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P
j?f/iud^/4.^y^
THE COLONISATION
OF
INDO-CHINA.
:
THE COLONISATION
OF
INDO-CHINA
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH OF
J. CHAILLEY-BERT
ARTHUR BARING BRABANT.
LONDON
ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & Co.
PUBLISHERS TO THE INDIA-OFFICE.
PARl.lA^^ENT ST.,
IS94.
a
^HARVARDA
lUNIVERSITY
I LIBRARY I
ro^^"'"
r
CONTENTS.
PREFACE . .
INTRODUCTION
Page
THE BRITISH AT HONG-KONG.
CHAPTER I .
Fag,
52
67
95
112
125
THE BRITISH IN BURMA.
PART I. CONQUEST— PACIFICATION.
Page 145
,. ■!!
„ 174
.. "94
CONTENTS.
PART II. ADMINISTRATION.
CHAPTER V Pc^g^ 206
VI V 219
VII „ 227
VIII ,,256
IX ,, 278
n
ji
i>
PART III. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT.
CHAPTER
X Page 288
299
307
326
345
367
376
XI .
XII
XIII .
XIV .
XV .
XVI .
INDEX
391
PREFACE.
To M. l£ON say.
My dear Master,
It is my wish to dedicate this
book to you. Those of our friends who are
aware how much I am indebted to you
and what a great affection I have for you,
will consider this token of gratitude on my
part as perfectly natural ; while maliciously
inclined people will, perhaps, find it piquant
that I should have implicated in colonial
politics not only J.-B. Say, who detested them,
but his grandson as well, who— at least pub-
licly — has as yet evinced no interest in them.
But you will detect in my proceeding, a
motive other than artifice, or even gratitude.
In it, you will recognise the anxious appeal
VI PREFACE.
of the disciple who seeks the patronage of
the Scholar (rather than that of the States-
man) and desires with his co-operation to
make a science of colonial politics, if this
be possible.
I made my debut in colonial affairs under
the guidance of an admirable intellect. Safe
judgment, rapid decision, scientific mind,
sound common-sense — such were the rare
gifts, so seldom combined, which M. Paul
Bert united in one and the same person.
I need not recapitulate what he accom-
plished in so few short months. His work
is in itself a sufficient commendation. In
the course of his brief career and on the
morrow of his demise he may have had de-
tractors ; at the present day he has none but
imitators.
•/ He was a strong advocate of a colonial
I policy. But his idea of a colonial policy was
"^^ not so much an indefinite territorial exten-
sion as a rational plan of administration.
After conquest, he desired organisation.
This organisation he conceived and carried
out on a scientific basis. He considered it
essential for colonial government, that prin-
ciples should first be established, and a system
of procedure adopted.
I have ever since been imbued with these
views, at once so simple and so wise : for
the future they are my creed. But though
PREFACE. VII
I have met with people who shared these
views, few have dared to defend them, and
fewer still have desired to put them into
practice.
No sooner is the question of colonies broach-
ed than we desert those principles, which
form the basis of our policy, we lack syste-
matic action, albeit imperious logic has long
been our guide. We live from day to day;
we wander hap-hazard.
Empiricism is our ruler and guide; and
still more so, routine. So that, as a result
of mere routine, we have even imported into
our transmarine possessions the system of
home government, and given to colonies dif-
fering very essentially a regime which differs /
in little.
And yet each of these colonies has wants
of which the others are ignorant, and all of
them have wants which are ignored by the
mother country.
Take, for instance, the population of a
colony, — a population of colonists and abo-
rigines.
What are colonists? They are natives
of a metropolis which with its austere regime
has offered but meagre chances of success,
and who have come to the colonies in the
hope of increasing their chances. Will these
chances, pray, be increased, if the admini-
strative system, the mania for making regu-
VIII PREFACE.
lations, and the zeal for the interests
of the public treasury to be found in
the mother country are imported into the
colonies ?
And what are aborigines? They are pri-
mitive and suspicious beings who frequently
dread even the most justifiable of our inno-
vations, and are rarely in a position to pro-
fit by them. Are we going to transfer our
European laws and regulations without any
modification to peoples such as these?
It is clear, then, that the mother country
cannot administer and govern her colonies
in accordance with her own system, by her
own laws, and her European officials. She
must initiate other methods, frame other laws,
train up other officials.
Doubtless the parent has her rights which
she cannot compromise — still less sacrifice —
for the sole benefit of her oflFspring. Even
the most ambitious nation would not colo-
nise at a loss for any length of time. And
it seems as though colonisation would be at
a loss were the interests of the colonists
opposed to those of the mother country.
But such is not the case ; their interests,
far from being opposed, are identical; and
all the rights and interests of the metropo-
lis will be safe-guarded, if care be taken to
safe-guard first of all the rights and interests
of the colonists.
-1
PREFACE. IX
It has long been supposed that the inte-
rests of the mother country are at variance
with those of the colonists. It was thought
that the former might be impoverished by
the very causes which render the latter pros-
perous : that, for instance, the colonists grow
rich on the sale of foreign products to the
natives. The mother country instead of cal-
culating what these colonists — her sons —
have gained, calculates what her own manu-
facturers have failed to gain, and pretends
that what they have failed to gain is an
actual loss to her. This calculation is inaccu-
rate. Whatever the colonists have gained is
a gain to their native land.
The interest of the parent, then, lies in
not haggling with her children over such
matters as may be conducive to their pros-
perity ; that is to say, a certain liberty of
action should be accorded them, laws suited
to the average of the population ; they should
have capable and honest officials, and the
material means of attaining wealth.
All these are more uncommon than might
be supposed.
Look at the laws of our colonies : they
are laws which have been almost entirely
modelled on the Home Legislature. They
consist partly of the Civil Code, the Code
of Procedure, the Commercial Code, the
Penal Code — and a host of our admini-
X PREFACE.
m
strative laws. In Algeria, in Indo-China, in
Guiana, in Reunion, we find almost every-
where the same laws, and the same ad-
ministration. *
And the officials? what are they, and i
whence do they come ? In every ten of our
colonial officials there is hardly one who
may be safely regarded as trustworthy.
How will the remaining nine set about the
work of governing ? The answer is on every
one's lips. They will bring with them that
passion for uniformity, that mania for routine,
that love for making regulations and of
form, that dread of initiative, and of the
responsibilities which crush the mother ^^
country as well as the most vigorous of j
our colonies.
Consult the Annual Reports for the colo-
nies. You will find there double and treble
the number of officials that ought to be
tolerated by even the most scribbling of admi-
nistrations. Enormous sums are devoted to
the maintenance of an oppressive staff, whilst
a miserable allowance is made for the . only
real objects of interest and usefulness.
Examine the budgets: nine times out of .;
ten the establishment charges are heavier
than the cost of the Public Works them-
selves. And yet Public Works represent the
future welfare of the colonies; they are a
safety-valve and a means of subsistence for
PREFACE. XI
to-day, a triumph for to-morrow. Nay, more ;
they even constitute in the eyes of the na-
tives the sole excuse for colonisation. For
the natives care nothing for our laws ; they
scorn our officials ; they dread our reforms.
Perhaps more than a century may elapse
before we shall score a victory for morals,
at the expense of a host of imported vices.
What, then, will the present — or may be the
next — generation of the vanquished owe us,
or for what will they have to thank us, if
we deny them altogether, or make them but
a niggardly concession of, ports, roads, hos-
pitals, schools, — in a word, all the opportu-
nities of progress?
None of these do our colonies possess.
And so almost all of them remain weak
and inactive ; and, as a logical result, seeing
them just as we have made them, we fear to
abandon them to themselves. We deny them
all initiative, and all liberty. We keep them
continually in leading-strings. The more they
increase in number and the longer we have
them, the harder becomes our task and the
less efficacious our supervision ; and we finally
get to dislike them, because they weary and
disquiet us.
Oh! if Parliament to-morrow totally re-
fused its sanction to the colonial budget; if
the Government, tired of war, withdrew its
forces ; if the Mother Country said to her
XII PREFACE.
daughters : '* I cry you quits of all I have
spent on you; I will even make you a
present of whatever you have that belongs
to me. I will still undertake your defence
from external foes. But for the future, not
a penny of mine shall I give you and you
will have to provide for yourselves.'' Oh!
how sweet this severity would be^ how bene-
ficent this cruelty! Would not this thun-
derbolt be a stroke of good fortune!
The first days, the first years would see
many trials, many follies, much squandering,
much ruin. But little by little orderly and
energetic folk would gain the upper hand.
And what wonders would be accomplished
in a short space of time !
There is not a single colony possessed of
sufficient security which could not obtain a
loan at a reasonable rate of interest. It
would provide itself with * plant,' would indeed
construct harbours, railroads, aqueducts, hos-
pitals, sanatoria; a spark of life would be
infused into it. It would abolish the exces-
sive import duty which now crushes it, and
would allow ingress to all the products of
the world at a moderate tariff. It would
found a college, at which examinations for
the recruiting of its officials would be held;
of these there would be few, but they would
be well paid. It would pack away back to
Europe all that administrative apparatus, all
PREFACE. XIII
that legislative trash which are now stifling
its progress coupled with our codes, our
procedure, and our ministerial officials. It
would borrow from young and vigorous coun-
tries laws to meet all its various needs. And
under such a regime our colonies would one
and all become prosperous.
They would take their place in the world
like new Frances, which would diffuse the
influence of the old country in all latitudes.
And if some hundreds of years hence one
or other of them should grow sufficiently
big to have no farther need of our gifts or
our aid; if it should offer to repay us the
outlay of past years and to send us back
our soldiers, so as to be independent till,
some day, its surplus population overflowed
into some other new country, this would be
still another blessing.
For the great aim is not, to have colonies
that are languishing, and a vast empire
which is in jeopardy; but to have dissem-
inated one's ideas through the world and to
have left heirs of one's genius. England's
most glorious colony is still — the United
States.
If our colonies freed from our paralysing
tutelage were some day to become populous
and wealthy ; if, at some future time, they rose
from being colonies to the dignity of nations ;
if these nations, daughters of our own, were
XIV PREFACE.
to perpetuate our renown under other skies
and in other ages, colonies would then seem
to the world a marvellous means of rejuve-
nescence, the most powerful — and only — foe
of decay and death, and there is no nation,
but would desire to found them, even at
the cost of great sacrifices, to let them take
wing when fully fledged, and so launch them
on the path of productive liberty.
Such, my dear master, are the ideas —
somewhat premature, I admit — that I have
wished to place under your patronage.
Why particularly under yours? In the
first place, for this reason: that up till now
you are not a declared advocate of coloni-
sation, and that your adhesion would be all
the more valuable because the less antici-
pated. And for yet another reason : Econo-
mists appear to me with rare exceptions to
have gone on the wrong tack in unreservedly
condemning colonisation. It ought perhaps
to have been condemned in J.-B. Say's time,
but scarcely so in that of Stuart Mill,
and certainly not in ours. Circumstances —
political, economic, and financial — have
changed.
And Political Economy, the science of
observation, must first recognise facts.
That the colonies are now badly managed,
is no argument against them ; but rather
against those that colonise ; it is but a fur-
ther incentive to us to discover the rules
of the art of colonisation.
To launch Political Economy on so pro-
ductive a course were, methinks, a task
worthy of the grandson of J.-B. Say,
Ever affectionately Yours,
Joseph Chailley-Bert.
March, i8q2.
THE COLONISATION
OF
INDO-CHINA.
BRITISH EXPERIENCE.
INTRODUCTION.
Object of these studies — French Colonial Policy —
Reconstitution of our Territory — Reform of otir
Administration — Necessity of consulting the ex-
perience of our rivals — Limit of the profit to be
derived therefrom — the British at hong-kong —
THE BRITISH IN BURMA.
When we consider what are the elements
indispensable to the prosperity of colonies,
we shall find that they are three in number,
namely : good colonists, good laws, and good
administrators. A good colonist is a mar-
ried, or a marriageable man, who is robust
and healthy, full of energy and enterprise,
gifted with patience, and possessed of some
capital. Good laws are laws which are un-
pretentious, liberal in their spirit, pliant in
INTRODUCTION. XVII
their wording, not overloaded with regula-
tions, which do not try to provide for every
emergency and which tend neither to hamper
the action of the colonists nor to restrict
the responsibility of their rulers. Lastly,
good administrators are such as have broad-
minded ideas and aim high ; are gifted with
a comprehensive intelligence and right judg-
ment; are jealous of nothing but the wel-
fare of both settlers and the colony, and
interpret the laws (also, if need be, amplify-
ing them), in such a manner as to render
them a power, and not a constraint, to the
community.
I doubt if this ideal — good colonists, good
laws, good administrators— is anywhere to
be met with ; I am sure that it is not to be
met with in the French colonies. Our co-
lonists, for the most part bachelors, are in
many respects inferior to the average popu-
lation of the mother country. Our legisla-
tion, far too voluminous and changeable, is
nevertheless either antiquated or rigid to
excess. Our administrators, in spite of what
is undertaken by the central administration,
are too numerous ; recruited at random, pro-
moted by caprice, they are too often wanting
in competence and responsibility. Hence we
lack at once all those elements previously
declared indispensable. And yet France has
a superfluity of such elements at home, and
XVIII INTRODUCTION .
at one time had them in her colonies.
We know too little of her colonial policy
under the former regime; it has been preju-
diced by her European policy. This colonial
policy has had one cardinal defect; it has
lacked the spirit of continuity. But, so far
as it concerns us here, it has from its very
origin and throughout a period of two cen-
turies, shown a wisdom in the conception
of its plans, and an ingenuity in their exe-
cution, never to be surpassed.
It is to the colonial methods adopted un-
der the old form of government that France
owed so many magnificent possessions, which,
even in the i8th century, made it doubt-
ful which of the two, she or England, would
be the great colonising nation. Unfortunately,
this marvellous extent of territory, these in-
valuable colonists ; this wisdom which in spite
of all was clearly revealed in the King's
Councils; such a wealth of property so
dearly bought and so slowly acquired — of
all this nothing remains ours at the present
time. Territory has crumbled to pieces and
traditions have become obscured with the
overthrow of the monarchy; finally all was
lost in the great upheaval of the latter end
of the century, and our departed splendour
is only shown by the glory of rivals enriched
by our spoils.
At the present day, despite so many dis-
INTRODUCTION'. XIX
asters, we have at length by twenty years
of effort succeeded in reconstituting our
colonial empire. But now that we wish to
turn the same to profitable account, we
search in vain for a tnodus operandi and for
men to put it into execution. The severed
chain of traditions cannot be re-united ; the
examples of our forefathers, interrupted in
their necessary evolution, are no longer a
guide to us in our present difficulties ; and,
in order to commence our education anew,
we must take a lesson from foreign nations.
There are many people to whom the ad-
mission of our inferiority will appear a sacri-
lege, just as the notion of raising ourselves
from this position by means of study will
appear ridiculous. It were folly to listen to
them. "I lay equal blame," says Pascal,
"on those who are intent on praising man,
as on those who are intent on blaming, or
amusing him ; I can only approve of those
who seek knowledge with tears."
However, if we decide to stud)', let us
endeavour to conduct our studies carefully,
and let us not exaggerate the profit which
may be derived therefrom. Among foreign
nations we shall not find laws, regulations
or conduct which may be straightway imi-
tated without any modification. There is no
nation whose colonial policy is free from
even gross mistakes. All countries without
XX INTRODUCTION.
exception have proved themselves improvi-
dent, ignorant, unjust ; all governments, care-
less, indifferent, wanting in tact. England
herself has, throughout her history, commit-
ted monstrous errors. She possesses, how-
ever, two good points, by which we may
profit. One is an uninterrupted experience
of three centuries from which we might after
feeling our way gather certain rules of con-
duct which at the present day can hardly be
dispensed with, and the other, a well-founded
mistrust of improvised methods, and an appre-
ciation of the fact, the truth of which has
been repeatedly proved, that in the conduct
of colonial affairs nothing can supply the
place of experience, or even of mere study.
That is all, perhaps, that the first colonial
power in the world can teach us. Little as
it is, let us at least try to understand it
aright — a task by no means so easy.
Compared methods, usually so fruitful, are
yet fraught with danger ; none more so, per-
haps, than the compared study of colonial
administration. Numerous and complex fac-
tors have to be taken into account ; the
power of the parent and the aptitude of her
colonists; the climate and resources of the
colony; the character and institutions of the
aborigines. England's experience may pos-
sibly be of no service to Spain; results ob-
tained in Africa do not serve as a prece-
INTRODUCTION. XXI
dent for any course of action in Asia. If,
then, we would model our policy from that
of foreign nations, let us make a good choice
of our masters. These masters will be the
Dutch or the English. But the British-Aus-
tralian colonists cannot teach us anything
worth knowing for our Algeria or our Senegal,
nor Americans, for Madagascar. If we wish
to reap information from the British on mat-
ters relating to Africa, let us go to the
Cape, or to the African West Coast. If we
wish to turn studies to good account for our
Indo-Chinese possessions, — and that is our
primary aim — Asia is the country we must
study, in adjacent latitudes and under simi-
lar conditions : for instance, at Hong-Kong,
and in Burma.
The history of Hong-Kong will afford us a
further proof (if such were needed) of the
— now-a-days commonplace — truism that,
colonial enterprise requires an inexhaustible
store of patience added to a large amount
of obstinacy, and even occasionally a stub-
born and naive denial of what is commonly
called " evidence '' ; and that, according to
the good old English proverb, ''where igno-
rance is bliss, 't is folly to be wise.'' It
will prove to us, moreover, how many mis-
takes are made even in the best laid plans;
how large a portion of man's success is due
solely to good fortune; and that, perhaps.
XXII INTRODUCTION .
all human wisdom consists, not in trusting to
fortune, but in always being in a position
to profit by her favours.
Burma, and India too, of which the former
is but a province, will furnish us with other
lessons.
We might study Burma from more than
one point of view.
We might confine ourselves to British
Burma, that is to say, the province of India
so called prior to 1885; we might analyse
the policy pursued there by the British
towards the natives ; indicate their system
of administration ; and determine what might
appropriately be imitated, or avoided. This
would be an instructive, but at the same
time an incomplete task, seeing that British
Burma, since 1885, ^^^ nearly doubled its
area which now extends from the sea to
the frontiers of China and Siam, and that
all the interest appertaining to this enter-
prise centres in the British relations with
their subjects in name but incompletely con-
quered, those of Upper Burma, and their
problematical tributaries called by them Shans,
and by us Laotians.
We might also give a description of the
Anglo-Burmese hostilities, of the wars of
1824, 1852 and 1885, a^d of the dismem-
berments which followed the first two, the
total absorption resulting from the last.
INTRODUCTION. XXIII
This would be, especially as regards the
latest period, an interesting addition to the
history of intentional provocation and invol-
untary conquest, with the moral ready to
hand of the ' Earthen and Iron pots.'
Finally, we might describe the rivalries of
France and England, rivals in Indo-China in
the 1 9th century, as they were in India
in the 1 8th. We could show how, more
than 60 years ago England in self-defence
seized a part of Burma; how France, follow-
ing in her wake, coveted by turns Annam,
Cambodia, and perhaps Burma itself; neglec-
ted grand opportunities ; lost splendid advan-
tages ; and allowed herself to be distanced
in the race. So that out of this Indo-China,
which seemed almost wholly within her grasp,
she has still scarcely time to retain for her-
self a legitimate share by acceding to a
proposal to fix the boundaries of the respec-
tive spheres of influence. This task would
indeed be no less interesting, and for it a
motto might be borrowed from an equally
famous fable : that of ' The Hare and the
Tortoise.'
But apart from the fact that all, or nearly
all the above has already been done, ' this
' Regarding the triple order of ideas indicated in the
text, information may be gathered from the following
XXIV INTRODUC TION .
is not the object of our research. We
wish, in drawing a comparison between
Burma which belongs to England and that
portion of Indo-China which belongs to
France, to find out what line of conduct
the British have themselves adopted in their
new possession, and how, in the midst of
difficulties and in the face of wants which
are almost identical in the two countries,
they have succeeded, not in rendering it
prosperous — for that too short a period has
yet elapsed — but in preparing its pacification,
its administrative organisation, and its econo-
mic working.
I. A narrative of the Mission sent by the Governor-
General of India to the Court of Ava in i8$$, by
Captain Henry Yule, i vol., 4to, London, 1858; a work
replete with information regarding the geography of
Upper Burma, and the history and constitution of the
Kingdom of Ava; the author's reputation being world-
wide, any encomium on our part would be superfluous. —
2. The British Burma Gazetteer^ a publication issued
by the Government of Lower Burma, and containing all
requisite information regarding the history, geography,
natural history and administrative organisation of that
province, 2 vols., 8vo, Rangoon, 1880. — And 3. La
Chute des Allompra ou la fin du royaume dAva. (The Down-
fall of the Alompra, or the End of the Kingdom ofAva^)
the purport of which is sufficiently indicated by the
subsidiary title: "Extract from a work in the press,
entitled La France et V Angleterre dans t Indo- Chine ^
I vol., 8vo, Paris, 1890; Challamel.
THE BRITISH AT HONG-KONG.
BaarthoLmew .Zdia.^'
CHAPTER I.
The Island — The Harbour — The Town — The Panorama .
Hong-Kong, universally renowned, orna-
ment of the China Seas, wonder and joy of
the Far-East, a place of rest and of refuge
midway between Singapore and Shanghai,
of which two places it forms the connecting
link, is a diminutive island situated on the
South-West coast of China in iii° 40' E.
longitude (Paris) and 22'' N. latitude, just at
the entrance to the Bay into which flows
the river Canton. Facing it, 40 miles away,
lies Macao, a Portuguese settlement. The
two settlements stand erect like sentinels
placed there by Europe to keep a watch
over the Chinese colossus. There is, how-
ever, this difference between the two that,
whereas the one is feeble and inattentive
and dates back 400 years, the other is
vigorous and alert, and is hardly half a
century old.
It was in 1841, at the time of the Opium
2 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
war, that Hong-Kong became British territory.
The provisonal terms, however, drawn up
between Captain Elliot R.N. and the Chinese
Imperial Commissioner Keshin, merely granted
the use of the island to Great Britain, and
contained special reservations with regard to
the high ground. In the definitive Treaty
of Nankin, signed on the 29th August 1842,
these reservations disappeared, and the island
was ceded perpetually to her Britannic Majesty,
and her heirs and successors. On the 5th
April 1843, it was created a colony and was
granted a Charter which we shall discuss in
a subsequent chapter. In i860, at the close
of the Anglo-French expedition, the British
acquired, by the terms of the Treaty of
Pekin (24th October), an additional portion
of territory, namely, the Kowloon Peninsula,
which projects from the mainland at a point
almost opposite the centre of the island.
It was at this period that the colony in its
present form was constituted.
The additional territory acquired by the
Treaty of Pekin was an indispensable adjunct.
To it must be attributed the vast extension
of the trade — especially the maritime trade —
of Hong-Kong, and from it the harbour
derived its formation, convenience and secu-
rity.
Hong-Kong without Kowloon had in fact
two defects.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. I
K. "
In the first place it was too near for
safety to a country which made pirates w^el-
come.
The distance from the island to the mainland
confronting it, does not at any point exceed
six miles ; at certain points at the extreme
end of the Kowloon Peninsula it is only two
and a half miles, and at the Lyemoon Pass
on the north-east, scarcely one mile. This
being so, there is a continual crossing to and
fro, for which even the most miserable
apology for a craft suffices. Now the pro-
vince of Quang-Tung is inhabited by a popu-
lation of the worst description. Bandits, pirates,
deserters, all sorts of vagabonds live there,
on the watch for an easy prey or for profi-
table opportunities. They penetrated into
Hong-Kong, achieved their object, and found
an immediate and sure refuge on regaining
the opposite shore.
The possession of Kowloon, where posts
of observation could be established, tended
in some measure to render — and, in fact,
did render — these expeditions more difficult,
as it afforded greater facilities for their
prevention.
Nor is this all. Hong-Kong is of small di-
mensions : it has a length of ii miles, and
a width of 2 to 5 miles ; the total area co-
vering 29 square miles. Besides this, the
whole neighbourhood, both island and main-
4 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
land, is mountainous. The average height of
the mountains is considerable, and here and
there rise peaks which descend abruptly to
the sea-shore. Victoria, the capital of the
island, which at the present day has a popu-
lation of 190,000, lies at the foot of the
peak of that name which rises to a height
of 1900 feet. The town developed at first —
not without difficulty — along the sea-front ;
the land was, as the English term it, re-
claimed; quays were constructed, and quar-
ters, both good and bad, were provided for
the requirements of trade, and for the colon-
ists. Then, as business increased, the space
was found to be inadequate. Hereupon the
inhabitants migrated, and built their nests
on higher ground. Trade cannot, however,
mount heights. It requires the immediate
neighbourhood of a harbour, and flat ground ;
so it extended to right and left till every
available site being appropriated it was com-
pelled to seek other quarters, the result
being, that it overstepped the arm of the
sea and occupied Kowloon. But even there
the level ground available was not all that
could be wished. However, what had been
done on the island could be repeated there.
The sea was in front, the mountain behind:
the mountain was' cast into the sea, and on
the solid foundation thus obtained, quays
and docks were built, and even villas
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 5
for those who could not live on the heights.
Thus, composed of two sections success-
ively constructed, the colony of Hong-Kong
forms a whole of the highest order both as
regards utility, and picturesque effect. Let
us imagine the arc of a circle with its con-
cave side turned towards the sea, having a
span of about 4 kilometres parallel to the
equator, and a rise of i\ kilometres. In
the centre of this arc and to right and left
of the centre lies the town of Victoria. All
along the curve which an invariably calm
sea washes, lie the quays with their landing-
stages, and in the background leaning against
the mountain and forming a dark mass, are
the docks, warehouses, offices and hotels.
On the west extends the Chinese village
with its regular and monotonous appearance,
loathsome odours, and deplorable sanitary
condition. Still further off a few manufac-
tories indicate growing industrial enterprise.
On the east, before the extreme end of
the arc is reached, there is a slight projection
of the coast line, the right side of which
forms a smaller bay inside the larger one :
this is Causeway Bay, a natural harbour
which has been additionally protected at
great cost, and where hundreds and thou-
sands of boats, junks, and sampans seek
refuge from the constantly recurring typhoons.
At the extreme end of the arc, the coast
6 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
bends in a south-easterly direction, forming
an angle of nearly 45° with the equator, and
finally, 3 kilometres further on, approaches
the mainland on the right, thus forming
the narrow Lyemoon Pass. Here ends that
portion of the island which faces the main-
land: the remaining portion, which faces the
open sea, though equally picturesque, is of
less interest to us.
On the opposite mainland, the coast takes
similar but inverse shapes. From Lyemoon
Pass it runs from south-east to north-west,
parallel to the portion of the island which
faces it, and also forms an angle of about
45° with the equator. It continues thus,
forming creeks and promontories, and then
expands into a circular bay of great breadth
and depth bounded on the west by the Kow-
loon Peninsula just at that part of the island,
on the opposite side of the sea, where ends
the eastern extremity of the arc described
above. The Kowloon Peninsula here detach-
es itself from the mainland forming a pro-
jection several miles in extent, the end of
which points precisely towards the centre
of the arc.
Thus the harbour of Hong-Kong, enclosed
by two concave strips of coast facing each
other, protected from the force of the waves,
on the east side by the narrowing headlands
which form Lyemoon Pass, and on the west
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 7
side by the projecting Kowloon Peninsula and
in addition being of huge size and able to
anchor within it the fleets of the whole world,
would afford unequalled security, but for the
fact that typhoons, in whose path it lies,
neutralize to some extent its advantageous
situation.
There are grander sights to be seen in
the world, but few more picturesque and
graceful than that of Hong-Kong: the en-
trance to the harbour and the panoramic
view from the mountain.
Coming from east or west, you pass by
islands, or rather rocks, which are grey and
naked, and glitter in the sunshine. It is a
desolate region : not a vestige of vegetation,
not a trace of human life. The Portuguese
have named this group of islands the Ladrones
— a name which they well merit : for they
have been for centuries, and still are, the
resort of pirates and robbers. Gliding be-
tween them, the vessel approaches to a point
from which Hong-Kong is seen, at no great
distance; a greyish mass, standing out in
strong relief, though the neighbouring land
can yet scarcely be distinguished. Little by
little objects can be discerned : masses of
verdure here and there on the peaks ; a pane
of glass glittering on the summit of a pa-
vilion amongst the trees. Suddenly the vessel
makes a curve, and the narrow channel dis-
8 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
closes a fleet of ships, junks and sampans ;
the extended curve of quays; the regular
line of buildings, and above them, rising on
a succession of hill-slopes, the villas in tiers
along the zigzags of the mountain roads.
All is life : here cargo is being shipped,
there unshipped ; the rattle of cranes is heard,
followed by their sudden stoppages ; the
steamers whistle shrilly ; the puffing and pan-
ting steam-launches dart hither and thither,
making numberless trips. These hardy little
pieces of mechanism a few years ago managed
to cling on to the French ship Saghalien
which had been run into amidships and nearly
cut in two, and towed her into dock.
On reaching a given point just in the
middle of the roadstead the order is given,
and the anchor falls. The ship is immediately
invaded : all around it, crowding along its
sides, tossed on the choppy sea, suddenly
rising and falling with the waves, without
noise or apparent violence, but struggling
and labouring to get as near the deck as
possible is a crowd of Chinese manoeuvring
their boats. The sight of them reminds one
of Lilliputians climbing Gulliver's knees. They
are come to proffer their services to row
passengers and their luggage ashore.
The shape of their boats is very queer.
The stern is cut off square, while the prow
rises abruptly to a narrow curved point.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 9
There are hardly any bulwarks, nothing indeed
but a smooth and level deck, in the middle of
which lies a great hole, covered over with
an awning. This hole serves alike as kitchen,
saloon and store-room, into which the pas-
senger, sitting on the deck, for there is no
other seat, lets fall his legs. Further aft, rises
mast and sail, the latter generally being made
out of patched-up remnants of very strong
white silk, and on the opposite side hangs a
lump of lead, which can be shifted at plea-
sure, so as to counterbalance the action of the
wind. This boat is also used as a dwelling. At
Canton there are tens, at Shanghai hundreds,
of thousands of families who have no other
home. The father gets his living in the
harbour, the children, according to their age,
either help to sail the boat, or play about
noiselessly; the mother stands on the stern
and paddles, with her youngest baby on her
back, wrapped in a cloth folded cross-wise.
At nightfall the boat is anchored at some
safe spot, such as Causeway Bay, the awnings
are taken down and spread out to form beds,
the little wooden or porcelain seats serve as
pillows, and commending itself to Heavenly
Protection the family goes to sleep.
Here is the quay. No longer do boatmen
assail you, but it is now the porters' turn.
The hubbub, tumult and uproar are indes-
cribable. In a twinkling your luggage is
lO THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
landed. Trunks, overcoat, wraps, opera-
glasses, travelling-bag, everything has disap-
peared; they have been seized and carried
off. By v^hom, or whither, you know not. —
Keep your eyes open or you won't see them
again. — What is to be done? Their number
is legion. — Then call a policeman. Though
discreet, the police are obliging and energetic.
A ** Cipaye^' whom the English persist in
calling ^^ Sepoy ^' is near at hand; tall and
upright, cleanlily attired and with a certain
dignity, with black skin and black costume,
and a red turban wound round and round his
head, he still obtains over the natives undimi-
nished prestige. At his approach the turmoil
subsides; the baggage is got together again ;
a gang of porters is organised, a leader ap-
pointed, and you have before you a responsible
man. "Thank you. Sepoy," and off you go.
"A chair, sir? A chair, sir?" The cry
comes from two great fellows in blue
cotton attire. You are going into town,
doubtless you would like to make a tour of
the place : here is a kind of sedan-chair.
For a small sum, two francs an hour or
fifteen francs a day, they will carry you ra-
pidly and smoothly, with undulating motion,
and without jolt or jar, to the summit of the
Peak, or the farthest end of the town. "A
chair, sir ? " You decline. " I prefer walking."
They are not discouraged. Stop at the hotel ;
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. I I
choose your room, make your ablutions, take
a cup of tea or a glass of port, if you will ;
you are bound to meet them again below ;
they follow you whithersoever you go.
Cross the principal street. Queen's Road,
where carriages and jinrikshas are passing
to and fro : there they are lying in wait for
you. — **A chair, sir?'' — **No, I'd rather climb."
Well, climb if you will ; the mountain is
in front of you. You wend your way along
the steep and winding lane with its flights
of stone stairs; turning and twisting about,
at last you find yourself shut inside a long
alley without a vista. Ahead of you the
road winds to the right ; behind you it winds
to the left; on either side a row of houses,
cottages standing next to mansions, robbing
you of all view of sea or mountain ; dishear-
tened, you gaze about you, and languidly
proceed.
Again the cry, **A chair, sir?" No; still
another try : a few hundred yards more and
I shall be rewarded for my trouble. You
continue your acsent, but the prospest has
hardly changed. The road merely becomes
wider; it is now a carriage road, bordered
by a row of trees — and these trees are
tree-ferns ; their foliage being branches shoot-
ing out into the shape of a superb dome
above your head. But one grows tired at
last of ferns, even of tree-ferns. And where
12 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
is this vaunted vista? Where this matchless
panoramic view ? Perplexed, you glance fur-
tively around you ; the porters are no longer
there. Surely there must be a boy, or some
poor beggar, to send and fetch them? Not
a soul. Here everybody works : thieves
there are, but no beggars. Halting , you
turn back. " A chair, sir ? '' They were there
after all. Captured and beaten, you get in,
and stretch yourself out, mopping your
forehead. *'Go on." They start and from
that moment you may bid adieu to your
mountaineering. As long as you remain at
Hong-Kong, you will walk no more ; you
will be a captive to the sedan-chair, the
* push-push,' or the boat.- Blaming yourself
for it, you will accuse yourself of cowardice,
and make resolutions. ''A chair, sir? '' and
you are sure to get in. And in after years,
should your fate take you to some less hos-
pitable colony (there are such), when trud-
ging along some rough, muddy or dusty
road in the sun, you will with sorrow (no
uncommon feeling in those parts) dream of
those Hong-Kong porters, so irrepressible,
so attentive, and such good fellows.
At last the summit is reached. On the
highest point is an observatory; all around
you are houses as commodious and elegant
as those which you saw below ; gardens,
terraces, cricket-grounds, lawn-tennis courts.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 3
running streams or, perhaps, springs. Turn
your back on the town : there is the limitless
expanse of ocean; to the right, the little
port of Aberdeen with its docks, more
especially sought for in stormy weather;
further on, the Sanatorium of the Catholic
missions. To the left, a few villas ; narrow
strips of cultivated land ; a Chinese village ; a
farm where European and American cattle are
being acclimatised; thence, in constant suc-
cession, at various points, till the summit is
reached, water-works, aqueducts and, in dark
cavernous recesses, deep reservoirs full of
blue water, resembling undiscovered lakes.
Now turn facing the town. On the steep
incline the villas are lost to view in the
dense mass of foliage ; at one bound and
without any interruption your gaze rests on
the port beneath. Steamers look like
boats, and boats like nut-shells. Farther
away, the Kowloon Peninsula, the Hong-
Kong and Whampoa docks, the arsenal, the
dry docks, and still . further away, but only
visible on a clear day, a grey speck which
is Canton. But the ^^ shades of eve'' are
falling and you must descend : twilight in
the tropics is short, and the nights are
chilly. On your downward way you will
catch glimpses, through the windings of the
roads and in between the arches of the
aqueducts, of the villas and the sea. Your
14 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
porters carry you along with lengthy strides.
Reserve your visit to the Public Gardens
and the Cemetery for the morrow and
hasten to the harbour. The merchant princes,
business being over, have ordered their
steam-launches at a certain point : a party
of friends and a supper await them on board.
Have you no acquaintance among them who
will invite you aboard ? Make haste ; they
are about to start, veering round towards
Kowloon, steam is suddenly shut off, and
slowly dissolves while the boat hardly moves
along. The gentle rocking of the waves, the
unknown hour, the fading twilight — all unite
in lending an infinite charm to this moment.
