  Indian  sacamore,  iv.  78, 

112-115.  «»6  ,  . 

Tower,  Capt.  Levi,  ii.  106. 
Town,  Israel,  ii.  74,  75. 


Town,  John,  ii.  74,  75. 

Town,  Ephraim,  ib. 

Towns,  notified  by  the  General  Court  in 
1634  to  send  deputies,  viii.  2t)l.  Copies 
of  laws  to  be  sent  to,  207,  208,  213. 

Townsend,  Penn,  iv.  289,  292;  v.  194. 

Townsend,  Capt.,  vi.  225. 

Tracey,  Ensign,  x.  67. 

Tracts  relating  to  the  attempts  to  convert 
to  Christianity  the  Indians  of  New  Eng- 
land, 1647  -  1655,  reprinted,  iv.  1-287. 

Tracy,  Nathaniel,  ii.  2o5. 

Tracy,  John,  iA. 

Trade,  decay  of,  i.  61,  62. 

Tra^abigzanda,  or  Cape  Ann,  vi.  118, 120. 

Trajan,  iii.  357. 

Trane,  Jo.,  viii.  260  ;  x.  129. 

Trarice,  Capt.  Nicholas,  viii.  254,  256. 

Traske,  Osmond,  vii.  253. 

Treat,  Major,  i.  69;  vi.  181. 

Treat,  Col.  Robert,  i.  86 ;  vi.  179 ;  vii. 
124.  Governor  of  Connecticut,  letter 
of  Sir  E.  Andros  to,  165. 

Treaty,  at  Sagatahock,  or  Sagadahock, 
with  Eastern  Indians,  i.  112.  With  the 
Six  Nations  of  Indian.s,  v.  75.  At  Fort 
Stanwix,  145,  146,  161,  161.  At  Fort 
Mclntosii,  145.  VVith  the  Shawanese, 
ib.  At  Fort  Ilarmar,  146,  164.  With 
the  Indians  at  Casco  Hay,  vi.  246.  Be- 
tween France  and  Ensland,  vii.  94. 
Between  England  and  Holland,  x.  104. 

Treby,  Sir  G.,  Attorney-General,  opinion 
in  favor  of  Connecticut  charter,  i.  119. 

Tredwell,  Thomas,  viii.  271. 

Tredwell,  Mary,  i^. 

Trefrey,  John,  vii.  101. 

Trelanej, ,  iii.  219,  229. 

Trent,  Capt.,  v.  8. 

Trentum,  Thomas,  viii.  271. 

Trnrice, ,  his  ship  taken, ix.  277, 281. 

Trials  by  jury  in  New  England,  ii.  139. 

Trimming,  William,  vi.  263-268. 

Trinitv,  English  settlements  at,  destroyed, 
vi  26:J. 

Troiscl, ,  V.215. 

Trollope,  Mrs.,  ix.  14. 

Troopers,  petition  of,  vii.  187. 

Troutbeck, ,  v.  257. 

True,  Deacon  Abraham,  i.  156. 

True,  Widow,  ib. 

True,  Rev.  Henry,  ii.  302. 

True,  Henry,  iv.  290. 

Trumboll, ,  x.  7. 

Trumbull,  His  Exc,  Jonathan,  i.  292. 

Trumbull,  Rev.  Dr.  Benjamin,  ib. 

Trumbull,  Gov.,  iii.  129. 

Trumbull,  Col.,  iii.  194. 

Trumbull  Papers,  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.'s 
Library,  vii.  19.  Referred  to,  i.  185, 
228,2:U,246. 

Trumbull's  Hist,  of  Connecticut  referred 
to,  V.  6. 

Trustees  of  Redwood  Library  Company, 
i.  295. 


348 


General  Index. 


fi' 


Trvvt>re, ,  ix.  24!). 

Tu'cke,  Rev.  John,  ii.  312. 

Tucke,  Rev.  John,  ii.  312,  322;  iii.  189. 

Tucker,  John,  i.  275. 

Tucker,  lion.  St.  George,  i.  292. 

Tucker,  Daniel,  iii.  1^3. 

Tucker,  Ichabod,  i.  2S<) ;  vii.  292. 

Tucker,  Murgaret,  viii.  267. 

Tucker's  Terror,  iii.  316  ;  viii.  74. 

Tuckerman,  E.,  Jr.,  vi.  299. 

Tuckney,  Anthony,  viii.  344. 

Tucnell,  Strong,  ix.  272. 

Tudor,  William,  Jr.,  i.  289. 

Tudor,   Hon.  William,  i.  289,  292,  293, 

294,  297;  ii.  365,  36S;  vi.  155,  295;  vii. 

9,  10, 17,  25  ;  ix.  170,  172. 
Tufts,  Peter,  iv.  291. 
Tufts,  Peter,  Jr.,  ib. 
Tunes,  Gregorio,  iii.  408. 
Turell,  Samuel,  i.  289,  293;  vii.  17;  ix. 

170. 
Turkle,  Joseph,  Indian,  ix.  95. 
Turner,  Captain,  i.  70. 
Turner,  Rev.  John,  iii.  186. 
Turner,  Sharon,  v.  300. 
Turner,  Capt.  Nathan,  vi.  4  ;  vii.  300 ;  x. 

176. 
Turner,  Capt.,  killed  by  Indians,  vi.  184. 
Turner,  Elizabeth,  viii.  254. 
Turner,  Robert,  viii.  267. 
Turtle  Creek,  v.  102. 
Tuscarora  villages,  account  of,  t.  127. 
Tusele,  or  Tusler,  Elizabeth,  viii.  264 ; 

X.  129. 
Tuttell,  John,  viii.  253. 
Tuttell,  Joan,  ib. 
Tuttell,  Abigail,  t^. 
Tuttell,  Symon,  t6. 
Tuttell,  Sara,  ih. 
Tuttell,  Richard,  viii.  255. 
Tuttell,  Ann,  ib. 
Tuttell,  Jo.,  ib. 
Tuttell,  Rebecca,  ib. 
Tuttell,  Isbcll,  ib. 
Tuttell,  William,  ih. 
Tultell,  Elizabeth,  ib. 
Tuttell,  Thomas,  ib. 
Twitchell,  Benoni,  ii.  74,  75. 
Twightwees,  Indians,  killed  by  the  French, 

v.  47. 
Twombly,  Widow,  ii.  295. 
Twombly,  John,  ii.  2!)7. 
Tybbott,  Henry,  viii.  270. 
Tybbott,  Jeremy,  ib. 
Tybbott,  Samuel,  t*. 
Tybbott.  Remembrance,  ib. 
Tvcho  Brahe,  i.  239. 
Tyler,  Elizabeth,  i.  157. 
Tylden,  William,  viii.  311. 
Tylden,  Richard,  ih. 
Tvliirn,  Sir  John  M.,  ih. 
Tylden,  William  l\  .ib. 
Tvlden,  Marv  Isabella,  ib. 
Tvlden  Familv,  viii.  311,  312. 
Tylly,  Nathaniel,  viii.  262. 


T)  ng,  Dudley  A.,  i.  289,  21*7.     Biograph- 
ical notice  of,  ii.  2o0  ;  vii.  17. 


Ty"g> 


ii.  2ti7. 


Tyng,  James,  ib. 

Tyng,  Rebecca,  ib. 

Tyng,  Capt.,  vi.  251,  259. 

Tyng,  Edward,  vii.  167,  170,  177. 

Tyne,  Jonathan,  vii.  167,  17d. 

Tynkler,  Sara,  viii.  267. 

Tyte,  Robert,  x.  135. 


U, 


Uhdon,  H.  F.,  author  of  History  of  Con- 
gregational ists  in  New  England,  ix.  43. 

Umfris,  or  Humfris.    See  Uumfrey. 

Uncas,  i.  71,  163,  167,  175.  Accused  of 
dealing  falsely,  176.  Wrongs  some 
Paucomtuck  Indians,  178.  Ttireateos 
the  Mauquawogs,  178,  229.  Dejcires  aid 
of  the  English,  230;  iii.  135,  149,  151, 
158,  162.  Joins  the  Engli:»h,  vi.  160. 
DefeaU  Ninicraft,  191.  Attacked  by 
Miantonomy,  ix.  215  ;  x.  118. 

Underbill,  Cant.  John,  iii.  99,  140,  143, 
149, 158,403.  His  "Nev^es  from  Amer- 
ica," or  History  of  the  Pequot  VV'ar,  vi. 
1-28.  Sent  against  the  Pequots,  35, 
:^6,  37,  39, 162;  ix.  276;  x.  176. 

Underwood,  Peter,  viii.  255. 

Underw^ood,  Martin,  x.  141. 

Underwood,  Martha,  ib. 

Underwood,  Joseph,  x.  158. 

Union,  plan  of,  draw^n  up  by  Dr.  Frank- 
lin, v.  5,  6.  Adopted  by  Congress  at 
Albany  in  1754,  70.  Rejected  by  Co- 
lonial Assemblies,  7.  Hicn  opinion  of  it 
thirty  yt^nrs  afterwards,  7,  31*. 

United  Colonies,  Coqimissionrrs  of,  their 
instructions  to  Josiah  W^inslow,  com- 
mander in  Philip's  War,  i.  66.  Narra- 
ganset  country  mortgaged  to  them,  213, 
214.  Their  records,  ii.  260,  264;  iii. 
384  ;  viii.  290;  ix.  189.  See  Commis- 
sioners. 

United  States,  History  of,  written  by  Jamet 
(irahanie,  ix.  1. 

United  States  Branch  Bank  at  Boston, 
documents,  &c.,  placed  under  a  pillar 
of,  i.  271. 

Upham,  Hon.  Timothy,  ii.  313. 

Upham,  Rev.  Timothy,  ib. 

Upham,  Rev.  Thomas  C,  ib.  Profestor, 
314  ;  iii.  188. 

Upham,  Hon.  Nathaniel,  iii.  188. 

Upham,  Rev.  Charles  W.,  his  Memoir  of 
Rev.  John  Prince,  D.  D.,  v.  271,  300. 

Upson,  Steeven,  viii.  261. 

Usher, ,  i.  143. 

Usher, ,  iv.  89. 

Usher,  Hezekiah,  vii.  47,  49. 

Usher,  John,  ii.  60 ;  vii.  49, 166. 

Usher, ,  vii.  120. 

Usher, ,  x.  38. 


General  Index. 


349 


Utreclit,  Treaty  of,  v.  64,  65,  67. 
Uzzamequin,  Indian  sagamore,  iv.  117. 


Vaccination,  iii.  206. 

Vai<apane88ue,  Indian  sagamore,  sickness 
ana  death  of  his  son,  iv.  77. 

Valentino,  ix.  2&2. 

Valiancy,  Gen.  Charles,  i.  292. 

Van  Colfe,  Dutch  Governor  of  New  York, 
X.  108. 

Vanderdoes,  ,  Dutch  commander, 

iii.  370. 

Vane,  Sir  Henrj',  Jr.,  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, a  letter  to  him  from  Massachu- 
setts, in  1652,  i.  35.  Letter  from  Roger 
Williams  to,  161,  162.  Writes  to  Mr. 
Coddington,  177,  184.  Dismissed  from 
sitting  in  Parliament,  11)6.  Fac-simile 
of  his  autograph,  iii.  129.  Commission 
and  Instructions  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr., 
to  treat  with  the  Pequots,  129,  131, 144, 
148,  379,  380,  381,  390,  398.  Sends 
forces  against  the  Pequots,  ii.  354,  356; 
vi.  4,  12,  :^5;  viii.  193, 195,  204j  x.  3, 19. 

Vane,  Sir  Henry,  Sen.,  x.  19. 

Van  Meteren, ,  ix.  63. 

Van  Mieris, ,  ix.  51,  63,  64. 

Van  Rensselaer,  Hon.  Stephen,  i.  292. 

Van  Ruy vens, ,  x.  103, 109. 

Van  Schaack,  Syl't,  v.  23. 

Van  Slyk, ,  v.  114,  116. 

Van  Trump, ,  i.  33. 

Vasari's  painting  of  the  Massacre  on  St. 
Bartholomew's  Day,  ii.  44. 

Vassall, ,  ii.  1*33. 

Vassall,  William,  iii.  326. 

Vassall,  Samuel,  ib.    Imprisoned,  yiii.  294. 

Vassall,  Jo.,  viii.  267. 

Vassall,  William,  ib. 

Vnssall,  Ann,  ib. 

Vassall,  Margaret,  ib. 

Vassall,  Mary,  ib. 

Vassall,  Judith,  ib. 

Vassall,  Fra,  ib. 

Valablus,  M.,  Professor,  ii.  4. 

Vattel,  ix.  197. 

Vaudreuil, ,  vi.  262. 

Vaughan,  William,  i.  88. 

Vaughan,  John,  i.  292 ;  ii.  365 ;  v.  298. 

Vaughan, ,  vi.  226. 

Vaughan,  Charles,  vii.  15. 

Vaughan,  George,  vii.  183. 

Vaughan 's  Reports  cited,  i.  215. 

Vaux,  Hon.  Roberts,  v.  300. 

Vclleius  Paterculus  quoted,  x.  203. 

Ven,  John,  iii.  326. 

Venango,  town  of,  now  Franklin,  Penn- 
sylvania, V.  103,  105. 

Venner,  Thomas,  i.  184;  ii.  355;  iii. 
3iH). 

Venning,  Ralph,  iv.  154,  159. 

Vennour.    See  Venner. 


Verdey,  Luke,  ii.  276. 

Verie,  Humfrey,  x.  138. 

Verin,  Joshua,  i.  177. 

Verin,  Dorcas,  x.  I:i8. 

Verin,  Philip,  ib. 

Verin,  Hellyer,  or  Hilliard,  ib. 

Verin,  Nathaniel,  ib. 

Verin,  Eliz.,  ib. 

Verin,  Edward,  ib. 

Verin,  Rebecca,  ib. 

Verin,  Robert,  ib. 

Verine.     See  Vcryn. 

Vernatti,  Sir  Philiberto,  x.  48. 

Vernon,  Fortescue,  x.  187. 

Veron,  Philip,  x.  138. 

Verplanck,  Daniel  C,  i.  273. 

Verplanck,  Gulian  C,  i.  292. 

Verrezanus,  Johannes,  i.  232. 

Very,  Roger,  x.  138. 

Verye,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Veryn,  Hew,  or  Hugh,  ib. 

Veryn,  Anna,  ib. 

Veryn,  William,  ib. 

Vessel  sent  from  the  southward  to  relieve 
Sagadahock,  vi.  228. 

Vessel  in  distress  arrives  at  Boston,  vii.  180. 

Vessels  employed  for  security  of  coast  and 
fishery  in  New  England  in  1689,  i.  87. 

Vesuvius,  Mount,  description  of,  published 
by  Gamaliel  Bradforcl,  i.  204. 

Veyrene,  Hope,  x.  138. 

Veyrene,  Richard,  ib. 

Vidaurre,  Manuel  L.,  ii.  367;  iii.  408. 

Villegagnon,  Chevalier  de,  ii.  7. 

Villemur, ,  ii.  10. 

Vinal,  Elijah,  Jr.,  ii.  88. 

Vincent,  P.,  his  Relation  of  the  Pequot 
War,  reprint  of,  vi.  29-43. 

Viner, ,  i.  199. 

Vines,  Richard,  sent  to  New  England,  vi. 
57,  79. 

Virgil's  iEncid,  ancient  MS.  copy  of  An- 
nibal  Caro's  translation  of,  vii.  18. 

Virginia  merchants  petition  Parliament 
for  free  importation  of  iron  from  the 
colonies,  i.  140.  Surrendered  to  the 
Commonwealth  of  England,  ii.  339. 
Massacre  in,  iii.  13.  Condition  of,  in 
1631,  14.  Ecclesiastical  government  of, 
43,  100.  General  history  of,  referrt'd 
to,  51,  312,  361,306-375;  v.  7,46,51. 
Plymouth  settlers  sail  for,  vi.  33,  41, 
42,  49,  89.  Boundaries  of,  104.  State 
of,  in  1703,  vii.  232. 233.  Merchantable 
commodities  found  in  the  south  part  of, 
viii.  117.  Inhabitants  in  1635,  341 ;  ix. 
11,192.     Laws,  258;  x.  29. 

Virginia  Company,  consume  all  in  projects, 
&c.,  iii.  9.  Send  refiners,  goldsmiths, 
jewellers,  lapidaries,  &c.,  11.  Appoint 
a  Governor,  &c.,  ib.     Dissolved,  13. 

Virginia  Historical  Society,  vi.  295. 

Vocabulary,  Cotton's,  of  the  Massachu- 
setts (or  Natick)  Indian  language,  ii. 
147.    Of  words  in  the  Passamat^uoddY 


350 


General  Index. 


Indian  language,  iii.  181.  Pickering'fy 
X.  i09. 

Voltaire,  ii.  13, 14,  15,  17, 18,  48. 

Votes  for  Magistrates  in  Massachusetts, 
161)2;  X.  V20. 

Voyage  to  wrecks  lying  to  windward  of 
Jamaica,  in  16^7,  vii.  188,  189.  Ac- 
count of  Capt.  Bartholomew  Gosnold'f, 
to  America  m  1602,  viii.  69.  Of  Capt. 
(leorge  Waymouth  in  1605,  125.  Of 
Samuel  Mace,  in  search  of  Sir  Walter 
Ralegh's  Colony,  94.  Of  Christopher 
Lcvett  to  New  England  1623, 159. 

Voyages  of  Columbus,  account  of,  TiiL  1. 
Josselyn's,  to  New  England,  iii.  211. 


W- 


W. 

.,  i.  238. 


Waaberktamin,  Indian  minister,  ii.  59. 
Waban,  or  Waaubon,  offers  his  eldest  son 

to  be  educated  by  the  English,  iv.  3,  8, 

20,21,52,231,233,257. 
Wabigganus,  iii.  22. 
Waccogo,  ib. 
Wade,N.,  iv.291. 
Wade,  Grace,  viii.  299. 
Wadley,  Capt.,  vi.  250. 
Wadsworth,  Rev.  Dr.  Benjamin,  of  Dan- 

verji,  iii.  169. 
Wadsworth,  Rev.  President  Benjamin,  v. 

220;  vi.  184. 
Wads  worth,  Capt.,  killed  by  tlie  Indians, 

vi.  184. 
Wadsworth,  Peleg,  x.  187. 

Waeenaar, ,  ix.  63. 

Waiandance,  iii.  150-158. 
Wainwright,  Col.  Francis,  v.  189. 
Wai  n  Wright,  Francis,  of  I  p8wich,vi.  40, 41. 
Wainwright,  Peter,  Jr.,  vii.  287. 
Wainwright,  Peter,  vii.  289. 
Wakcogo,  vi.  107. 
Wakefeild,  William,  x.  145. 
Wakefeild,  Anne,  ib. 

Wakely, ,  vi.  202. 

Wakcninn, ,  x.  31. 

Walch, ,  ii.  5. 

Walcutt,  Maxy,  or  Mary,  i.  124,  125. 
Walcutt,  Rev.  Robert  F.,  v.  292;  vii.  292, 

2!>3. 
Walden.ses    persecuted    by    the    Roman 

Catholic  Cnurch,  ii.  2. 
Waldo,  John,  iv.  291. 
Waldo,  Cornelius,  ib. 
Waldron.  Major  Richard,  i.  87,  88,210; 

vi.  202,  207;  vii.  181. 
W^aldron,  Richard,  Jr.,  i.  88. 
Waldron,  Richard,  iv.  292. 