Night has come. The town is beginning
to light up; above it, midst the foliage and
along the winding roads one by one the
villas are being illuminated, the lights casting
weird shadows on the dark back-ground of
the mountain. The landscape recedes into
a vast expanse; the Peak stands out boldly
against the deep azure sky. Silence is only
broken by a shrill voice in some boat inton-
ing a weird and melancholy cadence ; the
stars shine forth ; your gaze is riveted on
the heavens, and your mind recalls the past
or wanders into dreams. Try not to recall
enchanted countries and call up no charmed
visions : before you lies Hong-Kong, forty
years ago a naked rock.
CHAPTER II.
Reasons for Occupation — Discouraging circumstances
attending the same — Intended Withdrawal-
Eventual Retention.
After a prolonged experience of over fifty
years it is easy to sum up fluently and with
precision the advantages accruing from the
possession of Hong-Kong. A glance at the
map is sufficient to note the position it
occupies on the coast of China, at the base
of a sector which embraces in its carve
Yokohama, Shanghai, Singapore, Java, and
Australia.
It is less easy, but still not difficult, to
point out the causes which have assured its
success, and transformed in less than half a
century what used to be a rugged strand and
an almost deserted roadstead into a busy
port, and a hospitable city.
But in 1842, and in the following years
up to 1848, these advantages were less ap-
parent, and these causes infinitely more
1 6 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
obscure. In opposition to those who had
advocated the occupation of Hong-Kong and
still wished to retain it, adducing the most
convincing arguments to prove its ultimate
success, there were others who strongly fa-
voured its abandonment and predicted failure
on demonstrable grounds. Hong-Kong has long
since proved a success, and the discussion
is over. But it seems — and this must surely
strongly urge more modesty — that everybody
was mistaken. The statesmen who directed
the policy of the United Kingdom greatly
blundered : they occupied Hong-Kong anti-
cipating advantages which lasted but a short
time on account of the almost immediate
change in the situation. The specialists, who
with some show of reason criticised the Go-
vernment, were mistaken; scarcely one of their
arguments was verified, scarcely one of their
fears was realised. Hong-Kong finally owed
its prosperity to almost accidental causes
which could with difficulty be foreseen, and
which no one foresaw.
Hong-Kong, as we have seen, had been
ceded to the British from the very beginning
of the war; the cession was, however,
merely a provisional one, and the victorious
British, if they had so wished, could have
exchanged it for an equivalent portion of
some other territory. Now, at the commen-
cement of the negotiations at Nankin which
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1/
led to the drawing up of the definitive treaty,
they had possession of another island of
scarcely greater extent on the east coast,
a little beyond Shanghai, at a moderate dis-
tance from the mainland, namely: the island
of Chusan. It seems that according to British
opinions, the preference should have been
given to Chusan. Chusan is not appreciably
farther than Hong-Kong from the British
possessions washed by the Indian and Pacific
Oceans. As a trading depot it occupies the
same position towards Shanghai that Hong-
Kong does towards Canton ; regarding it as
a military station it is of greater importance
being nearer to the heart and head of the
Chinese Empire ; lastly it admits of more
direct action, in case of need, over Japan, the
Corea, and the rich provinces of Eastern
China. Notwithstanding all this, the British
gave the preference to Hong-Kong. This
choice was not the result of ignorance, for
the alternative was discussed; ' nor was it
due to scruples ; moderation, or the fear of
* " You are authorised to propose the following con-
ditions : if an island on the east coast of China be ceded
to the British Crown for use as a commercial station
by British subjects, the Chinese merchants and inhabitants
of all the towns and cities on the coast of China will
be authorised by the Chinese Government to come freely
to that island, without hindrance or molestation, for the
purpose of trading with the British subjects settled there."
(Foreign Office Despatch of 3rd February 1841).
1 8 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
exasperating China: the real weakness of
that State of colossal proportions had long
been known to the Foreign Office. ' British
diplomatists were convinced that Hong-Kong
on account of its proximity to Canton occu-
pied a position preferable to any other.
Canton held, indeed, at that time, a posi-
tion in the Chinese Empire which it has never
since regained. With a population of two
millions, it was the capital of a very indus-
trious province, and the centre of a very
extensive trade. It was the only town where
foreigners were authorised to reside, a special
quarter being assigned to them, and a power-
ful corporation, the Hongs, acting as their
agents with the Chinese population. And so
from all parts, tea, silk, lacquer, and the va-
rious articles of Chinese manufacture flowed
into it for purposes of international exchange.
As this was the state of affairs, the British
argued as follows : The Chinese being an
ignorant people and slaves to routine — as
at least they were still supposed to be at
that time — will resume their old habits when
peace is restored. What will be the use of
the stipulated opening of four new ports —
Amoy, Ningpo, Foo-Chow and Shanghai — to
European commerce ; the bulk of Chinese
' See the Report of the British Court of Inquiry on
China which sat in 1830. The principal results were
deposited in the " Bibliothfeque Universelle."
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 9
produce will still be transmitted to Canton,
which will thus retain its former supremacy.
Matters will doubtless turn out differently for
the people of Western countries. True, the
former regime has enriched them ; but, trou-
blesome and vexatious it has exposed them
to the caprice of the Mandarins, the exac-
tions of the brokers, the violence of the
crowd; they will, consequently, only return
to settle in one or other of the open ports
at the last extremity. But this very extremity
will be spared them by Hong-Kong. Through
its being adjacent to the largest market in
China, it offers, under the protection of the
British flag, a meeting-place and a centre of
security and justice to both Europeans and
Chinese. We may therefore flatter ourselves
that foreigners will come and settle there,
and that the brokers of Canton will readily
cross the narrow arm of sea which divides
the island from the mainland.
Now, if this supposition is realised, unex-
pected advantages will be secured at one
and the same time : the jealous corporation of
the Hongs will be got rid of, the island will
be peopled with capitalists and rich merchants,
buyers and sellers will alike be attracted to
it, and it will become the longed-for empo-
rium of that part of the world. Nor is this
all. Possessing a hold on a vast metropolis,
the centre of incalculable riches, as a sort
20 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
of pledge for the conduct of the Chinese
Government : at the first insult on the part
of the latter we can take possession of it,
and under these circumstances Hong-Kong,
from a military standpoint, represents what
the Greeks termed sTnraiKKTiJLx, namely, a for-
tified post commanding the enemy's country.
And all this seemed perfectly reasonable
and admirably planned.
Finally, as a finishing stroke, the Chinese
Government consented to recognise the Go-
vernor of Hong-Kong as Minister Plenipo-
tentiary of her Britannic Majesty, and to
accredit him to the Viceroy of the two
Kuangs, who was himself invested with full
powers. Seeing all this, Lord Derby was
entitled to write: ''We occupy Hong-Kong,
not with the object of colonising, but of
utilising it from a commercial, and a military
point of view."
Acting upon these assurances, the Govern-
ment and private individuals vied with each
other in enterprise and audacity. Merchant
settlers arrived in flocks; plans for a town
were drawn up ; w^arehouses, docks, barracks,
law-courts, churches, schools and houses were
built ; sites — space being, as we have already
said, very limited — realised extreme prices at
auction, and already, after less than two
years, it was thought that the most ambi-
tious dreams were within measurable distance
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 2 J
of realisation, when — almost on a sudden —
the enthusiasm died out; the life and vigour
of the new colony seemed to subside.
Hardly anything of all that had been relied
on, had been realised, and unexpected ob-
stacles were encountered.
The advent of the Chinese had been rec-
koned on : they failed to come, and those
that did come, one would have liked to
expel. ^' The island of Hong-Kong,'' said a
high British official in 1841; **will probably
become the favourite resort of the smugglers
and debauchees of that quarter of the globe.''
And his prediction was being fulfilled.
The most flourishing establishments of
Hong-Kong were the opium-dens, the gaming,
and other houses of worse fame. From the
very first year, it was computed that there
was a population of 91 women, whose place
of abode no European, except the police,
appeared to know. The Chinese immigrants
belonged to the lowest grades of society.
One solitary Chinaman of some respectabil-
ity ventured to try his fortune there ; his
name, — which is on record — , was Chinam ; he
stayed some months, then returned to Canton
and died there; it is asserted that the Man-
darins would never have allowed him to
return.
The advent of Europeans had been ex-
pected; but they, too, were not forthcoming.
22 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
The Parsees of India had shown some slight
inclination to establish counting-houses, and
offices had already been prepared for them,
but they made no haste to put in an appea-
rance, and they even tried — as far as can
be gathered from the local press, which en-
deavoured to hold the Government respon-
sible for this grievous state of affairs — to
get rid of them. Of Englishmen, there were
a few men of means, but they were all
opium merchants. As the drug, as it was
termed, could only be introduced fraudulently
into China, they had made Hong-Kong, a
much safer port for them than Macao, their
central depot, whither the smugglers came to
fetch it. The other English houses one by
one gradually went into liquidation. Suspi-
cious-looking junks, and war-vessels or trans-
ports were the only ships that anchored
inside the harbour.
What made it harder and more humili-
ating was, that the ports newly opened by
the treaty of Nankin were thrown open to
foreigners and actually reaped success. A
thoroughly practical modus vivendi had been
established at these ports: ** concessions'' in
the charge of Europeans were exclusively
reserved to the latter; dwellings and ware-
houses sprang up, uniting the comfort and
security of European towns to the tempting
vicinity of Chinese trade.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 23
After some hesitation, and a few painful
incidents, settlements at Ning-po, Amoy and,
especially, at Shanghai were organised, and
they soon attracted, to the detriment of
Canton, a trade which was not unimportant,
and which was likely to increase enormously.
Nor was this all. Canton which had
promised to reopen its gates to Europeans
kept them persistently closed. The popu-
lation of that province had always been
extremely inimical to Europeans, and both
the Viceroy and the Government, instead of
suppressing, fostered this feeling. Conse-
quently, for the first few years after the
war of 1 84 1, Europeans could do little more
than settle at Whampoa, the outer port of
Canton, or in the suburbs outside the walls,
the town itself being forbidden them. * And
' The text of the treaties concluded between
China and the European Powers, though permitting that
these ports should be thrown open to foreign trade,
did not positively promise the entry within the walls of
the towns. The Chinese text signified that Europeans
might reside at either of the five ports, where the
trading took place or the goods were landed, at the
mouth of the river; that is to say, at places suitable
for commerce, but which are not necessarily inside the
fortified town. As the text was open to controversy, it
was very variously interpreted. At Shanghai, for instance,
foreigners were permitted to enter the town, so as to
put a stop to the system of concession; at Canton and
Foo-Chow the right of entering the town was denied
them. The British Consul at Foo-Chow, however,
resided in the town.
24 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
this, too, with absolute disregard of a solemn
treaty, and with so manifest a contempt
for the power of Great Britain that the
British who for the sake of their expecta-
tions and their interests should have been
delighted at this attitude of the Chinese,
and should have profited by it to attract
foreigners to Hong-Kong, found themselves
obliged, in order to maintain their prestige,
to demand the opening of Canton, and to
send an expedition against it. The expedi-
tion was successful, and the opening of
Canton was publicly promised for the Spring
of 1849.*
But in the midst of all these reverses
added to costly expeditions which were so
detrimental to trade, and to the increasing
' In 1849, however, the promised opening was still
further deferred. The Emperor of China wrote a curious
letter to the Governor of Hong-Kong: "Empires," he
said, "only last, as long as the people is protected.
Now the people of Canton are unanimous in their
refusal to allow foreigners to enter their town: can I
have my imperial will proclaimed everywhere, and make
it prevail against theirs.?" In consequence of this, a
proclamation was issued by the British authorities invit-
ing their fellow-countrymen to relinquish their en-
deavours to enter Canton. (On all these points, see the
"Chinese Repository" of the years 1849 and 1850).
In 185 1 there were only 81 British residents at Can-
ton : 5 consular agents, i clergyman, i missionary, 4
doctors, 22 merchants, i banker, i bank-clerk, 2 auc-
tioneers, 18 mercantile clerks, 14 tea-tasters, etc. Besides
these, there were 148 Indians who were British subjects.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 2^
development of Shanghai, ^ the manifest ten-
dency of Chinese trade to set towards the
east coast, and the despondency which per-
vaded even the most sanguine, Hong-Kong
rapidly declined and seemed to be irretriev-
ably lost. ^
This twofold and severe check was still
further increased by present mishaps, and
fears for the future.
The new possession was terribly costly.
Since its occupation the expenses had risen
to an average of ;^2 50,000 per annum; the
receipts never exceeding ;^ 10,000 to ;^ 12,000.
* In 1849, the business transacted with these ports,
by European countries was distributed as follows:
I. Canton: British Imports ;^ 1,646,000
Exports 2,300,000
(The figures referring to the business of other powers
are missing: they were insignificant.)
II. Other open ports :
Amoy: Imports ^^ 1,496,000
Exports 277,006
Shanghai: British Imports 974,000
Those of other countries . 1,209,000
British Exports .... 1,438,000
Those of other countries . 1,754,000
Canton was, thus, left far behind.
2 On the 13th August 1845, the British merchants
and residents addressed a memorandum on the state of
the colony to Lord Stanley, Under-Secretary of State
for the Colonies. "After 4 years' occupation," they
said, " there is scarcely a single foreign resident, beyond
the officials and a few British merchants; amongst the
Chinese merchants or even shop-keepers, there is not
one who has any pretensions to the title of honest man."
26 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
And, already useless from a commercial point
of view, it threatened to become equally so
from a military, and a diplomatic standpoint.
It was felt that the Government of the
Emperor of China was beginning to treat the
'* barbarians" and the '*red devils '' with less
contempt; that it would soon take upon
itself the investigation and settlement of mat-
ters which concerned them, so that ere long
it would no longer be at Canton, but at
Pekin that negotiations would have to be
carried on. At the same time, experts gave
it as their opinion that the island of Hong-
Kong was strategically of no value. They
affirmed that for defensive tactics there was
no doubt of this ; it could never be efficiently
fortified, whatever amount were spent upon it ;
and, as to the offensive, the same conclusion
obtruded itself still more forcibly: troops
could not stand the climate and their num-
bers visibly dwindled away.
Neither of these arguments was necessarily
conclusive; experience, however, extending
over several years, amply proved their truth.
But the last objection raised against the
new colony; its unhealthiness — rwhich was a
stern reality, and indeed did not disappear
until close upon our time, was of a special-
ly serious nature, and might well appeal to
public opinion.
Prior to the British occupation, Hong-Kong
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 2^
was scarcely known. The East India Com-
pany had indeed anchored its vessels there
since 1837; and in 1839, during the opium
riots at Canton, most of the merchant vessels
trading to China repaired thither. But only
the harbour was made use of; scarcely any
one landed, or if they did so, they did not
go beyond the beach ; no one had ever stayed
there for any length of time. Indeed, the
climate had by no means a good reputation.
From the earliest days of the occupation
Sir Henry Pottinger wrote : "The climate of
Hong-Kong is said to be unhealthy in the
valleys which surround the paddy flats, where
miasmatic effluvia abound; but the higher
portions of the island are healthy; it will
most probably be necessary to shift the
rising colony to this higher ground so as to
avoid the dangerous fevers so common
amongst troops and settlers.'' But nothing is
more difficult than to shift a colony even at
an early stage of its existence; the people
remained where they had taken land, and the
result was an appalling mortality.
In 1842, a single man-of-war stationed at
Hong-Kong, the Agincourt^ lost half her
complement of men and was obliged to re-
cruit 160 sailors belonging to the merchant
service. In 1843, out of 1,526 men in garri-
son, the number admitted into hospital was
7)839, z. ^., every man of them had been ad-
^F,,5 men had lost 51 "> » ^ General
fs iore, wt-o vere 'f^'j^.fjy Somerset
i.^guilar wrote to Lord r , ^ ^
fhat Hong-Kong would cost H ^^^
""„ 4e average death rat y,^ troops,
*° tlong-Kong it was 2*/° ^»°"«i„ a single
^' A^ 10% among the "^'''?Jf n^vis, fell i"
ari ,«., the Governor, Mr "'""'^ f-^,,,.
y«^'V nt'on sick leave to Chu-^^^^Sts
Sir^:^^-Sir-hS
*si^ir^:;{s.trtAga..,
disorganised-, so that out of >^ turov
families 3 disappeared entirely, and the others,
utterly demoralised, left the island.
This extraordinary mortality was "o doubt
partially due to all sorts of imprudence, ana
as regards the troops, to excesses in eatmg
and drinking, quite as much as to the insul-
ficient barrack accommodation. But it must
also be in a considerable measure attributed
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 2g
to the climate itself, and there the enemies
of Hong-Kong had a strong case. The tem-
perature was subject to sudden changes, as
must necessarily happen at a point where the
tropical and the temperate zones meet ; during
six months of the year (from April to Sep-
tember) it was inordinately high 44® to 50°
cent:) and the remaining six months were
scarcely any better. On Christmas Day
nearly 43® centigrade had been registered.
The duration and copiousness of the rains
were hardly credible: in the year 1845-46,
from July to July, there was a rainfall of
92 inches in 142 days. Human precautions
were powerless to cope with such a rainfall.
Add to this that the sub-soil was composed
of a species of disintegrated granite which
under the action of damp became putrid and
emitted noxious gases which no works,
plantations, drainage, etc., were capable of
exorcising. Under such circumstances what
was to become of Hong-Kong?
And these were not mere isolated com-
plaints. All were unanimous in their opinion
of the climate, trade, and future prospects of
the island. Dr. Thompson, Chief of the Hong-
Kong Medical Staff, stated that ^^the island
would never be healthy." Dr. McPherson
who had just spent two years in China ^
' " Two Years in China."
30 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
was of opinion that it (the island) possessed
very few advantages with its bare mountains,
its diminutive valleys, its abrupt declivities
overhanging the sea, leaving scarcely any space
for buildings; and its climate was far from
healthy. Kowloon, opposite, appeared to him
infinitely preferable. Another traveller, a
Mr. Davidson, * remarked concerning Victoria
the capital of the island, that a more ridi-
culous site for a town could not have been
chosen. ^^It is open on the north and ex-
posed to a cutting wind all through the win-
ter; and in summer it is completely shut
out from the cool southerly breezes which
are so refreshing to exhausted colonists.*'
A Frenchman, M. Xavier Raymond, who was
then (i8th August 1844) with Lagrene*s mis-
sion at Macao, wrote to M. Armand Bertin,
Editor of the Debuts : *^ Thank Heaven, Macao,
in spite of its nearness to Hong-Kong, which
has been again this year nothing but a char-
nel-house, — is very healthy.*' Lastly, a British
official, Mr. Montgomery-Martin, author of
much esteemed works on China, and the
British Colonies 2 commenced a campaign
' " Trade and Travels in the East."
2 " China, political, commercial and social," 2 vols,
8vo, London, James Muilden, 1847. This work contains
most of the documents and despatches relating to this
subject published by the British Government, and laid
before The House of Commons in February and
March 1857.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. Jl
destined to last twelve years through all the
successive ministries, to bring about the
evacuation of Hong-Kong. In the metropolis
public opinion was as a rule hostile, while
the newspaper articles were mostly alarming; '
the Government, startled by these criticisms,
called on the Governor for a categorical
reply, and the latter admitted, with many
apologies, that it would have been better
not to have occupied the island. An official
of high rank wrote to a friend on 25 th July
1846: "Nothing is more significant than the
change of tone adopted by the merchants.
Not one of those with whom I have con-
versed entertains the smallest hope of main-
taining Hong-Kong as a commercial station ;
it is simply a question of avoiding any
further engagements, and of losing as little
as possible beyond what has already been
lost. The reduction of the forces in gar-
rison, and the daily departures will complete
the general collapse.'*
Lastly, Lord Grey who had been Secre-
tary of State for the Colonies in Lord John
Russell's administration, made the following
* A very severe article on Hong-Kong in *' The
Times" of 17th December 1844; further articles, one
on 6th April 1846, another in July of the same year,
on the deplorable state and the wretched prospects of
the colony.
32 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
declaration a few years later.' "If it
could have been foreseen what the total
expenses would amount to, and what limited
advantages this place would possess for our
trade, it would not have been thought worth
while to occupy it. But that had already
been done long before our administration
was formed; it only remained for us to
endeavour to diminish the cost of an estab-
lishment which had been instituted on a
scale worthy of the supposed importance of
Hong-Kong at a time when it was confi-
dently expected that it would become the
great emporium of the trade with China.
In 1846 it had already become evident that
this would not be the case, and that the
greater portion of our commerce would pass
through the ports into which our merchants
are admitted.'*
The question of abandonment had then
been put. It appears that the proposal was
again made, and more formally, in 1847,
and in 1849.^ But the British, a wise and
experienced people, who from the time of
Lord Bacon have been aware that a colony
"yields no returns for twenty years and little
* " The Colonial Policy of Lord John Russell's ad-
ministration." 2 vols. 8vo, London, R. Bentley, 1853,
2nd Ed: p. 265.
* Report of the French Consul, M. Godeaux, dated
17th April 1863.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. ^^
for fifty/' and who, in taking over the colo-
nies of other nations, have been able to
form an estimate of the value of these waifs
abandoned with scorn and contempt, — the
British, on this as on other occasions, did
not give up what they had once held. And
events proved that they were right : ere long
unforeseen circumstances occurred tending
to confer on this almost useless place a
commercial importance of the highest order ;
works systematically and perseveringly car-
ried out had the effect of rendering the
malarious climate more healthy ; the deserted
port and forsaken city were to become one
of the most favoured and frequented places
in the world.
CHAPTER III.
The first beginnings of the Colony — Diary of its
earlier years.
In the annals of colonisation there is,
perhaps, nothing more curious, or, regarded
as a means of improving colonial policy,
more instructive, than the study of the earlier
years of a colony. The spectacle of all the
vicissitudes of the undertaking, and of all
the sudden changes of opinion, becomes at
times almost emotional in its interest. And
on the other hand, it is necessary to have
had opportunities, either in the colony itself
or in its parent metropolis, of observing the
ardour and enthusiasm with which the work
is undertaken, followed ere long by despon-
dency and prostration; the intense efforts
and the protracted intervals of inactivity;
the fervour displayed for new leaders, the
scorn for those continuing in office, the
ingratitude towards those retiring; the occa-
sional fits of reciprocal confidence, universal
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 35
good-will, and even sometimes fraternisation,
followed in their turn by suspicions, dispar-
agement and jealousies, — in order to be able
to explain the abrupt mode of procedure,
the spasmodic development, the symptoms
of feverishness and incoherency which cha-
racterise the infancy and the adolescence of
colonies.
Such a study furnishes, moreover, another
lesson.
Many years must elapse before a colony
can be fully developed. Founded, as it
most frequently is, amidst the criticisms of
some and the apprehensions of others, pros-
perity does not dawn upon it, as a rule,
until both friends and foes of its early
days are no longer there to rejoice
together, or to acknowledge their defeat.
And, as colonies form but a small portion
of the entire globe, and their history but a
chapter of the colossal history of the uni-
verse, it follows as a consequence that the
career of each individual colony, and the
legitimate conclusions to be derived there-
from, remain almost entirely unknown. Thus
the same criticisms and the same apprehen-
sions recur with every new undertaking,
the example of those which have preceded
it failing to calm fear or dispel sad fore-
bodings. Such being the case, a book giving
an account of the first beginnings of the
36 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
various colonies, and indicating their varied
vicissitudes, their hopes, illusions, discou-
ragements and successes could not fail
to prove of inestimable value. It is as a
contribution towards such a work that we
have, with the aid of English documents and
books, condensed into the form of a diary,
a short account of the earlier years of Hong-
Kong.
1 84 1. — On the 25th Jan., at 8.15 a. m.
the island was taken possession of by the
British forces. Captain Charles Elliot R.N.,
Superintendent of the trade with China,
is nominated ex-officio Governor of the
new possession. — On the 30th Mar., Major
Caine is appointed Chief Magistrate, and
Mr. Johnson, Deputy Superintendent of trade. —
1st May, first number of the Official
Gazette (a weekly journal) published. —
14th June, first sale of land. 51 plots put
up to auction; the price consists in the
payment of an annual rent: the purchasers
further undertaking to erect, on each plot
within six months, a building worth at least
1000 dollars. The total rent realised by this
first sale amounts to ^3,224. The largest
buyers are Messrs. Jardine and Matheson,
Dent & Co., and others. — Before the end of
the year the island possesses a law-court,
a prison, a cemetery, and a carriage-road.
A colonist procures a two-horse carriage
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. ^7
from Manilla, to inaugurate the road. —
Total population : 7,450.
1842. — The chief events of this year are
the diplomatic negotiations ending in the
signing of the Treaty of Nankin. — Works of
urgent necessity executed. — The Chinese
number already 12,300.
1843. — 26th June, ratification of the
Treaty of Nankin. — Sir Henry Pottinger who
negotiated the treaty is appointed Governor.
— The capital of the island is named Vtc-
toria. — The island is granted a colonial
charter. — The appointment of Judges of the
peace ; the construction of law-courts and of
a Court of Admiralty; the drafting of a
table of dues and licenses, and the extension
of commercial regulations are proceeded
with. — First difficulties with the Chinese
population; numerous thefts; the Chinese
are compelled to carry a lantern at night ;
numerous cases of piracy and smuggling ;
both Chinese authorities at Canton and
English authorities at Hong-Kong issue threat-
ening proclamations, but to no purpose.
First number of two periodicals published:
the Eastern Globe and the Canton Regis-
ter. Important branch of a large London
firm established at Hong-Kong. — Inaugura-
tion of the Roman Catholic church. — The
French man-of-war, VErigone^ is the first to
salute the British flag: an American vessel
38 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
refuses to do so, having received no instruc-
tions. — First arrival of ice (ist February).
— Accommodation for settlers is hard to find ;
a small house letting as high as 13 dollars
a month. — Organisation, though on quite a
primitive scale, of a postal service : the post-
master forwards the entire batch of letters
to the nearest addressee, with the request
to forward those which are not for him by
coolies to their respective destinations.
1844. — Town very unsafe; people com-
pelled to sleep with a loaded pistol at hand.
The opium merchants (opium being the
only trade of any importance) do not land
their goods ; they leave them on board boats
for the purpose (called receiving ships) in the
harbour, on which also is stowed at night
nearly all the colony's bullion. — In June, the
second Governor, Mr. Davis, nominated. —
2 1 St August, a new regulation imposing a
poll-tax on all Chinese residents : on hearing
which they quit the island en masse for the
mainland. — Institution of a supreme court of
justice (2 1st August). — Publishing-office of the
Chinese Repository transferred from Canton to
Hong-Kong. — The Chinese number already
19,000, but they are not resident families ; these
only number 1,000 women and children.
1845. — 2 1st February, first issue of the
China Mail, — Slight improvement in the
public health. The house of Jardine, Mathe-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 39
son & Co. forms the centre of the European
settlement. Around it are grouped some
thirty dwelling-houses. A little further west
are three or four more European houses,
and a small Chinese village. Above, on the
slope of the hill, are the buildings of The
Morrison Education Society y the hospital of
the Missionaries Medical Society ^ the Sailors'
Hospital, and the residence of the Chief Jus-
tice. Further out in a westerly direction
are temporary barracks, officers' quarters,
the parade-ground, and the private residence
of the Governor. Still further out and higher
up the mountain is Government House. About
fifteen streets constitute the whole of this
embryo town. — 13th August, first Peninsular
and Oriental Company's (P. and O.) Steamer
arrives, the Lady Mary Wood, *
1846. — Symptoms of discouragement
amongst the colonists. — State of sanitation
deplorable. Pirates abound : 80 pirates plun-
der the village of Spekpai-wan. — A monthly
Portuguese mail established between Gibraltar
and Hong-Kong; but its charges are exor-
bitant, — Difficulties in regard to the land
occuptyeedh colonists ; the titles of ownership
have is hso put in order. — The first barrister
establr,ibheei mself at Hong-Kong. — A small
steam t ned Corsair^ begins to ply regularly
' 650 tons, and 250 horse power. Ed:
40 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
between Hong-Kong and Canton. — nth Au-
gust, a piece of land, with a sea-frontage
of more than 200 feet, and bordered by a
sea-wall, which cost 3000 dollars finds no
purchaser at any price (this is only one out
of ten such cases). — In August, the residents
are officially warned not to go out unarmed,
or beyond the precincts of the town. — The
^Triade', a Chinese Secret Society, estabHshes
itself at Hong-Kong.
1847. — A great increase in the number of
pirates; law passed against piracy. — Muni-
cipal measures; lighting: every European is
bound to erect a lamp in front of his house. —
A scientific society, the Royal Asiatic Society^
establishes a branch at Hong-Kong, the China
Branch. — In April, Major General d'Aguilar's
expedition to compel the throwing open of
Canton (the inner town) to foreigners. — 6th
April, convention fixing the opening for the
spring of 1849. — I^ May, rumours of a Chinese
attempt to seize Hong-Kong. — Numerous
cases of piracy. — The Chief Justice, Mr. Hume,
suspended from his duties.
1848. — Departure of the Governor, Mr.
Davis; Sir George Bonham succeeds him. —
The colonists demand a reduction of the
ground rents paid to the crown. — Improve-
ment in public health. — In July, the Chinese
attempt to poison 25 men of the Royal Ar-
tillery, — Numerous cases of piracy ; pirates
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 4 1
captured and condemned are pardoned ; vigo-
rous protests in the local press. — In August,
great sickness amongst the troops in garri-
son. — The Chinese sell powder to the pirates. —
An order of 31st August regulates the traf-
fic in arms and ammunition. — The colonists
bitterly complain of the Peninsular and
Oriental Company's high charges, and the
tardy manner in which goods are delivered. —
The total population amounts to about 24,CXK>.
1849. — The 95th regiment presents Mr. Jar-
dine with a cup in recognition of his kind
services and his efficient aid during the
sickness that prevailed amongst the troops. —
Up to 1st March, the Crown has sold, since
the occupation of the island, 337 plots of
ground, bringing in a rental of ;^i 3,327;
but several of the lessees have been declared
defaulters. — ist March, two officers assassi-
nated by the native villagers of Chek-Choo. —
Mortality increases. — The Governor of Macao
assassinated by pirates. — 2nd October, the
British fleet destroys 23 pirate-junks. — 3rd
December, a plot of ground, bought for i ,000
dollars and considerably improved, is resold
for 20 dollars. — Difficulties in regard to the
regulations respecting landed property. — Pro-
ject to establish a central market which, how-
ever, is unsuccessful. — Immense number of
pirates annihilated between Hong-Kong and
Cochin China.
42 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
1850. — 17th February, the Court of Ad-
miralty suppressed; the jurisdiction hitherto
exercised by it restored to the courts of
common law. — A heavy tax imposed on
opium with a view to diminish its use amongst
the Chinese; vigorous protests against this
measure on the part of the colonists. —
During the summer, up to the month of
September, great mortality amongst the
troops.
1 85 1. — Situation continues precarious. —
8th March, the Economist^ a London paper,
publishes an unfavourable financial article on
Hong-Kong. — The Oriental Bank incorpo-
rated by Royal Charter. — Difficulty expe-
rienced in administering oaths to Chinese. —
76 deaths amongst troops numbering less
than 800 men.
1852. — A deputation of European colonists
waits on the Governor to urge upon him
the desirability of attracting Chinese colo-
nists, and to propose, as a means to this
end, that the rent of the ground occupied
be remitted to them for the first year of
occupation. — Transport of Chinese coolies to
America : first departure for Peru. — The Gov-
ernor, Sir George Bonham^ leaves Hong-
Kong; the Chinese present him with an
earnest address of thanks and regret, a
more or less spontaneous demonstration
which the press characterises as a "gross
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 43
attempt at humbug.*' — He is succeeded by
Mr. Bowring. — Repeated attacks on Europe-
ans by Chinese. — Coolies mutiny on board
the transports conveying them, the Robert
Brown and the Lady Montagu; in this
same year (1852), 6 similar cases, and 19
cases of piracy. — The island contains 37,CXX)
inhabitants, 35,500 of them being Chinese;
Victoria alone has 12,000 inhabitants, but
the Chinese are not yet settled : over 12,000
of them have no other habitation than their
house-boats
1853. — Establishment of bi-monthly mails
between Europe and the colony. — In March,
14 cases of piracy in the immediate vicinity
of Hong-Kong; two regular fleets of pirate-
vessels sweep the seas. — In April, 13 cases;
in May, 5 cases; the same number in June,
and in July. — The vessel Aratoon Apear is
seized by the Chinese crew, who massacre
the officers, European sailors and passengers.
— 70 cases of piracy during the year. —
Deaths among the troops: 56.
1854. — American Consul appointed. — Great
development of coolie-transport to California :
a vessel belonging to the firm of Jardine,
Matheson & Co makes 90,000 dollars by a
single voyage. — The Chinese of Hong-Kong
come into open conflict with the police. —
Crimean War: a Russian fleet signalled in
the environs of Manilla; the colony prepares
44 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
to defend itself.— A number of the Chinese
of Hong-Kong emigrate to Jamaica.— i he
EngUsh law of libel declared applicable to
Hong-Kong. .
1855.— Action brought by a colonist (sup-
ported, apparently, by a syndicate) against
the Peninsular and Oriental S. N. Co., for
delay in delivering goods.— nth May, treaty
of commerce and friendship concluded with
the Kingdom of Siam ; return of Sir J. Bow-
x-ing, who negotiated it. — ^Numerous cases of
piracy. — The population numbers 76,600.
1856. — Armed attack on Messrs. Jardine &
o*s house. — The Governor insists on the
r-OAvn lessees building on their plots. — ^Numer-
is deserters from the British ranks, who take
fuge on board American whalers. — In the
<:>xarse of the year, the post of Surveyor
neral is occupied by three different per-
is : the sums appropriated to Public Works
jrrTLOunt to ^^9,247.
X S57. — Numerous vessels surprised, plun-
^^ar^ci, and burnt by Chinese pirates: from
s^ November 1856 to 15th January 1857,
cases of piracy. — Attempts made to
^on the Europeans e7i masse, at the insti-
aon, It is said, of Chinese officials at
tron.— These officials send orders to all
-pse residents of Hong-Kong to leave
island ; the total population then having
o 77,000 persons, of whom 75,500
«
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 45
were Chinese, and 1,500 Europeans. These
numbers include 2,000 Chinese, and 500
European women. — ** Praga Reclamation ''
works continued ; progress made with docks. —
Wide-spread conspiracy formed at Canton
to ruin Hong-Kong by means of theft, mur-
der, and incendiarism. — Innumerable cases
of piracy by sea and land. — War with
Canton : capture of Canton ; measures adop-
ted at Hong-Kong as a protection against
the native population.
185 8 . — A Chinaman, (Wong Ashing by name)
serves on a jury, for the first time on record.
Government sets a price on pirates' heads. —
Numbers of Chinese leave Hong-Kong, fearing
that their families (which they do not bring
with them) will be massacred by the " Braves ''
of Canton. Great commotion amongst the
Europeans : no more servants, no market ;
meeting at Mr. Jardine's house. — In August,
the Attorney General, Mr. Chisholm, suspended
from his duties. — Innumerable cases of piracy :
first expedition; a fleet of junks, some carry-
ing from 12 to 18 guns, destroyed ; a second
expedition, and a third, necessitated by the
fact that the war with Canton is scarcely
ended. — Population of whites (Europeans and
Americans), excluding troops : i ,462 ; number
of deaths among this population during the
year 1858: no, or at the rate of 7.50
0/
/o.
1859. — Two Europeans publicly executed
46 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
for the murder of a boy. — Expedition against
pirates. — In May, Sir Hercules Robinson
succeeds Sir J. Bowring as Governor. —
Further development of the coolie trans-
port. — Hong-Kong not in favour with the
British public. — In July, defeat of British
troops at the mouth of the Peiho ; serious
apprehensions at Hong-Kong ; no disturbance
amongst the native population. — Numerous
cases of piracy and theft. — Several actions
brought against the press for libel. — New
public market opened. — Docks constructed
at Aberdeen by private enterprise. — The
population of white civilians reduced to
1,031 persons, and the deaths to 70, or
6.66 °/o.
i860. — The new organisation of the customs
in China by European officials, and their
admirable workings which prevents smuggling,
excites great discontent at Hong-Kong. —
Difficulties regarding salaries of officials:
they are paid in Mexican dollars reckoned
to them at the rate of 4 shillings and 2
pence, though purchased [by Government]
at five shillings and a half-penny. The estab-
lishment of a mint at Hong-Kong is deman-
ded. — Anglo-French war with China.