Waldron, ,  vi.  254. 

Walestein,  ix.  251. 

Walfris,  Tho.,  viii.  319,  320. 

Walker,  Sir  Hovendon,  i.  143. 

Walker,  Rev.  Timothy,  of  Concord,  N.  H., 

i.  154. 


Walker,  Rev.  Charles,  iii.  189. 

Walker,  Samuel,  iv.  290. 

Walker,  Joseph,  ib. 

Walker,  Sergeant,  vi.  224. 

Walker, ,  vi.  275. 

Walker,  Thofnas,  vii.  172. 

Walker,  Richard,  viii.  259. 

Walker,  William,  ib. 

Walker,  James,  viii.  260. 

Walker,  Sarra,  ib. 

Walker,  Richard,  viii.  319. 

Walkington,  Capt,  i.  122, 123. 

Wall,  Joan,  viii.  266. 

Wall,  Capt.,  ix.  292. 

Wallcut,  Thomas,  i.  289,  292,  293;  ▼. 
292 ;  vii.  8,  9,  10,  17 ;  ix.  170. 

Walley,  John,  vii.  167. 

Wallis,  Nicholas,  iv.  291. 

Wallis,  Ralph,  viii.  266. 

Wallis,  George,  ib. 

Wallis,  Tomar,  Indian,  ix.  95. 

Wallop,  Robert,  ii.  356. 

Walpole,  New  Hampshire,  its  churciies 
and  ministers,  iii.  UK) ;  iv.  294. 

Walpole,  Sir  Robert,  ii.  271. 

Walsh,  Robert,  i.  292 ;  ix.  1, 22, 24, 26, 30. 

Walsingham,  Sir  Francis,  iii.  367. 

Walston,  Jane,  viii.  273. 

Walter,  Rev.  Nehemioh,  i.  134;  ii.  60, 
272. 

Walter,  Capt.,  vi.  227. 

Walton,  Rev.  Joseph,  ii.  320. 

Walton,  Rev.  William,  iii.  380 ;  iv.  276 ; 
viii.  248. 

Walton,  Shadrach,  v.  190. 

Walumbe,  Indian  sagamore,  i.  112, 114. 

Wampanoags,  vi.  190. 

Wampanooucks,  i.  67. 

Warn  pas  oflTers  his  son  and  other  Indian 
children  to  be  educated  by  the  English, 
iv.  18,  53,  63, 166,  270. 

Warapoowas,  iv.53, 63. 

Wamporas,  iv.  166. 

Wanudalgunbuent,  Indian  chiefs  vi.  247. 

Wanley, ,  x.  147. 

Wannerton,  Capt.  Thomas,  iii.  230. 

Wanton,  or  Warton,  Lieut-Col.  William, 
V.  IJM),  102,  195. 

Wanungonet,  Indian  sachem,  vi.  249. 

Wanuscgunt,  Indian  chief,  vi.  247. 

War,  instructions  for  Josiah  Window, 
commander  in  Philip's,  i.  66.  Lion 
Gardener's  relation  of  the  Pequot,  iii. 
131.  Captain  Underbill's  History  of  the 
Pequot,  vi.  1.  P.  Vincent's  Relation  of 
the  Pequot,  29.  Ni lea's  History  of  In- 
dian and  French,  154. 

Warbigi^anus,  vi.  107. 

Ward,  Rev.  Nathaniel,  of  Ipswich,  Mas- 
sachusetts, i.  238 ;  iii.  93,  379 ;  iv.  2. 
Composes  the  laws  of  Massachusetts 
called  the  ^*  Bodv  of  Liberties,"  viii. 
193,  194.  AuthoV  of  the  Simple  Cob- 
ler  of  Aggawam,  196,  205-210,  246, 
248,  249,  295 ;  x.  163, 167, 168. 


General  Index. 


Ward,  Snmuel,  of  Charlestown,  1.259,350. 
Wind,  Rev.  John,  of  lloverliill,  Massa- 

eliusells,  iii.  33,  yO;  viii.  !M8,24'J;ix. 


Wurcl,  Elixa,  viii.  2r«. 

Ward,  Kev-  John,  of  llaveHuir,  England, 

I.  I<>3,  167,  16e. 
Ward,  Rer,  JSamuel,  of  Ipanich,  England, 

X.  167. 
Word,  R«T.  Edward,  ib. 
Ward  FamilraB,  1. 1(>7, 166. 
Ward,  Suwn,  i,  16S. 
Ware,  Rev.  Henry,  Jr.,  iSSD;  x.SS 
Ware,  Rev.  Henrv,  of  Hingham,  ii.  07, 

iW.    Prnre«or,Y.  115,246. 
Ware,  Jolin,  iv.  S!ni. 
Ware.  Dr.  John,  ix,  76. 
WarclioUBCH,  IHG  in  Boiton  in  1742,  i.  152. 


-/arhan 
U7 


r.  John, 


i.OT; 


—     .1,268;  1.60,6- 
WHrham,  W  Jliam,  vui.  304. 
Warner,  John,  i.  11. 
Warner,  John,  viii.  361. 
Warner,  - 


Warn 


341. 


Warren,  Df.  J.  C    ii  367. 

Warren,  Thomas,  viii  274,275. 
Warrv,  GeMge,  viii  301- 
Warwiek,  "  iliat  noble  "  Ear]  of,  i.  230 , 
ii.  136;  iii.'Jig,  384-    Obiaina  a  granl 
fiam  Charles  I.,  ii.  204,  281. 
Warwkk,  n  iiliode  Island,  purchased  of 
jHianlinomj,  i.  ail,  215,  319,  221,  223; 
Y.    3.1 ;  vi.  Ig3. 

viii.  207. 

Wa«hhorne;  Phi"|jp,'»*. 

Washington,  George,  ii.  41,  51.  Viiitt 
Ihe  French  commander  on  the  Ohio  in 
1754,  V.  101-lOe,  109,  133,  IftO;  ri 
153.  Defcriplion  of  medala  of,  3r^: 
vii.  35,  St^ij.  Hill  Icllere  to  Hon.  I. 
PnlmBf,  viii.  MS.  346:  ix.  9, 35, 96;  x, 
IB!).  Hi  wrillnp,  edited  bj  Profeaaoi 
Sparkg,  quoted,  v.  101. 

Wusliington  Family,  viii.  316. 

Wanhinoton.  Capl.  JoJin,  vi.  280. 

WaMaintHimet,  vi.  335. 

Walaniimmon,  Indiiin  sachem,  vi.  34a. 

Wat«rhou«e,  Rev.  Thomas,  i.  169. 

Walerhousc,  ThnmaR,  ib- 

Walerhouse,  Conquest,  ib. 

Wnterhouse,  John,  i,  170. 

Walerhouse,  Edward,  ib. 

WnterhouBe,  David,  ib. 

Waters,  Cnpt ,  v  l;»0. 

WnlMtown.iJI.  321.  Settled,  ix.  120,204. 
Church,  iii.  377;  vii.  297,  298.  Mill, 
iv.  177,  291. 

Waterlowne,  now  Welhersfield,  attacked 
i.  12. 15. 

i.  314. 


I,  Eller 


1-  tieorge.  ix 
;.  189. 


Watson,  Dr,  R.,  Bishop  of  LlandslT,  i. : 

Watson,  Elkannh,  ib. 

Wutbon,  John  F.,  iii.  404,  405,  408. 

Watson,  Thomas,  vi,  130. 

Wat 

Wati 

Waltlin,  Richard,  : 

Walls,  Abigail,  i.  1U7. 

Wans,  Mrs. ,i,  143-146. 

Wstte.  Capt.,  vi.  lei. 

Wnupinhommin.  ii.  373. 

Wawrigwick,  iii.  23.  Or  Waurigneck, 
vi.  1117. 

Way,  William,  iii.  175, 178. 

Way,  Aarnn,  iii,  178. 

Waynioulh,  Capt.  George,  iii.  51.  Rela- 
tion of  liis  Vuyago  lo  Virginia  in  1606, 
viii.  125-157. 

Wayne,  Gen.,  v.  133,  136. 

Weare,  Mesliech,  ii.  315. 


Weaver,  James,  i 


Weave 


,  Edmond,  ib. 


i-354. 


Weaver,  Mnrgnte 

WBb.. ,1.4,. 

Webb,  Chrislopher,  iv.  200. 

Webb,  Rev. ,  v.  215,  233,  224. 

Webb,  Dr.  Thomas  H.,  Secretary  of  Ihe 
ItliudE  Island  Higlorieal  Society,  v.  SI'S ; 


i.  2y5 


.  '2X. 


Webb,  alias  Evered,  John,  i 


.  100; 


Webb,  alias  Erered,  Slephen,  viii.  319. 
Webb,  Margaret,  x,  138. 
Webb,  Wiirmni,  ib. 
Webb,  Henry,  x.  138, 139. 
Wehhncowllia,  Indian  sarhem,  iii.  105. 
Wthber,  .^ — ■ — ,  hiB  ship  wrecked  al  Co- 

nohanrit,  iv  173. 
Webber,  Rev.  John,  ii.  321. 
Webber,  Prei 
Webber,  1 

dians,  v 
Webenes,  Indian,  vi.  235. 
Webstar,  Widow,  i.  150. 
Webster,  Hon.  Daniel,  i.  374,289;  ii.368l 

v.29l,31>7;  ii.ll7. 
Webster,  Dr.  Rcclford,  i.  389,  293, 294 ;  ii. 


',  President  [Hamuell.  ib. 

;  Mirhael,  his  wife  killed  by  In- 


i.  17(  i 


.170. 


Weoden,  Edward,  vi 
WeekeK,  Jo.,  viii.  27 
Weekes,  Marie,  ib. 
Weekcs,  Anna,  ik 


352 


General  Index. 


-,  V.  2xr). 


Weeks,  Rev. 

Wceixis,  Lieut.  James,  i.  85. 

Weems,  Capt.,  vi.  2(W. 

Weevcr's  Funeral  Monuments  referred  to, 

vii.  22. 
Weinshauks,  i.  161. 

Weiaer, ,  v.  45,  46,  51. 

Welch,  Samuel,  i.  loti. 

Welch,  Alice,  viii.  299. 

Weld,  Rev.  Thomas,  of  Roxbury,  i.  26, 

2:k),  238,  245  ;  ii.  299 ;  iii.  65,  93,  3d7 ; 

iv.  144  ;  viii.  24d,  2rt5,  286;  ix.  258. 
Weld.  Rev.  Thomas,  of  Dunstable,  ii.  302. 
Weld,  Thomas,  of  Deerfield,  iv.  291. 
Weld,  Joseph,  vii.  105. 
Weld,  Mary,  vii.  205. 
Wellbank,  Capt.,  v.  169-171. 
Welles,  Hon.  John,  i.  273,  278;  v.  294, 

300 ;  vi.  299. 
Welles,  Samuel,  v.  9. 

Welles  [or  Wellds], ,  ix.  258. 

Wells.     See  Weld. 

Wells,  Elizabeth,  i.  155. 

Wells,  Samuel,  ii.  275. 

Wells,  Capt.,  vi.  250. 

Wells,  Ann,  viii.  255. 

Wells,  Tho.,  viii.  258. 

Wells,  Ann,  viii.  259. 

Wells,  town  of,  i.  86,  113;  iii.  344;  vi. 

217,  218,  225,  239,  248,  250.    Harbour, 

229. 
Welstead,  Rev.  William,  v.  219;  vii.  290. 
Welsh,  Jacob,  viii.  256. 
Welsh  defeated  by  Cromwell,  ix.  277. 
Wenape,  Indian, carried  to  England,  vi.  60. 
Weiiden,  Jo.,  vii.  176. 
Wenham,  iii.  32:1 ;  iv.  291.     Church,  384. 
Wenobson,  vi.  235. 
Wenongahewitt,  vi.  235. 
Wensley,  Mrs.  Anna,  vii.  286. 
Wensley,  Samuel,  ib. 
Wentworth,  Samuel,  i.  88. 
Wenlworth,  Charles  M.,  i.  292. 
Wentworth,  Benning,  Governor  of  New 

Hampshire,  v.  11. 
Wentworth,  Capt.  Eben.,  v.  190. 
Wentworth,    John,    Governor    of    New 

Hampshire,  v.  196-199. 
Wentworth,  John,  Lieut.-Gov.,  vii.  268. 
Wentw(>rth,  Sir  John,  ib. 
Weoncombone,  sachem  of  Long  Island, 

X.  li;»3. 
Wepiteammock,  a  friend  to  tho  English, 

i.  161  ;  ix.  2^>,  2!X),  21>2. 
Wequash,  i.  161  ;  iii.  150,  162  ;  vi.  163, 

164.    Preaches  to  the  Indians,  172,  182; 

ix.  299. 
Wequashcuick,  ix.  273-275,282,^.  287. 
WeKsagussett,  now  Weymouth,  vi.  74. 
Weht,  Hobert  [R. .'],  i.  4. 
WcfJt,  Edward,  iv.  290. 
West,  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel,  v.  245. 
We.st,  John,  vii.  1^^9. 
West,  Thomas,  vii.  267.  • 
West,  Jo.,  viii.  266. 


West,  Twiford,  viii.  272. 

West,  Rev.  William,  viii.  304. 

Western  Colony  planted  at  Sagadahock 

River,  vi.  lOo,  117. 
Westfield,  iv.  291.    Assaulted  by  Indians, 

i.  69. 
Westgostuggo  River,  vii.  176. 
West  Indians  come  into  Germany,  A.  D. 

1160,  iii.  358. 
Weston,  Francis,  i.  2. 
Weston,  Thomas,    iii.  375.     Attempts  a 

settlement  at  Weymouth,  vi.  74 ;  vii.  300. 
Weston,  Edmond,  viii.  263. 
Westwood,  Bridgett,  z.  143. 
Westwoode,  Williano,  x.  143, 144. 
Wetherell,  Samuel,  i.  273. 
Wetherill,  William,  viii.  248,  249. 
Wethersfield,  Connecticut,  settled,  vi.  157. 
Wetmore,  Judge   William,  i.  289,  293; 

vii.  17;  ix.  171. 
Wexar,  Indian  chief,  vi.  247. 
Weymouth,    iii.   320.     Settled,  375;   iv. 

133,291.     Robert  Gorges  settles  at,  vi. 

74.      People   killed    by   Indians,    183. 

Church,  i.  49;  iii.  65,  ^l. 
Weymouth,  Capt.  George,  iii.  370.     Car- 
ries Indians  to  England,   vi.  50,  105. 

See  Waymouth. 
Whales,  viii.  87.    Indian  manner  of  kill- 
ing, 156. 
Whallcy  and  Goffe,  Messrs.,  i.  51.     In 

New  Haven,  52,  61.     Papers  relating 

to,  vii.  123 ;  viii.  325, 331 ;  ix.  122;  x.3y. 

Wharton,  Rev. ,  i.  237. 

Wharton,  Lord,  v.  207. 

Wharton,  Richard,  vii.  155, 156,158, 160, 

167. 

Wharton, ,  vii.  198, 199,  202. 

Wharton,  Sarah,  vii.  199. 

W healer,  Thomas,  viii.  319. 

Wheat,  Thomas,  i.  156. 

Wheat,  Sarah,  i.  157. 

Wheat,  Joshua,  viii.  258. 

Wheatland,  Dr.  Henry,  x.  236. 

Wheeler,  Mrs.,  ii.  79. 

Wheeler,  Hannah,  ii.  297. 

Wheeler,  Sir  Francis,  v.  181. 

Wheeler,  Capt.,  vi.  179. 

Wheeler,  John,  vi.  275. 

Wheelock,  Hon.  John,  i.  292. 

Wheelockc,  Ralph,  viii.  248. 

Wheelwright,  Rev.  John,  ii.  300;  iii.  99; 

iv.  294  ;  viii.  248. 
Wheelwright,  Rev. ,  of  Braintree, 

iii.  383. 

Wheelwright, ,  vi.  229. 

Wheelwright,  John,  Jr.,  author  of  "  Bler- 

curius  Americanus,"  viii.  286. 
Wheelwright's  Pond,  vi.  224. 
Whetmore,  Thomas,  vii.  290. 
Whick ham,  Capt.,  v.  122. 
Whidden,  Eunice,  ii.  296. 
Whipple,  Capt.,  i.  70. 
Whipple,  Rev.  Joseph,  ii.  301. 
Whitburn,  Capt.,  iii.  372. 


General  Index. 


While,  Capt.  William,  i.  84. 


i.as.^. 


Uliii, 
While;  Ur. 

While,  Timotliy,  ii.  3711. 
While,  PruDcis,  ji.  34U. 
White,  Capt.  JuImi,  iii.  31. 
While,  Mn.  SuHiima,  iii.  374. 
While,  Peregrine,  ib. 
While,  Samuel,  iii,  3^-0. 
While,  Hon.  Daniel  A.,  iii.  405 

X,  205,  aw. 

While,  Thumw  W.,  T.  Kfti,  203 

While.  Kliziibvlh,  vi.  Iu■^ 
While,  Nmhuniei,  vi.  2i6. 
'.,  Rev.  J., 


Whii. 
While 


,  Johr 


viiL-iei. 


Vhitfiiild,    Rev.    llcnry,   iii.   98.      HiiiM 
"FarlJier  DiHCOverj'  of  llie  Preaeni  Stale  [  « 


Villiai 
While,' Fninci«,'il 
Whitu,  RJc'luinl,  viii.  S63. 
White,  Edward,  viii.  363. 
While,  Martha,  ib. 
White,  Murv,  ii. 
White,  Kev.  John,  viii.  30G. 
Willie,  KoEcr,  ii.  54. 
While,  Anna,  ii.  l'J5. 
White,  Samuel,  ib. 

White, ,  11.  212. 

White,  Anthony,  x   14J. 

Whilerimih, or  WhetcDuib,  Simon,  Iii.  336 

WhitefielJ,  Rev.  (ieorge,  letler  from  Sec- 

telarj-  Wiltard  lo,  i.  147  ;  v.  f" 
WhiiBl.>ck,  Urd,  ii.  347,  351. 
White  Ijea,  viii  T,Q 
Whiilield, 


or  Ihe  Indians  in'Ncw  England, 
1011-147.  Vi.il«  Marlhaa  Vineyard, 
1(J7,  106.  Letter  from  Kev.  Thomas 
Mnj'how  to  him,  1(4.  Letters  puh- 
hihed  by,  giving  an  account  of  "the 
Fiirllier  Progfem  of  the  Cioapel  among 
Ihe  Indiana."  reprinted,  49- 11P6,  263  ; 
vii.*Mt,  201,304;  viii.  24!). 

Whllford.  Col.,  ti.334. 

Whiting,  Rev.  Samuel,  of  Lynn,  iii.  33; 
viii.  aJ8,  a4;>,  344  ;  \x.  17«  ;  I.  61,  171. 

Whiling,  Capt.  William,  vi.  243. 

Whiting,  Rev,  Jolin,  of  HnttfonI,  ii. 

Whilinji,  Rev.  John,  of  Lancaster,  killed 
by  Indiana,  vi.  'Ml, 

Wh.ling,  Major,  vi.  BTm,  250. 