1 86 1. — Occupation of the Peninsula of
Kowloon; great conference of the various
authorities, the Governor, Admiral and Gene-
ral, as to the occupation of the portion
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 47
capable of immediate utilisation, situated
along the sea-front. — Police organisation very
defective : natives requisitioned from Bom-
bay. — The population numbers I04,CXX), of
\yrhom 73,000 are housed in dwellings and
31,000 in boats. In i860, the population
of white civilians was 1,592; deaths: 51, or
32.0%. In i860, this population is reduced
to 1,558, and the death-rate rises again to
loi, or 6.48 %.
1862. — Formation of a volunteer corps. —
28th February, proclamation prohibiting the
export of arms. — Extensive fraud in opium
warrants; a Parsee, by name Rustomjee, in
league with the captain of the receiving
ship Tropic^ negotiates counterfeit warrants
on which he obtains a loan of 1,500,000
dollars. — The Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society is dissolved ; its library is distributed
among various institutions. — For the first
time, the post-office issues postage-stamps
for letters. — Salaries are considerably raised :
a servant earns from 21 to 63 shillings a
month ; a porter, two shillings and six pence
a day. In i860, a servant earned on an
average 25 shillings, a porter from i shilling
to I shilling and 10 pence. — 25th June,
prohibition to export arms rescinded. —
Water-works nearly completed; they will
have entailed a large expenditure. — There is
a talk of lighting the town, and the side of
48 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
the hill, with gas. — In the course of the
year, cotton, being no longer procurable from
America, is partly obtained from Northern
China. The quantity which passes into Hong-
Kong amounts to 45 millions of kilogrammes
(in round numbers, about 9,920,000 lbs. avoir-
dupois). — Population of European civilians,
1,604; deaths, 46, or 2.247^0.
1863. — The Clock Tower inaugurated. —
The Whampoa Docks opened; the steamer
Cadiz belonging to the Peninsular and
Oriental Company is docked there for
repairs. — The streets are lighted with gas-
lamps.
1864. — Attack of pirates on a Danish
brig anchored in the roadstead ; fresh attack
on the godowns of Messrs. Smith, Archer
& Co. The Oriental Hotel Company opens
a first-class hotel. — The Mint is erected at
Causeway Bay, on a ** reclaimed" plot of
ground. — Proclamation of the Bankruptcy
Act. — During the hearing of a law-suit, the
court rules that it is lawful for a policeman
to carry and to make use of fire-arms. —
The Home Government demands that the
colony should contribute a sum of ^^20,000
towards the military expenses (which amount
to ;^ 100,000). This necessitates a tax yield-
ing a corresponding amount. Considerable
opposition in the Council. Debate of 8th
September; motion in favour of the contri-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA, 49
bution carried by the casting vote of the
Governor ; but a petition signed by the
Europeans and Chinese is forwarded to the
Home Government, praying for its remission. —
Conflicts occur between the soldiers of the
99th regiment and the police. — Numerous
murders. — Sale at Kowloon of plots of ground,
on one of which docks are to be constructed.
1865. — Sailors' Home, West Point, inaugu-
rated (19th January); Messrs. Jardine and
Matheson had subscribed 45,000 dollars
towards it. — The Chinese attack two river
steamers. — Recrudescence of crime, owing,
it is averred, to too much laxity in repres-
sive measures. Thieves break into the Ceu-
tral Bank of Western India gaining entrance
thereto by a subterranean passage which
leads from the sewers to the strong-room. —
Business extremely dull. — Besides the mer-
chant princes, British merchants of moderate
means begin to put in an appearance ; the
Chinese are comprador es ^ retail dealers, bro-
kers, and, above all, coolies. — Dwellings still
very dear : a house letting in England at
^40 a year, at Hong-Kong fetches 60 dol-
lars a month. — Public health improving, for
which, according to the press, no thanks
are due to the Government. — Great increase
in theft and murders : every Chinaman out-
of-doors between 8 o'clock in the evening
and gun-fire in the morning is obliged to
•*•
50 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
provide himself with a pass and a lantern. —
The 15th April, 17 pirates sent to be tried
at Canton. — A false report is spread of the
death at Colombo of Sir Hercules Robinson. —
Two rival Companies, Russell, and Heard
& Co., undertake the service between Hong-
Kong and Canton. — Constant changes of
officials. — A Company is formed (15th June)
to construct a railroad in China from Fatshan
to Canton, 1 2 miles long. — A terrific typhoon
on 30th June. — First steamer built at Hong-
Kong, the City of Hoe^ is launched. —
Very considerable and very frequent fires. —
A third Navigation Company is formed. The
Canton and Macao Steamboats Company. —
The Public and Family Hotel Company is
started. — The population numbers 125,000,
of whom, at the commencement of the year,
1,550 were Europeans: 1,100 men and 454
women. — There are 6,550 buildings ; of these
Europeans, Americans, and natives of Manilla
and Goa, numbering 3,550, occupy 1,300;
and 80,000 Chinese occupy 4;700. — From a
sanitary point of view, the most deadly
year for ten years. The civil population
falls from 1,963 in 1864 to 1,034; the deaths
almost as numerous, 100 instead of 109 in
1864, or over 10 % instead of 4.89 Vo.
In spite of all, 1865 is the year with
which, as regards Hong-Kong, the era of
beginnings closes. Doubtless it still has be-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. ^\
fore it periods of difficulty and even moments
of anxiety : but for the future it is well pro-
vided with everything needful ; it has stood
the test; it has self-confidence; and antici-
pating success, is bound to achieve it.
Nevertheless, we have seen that the grounds
on which the founders of Hong-Kong based
their prophecies of its prosperous future
were fallacious, and that their first calcu-
lations proved erroneous. We have still to
see how it has achieved success; what for-
tuitous circumstances have contributed to
this achievement; how it has, so to speak,
laid hold of success ; and, lastly, by what
means it has retained its hold upon it.
CHAPTER IV.
Development and prosperity of Hong-Kong — Decisive
epochs.
Founding a colony is like building a house.
From the very first, great activity prevails.
Capital is accumulated; workmen and mate-
rials arrive in constant succession ; the owners
appear in rotation to inspect, supervise, and
hurry on the workmen. The building emer-
ges from the ground, the stories rise one
above the other ; ere long the flag flies from
the house-top. — And now the building only
awaits tenants. If tenants are not forthcom-
ing, the public which had admired the work
from the first, and envied its promoters, at
once turns round, and instead of antici-
pating its success, now prophesies its failure.
Henceforth every room, even to the top-
most garret, must be let before the public
can be brought back to its former opinion,
and even then the public will always view
it with a certain amount of mistrust.
\
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 53
The same holds good with regard to a recent-
ly-acquired colony. The colonists arrive full
of haste and ardour; they settle down, and
procure the ' plant f they bring from the
metropolis all sorts of products intended
for their personal use or for their business ;
the entries booked at the custom-house are
splendid; statistics prove that there is a
flourishing trade. Soon the premises are
complete, the * plant * is in full working order,
clients only are looked for. If clients are
not forthcoming, business decreases, statis-
tics show a falling off, a town which had
already been considered as too confined in
area becomes a waste, discouragement weighs
down the settlers' spirits; and public opi-
nion now condemns what it had previously
praised.
Then follows a period of silence : the
colony is believed to be dead. It is, how-
ever, only slumbering and working quietly
the while. And now it is simply a ques-
tion of time.
A few years elapse , and with the arrival
of new hands^ fresh vigour replaces worn-
out energy. Life is infused into it and by
degrees the dying city is reanimated. A
prosperous season will rouse it from its
torpor; it will essay, and gradually develop
its strength, and will afford to the astonished
world a proof of its vitality, and its prosperity.
54 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
These phases of existence are, one and
all, applicable to the colony of Hong-Kong.
It makes a triumphant start. Colonists arrive
in troops; the Chinese flock to it; from the
second year of its foundation, the British
exports exceed ;^7 20,000; in 1844 they
reach ;^ 1,800,000; in 1845 they still amount to
^1,5 20,000 ; in 1 846 they fall to ^ i , 200,000 ;
in 1847 to as low as ;^76o,ooo, and con-
tinue to decline gradually, year by year, at
the rate of ^80,000, ^40,000, some ^4,000
until in 1853 they amount to only;^36o,ooo.
The colonists are disheartened, the Chinese
waver, the finances collapse; in fact nothing
is wanting to complete the picture.
At this point in its career public opinion
prophesies ruin for the colony. The criti-
cisms of the English press are very severe ;
the Government regrets its occupation ; there
is even talk of withdrawal. This state of
of affairs lasts years. In 1863, i, e.^ more
than 20 years after its first occupation, the
British exports still do not exceed;^ 1,480,000
and the colony is a heavy burden on the
Treasury. And yet, those who carefully
followed the course of events in the Far
East, and knew the actual condition of Hong-
Kong, were aware from as for back as 1850
that its cause was already won and its
future secure. It was only biding its
time. Fortune which never deserts the bold
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 55
and the obstinate gave it that opportunity
by the discovery of gold in CaHfornia, and
in Australia.
The Chinese, generally speaking, lack what
we call patriotism. In 1844, they refused
their services to the French vessels lying
in the Hong-Kong harbour, and their action
meeting with determined disapproval from
the English, with the usual bluster which
constitutes their strength, they struck work
almost to a man. In 1850, however, their
feelings were less delicate. The British had
attacked and beaten them in 1842: and
had besieged and taken Canton in 1 847 :
but the people of Qu^ng-Tung and Fu-Kiang
came none the less to proffer their services
to their conquerors of yesterday. When, in
1849, they heard that the British at Hong-
Kong were endeavouring to procure their
admission into America with a view to their
working in the gold mines (a lucrative occu-
pation), they came in their thousands, and
thus aided in establishing at Hong-Kong a
very profitable industry: viz., the transpor-
tation of emigrants.
This was what the English call a " turning
point.'' Only yesterday, the colony was
languishing and uncertain of the morrow;
to-day, it finds, at length, an object on which
it can expend its energy : it is saved.
The transport of coolies, i, ^., of men fit
56 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
for any kind of work, rapidly attained to
great importance. There had, already, for
some time past, been a tide of emigration —
though a feeble one — towards Singapore,
Peru, and the Antilles; now this tide was
to flow with a stronger current in another
direction. California, cut off from the other
states of the Union by the vast American
continent, welcomed immigrants from all
parts, and in proportion to the number of
new-comers discovered new territories, and
especially new mines, to be worked. For
similar reasons Australia, being more isolated
and less populous, desired a still larger influx
of people. Thus there was a constantly
recurring demand for labour. The Chinese
responded to this demand by a constantly
increasing offer of labourers. There are
no people that more readily accommodate
themselves to the idea of expatriation, though
it be but temporary. All climates suit them,
they are satisfied with any position. When
once they know whither they are going and
what awaits them on their arrival they offer
themselves in serried ranks. They have,
moreover, furnished an enormous contingent
to all countries willing to receive them, and
as long as these countries have wished it :
to California, the Antilles, Australia, Singa-
pore, Saigon, the Philippine Isles, Panama, etc.
Under these circumstances, in two or three
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 5/
years' time, emigrants became very nume-
rous : Hong-Kong being the only port in the
neighbourhood which at that time possessed
an almost complete equipment for this class
of transport, naturally became their port
of embarcation. Some embarrassment was,
nevertheless, experienced just at first. Thou-
sands of passengers had to be conveyed
every year for thousands of miles. In 1851,
8,000; in 1852, 30,000; in 1853, 9,000 all to
California; in 1854, over 15,000: 10,500 of
them to Australia, and 3,000 to California;
from 1852 to 1857, over 24,000 to Havana
alone; in 1858, about 14,000 to various
destinations. The voyages lasted on an ave-
rage three months ; the accommodation of the
vessels was rather limited, and the rates of
transport were extravagantly high. A ves-
sel with accommodation for some hundreds of
passengers received 90,000 dollars for a
single trip to San Francisco- Although this
was an exceptional rate, the transport of
coolies was, as a rule, an extremely prof-
itable business.
Unfortunately, it speedily declined. The
rapacity of the contractors, and the cruelty
of their agents could only be compared to
that of slave-dealers. The coolies were
crowded into a narrow space, which soon
became a hot-bed of infection; they were
left there nearly starving, and absolutely
58 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
uncared-for ; the mortality was appalling ; of
24,000 conveyed to Havana, 3,500 died in
transit, or rather over 14 %. This is equal
to the death-rate of the worst type of
slavers. The coolies mutinied, seized the
vessels, and massacred the crews. These
scandals which were at their height about
the year 1857, roused the indignation of the
British who, officially, are very humane.
They did not go to the length of prohibi-
ting the transport of coolies : that would
merely have benefited Macao, where this
industry was carried on on an enormous scale
and under still more deplorable conditions.
But they instituted a more rigorous super-
vision, they imposed certain regulations in
regard to sanitation and humane treatment,
which were increased in stringency from
time to time, with the result that Chinese
emigration improved in condition, but dimi-
nished in extent year by year. ^ The num-
ber of emigrants in i860 only amounted to
12,800; in 1862, to 10,400; in 1862, to
' See House of Commons 27th July, 1858, and 12th
June, 1868, documents Nos. 381 and 428. Still, though
closely watched, put to expenses which were unknown
when it started, shut out from Canada, the United
States, and Australia, Chinese emigration has none the
less continued to our day. It peoples Singapore,
Manilla, etc. In 1882, the number of emigrants sailing
from Hong-Kong alone reached 79,000; in 1883,57,000;
1884, 46,000.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 59
7,800 ; in 1864, to 6,600; in 1865, to 6,850;
and in 1866 to only 5,000. It was, however,
destined to flourish anew at a later period.
But from the year 1857 Hong-Kong was
no longer entirely dependent upon the trans-
port industry: events had recently occurred
which, although altogether unforeseen — on
this we must lay special stress, — justified
the predictions of the founders of the colony ;
it became the necessary refuge of the Euro-
peans and of the principal Chinese mer-
chants of Canton, Amoy, etc.: the Taiping
rebellion was spreading to Quang-Tung.
The chief of the Taipings was a native
of Quang-Si, and it was at that place, and
especially in the neighbouring province of
Quang-Tung, that he had recruited his first
adherents. In 1850, a state of uneasiness
and disquietude greatly prejudicial to trade
was already noticeable. In 1852 and 1853,
this feeling became more pronounced : Amoy
and then Shanghai succumbed to the rebel for-
ces. In 1854, disturbances broke out through-
out the entire province; rebellion reigned
supreme; the ** Braves " of Canton and the
peasants living in the neighbourhood march-
ed their formidable bands in all directions,
and it is estimated that almost a third of
the population of Canton fled at the ap-
proach of the rioters. And so the Chinese
began to arrive at Hong-Kong, at first in
60 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
isolated groups, then in large contingents. '
Finally, in 1856, the European factories
were menaced, the regular authorities who
still retained the mastery in Canton took
no measures to restore order, the British
fleet had to besiege and bombard the town;
Macao was reduced to a state of starvation,
and last of all (December 1856) the Euro-
pean factories were burnt.
Hereupon a general exodus took place.
European refugees of all nationalities and
thousands of Chinese betook themselves to
Hong-Kong. They came, as from the first
it was hoped they would come, to seek
under the British flag the security indispen-
* These sudden additions to the population of Hong-
Kong occasioned veritable crises, in the sense that this
word is used in medical science, and in political econ-
omy. During the year 1855 there had been an influx
of close upon 17,000 fresh inhabitants; and owing to
this fact, the price of building plots, the rent of houses,
the receipts from taxes, the police expenditure, all
showed a remarkable increase. In 1856, the population
remained stationary, if indeed it did not decrease
(approximate number 72,000, as in 1855); the receipts
diminished immediately, being ;f32,5oo as against
^^42,500 in 1855: the expenditure, on the contrary,
increased, it having been found necessary to augment
the police-force, involving an extra outlay of ;f 1,950 ;
and the civil budget amounted to ;f42,45o, as against
;^40,840 in 1855. In order to continue the public
works which had been undertaken, the reserve-fund of
the preceding years had to be drawn upon. In spite
of this, however, confidence in the future of the colony
remained unshaken.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 6 1
sable to commerce ; they brought their cap-
ital and such goods as they had rescued;
and lastly many brought with them — what
was likely to prove of more lasting effect —
their families. The town — another change —
became inconveniently crowded ; the houses
were all full ; shops were converted into
more or less commodious dwellings ; and the
Chinese found accommodation in the junks.
The income derived from house property
rose enormously, and the rent charged for
building-plots w^as exorbitant.
The year 1858 witnessed a continuation,
and even an increase, of this prosperity.
The Peiho expedition necessarily brought a
crowd of guests to Hong-Kong; the naval
and military requirements doubled the amount
of import ; all the new-comers, especially
those from Europe, left a large sum of mo-
ney on the market. It was one of those
occasions when money is spent without keep-
ing account. This continued in 1859, and
was still more pronounced in i860. It was
after the conclusion of the first Treaty of
Tientsin, and during the preparations for
the second expedition. Numerous newly
arrived troops, a whole fleet and many staffs
filled the roadstead and the town. All avail-
able sites were occupied : negotiations were
being entered upon with the Viceroy of
Canton for the free disposal of Kowloon.
62 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Finally, the victory of the Allies, and the
second Treaty of Tientsin filled all hearts
with enthusiasm and confidence. Under the
influence of these events, British exports
rose, in 1857, to £720^000] in 1858, they
reached ;^ 1,1 20,000; in 1859, ;^ 1,960,000;
in i860, ^2,440,000 and in 1863, were still
at ;^ 1, 480,000.
The official documents of this epoch give
evidence, moreover, of the joy that was felt,
and the expectations that were entertained.
In the Blue Book of 1858 (which appeared
in 1859, the Governor, Mr Mercer, speaks
of nothing but the enterprising spirit which
animates the colony. Public markets had
just been inaugurated; docks constructed at
Aberdeen with private capital and without
any subsidy from the Government; the Chi-
nese were flocking to the place, happy to
find on British territory security and justice
for their persons and their property. And
the enthusiasm continues ; the strangers,
guests of the new colony, share it equally
with the residents. ^^ Hong-Kong,*' writes
the French Consul in 1863, *^ thanks to its
geographical position ; to its roadstead, which
can accommodate and give shelter to an
immense number of vessels ; to the security
and freedom with which business can be
transacted; to the absence of any import-
duty ; to the steam-communications of which
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 63
it is the centre; and to the comparative
salubrity of its climate, has become the
head-quarters of a considerable traffic, and
the emporium of Southern China not only
for the products of Europe, America and
India, but also for those of China itself.'*
From this time forward the future of
Hong-Kong was assured, and we need not
now follow step by step its further progress.
Let us confine ourselves to noticing the
chief, and the later episodes of its economic
development.
A law of mechanics tells us that every
action is followed by a reaction in a con-
trary direction and of equal strength. The
same holds good with regard to business :
the whole of the ground gained is not lost
by such reactions, otherwise progress were
impossible ; but every period of activity is
followed by a period of stagnation. Hong-
Kong could not avoid the operation of this
law. The years 1864 to 1868 were deplor-
able, not to say disastrous.
It must be admitted that after the pro-
gress alluded to above the colony and, indeed,
the whole of European China had been seiz-
ed with a species of madness. The Ame-
rican War had made China, and especially
India, purveyors of cotton to the whole
world; there had consequently been a per-
petual exchange of goods and of paper
64 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
between these countries and Europe. Hong-
Kong being on the direct route had been
able to accumulate at its port immense
quantities of cotton, tea, and other colonial
produce ; the Parsees of India brought thither
considerable sums of money with a view
to commercial intercourse with Indo-China
and the Chinese empire. More banks were
opened than were needed. In 1862 and
1863, Hong-Kong and Shanghai could boast
of five banks; in 1864, their number was
eleven ; and unlimited competition was the
result.
Thus the years 1865, 1866, and even
1 867 were notable for the financial catastro-
phes which occurred either at Hong-Kong
itself or in China, but which invariably reac-
ted upon the business of Hong-Kong. Impru-
dent and unfortunate speculations in tea, and
in landed property, in the Yang-Tse Valley
and at Shanghai, swallowed up nearly
;^ 6,000,000, in which speculations Hong-
Kong itself was largely involved ; the rice-
trade with Indo-China (Siam and Saigon)
was fettered by a bad harvest ; the opium
trade remained dull ; the colony, pressed for
money, — the Home Government justly deman-
ding a contribution of ;^20,ooo towards the
military expenditure, — resorted to vexatious
fiscal measures, and taxed either the natives
or business transactions (an ad valorem duty
THE COLONISATION OF IXDO-CHINA. 6S
of \ or i % on bills of exchange, drafts to
order, and bank bills payable to bearer, or
at sight) ; lastly, to crown all, the American
war having come to an end, there was an
immediate cessation of the cotton-trade.
The settlement was a grievous one : nume-
rous failures ; first-class houses compelled to
suspend payment ; the Chinese leaving in
thousands.
This continued throughout the year 1867,
and even into 1 868 ; the colony was exhaus-
ted and disheartened and — a characteristic
sign — people began again, in order to reas-
sure themselves, to talk of the natural advan-
tages of Hong-Kong, of *' its admirable posi-
tion which ought to make it the fountain-head
of commerce with China and Japan,'' when —
another surprise, a further turn of Fortune's
wheel so lavish in her favours towards this
colony — an event occurred which assuredly
could not have been foreseen by the foun-
ders of the colony : the Suez Canal was
opened, superseding the long voyage round
the Cape, placing Hong-Kong within a
month's journey of Europe, and giving an
irresistible impulse to exchange with the
Far East.
This time, all doubts are dispelled: Hong-
Kong will survive ; Hong-Kong will be rich
and powerful. It will, like the rest of the
commercial world, still have its ups and
66 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
downs ; mistakes will still occur^ it will spec-
ulate to excess in building-sites, as it did
in 1882 and 1883; it will suffer from the
reaction of external events, such as the
Franco-Chinese war of 1884; it will launch
out into hazardous enterprises, such as the
Praga reclamation ; it will see the value of
land, even that of the Peak, the most ex-
pensive and favourite quarter, fall to 24
cents the square foot; but henceforth it is
armed for the struggle, its future is secure.
We have still to determine what portion
of this success, which has, apparently, so
far, been due to chance alone, may be cre-
dited to human agency.
CHAPTER V.
Methods of Government and Administration — The
Chinese — Security, Justice^ and Education.
In establishing themselves at Hong-Kong
the British should have been, and in fact
v^ere, aware that their success depended
mainly on the attainment of one thing, viz. :
the co-operation of the Chinese inhabitants
of the mainland, and not so much of the
authorities^ though it was not a matter of
indifference whether the latter were for or
against them, ' as of the trades-people, the
* The British endeavoured to maintain the best pos-
sible relations with the authorities of Canton. This,
unfortunately, has not always been an easy matter.
After the conclusion of the Treaty of Nankin, there
was a prolonged contention with reference to the re-
opening of Canton ; then followed the Taiping rebellion ;
and later, the expeditions against Pekin. In order to
establish on a cordial footing the relations between
Hong-Kong and China, our reverses of 1870, and above
all our war with China of 1 884 were necessary, although
the connection may not be evident. At the present
day, the Chinese authorities readily visit the colony ; the
two powers mutually surrender, (with certain exceptions),
criminals claimed by their respective courts, etc.
68 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
cornpr adores^ and the coolies. Coolies were
required as workmen, trades-people to supply
them with provisions, compradores to intro-
duce the British to the native markets and
to act as intermediaries in their business
transactions, pending the advent of those
substantial Chinese merchants who, by vir-
tue of their ability, daring, and honesty, take
rank in the commercial world as the most
formidable rivals of the Anglo Saxons. If
these various classes were not simultaneously
forthcoming and in sufficient numbers, the
colony would be incapable of acting the
part to which it aspired : that of intermedi-
ary between Europe and China.
Of this point the Europeans were well
aware. Far from dreading the presence of
the Chinese, they were anxious that respect-
able Chinese citizens should come in num-
bers and settle amongst them ; and we have
seen that, in the earlier years of the colony,
they petitioned the Governor to grant cer-
tain concessions to those Chinese immigrants
who might settle on the island, as an induce-
ment for them to come.
And the Chinese who, as universal expe-
rience proves, are easily attracted, at once
flocked to the island. Unfortunately, the
first to come were not exactly the class of
people needed, and their presence, though
useful in more than one respect, entailed
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 69
manifold complications of a nature to put
the wisdom and patience of the British offi-
cials to the test.
The provinces which furnish, perhaps, the
largest contingent of emigrants in the whole
Empire are precisely those in the immediate
vicinity of Hong-Kong, viz. : Quang-Tung and
Fu-Kiang ; but the emigrants from these pro-
vinces are more often than not anything but
desirable recruits. They belong to different,
and hostile races : the Hakkas, who usually
do coolie-work, and the Puntis * who chiefly
find employment as boys and cornpradores.
As a result, quarrels and strife, occasionally
very serious, and which the European ad-
ministration cannot view with indifference.
And besides, all, or nearly all these people
are poor, uncouth, uneducated, and above
all, utterly unscrupulous. They crowd round
the Europeans, because money can be made^
but they display no affection ^ or esteem,
and remain strangers to their civilisation.
They have no notion of cleanliness or hygiene,
'"Punti" really signifies "native of the country." It
is therefore a misnomer to use the word as a distinctive
appellation for one of the native races.
* " At Hong-Kong where 30,000 Chinese are regularly
employed, they would not hesitate, at a given signal,
to massacre all the Europeans." (Extract from an offi-
cial report of 1874). "It is rather the European com-
munity wich is in need of protection." (*Her Majesty's
Colonies,* p. 460).
70 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
and a positive repugnance to sanitary regu-
lations and besides an immoderate passion
for gambling coupled to deplorable morals
due especially to the absence of their fami-
lies. They despise woman, whom they doom
and bring up to a life of prostitution, using
compulsion, if necessary, and lastly they
evince a peculiar liking for secret societies.
All these habits and vices, not to be tole-
rated by a European Government, afford,
when placed in juxtaposition with the neces-
sity of attracting many Chinese to Hong-
Kong, some idea of the difficulties with which
the British had to contend.
They overcame them, however, and it will
not be unprofitable to learn how they con-
trived to reconcile interests and needs so
diametrically the opposite.
Just at first, it was advisable not to be
too particular. Workmen were wanted to
build the town, to cut roads, to excavate
zigzags on the hillside, to work at the quays :
so the gates were thrown wide open, and
the imperfections of those who entered in
were overlooked. Nay, more; inducements
were held out to new-comers, attentions to
which they could not be insensible : to those
who lived on their house-boats Causeway
Bay was offered as a refuge affording all
possible security against stormy weather^ and
what was greatly to the liking of those who
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 7 1
settled on land, a separate quarter was
assigned to them.
But, though their advent was greatly to
be desired, supervision could not be neglec-
ted. The organisation of the police has been
one of the first and most lasting difficulties
which the local government has had to con-
tend with. The problem is more complica-
ted than appears at first sight. Europeans
are costly; their health soon gives way, and
Chinese customs are unknown to them ;
Chinamen^ on the other hand, though more
suitable, are liable to be too lenient towards,
if not actual accomplices of, criminals ; and
it is to be feared, moreover, that in the
exercise of their power, all sense of respect,
even towards Europeans, might desert them ;
Indians, being hardier than Europeans, by
disposition more respectful than the Chinese,
and being well used to discipline, are capa-
ble of rendering good service, though they
are wanting in tact, and require to be well
officered. None of these three elements,
then, was suitable, taken singly, so that an
amalgamation of the three was resolved on.
Their number and proportion have, of course,
varied with the course of time. In i860,
or thereabouts, the relative numbers were,
60 Europeans, 100 to no Chinese and
some 300 Indians. In 1887 the force con-
tained 100 Europeans, 200 Sikhs, and 400
72 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Chinese. The large proportion of Chinese
noticeable during late years indicates the
progress made, and the increased confidence
they command. One detail must, however,
be mentioned : Chinese policemen are re-
quired to furnish security to the amount of
fifty dollars each.
In an island, especially one so near a
mainland which affords so safe a refuge,
the robbers are not all on land. At Hong-
Kong there is a floating population — a fact
which we can appropriately mention here —
of 30^000 or 40,000 persons who have no
other habitation than their boats. All along
the sea-shore are well-stocked warehouses,
and docks full of merchandise ; in the middle
of the roadstead ships laden with cargo lie
at anchor; the port is free, but opium is
farmed out, and an import-duty is levied on
alcohol : these are circumstances, therefore,
very tempting to thieves and smugglers.
And so, of a police-force numbering 750
men, about 300 do duty on the water,
patrolling the harbour in their swift police-
boats, and maintaining a constant watch,
especially at night.
In addition to thieves and smugglers, there
are pirates. Those of Hong-Kong have
gained notoriety. The natural conditions of
these parts and the course of events favoured
them greatly. Islands, so well adapted to
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 73
their requirements that they received the
name of the Ladrones^ and indented with
shallow creeks, where light craft could lie
in ambuscade or find a refuge were near at
hand; and the coast of the mainland was
broken up into an infinitude of inlets, and
abounded in shelters. The inhabitants were
natural accomplices of the bandits, sharing
with them their hate for, and occasionally
the spoils of, the Europeans; the authori-
ties, from the humblest to the highest,
detested the British, and lent themselves
with evident repugnance to the watching
and suppression of pirates. Lastly, on two
occasions, just after the opium war (1842
to 1844), and later, during the period of
the Anglo-French expeditions (1857 to i860),
occurred the possibility of passing off acts
of mere brigandage as acts of pure patriot-
ism. All these circumstances were favour-
able to the growth of piracy on a large
scale.
Accordingly it developed to an unheard-
of extent in the seas surrounding Hong-
Kong. Of this we have already given some
idea in a preceding chapter. The junks
engaged in these operations might be coun-
ted by thousands. It even went so far that
the pirates actually scoured the seas in fleets,
no attempt being made at concealment.
They carried a number of guns, and even
74 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
attacked steamers ; the Spark episode
(1874) is still well remembered. It was often
found necessary, and notably in 1868, to
adopt special measures, and positively to
organise expeditions against them. The
happiest possible results attended these.
The systematic destruction of innumerable
junks acted as a check on the pirate's trade.
At the present day, owing to the devel-
opment of national and international com-
merce, the habit of regular occupation, acts
as a restraint on a host of people who,
twenty years since, were predestined to a
pirate's life. At the same time, the Chinese
Mandarins have changed their views : far
from protecting bandits, they wage a war
with them which might be characterised as
envenomed, were the agents entrusted with
its conduct, only more able, or less indul-
gent. Lastly, gun-boats and war vessels
specially deputed to this service are con-
stantly cruising in suspected localities.
In spite of this^ piracy has not entirely
disappeared from the waters of Hong-Kong.
Pirates still infest the coasts of Quang-Tung.
In October 1885, the Greyhound^ a British
steamer, was seized, when sixty miles distant
from Hong-Kong, by pirates who had taken
passage in her. Even the port of Victoria
is not always free from them. In December
1887, three singularly bold attacks occurred
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 75
in a single week. In 1890, the Namoa
incident created a profound sensation through-
out the Far-East. * It is evident that, to
extirpate piracy thoroughly, combined action
on the part of the British, French, and
Chinese is necessary.
These repressive measures ought, appa-
rently, if only on the ground of their effi-
cacy, to have had a diametrically opposite
result to that which the British desired. If
they were intent upon attracting the Chinese,
concerning whose morality one must, as they
knew, not be too particular, it was a singu-
lar means of attaining their end: that of
subjecting them to the most rigorous super-
vision^ and mercilessly hunting down their
fellow-countrymen. But this line of argu-
ment, though apparently correct^ in reality
is not so.
The Chinese entertain, in a degree unknown
* The Namoa left Hong-Kong on the loth December
1890, having on board 220 Chinese deck passengers.
They were emigrants returning to China with the savings
they had accumulated at Singapore. At a given signal,
some fifty of them, clothed in a kind of uniform, rushed
upon the crew and the ship's officers, wounded them
and seized the vessel and everything of value which it
contained. They were pursued; but it was not until
later that the Chinese admiral Tong discovered their
whereabouts, and took them prisoners. (See some
curious articles on piracy written in 1890 by the Ame-
rican, Colonel Guilder, correspondent of the San Fran-
cisco Examiner during the Franco-Chinese war).
76 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
to US, a respect, nay^ an admiration, for
force. This feeling is so strong with them,
that at times it gets the better of their love
of justice. Concessions, even though they
be just^ run the risk of being regarded by
them as weakness; the toleration of cul-
pable acts, as nonsense. On the other hand,
the Chinese colony at Hong-Kong was com-
posed of the most diverse elements. In
addition to cut-throats and thieves, the objects
of these precautions, there were Chinamen
who were rich or well-off — a class likely to
rapidly increase — to whom these very pre-
cautions gave confidence; there were poor^
and even depraved, Chinese who found it
more profitable to work than to steal, and
who regarded these "vexations'* as the
necessary price of an abundance of work
and a regular salary; lastly, there were a
host of, possibly indifferent individuals, but
who attached inestimable value to certain
benefits of British civilisation, and to the
greatest among them, namely, law and
justice.
One must have lived under an autocratic
and irresponsible regime to appreciate a mode-
rate and just one. The Chinese, at the hands
of their Mandarins^ had been able^ at that
period even more than at the present day,
to learn to appreciate the protection accor-
ded them by British law and magistracy.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. ^^
Let US pay this tribute to the Anglo-Saxons :
no people has a greater regard than they
for conformity to law. Other nations pride
themselves specially on their humanity, and
their conduct may perhaps in general be
more humane, which practically constitutes
an inferiority, though morally an honour.
But in regard to laws their views are less
decided. With almost all of them there is
a fund of Jacobinism which impels them so
forcibly towards the goal they are aiming
at that they end by neglecting the legitimacy
of the means employed. More than one
decision, whether in the sphere of law or
of politics, might be brought to light which
could with difficulty be reconciled with
justice.
The British, on the other hand, have with
few exceptions, a respect almost amounting
to a religious belief, for law and justice.
Their official correspondence shows what a
dread they have of arbitrary procedure.
Open, for example, the special reports : they
consist entirely of rules relating to the
judicial personnel and their jurisdiction, and
the application of certain laws to certain
classes of individuals. One out of every
two orders has reference to the better
administration of justice, or to the enactment
of laws better adapted to their special
purpose.
78 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
The protection thus afforded is an exceed-
ingly valuable one, and the majority of the
Chinese fully appreciated it. The British^
moreover, earned for themselves a further
title, we will not say to their gratitude^ but
to their obedience. In addition to security,
and justice, they granted them a benefit^
the concession of which was flattering to
their pride or their ambition^ viz., a sort of
equality in the eye of the law, and of the
administration.
European nations, the British among them,
have long thought it their duty, in these
distant lands, to shield their fellow-country-
men, in their intercourse with the natives,
from the vexatious consequences of their
acts. In India^ in Indo-China, and in all the
colonies belonging to European nations in
those latitudes, an offence committed by a
European against a native is not, and neces-
sarily cannot be, of the same importance as
an offence committed by a native against a
European. At Hong-Kong, however, the
British on more than one occasion aban-
doned these pretentions: be a boy killed or
wounded, or a coolie unmercifully beaten, a
search was made for the perpetrators of
such acts, and woe to them if discovered.
Natives or Europeans, they found no mercy.
This impartiality which, however, was never
abused, produced an excellent effect on the
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 79
Chinese; as did also the humanity shown —
as we have already seen — in the regulations
for the transport of emigrants. -
At the same time, care was taken not
to violate their customs, nor to place any
restraints upon their civile religious, or other
ceremonies. And above all, they were affor-
ded what they very fully appreciate, the
means of educating themselves.