Whiting.  John,  viii.  344. 

Whiting,  John,  Jr.,  rt. 

Whiling,  Ann,  x.  ITO. 

Whiling,  John,  i.  170,171. 

Whiling,  Roae,  i.  171. 

Whiling,  Henry,  ib. 

Whiling,  Mary,  j*. 

Whiting  Famfly,  viii.  344  ;  i   171. 

Whilmun,  Rev.  Samuel,  ii.  b7. 

Whitman,  Z.  G,,  ii.  3I)I>,  :«>H:  iii.  405. 

"'■""      I,  Zarharia,  viii.  272. 


Whitnev,  R,  M,,  i,  H73, 

Whitnev,  Rev,  i'oler,  i,  2^!1, 

Uhiliie'v,  J.isbud,  ii,  74,  7.-.. 

Whitne'v,  Rev.  Job,  v.  230.  2^*7. 

Whitney,  Rev.  Ueorsp,  v.  aiW. 

Whilnoy,  RiiharJ,  viii,  £>«. 

Whitney,  Nnihaniel,  ii. 

Whitnev,  Tho.,  ib. 

Whitney,  Jonathan,  ii. 

\Vliiliicy,  Ellin,  ib, 

Whitney  [Whilingf],  Rev.   Samuel,  ii. 

Whitnev'«  IliElory  of  the  County  of  Wor- 
cester referred  lu,  i.30. 
Wliiiroker,  Jeremy,  ,t.  30,  a^  IM. 
Whitleinore,  Rev   Aaron,  ii.  314. 
Whittcrnore,  Tbomas,  vi.S!l5. 
Whillemore,  Lawrence,  viii.  254. 
Wliilteitiurc,  Elizabeth,  ib. 
Whiiteredd,  William,  viii.  WT. 
Whilturedd,  ElizaMh,  it. 
Whilterodd,  Thoniaa,  ib. 
Whiitingham,  VVilliam,  v.  306. 
Whiilingion-s  Hole!,  Cohasael,  ii.  100. 
Whiilon,  Jeremy,  viii.  2ti3. 
Whillon,  Aiidry,  ii. 
Whitlon,  Thomas,  viii.  254. 
Whitweil,  Rev.  Williaro  A.,  iu.  100. 
Whiiwell,  William,  v  337 
Whitweil,  Rev,  William,  t.  237,  230. 


r  10. 


Whili 
Whit 


Goorgc,  viii.  254, 260 


320.    To  Sir  John  Cooke,  322. 
Wigs  lei  worth,    Edward,    letler    lo 
Winlhrop,  Jr.,  ii,  a!>6. 


Wilby,i;eorge,  viii.  350. 

Wilc'o<:ks<m,%Villiam,  viii.' 
Wilrocksnn,  Margari'l,  ti. 
Wilcock6on,Ji,hn,  ii. 
Wild,  John,  vii.lr.l;  viii.! 
Wild.  Alice,  viii,  2.-.?. 
Wild,  WiUiai 


Will 


seph, 


(.275. 


Wildborc,  Anne,  v 
Wildman,  Joseph,  i.  to, 
WilciiiB,iii,  Mary,  i,  174. 
Wilf  V,  Thomas,  i.  27.-5. 
Wilkma,  Hray,  iii,I72. 
Wilkins,  Thomas,  iii.  172-177. 
Wilkinson,  Widow,  i.  15C. 
Wilkinson,  llrnrv,  liii.  2ti2. 

Roger  Wil- 


liai 
Will's  Cree 


i.  173. 


v.  102. 


354 


General  Index. 


Willard,  Rov.  Snmnel,  of  Boston,  i.  134, | 
tl'Ai;  iii.  17!»,  ]^0.  Vioc-Presideut  ol*j 
Harvard  Col  leg*;,  v.  lC57. 

Willard,  Josiali,  Secretary  of  Massachu- 
setts, his  letter  tu  Rev.  Mr.  Whitefield, 
i.  147;  V.  10;  vii.  «6,  96. 

Willard,  Solomon,  i.  S274,  278. 

Willard.  Joseph,  ii.  367;  iii.  407;  v.  291, 
2!>4,  2t)5,  3(K);  vi.  297;  vii.  294.  His 
Memoir  of  William  Lincoln,  x.  !£25. 

Willard,  Sergeant,  iii.  137. 

W'illard, ,  iii.  405. 

Willard,  Major  Simon,  iv.  40, 62,  83;  x.  4. 

Willard,  Capt.,  vi.  216,  250,  259. 

Willes, ,  viii.  314. 

Willet. ,  i.  71. 

Willet,  Thomas,  vii.  94,  97. 

Willet,  Capt.,  vii.  246. 

Willcy,  Rev.  Isaac,  ii.  313,  314. 

W^illiam,  or  Nataous,  Indian,  of  Sudbury, 
iv.  232,  233. 

William  III.,  orders  the  second  charter 
of  Ma.«s<ichusett8  to  be  drawn  up,  i. 
119.  Order  in  relation  to  Connecticut 
charter,  ib.  Petition  to,  for  restoration 
of  charters,  120.  Sends  French  Prot- 
estants to  Virginia,  ii.  35.  Order  for 
Sir  Edmund  Andros  to  be  sent  to  Eng- 
land, vii.  191. 

William  and  Mary,  i.  105 ;  ii.  47.  Estab- 
lish the  Protestant  interest,  vi.  205. 

Williams,  Roger,  his  letter  to  Governor 
Leverett,  i.  /O.  Letters  to  Governor  J. 
Winthrop,  Sen.,  159-178  Letter  to 
J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  178.  21  J.  212;  ii.  Ml ; 
iii.  97,  154  ;  vii.  7,  249,  287,  297,  298  ; 
viii.  21)1.  Founder  of  Rhode  Island, 
account  of,  ix.  2ii6-210.  Letter  to 
John  Winthrop,  2i)[).  Letters  tu  John 
Winthrop.  Jr,26S-294  ;  x.  1  -5, 10, 18, 
26.  39.  llis  Indian  Vocabulary,  ii.  150, 
and  "Key  into  the  Language  of  Amer- 
ica," referred  to,  viii.  2!»5 

W^illiams,  John,  of  Deerfield,  i.  289. 

Williams,  William  T.,  i.  292 ;  iii.  129. 131, 
161,  167,209,407;  vi  294. 

W^illiams,  Jonathan,  i.  2t.)2. 

Williams,  Samuel,  ih. 

Williams,  Rev.  Simeon,  ii.  97. 

Williams,  Jonathan,  ii.  278. 

Willian^s,  Dr. ,  Professor,  ii.  285; 

X.  187.     Account  of  a  solar  eclipse  in 

1780,  las. 

W^illiams,  Ephraim.  ii.  290. 

Williams,  Hev.  Samuel,  of  Bradford,  iii. 
191;  V.272. 

W'illiams.  Abraham,  iv.  290. 

Williams,  Elisha,  v.  12. 

Williams.  Rev. ,  of  Deerfield,  and 

wife,  taken  by  the  Indians,  vi.  252.  His 
wife  killed,  253.  Publishes  a  narra- 
tive, ib. 

Williams,  John,  of  Conway,  vii.  293. 

Williams,  Dr. ,  viii.  251. 

Williams,  Ann,  viii.  267. 


W^iHiams,Dr.,  bis  library,  in  London,  viii. 

317. 
Williams,  Hugh,  viii.  317;  x.  135, 136. 
Williams,  Joseph,  x.  28. 
Williamson,  Dr.  Hugh,  i.  292. 
Williamson,   Hon.    William   D.,    i.  298. 
Notice  of  Orono,  a  Penobscot  chief,  ix. 
82.     Sketches  of  Indian  tribes  in  New 
England,  ii2. 
Williamson,  Capt.,  v.  190;  vi.  ^&5. 
Williamson,  Michell,  viiH  254. 
Williamson,  W'illiam,  viii.  270. 
W^illiamson,  Marie,  ib. 
Williamson,  Ann,  viii.  272. 
Williamson's  History  of  Maine  referred 

t<i,  ix.  98. 
W^illing,  Richard,  i.  273. 
Willis,  Rev.  Zephaniah.  i.  289. 
Willis,  Nathaniel,  ii.  368;   iii.  406;   vii. 

289. 
W^illis,  William,  iii.  407;  vi.  295. 
Willis.  Samuel,  letter  to  J.  W^inthrop,  Jr., 
X.  56,  74,  75.     And  J.  W^intbrop,  Jr., 
letter  to  Sir  G.  Carteret,  84,  89. 

Willis, ,  X.  113,  114,  117. 

Willoughbv,  Lord,  iii  248,  3i)3. 
Willoughby,  Sir  Hugh,  iii.  363. 
Willoughhy,  Francis,  Dep.-Gov.,  iii.  388- 

394 ;  iv.  196 
Willoughbvs,    heirs    of  the    Barony    of 

Willougfiby,  viii.  310. 
Willyard      See  W^illard 
W'ilmington,  Earl  of,  ii  271. 
Wilson,  Rev.  John,  of  Boston,  i.  35,46, 
Hi4,  231,  245;    iii    1«,  106,  377,  31>;i 
Preaches  to  the  Indians,  iv   41,  42,  54. 
His  letter  to  the  Corporation  for  Pro- 
moting the  Gospel  among  the  lndiaa«, 
176,  22H,  2:tt;  vi.  28;  vii.  289,  296; 
viii  248,  288,  316 ;  ix.  121,  243,  258 

Wilson,  Rev. ,  of  Medficld,  i.  50. 

Wilson,  Rachel,  ii.  296. 
Wilson,  Col   Robert,  ii.  293. 
Wilson,  John,  iv.  2iK). 
Wilson,  Sarah,  vi.  142. 
Wilson,  Lieut.,  vi.  228. 