A whole chapter would be required to
explain the educational arrangements at
Hong-Kong. What is most worthy of admi-
ration is, the untiring zeal of those in charge
of this department. The people with whom
they had to deal belonged to the humblest
and poorest class ; like all the Chinese, they
professed great respect for science; but
they were reluctant to trust their children
(the girls especially) to schools opened by
the Government. Add further that these
children were often indifferent scholars; or
again^ that their parents, having need of
them for their daily work, sent them late
to school, or took them away too early:
whatever the cause, the fact remains, that
for a series of years, the results were
very poor.
In 1852, with a population of over 37,000,
of whom 35,000 were Chinese, there were
only five schools, with a total of 134 pupils,
for the use of the Chinese; in 1857, the
80 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
number had only risen to 21 with 735
pupils, of whom 40 were girls, and in the
same year, (1857) the scholars who had
completed their course of education at these
schools could not furnish a single competent
interpreter. Ever since 185 1, the colony
had devoted an annual sum of ^^250 towards
the maintenance of six selected scholars at
Bishop* s College^ and for six years not one
of these subsidised scholars had been able
to render the smallest service as inter-
preter. From i860 to 1870 the results
were no better ; the number of schools
and scholars remained almost stationary ; this
was, however, the final stage of a fruitless
period.
In 1876^ the schools numbered 54, the
scholars 3,100; this number includes 16
schools^ with 1,800 scholars, conducted by
natives. In 1887 there were 95 schools
under inspection, and no private schools;
the majority being Chinese. Among those
under inspection, 1 5 belonged to the Govern-
ment^ and were unsectarian and gratuitous ;
19 were subsidised Chinese schools, distri-
buted among the villages on the island ; and
61, sectarian schools, 55 of them gratuitous,
belonging to ten Missionary Societies.
The present number of scholars is about
8,300, of whom 6000 frequent the inspected,
and 2,300 the other schools. Three dialects
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 8 1
of Chinese, as well as English and Portuguese,
are taught. Besides this, some of the best
scholars are sent to England to go through
a course of study in medicine, law, or real
and applied science. In 1882, one of these
students, by name Ho-Kai, passed first in
the examinations at Lincoln's Inn^ and is
at present a Privy Councillor at Hong-Kong.
After completing their studies^ they obtain
on their return to the colony, easy and prof-
itable employment, either in one of the
professions, or under Government, provided
they pass a competitive examination open
to all British subjects without distinction as
to race or religion.
By the adoption of the various measures
alluded to above, concerning the general
nature of which it would have been interes-
ting to enter into further detail, the British
have succeeded beyond their expectations.
The Chinese population numbers about
210,000 souls. Canton lies so near, and the
journey by steamers, which charge a fare
of 6d and can carry 3,000 passengers, is so
easy that this number varies from one sea-
son to another: if the harvest on the main-
land is bad, thousands of emigrants flock
to the island; on the other hand, if there
is the slightest cause for discontent, thou-
sands of others quit the island for the
mainland. In spite of these vicissitudes, the
82 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Chinese population is continually on the
increase. *
It is composed^ as it always has been, of
coolies, boys^ mariners, retail tradesmen, and
wholesale merchants, and lastly, of the grad-
ually diminishing number of intermediaries
called compradores . A curious circumstance
to those acquainted with the customs of the
Far-East is the presence of Chinese women
in considerable and ever increasing numbers.
In 1 86 1, there were 26 women to every
100 men; in 1871, the proportion was 28
to 100 ; in 1 88 1, 30; in 1 891, 31. It is
hardly necessary to observe that they are
not women of the higher classes.
The class — by far the most numerous —
of working men (coolies^ mariners, labourers,
etc.) has been^ and still is, the cause of
more than one anxiety to the local authori-
ties. It is surprising that, tractable as they
are in business matters, they should accom-
* The attention of the Chinese Government was drawn
to this, when it proposed, in accordance with the terms
of the treaties, to appoint a consul at Hong-Kong. The
Chinese do not need a consul to protect their interests :
the British law and the Registrar General who is their
appointed protector, suffice. This consul would either
be a spy placed by the Chinese Government to keep a
watch over the more important of his fellow-countrymen,
or an agent who would incite the more turbulent to
revolt. The Chinese Government has, however, — of its
own accord, so says the English press — relinquished
this idea.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 83
modate themselves with such difficulty to
the laws of morality, the police regulations,
and to habits of cleanliness and hygiene.
The abduction of children, especially
young girls, who are sold to houses of ill-
repute, has many a time occupied the atten-
tion of the police and the law courts. ' From
another point of view, whenever certain
precautions have been enforced in the inte-
rests of public health, there has been a near
approach to riots. In this respect, however,
they appear to be becoming more amenable
to discipline : for instance, they readily sub-
mit to vaccination.
At first a special quarter had been assign-
ed to them. In this reserved quarter, con-
tractors had built them houses adapted to
their customs. The Chinese, as a matter of
fact, do not require separate and spacious
rooms such as we use ; they huddle together
in a narrow space; room sufficient for two
or three Europeans would suffice for thirty
or forty Chinese. This promiscuous way of
living has a fatal effect upon their morals;
and this agglomeration is equally detrimental
to their health. It constitutes a real danger
* See the report of the committee of inquiry deputed
to investigate this matter at Hong-Kong in 1880, notably
the document entitled: Correspondence respecting the
alleged existence of Chinese slavery in Hong-Kong
(March 1882, C. 3185).
84 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
for public morals and public health. At last,
owing to the continuous increase in their num-
bers, the quarter reserved to them became too
confined, and they overflowed into the Europe-
an quarter. Naturally^ they imported^ too, their
mode of living. As this was by no means agree-
able to the English, a law of 1 889 ordained that
the Chinese settling in the European quarters
must conform to European usages.
We may add that a certain number of
them have already borrowed from the Euro-
peans their manners and customs, and also
share in their riches.
For many are wealthy; some even im-
mensely so. The Chinaman has, in fact, at
Hong-Kong as elsewhere, proved himself to
be a merchant that has no equal. A*s a
general rule, he begins in a humble way.
In his own country, a poor wretch with
prospects the reverse of encouraging from
a social point of view, he resolved to emi-
grate. Landing destitute of everything, he
engages himself as coolie. Soon the coolie
becomes a pedlar, then the pedlar opens a
shop on his own account. He mixes — as
far as possible — with Europeans; while acting
as their intermediary he studies their system
of business ; he makes money, becomes a
partner in a European firm, and at length,
by economy and fortunate speculations — for
nowhere can be found a more determined
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 85
or daring gamester — he is able to become
the sole proprietor of the business. More
than one palace of the earlier *' merchant
princes *' at the present day belongs to him
alone ; with his capital alone more than one
large firm exists. But^ being less preten-
tious and more able than we, he carries on
the firm in the name under which it attain-
ed its present prosperity. He lays less
store on appearances than on the reality of
his power. He only makes a display at
home, in the interior of his dwelling, and in
his mode of living. There we can find him
with a capacious paunch, sumptuous apparel,
a delicate palate, and an unrivalled cook.
The British who see them growing in
wealth at their side and even surpassing
them ^ are not, however, astonished or dis-
quieted thereby. They calculate that with-
out them — at any rate, so far — the Chinese
could accomplish nothing, and they enjoy, in
peace and without any mental reservation,
the enviable position which they owe to
their energy, their enterprise, and their
system of government.
* In 1876, amongst the largest tax-payers, there were
12 Europeans (British, American, Portuguese) and 8
Chinese. The 12 Europeans paid 62,523 dollars; the
8 Chinese, 28,267 dollars.
In 1 88 1, the twenty largest tax-payers comprised only
3 Europeans as against 17 Chinese. The 3 Europeans
paid 16,038 dollars, and the 17 Chinese, 99,110 dollars.
CHAPTER VI.
Methods of Government and Administration — The
European Colonists — Population — Hygiene — Health,
Next to the Chinese, Europeans were to
be attracted to Hong-Kong, for the Europeans
were just as indispensable as the Chinese.
At the outset of this commercial strife, the
Chinese were to constitute what soldiers
and fuglemen are to an army; whilst the
British were to represent the officers and
Staff. The Chinese supplied the manual
labour and furnished the primary information
as to the ways and means to be adopted ;
and the British brought the capital together
with critical judgment and energy.
The commerce of this country had two
aspects : one looking towards China, the
other towards Europe. With China the
British — at least at this epoch — could ac-
complish little without the Chinese; with
I
4
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 87
Europe the Chinese could accomplish nothing
without the British. And to-day, after 50
years of mutual contact and tuition, their
respective positions remain much the same :
the British cannot yet altogether dispense
with the Chinese; and the Chinese are well
aware that without the British they would
be helpless, unless they undertook a series
of experiments, so tedious and costly as to
make them hesitate.
That it was necessary to attract colonists
to a colony which had been acquired on
their behalf, is so self-evident as to be almost
naive. It is so, however, only in appearance :
there are numerous colonies which remain
uncolonised, and the way to attract colonists,
and better still, to retain them, is one of
the most complicated and interesting prob-
lems which can occupy the mind of a
statesman.
Here the problem was, perhaps, more
complex than elsewhere. For the class of
colonists needed was a select one: men of
initiative and enterprise, who would doubt-
less have an eye to profit, but whose pre-
sent income relieved them of any anxiety
as to their daily bread. They were to be
capitalists, or at any rate men backed up
by capitalists ; men who could take the lead,
and who would be capable, not indeed of
competing with the Chinese — that would
8
88 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
have been a ruinous piece of folly — but of
utilising them for their own profit. British
commerce has a plentiful supply of men of
this stamp, and even at that time there was
no lack of them. But the notion of drag-
ging them from Liverpool, Aberdeen, or
Calcutta, and planting them at Hong-Kong
was rather a bold one. And its boldness
becomes all the more apparent when it is
considered that, as a matter of fact, it was
not a question of planting them there at
all. For the European — at least up till
now — has been unable to perpetuate his
race in these latitudes. His children are
with difficulty reared there, and he usually
makes arrangements for their birth to take
place in Europe.
Under these circumstances, the colonist is
a mere bird of passage. He can scarcely,
and in fact does not, dream of working or
founding a business for his children. His
age on arrival is from 20 to 2 5 , on reaching
40 or 50, he disposes of his business to
others, and returns to Europe. And it is
this bird of passage, with but a limited
number of years before him, who is expec-
ted — from whom the very nature of things
exacts — far-reaching enterprises, long-dated
engagements, at times even lofty conceptions.
This was the type of colonist with whom
it was proposed to people Hong-Kong. The
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 89
idea appears chimerical.* But the more
compUcated the problem, the more interes-
ting it becomes, the more praiseworthy
its solution, and the more profitable its
study.
The British Government had assuredly
neither foreseen the problem, nor provided
for its solution. But when confronted with
it, it had — a merit of extreme rarity — the
' The population of Hong-Kong rose, in 1891, to
221,441 : of whom 210,995 were Chinese, 8,545 Europe-
ans and Americans including the garrison, and 1,901
inhabitants- who were neither Europeans nor Chinese.
In 1 88 1, these various elements numbered respectively:,
150,690, 7,990, and 1,722.
Out of the 210,955 Chinese, 126,000 inhabit the town
of Victoria, the rest live in the country or on their
boats (especially the latter.)
The 8,545 Europeans and Americans comprise 1,448
British permanently residing at Hong-Kong. In 1885
the latter numbered only 785. These 1,448 residents
comprise 785 men, compared with 336 in 1881, 300 wo-
men as against 165, 159 boys as against 144, and 194 girls
as against 144. The proportion of the women to the
men has not kept pace with the increase in the popu-
lation. In 1 88 1, there were 47 women to every 100
men; now, there are only 37 to every 100. Amongst
the other European communities which are composed
principally of Americans and of Portuguese, there were,
in 1881, 82 women to 100 men; now, there are only 71.
The Portuguese is the only conununity which has a pro-
portion of 136 women to 100 men. The climate of
Hong-Kong has not deterred them from coming. The
English wives who are so courageous have been dis-
tanced. But, that they have been surpassed by the Ame-
rican and Portuguese women, is less dangerous for their
reputation than for the morals of their husbands.
go THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
courage to face it and to endeavour to
solve it.
It is possible by a timely and judicious
course of action, to transform a weakly and
ungainly girl into a healthy and graceful
maiden, who will not only find a suitor, but
will have a host of suitors contending for
her favour. And so Hong-Kong, an unhealthy
island and a deserted rock, by prompt and
judicious initiative could be transformed into
a charming spot and a populous town,
whither colonists would resort and where,
once come, they would settle. What was
necessary to achieve this? To ensure the
arrival of colonists, existence there must
first be rendered possible; to ensure their
remaining, there must be attractions which
would rival those of Europe, that is to say,
it should afford them the opportunity o
enriching themselves and at the same time
enlist their interest. And the British have
known how to accomplish this.
During the earlier years of the occu-
pation nearly ;^8o,ooo were expended on
Public Works; and considerable sums are
devoted to this object each succeeding year.
Not but that a host of abuses may be
chronicled in regard to these works. In one
of the latest debates in the Legislative
Council, a member distributed the following
significant tabular statement :
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 9 1
PUBLIC WORKS BUDGET.
,;.T:,.r> Tr i- ur u i- Public Works.
YEAR. Establishment. Ordinary expenditure.
1887 547,650 dollars. 49,402 dollars.
1888 552,875 „ 62,336 „
1889 602,183 „ 58,139 ),
1890 655,233 „ 75,530 „
1891 758,139 „ 90,806 „
Thus in the ordinary budget the employes
cost eight to ten times as much as the public
works. But what may be termed the extra-
ordinary budget — derived from the sale of
land, loans, and surplus receipts — is almost
entirely devoted to pubUc works, such as
roads, a funicular railway, and especially
hygienic works.
Hong-Kong was exposed to three scour-
ges: typhoons, rains and fever. As a safe-
guard against the typhoons, quays of unusual
solidity, and the breakwaters at Causeway
Bay were constructed; as a protection
against the rains, the declivities were staked,
and channels were cut for the water; as a
preventative against fever, the swamps and
stagnant pools were drained, the houses were
built on piles, drains were laid down, a per-
fected system of sewerage instituted and,
above all, an inexhaustible ^ supply of water,
' Or ought, at least, to be so. But it is not certain
that the works connected with the reservoirs of Tytam
92 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
involving a large outlay, was secured : the
reservoirs of Hong-Kong are an admirable
piece of work, and the water stored therein
is so wholesome and agreeable, that it is
exported in bottles to places distant a ten
days' journey.
This work of sanitary improvements,
which, however, it must be remarked, was
not undertaken with any degree of contin-
uity until many years later, has been attend-
ed by good results. We have seen what
the mortality was from 1842 to 1846. In
1849, in a garrison of 1,500 to 1,600 men,
120 died within a few months; in 185 1, the
number of deaths amongst the troops in
garrison was 76; in 1852, 58; in 1853, 56.
And so it continued, at an average rate of
4 to 6%. The year 1865 was a calamitous
one. An epidemic of a species of yellow
fever broke out. The second battalion of
the 9th regiment numbering 835 men, lost
95 through it, and, in addition, 115 had to
be placed on the sick-list; the second bat-
talion of the nth regiment, 716 strong, lost
94 through it, and 162 more were invalided.
It was then i, e., after 23 years of occupa-
tion, that the construction of the necessary
and Pokefulum were executed as conscientiously as could
be wished, or that they insure a supply of water to the
town proportionately large to justify the sums expended
on them.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 93
additions to barracks and hospitals was
decided on. The existing barracks could
only accommodate 1,360 men, whereas the
garrison always numbered over 1,500 men,
more than 50 of whom were married; the
military hospital had accommodation for 150
sick persons, but the number admitted was
180 to 200. Since the enlargement of the
barracks and hospitals, there has been a
marked decrease in the mortality.
In regard to hygiene and health it is
impossible to compare the condition of the
colonists with that of the troops. The
hygienic condition of the soldier is abomi-
nable, he is imprudent and of doubtful
sobriety; he is badly housed, and is obliged
to perform duties which are occasionally
very troublesome, notably the night-watches
which are dangerous in these latitudes. The
colonist — we refer to the colonist of Hong-
Kong — is usually exempt from these disad-
vantages. And yet, during the period exten-
ding from 1842 to 1865, the average
mortality amongst the colonists was no less
than 5%. In i860, it was 3.20%, and in
1862, 2.24; but in 1863 it reached 6.32,
in 1859, 6.66, and in 1858, 7.51%. Subsequent
to 1 866, it has continuously decreased ; since
1868 the rate has been 2%, and since 1875,
on the average^ 2.42, the lowest being 1.80
in 1882, and the highest 3.09 in 1884.
94 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
In addition to this, it may be mentioned
that since 1850, and especially since 1866,
the sanitary condition of the colonists or
of the troops has not been a subject for
anxiety or argument either in the colony
itself or in the mother-country. People have
made up their minds to the inevitable. It
is, as it were, taken for granted that the
death-rate there must be from 2 to 3 Vo.
Nevertheless, both the colonists and the
local Government are making most praise-
worthy efforts to ameliorate the sanitary
condition of the colony, and one is entitled
to hope that a number of works such as a
perfected system of drainage, a rigorous in-
spection of unwholesome dwellings, a water-
supply which, owing to the continual enlarge-
ment of the reservoirs and a better system
of filtration, is constantly improving both in
quantity and quality, will render Hong-Kong,
in spite of its tropical situation, a healthy
place of residence.*
Add to this that, notwithstanding a tem-
perature which is frequently excessive, it is,
at least for the traveller who spends a few
days there, one of the most agreeable resorts
in the world, and you may imagine what it
owes to its administrators.
' See, however, a communication made to the Royal
Meteorological Society in 1890 by Mr William Doberick,
which places Hong-Kong and its climate in an anything
but favourable light.
CHAPTER VII.
Methods of Government and of Administration —
Regime in the British Colonies — Liberty and its
degrees — The Officials — The Executive.
The system of government, and of the
executive administration at Hong-Kong, has
in itself nothing which can at first sight
attract attention, still less excite admiration.
Any one of our legislators would have been
quite competent to draw up on paper, an
equally well-arranged and more logical plan
of administration. But the system which
has been in force for fifty years, has insured,
or, at any rate, — which is still a high enco-
mium — not impeded the prosperity of the
colony : on this account it deserves to be
studied, and studied moreover, — since one
is often inclined to exaggerate merit, and
to draw final inferences from an idea, — both
with reference to what it has and what it
lacks, what its originators have desired to
do, and what they have declined to do.
96 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
The British colonies may be divided into
three categories : i . The Crown colonies,
which are subject, as an English writer has
remarked, to the meddlesome despotism of
of the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
and to which the Home Government supplies
laws and officials : the island of Ceylon is
one of this class. 2. The colonies which pos-
sess representative institutions, but not a res-
ponsible Government, the Home Government
reserving the right of vetoing legislative mea-
sures, and of appointing public functionaries :
the colony of Barbadoes belongs to this ca-
tegory. Thirdly and lastly, the colonies
which have both representative institutions,
and a responsible Government which fills up
all appointments, the Home Government mere-
ly reserving the right of vetoing legislative
measures (a right which it rarely exercises),
and of nominating the Governor: Canada is
a colony of this class.
Hong-Kong belongs to the first order, and
for this reason: the British have not arbi-
trarily instituted these categories, nor have
they arbitrarily classified their various colo-
nies; they have allowed themselves to be
guided by a leading principle which may be
reduced to the following essential proposition :
the independence and autonomy of a colony
shall be in proportion to the possible, and
probable discretion of its colonists.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 97
There are a number of obstacles with
which this same discretion may come into
colHsion; the most frequent and most dan-
gerous one of all is, a conflict between the
interests of the colonists and other interests,
including such as are usually opposed to
theirs, by which I mean the interests of the
native inhabitants of the colony. It is not
to be expected that men animated by a
spirit of gain — and colonists are men of this
type — should possess sufficient inherent
equity and moral fortitude to enable them
to prefer the interests of the native inhabi-
tants to their own, or even to wish to con-
ciliate them. Thus, whenever a colony
contains a minority of Europeans, the Home
Government, in the interests of justice and
civilisation, as well as in its own interests
(for it is in reality answerable to the natives)
is compelled to take the reins of Govern-
ment into its own hands. And this is how
matters stand with regard to Hong-Kong.
Then, if this principle be admitted — a
principle which, from another point of view,
is defective, for it implies the administration
from afar of countries of which the Govern-
ment has but an imperfect knowledge, — it
is amended by surrounding the administra-
tion of the colony by the Home Government
with certain safeguards calculated to render
it more enlightened and more efficient.
gS THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
To commence with, good officials are
placed at the head of affairs.
Good officials are a rare commodity any-
where. The British take infinite pains to
attract them to their colonies. Certain of
the rules which they have adopted for this
purpose^ and, — what is still more creditable
— have adhered to, are well worth conside-
ration.
The first rule is, that officials must not
be selected hap-hazard. The first comer,
the literary, commercial, or legal outcast
must not be allowed entry into Government
employ de piano. His admission must be
dependent upon his passing certain pre-
scribed tests.
The second is, that high positions such
as that of the Head of Affairs, or Governor
must not be accessible to persons of mere
ordinary ability. The posts must be adapted
to the talents of the individual. A copying
clerk, a subordinate who has been accus-
tomed to perform humble duties, and who
for years past has occupied a post requiring
but a small modicum of intelligence must
not, by the mere ordinary routine of regular
promotion, be entitled to succeed to a post
requiring initiative and tact. Should there
prove to be amongst the staff of officials
individual members, who are qualified for
promotion to a higher grade, they are
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 99
required to prove their capacity by pas-
sing the prescribed competitive examinations.
The third and not the least important rule
is, that it is expedient to guarantee the
supreme head of each colony full authority
and perfect security. A Governor must be
able to rely implicitly on his subordinates,
nor have any occasion to fear the inclina-
tion to rebellion or the petty perfidy v^rhich
undermine the position of a Chief, and finally
render his supersession necessary. Conse-
quently, on the one hand, all the authority
centres in the Governor; and on the other,
his immediate subordinates are but very rare-
ly promoted to the rank he holds. They
may possibly officiate ad interim as acting
Governors, but long years must elapse and
many changes take place ere they occupy
his position. This restrains the ambitious,
and keeps them up to the mark. Moreover,
the post of Governor is frequently (though
this is an expedient which is not devoid of
danger) conferred on Members of Parlia-
ment.
Lastly, the fourth rule is, that in the Gov-
ernment Service, as elsewhere, suitable
remuneration must be paid for services ren-
dered. Officials employed in the British colo-
nies are highly remunerated; their salaries
are paid in good hard cash, and they are
treated with every consideration. They receive
lOO THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
large salaries during their term of active
service and liberal pensions on retirement.
Some particulars may suitably here be
given regarding the competitive examina-
tions, and the scale of emoluments, so far
as they concern Hong-Kong.
The competitive examination ^ is based
on a dual principle. Colonial officials are
burdened with so many responsibilities and
have to undergo so much fatigue that they
must possess physical as well as moral and
intellectual qualifications, combined with a
thorough general education, and a large
amount of technical knowledge.
Their physical qualifications are certified
by a strict medical examination: only those
candidates who possess sound and strong
constitutions are passed.
Their moral qualifications are certified by
a personal inquiry on the part of the Civil
Service Commissioners.
Their intellectual qualifications are certified
by a preliminary examination for admission,
and by further examinations.
The object of the preliminary examination
is to test their general knowledge; it is the
ordinary test for the candidates termed
Eastern Cadets who are intended for service
at Hong-Kong, Singapore, or in Ceylon.
* See the remarks on this subject in The British in
Burma, Part 2, Chapters vi and vii.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. lOI
1 have before me the examination papers
of the last few years; they contain both
compulsory and optional subjects. The
compulsory subjects comprise latin transla-
tion and a latin exercise; either a Greek,
French, German, or Italian translation and
exercise ; and lastly, English composition, and
an essay on a given subject pertaining to
administration. The optional subjects com-
prise any two of the following: namely,
mathematics (pure and applied), geography,
history, international law, political economy,
geology, civil engineering, surveying, etc.
And let not the reader imagine that this
examination is mere child's play. The pa-
pers set might, indeed, be apparently im-
posing while the actual tests were of a very
modest nature. Such is not, however, the
case. Here is an instance taken from the
papers for 1890. The Greek translation is
from Euripides; the French translation is
from Leconte de Tlsle's Le Reve du Ja-
guar. The English composition consists of
an essay on one of the three following sub-
jects : Great Trading Companies as Civilising
Agents; the Social Ideal; Notoriety and
Renown. And the essay on administration
consisted of the following test : a Blue Book,
containing 16 pages, on Central Asian af-
fairs was placed before the candidates, and
they were required to make, first of all, a
I02 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA,
short abstract of each document, and then
to give an outline of the matter treated of,
not according to the order of the documents
as given in the Blue Book, but in their
logical sequence.
And so on with regard to the other
sections. This examination may not in-
aptly be compared to that which our For-
eign Office attaches have to pass. It is
only the good scholars of our Ecole des
Sciences Politiques (School of Political Science)
who could successfully face such an ordeal ;
the best pupils of our public-schools would
be unequal to the task.
Having said so much in regard to gene-
ral knowledge ; let us now turn to the tech-
nical requirements.
The cadet, as soon as he has passed the
preliminary examination, at once proceeds
to the colony. He reports himself to the
Governor who, it might be supposed from
the regulations, would at once assign him
a post in the Service, but who, in reality,
directs him to proceed to Canton to learn
the native language which is indispensable
in towns, such as Hong-Kong or Singapore,
containing a Chinese population, mostly na-
tives of the provinces of Quang-Tung and
Fo-Kien. This stage of his career varies
in length and ends in an examination con-
ducted by competent judges. Then, and not
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. IO3
till then^ the cadet is declared duly qualified
for service, which he enters upon as soon
as a vacancy occurs.
These strict ordeals do not frighten away
candidates. Every year they come forward
in large numbers: in August 1888, 57 can-
didates competed for 9 appointments; in
1889, there were 61 candidates for 12 ap-
pointments; in 1890, 59 candidates for 6
appointments; in 1891, 49 candidates for 7
appointments.
Having said so much regarding the exam-
ination papers, let us proceed to consider
the emoluments.
Every cadet, on admission, receives 1,500
dollars a year and, in addition to this, during
his stay in China, an allowance for his lod-
ging and for prosecuting his studies. On
completing this course of study and being
finally admitted into the Civil Service of the
colony, he receives a provisional salary of
1,800 dollars, until such time as a regular
appointment becomes vacant.
The salaries pertaining to the principal
posts are as follows :
The Governor of Hong-Kong receives
32,000 dollars, or about ;^4,8oo; the Colo-
nial Secretary, 9,700 dollars; the Chief
Justice, % 12,000; the Puisne Judge, $8,400;
the Surveyor General, $5,300; the Attorney
General, % 7,800 (but he is prohibited to take
I04 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
private practice;) the Registrar General,
$ 6,800 ; the Police Magistrate, $ 6,066 ; the
Harbour-master, ^3,000; the Chief Conser-
vator of Forests, $2,700: the Civil Surgeon,
$ 4,800 ; the President of the Board of
Health $ 2,400. In addition to their salary,
many have free quarters provided them.
Attention is also paid to a provision for
their families : hence the institution of a
Widows' and Orphans' Fund, Lastly, there
is the prospect of a title for those that
distinguish themselves. They arrive at Hong-
Kong as plain Mr Davis, Mr Bonham, Mr
Bowring, etc. ; they leave as Sir John F.
Davis, Sir George Bonham, Sir John Bow-
ring. The most distinguished, on comple-
ting their term of office, are called to Her
Majesty's Privy Council. Others obtain
seats in Parliament, or reoccupy their seats
(for many leave Parliament to take up
colonial appointments), and there they prove
of great service in exercising a competent
and temperate control over colonial affairs.
When once they are * selected ' and class-
ified on account of their merit, confidence
is placed in this merit. A certain amount
of latitude is allowed them; they are, more-
over, supported, encouraged, and kept in
their place. Hong-Kong, since 1841, has
had nineteen Governors : this is an average
of two years and eight months for each of
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. IO5
them. And^ in these latitudes, everybody is
agreed in fixing three years as the maxi-
mum term of residence for a European.
The powers vested in the Governor are
very considerable : he nominates various offi-
cials, the ordinary judges, and the justices
of the peace; he has the right of suspending
any one of his subordinates; he possesses
the prerogative of mercy ; during his term
of office he bears the title and exercises
the powers, of a vice-admiral; is president
of the Executive Council, and nominates,
provisionally, the members of the Legislative
Council, etc., etc.
The collateral existence of a Governor of
Hong-Kong and of Executive and Legislative
Councils may appear inconsistent with the
expressed desire of the Home Government
to govern colonies of this class by its own
officials, and with its own laws. This
seeming inconsistency is, however, merely
on the surface ; for the duty of the Councils
is, literally, only to counsel and enlighten
the Government, which far from fearing
any encroachment on its absolute authority,
endeavours to modify the same, so as to
render it thereby acceptable and beneficent.
The Executive Council is composed of
the Governor, the Commander-in-Chief, the
Colonial Secretary, the Attorney-General,
and of such other official heads of depart-
I06 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
ments whom the Governor may be pleased
to appoint : such as, the Treasurer, Surveyor-
General, Commissioner of PoHce. Its sit-
tings are not public. The Governor presi-
des : he is bound to consult the Executive
Council on all aflfairs of importance, but not
necessarily to follow its advice. Should any
influential member of this Council persist in
maintaining an opinion with which the Gov-
ernor as persistently disagrees, it is custom-
ary — a custom which is excellent in prin-
ciple, but sometimes troublesome in practice,
and to which there is now, apparently, a
tendency to make excessive sacrifices — to
forward an impartial statement of the two
adverse opinions to London, and to await
the Secretary of State's decision thereon.
The Legislative Council exercises more
important functions. The British Parlia-
ment passes laws which are applicable
generally to all the colonies, but abstains, as
a rule, from legislating on special matters
which require local investigation. ^ Such
matters come within the province of the Le-
gislative Council. The Governor alone can
introduce new laws ; in reality, the members
of Council can usually secure his approval of
* Recently, the repeal by the House of Commons of
an Infectious Diseases Act applicable to Hong-Kong,
proved the inconvenience of making laws on the banks
of the Thames for a country 2,000 leagues off.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. IO7
measures which appear to them desirable.
The sittings of the Council are public, ex-
cepting during the debate on the Budget.
All votes are recorded publicly. The Coun-
cil debates measures ; and the Governor has
the casting vote. A measure passed by the
Council immediately becomes law, but is only
put in force under reservation of the Royal
sanction, and is sometimes not even pro-
mulgated until such sanction has been actu-
ally obtained.
The Legislative Council of Hong-Kong,
at the present moment, is composed of two
classes of members, between whom harmony
does not always exist: the official and the
non-official members. The official members
comprise : the Governor, who presides, the
Chief Justice, the Colonial Secretary, the
Attorney-General, and three other officers
appointed by the Governor. The non-offi-
cial members are five in number : three, one
of whom is a Chinaman, are directly nomi-
nated by the Governor; the other two are
elected, one by the Justices of the Peace
in a body, the other by the Chamber of
Commerce, all five being subject to the
Royal approval. Their term of office lasts
six years. In the Legislative Council the
Governor has the greatest influence, and his
opinion, moreover, invariably prevails, as the
official members are bound to side with him.
I08 THE COLONISATION OF INT)0-CHINA.
or to resign. But here again custom acts
as a palliative : the Governor usually forwards
the minutes setting forth the views of the
dissentient members to the Secretary of
State for the Colonies, and the Queen, when
made acquainted with the full facts of the
case, can either refuse or accord her sanc-
tion to the measure.
These arrangements, which — at first sight,
merely, for practice gainsays this opinion —
may appear not particularly liberal, represent,
nevertheless, a recent and considerable ad-
vance on the state of affairs inaugurated in
1843. According to the constitution of the
5th April 1843, the Legislative Council was
to be composed of the Governor, and of
such other persons, official or otherwise,
residing in the colony, whom the Queen might
be pleased to appoint; their term of office
being likewise dependent on Her Majesty's
pleasure. For a long time it. was custom-
ary to nominate five officials and two colon-
ists as members of this Council. In 1849
or 1850, the Governor, Sir G. Bonham, pro-
posed to add to these a few new members,
both colonists and officials ; however, nothing
came of this. In 1855, his successor, Sir J.
Bowring, again took up this proposal in
another form which is worthy of mention.
In a letter to Lord John Russell of the
2nd April 1855, he proposed a reorganisa-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. IO9
tion of the Legislative Council on a more
extended basis. Six other members were
to be added to the existing seven members,
three official and three elected members.
This would have made a total of thirteen
members : the Governor^ seven officials, and
five colonists. The five colonists were to be
elected from among Her Majesty's subjects,
by a body of electors composed of the les-
sees of Crown lands paying a rent of ;^io
and upwards. This represented a total of
1,999 electors: i86 British, 176 other Euro-
peans and Americans, and 1,637 Chinese.
This was considered a dangerous measure,
and its adoption negatived. * It was not
until the year 1883 that the Legislative
Council was enlarged, and modified.
At the time of this reconstitution on a
far smaller basis than had been proposed
in 1857, a very interesting exchange of
views took place between the Governor,
Sir J. Bowen, and the Secretary of State,
Lord Derby.
Sir J. Bowen wished to increase the num-
ber of members in the Executive Council
from five to seven, and at the same time
to augment the number of members com-
posing the Legislative Council. He wished
the latter to consist of six non-official and
two new official members, one of these last
* See Blue Book, No. loi, of 12th June 1857.
no THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
being the Commander-in-Chief of the forces.
The Commander-in-Chief was already a mem-
ber of the Executive Council, and he wished
him also to take his place in the Legislative
Council. Lord Derby refused his assent to
this arrangement. *^The chief reason for my
decision," he wrote on the 7th August 1883,
'4s that the Commander-in-Chief of Her Ma-
jesty's military forces is not bound to the
same extent as civilian officers, to support
the measures proposed by the Government.
If he felt conscientiously bound to speak, or
to vote, against any one of these measures,
the opposition of an officer of such high
rank could not fail to have a distressing in-
fluence. It therefore appears to me desirable
that the Colonial Government should have
the advice of the Commander-in-Chief in the
Executive Council, but that he should not
be called upon to take part in the debates
of the Legislative Council."
The above is a rough sketch of the in-
stitutions of the colony of Hong-Kong. It
is difficult to note everything in so cursory
a review ; and still harder to comment there-
on by placing side by side one's reasons for
approval or disapproval, for praise or blame.
Perfection exists no more at Hong-Kong
than it does anywhere else. Amongst the offi-
cials whom I have praised, can be found men
of poor ability, and even some who are ab-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. I I I
solutely despicable. > Incapable and unfaith-
ful officials are not wanting : chiefs who are
not loyal to their subordinates, subordina-
tes who betray their chiefs, who denounce
them to the higher authorities, and even
communicate, without the knowledge of the
latter, directly with the Home Government. ^
At other times, the Home Government itself
is to blame. It insists on its own wishes
being carried out, and pretends to govern
directly, even down to the minutest matters
of detail, a country 2000 leagues away. It
occasionally mistreats its best servants, by
imposing on them, through a spirit of nig-
gardly economy, tasks far above their strength,
or by removing them without sufficient rea-
son, and introduces men of inexperience into a
service, the knowledge of which is so diffi-
cult to thoroughly grasp. But these defects
and imperfections must not be permitted to
exercise an undue influence over our judg-
ment, and to blind us to the wonderfully
successful results obtained by active organi-
sation, which we shall proceed to relate.
' Cf. for instance, Blue Books No. 161 of i860; No.
427 of 1862; No. 113 of 1863. Cf. the fact that in 1892,
a very severe measure was adopted against the offi-
cials : they were all absolutely forbidden to purchase
Crown lands. This measure, though probably exces-
sive, in its general bearing, is, however, none the less
significant.
^ Cf. notably the Report {ox the year 1882, C. I2i8,p. 275.
^ Cf. the same Report y p. 278.
CHAPTER VIII.
Methods of Administration — Trade — Finance.
A COLONY, to which its founders have
succeeded in attracting labour (and what
labour! abundant, skilled, disciplinable), and
merchants (what merchants, too ! men of
capital, daring and endurance), cannot fail
to prosper, provided the Government inter-
poses no obstacle to its prosperity.