Wilson,  Dr. ,  vii.  297. 

Wilson,  Rev.  William,  viii.  316. 
Wilson,  Jane  A.,  ix.  17. 

Wilson,  Rev. ,  ib. 

W'ilson,  Mrs.,  ib. 

Wilton,   New   Hampshire,   its    churches 

and  ministers,  iii.  184. 
Wincal,  Capt.,  vi.  207. 
Winche,  Mary,  x.  144. 
Wincheli,  Elizabeth,  viii.  256. 
Winchell,  Jo.,  ib. 
Winchester,  Jo.,  viii.  255. 
Winchester,  New  Hampshire,  its  churclies 

and  ministers,  iii.  185;  iv.  293. 
Wincumbone,  iii.  140. 

Windover, ,  ix.  256. 

Winds,  notes  of,  in  Old  and  New  Eng- 
land, 1630-31,  i.  235. 
Windsor,  Connecticut,  settled,  ri.  157. 


General  Index. 


355 


Windsor,  Joshua,  x.  40. 

Winea  and  strong  waters  forbidden,  iz. 
2ti6. 

Wingadacoa,  Indian  name  of  New  £ng- 

^     land,  <&c.,  iii.  23!),  31*J. 

Wiiigate,  Samuel,  ii.  21)6. 

Wingate,  Rev.  Paine,  ii.  301. 

Wingate,  Hon.  Pninc,  iii.  Iti3;  v.  296. 

Wingate,  Edward,  viii.  315. 

Wingate  Family,  ib. 

Winge,  Robert,  x.  143. 

Winge,  Juditii,  Uf.  ^ 

Wingfield,  Capt.,  viii.  69. 

Winnisimet,  iii.  322. 

Winne,  Peter,  v.  23. 

Winncpisseockeege,  i.  113. 

Winsley,  Capt.,  v.  190. 

Wiuslow,  Edward,  Governor  of  Plymouth, 
i.  21, 22, 27.  His  "  New-England's  Sal- 
amander  discovered  "  reprinted,  ii.  110, 
266;  iii.  378,  380,  384.  Letters  of  Rev. 
J.  Eliot  and  T.  Mayhew,  Jr.,  published 
by,  iv.  69.  Letters  of  Rev.  J.  Eliot  to, 
79,89.  Agen^  71,  118,  169;  vii.  286, 
298;  viii.  &8,  293.  His  "Brief  Nar- 
ration "  republished  in  Young's  Pil- 
g[rim8,  extracts  from,  ix.  48,  53.  No- 
tice of  his  mission  to  England,  69,  70, 
199.  Assists  Roger  Williams,  210,  214, 
242,  246 ;  x.  7. 

Winshiw,  Susanna,  i.  27. 

Winslow,  Josiah,  Governor  of  Plymouth, 
his  commission  as  commander-in-chief 
in  Philip's  War,  i.  66;  ii.  266;  iii.  210; 
vi.  181;  vii.  286. 

Winslow,  Mrs. ,  ii.  287,  288. 

Winslow,  Rev.  Hubbard,  iii.  188. 

Winslow,  Dr.  John,  v.  293. 

Winslow,  Penelope,  vii.  286. 

Winslow,  Gen.  John,  ib. 
Winslow,  John,  ib. 

Winslow,  Pelham,  ib. 

Winslow,  Dr.  Isaac,  ib. 

Winslow,  Isaac,  vii.  289,  291. 

Winslow  family  portraits,  vii.  286. 

Winsor,  Josua,  i.  4. 

Winter,  John,  iii.  229. 

Winter,  Capt.,  iii.  364. 
Winter,  cold  in  New  England,  iii.  378, 
382,  :i83;  vi.  55. 

Winter  Harbour,  iii.  344,  347.     Garrison 

at,  vi.  248. 
Winter-towne  [Watertown  .''],  vi.  41. 

Winthrop,  John,  Governor  of  Massachu- 
setts, 1.  11.  Letter  from  Emmanuel 
Downinge  to,  15.  Letter  from  Richard 
Andre wes,  21.  From  Benjamin  Hub- 
bard, 20.  From  Thomas  Peters,  23. 
From  William  Pead,  25.  From  Rev. 
Ezekiel  Rogers,  26,  27.  Letters  from 
Roger  Williams  to,  159-177.  From 
John  Havnes,  229,  235,  239,  242,243, 
245,  265  ;'  ii.  :J50 ;  iii.  40,  90,  94.  Fac- 
simile of  his  autograph,  129.  Letter  to 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  129, 138, 161,  225, 


326,  378,  380 -3aj,  366,  398,  400;  vi. 
81.  His  "Model  of  Christian  Charity," 
vii.  31,  100,  103,  107.  Letter  from 
D'AuIney  to,  108,  287,  298;  viii.  201, 
204-211,245,  246,  296,  297,315,321, 
323,  324.  Arrives  at  J^alem,  ix.  119, 
120,  210.  Letter  from  Rev.  William 
Leigh  to,  226.  His  letter  to  Sir  Wil- 
liam Springe,  227.  Letter  from  Roger 
Williams  to,  299.  His  History  of  New 
England  referred  to,  i.  1  ;  ii.  2o8;  vi.  2; 
ix.  ;^1;  X.  4,  27,  150,  151,  J54,  155, 
164,  165,  170.  His  History  of  New 
England  distributed  by  the  Lcgiblature 
of  Mawjachusetta,  vii.  23.  His  History 
of  New  England  continued  by  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  x.  48,  125. 

Winthrop,  Stephen,  i.  15;  iii.  94,  139; 
vii.  10;) ;  viii.  296. 

Winthrop,  John,  Jr.,  Governor  of  Con- 
necticut, letter  from  Roger  Williams  to, 
i.  178.  From  Rev.  Hugh  Peter,  179, 
180.  From  William  Hooke,  181.  And 
others,  buy  land  of  the  Indians,  213,248. 
Letters  from  Henry  Jacie  to,  235-246; 
iii.  94.  Letter  and  commission  from 
Massachusetts  to  treat  with  the  Pequots, 
129,  130,  137,  210,  400;  iv  170 ;  vii. 
31  ;  viii.  269,  295.  Letters  fom  John 
Humfrey  to,  ix.  232,  2:W,  245,  252. 
From  Francis  Kirby,  237,  246-252, 
258-267.  From  Edward  Howes,  240- 
245,  252-258.  To  Roger  Williams, 
289,  291.  From  Roijor  Williams,  268  - 
294;  X.  1-5,  10,  18,  26,  39.  From 
Rev.  John  Davenport,  ix.  294,  2IJ7  ;  x. 
6,  8,  11-15,  19-26,  2<>-3l»,  42-46,  58, 
59.  From  Edward  Wicglesworth,  ix. 
2t)6  From  Rev.  Henry  Paynier,  231. 
From  Sir  Kenelme  Digby,  x.  5,  15. 
From  Samuel  Hutchinson, 41), 50.  From 
P.  Carteret,  51.  To  P.  Carteret.  52.  To 
Col.  Richard  Nicolls,  54.  From  Sam- 
uel Willes,  56.  Fiom  George  Denison, 
64.  From  Charles  Hill,  (i6  From 
James  Noyes, 67.  From  Rev.  Abraham 
Pierson,  09.  From  Robert  Morris,  70. 
From  Rev.  Thomas  Slieijard,  of  Charles- 
town,  ib.  From  Mary  Gold,  72.  From 
Bryan  Rosscter,  73.  From  George 
Heathrote,  76  From  William  J<mi's, 
77  From  Francis  Lovelace,  (Jovernor 
of  New  York,  79,  80,  ii6.  To  Governor 
Lovelace,  81.  To  the  Governor  and 
Council  of  Rhode  Island,  83.  (And 
Samuel  Willis)  to  Sir  George  Carteret, 
84.  To  John  Berry,  85.  To  the  Coun- 
cil of  Connecticut,  89.  From  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Council  of  Massachusetts,  97, 
100.  From  Matthias  Nichols,  99,  103, 
113.  To  Matthias  Nirhols,  111.  Fr<m» 
Governor  Leverett,  96,  101 ,  104.  From 
John  Sharpe,  108.  To  Hon.  Robert 
Boyle,  110.  From  Fitz-John  W^inlhrop, 
112.      From  Sir  £.  Andros,  115,  116. 


356 


General  Index. 


From  John  Davenport,  Jr.,  115.  From 
Daniel  Withcrell,  118,  119.  To  Lord 
Brerelon,  123.  From  Henry  Olden- 
burg, 47,  124,  260.  Entrealecf  to  return 
to  Lngland,  x.  5,  6,  16.  His  son  cap- 
tain of  a  troop  of  horse,  'Sri.  History 
of  New  £ngland  continued  by,  4d,  12o, 
177. 

Winthrop,  Major  Fitz-John,  i.  248.  Let- 
ter to  John  Allyn,  x.  91.  Defends 
Long  Island,  92-1)4, 114, 115, 117-120. 
Receives  the  thanks  of  Connecticut 
colony,  IKS.  His  answer  to  message  to 
surrender,  03,  1)9,  100.  Letter  from 
Samuel  Epps  to,  x.  89,91.  His  letter 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  112. 

Winthrop,  Adam,  i.  263. 

Winthrop,  Hon.  William,  i.  239;  ii.  365. 

Winthrop,  Hon.  James,  i.  289,293;  vii. 
9,  17;  ix.  170;  x.  187. 

Winthrop,  Hon.  Thomas  L.,  Lieut.-Gov., 
i.  293,  297;  ii.  78,  'Mr,  iii.  405;  v.  292, 
21K3.  Letter  from  Don  Juan  Galindo  to, 
vi.  280,  2<)5,  297;  vii.  31,  285,  2e7,  288, 
292.  294,  295;  ix.  170,  224. 