Governments are imbued with two ideas,
both of them inaccurate in their premises,
and false in their conclusions. The one is,
that they are full of wisdom and intelligence ;
that it is through these very qualities that
they can lay claim to their power ; that they,
being the Government, must perforce know
how to govern better than any one else, and
ought, in fact, to govern everything, even what
by nature or situation is beyond their con-
trol. The other idea is, that being the
trustees of the national property, they are
responsible for the success of its enterprises ;
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. I I 3
that, their term of existence being short,
they must achieve an immediate success,
and that, if no results are achieved (during
their term of office), the enterprise must
necessarily be a bad one, for which the only
remaining alternative is liquidation.
With such notions, a Government may,
and indeed must, be led into a policy which
is, as a rule, blundering, inconsistent, and
deceptive. It will set up a claim to govern
from afar, and that too despotically ; to sug-
gest a general system of government and
to supervise all details ; to invest State funds
and create a frequently factitious activity,
thus inducing private capital to follow its
lead; to actuate and even direct those en-
gaged in mercantile pursuits, and to impose
upon them protective and embarrassing re-
gulations ; or again to get rich with them
and sometimes at their expense: later on,
it will even claim competition with them,
and reserve to itself the more profitable
transactions. On the other hand, if its fi-
nances are at a low ebb, it will levy from
the colony excessive contributions, or will
refuse to give the latter public works and
the indispensable equipment, etc., etc. Be-
tween these two kinds of excess, the colony
runs the risk of being ruined.
The British Government did not avoid all
these faults with regard to Hong-Kong. Yet,
I 14 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
it understood how to solve complicated
problems : such as, allowing the colony time
for growth without haggling too much over
the sacrifices entailed ; granting the colonists
and merchants sufficient freedom of action,
and aiding their initiative without supplying
or suppressing it; executing the necessary
public works without taking on itself the
whole burden; establishing the public finan-
ces on a satisfactory footing without over-
taxing the rate-payers : in a word, associat-
ing the fortune of the colony with that of
the mother country, and the prosperity of the
colonists with that of the colony, without
sacrificing or bringing into conflict opposite
interests.
That trade would be the important factor
of Hong-Kong's prosperity was known to us
beforehand. A market had been looked
for which would serve as a common rendez-
vous for European and Chinese merchants
and their wares, and for this purpose Hong-
Kong had been selected; the important
point was then to adapt it to the part it
was to play. This adaptation was merely a
question of equipment. Beyond that, nothing
could be done.
The remark has often been made — though
not often enough — that trade, in order to
flourish, has no need of a Government ca-
pable of great efforts of imagination, or
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. I I 5
lavish of expenditure, but, on the contrary,
requires a minimum of intervention. Doubt-
less it requires security (which Government
alone can insure) ; doubtless it requires equip-
ment, means of transport and correspon-
dence, exchange and payment (ail of which
are supplied more efficiently, and at a lower
rate, by private initiative than through any
other source) ; but, when once it has these
first necessities and essential factors, what
is especially requisite, is freedom of action.
No excessively prudent regulations, no over-
anxious precautions: these only impede and
frustrate the development of trade which
asks for nothing but the free exercise of
its faculties.
The British understood this, and it is
certainly not very wonderful that they
did so, though we cannot but admire
them for it. Hong-Kong had cost, and still
continued to cost them very dear; twenty
years after its acquisition, it did not pay its
expenses. When at last there came a turn-
ing-point in its career, it might have occur-
red to some, as a justifiable and rational
measure, to impose an import-duty, for in-
stance, on all goods entering the port,
whether shipped from Europe or Asia.
This was not done. At the outset, Hong-
Kong had been proclaimed a free port,
and in spite of a long series of vexa-
I 1 6 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
tions, ^ in spite of the narrow circumstan-
ces prevailing, at one time in the mother
country, and at another in the colony,
the resolution originally adopted was per-
sistently adhered to. To-day, it is very
evident that this perseverance was the right
course, and that, if Hong-Kong was to be-
come a port of distribution and an important
place of transit, the gates must be thrown
open on both sides. But this has not always
been equally apparent, and more than one
nation * might be mentioned which, after
acquiring what are called commercial routes,
has, notwithstanding this example, made it
its immediate care to erect a barrier at the
entrance to the route and another at its exit.
At Hong-Kong a happy distinction between
the departments belonging to State and those
belonging to private individuals, was arrived
at from the first.
' The port of Hong-Kong is not a model of conveni-
ence ; vessels cannot come alongside the quay, but all
operations have to be conducted in the roadstead, by
means of lighters. But anchorage is gratuitous ; pilotage
is optional, and the light-house and buoying dues are
very moderate (i cent, o fr. lo per ton.) The narrow
straits leading to Hong-Kong are well lighted. New
beacons have been erected (Cape Rock) and others are
contemplated (Waglan). As a compensation for the
expenses which they have necessitated, the Government
levies beacon dues. But, in the Legislative Council, the
non-official members have often stated that the levy of
these dues will cease as soon as the cost of the works
has been recouped.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. II7
The island of Hong-Kong posesses a port,
and a capital. The town must of necessity
be maintained in a healthy condition: its
sanitation concerns the Government ; the port
must have an adequate equipment: the
equipment regards the merchants. The hy-
gienic works, the canals and reservoirs, the
sewers and drainage, are entrusted to the
vigilance and care of the Executive ; the
management of the forests, the docks, the
quays, the reclamation of lands, are all mat-
ters, the planning and execution of which,
devolve on the colonists alone. Theirs to
promote^ to study, to direct, to reap the
profit and, under adverse circumstances, to
bear the loss.
Not that these responsibilities in any way
dismay them. Far from dreaming of shel-
tering themselves behind the authority of the
Government, they prefer to manage their
own affairs and to settle their difficulties
without its interference. A few years ago
complaints were made at Hong-Kong, about
the organisation of bill- and stock-brokers.
With a view to get rid of the black sheep,
the idea was originated of making the exer-
cise of their profession subject to a high
license-tax. The Chamber of Commerce,
when consulted on the subject, admitted
that a license-tax would doubtless have
the effect of purging the corporation. **Yet,''
Il8 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
in the words of an official report, ** it depre-
cated any legal intervention in the conduct
of private affairs, fearing that legal measures
would never be sufficiently elastic to meet
the varied requirements of Exchange ope-
rations/'
On the other hand, in cases where private
persons are powerless, they can depend
upon Government intervention on their be-
half. The colonists of Hong-Kong have one
main object : that of doing as large a
business as possible with China; the British
Government spontaneously exerts itself to
gain them admission to the Chinese markets,
and to facilitate their access to the more
remote provinces. And, in order that they
may succeed in their endeavours, the Gov-
ernor of Hong-Kong and the British Minis*
ter to the Court of Pekin enter into a close
aUiance. Success does not always crown
their efforts; but whether the question be
that of securing the assessment of the quota
of duty called likin^ of determining the
effect of the transit passes^ or of getting the
Yang-Tse thrown open to European naviga-
tion as far as Chunking, the foresight with
which the negotiations are usually * initiated,
* I say "usually ", because certain diplomatists, among
them the last minister at Pekin, Sir John Walsham, have
given rise to many complaints amongst the merchants
of Hong-Kong."
THE COLONISATION OF LNDO-CHINA. I I9
and the pertinacity with which they are con-
ducted throughout, defy criticism.
It is" the combination of so many fortunate
circumstances, the Hberal spirit of its insti-
tutions^ the constant anxiety of the Govern-
ment to afford the colonists entire Hberty of
action and energetic support, which has by
degrees attracted to Hong-Kong a nucleus
of merchants who, in skill and good fortune,
may have their equals in London or Shang-
hai, but- who are nowhere surpassed. It may
be objected to them — especially of late
years — that, on the strength of their good
fortune, they have become so daring as al-
most to be called rash, and sanguine even
to the extent of speculation ; but none know
better than they how to manipulate credit,
make money circulate, and do a brisk busi-
ness.
There is no place where what is called
personal credit, that is to say, credit obtain-
ed not so much on the security of a
man's property — the creditor's safeguard —
as on the strength of his good address and
his talents, can be more readily obtained
than at Hong-Kong; and as to business
transactions, they are completed so rapidly,
that a statistical record of them would be
impossible.'
* "Sir J. Pope Hennessey had thought of establishing
at Hong-Kong a statistical bureau for imports, as at
10
I20 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Prosperous finance must naturally be the
outcome of prosperous trade. And yet, the
financial task of the Hong-Kong Government
was still one of difficulty.
In the organisation and management of
colonial finance, problems are met with, which
vary considerably in importance, but which
are all worthy of the attention of statesmen
or experts. A colony, as we have said,
but may here repeat with advantage, so ill-
appreciated is this truth, is a long-dated invest-
ment ; it yields no return for some thirty or
forty years, and thus cannot pay for anything.
All the cost of its maintenance, all the ex-
penses of its first establishment fall of neces-
sity on the mother country. And a first
problem suggests itself: When will the
sacrifices entailed on the mother country
come to an end? When will the period of
nursing terminate? When will the voracious
nursling be in a fit state to be weaned?
The danger is, that the mother may tire
too soon of her offspring. All colonies have,
in the course of their existence, a phase,
during which the mother country is doubt-
Singapore, which is likewise a free port. But it seems
that it is extremely difficult to obtain exact figures, on
account of the rapidity with which vessels arrive at, and
leave the colony ; they leave the roadstead before there
has been time to deposit at the harbour-master's office
complete copies of their manifests." (Extract from a * Con-
sular Report' of 15th May 1878.)
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 121
ful as to their success ; all are exposed to
the risk of the indispensable grant-in-aid being
prematurely withdrawn, or even of having
taxes imposed on them which they are un-
able to bear. Their fortunes may be re-
presented by means of a curve : there is a
moment which we may call the turning
point, when the curve having reached the
extreme limit of its declivity^ ceases to des-
cend and has not yet begun to ascend :
nothing must be demanded from a colony,
until this point has been reached and left
behind.
On the other hand, from the moment that
this point is reached, the colony is bound
to contribute to the cost of its maintenance,
until such time as it can be in a position
to defray the whole amount. And this se-
cond rule is as important as the first, and
is founded, moreover, on precisely the same
basis. The work of colonisation, unHke that
of evangelising, is by no means disinterest-
ed. Every nation founding a colony has in
view present or future pecuniary or political
advantages. Whether these be increase of
wealth or of influence, greater national
power, or the spread of the race, matters
little. It works with a view to remuneration,
and, to prevent regret and discouragement,
this remuneration must be adequate and
not prove too long in coming. Failing this,
122 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
the enterprise will be discredited in the eyes
of Authorities, and the very principle under
which the colonisation was carried out, will
run the risk of being condemned.
But more than one danger has to be faced
in applying these two rules, and in recon-
ciling these two needs. The mother country,
being as a rule pressed for money, will be
inclined prematurely to require the colony
to be responsible for the cost of its govern-
ment and administration; the colony, forget-
ful of its obligations to the parent, and still
feeling the effects of a difficult debtit^ will
do its best to live for a long while to come
at the latter's expense. True it is, that
there exists an intermediary between the two,
whose business it is to reconcile their diver-
gent views, viz., the Governor; but in the
majority of cases, the Governor can be com-
pared to the ambassador, who in his desire
to please the Court to w^hich he is ac-
credited, betrays unconsciously the inte-
rests of his Government, and conspires
against it with the very people he has been
sent to.
After this primary difficulty, come others
of secondary importance. What class of
taxes is preferable? Which will prove the
least burdensome to the colonists? How
are the Treasury coffers to be filled with-
out impoverishing the rate-payers ? No sub-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 123
ject can be met with, that requires more
careful treatment.
This difficulty is all the greater in a col-
ony like Hong-Kong, which in addition to
its European colonists, contains an immense
majority of Chinese, who are so changeable
in their proceedings, so easily attracted, but
so easily repelled. What limits ought to be
fixed to the taxes imposed upon them?
They are men who possess discrimination in
administrative matters, and a remarkable per-
ception of the legitimacy of taxing ; at the
same time they are the most subtle and most
clear-sighted men of business on the face of
the earth, and perceive at once the differ-
ence between taxes that are bearable, and
those that will prove ruinous. As a result
of this quick perception, they flock to the
shelter of a well-ordered Government;
but as soon as fiscal exactions appear
excessive, take their flight in equally large
numbers.
Numbers of instances might be given to
prove this fact.
The British have not always been so hap-
pily inspired in this department of their gov-
ernment as in others. And if we wished
to find useful examples bearing upon this
subject, it would not, perhaps, be in Hong-
Kong, but in other British Colonies, that we
should have to look for them. However,
124 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
even Hong-Kong, as a rule, affords evidence
of wisdom on the part of the British.
We cannot enter into further detail with
regard to their organisation, and shall confine
ourselves to a record of the results they
have obtained.
CHAPTER IX.
Results ;— The Budget — Commerce — Banks — Joint'
stock Companies — Life of the Colonists,
The finances of Hong-Kong were for a
lengthy period in a state of mediocrity.
For a long while the occupation of the col-
ony was a heavy burden on the mother
country. The expenditure, entitled civil, had
risen during the first fourteen years to a
total of ^273,000, or an average of ;^20,ooo
per annum. Considerable at the outset
(;^49,ooo in 1845), ^^ had been reduced to
2*36,900 in 1846 and, little by little, to
2 15,500 in 1851; but these reductions were
effected by the stoppage of almost all public
works.
The military expenditure was still greater.
In the earlier years it had reached, or ex-
ceeded, ^200,000; in 1847, i^ still amoun-
ted to ^115,000; in 1 85 1 it had been redu-
ced to 2^52,000. The revenues of the colony
were insignificant and a long way below the
current expenditure. In 1855, there was,
indeed, a surplus of ^7,000 (^47,000 as
126 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
against ;^40,ooo,) but this was an exceptional
year, and it was not until i860 that the
revenue exceeded the expenditure, with
any degree of regularity. The revenue of
the colony could only just cover the
ordinary Civil Service budget. Up to the
present day the military expenses are still
borne by the mother country, though, since
1886, the colony has paid an annual con-
tribution thereto of ^20,000, which there is
even a talk of increasing, and of late years
has also devoted considerable sums to de-
fensive works and armaments. To meet
this expenditure, it has contracted a loan of
;^200,ooo. Prior to this, the colony had no
debt. Provision is made annually in the bud-
get for a sum of £7f>72^ which is to be
applied to the payment of interest on the
loan, and to the formation of a sinking-fund
for its projected repayment in 1907.
Table of receipts and disbursements.'
' These figures are not strictly reliable, for the follow-
ing reasons:
In those of the earlier years the civil expenditure is
frequently put down with the military. Thus, in 1846
the above table gives the sum of ;f 60,000 as the civil
expenditure, whereas another document (cf. the text of
page 125) estimates it at merely ;^36,900.
In the figures for the later years, even for the most
recent, the English statistics difi"er one from the other.
Thus the * Colonial List' gives $ 1,367,997 as the amount
of revenue for 1886; and the Governor's * Annual Report'
gives the same amount, but he adds thereto $ 34,737
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
127
Year.
Revenue.
Expenditure.
1845 £
22,242
£ 66,172
1846
27,000
,, 60,000
1856
35,000
,, 42,000
1866
163,000
,, 196,000
1867
179,000
„ 153,000
1868
236,000
,, 206,500
1869
192,500
„ 192,300
1870
1 90,600
„ 182,750
1871 ,
1 76,000
„ 186,500
1872 .
173,000
,, 174,600
1873 •
176,600
„ 165,100
1874 .
178,100
,, 192,400
1875 .
187,000
„ 181,400
1876 .
1 84,400
„ 187,600
1886
. $1
,367,997
$2,020,86 p
as having been realised by premiums on sales of land,
of which the * Colonial List * makes no mention. In 1887,
the * Colonial List' makes the amount $ 1,582,274, whilst
the Governor only gives $1,427,485; the difference is
caused by $ 155,238 realised by these same premiums,
which the * Colonial List* takes into account in 1887, but
fails to mention in i88(5.
On the other hand, the figures up to 1876, are given
in pounds sterling, and subsequent to that year, in dollars.
Now, the value of the dollar, during the last thirty years,
has varied from 7 francs to fr.3.75. Under these cir-
cumstances the task of comparing the budgets of remote
periods, though not an impossible, is at any rate a diffi-
cult one.
' These sums include the expenditure on extraordi-
nary works of defence or of public hygiene, of the
importance of which the following figures will give an
idea: in 1884, S 340i743 ; in 1885, $475,146; in 1886,
$825,600; in 1887, $744,820; in 1888, $536,860; in
128
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Revenue.
$1,582,724
1,717,969
1,823,549
1,995,220
1,952,098
2,044,178
Expenditure.
$2,023,002
1,992,330
1,833,711
1,915,350
1,674,780
1,767,643
Year.
1887 . . .
1888 . . .
1889 . . .
1890 . . .
1 89 1 (Estimate),
1892
These are considerable sums. To them
must be added the accumulated surpluses
amounting, in 1891, to a total of $817,318,
and which are applied to the construction
of Public Works which may be termed
extraordinary. These figures must not, how-
ever, delude us as to the financial pros-
pects of the colony. That its finances are
flourishing, is beyond a doubt ; but it can
be foreseen that they will ere long encounter
formidable obstacles. Victoria is a free port,
and the development of trade does not
bring in a corresponding increase of revenue.
On the contrary, the expenditure must be
on the increase, and for two reasons : one,
which is accidental, is that the legitimate
satisfaction expressed by recent Governors,
and especially by Sir William des Voeux,
has given rise to the opinion in England,
that the colony is richer than it really is,
and the Home Government has consequent-
1890, nearly $400,000. This expenditure was defrayed
by the accumulated budget-surpluses, and also by the
loan of ;^20o,ooo.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 12g
ly been induced to demand fresh sacrifices,
notably for its defences ; the other is, that
the complicated and luxurious mode of living,
the growing and multifarious wants of the
Far-Eastern Colonist entail and impose upon
the Government a style of living, if we may
use the expression, wJiich is daily becoming
more extravagant.
Rapid and convenient ways of intercom-
munication ; gardens, promenades, public
monuments which require keeping in repair,
and especially the works connected with
public sanitation, are terribly dear to keep
up. Now, the resources of the colony
are not very elastic. Of indirect taxes, it
has only the duty on opium, and alcohol,
besides stamps and licenses. The remaining
taxes are all direct : the public lighting, the
police^ water, house and ground rates : it is
almost impossible to expand this class of
taxation. Such imposts cannot be increased
either in number or amount without running
the risk of incurring serious inconveniences.^
* These imposts have risen, at the present day, to a
tolerably high figure: notably that on houses exceeds
13% of the revenue. There is thus a very strong feel-
ing in the colony that the present generation is too
heavily taxed, and that future generations will reap
the benefit accruing from the works executed by means
of these imposts. Consequently, public opinion demands
either a reduction, or, at any rate, a temporary cessation
from increased taxation ; it being held that public works
130 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Of late years high rates have been levied
on ground-plots. This is, hov^ever, a merely
temporary and intermittent source of revenue,
and cannot be continuously drav^n upon
without becoming exhausted. If, therefore,
the Mrants of the colony continue to increase
progressively^ it cannot rely upon the sale of
these ground-plots to provide it v^ith a pro-
gressive increase of resources. This is a
matter, v^hich claims attention, though there
is no cause for uneasiness.
The expansion of the trade of Hong-Kong
has been marvellous. There being no Cus-
tom House and consequently no register,
we cannot do more than estimate the
amount. The progress made may, however,
be guaged by the following figures : In 1 843 ,
the imports into Hong-Kong from Great
Britain alone, represented a sum of ;^736,500 ;
in 1853, after a succession of very prosper-
ous years, this sum had gradually decreased
by slow degrees to ;^3 78^00; in 1863, it
had risen again to ^1,473,000. In 1885,
the sum total of Hong-Kong trade exceeded
^40,000,000, the exact amount being
^40,504,000.
Statistics show that this sum was made
up of exports amounting to ;^ 18, 63 5,181,
and of imports amounting to ;^2 1,869,145.
of urgent importance should be carried out by means
of a new loan.
i
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. I3I
But the expressions, exports and imports, are
misleading. As Hong-Kong produces nothing,
it cannot, properly speaking, export any-
thing. Products are brought thither, from
Europe, India, or China, and there await
transmission to their final destination : hence
the apparent imports and exports. Of this
trade which exceeds ^40,000,000, more than
one-half, ^24,000,000 (105 million Taels) is
transacted with China, one-third with India,
and the remainder with Europe.
The tonnage has reached considerably
higher figures, so high, indeed, as to appear
almost exaggerated. Vessels of all descrip-
tions (steamers, sailing vessels, junks), of
every nationality (British, European, Chinese),
which entered the port of Hong-Kong during
the year 1878, represented, according to
the Colonial List a tonnage of 8,693,000;
in 1883, 10,566,000; in 1887, 12,729,000;
in 1890, 13,500,000 tons. The Governor's
report, however, gives lower figures: in 1887,
4,078 vessels of 4,607,914 tons; 23,521
junks of 1,793,923 tons; total 6,401,837 tons;
in 1888, 3,821 vessels with 4,536,442 tons;
23,958 junks with 1,863,968 tons; total,
6,400,410 tons. The compilers of the Colo-
nial List specify in their list both ships en-
tering and leaving the port; and this is the
reason for their obtaining figures about double
those of the Governor.
132 thb: colonisation of indo-china.
This method of calculation is, however,
deceptive, for Hong-Kong is in no way
a centre of production ; it is a port of trans-
it, and a depot for merchandise. The greater
number of ships entering the port only
make a few hours' stay, and resume their
voyage either to Europe or the East.
And this naturally leads us to the consi-
deration of the causes which conduce to the
prosperity of Hong-Kong.
Its prosperity cannot, so far at any rate, be
attributed to industry properly so called, al-
though it possesses a few sugar, rope, glass
and other factories. The Governor, Sir Wm.
des Voeux, in his last report expressed the
opinion that Hong-Kong would become an
industrial centre, which is by no means im-
possible. A country possessing an abundance
of enterprising capital, skilled and docile
labour, and which has coal within two days'
journey, may certainly become an industrial
centre. The raw material will, however,
always be wanting; it could not be produ-
ced on the 29 square miles constituting the
area of the island. Sugar-cane it will procure
from Swatow and the surrounding country,
from Quang-Tung or Tonking ; cotton from
India; rhea fibre from China, or Indo-China,
and so forth. On the other hand, its 220,000
inhabitants will not, at any rate for a long
while, afford it a sufficient market. Under
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 33
these circumstances, the question arises whe-
ther the purchase of raw material from other
countries, its transport to Hong-Kong, and
the re-shipment of the manufactured goods
to foreign countries will leave a sufficient
margin of profit. Well, these Hong-Kong
people are industrious ; if the thing can be
done, they will do it.
Nor is the colony's prosperity to be at-
tributed to local trade, and by ^ local' must
be understood business transacted either at
Hong-Kong itself, or in neighbouring French
or Spanish colonies. With these latter but
little can be done, while at Hong-Kong the
population, though considerable and increas-
ing, is still too small. Of course, a clientele
numbering 220,000, nearly all of whom are
earning fair salary and some even very
wealthy, is not to be despised. But what
explains easy circumstances does not ac-
count for wealth, and Hong-Kong is certainly
wealthy.
The business of Hong-Kong is of two kinds :
commission and financial transactions. On the
one hand, the colonists of Hong-Kong act
as intermediaries between Europe and China
for a large number of articles ; and, on the
other, as bankers, furnishing capital to the
merchants, manufacturers, or planters of the
entire region.
Their foreign commercial transactions are
134 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
themselves of a two-fold nature. One class
of business may be thus summarised : they
purchase Oriental goods for shipment to
Europe, and European goods for shipment to
the East, especially to China : they undertake
the sale of these goods at their own risk and
peril, either bringing them to Hong-Kong and
awaiting a favourable opportunity for their
sale, or leaving them at the place of produc-
tion and waiting till there is a demand for
them. The other class of foreign business
is as follows : They enter into business re-
lations with vendors of Chinese products in
Europe, and with vendors of European pro-
ducts in China, and supply one or other,
for sale on commission, with these goods,
which their knowledge of the markets and
the centres of production enable them to
procure at a profitable rate. And they grow
rich on the small profits thus derived from
numerous and considerable transactions.
Hong-Kong may be said to be a ^^port
of distribution.*' A large portion of the
goods intended for China, or for Europe,
are unloaded there, and reshipped for trans-
mission to their final destination.
The banking transactions are likewise of
two descriptions. Either they are banking
transactions properly so called ; such as, bills
of exchange, foreign remittances, (in either
of the two hemispheres), open current ac-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 35
counts, or advances to merchants; and no
bankers in any country in the world are
more obliging, or, as some think, more in-
cautious. The story is still told in Hong-Kong,
of a draft for ^160,000 being discounted on
the sole signature of a man, whose wits by
far exceeded his worldly goods. Another
class of banking business consists in invest-
ments made by bankers and capitalists in
industrial or landed concerns, and started by
them either at Hong-Kong itself, or in neigh-
bouring countries ; such as, Borneo, the Ma-
lay Peninsula, Tongking, etc.
Capital is abundant, and almost all busi-
ness takes the form of Joint-stock Compa-
nies. Among many others, I may mention
of those Companies connected with naviga-
tion, the powerful and prosperous Hong-
Kong & Whampoa Dock Company with an
original capital of $1,000,000, which has
recently been added to ; the Hong-Kong and
Macao Steamboat Co. with a capital of
$1,600,000; the Steam Launch Co.; the
Hong-Kong Marina Co.; the China and
Manila Steamship Co. : — of those connected
with land, the Hong-Kong Land Investment
Co. with a capital of 5 million dollars, the
half of which only is paid-up ; the Land
Investment and Agency Co. ; the Kowloon
Land and Building Co. ; the West Point
Building Society; the Richmond Terrace
II
136 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Estate Co. : — of industrial concerns, the
New Sugar Refinery, with a capital of
;^200,000; the China Sugar Co. with a
capital of $6oo,OOQ; the Luzon Sugar Re-
finery with a capital of $125,000; the
Green Island Cement Co. ; the Hong-'
Kong Brick and Cement Co. with a capi-
tal of $100,000; the Hong-Kong Steam
Laundry Co. ; the Hong-Kong Ice Co. ;
the Hong-Kong Rope Manufacturing Co.
with a capital of $150^000; the Hong-Kong
Hotel Co. ; the Hong-Kong Electric Co. ;
the firms of Geo. Fenwick and Co., Cruik-
shank and Co., Gordon and Co., H. G.
Brown and Co., Campbell, Moore and Co.,
A. S. Watson and Co. ; — the China Fire
Insurance Co. with a capital of $2,000,000;
the Hong-Kong Fire Insurance Co. with
a capital of $2,000,000; the Union Insurance
Society of Canton with a capital of
$1,250,000, etc.:' — of foreign enterprises
floated at Hong-Kong, the Compagnie des
Charbonnages de Hone Gay (Tonking), with
a capital of fr. 4,000,000, the shares of
which, issued at fr. 500, are now worth
* The simple fact of the existence of Insurance Com-
panies in these countries of the Far East, indicates that
considerable progress has been made in the civilisation,
the public safety, and the wealth of the country. Mud
huts have been replaced by houses constructed of solid
materials ; foreign wars, insurrections, piracy, have ceased ;
and lastly, a vigilant body of police is on regular duty.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 37
more than fr. 1,500; the Balmoral Gold
Mining Co. ; the East Borneo Planting
Co. ; the Labuk Planting Co. ; the
Punjom arid Sunghie Mining Co. ; the
Songei Koyah and Lamag Planting Co. ;
the Darvel Bay Trading Co., etc., etc.
The enthusiasm displayed for this class of
business is so great that, according to an
official document, the number of these con-
cerns is continually increasing. At the
close of 1887, there were 26 joint-stock
companies, with a paid-up capital of
$26,233,000, representing, at the Hong-Kong
Stock Exchange quotation, a value of
$46,870,125. At the close of 1888, there
were 36, with a paid-up capital of
$28,867,640, representing, at the current
quotation on the Hong-Kong Stock Exchange,
a value of $53,951,525. Lastly, at the close
of 1889, there were 54, with a paid-up capital
of $44,074,950, worth on the Stock Ex-
change $77,200,550: I, e.y in the course of
3 years the Companies showed an increase
of 28, their paid-up capital of $17,841,950,
their value on Change of $30,330,425.
To these industrial, or land companies,
must be added the financial undertakings
which have preceded them, and which to
a certain extent have created, and supported
them. Hong-Kong possesses several impor-
tant banks : The Australia and China Bank,
.138 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
The New Oriental. Bank, the London and
China Bank, the Hong-Kong and Shanghai
Bank. The last named is a first-class insti-
tution which rivals the leading banks of the
West. Its paid-up capital is $7,500,000;
its reserve fund exceeds $5,000,000; its
notes in circulation exceed 3 millions, and
its deposits 75 millions.
It is these banks, these companies, this
equipment, which have given Hong-Kong the
powerful position which it occupies on these
coasts. Its distance from England is thirty
days; from San Francisco, twenty days; from
Australia and Pekin, three weeks ; from Singa-
pore and Japan, fifteen days, and from
Shanghai, three days. It lies near the large
islands of Oceania, and in close proximity
to Indo-China, and is connected with the
whole world by steam-communication, and
submarine cables ; it is, moreover, contigu-
ous to China, over which it exercises, both
politically and commercially, an indisputable
influence. It has therefore become what,
from the first hour, the British hoped for :
a point where the common interests of
Europe (and especially those of England)
and China can meet in conference, a great
international market, an * emporium.'
Nay, more ; it has even become a pos-
sible place of residence where existence is
more than tolerable, where it is almost
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 39
agreeable, so successfully has the rigour of
its climate been combated by the varied
resources of engineering science, and the
refining influences of civilisation.
The life of a rich colonist at Hong-Kong,
were it not for the enervating heat of sum-
mer, would satisfy the most delicate native
of the West.
His house stands amidst shady terraces
on the mountain-slope. At a glance he takes
in the roadstead, in a trice he is at the
harbour. Rapidly conveyed by his chair-
bearers along leafy and fragrant avenues,
absently conning one of the excellent papers
issued by the local press, he descends in
the morning to the business quarter; his
compradore or broker has preceded, and
awaits him there. Looking through his pile
of letters, he gives his orders, and telegraphs
to London or to Shanghai; then, combining
business with pleasure, he strolls along the
quays or across the cool and busy streets
to the bank, or the Council Chamber. For
in every enterprise he has a share, his acu-
men and caution are well-known, and his
name and advice are even in greater request
than his capital.
One o'clock chimes from the Clock Tower;
dinner-time draws near, and he reascends to
his house. A few friends have been invited
beforehand, and their number is swelled by
I40 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Others picked up at the last moment. They
were to have been a party of six, now they
are twelve ; no matter. The table is large ;
the hospitality munificent. A word to the
Chinese ^ butler ' has sufficed ; everything is
ready: the covers laid, the chairs moved up
to the table, the champagne iced.
In the afternoon, there is a renewed so-
journ in work-a-day Hong-Kong. The day
is short, for business closes at 5 o'clock.
No time to lose therefore, unless our friend
be an Honourable Privy Councillor and the
Council has no sitting, or unless he be a mem-
ber of the Jockey Club, the Polo Club, or
the Football Club, and there are no races,
regattas, or shooting matches between the
Shanghai and the Hong-Kong Volunteer for-
ces^ no tennis matches between the ladies
of Victoria and those of Singapore, nor
cricket matches between the Artillery and
Board of Health.
At 7 o'clock all is over; night is coming
on, and supper-time arrives. Supper is taken
either at home or at the Club. The Clubs
— at least those whose entry is not strictly
reserved — are excellent, the society select,
the table exquisite, the library well-stocked,
and furnished with all the newspapers of the
world.
As to spending the evening, it is simply
a matter of choice. To-day, there may be
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. I4I
a reception of the Freemasons of the island
either at the Zetland, the St John's, or the
Victoria Lodge ; or his Excellency, deserting
the Peak for the plains, throws open the
reception-rooms of Government House; or
perhaps there is a ball at the City Hall.
The Theatrical Company of the Deccan may
be giving a performance, or the Hung Tung
Theatre may offer attractions, or — a still
more dainty treat — there may be a lecture
at the rooms of the Literary Society.
Sometimes a more stirring event oc-
curs; such as, the inauguration of the statue
of the Queen, the arrival of the Duke and
Duchess of Connaught, or of the Russian
heir-apparent; the Jubilee of the Colony, or
a fete in honour of tourists from Singapore,
India, London, or even America, and the
greater the distance they hail from, the
greater the efforts that are made to prove
to them that no nation in the world can
rival Hong-Kong in hospitality.
Thus life glides on, varied, rapid, happy
and useful. After three or four years, the
colonist seeks renewed vigour by a visit to
Old England, and in fifteen to twenty years*
time he finally retires to his native country,
a rich man. His hard-earned riches com-
mand respect, and for the future he follows
attentively and indulgently, and at the same
time encourages, the efforts of those who.
142 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
in their turn, are doing their utmost with
dauntless energy and with the utmost faith
in their ultimate success, to raise to so high
a pinnacle of glory the fortunes of the
Anglo-Saxon race.
z—i
THE BRITISH IN BURMA
PART I.
CONQUEST. PACIFICATION. ^
CHAPTER I.
THE CONQUEST.
Burma and its resources — Its situation between India
and China — Advantages which it offers to a
European nation — Causes which led to its annexa-
tion by Great Britain — Rapidity of its conquest.
Burma, even at the present day, is but
imperfectly known. According to the cen-
sus taken in 1891 under the direction of
Mr. Eales, its population numbers about 8
millions ; namely, 4 J millions in Lower Burma,
31 millions in Upper Burma, and 376,000 in
the Shan states. But these figures still leave
room for much uncertainty ; the fact being
that, in spite of the sea and the mountain-
' The following essay has been greatly facilitated by
the extreme kindness of Lord Lytton, and Lord Duf-
146 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
chains which form its natural frontiers,
the boundaries of Burma are not yet defini-
tely fixed.
As a permanent result of the events of
1885, Burma (without distinctive epithet)
comprises four subdivisions. One, the south-
ern portion, was formerly known as British
Burma ; the other three formed the indepen-
dent Kingdom of Burma, and consisted of,
in the centre, Burma proper, inhabited chiefly
by Burmese, and by the descendants of abo-
riginal races ; to the north and north-west.
Northern Burma, inhabited by various and
sparsely scattered races, called Singphos,
Shans, etc., more or less subject to Burmese
rule ; and lastly, to the east and north-east,
in the direction of Siam and Cambodia, the
tributary states peopled by races called Lao-
tians or Shans. ^ These States, both from
their territory and their population, are of
fering, of Mr. Austin Lee of the British Embassy at
Paris, of Mr. Herbert of the India Office, of M. Harmand,
Minister Plenipotentiary, who was for a long while Con-
sul General for France at Calcutta, and lastly, of M.
Pilinski, French Consul at Rangoon ; we are desirous of
expressing to all of them our sincere thanks.
' On the geography of these States see the "Report
on a Journey in the Me-kong Valley" by Mr J.Archer,
member of the British Consular Corps of Siam (Febru-
ary 1892) C. 6558; and on the political question see
Lord Lamington's speech of the loth February 1892, of
which the *Debats' of the i8th February gave an ex-
cellent resumi.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 47
considerable extent, and the British do not
scruple to appropriate the lion's share ; but
others may claim a portion. For this rea-
son it is impossible to describe definitely and
accurately the boundaries of Burma.
Viewed from a geographical, as well as
from a hydrographical point of view, the
country presents peculiarities assuredly wor-
thy of attention; but the chief point of in-
terest for European nations lies in the fact of
its being situated between India and China.
Indeed it borders on both of these countries^
and although separated from both by lofty
mountain-chains, the sea and mountain passes
connect it with the former, and rivers with
moderate currents which take their rise in
the higher regions of Tibet, with the latter.
If we examine the orographic system of
this region, without entering into the end-
less variety of mountain-chains and isolated
peaks, we shall find that to the south of the
Himalayas there is a range running almost
in a parallel direction and extending east-
wards, which at successive stages assumes
the names of the Assam Mts., the Patkoi
Mts., the Langtang Mts., etc. Now, the
projection from these mountains of a suc-
cession of spurs towards the south gives this
region its peculiar character, separating
Burma, on the left, from India, and on the
right, from China ; on other sides their double
148 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
and triple ranges of parallel chains traverse
almost the entire length of Indo-China, divi-
ding it into so many valleys through which
rivers flow towards the sea. In this region
a number of rivers take their rise : the Chind-
win, the Irrawaddy, the Sittang, the Salwen,
the Menam, the Me-kong; and, further
westward, the rivers of Annam, and the famous
Red River.
Washed by the sea, traversed by nume-
rous rivers, the majority of which were nav-
igable, surrounded by mountains serving at
once as a restraint on the ambition of its
own inhabitants, and as a protection from
that of other peoples, Burma, rich in the
fertility of 'its soil and the treasures of its
sub-soil, seemed destined to a peaceable and
happy existence; but various circumstances,
due to natural as well as human agency,
conduced to shape its destiny otherwise.
Of Burma may be said what was said of
Italy, that it is a * geographical expression*.
Its territory has been patched together piece-
meal, its various races have been forcibly
united.
The Burmese race, properly so called, is
lost amid clans of the most diverse nomen-
clature which considerably outnumber it.
These tribes — the Kyens, the Katchinese,
the Shans, etc., — inhabit the mountains, whilst
the Burmese occupy the plains.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 49
People dwelling in plains at the foot of
high mountains, have singular characteristics.
Irritated by the impenetrable and ever-pre-
sent veil dividing them from the rest of the
world, they are tempted to try their fortunes
beyond. The mountains of Burma, which
divide the country into a series of longitudi-
nal sections, were of a nature to rouse the
curiosity of its inhabitants.
They surmounted all the peaks in succes-
sion, explored all the valleys, subduing their
inhabitants and, according to circumstances,
either annexing their lands or imposing a
tribute. Among these peoples were some
who lived to the north or north-west : the
people of Assam, for instance, who were
separated from the Burmese by the Patkoi
Mts. Their territory was repeatedly invaded
by the Burmese and when, at a later
period, Assam became a province of India,
the British did not forget the fact that the
Patkoi Mts. furnished a means of ingress
from Burma into their territory, or, inversely,
a means of egress from their own into
Burma. The same thing happened on the
west, on the side of Chittagong, Tipara,
and Bengal. The Burmese took upon them-
selves the task of teaching their neighbours
that their house-door was insecurely fastened.
To this circumstance which boded them
no good must be added another.
150 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
A considerable portion of their territory
is, as we have said, washed by the sea into
which several large rivers flow : the Irrawaddy
which, with its many mouths, forms a vast
delta ; the Sittang to which, by reason of
its wide mouth, excessive importance has
been attached; and lastly, the Salwen. For
half a century or more these rivers have
afforded an inaccurate opinion. It was thought
that they would be the means of penetrating
far into the interior of the adjoining countries
— those flowing near the British frontier into
the region whence the Indian river, the Brah-
maputra, takes its rise ; the others, beyond the
Chinese frontier, into Tibet, perhaps even
to Yunnan, or still farther north to Su-Chow.
If this were so, it became evident that the
people who held both the river-banks which
were in so close proximity to Bengal, and
the rivers themselves which formed the great
water-ways of India and China could either
cause uneasiness to the British in their In-
dian possessions, or secure a route to the
fair southern provinces of the Celestial
Empire.
If we add that Burma is rich in resources
of all kinds ; that from a period considerably
anterior to the 15th century, it has traded
with the whole of Southern Asia and the
Malay Peninsula; that, lastly, it levied from
a host of tribes tributes which might assu-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. I5I
redly, in their case, be disputed, but which,
if claimed by a great power, might become
indisputable, the desire of the British to
annex Burma may readily be understood.
Nevertheless, England hesitated for a long
time. Burma had as exaggerated a reputation
for its power as for its riches, but closer
acquaintance soon dispelled this prestige.
Towards the close of the i8th century,
however, at which time the British began to
devote more attention to Burmese affairs,
this prestige was still almost intact. Now,
just at the close of the i8th century Eng-
land had quite enough difficulties in India, and
America to make her chary of seeking to add
to their number. And thus to keep her hands
off Burma until the right moment had arrived,
was both in her interests and intentions.
For thirty years and more England bided
her time. The Burmese, mistaking her pru-
dence for weakness, were lavish of provoca-
tions, which, however, she apparently treated
with indifference. On the contrary, she ma-
nifested an increased anxiety to conciliate
them by redoubling her missions and embas-
sies, and by endeavouring to accredit resi-
dents, etc. Her apparent forbearance deceived
no one. "It is certain," says the French tra-
veller, Sonnerat,^ "that the British will one
day endeavour to annex Pegu/* And, in
* "Voyage aux Indes Orientales, 1774 — 1781."
12
152 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
reality, as soon as Europe allowed them a res-
pite, at the first insult of the Burmese Courts
which has surpassed all Asiatic Courts in
pride and folly, and on the pretext of giving
Bengal a more scientific frontier, they laid
their powerful hand on the long-coveted prey.
Not to mention various other advantages,
they compelled the Burmese to cede to them
the provinces of Arakan, Yau, Tavoy, Mergui,
and Tenasserim, thus establishing themselves
simultaneously, with their repeatedly pJroved
skill and foresight, at two points of primary
importance, and closing two of the possible
routes to India or China. (Expedition of 1825 ;
treaty of Yandabo, 24th February 1826).
This but served to whet their appetite.
Later, after a delay which was deemed suf-
ficient^ and as the imprudent Court of Ava, in
defiance of the treaty which had been signed,
continued its bravado and its provocations,
a fresh expedition deprived it of its remain-
ing southern provinces, definitively separat-
ing it from the sea, and carrying back its
southern frontier to beyond the 19th degree
of north latitude. (Expedition commenced
in January 1852; annexation proclaimed on
20th December of same year).
From this moment, the Kingdom of Ava
could no longer hope to escape from the
clutches of its formidable neighbour. Its
new frontier, a mere line drawn on paper.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 53
could no longer protect it; it was at the
mercy of the enemy. England, whilst con-
tinuing to disclaim all idea of conquest, was
only awaiting her opportunity. No one
doubted it. In 1880, a British officer, Colo-
nel W. F. B. Laurie, author of ^^ Our Bur-
mese Wars," wrote : ^Trobably before long a
King of Burma will have ceased to exist."
A blunder on the part of this king at
last delivered him into the hands of his ene-
mies. For some years past he had seen the
danger growing, and had sought everywhere
not for allies, but for protectors. This atti-
tude disquieted England. He had sent an
embassy to France, and Italy: this embassy
neglected to pay a visit to London. He
concluded a treaty with France which was
a mere treaty of commerce and friendship :
it was regarded by England as a treaty of
alliance. A French Agent was installed in
the new capital. The cry arose that he was
about to control the policy of the kingdom.
From that date the conquest was resolved on.
The fruit was, moreover, ripe ; it was not
even necessary to pluck it : it fell of its
accord. For a long time past the British
residents of Lower Burma, notably the Ran-
goon Chamber of Commerce, had been most
urgent in their requests that the Government
of India should intervene in the affairs of
the kingdom. The revolting massacre of
I 54 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
nearly all the members of the Royal family,
the flight of an immense number of panic-
stricken inhabitants and, lastly, foolish quib-
bles with an English Company which was
exploiting the forest, — the Bombay-Burma
Trading Corporation, — furnished the oppor-
tunity sought for. The Government of India
sent King Theebaw an ultimatum which he
could not possibly accept. Immediately,
British troops crossed the frontier (1885).
The expedition was conducted with almost
unprecedented rapidity. By the 25th Sep-
tember, both troops and ships had all left
Rangoon, and the Chief Commissioner, Mr.
Bernard, foreseeing complications at hand,
had to take upon himself the responsibility
of detaining a gun-boat under orders to
return to India. On the 17th October, the
Secretary of State telegraphed from London
to the Viceroy recommending him to send
troops to Rangoon simultaneously with the
presentation of his ultimatum to King Theebaw.
On the I oth November, General Prendergast
marched on Mandalay; on the ist December,
he entered the town and took the king
prisoner; on the 2nd, he sent him captive
to Rangoon, whence he was escorted to
India. The entire country lay open to the
conqueror ; the ancient kingdom of Burma had
ceased to exist. The expedition proper had
been brought to a conclusion in three weeks.
CHAPTER II.
REPRESSION.
c' The period immediately succeeding the conquest —
c The insurrection in Upper and Lower Burma
K — Character of the insurrection — The dacoits —
Pacification by military measures — Facilities
afforded to the British by the organisation^ and
• proximity of India — The standing army — The
police: civil and military.
r
On the I st December, Queen Victoria sent
a telegram to the Viceroy of India thus
worded: *4 beg you to express my warm
thanks to General Prendergast, and my ad-
miration of the skill with which he has con-
ducted the expedition throughout.'' This
message from the Queen gave grounds for
the supposition that now that the enemy had
been defeated, the army disbanded, and the
king taken prisoner, matters were settled.
And the supposition was universally shared,
for a short time at least. But this optimism
was soon followed, as an eye-witness says,
156 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
^^ by the opinion that matters were still in a
sad state of uncertainty/' And men of
experience saw plainly, as Lieut. -Colonel A.
R. Gloag wrote in a letter to the ^' Times'' of
1 2th September 1888, that the entire sub-
jugation of the country would be a lengthy
affair, and that the taking of Mandalay was
merely the beginning, and not the finale.
The war of 1824 had lasted for two years,
but no less than five years had been requir-
ed to re-establish order in the annexed
provinces. That of 1852 had been of short-
er duration : begun in January, it was
brought to a conclusion in December; but
the subsequent pacification of the country
occupied eight years. How long a period
would be required this time, after a three
weeks' campaign? Even persons of expe-
rience, and such as apprehended possible,
nay, inevitable troubles, under-estimated
the length of time the work of pacification
would last.
At the outset, thanks to the adoption of
what were as a rule good measures, hopes
were entertained of localising the disturban-
ces in Upper Burma, and for a time this
was successfully accomplished. But, in order
to keep Upper Burma in check, it was found
necessary to draw largely on the troops of
Lower Burma, with the result that the latter, in
turn, revolted. A mere relative degree of
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. I 57
tranquillity was only restored there by a
resort to most rigorous measures; such as,
expeditions against the bands of dacoits,
setting a price on the heads of their leaders,
merciless repression ; and even then it was
not until May and June 1887 that an ame-
lioration began to be perceptible, and not
until the close of 1888 that it was clearly
recognised.
The native inhabitants of British Burma
having long been accustomed to strict govern-
ment, were brought back to their allegiance
easily enough. Towards the middle of Sep-
tember it was ascertained that not one of
the prisoners then in jail spoke English —
proof positive that they must all be natives
of the new provinces. But whilst in the
south tranquillity was gradually being restor-
ed, in the north the insurrection was appar-
ently becoming envenomed.
In 1888, after three years of unabated
efforts, the official bulletins^ though meagre
enough, were more alarming than ever. The
entire district of Mandalay was a prey to
fire and sword : for the space of three
months conflagrations were of almost nightly
occurrence ; the telegraph wires were torn
down; the works on the railroad from Tun-
gu to Mandalay which was then in course of
construction were menaced ; even the Lower-
Burma line (Rangoon-Prome) was seized at
158 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Segu, a few hundred miles below Prome ;
the bands of dacoits were mustering afresh
and, assuming the offensive, were success-
fully attacking posts occupied by the police
and the regular troops. And "affairs" of
this kind were of such frequent occurrence
that the Correspondent of the " Times ^^
wrote to that paper on the 5th May 1888:
"It is impossible to give particulars of the
numerous encounters with ^ dacoits ' which
have recently taken place."
These * dacoits ' correspond exactly to what
the French call ^ pirates ' at Tong-King. They
do not form a separate class of the popula-
tion, but are recruited from all classes ; they
are, indeed, the population. Properly speak-
ing, they are neither brigands nor patriots,
though both are to be met with amongst
them, but are usually peasants who,
under ordinary circumstances, cultivate their
fields, (though they have no particular affec-
tion for this kind of work), but who, in
time of trouble, and impoverished, if not
ruined, think it fit, and find it agreeable,
to try their luck at fighting and pillaging.
They attack and rob both natives and
Europeans without drawing too fine a dis-
tinction; and, indeed, they prefer the for-
mer, because they are neither so well armed
nor so formidable as antagonists. Besides
this, in attacking natives, they have every-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 59
thing to gain: stripped of all their posses-
sions and with no other prospect before
them but starvation, their victims of
yesterday are forced to become their
comrades of to-day. Thus the ranks of
the victors are recruited by their victims.
Nor are the latter by any means reluctant
to exchange the hoe for the pike. Rob-
bery (* piraterie '), or ' dacoity ' as the English
call it, is not a dishonourable occupation in
their eyes : it appears to them quite na-
tural, and even excusable in time of civil
war; and, were a young man to decline
to take part in it, he would be considered
as wanting not only in courage, but in com-
mon-sense as well.
The above description applies to the or-
dinary ^ dacoit ' of Burma, or ^ pirate ' of Tong-
King. Sometimes, under the influence of
more distinguished leaders, or under circum-
stances of peculiar gravity, they rise from
the level of pillagers to that of patriots.
This occurred in Annam proper. The insur-
rection there at once assumed a national
character ; under the leadership of Manda-
rins of high rank, the ^ pirates ' (for this name
was still thought most applicable) intend-
ed, above all, to drive the French out of
their native country ; this did not, how-
ever, prevent them from pillaging, in
their leisure moments, the people with
l60 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
whom they came in contact on their Hne
of march.
The same thing happened in Burma. At
a certain epoch, resistance which up till
then had been little more than a pillaging
foray, became a political and patriotic task.
The dacoits formed themselves into large
bands, led by able chieftains; the struggle
assumed the character of guerilla warfare ;
dacoity became a hostile movement of the
population, — '^a popular resistance to our
rule in Burma such as we had never expe-
rienced in any part of India, and such as
will call for the presence of a strong garri-
son for many years.*' ^
Now dacoits are a class of enemy that, i
though not exactly dangerous, is peculiarly ^
troublesome to European troops. No foe is
more irregular in its action, none more in-
tangible. For instance, a district, that of
Tavoy, satisfactorily administered and free
from any disturbance for two consecutive
years, suddenly revolts without any known
pretext (February 1888). Another, where a
certain amount of fermentation was still in
existence, takes up arms and attacks the 1
British, two officers being killed. A column
commanded by a Colonel (Col. Symons)
* "Problems of Greater Britain." By Sir Charles Dilke,
Vol II, p. 6.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. l6l
hurries to avenge their death : the culprits
are nowhere to Be found, not even a trace
of agitation is apparent; for six weeks the
column fruitlessly scours the country, and
eventually retires without having accomplish-
ed its object. The plan was originated of
forming columns of from 50 to 100 men
each, and sending them in pursuit, or, at
any rate, in search of the dacoits. Almost
invariably both search and pursuit proved
fruitless. The dacoits fled, taking advantage
of the shortest routes, and sought refuge in
inaccessible localities, or in friendly villages ;
there they laid aside their arms, mixed with
the inhabitants, and took part in their occu-
pation, no one could have recognised them,
and no one would have dared to betray
them.
No sooner did the rains cease than dacoity
immediately increased. The bands amalga-
mated, the chief of highest repute took the
lead. Some of these chiefs were famous :
for instance, Boshway, caught and executed
in October 1887, and who was in some
measure the last of the great chiefs.
They possessed a marvellous influence
over the people. At their call, the young
men flocked to their standard. The late
Royal family made the most of this en-
thusiasm. Almost at one and the same
time five or six authentic princes were
1 62 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
going the round. On the other hand, any
ambitious individual who chose to assume
the title of this or that prince, had no
difficulty in instigating an insurrection in
his district.
Such, rapidly sketched, were the chief dif-
ficulties with which the British had to con-
tend during the period from 1885 to 1888,
in Lower and especially Upper Burma, and
which they had first of all to surmount.
There could be no question of organisation
or improvements until the country had been
restored to peace and security, or until peace-
ably inclined folk were at liberty to obey
the laws, without thereby imperilling their
life or their property. To-day, the work is
still incomplete. Nearly the whole of 1889,
and the years 1890 to 1892, in spite of
prosperous seasons, witnessed more distur-
bances, and more expeditions than would
have been thought possible in 1888. And
a considerable period must yet elapse before
it will be possible to dispense with — if not
actual campaigns — at least military parades
through the mountainous regions and border
lands inhabited by the turbulent tribes.
Such expeditions are not accomplished in a
day, and besides this, the British have on
more than one occasion cancelled the results
they had attained by a subsequent mistaken
course of action, of which we shall give some
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 63
instances in a subsequent chapter. Nev-
ertheless, important progress has been
made, and it will be interesting as well
as useful to consider the processes and
methods which have proved conducive to the
result.
But before entering into these particulars,
it is important not to forget that the British
were favoured by exceptional facilities in
the task they were about to undertake.
Lower Burma had already been a British
possession, certain portions for sixty, others
for thirty years past, and was organised on
the Indian administrative system. The same
Commissioner had control over both sections
of the province : in dealing with the new
territory, he had all the resources of the
old at his disposal. ^
Again, Burma was a province of India and
not of England, just as the Commissioner was
the Agent of the Indian and not of the British
Government. And India was near at hand,
rich in resources, in troops and in officials.
At its head was a Council invested with
wide powers, which thanks to the liberal
spirit of successive Secretaries of State for
* This did not hinder the perpetration of many blun-
ders. Notably the management of the commissariat de-
partment from beginning to end, and up to March 1891,
(see the '-Times'' of 24th March), gave rise to criticisms
which were apparently well-founded.
164 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
India have been still further extended ; ^ last-
ly, presiding over this Council in his capa-
city of Viceroy and Governor-General was
a man of broad views, rare judgment and
ready decision, — Lord Dufferin, — who owes his
title of Marquis of Ava to his successful
policy in Burma. All these circumstances,
of which assuredly the most important was
that the decisions emanated, not from Lon-
don, but from Rangoon, Calcutta or Simla,
and from men who had a knowledge of the
situation and its necessities ; — all these cir-
cumstances which no other country could
have possessed in combination, facilitated the
task of conquest, of pacification, and of or-
ganisation, though this should not lessen our
estimate of their merit.
A country cannot be conquered or paci-
fied by the mere discharge of cannon shots
or the mere issue of decrees alone. Both
are requisite, simultaneously as well as suc-
cessively. Their effect commingles and
combines, and as regards the final result.
^ "Her Majesty's Government is desirous of according
to your Excellency a large measure of liberty in regard
to the precise methods which you may deem suitable
for the reorganisation of the government of Upper Burma.
Your Excellency will, in due course, have to decide
what number of troops may be necessary for the main-
tenance of peace, and for the suppression of the bands
of dacoits." (Despatch of Lord Randolph Churchill to
Lord Dufferin, 31st December 1885).
(f
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 65
he would be a rash person who would ven-
ture to discriminate between the degree of
credit due respectively to the military man,
and statesman. Our researches will, how-
ever, be facilitated, and their utility enhan-
ced, if we consider apart the political and
the military measures.
If we examine the measures adopted by
the British for the pacification of Burma
from the military standpoint only, we shall
find that they amount to this : that they had
at hand, at the right moment, a sufficient
force of troops fitted for the task both by
nature and qualifications, and also a suffi-
cient number of commanding officers whose
experience was of the sort which the coun-
try required.
Here again, be it said, the British were
in luck. They drew the greater portion of
the forces employed in Burma from India.
Now, on the one hand, India was then in a
state of absolute tranquillity and could spare
from her usual effective force as many troops
as were deemed requisite, and again, these
troops of the Indian army had lived in a
climate and manoeuvred in a country similar
to that they had to encounter in the val-
leys of the Irrawaddy and the Chindwin, or
on the slopes of the Burmese mountains.
Lastly, the generals who were placed at the
head of the expedition had themselves also
1 66 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
served in India and were actually holdin|r
commands in that country when ordered to
proceed to Burma.
All this made the task easier. And yet
the ability to decide at the right moment
on the necessary sacrifices, and even to ap-
point men to the precise post for which
they are fitted, is a talent which is by no
means ordinarily met with. In both these
respects the British, despite some small
errors in the details, were skilful, or for-
tunate.
Several generals successively held the com-
mand in Burma. I have already mention-
ed the name of the general who is now
Sir Henry Prendergast : others might be
named : General White, General Gordon,
General Faunce, General Wolseley. All of
these, and notably General White who held
the command for a considerable length of
time, rendered good service. But there is
one general, who exercised a very decided
influence on the pacification of Burma^ I allude
to General Roberts.
Sir Frederick (now Lord) Roberts held at
that time the high position of Commander-
in-Chief of the Indian Forces, besides being
a member of the Viceregal Council. Lord
Dufferin requested him to temporarily vacate
his post, in order to assume supreme com-
mand of the Burmese expeditionary force :
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 67
he accepted. This twofold decision denoted
courage. At this moment, people both in
England and in India were becoming weary
of the Burmese Question, and the post of the
general commanding was consequently the
more dangerous. Nor was this all. The
British have always been chary of subordin-
ating civil to military authorities. Now, if a
man of the status of Sir Frederick, and a
Chief Commissioner of even Mr. Bernard's
capacity were brought face to face, it was
evident that, in spite of every precedent and
of all possible instructions, the great moral
authority would remain with the general,
and that in the event of a difference of
opinion, he would have the last word. Not-
withstanding the possible gravity of these
circumstances, Lord Dufferin did not hesi-
tate to offer Sir Frederick, nor he to accept,
the command in Burma. This choice which
might have entailed great inconvenience, in
reality entailed none whatever. And yet,
when Sir Frederick's mission came to an end,
something like a feeling of relief was expe-
rienced, though he had fulfilled to the utmost
all that was expected of him. '^He has,*'
the Times correspondent wrote (8th Fe-
bruary 1887), ^^ justified the exception to the
ordinary routine, which sent him on a mis-
sion far from the usual ground of a Com-
mander-in-Chief of the Indian Forces.'*
13
1 68 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
The chief service rendered by General
Roberts — though he did not wait till the
Burmese difficulty arose to do so — was that
of giving, with Lord Dufferin's assent, the
generals under his orders as many troops
as they required, and even more. — Not but
what, on several occasions, so recently indeed
as 1890, the error was committed of denud-
ing certain districts where the insurrection
was scarcely suppressed. However, errors
of this sort could not be, and generally
speaking were not, of much ultimate impor-
tance.
For the expedition itself, a few thousand
men had sufficed. After the occupation of
Mandalay and the capture of the king, it
was hoped that a portion of the troops
might be recalled. But Lord Dufferin, who
from the day that he entered Burma had
an extraordinarily clear perception of the
exigencies of the situation, instead of de-
creasing, augmented their number. Indeed,
the march on Bhamo was still to come, the
pursuit of the dacoits, the occupation of the
entire country had to be accomplished; the
latter task eventually necessitated small ex-
peditionary corps, flying columns, and sta-
tionary posts. Consequently, the army was
at once increased to 1 1 ,000 men, and a little
later, to 14,000. Towards the middle of
1886 there were 17,000 in Upper, and 7,200
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. I 69
in Lower Burma, and this number still
appeared insufficient. '^Itis evident," wrote
General Roberts to the Indian Govern-
ment, ^*that to carry out the plans indicated
by General White there is not a man too
many in Burma; indeed, it appears to me
that certain districts are not occupied in suf-
ficient force. At this season of the year
(30th July) it is impossible to send reinforce-
ments; but I would strongly urge that rein-
forcements and transports be got ready so
as to reach Rangoon by about the 15 th
October, by which time General White will
find his force diminished by casualties and
sickness."
And this was done. However, less than
two years later, while the country was still
far from being pacified the regular troops
(Indian and European) were reduced to under
10,000 men, of whom only a few thousand
were Europeans. This considerable decrease
must not be taken as indicating a condemnation
of the errors hitherto committed, nor was it
an imprudent concession to public opinion.
As a matter of fact, there, occurred in
Burma what has occurred in other count-
ries, and notably in Tongking. Time and
the progress made by the conquerors
has effected a change in the character,
and conditions of the struggle. The large
bands have been dispersed, or split up. Alf
I70 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
real combatants, all those capable of sustain-
ing the onslaught of British troops have been
driven far away from the inhabited centres
into a corner, either on the frontier or in
some inaccessible spot. Since then, it has
been found possible to reduce the number
of stationary posts in the interior. Of these,
there were 150 in 1887; some thirty have
been retained. The duty of these regular
troops consists in little more than keeping
a watch over the inhabitants. Quartered
in the towns or at points chosen for their
strategic value, their influence lies chiefly
in their presence, and their prestige. As
to the pillagers and marauders who are at
present the only hostile forces to be feared,
and who are only formidable on account of
their numbers, another body of men is now
charged with their suppression, viz., the
mounted infantry and the police.
The mounted infantry which for a short
time numbered 1800 men, now numbers
1200; its name sufficiently indicates its nature.
The police-force though dating from 1886,
was not, strictly speaking, organised until
1887. The work that remained to be done
was no longer soldiers', but police work; all
that was now necessary was the maintenance
of order, and to afford the people protection
from dacoits whether they came singly or
in bands. This is a task which pertains to
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. I7I
police ; and European troops would be no
more capable of rendering them efficient
assistance than would a battery of artillery
of helping the gendarmes in Paris. "The sol-
dier," Lord Dufferin wrote at the time, *4s but
the pioneer of order ; the permanent guar-
dian of public tranquillity is the policeman.'*
In consequence, the police was organised.
It is a fact worthy of remark, as indicating
what a sense of the requirements of govern-
ment our neighbours possess, that the mili-
tary whose importance was thereby dimin-
ished, not only concurred in the utility of
creating this force, but even assumed the
initiative in the matter. ** Unless," wrote
General Roberts (6th February 1887) ** a
body of police is organised on a strong
footing, our prospects of pacifying the coun-
try are but very remote.'* And another
document affirms that the civil and military
authorities unanimously agreed that the time
had arrived for police to occupy by degrees
numerous posts in Upper Burma, and to take
charge of the country.
There were to be two kinds of police : a
civil force which would be under the orders
of native officials, and would maintain secu-
rity in the districts under their control — an
arrangement which was not effected without
some opposition on the part of certain offi-
cers, and a military force strongly officered
172 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
by Europeans, whose duty was to occupy
certain posts in the interior, to prevent a
concentration of the dacoits, and, in short,
to clear the country of them. Both forces
were recruited for the most part from India
among certain warHke tribes, ^ and also, af-
ter considerable hesitation, among the Bur-
mese, notwithstanding the distrust entertained
of their integrity and reliability. In 1887,
it was estimated that a force of about 1 6,000
was required; at the outset, however, their
number was only 9,000, which was subse-
quently increased to 1 1 ,000. At the close
of the year 1888, the force exceeded the
estimated requirements, their number being
20,000; and General Stedman, their com-
mander in Upper Burma, stated that their
strength was still inadequate. This led to a
further increase, and in 1889 the police
numbered 35,000 men, of whom 15,000 be-
longed to the civil, and 20,000 to the mili-
tary forces. Between them they occupied
more than 600 stations. At present the
* In the course of the year 1891, it had been pro-
posed to recruit the police-force exclusively among
Burmese tribes (Karens, Shans, etc.) But the Chief
Conunissioner, Sir A. Mackenzie, pointed out the in-
conveniences, and even the great danger of such a
measure : danger for the safety of the province; incon-
veniences, on account of possible events in Siant; and
these two argiunents of his led to the adjournment of
the question.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 73
civil police is only some 6,000 to 7,000
strong and its organisation is not strikingly
good, while the strength of the military
force has diminished to 1 6,000 ; the two forces
occupied between them, in 1888, 175, in
1889, 192, and at the beginning of 1890,
173 stations.
If, without entering into every detail, we
were to confine ourselves to those military
measures which were adopted with a view
to pacification, we should have to mention
the various attempts at military colonies
which were extended with the twofold duties
of keeping the natives in check and improv-
ing the country occupied. Nor should we
have to omit to record another, and very
important, measure, regarding which opin-
ions differed, namely, the general disarma-
ment of the Burmese and Karen villages,
when over 40,000 fire-arms were confiscated.
This had the result of depriving them of
the means of attacking the British, but it,
at the some time, prevented any possible
resistance on their part to dacoits. These
are, however, but secondary matters, and
we must hurry on to another portion of the
work which devolved on the British, viz., that
of paving the way for pacification by mea-
sures of a political nature.
CHAPTER III.
PACIFICATION.
Pacification by political means — Good understanding
between the civilian officials and the military
leaders — Justice and administration — Errors and
faults; cruelties — Attitude towards the native
chiefs] towards the vassal tribes \ towards China
— The treaty of July i88y.
At the outset of this portion of our studies,
it is of great importance to lay particular
stress on the purport of certain words used,
and to define what we mean by '^measures
of a political order,** and by ^ Opacification.'*
It must not be imagined that these divisions :
'Opacification** and '^ organisation,'* '' measu-
res of a military order*' and ''measures of
a political order," which we have adopted
with a view to explaining more clearly a
complicated subject, correspond as regards
time to definitely fixed and distinct
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 75
periods, and in their application to positively
distinct methods. When the conquest, pro-
perly so called, is once completed, and the
problem of pacifying the country has to be
faced, it does not become a question of a
certain length of time during which the mili-
tary act with perfect freedom with their own
resources and on their own responsibility,
succeeded by another period, when their
service abruptly ceases and gives place to
the rule of politicians and representatives of
civil power. Nor are the methods of paci-
fication absolutely distinct and separate from
those of organisation, any more than a period
of pacification is absolutely distinct from a
period of organisation. Pacification paves
the way for organisation, and is bound up
with it by the transfer of its methods, be
they good or bad, so that it is well nigh
impossible to say where the one begins and
the other ends, or which measure is one of
pacification and which, one of organisation.
From the very first day, when the army
was driving before it the scattered Burmese
battalions, the British were revolving in their
minds the best means for influencing the popu-
lation by administrative measures ; and not for
one moment did they create any distinct dif-
erence between the action of military, and that
of civil power. They took care, even while
the conquest was still being carried out, to
176 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
instal in the chief centres political function-
aries with instructions to establish there a
primary and rudimentary administrative or-
ganisation, whilst the army maintained order.
And, on the other hand, even after the con-
quest was complete, they demanded the co-
operation of the military, and claimed their
presence for purely political purposes. Gen-
eral Roberts wrote in his instructions to
General McPherson: ^*The troops must
make their presence felt everywhere, and
must remain sufficiently long in the princi-
pal localities to admit of the civil authori-
ties establishing the administration on a solid
basis, so as to inspire the people of the
country with a feeling of confidence in the
strength of our rule, and to dispel all fear of
their being subsequently harassed by da-
coits.'*
A task of this kind implies, and, indeed,
exacts perfect unanimity between civil and
military authorities. **I have consulted^'
wrote General White who at one time had
30,000 men under his orders, and exercised
his authority with ability not often met
with — ''I have consulted with the Chief Com-
missioner and he concurs with me in the
scheme I have planned." Do not, however,
suppose that the British, whether soldiers or
civilians, were philosophers ready at once
to sink all rivalry for the greater good of
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 7/
their country.' But these unfortunate con-
flicts were never made known to the gene-
ral pubUc, the reason being that in India
there is an undisputed authority far above
coteries and rivalries, and powerful enough
to subdue and control them all, namely, the
Viceroy.
The British with their admirable instinct oi
Government have conferred on the Governors
of their colonies sufficiently wide powers to pre-
vent any of their lawful subjects being able, or
even tempted, to dispute, and still less to
resist, their authority. I have already spoken
of the powers which the Governor of Hong-
' Sir Charles Dilke makes a discreet allusion to these
conflicts of opinion in his work "Problems of Greater
Britain " (II. p. 51.) In Burma, less discretion was observed.
The following instance is the text of what the
Times correspondent telegraphed on the 25 th February
1888. "The state of the district of Kvusk is excellent.
This is no doubt due to the cordial co-operation of
the civil and military authorities. Similar harmonious
action is unfortunately not universal in Upper Burma."
Besides, conflicts were not confined to civil and mili-
tary authorities. It appears that in Burma every one
considered his district as a territory reserved to his
own exclusive action. Whoever encroached upon this
territory was treated as an enemy, to the great detri-
ment of public affairs. An officer, Captain Raikes, was
deputed by the authorities of his district to negotiate
with a tribe of Chins living in the neighbourhood of
the district of Pagay. The Superintendent of that dis-
trict, Captain Eyre, on hearing of this mission, at once
invited the Chins "to enter into communication with
him rather than with Captain Raikes."
178 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Kong possesses. In India the Governor-Gen-
eral in Council, as representative of the
Queen, dictates orders to all authorities,
whether civil or military, and the Comman-
der-in-Chief of the Indian Forces is to him
merely the Chief of one of the Services
whom he admits to the discussion of his views
solely from motives of courtesy and for the
furtherance of his own interests. Under
these circumstances, rivalries resulting from
esprit de corps cannot create much mischief;
the Viceroy, as supreme chiet of the Milita-
ry and Civil Services, possesses the means
of checking and preventing them. I may
add that his task is easy enough with officers
who, like all Anglo-Saxons, are imbued with
a spirit of discipline, and with civilians who,
like the majority of British officials, are of
striking respectability and merit.
In order to pacify a country, it is obvious
that measures of a pacifying nature must be
resorted to. This is self-evident and a
truism; and yet, its acceptation by Govern-
ments is but of recent date. They have
long had, and perhaps still retain, a secret
hankering after repressive measures. This
may be explained by saying that the
earlier agents of pacification are the very
ones who conducted the conquest. How-
ever that may be, all present-day conquerors
endeavour to seek favour with the conquered
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 79
by moderation and good-will. And the Bri-
tish did not fail to do so in Burma.
Their task was a difficult one. It would
have been difficult for any nation, but for
them it was especially so, because their
usual support was wanting in this case. The
fact is that, in their conquests, they always
look to the aristocracy, to princes, religious
bodies, or Governments for support. Now,
Burma, as I shall presently indicate in some
detail, possesses no aristocracy at all, and
no longer had a Government. The British
found themselves, consequently, face to face
with a sparse population, wanting in cohesion,
and difficult to conciliate.
It is, or is at all events admitted to be,
an axiom that Eastern nations have a craving
for justice. Whoever brings them this
sovereign good is sure of a hearty welcome.
This was, apparently, the trump-card in the
hand of the British. They are certainly
firm believers in justice. They look upon
the possibility of obtaining justice as the
highest form of security; upon the admini-
stration of justice, as the most sacred of all
duties, the highest of all functions. Wherever
they go, they build as soon as practicable a
court of law, and appoint a judge. This
done, they can safely go about their business.
They pursued precisely the same course of
action in Burma. The manner in which
l80 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
their Indian officials are recruited admits of
their being rendered competent almost at
will, either as administrators, collectors, or
magistrates. Thus from the very first,
even in the most primitive stage of govern-
ment, they have always had men capable of
the administration of justice who themselves
were intensely eager for it, and the majority
of whom have indeed judged most impartially. ^
The sentences passed by them have ge-
nerally been in conformity with the rulings
and purposes of the law, unswayed by opin-
iative caprice, or administrative requirements.
I quote, as an instance, two decisions much
to their credit : one, condemning to hard la-
bour certain members of the police force
who had terrorised the country entrusted to
their supervision; the other, acquitting a na-
tive accused of having killed a British po-
' From the 24th January 1886, that is to say, six
weeks after the commencement of the occupation, there
were civil officials, and notablv magistrates, in a certain
number of districts. (See "Burma," 1886, C. 4887, p.