Winthrop,  Francis  W.,  ii.  78. 

Winthrop,  Mrs.,  ib. 

Winthrop  James,  takes  the  name  of  James 
BowdcMi,  ib.     8ee  Bowdoin. 

Winthrop,  Mrs.,  iii.  137;  ix.  273,  274; 
X.  32. 

Winthrop,  Francis  B.,  iii.  165. 

Winthrop,  Adam,  of  Louisiana,  iii.  408. 

Winthrop,  Adam,  iv.  289. 

Winthrop,  Mary,  iv.  295. 

Winthrop,  Francis  B.,  v.  300  ;  vii.  31. 

Winthrop,  B.  R.,  Recording  Secretary  of 
New  York  Historical  Society,  vii.  ol. 

Winthrop,  Wait,  vii.  162,  166. 

Winthrop,  John  Filz,  vii.  168. 

Winthrop,  Robert  C,  viii.  4  ;  ix^  101. 

Winthrop,  Elizabeth,  viii.  269. 

Winthrop,  Jane,  viii.  296. 

Winthrop,  Lucie,  ih. 

Winthrop,  Henry,  ib. 

Winthrop,  Anna,  viii.  297. 

Winthrop,  Jane,  ib. 

Winthrop,  Luce,  ib. 

Winthrop,  Adam,  viii. 297;  x.l51.  Verses 
by,  on  the  birth  of  Henry  Mildmay, 
152. 

Winthrop,  Mrs.,  ix.  226. 

Winthrop,  Eliza,  ix.  243. 

Winthrop,  Major,  x.  1. 

Winthrop,  Capt.,  x.  56,  67. 

Winthrop,  Major-Gencral,  x.  121. 

Winthrop,  John,  recommendation  of,  to 
the  Royal  Society,  x.  121,  122. 

Winthrop,  Alice,  x.  151. 

Winthrop  F'amily,  account  of,  x.  150. 

Winthrop  Papers,  ix.  226;  x.  1. 

Willi liropp,  Doaue,  i.  15  ;  viii.  269,  297. 

WniJliropp,  Adam,  viii.  296. 

Winthropp,  Anna,  ih. 

Winthropp,  Nathaniel,  viii.  297. 


Winthropp,  Samuel,  viii.  21W. 

Winthropp,  Margaret,  i6. 

Winlhropp,  Ann,  ib. 
I  Winthropp,  Martha,  ib. 
j  Winthropp,  Harry,  ib.  • 

'  Winthropp,  Elizabeth,  ib. 
!  Winthropp,  Stephen,  ib. 
I  Winthropp,  Judith,  ib. 

Winthropp,  Annis,  ib. 
!  Winthropp,  Mrs  Mary,  ib. 
1  Winthropp,  Mrs.,  ib. 
^Winthropp,  Forth,  ib. 
:  Wise,  Rev.  Jeremiah,  ii.  310. 

Wise,  John,  iv.  2I»1. 
;  Wiseman,  Richard,  x.  164. 

Wiseman,  Hannah,  ib. 

Wisewell,  Capt.  John,  i.  87. 

Wisner,  Rev.  Dr.  ,  iii.  405,  406; 

vii.  7. 

Wiswall, ,  i.  117. 

I  Wiswall,  Rev.  ,  of  Duxburv,  vii. 

I     2i)7. 

I  Wiswel,  Capt.,  vi.  210,  218,  224. 

VV^itchcrafl,  supposed,  in  1692,  examina- 
tion of  persons  accused  of,  i.  124;  vii. 
261,262,263;  ix.  l82. 

With,  Marv,  viii.  272. 

Witherell, 'William,  viii.  274. 

Witherell,  Marv,  i6. 

Witherell,  or  VVethercll,  Daniel,  letters 
to  J.  Winthrop,  Jr.,  x.  118,  119. 

Witheridge,  Capt.,  viii.  170. 

Witherlcy,  Capt.  John,  viii.  274- 

Witherly.     See  Witherell. 

Withie,  Suzan,  viii.  272. 

Wilhie,  Marie,  ib. 

Withie,  Robert,  ib. 

Withington,  Capt.,  i.  85. 

Withipoles,  The,  x.  161. 

Woburn,  several  of  the  churrli  and  town 
of,  their  petition  to  the  General  Court 
for  Christian  liberty,  i.  38 ;  iii.  324. 
Church,  :W3;  iv.  2^)0  ;  vi.  184. 

Wolcott,  Hon.  Oliver,  i.  292;  vii.  288; 
X.  189. 

Wolcott,  Roger,  Jr.,  v.  12. 

Wolcott,  Oliver,  v.  75,  84,  87,  92. 

Wolfe,  General,  ii.  298. 

Wolhouston,  Marie,  viii.  255. 

Wolley,  Robert,  x.  88. 

Wolliston,  Capt.,  vi.  136. 

Women,  courageou.*,  vi.  275. 

Wonasquam  (or  Annisquam),  iii.  323. 

"  Wonder-working  Providence,"  Edward 
Johnson  author  of,  vi.  46.  Copy  of^  in 
the  British  Museum,  viii.  284. 

Wood,  Elias,  viii.  274. 

Wood,  William,  viii.  272. 

Wood,  Elizabeth,  ib. 

Wood,  Jo.,  ib. 

Wood,  Constant,  viii.  264. 

Wood,  Thomas,  viii.  252. 

Wood,  Elizabeth,  viii.  261. 

Wood,  Nathaniel,  ib. 

Wood,  Antony,  viii.  316. 


GenercU  Index. 


367 


Wood's  Athen©  Oxonicnsis,  yiii.  277. 
Fasti,  241),  2:>(),  251 . 

Woodherry,  Peter,  vii.  2r>3. 

Woodberry,  John,  vii.  253,  254,  260. 

Woodbcrry,  William,  Sen.,  vii.  256. 

Woo<lberry,  Hugh,  ilf. 

Woodberry,  Anna,  ib. 

Woodberry,  Anna,  Jr.,  t^. 

Woodberry,  Elizabetii,  lA. 

Woodberry,  Mary,  ib. 

Woodberry,  Hannah,  ib. 

Woodberry,  Humphrey,  Sen., vii. 256, 260. 

Woodbridge,  Rev. ,  i.  256. 

Woodbridge,  Rev.  John,  iv.  2i)5. 

Woodbridge,  Benjamin,  viii.  2b8. 

Woodbridge,  John,  viii.  317. 

Woodbury,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  i.  158. 

Woodbury,  Hon.  Levi,  iii.  293 ;  vi.  297 ; 
vii.  26. 

Woodbury,  Peter,  iv.  21K). 

Woodbury,  Anna,  v.  21d. 

Wood  Creek,  v.  120. 

Woodhousc,  Henry,  iv.  291. 

Woodman,  Richard,  viii.  267. 

Woodman,  Hercules,  viii.  319. 

Woodward,  Jane,  i.  156. 

Woodward, ,  vi.  296. 

Woodward,  Joseph,  vii.  290. 

Woodward,  George,  viii.  254,  256;  z.  131. 

VV'oodward,  Rose,  x.  140. 

Woodward,  Richard,  x.  140,  142. 

Woodward,  George,  x.  142. 

Woodward,  John,  ib. 

Woolfe,  Martha,  vii.  256. 

Woolte,  Peter,  ib. 

Wooiibrd,*Jane,  x.  139. 

Woolseye,  George,  vii.  246. 

Woolson,  Thomas,  i.  15ri;  ii.  297. 

Woolson,  Joanna,  ii.  297. 

Worcester,  Rev.  Francis,  iii.  94. 

Worcester,  Rev.  Thomas,  iii.  185. 

Worcester,  Josopli  E.,  v.  296,  300  J  vi. 
295,  298  ;  vii.  25,  21|2,  21>3. 

Worcester,  Rev.  fisamuel  M.,  v.  297. 

Worcester,  Rev.  W.,  x.  138. 

Worcester  battle,  1651,  i.  32. 

Worcester  Magazine  and  Ilistorica}  Jour- 
nal, X.  228. 

Worden,  Jane,  viii.  252  ;  x.  127. 

Worden,  Isaac,  viii.  261 ;  x.  129. 

Worombo,  Indian  sagamore,  vi.  228. 

Worster,  Rev.  ,  of  Salisbury,  iii. 

94.     See  Worcester. 

Worthington,  John,  v.  9. 

Worthington,  Dr. ,  viii.  318. 

Wrast,  Marie,  viii.  254. 

Wraxall,  Peter,  v.  23. 

Wrecks,  permit  to  visit,  1687,  vii.  188. 

Wren,  Bishop,  viii.  317;  x.  148. 

Wrentham,  iv.  290. 

Wright,  Jacob,  ii.  279. 

Wright,  Widow,  ii.  2t>5. 

Wright,  Nathaniel,  iii.  326. 


Wright,  Hezckiah,  vi.  145. 

Wright,  Capt.,  vi.  223. 

Wright,  Robert,  viii.  299. 

Wright,  John,  viii.  344. 

Wriglit,  Capt.  George,  ix.  280. 

Wunnashoatuckoogs,  ix.  300. 

Wunnawmeneeskat,  carries  a  present  to 

Onkus,  i.  71. 
Wussoonkquassin,  ix.  272,  273. 
Wuttackquiackommin,  a  valiant  Pequot 

Indian,  i.  161. 
Wultouwuttaiirum,  ix.  272. 
Wyandanch,  Indian  sachem,  sells  an  island 

to  Lion  Gardiner,  x.  178-183. 
Wyat,  Lieut.,  vi.  2.^0. 
Wyldo,  George,  viii.  263. 
Wyler,  Lieut.,  vi.  259. 
Wylie,  John,  viii.  263;  x.  129. 
Wyman,  John,  i.  45. 
Wynthropp.     See  Winthrop,  viii.  269. 


X. 

Xamuscado,  Francisco,  viii.  122. 


Y. 

.,  X.  33,  37,  79. 


Yale, 

Yankee,  origin  of  the  name,  ix.  193. 

Yarmouth  Church,  iv.  43. 

Yates,  J.  V.  N.,  i.  292. 

Yates,  Abraham,  Jr.,  v.  81. 

Yates,  William,  viii.  266. 

Yong, ,  X.  13. 

York,  attacked  by  Indians,  vi.  227,  223, 
241,250;  viii.  168-171. 

Yotaash,  i.  162.  Seizes  several  Pequots, 
163. 

Youghioganv,  v.  102,  108. 

Young,  Sir  John,  iii.  326. 

Young,  Rev.  Alexander,  iii.  405;  v.  300; 
yi.  296;  vii.2f>3,294, 295.  His  "  Chron- 
icles of  the  Pilgrims  "  referred  to,  ix.  43- 
70. 

Young,  Alexander,  vii.  12. 

Young,  Capt.  Josc[d),  viii.  271. 

Younge,  Capt.,  x.  92. 

Younglovc,  Samuel,  viii.  272. 

Younglove,  Margaret,  ib. 


Z. 


Zachary,  Elizabeth,  i.  151. 

Zeisberger,  Rev. ,  v.  287. 

Zeni,  Nicholas,  iii.  359. 
Zeni,  Antonio,  iA. 

Zephaniah,  Old,  an  aged  Indian  at  Mash- 
pee,  i.  151. 

Zorzy, ,  i.  83. 

Zotto,  or  Solo, ,  iii.  52. 


OFFICERS  OF   THE  SOCIETY. 

CONTINUED  FROM  VOL.  I,  p.  3M. 


John  Davis, 
Thomaa  L.  Wiolhrop, 
Jamei  Savage, 


Recobhisa  Secretahiei. 

>.  Churlea  Lowell, 

I.  Uuoialiel  Bradrord,  1S33- 

JoHph  Willaid,  1S35. 


Stand  iHo  Cohmittu. 


Thomu  L.  Winlhrop, 
Jamea  I'reeiDlin, 
iohn  Pierce, 
■William  Tudor. 
FranciB  CUtay, 
Nallmn  Hale. 
Jnnieii  Bowdoin, 

J*recl  Sparks, 
Jjimeg  T.  Austin, 

!Nailiati  Anpleton, 

Convera  Francia, 
Jobtl  DnVla, 
Alexnniier  Young, 
Jouph  B.  Fell, 
Samuel  P.  Gardner, 
Gaurf  B  Ticknor, 
Joseph  Willard, 
Francia  C.  Gray, 


-ItfK. 

-ia33. 

-1836. 

-1836. 


William  Jenki, 
Janiei  Bowdoin, 
Jorcph  VVillard, 
A'ahum  Milchell, 
Jnaiiph  B.  Felt, 
Thaddeus  SI.  Harria, 
Juaepb  B,  Felt, 


li?35- 

1837- 
1043. 


law-: 

18iB- 
ItfSH. 


Juufont  UbrariaxM. 


CiBinrr-KeErE&a. 


1K19. 
-1«47!  , 


TUISD  Sekiei. 
itt  Volirmt. 


AssistoBt  TTtas¥Ttr. 


Feleg  W-  Cfaandler, 


Abiel  llotmea, 
Charles  Luwoll, 
Alexander  Young, 


William  Jen  ks, 
Charles  Lowell, 

William  J.  Spooner. 


John  Pickering, 
Jauies  Bowdoin, 
^imin  R.  Nichola, 
I-  James  C.  Morritt. 


James  Bowdoio, 
Charles  Lowell, 
Convers  Franc ia, 
Thaddeua  U.  Hwris,  1837  -  ISIO.  JoMpli  Willuid. 


CorrapOHding  Stcretary  pro  ttm. 


Resident  Members. 


359 


4th  Volume. 


Jumes  Bowdoin, 
Cliarles  Lowell, 
ConvtTH  Francis, 
Joseph  Willard. 


5<A  Volume. 


Joseph  E.  Worcester, 
Joseph  B.  Felt, 
Alexander  Young, 
Con  vers  Francis. 


6th  Volume, 

Alexander  Young, 
Joseph  B.  Felt, 
Lemuel  Shattuck, 
Samuel  Sewall. 

7lh  Volume. 

Thaddeus  M.  Harris, 
Convers  Francis, 
Joseph  B.  Felt, 
Nathaniel  G.  iSnelling. 

8th  Volume. 

Francis  C.  Gray, 
William  H.  Prescott, 
Joseph  B.  Fell, 
Alexander  Young. 


9th  Volume. 

Francis  C.  Gray, 
Robert  C.  Wintiirop, 
A  Ivan  Lamson, 
Charles  F.  Adams. 

lOtA  Volume. 

Francis  C.  Gray, 
Kobert  C.  Winthrop, 
Charles  F.  Adams, 
Nathaniel  L.  Frothingham. 


To  prepare  the  Index. 


Caleb  Snow, 
William  Gibbs, 
William  Lincoln, 
Oliver  W.  B.  Peabody, 
Solomon  Lincoln, 
Charles  F.  Adams, 


vice  Spooner, 
Bowdoin, 
Snow, 
Nichols, 
Gibbs, 
W.  Lincoln. 


K 
It 


11 
tl 


Fourth  Series. 
1st  Volume. 


William  Jcnks, 
George  Ticknor, 
Alexander  Young, 
Nathaniel  B.  ShurtlefT. 


RESIDENT   MEMBERS, 


IN   THE  ORDER   OF   THEIR   ELECTION. 


Hon.  Josiah  Quincy,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  James  Savage,  LL.  D. 
Rev  Charles  Lowell,  S.  T.  D. 
Hon.  Francis  C.  Gray,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  Nahum  Mitchell,  A.  M. 
Hon.  Nathan  Hale, 
Hon.  Edward  Everett,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  James  C.  Merrill,  A.  M. 
Rev.  William  Jenks,  S.  T.  D. 
Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  LL.  D. 
Rev.  John  G.  Palfrey,  S.  T.  D. 
Hon.  Jared  Sparks,  LL.  D. 
Joseph  E.  Worcester,  LL.  D. 
Joseph  Willard,  LL.  B. 
Lemuel  Shattuck,  Esq. 
Isaac  P.  Davis,  Esq. 
Rev.  Joseph  B.  Fc-lt,  A.  M. 


Hon.  Lemuel  Shaw,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  James  T.  Austin,  LL.  D. 
Rev.  Convers  Francis,  S.  T.  D. 
Hon.  John  Welles,  A.  M. 
Rev.  Charles  W.  Upham,  A.  M. 
George  Ticknor,  A.  M. 
Hon.  George  Bancroft,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  Nathan  Appleton,  A.  M. 
Hon.  Rufus  Choate,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  John  G.  King,  A.  M. 
Rev.  Alexander  Young,  S.  T.  D. 
Hon.  Daniel  A.  White,  LL.  D. 
William  Gibbs,  Fsq. 
Josiah  Bartlctt,  M.  D. 
Hon.  Simon  Greenleaf,  LL.  D. 
William  H.  Prescott,  LL.  D. 
Hon.  Robert  C  Winthrop,  LL.  D. 


'y 


360 


Officers  of  the  Society. 


RcT.  Alvan  LnniBon,  S.  T.  D. 

Hon.  Charles  Franris  Adntiis,  A.  M. 

Hon.  Hitnmcl  Hour,  LL.  D. 

Kov.  Willimn  P.  I.iint,  A.  M. 

Kev.  George  E.  Elli:),  A.  M. 

Hon.  John  C.  Gray,  A.  M. 

Kev.  Nathnniel  L.'Frothingham,  S.  T.  D. 

George  8.  Hillard,  A.  M. 

Hon.  William  Minot,  A.  M. 

PelegW.  Chandler,  A.M. 

Rev.  Georfi^c  W.  Hlngden,  S.  T.  D. 

Kev.  Lucius  K.  Paige, 


Hon.  Solomon  Lincoln,  A.  M. 
Rev.  Chandler  RobUiiH,  A.  M. 
Francis  Bowtin,  A.  M. 
Rev.  John  Langdon  Sibley,  \.  R. 
Kirhard  Fruthingham,  Jr.,  iOttq. 
Nathaniel  H.  ^hurth-ir,  .M.  D. 
Henry  Wheatland,  M.  D. 
Thaddous  W.  Harris,  M.  D. 
Rev.  William  Ives  Budington,  A.  M 
Hon.  David  SearH,  A.  M. 
Svlvester  Judd,  Esq. 
"Tliomas  H.  Webb,  M.  D. 


OFFICERS 


OF    THE 


MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY, 


ELECTED  APRIL  26.   \^Q. 


President. 
Hojf.  JAMES  SAVAGE,  LL.  D. 

REcoRniNG  Secretary. 
JOSEPH  WH.LARD,  Esq. 

Corresponding  Secretary. 
Rev.  ALEXANDER  YOUNG,  S.  T.  D. 

Librarian. 
Rev.  JOSEPH  B.  FELT. 

Treasurer. 
RICHARD  FROTHINGHAM,  Jr.,  Esq. 

Cabinet-Keeper. 
ISAAC  P.  DAVIS,  Esq. 

Standing  Committee. 

Hon.  FRANCIS  C.   GRAY,  LL.  D. 
Rev.  CON  vers  FRANCIS,  S.  T.  D. 
Rev.  ALEXANDER  YOUNG,  S.  T.  D. 
GEORGE  TICKNOK,  Esq. 
JOSEPH  WILLARD,  Esq. 


3  bios  015  130  3B\» 


9?^  f 


S£ 


P  •■■■ 


Stanford  U„,Ve«,>y  Ufararies 

Stanford,  Ca. 

94305 


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