15.) In more than one place, however, the haste made
to establish a civil administration resulted in the appoint-
ment of young and inexperienced officials to posts where
the duties to be performed were of an extremely deli-
cate nature, and this provisional state of affairs lasted
for years. During the same period, districts in Lower
Burma which were absolutely peaceable, were admini-
stered by men of consummate experience, whose proper
place should have been in the disturbed provinces of
the north.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. l8l
lice officer. *^ I am of opinion/' said the
judge in the latter case (Mr. Hildebrand,
Superintendent of the Shan States) "that the
Ngami who killed Mr, Powell may be held
blameless for firing his gun to liberate his
son-in-law. Even if his son-in-law had not
begged for his help, the fact that his two sons
had been illegally, and most unjustly mas-
sacred before his eyes, would constitute an
excuse for the speedy vengeance which he
exacted for their death by killing their mur-
derer.'' This judgment — a remarkable instance
of impartiality — created a great sensation in
Burma, and evoked criticisms from nearly
all the local press. The Rangoon Gazette
concluded its remarks thereon with the fol-
lowing words : ^ * This is tantamount to giving
every more or less barbarous native authority
to kill British officials whenever he finds
them in the act of arresting one or other
of his relations on a charge which he regards
as illegal."
There would be some foundation for such
fears, were a conqueror liable to exhibit
excessive partiality towards the conquered.
Notwithstanding the honourable examples
which I have just quoted, this was not, nor
indeed could be, the case with the British.
It must be explicitly stated that the almost
exclusive belief in justice by which they are
characterised, often leaves room for injus-
1 82 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
tice. For, properly speaking, what the
Enghshman approves of in justice is not so
much equity, . as right. In order to quiet
his conscience, he claims a recognition of
his right ; this right once confirmed, he pur-
sues it to the end. But the right of the
conqueror proclaimed by himself is liable to
be exorbitant. The judge is human, and
consequently liable to err, and to be influ-
enced by his emotions. It is owing, too, to
the very fact that justice and judicial deci-
sions have constituted the sole restraint upon
their strict right, that the British have been
guilty of frivolity, errors, and even cruelty,
of which the least that can be said is, that
they were singularly harmful to their own
cause.
I merely mention, as a record, certain a-
trocious proceedings. One instance was
that of an officer who, suspecting a native
of a capital crime and being unable to ob-
tain a confession, had him led in front of
the firing party, and so extorted a false con-
fession. Another, a lover of dramatic scenes,
took a photograph of the torture which he
had himself ordered to be inflicted. These
are, I am willing to believe,^ revolting ex-
' After these articles had appeared in the "Revue
des deux Mondes", I received a letter from a friend,
who has long resided in Burma, of which the following
is an extract: "The few abuses which you describe,
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 83
ceptions, and public opinion condemned them.
But it was a general practice to shoot, on
the spot, and without trial, every dacoit
taken with arms in his hands. A very sim-
ple plan, truly, but one which had not even
the excuse of usefulness ; for the Burmese,
like the Annamites, have no fear of death.
And of this, the British were well aware;
here is what one of their historians has
written: **A detachment of the Naval Bri-
gade, having captured a dozen dacoits, pro-
ceeded to shoot them one after the other.
It was thought that this would produce a
greater impression than shooting them all
at once. The first was placed upright with
his back to the wall. A conical ball struck
him between the eyes, splitting open the
upper part of his skull, and causing it to
hinge backwards in a strange and grotesque
fashion. At this sight, his comrades who
were near at hand awaiting their turn, burst
into an uncontrollable fit of laughter. They
were still laughing at it as they advanced
in succession to take up their position in
front of the firing party. They looked upon
the occurrence as a capital joke.'* The
Government answering a question on the
are not the exception, but almost the rule ; the fact
being that there is a play of rivalry, of competition,
and of influences which causes some abuses to be
made public, whilst the remaining ones are carefully
concealed, though not unknown."
i4
184 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
matter in Parliament, promised to put an
end ** to a state of affairs which was a
scandal, and might become a danger/' But
the executions went on as before, and it
was not until Lord Dufferin embarked for
Burma, that, on the very day of his depar-
ture General Prendergast issued an order
forbidding these * ^arbitrary executions/' Since
that time, the death-penalty has become less
frequent, and can now only be carried out
after a regular trial, and on the sentence of
a civil magistrate.
So much for cruelty, and now for injus-
tice. In 1887, a leader of dacoits surren-
dered himself on the word of an official
who guaranteed that his life should be spared ;
the Government of India declined to sanction
this promise, and ordered the man to be shot.
In 1890 — when a system of jurisprudence ap-
parently existed — a redoubted dacoit. Boh
Yanyum, received a letter from an officer
of police promising that his life should be
spared; the Buddhist high-priest also inter-
vening on his behalf. Boh- Yanyum made his
submission to the Deputy Commissioner of
Myingyan. The latter, without even denying
that the promise had been made, condem-
ned him to death. The whole province rose
against this, for Boh Yanyum — an uncommon
circumstance — was perhaps more of a patriot
than a pillager; the people, the priests, the
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 85
monks, all issued a manifesto in his favour;
the appellate judge taking into consideration
the fact that he had been promised his life,
and even something more, commuted, having
no power to do more, the sentence of death
to one of transportation for life, and recom-
mended him to mercy. For months, how-
ever, the Government remained insensible
to justice, to the prayers of the natives, and
even to the interests of British rule; and it
was only after prolonged delay that it pro-
nounced its decision on this burning question.
It confirmed the commutation of the penalty,
but declined to grant a free pardon, merely
undertaking to reconsider the matter five
years later.
By this unfair dealing the British have
been the means of even circumstances beyond
their control being attributed to their bad
faith. In the early days of the insurrection
the number of prisoners taken was enor-
mous. The prisons were over-crowded. It
is estimated that either in Burma, or in India
whither they had been taken en masse^ the
number of native prisoners was close on
50,000. Lord Dufferin put a stop to this
epidemic of arrests; and even ere long res-
tored the majority of the prisoners to liberty.
In order to deter them from rejoining their
former bands, work was promised them in
the Government dock-yards, on the roads,
1 86 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
and on the railway in course of construc-
tion from Tungu to Mandalay. Unfortuna-
tely, their very numbers prevented their being
ail provided with employment: this had the
result of lowering, though this time unde-
servedly, the British reputation for fair dealing,
and of perceptibly retarding the pacification.
A long time must elapse before the majo-
rity of the population can be restored to
confidence.
More happy results were attained among
the class of people whom I might, though
somewhat inaccurately, term the aristocracy :
the Buddhist priests, the members of the
Grand Council, the most influential of the
Chiefs were the object of much kind atten-
tion, and consideration.
The enemies of the British had spread the
report that they bore less ill-will to King
Theebaw and his dynasty than to the Bud-
dhist religion and its followers. The accusa-
tion was a grave one. In Burma almost the
whole nation goes through a course of
priestly life ; everyone, at least once in his
life-time, assumes the garb of a monk, and
as the vows are not in reality perpetual,
the lay society is composed to a large extent
of persons who have temporarily worn the
religious garb. To attack the religion, was
tantamount to attacking the whole nation.
In order to overcome these prejudices, the
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 8/
representatives of the national religion were
treated with the utmost circumspection.
At the time when British troops were
marching on Mandalay, the Buddhist high-
priest was admitted to an audience with Sir
Charles Bernard, the then Chief Commission-
er, at Rangoon, who assured him that,
whatever happened, no danger threatened
the Buddhist religion. In the course of the
campaign, and during the period occupied
in taking possession of the country, both
civiHans, and officers in the army were in-
structed to pay particular respect to priests,
monks, and monasteries. General Roberts
personally displayed considerable deference
to the religious authorities. The British even
affected to treat them as important political
factors. When it was known that the da-
coit chief, Ala-Oo, wished to surrender, the
Commissioner of the district, Mr. Colquhoun,
wrote to him that, if he preferred it, he was at
liberty to make his submission through the me-
dium of the Buddhist high-priest of Mandalay.
All this produced an excellent impression/
^ Since then, the conciliatory policy inaugurated by
Sir Charles Bernard and Sir Frederick Roberts has been
abandoned. Monks have, with more or less justice, been
imprisoned. Very little attention has been paid to the
more important of the native authorities. The high-
priest who negotiated the submission of Boh Yanyum has
been unable to secure the fulfilment of the engagements
entered into. The result of all this is, that the religious
element is rapidly becoming alienated from the British.
1 88 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Previous to British rule, there was a Coun-
cil of State or Hlutdaw at the head of af-
fairs, which might be regarded as rather co-
ordinate with, than subordinate to, the king.
This Council (which reminds one of the Comat
of the Court of Hue) was composed of the
Chief Ministers of the State, or ^Woongys',
who were four^ and sometimes six in num-
ber. The hope had been momentarily enter-
tained of the possibility of maintaining the
Council, and of carrying on the government
by it, or at least in combination with it.
For reasons which I shall presently relate,
this idea had to be abandoned : the Hlutdaw
was abolished; but its honorary or active
members were studiously won over to Bri-
tish policy. They were entrusted with the
exercise of functions which were suitably
remunerated; certain distinctions were con-
ferred on them, and so forth.
The British displayed equal wisdom in their
dealings with the vassal tribes, as in those
with the high Burmese officials. During the
native regime, the relations of these tribes
with the Court of Ava had been tolerably
lax. The bonds of suzerainty relaxed in
proportion to the distance from the frontiers
of Central Burma, and the rights claimed by
the latest Alompra, in many cases, served no
other purpose than that of furnishing a pre-
text for intervention.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 89
The British were far from wishing to profit
by claims at once so varied and so open
to dispute. In Central Burma and the ad-
joining provinces they assumed with vigour
the reins of government : but even there they
took great care not to offend susceptibilities.
When a hitherto independent chief appeared
to possess real authority in his district, they
affected to treat him as a sort of ally, and
furnished him, in cases of emergency, with
troops to assist him in upholding his author-
ity, and maintaining order. With the more
remote provinces, as, for instance, the Shan
States, whose possession is a matter of con-
troversy between Burma, Siam, China, and
other countries, and which were in reality
almost autonomous at that time, they dis-
played a yet greater degree of prudence. ^
With one they entered into negotiations, with
the object of securing its assent to a British
' The appendix to Colonel Yule's book contains a
statement of China's indisputable rights over certain of
the Shan States. As to Siam, according to a recent
report make by Mr. Scott, Superintendent of the Shan
States, it claims all the states which lie to the east of
the Salwen; the British, on the contrary, claim, as suc-
cessors to the Burmese, five of these same states. Thus
there are reasons for a settlement of territorial limits
both with Siam and with China. Discreet and prudent
persons demand such a settlement. (See The Times of
8th March 1892.) They hope that it may have the result,
by reducing the territory claimed by Burma, of prevent-
ing immediate contact with the French possessions, and
thus obviating all chance of rivalry, and dispute.
I go THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Resident; thus to the Tsawbwa (the Chief's
local name) of Momeit they sent, nominally
as assistant and adviser, Mr. Colquhoun, with
troops and poUce, to aid him in his struggle
with the dacoits. To another they accorded
a fixed term, which was, however, continu-
ally prolonged, for tendering his submission ;
thus, to the Tsawbwa of Wuntho who
had retreated into the mountains with 2,000
men, besides elephants and cannon, they
gave a whole year, wherein to return to
submission; and when he eventually surren-
dered, they confirmed him in his state of
semi-independence. Prudence was, in this
case, almost synonymous with weakness, and
confidence the mere equivalent of blindness,
as was proved by the result. Finally by the
Shan States Act^ passed at the close of 1888,
the native chiefs were allowed, as they had
been under the Burmese dynasty, to admi-
nister their districts themselves under the
supervision of a British Superintendent. Si-
milarly, in 1887 and up to 1890, negotia-
tions were entered into with certain tribes,
with a view to secure their neutrality, and
to put a stop to their incursions into
neighbouring valleys. It was not until quite
recently that it was decided to adopt rigorous
measures against certain frontier tribes, with
whom it appeared impossible to come to an
understanding.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. IQI
To sum up, this line of policy has consisted
entirely in settling the various questions in
rotation, and in interposing a sufficient inter-
val between their successive settlement ; and
a very wise policy it has been proved to be.
The same remark is equally appHcable to
the negotiations conducted with the Chinese
Empire which ended in the treaty of the 24th
July i887(ratifications exchanged in Lon-
don, on the following 25th August). China
had always asserted certain claims to Burma.
Her claims were twofold : firstly, a general
right of suzerainty over the whole of Burma ;
and secondly, a right of actual ownership
as regards the district of Bhamo more espe-
cially, as well as certain adjacent districts.
The British, in their official documents, made
every reservation as to the first of these
claims, and, on the other hand, admitted that
the second was more " reasonable.'' In prac-
tice, however, they did not hesitate to re-
cognise the first, and to repudiate the second
claim. They took possession of Bhamo, to
which place they attributed special import-
ance. At the same time, with a view to
calming China's susceptibilities, they conceded
to her an apparent suzerainty. *^ If," wrote
Lord Dufferin, **the Secretary of State does
not object to such a course, the Government
of India can have no objection, to the con-
firmation by its representative in Burma of
192 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
the existing practice of an amicable exchange
of presents (remark the euphemism) with the
Governor of Yunnan, in such manner as may
seem most convenient. The clause in the
arrangement which refers to intervention
should, however, be carefully considered/'
This arrangement was the Treaty of July
1887, Article i stipulated that ^Mn so far
as it has been customary in Burma to send
missions to China with presents of the pro-
ducts of the country. Great Britain agrees
that the chief officer in Burma shall send
the customary decennial missions; the en-
voys to be of Burmese nationality." In con-
sideration of this concession — a concession
which some other countries might have im-
itated with advantage — China agreed in ar-
ticle 2 to allow Great Britain complete liberty
of action.
This did not, indeed, have the effect of
suppressing all the little frontier incidents,
of frequent occurrence in Burma, as in Tong-
king. But it was to prevent China from
lending her aid to revolt, even at the com-
mencement of the occupation, and enabled
the British, during a necessarily critical pe-
riod, to devote their entire attention to their
rebellious subjects, unhampered by opposi-
tion from other quarters.
Such was the policy pursued by Great
Britain during the period immediately follow-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 93
ing the occupation, in dealing with the
Burmese races, the religious and political
authorities of the country and, lastly, with
neighbouring powers who might exercise some
influence on the internal politics of their new
possession. This policy was, on the whole, well
calculated to produce the desired effect, ix.^
the appeasement of popular prejudices. And
yet, all this prudence and ingenuity might
prove unavailing, if the conquerors failed to
fulfil the chief of all conditions in the eyes
of the conquered, that is, if they did not give
them a suitable political regime.
CHAPTER IV.
THE POLITICAL REGIME.
Importance of this question — A ^'buffer State'* — A
Protectorate — An nexation .
As SOON as the conquest had been com-
pleted, and it had been decided to place
Upper Burma under British influence, the
most serious problem to face was undoubt-
edly how the country was to be governed.
Nothing was of higher importance, both for
the growth of pacification and for the future
welfare of the new possession.
There were three alternatives : the continu-
ance, under certain fixed conditions, of the
reigning dynasty ; the establishment of a British
protectorate ; or annexation. Lord Dufferin,
in a Memorandum already quoted reviewed
and discussed all three propositions; we
cannot do better than take him for guide.
Public opinion both in England, and in
India, was in favour of the plan which would
entail the smallest responsibilities on the
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 95
Empire, a view which even the Government
fully endorsed. Bearing in mind the difficul-
ties which his predecessors had both fore-
seen, and met with in 1852, Lord Dufferin
wrote as follows to the Secretary of State
for India :
^^I am extremely reluctant to augment
unnecessarily the Empire's obligations. Con-
sequently, I have first of all considered the
means of reducing our intervention to a mi-
nimum, by limiting it to precautionary mea-
sures sufficient merely to prevent any pos-
sibility of foreign influences, which might
prove embarrassing to us, from predomina-
ting either overtly or covertly in the Valley
of the Upper Irrawaddy. In other words, I
have asked myself whether it would not be
possible to transform Burma into a so-called
^^ buffer State'' (to use a now familiar ex-
pression). By such an arrangement, the
native dynasty of the Alompra would have
remained on the throne ; the reigning prince
would, like the Amir of Afghanistan, have
been perfectly independent in all matters of
internal administration; all that we should
have claimed would have been the right of
supervising the foreign relations.
" On subjecting this project to closer ex-
amination with the aid of further means of
information, it has appeared to me to be
impracticable. The kingdom of Ava posses-
196 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
ses neither the elasticity nor the power of
resistance which a ''buffer state'' must neces-
sarily possess. To insure by artificial means
its independence on the great line of com-
munication between our Burmese possessions
and China, would be an expedient of more
than doubtful efficacy. This state would
certainly have proved an obstacle to the
free exercise of commercial relations; and
its weakness would be a perpetual tempta-
tion to the Chinese Government to seriously
assert the shadowy, and, as I believe, unfound-
ed claims which the Chinese Ambassador
has put forward.
'' This being so, can a semi-protected State
be created on the frontiers of the Empire
with any advantage to us? This principle of
protection, even in its most attenuated form,
entails responsibilities out of all proportion
to the means at hand for confronting them,
and leads naturally enough to our placing
in the hands of him whom we protect the
power to involve us in war against our will :
to bring this about he has but to instigate
his neighbours to aggressive acts which,
whether justifiable or not, we should be for-
ced to repel . . . Under these circumstances,
our intervention would one day become ne-
cessary, and in carrying it out we should be
disadvantageously situated, the military power
and the revenues of the country being in
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 97
the hands of a ruler incapable alike of ad-
ministering his revenues and of disciplining
his troops.
*^ Further, this personage would, in all
probability, be jealous of our intervention
and might, just at the critical moment, prove
unreasonable, ungovernable and, perhaps,
disloyal. The country is not rich enough
to support, over and above the expenses of
the Court and of the king's army, the cost
of a British army ; and, as we certainly should
not wish to defend the. frontier with men in
our pay, it would be exposed to all the
possibilities which I have indicated."
These objections coming from a man of
just disposition and great experience caused
the idea of a ^* buffer state '' to be abandoned.
But, "buffer'' state and semi-protected state
are but varieties of a type which was, in
short, very acceptable ; and^ to continue, if
the principle of imposing protection on the
kingdom of Burma be once admitted, who
was there to compel Great Britain to stop
half-way? Why abide by the semi-protec-
tion mentioned by Lord Dufferin ? Who was
there to prevent the establishment of a real
protectorate, instead of a " buffer state " ; the
maintenance of the reigning dynasty and the
native officials, with a British Resident at
their side to control both interior adminis-
tration, and foreign affairs?
igS THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
This solution seemed admirably suited to
the situation. The Burmese, or at least
many of them, wished that their traditional
form of government should be retained.
Those who were consulted, almost unani-
mously declared that a ^^ titular king," a *' king
in name" (such were the expressions used)
would meet with absolute obedience on the
part of his subjects. True, the Queen, and
certain of the Ministers were hated; but
King Theebaw, or any other of his race,
would be popular. His accession would
cause the dacoits to lay aside their arms,
and would insure final Pacification. As to
the administration, the British would them-
selves carry it on in his name, and as seem-
ed " to them good, through the medium of
some wise administrator, such as, for instance,
Colonel Sladen, who was so well acquainted
with Burmese affairs, and who would exert
an irresistible influence over the king, his
councillors, and his Ministers.
Such were the whispered suggestions that
reached Lord Bufferings ear, and which could
not fail, burdened as he was at the time
with so many responsibilities, to strongly
impress his mind. He was naturally rather
inclined to accept an arrangement of this
kind. He had seen the system working in
India, under his personal observation, in a
certain number of native States, and on
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1 99
reaching Mandalay he found a form of Gov-
ernment provisionally established, similar to
that which had been recommended to him,
without the king, indeed, (who from the very
first had been sent a captive to Rangoon)
but with his former Council of State presi-
ded over by Colonel Sladen himself.
However, in spite of so many reasons for
adopting the idea of a protectorate, he con-
sidered it his duty to reject it. A protec-
torate, in the main, necessitates two distinct
powers each capable of fulfilling distinct
duties : the protector who serves as interme-
diary between foreign powers and the pro-
tege; the protege who serves as intermedi-
ary between the protector and the native
population. It lies with these tw^o to main-
tain peace at home, and abroad. For peace
with foreign countries the British certainly
offered their proteges sufficient guarantee ;
but, in return, they were anxious to ascer-
tain whether these proteges could guarantee
them peace at home. Now, they deemed
this protected Government incapable for all
time of fulfilling its obligations.
In fact, not one of those who, according
to the definition of the protectorate, would
be called upon to exert influence over the
population, had retained sufficient control
over them. And firstly, no further reliance
was to be placed on King Theebaw who by
15
200 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
his cruelties had stirred up a party against
himself in the country, and by his over-prompt
submission had alienated the rest. The other
Alompra were little more than degenerate
princes, and those who formed the excep-
tion to the rule, were either too far com-
promised or too hostile to Great Britain to
justify any reliance being placed in them.
One of them was the prince Myn-Goon
whose antecedents were known to all our
Foreign Office officials, and who at that time
was living on French charity at Pondicherry
waiting for an opportunity to overthrow the
reigning monarch. The others, five or six
in number, were wandering about the jun-
gles at the head of bands of dacoits, and
derived even less advantage from their title
of prince than from that of robber-chief.
Thus, to begin with, the king was wanting,
who was to be the ^poll-bolt' of the pro-
tectorate, or at the very least the nail on
which to hang the ensign.
Equally wanting was an aristocracy to
rally the nation around it.
In these Oriental countries, birth and here-
ditary right do not suffice either to found
or to perpetuate an aristocracy : to this end
two further conditions are requisite : riches
and knowledge. Now, throughout the vast
expanse of the Kingdom of Burma, there is
no one that can be called rich: its popula-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 20I
tion is too sparsely scattered, does not settle
down on the land sufficiently and lacks indus-
try. Consequently, everyone has but scanty
means of subsistence. The king's favour,
and the nomination to posts which are lucra-
tive through the opportunities for extortion
which they afford, are almost the only means
of attaining wealth, and they are means of
too precarious a nature to admit of the found-
ation of substantial positions. And no aris-
tocracy can exist without a substratum of
wealth.
It is true, with certain peoples, near neigh-
bours of the Burmese, the aristocracy of in-
tellect surpasses that of money, and, perhaps,
that of birth also. But in Burma, though
in bygone days it possessed a noble and
power ul civilisation, learning is not so highly
considered ; and the educational systeni there
is productive of a general level which is
simply universal mediocrity. Nearly all the
Burmese go through a course of priestly
tuition, and the very recruitment and status
of these priests is such as to necessarily
render them inferior instructors.
The priests are, in fact, not, as in other
countries^ a separate class, a corporate body
whom a glorious record in the past compels
to perform rude and noble tasks : the Bud-
dhist priesthood is, as I have already inti-
mated^ so inseparably linked to the nation
202 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
that every man, at least at one period of
his life, is bound to don the poongi's (monk's)
garb, and that, inversely, every poongi can
doff his garb at pleasure. The renunciation
of the monastic vows is characteristically
termed in Burmese ^' to become a man
again." Under these circumstances the Bur-
mese priests possess neither the proud zeal
of powerful castes nor yet the envious spi-
rit of oppressed minorities ; their knowledge
does not rise above a certain level, and they
themselves do not rise above the average
level of the nation from which they spring,
and which they, in their turn, serve to con-
stitute.
In a country where there is neither prince
to occupy the throne, nor aristocracy to
which the task of influencing the lower clas-
ses may be confided, the nation becomes
the sole factor • in the political situation :
thus it was with the nation alone that the
British had to deal, without any intermedi-
ary. This led straight to annexation pure
and simple, to the incorporation of Upper
Burma with the great British Empire. ^
' It still remained, however, a debatable point,
whether, when once added to Lower Burma, the entire
province should form a mere province of India, or an
independent colony, or, lastlv, an adjunct to the Straits
Settlements and the Malay Peninsula. (See the letters
published in the Times of 27th August, ist, 12th and
17th September 1888, notably that of M. Chantoon, a
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 203
It was a grave step, and one which might
be pregnant with danger. ^ Great difficulty
was experienced in ascertaining what the
wishes of the nation really were. The Bud-
dhist priests maintained an attitude of indif-
ference, and, provided their privileges were
not infringed, would recognise established
authority ; whilst the Mussulmans, whose
number was not insignificant, were distinctly
in favour of annexation by the British with
whom their co-religionists in India were so
well satisfied.
The majority of the population had no
distinct leaning to one side or the other.
Doubtless, by tradition, they were attached
to their kings. But, in short, what they
desired above all else was security and order,
and the government which gave them these
two benefits would, in their estimation, be
the legitimate Government. Lastly, there was
— and this very closely resembles what we
have seen in Tongking — a whole class of
Burmese by birth, who advocates the separation of Up-
per and Lower Burma, the institution of several inde-
pendent provinces governed by Burmese under the
control of British Superintendents, etc.)
^ There was even a tendency to exaggerate the
danger. It was said, for instance, that the annexation
of Burma would have a disquieting effect on the feu-
datory princes of India. Lord Dufferin clearly proved
in the Memorandum referred to above, that this fear
was chimerical.
204 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
petty officials who, foreseeing a possibility
of profitable service under British rule, were
eager for annexation, and, when interrogated
by the Viceroy, invariably replied that such
was also the wish of the nation. ^
In the end, annexation was decided on.
^^ I am convinced," Lord Dufferin said on this
occasion, '^ that annexation pure and simple,
with a direct administration of the provin-
ces by British officials, offers us the best
chance of insuring peace and security both
to Burma, and to our political and commer-
cial interests. This decision doubtless entails
upon us serious charges and responsibilities,
and will cause us, for some time to come,
many anxieties, and burden us with many
expenses. But no other alternative is open
to us ; and in the end, I doubt not that we
' A British officer, who had travelled through the
whole of Upper Burma, was not of this opinion. " It is
pretended^" he says in substance, " that the Burmese
desire annexation because they expect great things from
a good administration such as ours would be. Now, I
have just travelled through the whole of Upper Burma :
the roads and the houses there are in better order than
those of Lower Burma. The inhabitants are contented,
and do not appear to me to have been longing for our
advent." This was confirmed at a later date. (See
"The Times" of 24th August 1890.) Cf., however, as
representing a contrary view, the narrative of another
correspondent of "The Times" who, in the district of
the ruby mines, found the roads abominable, and the
inhabitants totally destitute. (" The Times," 2nd Sep-
tember 1890.)
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 205
shall be indemnified for a temporary period
of trouble and annoyance by increased se-
curity in our districts of Lower Burma, and
on our Eastern frontier, as well as by the
development of the trade and general re-
sources of the new province.''
When once a decision had been arrived
at, the situation was simplified. The British
now found themselves face to face with the
nation ; that is to say, as matters stood,
with a multitude of interests, private, isola-
ted, and distinct. It was no longer a ques-
tion of having recourse either to intrigue or
to bribes. There was no class to gain over by
benefits, no caste to conciUate by privileges ;
but something much more difficult to man-
age : the mass of Burmese subjects. And
these were only to be conciliated by a just,
wise, and progressive administration.
- /
PART 11.
THE ADMINISTRATION. LAWS AND OFFICIALS
CHAPTER V,
LEGISLATION.
The Laws of India — Civil and Penal Codes — Accli-
matisation of the Laws — The Laws of India in
Lower Burma — The Laws of Lower Burma in
Upper Burma — Differences between the various
regimes applied to different parts of the province.
Nothing, perhaps, affords a better illustra-
tion of the British system of colonial admi-
nistration than the legislative task accom-
plished in Burma. This task may be des-
cribed^ in one word, i.e.^ acclimatisation.
It consisted in paving the way in Lower
Burma for the acclimatisation of the laws
of India, and then preparing Upper Burma
for its acclimatisation to the laws of Lower
Burma.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 207
The laws of India would do credit to any
community. Such is the opinion of Sir Henry
Sumner Maine, who is a competent judge ;
and also of Sir John Strachey^ who has written
the best book extant on India. '
The criminal laws are notably marvellous.
It is a very remarkable fact that the British
display greater anxiety to possess good cri-
minal, than good civil laws. There appear
to me to be two reasons which account for
this. The penal legislation of semi-civilised
countries is characterised by a cruelty which
is revolting to highly civilised nations, and to
none more so than the British nation. It cannot
indeed be said of the British that they are
champions of humanity. But they are op-
posed to cruel ideas, especially such as
are incorporate in the laws. And this being
their character, they naturally endeavoured,
with due precautions of which traces still
exist, to introduce into India, as well as into
all their colonies, a more humane penal code.
That is one of the reasons alluded to above,
and the other is this. In all criminal cases,
society in general is at war with one indi-
vidual. Now, the British — knowing full well
the danger of measures which partake of too
^ See the translation by M. Harmand, Minister Pleni-
potentiary, and the excellent introduction with which he
prefaces it: "L'Inde," i vol. 8vo. Paris, Societe d'^di-
tions scientifiques, 1891.
208 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
repressive a character — apparently fear lest
the judge who represents society may es-
pouse its cause, with which he naturally is
in sympathy, too ardently against the indivi-
dual ; and their fears are increased when
civilised England forms this society on the
one hand, and the individual represents
primitive Asia. They therefore, deem it
advisable, in view of such a difficulty, to
provide against the strong partiality which
must exist in the mind of the British citizen.
Contrary to their usual practice, they trust
more to the letter of the law than to the
judge, and take infinite pains in limiting both
his mode of procedure, and the penalties
which he has the power to inflict. In civil
cases, on the other hand, the dispute is most
frequently between two private persons.
The judge is then supposed to be impartial,
for, in this instance, partiality would evi-
dently be culpable. Consequently, less hesi-
tation is shown in extending his powers : it
is frequently left to him to interpret and
apply the law, and, when occasion arises,
to add to it if necessary.
And this is what is so strikingly notice-
able in India. The work of criminal legis-
lation is complete: the Penal Code' drawn
' This Code, which was first of all applied to that
part of India which is under the direct control of the
Crown, has, by degrees, with the consent of the native
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 20g
up by a commission presided over by Lord
Macaulay, can vie with any existing judicial
enactment ; and the Code of Criminal Pro-
cedure, as well as the Evidence Act afford
ample security. On the other hand, the
enactments relating to Civil Procedure are
incomplete. A few years since, a Code of
Civil Procedure was completed ; and a gen-
eral law pertaining to contracts was passed:
but the rest is little more than mere matters
of detail and organisation.
For this, however, no blame can be im-
puted to the British Government. It would
have been an easy matter for the •latter to
impose the whole mass of British civil legis-
lation on the country. Assuredly we French-
men should have done so. We imagine that
our codes are adapted in their entirety to every
locality ; accordingly we have introduced them
with hardly any alteration into the four cor-
ners of the globe. ^ The British are more
princes, been introduced into the feudatory States, such
as that of Nizam, etc. Cf. especially the legislative work
of the Maharajah of Bhavnagar, 1892.
* This custom, which dates from the monarchy, was
perfectly explicable in former times. Our old colonies,
the '*New France" of which Richelieu dreamed, had to
be populated, and were effectively populated by nume-
rous French colonists, who naturally took with them
their provincial customs. As to the aboriginal inhabi-
tants of the country, where such existed, they had— al-
ways according to the ideas of the time — to be convert-
ed, and made French subjects. As a consequence,
2IO THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
cautious. In their opinion legislation should
differ in different latitudes^ and every coun-
try requires laws suited to its special cir-
cumstances. In such a country as India,
the difficulty is greatly increased by the
diversity of races and religions. This diver-
sity prohibits uniform legislation and renders
codification well-nigh impossible. This is
why Great Britain has confined herself to
legalising religious precepts here and local
customs there, whilst governments, instead
of directing their efforts to the enactment
of laws, have aimed rather at the recruit-
ment of judges.
To all appearance a legislation alike so
humane and so cautious might, without in-
convenience, have been transferred bodily
to Lower Burma, and even supposing some
scruples had arisen — as was the case — at
the time of the first conquest, these scruples
would, at any rate^ have ceased to exist
after long years of rule. The British have
occupied a portion of Lower Burma since
1826, and another since 1852, i. ^., for 65
years in the one case, and for 40 years in
French laws were quite naturally applicable to them.
To-day, our colonies are, for the most part, no longer
colonies, but possessions^ and we have relinquished the
idea of converting, and naturalising the aborigines.
Since then, the legal rigime of that time has become an
anachronism.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 2 I I
the Other. But although so long a period
has elapsed, during which the work of assim-
ilation must have made continual progress,
the laws in force in Burma still differ from
those of the rest of India. They differ very
essentially in many respects.
To begin with, there are special law^s only
applicable to Burma. Some are laws which are
adapted exclusively to the customs of the pro-
vince, in view of the exigencies of the country ;
others are native customs which have received
legal sanction. Thus civil rank, marriages,
religious questions, inheritance, are all regu-
lated by local custom. '' In all such questions,''
to quote the law entitled the Lower Btirma
Courts Act of 1889 — observe the date — '^the
law applicable will be the Buddhist law, if
the parties are Buddhists ; the Mohammedan
law, if the parties are Mohammedans ; the
Hindu law, if the parties are Hindus ; unless
these laws have been decidedly altered or abro-
gated, or are opposed to some legalised
custom in Low^er Burma." This proviso
is a very natural one ; a similar proviso is
met with in nearly all the provinces of the
Indian Empire. It is the application of the
Indian legislative principle : the adapting of
laws to the various countries and populations.
But now comes something still more cu-
rious and instructive. The codes and gene-
ral laws of India : the penal code, the code
2 12 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
of criminal procedure, the code of civil pro-
cedure^ the law of contracts, etc., have in-
deed been promulgated in Lower Burma,
but only after certain modifications had been
introduced, which the state of the province
appeared to render necessary. Thus, both
the mode of procedure and the administra-
tion of justice have been much simplified.
Nor is this all ; even in this simplified form
they have not been made use of throughout
the entire extent of Lower Burma, but mere-
ly in the districts which have reached the
highest state of civilisation. The other dis-
tricts have been submitted to a totally
different legal regime^ represented almost
entirely by the two laws which are famous
throughout India : the Scheduled Districts Act
of 1874, and the Statute Victoria 33, Chap-
ter 3, Section i.
The Indian Scheduled Districts Act grants
special conditions to certain specially desig-
nated districts. These districts are, as a
rule, mountainous regions, or bordering on
the frontier, or are inhabited by a popula-
tion which is less civilised or else turbulent,
or, lastly, by neighbours of the latter. In
these districts the Scheduled Districts Act
confers on the local government the power
of selecting from the existing Indian Laws
such as shall, either wholly or in part, re-
main, or be put in force. Special provi-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 213
sion sanctioned by the Governor, in Council,
and inserted in the Gazette is all that is
necessary for this purpose. Further^ this same
Act confers on the local Government the
power of nominating the executive and the
judges, and of estimating both their compe-
tency and the (simplified) mode of procedure
to be observed by them.
Stat. Victoria 33, Chapter 3, Section i,
goes still further. It reasons that the exist-
ing laws, even though thus adapted^ would
but imperfectly answer to the requirements
of these Scheduled Districts, and empowers
the local Government, with the previous ap-
proval of the Governor-General in Council^
to make special regulations for them^ virtu-
ally equivalent to laws, but which do not
require the sanction of the legislature.
Such are in outline the features of the
legislation of Lower Burma. With such a
multiplicity of precautions, and with so in-
genious and elastic a machinery as that pro-
vided by the Scheduled Districts Act and the
Statute Victoria jj. Chapter j. Section /, it
would seem as if the whole of these laws
might have been put in force de piano on
the very day that the British entered Upper
Burma. Nothing of the sort occurred, how-
ever : the new province was subjected to a
regime of special regulations which could
admit of constant modification and could be
214 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
adapted de die in diem to the existing situ-
ation.
Lord Dufferin in the Memorandum addres-
sed to the Secretary of State for India^ (to
which I have already alluded), in which he
recommends the annexation of Burma, fur-
thermore added this express condition : ^^ In
the present state of affairs no steps should
be taken to put in force in the province
any portion of the laws of India. I would
suggest, (he adds), that the Secretary of State
for India should, by an order in Council,
declare the Statute Victoria jj. Chapter j
Section i applicable to the whole of Upper
Burma, with the exception, however, of the
wShan States. This would admit of the local
administration formulating a set of simple
regulations which after being submitted for
approval to the Governor-General, would
embrace all matters to be placed on a well-
defined legal basis : such as the administra-
tion of justice, the powers of the judges and
those of the police, and the levy of imposts.
These regulations should be formulated in
such a manner as to leave large discretion-
ary powers to the local administration, so as
to enable it to arrange all matters of detail
by means of decrees to be amended as the
course of time, or the dictates of their own
experience should require it. In formulating
these regulations the Indian Code might be
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 21 5
taken as a model, but only so far as
practicable; for the present, at any rate, not
only would anything so complete as the Indian
judicial system be unnecessary, but even
any steps which might be taken with a view
to its introduction, would be prejudicial.''
These wise recommendations, a model of
foresight and broad-mindedness, were adopt-
ed: The Secretary of State declared the
two laws referred to above, applicable to
Upper Burma. In virtue of the powers there-
by conferred upon them, the local author-
ities, with the approval of the Governor-
General in Council, gave the province a sum-
mary legislation, which amply sufficed for its
primary needs. At the same time they were
drawing up a more complete legislative
scheme. They worked at this so success-
fully that in the month of August, 1886, they
were able to promulgate a new law, entitled
the Upper Burma Laws Act^ which is still
the Code of that part of the province. Unit-
ing this law to those in force in the Lower
province, the legislative regime of Burma,
as a whole, may thus be summarised : —
Burma is divided, as regards the laws
applicable thereto, into five regions. The first
comprises the greater portion of old British
Burma, the laws of which have already been
described : with the exception of the devia-
tions mentioned, the legislation is similar to
16
2l6 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
that in force in the rest of India ; the second
comprises the greater portion of old Upper
Burma, the legislation of which was deter-
mined by the law of the 24th September,
1886: this legislation is composed either of
special laws, or of laws or portions there-
of borrowed in their entirety, or with neces-
sary modifications, from the judicial systems
of India or Lower Burma; it is, on the whole,
infinitely more simple and less formal than
that of either of those countries. The third
region comprises certain districts of Lower
Burma to which it was not thought possible
to apply the legislation in force in that part
of the province, and for which, by virtue of
the Scheduled Districts Act^ a less complex
legislative system was elaborated, which, how-
ever, does not affect all alike ; the fourth
comprises the districts of Upper Burma
which were placed under an exceptional
regime^ either more complete and more for-
mal than the ordinary regime of Upper Burma
— such as the district of Mandalay, — or, on
the contrary, still more concise and simple, —
such as a large number of districts bordering
on the Shan States or on the frontier; the
fifth comprises the Shan States, in which
the legislation is still more rudimentary.
But even all the above distinctions give
but an imperfect idea of the elaborate and
wise complexity of the legislation. The dis-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 2X7
tricts called Scheduled Districts possess,
notwithstanding their uniform denomination,
and in virtue of the powers conferred on
the local authorities, legislative systems which
differ one from the other, and each of which
may, in addition, vary from day to day ac-
cording to circumstances. Nay, more ; those
of Upper Burma approach a certain type,
those of Lower Burma another; so that the
law of the 24th September, 1886, provided
for the case, which was more than once
realised, of its being considered desirable to
transfer a district or a portion of a district
from Upper to Lower Burma, and vice versd^
so as to render applicable to it the legis-
lation in force in such other district.
The object of such a multiplicity of dis-
tinctions is, as may be surmised, but the
desire of avoiding two dangers of a contrary
nature. One is that of imposing on the
populations a legal regime which may either
be too compHcated for them, or may offend
their religious scruples or their customs, and
of rushing prematurely into costly, super-
fluous, and often even embarrassing organi-
sations. The other danger is that of leaving
— on the pretext that the time had not yet
arrived — a whole country for several years
without fixed laws or a regularly constituted
administration, and requiring an arbitrary
solution — of which the British in their rela-
2l8 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
tions with one another have a horror — of all
the difficulties. Whatever complication may
be entailed by these distinctions, they have
the effect of securing the above twofold
result : and that is the main point. Apart
from this, it may be urged against them that
they demand greater attainments and more
tact on the part of the executive and judi-
cial officers. The British have long since
overcome this difficulty.
Note to Legislation of Lower Burma (p. 213). —
The objection has, however, been made to this
legislation that it is too complicated for those to whom
it is applied. In a series of letters addressed to The
Times in August and September, 1888, a native of Brit-
ish Burma, Mr Chantoon, recently appointed Chief Justice
in the Court of Small Causes at Rangoon, declares (cf.
notably the letter of i8th September) that this legisla-
tion is too advanced for at least one-half of the Burmese
and, though good in itself, is of no efficacy. He holds
that its application to Upper Burma is inadvisable. The
two provinces should (he opines) be kept entirely sep-
arate; Upper Burma should be allowed to accomplish
an evolution "of some centuries" before the laws and
the governmental and administrative forms of India and
of Lower Burma are introduced ; meanwhile the national
customs would serve as a guide: the legislation should
be but a compilation of the laws of Buddha and Manu.
(See, on this subject, the chapter entitled "The Laws
and Law-courts of India" in Sir John Strachey's work
" India.")
CHAPTER VI.
RECRUITMENT OF OFFICIALS.
Advantages of a good selection of officials — Various
methods of selection : by competitive examina-
tions and influence — Combination of these me-
thods in France — The method employed for ob-
taining a supply of colonial officials,
*
There is, perhaps, no body of officials in
the world who are chosen with greater care
or with happier results than the officials of
India. ^ I should hesitate to extend this
encomium to the officials of all the British
«
' In the present survey, we shall throughout confine
ourselves exclusively to the " Civil Service," /. ^., the
w^ officials of high rank belonging to one of the two bran-
^ ches, executive and judicial, a veritable civil staff-corps,
whose functions may not inaccurately be compared with
those of our /Residents' in Indo-China. To be quite
complete, we might describe — and it would be a very
instructive subject— the methods of recruiting the tech-
nical services, such as public works, telegraphs, forests,
railways, etc. ; but this would occupy far too much of
our space.
220 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
possessions; but in India the method of
recruitment has been organised with a host
of precautions, and furnishes a supply of
men of such merit as to defy comparison.
There are two methods by which a Gov-
ernment can obtain a supply of officials.
One is that of examinations : candidates
are invited to give a proof of their talents,
and with rare exceptions are chosen in the
order of merit determined by the examina-
tion. The other method is that of free
selection by competent authorities. Both
methods have their advantages. If the said
competent authorities always owed their
competency to their knowledge as well as
to their position, the officials freely selected
by them would be very superior to those
selected by open competition. They would
not, in fact, be hampered in their choice by
any of the impediments which the competi-
tive system encounters or gives rise to.
They could choose men who had already
exceeded the limit of age, or also such as
had given a tardy proof of their merits in
other vocations; above all, they could take
into account not merely technical knowledge,
but also intellectual and moral qualifications
or physical fitness, the possession of which
by a candidate can only be certified with
difficulty by the prescribed tests.
Unfortunately, the parliamentary or repre-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 221
sentative form of government now in vogue
almost all over the world, affords no guar-
antee that the authorities who are compe-
tent in virtue of their office, are so also in
virtue of their merits. For this reason com-
petitive examinations, in spite of their many
inconveniences, are still preferable to free
selection, or to call it by its true name,
selection by influential interest.
As a matter of fact, no Government thinks
of confining itself exclusively to one alone
of these two methods of selection. They
all make use of both methods conjointly,
and differ from each other only in their
proportionate use of one or the other method.
One has more recourse to the competitive
system, the other, to free selection.
With us a very curious phenomenon is
met with in regard to this point. The ma-
jority of our high functionaries are only ap-
pointed after they have furnished repeated
proofs of their abilities. Certain of our
departments, in fact the most important
among them, derive their best officials from
the competitive system. Thus, the Public
Works Department, the Educational, and
Financial Departments require their engineers,
their professors, their inspectors to pass
complicated tests as a proof not merely of
their merits, but of their superiority. And,
except in special cases or under extraordi-
222 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
nary circumstances, no one can become a
Drofessor, an inspector, or an engineer unless
le passes these competitive examinations.
Other departments which are not so exact-
ing, reserve, indeed, the right of nominating
exceptionally to their higher posts, persons
who have not passed a competitive examina-
tion, but they nevertheless adhere to the
latter test in the case of candidates who are
commencing their career ; this is the method
adopted by the Council of State, the Court
of Exchequer, etc.
And these examinations and tests are no
mere child's play; they are tests of the
highest class, and those who pass them are
almost master-minds. Our engineers, as a
scientific body, are unrivalled in any country
in the world ; our educational department is
at least on a par with those of the most
cultured nations ; as to our financial inspec-
tors, their merits are so highly appreciated
that private establishments vie with the State
in offering high emoluments for their ser-
vices.
Thus, in France, the supply of officials
is, as a general rule, obtained by competi-
tive examinations. To this rule, there is but
one exception of any importance; and that
is with regard to the candidates for the post
of prefect. This exception is, however, in
reality one of those which may be said to
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 223
prove the rule. What are the chief quaHfi-
cations requisite in a prefect? Are they
those of the lawyer, the financier, the engi-
neer, etc? Not at all. Doubtless a prefect
has to occupy himself with law, finance,
public works, education, and relief, and an
absolute ignorance of any one of these sub-
jects would be prejudicial to the State. But
what would be still more prejudicial would
be a lack of political acumen. A prefect,
at least according to our French notions, is
above all things a political agent. Know-
ledge of law, of finance, or of applied mathe-
matics are not so essentially requisite to a good
prefect as the combination of various talents
which might very easily be passed over by
examiners, and the possession of which the
Minister of the Interior reserves to himself
the right of verifying, on his own responsi-
bility, in candidates for posts which he fills
up. Thus, the absence of a competitive
examination for the important office of pre-
fect is amply justified ; and, in a general
way, it may well be said that, in France, the
higher grade of officials is mainly recruited
by competition.
Nevertheless — and here the curious phe-
nomenon to which we have referred, is no-
ticeable — this is true only in regard to the
home officials. Take for instance, the profes-
sors in our scholastic institutions. Their imme-
224 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
diate superior is the Inspector, over whom
are Inspectors General; the latter again are
controlled by a superior Council, the Chief
of the Department being the Minister of
Public Instruction. Their duties are con-
fined within strict limits, they possess but the
smallest liberty of independent action, but can
clear up any doubtful matter in a few hours
by reference to higher quarters. And yet
they have to give a proof of professional
capacity by passing a formidable examina-
tion for admission to the service.
The engineers, who are controlled by an
equally formidable establishment, and the
majority of whom will in the whole course
of their lives have no more important works
to supervise than such as would be almost
beneath the dignity of an ordinary road-
surveyor, — the engineers have to undergo
examinations, the very preparation for which
makes them savants. I might say as much
for many other of the home officials.
Our colonial officials, on the other hand,
who, when far from home without any ad-
vice and sometimes uncontrolled, are requir-
ed to exercise duties of the most delicate
and varied nature amongst peoples of whom
they have little knowledge, and who are en-
trusted with very extensive powers, are ad-
mitted to the service de piano ^ without any
competition or guarantee. It is true that
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 225
several zealous and distinguished Under-Sec-
retaries of State have repeatedly issued in-
structions and regulations regarding the nom-
ination and promotion of these officials ;
it is also true that they have instituted ex-
aminations and minutely prescribed the sub-
jects thereof. But excepting that for the
commissariat and the higher grade, bodies
which are recruited in a totally different
manner, the subjects set are childish, and
the examinations a mere mockery. We now
have, it is true, a Colonial School which is
undoubtedly an immense advance on the pre-
vious state of affairs; but apart from its
being still defective in certain respects — no-
tably in that candidates are admitted without
examination — its period of activity has as
yet been too short to admit of the attain-
ment of any appreciable results. So that,
at the present moment^ in spite of instruc-
tions, resolutions, orders, examinations and
examination papers, it may be asserted — I
have elsewhere proved it by an abundance
of expert evidence — that, save in rare ex-
ceptions^ the French colonial service owes
its best officials, not to examinations or com-
petition, but to a selection made on individ-
ual responsibility, i.e.^ purely to interest.
As a contrast to the above, it may not,
perhaps, be unprofitable to inquire how the
British have, chiefly by means of competitive
226 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
examinations, obtained their efficient supply
of officials for India, or properly speaking,
for the Indian province of Burma, which is
now under discussion.
1
CHAPTER VII.
THE OFFICIALS OF BRITISH INDIA.
Political theory upon which the recruitment of officials
is based — Two methods of recruitment: open
competition and free selection — The Covenanted
Civil Service and competition; drawbacks to the
competitive system; how they were met and coun--
teracted; examiners and examination-papers —
Necessity of an extensive general education —
Admission and ^^admissibility — Period of
probation — the time when candidates devote them-
selves to the study of special subjects — The
Uncovenanted Civil Service^ and free selection
— One method the completion of the other.
The method by which the officials of India
are recruited is based on a certain number
of — I do not venture to say — principles, but
statements and even hypotheses, which in
the eyes of the British, after long experience,
have acquired the value of actual principles.
Let us proceed to indicate them in their
strict order.
India is to Great Britain a possession of
228 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
t
the highest importance. Good government
and administration are essential for the tran-
quillity of the Mother Country, for the good
order of her finances, and also for the devel-
opment of her wealth. India is not a nation,
nor yet a country. It is a collection of a
hundred dissimilar countries, a juxtaposition
of a hundred different peoples, the majority
of whom have nothing in common : neither
language, religion, customs, needs nor aspi-
rations. This infinite subdivision, which af-
fords such facilities for rule, is, on the con-
trary, the cause of innumerable difficulties
to the government and the executive admin-
istration.
From the very fact of its complex nature
India can only be ruled, and especially . ad-
ministered, by those who have thoroughly
studied it. Such a study is a lengthy and
difficult matter, and moreover, is insuffi-
cient by itself. The peoples of India are so
far distant, their modes of thought so differ-
ent to ours, that even a man who has a
knowledge of their history and their man-
ners and customs, and is conversant with
the idioms of their language, will be une-
qual to the task unless he also be a psy-
chologist. But knowledge and its practical
application — for nothing less than this is
necessary — are gifts only possessed by a
select few. The officials of India must there-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 229
fore be recruited from the elite of the nation.
The problem one has to solve is how to
attract this elite} Some allurement must be
held out to induce them to undertake a
course of study which at the outset is irk-
some, and later, to submit to years of expa-
triation. This allurement will be the certainty
of an interesting, honourable, sometimes even
glorious and on the whole lucrative career.
But these advantages which are offered to
the elite are bound to attract many who by
no means belong to it: the important point
is, then, to separate them, and to find a
criterion whereby such a separation may be
effectually accomplished. The desired crite-
rion will chiefly take the nature of severe
competitive examinations, tests such as are
really worthy of an elite \ and in a lesser
way a selection made with discrimination
by experienced persons from men of ability
wherever they may be revealed.
Such is, briefly narrated, the system and
its logical basis. Let us now proceed to
consider more fully the details of this method.
The plan of governing a tropical country
by the elite of a European nation seems at
first sight chimerical, but in reality, of all
the problems to be faced but one presented
any real difficulty. This was, how to ob-
tain by competition the imperative supply of
men of such varied and needful qualifications.
230 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
A competitive examination furnishes as a
rule only a single guarantee : viz., that at a
given time, a given individual possessed cer-
tain necessary acquirements. Now this guar-
antee was here totally inadequate. Com-
petition would fall short of what was required
of it unless it certified that the candidate
possessed the faculty of learning, as well
as that of comparing, and judging. Even
this, however, was not sufficient : it must also
afford information as to his physical fitness, his
morals, and his character. So many require-
ments are apparently excessive and incapable
of being attained to, but the British thought
otherwise. They reckoned on being able
to discover a method of selecting examiners,
of formulating examination-papers, and of
organising tests which would supply all the
necessary information respecting candidates.
An examiner is too often but a very learn-
ed man, a great specialist, and extremely
uninterested. He sees the candidate for an
hour or possibly a week, hands him his certi-
ficate, and then loses sight of him altogether.
Examiners for the Indian Civil Service are
not professional scholars : they are usually
retired Indian officials who, as a reward for
their merit, are appointed Civil Service Com-
missioners. They are not specialists : during
the years that they have been on active
duty, they have gained an insight into all
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 23 I
the details of the Service. Nor are they
uninterested : having spent half their life in
India, they take a keen interest in its pros-
perity. Their part in these Examinations is no
mere temporary one; they are in no hurry to
quit their post and forget both competition and
candidates: part of their duty consists in the
drawing up of examination-papers and the
arrangement of all details connected w^ith the
competition, while they are expected at the
same time to acquire a personal and intimate
knowledge of each individual candidate. To
them do the candidates apply for permission to
compete ; by them they are submitted to a pre-
vious test, a sort of inquiry into their physical
and moral qualifications, during which a pre-
liminary and rapid opinion is formed as to their
health, and their character; and the candi-
dates, after passing the preliminary exam-
ination, and during the period of probation,
will have to convince them of their diligence,
and of their physical and moral soundness ;
and lastly from them, after passing the further
examination, will they receive the famous
certificate, without which the Secretary of
State for India would refuse to accept them
as officials in his Department. These Com-
missioners who have thus for months followed
and watched the candidates, may surely be
considered qualified either to reject or to
admit them.
17
232 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Moreover, the very manner in which they
regulate the tests and formulate the exam-
ination-papers is an additional aid to their
zeal and their perspicacity.
The competition, as we have cursorily re-
marked, consists of two tests. The British
call them : Open competition (the preliminary
examination), and Final examination (for the
candidates selected at the open competition).
The first corresponds very nearly to what
with us is termed '^admissibility ", the second
to our ** admission". But — and this is a
characteristic feature of the British system —
the examination for admission (or Anglice^
final examination) does not take place until
long after that of admissibility {Anglice^
preliminary examination). Meanwhile the
candidates declared admissible (selected)
become probationers. They are on their
trial for a year, and what is required of
them to successfully pass through the ordeal,
follows :
Primarily, they are bound to keep healthy
and be well-behaved which, — take it as you
may — is no trifling matter for young people
of twenty years of age. Anything having a
tendency to impair their health, or to tarnish
their character, and which would result in
their being less capable or less worthy of
the part which they are destined to play,
might at the close of their probation lead to
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 233
the certificate of fitness being withheld. And
these are no mere empty threats : the very
Civil Service Commissioners who examined
them in the Open Competition carefully
watch them during the probationary period,
and will again be their examiners in the final
examination.
Again, they have to render themselves
proficient in horsemanship. They are sub-
mitted to a very searching inspection by a
cavalry officer, and if this officer reports them
unable to ride long distances, positive jour-
neys, they are rejected as unfit for the Indian
Civil Service.
Lastly, they have to take up special subjects.
In fact, the preliminary examination which
is the stepping-stone to probation is charac-
terised by two peculiarities. The papers set,
though very lengthy, comprised, so to speak,
no technical subjects; and, in addition to this^
not one of the subjects is obligatory. This
is a very original idea, and one deserving of
special mention.
It dates from 1854, and owes its origin to
a Commission of Reform presided over by
Lord Macaulay.
Lord Macaulay has presided over more
than one Commission on Indian affairs, and
his influence, notably in educational matters,
has not been invariably beneficial. But in
the case which we are now considering the
234 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
fairness and practical intelligence displayed
in his proposals could not be too highly
commended. He it was who, if not the first,
was, at any rate, the most lucid exponent
of the ambitious design, to which I have
already alluded, of governing India by the
elite of the British nation. But where — to
take up his argument — is this elite to be
found? Doubtless in those colleges, at those
Universities, through which all that is most
distinguished in the nation has passed, and
is passing year by year. Therefore, our
duty plainly lies in endeavouring to attract
to the Ser\'ice the best scholars of Oxford,
and Cambridge, and other Universities, the
young men who have just taken their first
degree, and have not yet definitely fixed on
their future vocation.
And how shall we induce them to fix on
this Indian career? By smoothing the path
which leads thereto. Let us consider for a
moment what our present examinations are.
They bristle with special subjects and tech-
nical knowledge, and their nature is such
that not one of our Bachelors of Arts can
dream of competing without a long course
of preparation. There lies the obstacle which
diverts from us such a wealth of intelligence
and which it is incumbent upon us to remove.
We must formulate our examination papers
in such a way that the classical ciirricultu?i
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 235
of our Universities may constitute per se an
almost complete course of preparation for
our open competition. The prize-man of
Oxford must be, so to speak, welcomed by
us in just the same way as he would be
spontaneously welcomed in any other quar-
ter; the man who fails to pass our tests
must with the same intellectual knowledge
which we require, be able to follow twenty
other professions and not find to his regret,
after devoting so considerable a portion of
his time to us, that the path he had fol-
lowed led to us only, and nowhere else.
The offer of such inducements is bound to
attract the vigorous and flourishing youth of
England, whose co-operation is indispensable
to us.
Such was the line of Lord Macaulay's
argument, or the one which he is credited
with. And when it was objected that exam-
ination-papers of such a nature would afford
no security, and that officials so recruited
would possess no technical qualifications, his
usual reply was recently recalled to my me-
mory by the apparent paradox in M. Fouillee's
^^Reforme de Tenseignement." *'The scien-
tific mind?" remarks M. Fouillee, ^^ nothing
is better adapted to reveal it than a well-
rendered translation." And the same with
Macaulay: *^ Security? I know of none more
reliable than that of a sound general edu-
/
\
y
236 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
cation the best, the most Hberal, the most
finished that our country affords. '
** Experience has proved it : an education
of this kind is the best preparation for any
profession requiring the exercise of high
intellectual faculties. It would be difficult
to prove that such a preparation is less
indispensable for an Indian Civil Servant
than for a private person who intends to
devote himself to a profession in England.
The very reverse is the case. An Indian
Civil Servant is in greater need of a good
general education than any professional man
living in England. The duties incumbent
on even a very young Indian . civilian are
more important than those which ordinarily
devolve on an English professional man.
Moreover, a person engaged in a profession
in his native land may, while conceding the
foremost place to his occupation, continue
to improve his mind by reading and con-
versing.
The Indian civilian is often, for a great
* From a recent perusal of the examination papers
for the Open Competitions of the last few years, I think
I may assert that, with rare exceptions, not one of the
pupils of even our highest "lyc^es" could scrape through
them, and that we should have to search among the
licentiates of our Universities for candidates capable of
successfully facing such ordeals. (See the annual publi-
cations, entitled Open Competition and Final Examination
for the Civil Service of India),
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 237
portion of his life, stationed far from libra-
ries, or the society of Europeans : it will
therefore be especially difficult for him when
he has reached a ripe age, to fill up by study
any gaps in his earlier education".
This argument prevailed : the examination
papers were drawn up in accordance with Lord
Macaulay's views. Since 1854 they have
been frequently remodelled, but the same
spirit still pervades them. Consult the India
Office List of 1 89 1; look up the papers
for the preliminary examination of 1891 and
1892, and you will find that a large propor-
tion of them is- devoted to literature, science
in all its branches, history, and living lan-
guages ; technical knowledge is very modestly
represented : a few chapters of Indian His-
tory, the rudiments of Sanscrit or Arabic,
and that is all. Special subjects are reserved
for the later period of probation.
This probationary period for the study
of special subjects and for general improve-
ment is not an entirely novel idea to us
Frenchmen. We stated just now that the
preliminary examination which is the step-
ping-stone to probation, corresponds to what
we call ^^admissibility": the period of probation
corresponds to the term^ passed at our public
schools, of which the ^^Ecole Poly technique "
is at present the most advanced type; the
examination at the close of this period cor-
238 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
responds to what we call the admission or
better the egress examination; lastly, we
shall meet with a final institution w^hich cor-
responds to our ^* school of application". The
British system does not therefore differ so
materially from ours as might be supposed.
Its originality chiefly consists in the ingenuity
and prudence displayed in the details of its
execution. We have just demonstrated this
in regard to the papers for the preliminary
examination ; we shall have to prove it again
in more than one particular.
It is a characteristic feature of the so-called
probationary period that the probationer can
spend it wherever he pleases. All that is
required of him is that he should satisfactorily
pass the final examination, so that he can pre-
pare for the latter wherever seems best to him,
either by studying at home, or at any school
that he may choose. "^ Yet it is evidently to
India's interest that this preparation should
' This system evidently possesses great advantages:
it is an excellent means of decentralisation; families are
thereby exempted from large pecuniary sacrifices, and
lastly it allows the young men a good deal of indepen-
dence and initiative. On the other hand, the (French)
* ^coles d'application' have the advantage in other respects.
In a * school of application * for one special subject, where
the pupils are continually brought into contact with
specially selected professors, it is easier to instil into
their minds the needful instruction, whilst at the same
time a better knowledge can be obtained of their indi-
vidual qualifications. The professors, and the principal
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 239
be as complete and thorough as possible.
Indeed, it is thus possible to maintain a higher
standard of study, and to admit none but
officials of real merit. To attain this object,
scholarships of ^loo (formerly ^300, when
the term of probation was two years) are
offered to candidates who are willing to go
through a course of study at one of the
Universities or at a specially designated Col-
lege. These Universities and Colleges are
distributed throughout the Kingdom, in
England, Scotland, and Ireland, thus ena-
bling the pupils to be at a short distance
from home.
Whether the candidate pursues his course
of study at the specified Colleges, or works
at home, he still remains under the control
of the Civil Service Commissioners with whom
he is bound to keep up a relationship, at
least a correspondence. The Commissioners
make inquiries (formerly official^ but now,
apparently, purely perfunctory) as to their
conduct, their state of health and physical
development, and, at the end of the year of
probation, they proceed with the final exam-
compare and classify the pupils ; they become acquainted
with the character, and the intellectual and moral capac-
ity, of each individual; and can form an estimate of
what each will be capable of accomplishing. These
prognostications formed while the young men are still
at school, have, I admit, their objectionable points, but
are nevertheless not without their advantages.
240 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
ination which is to allow the probationer
to become an actual Indian Civil Servant.
This final examination likewise merits a
few words of explanation : it comprises sub-
jects which are for the most part technical
as well as obligatory, and thus differs in two
respects from the preliminary examination.
In this preliminary examination, indeed, the
Commission presided over by Lord Macaulay
wished, as may be remembered, to give the
candidates every chance. Opining that it
was not sufficient that the subjects set in the
examination-papers should resemble as closely
as possible those comprised in the classical
curriculum of the Universities, the Commis-
sion decided further that none of the subjects
should be obligatory. These papers, then,
(which, by the way, are very lengthy) are
divided into four main divisions — science,
literature, history, languages; and a large
number of subdivisions ; it is optional for the
candidate to neglect this or that division, or
even this or that subdivision, and to study
merely what he pleases. As, however, in
order to qualify, he must obtain a certain
number of marks, it is obviously to his ad-
vantage to take up such a number of subjects
as will insure his obtaining a sufficient total
from the added quota of marks given for
each subject. But apart from this necessity,
there is nothing to influence his choice.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 24 1
Though a British citizen, he may decline
to be questioned on the history of his native
country, and though a future Indian official,
on Sanscrit or Arabic. He has only to an-
swer, indeed, he is only questioned on the
subjects he has previously named; moreover,
in each subject he himself defines the range
of his studies. Take History, for instance,
even the History of England, he need not
pretend to possess a knowledge of the entire
course ranging from the year 800 to 1 848 ;
he selects an epoch, and on that epoch alone
he offers himself for examination. On this
particular epoch, however, the examiners
sound him thoroughly. They inquire what
books he has read, and taking into account
the spirit in which they are written, they put
him through a series of questions about char-
acters and facts, requiring of him an account
and a valuation of events and doctrines.
And so it is with all the other subjects which
he takes up.
The Civil Service Commissioners attach
the highest importance to this method of
procedure. They do not intend that a can-
didate should be able to scrape through by
a mere superficial knowledge of any subject.
One of the articles in the Regulations, though
its wording is at first somewhat obscure and
singular, reveals their actual intentions more
clearly than anything we have hitherto stated.
242 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
It is Article 6, which runs thus : *^ The marks
assigned to Candidates in each branch will
be subject to such deduction as the Civil
Service Commissioners may deem necessary,
in order to secure that a Candidate be
allowed no credit at all for taking up a
subject in which he is a mere smatterer."
The framers of this article foresaw that
the candidates might hit upon the following
trick — if I may be allowed the expression — .
Let us suppose that of the fifteen to twenty
subjects which the examination-papers con-
tain, the best prepared candidates have, on
an average, selected six; that for each of
these subjects to which a maximum number
of, say, 500 marks are allotted — which would
make the highest number obtainable 3000 —
these candidates obtain 400, or say in all
2,400 marks. A candidate of mediocre abil-
ity, who has a smattering of every subject,
and a thorough knowledge of none, might,
instead of six, take up twelve subjects;
instead of obtaining 400 marks for each
subject might obtain 200, and thus, equally
with those who had worked harder, make
up a total of 2,400. Or else he might take
up three or four subjects which he had thor-
oughly studied and, in order to make up
the required total, three or four others of
which he had scarcely mastered the rudi-
ments. In either case his little trick will
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 243
avail him nought. The Commissioners, as
soon as they become aware of his imperfect
knowledge of one or more subjects will
subsequently reduce the number of marks
allotted to him for the subjects best known.
Let us say, for instance, that in Latin of
which he has a good knowledge, he had
obtained 750 out of a possible 800 marks;
and, similarly, in chemistry 450 out of a
possible 500; whereas in Greek or in Sans-
crit, which subjects he had himself specially
named, he has proved himself to be incom-
petent. On this account alone, the Com-
missioners will reduce his marks for Latin
to 650, and those for chemistry to 300,
which will prevent his passing.
What, then, is the object of this method
which differs so largely from our ow^n usual
practice ? The object is to avoid the ordi-
nary commonplace results of examinations.
Instead of proving that the candidate pos-
sesses a retentive memory and a docile mind,
the aim in view is, to make sure of his
sagacity and judgment. An effort is made
to find out what he is capable of when he
has to go to the root of a matter; w^hat he
will be able to do when thrown upon his
own resources, and when, no longer a schol-
ar under tutelage, he will have become a
free and responsible agent.
Such is the preliminary examination. The
244 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
final examination which closes the probation-
ary period, and on passing which the can-
didate obtains the certificate of fitness for
service in India, is quite another matter: its
subjects are both technical and, for the most
part, obligatory. The preliminary examina-
tion admitted educated gentlemen to a period
of probation ; the probationary period opens ,
up a career to experts, and such only.
What is now required of them is entirely
special knowledge: not a knowledge of gen-
eral, English or Indian history; not a know-
ledge of law, whether Roman, English or
Indian ; nor yet of Sanscrit or Arabic alone,
but of Persian, the language spoken at Mo-
hammedan Courts, and of the vulgar tongue
of the province where they are to be sta-
tioned: such as Hindustani, Burmese, etc.
And these acquirements are no longer option-
al, they are almost all obligatory. In fact,
it is no longer a question of testing the
intellectual capacity of the candidate — that
has already been ascertained — but of certi-
fying his professional knowledge.
Finally, as if such a number of regulations
might still prove inefficacious, and as a
means of forming an accurate estimate of
the candidate's value not merely as scholar
but as man, exceptional importance is attri-
buted to the viva voce portion of the exam-
ination. Originally, candidates had to un-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 245
dergo a viva voce examination on certain
subjects only : such as English, Greek and
Latin; now, and since the year 1858, this
has been extended to all subjects.
^^We attach," the Civil Service Commis-
sioners stated in a report issued some time
since, ^^ great importance to this test. The
object of the viva voce examination is two-
fold: to test the reality of the candidate's
knowledge, and, further, to bring into play
those qualities respecting which an examin-
ation conducted in writing can elicit little,
if any, information: viz., to ascertain whether
he is quick-witted, self-reliant, and a possessor
of moral courage."
And, twenty years after this first report,
a special Commission added the following :
*^ The views of our predecessors meet with
our unanimous approval. The viva voce ex-
amination affords a skilful and conscientious
examiner the opportunity of ascertaining
whether the candidate's written answers are
due to a very retentive memory or to a
thorough knowledge of the subjects which
he has studied. At the same time it brings
to light in the candidate qualities of another
sort, which are, however, of considerable
importance for future Indian Civil Servants.
When it is considered what an exceptional
position they occupy, and what a wide range
of interests is confided to their care, it may
246 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
be said without any exaggeration that an
error of principle in regard to their selection,
whether it be due to an imperfect know-
ledge of their subjects, or to partiality on
the part of the examiner, is bound to lead
to results, the deleterious effects of which
will only become apparent when they are
beyond the reach of remedy. " ^
After the adoption of so many precau-
tionary measures in selecting these officials
it might be supposed that on their arrival
in India they would be permitted at once
to commence their first campaign against the
enemy, by being appointed to some post
up country. The Civil Service Commission
and the Secretary of State for India have
very wisely decided otherwise.
The young *' Competition Wallahs " com-
mence their career as the ^^assistants'' of
superior officials. This is their term of what
we call '^ecole d'application, " the only dif-
ference being that they spend it hi loco ^
instead of at school. In order to clearly, and
briefly indicate, the position which they occupy,
they are termed ineffective officers. They are
ineffective in two respects : their names are
not entered in the Official List of effective
officers, nor do they possess any authority
' Cf. The Report of the Public Service Commission,
18S8, C. 5327, p. 41.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 247
of their own. They are pupils, and assis-
tants. They perfect themselves in the lan-
guage, the law, the history, and the geogra-
phy of the province in which they will be
called upon to reside. Their position under
these high officials, enables them to take in
at a glance the whole routine of business and
the modus operandi i they thus acquire both
practical knowledge of the entire system of
administration, and an idea of the relative
importance of each individual function. It is
only on the completion of this stage, that
they are appointed to active duty.
A rigorous inquiry into their physical fitness,
and their moral character; a competitive
examination difficult for any but the most
distinguished University-students and, in short,
implying a very extensive general education ;
a year of probation ; renewed inquiries ; a
strict riding examination ; then a final ex-
amination ; and, lastly, a stage in the capacity
of *^ ineffective officer'': — this is what Indian
Civil Servants have to go through before
they are nominated to an independent post.
And these are men who are recruited from
the elite af the nation ! What is it that con-
duces to this resignation or ambition on
their part?
We have already foreshadowed it : it is due
to the various advantages so wisely linked to
service in India, and which none can attain,
18
248 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
without going through the prescribed course.
To enumerate these various advantages would
occupy too much of our space. Our colonial
officials will fully appreciate the tranquillity
of mind and moral satisfaction which their
colleagues in India derive from a sure, regular
and peaceful career, coupled with high emol-
uments, ^ a highly liberal pension on retire-
ment, and, lastly, the prospect of honourable
distinction, and of a seat in the legislative
Council.
Such is the fundamental system of recruit-
ment which provides the British with their
staff of Indian Civil Servants. If we look
for the characteristic feature of this recruit-
ment, as a corollary to the preceding explan-
ations, we find that it is based on a tacit
agreement between India and her executive.
It is an agreement which involves the prin-
ciple of do ut des, India says to those whom
she enlists in her service: ^^ Rise higher than
the ordinary level, and I will be liberal.''
* Comparison of the respective salaries of the Indo
Chinese, and the Burmese officials: —
I. Governor-General fcs. 120.000
Chief Commissioner „ 160,000
II. Superior Resident
Commissioner of a Division . . .
III. 1st class Resident
Deputy Commissioner
And observe that in the above tabular statement, we
have added official expenses to the salary of the French,
but not to that of the British, officials.
40,009
, 66,000
, 21 to 23,000
44,000
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 249
And on both sides word is kept, and security
furnished as well. Moreover, a formal agree-
ment is entered into, which is termed a
covenant. This covenant was originally, and
apparently still is, a simple undertaking on
the part of the official to fulfil certain obli-
gations, to abstain from all commercial trans-
actions, to refuse acceptance of any presents
offered him, ^ and to make provision for the
future of his family, etc. But in course of
time, and without alteration in its wording,
the purport of the covenant has undergone
a change. For some time past there has
been, in addition to this actual undertaking
on the part of the official, a corresponding
moral engagement on the part of the Gov-
ernment to reserve to the Covenanted
Service — the official designation of this class
of officials — the various advantages to which
we have just referred. '^
However, to be strictly correct, we should
mention that these explanations which are
' It is an understood thing, that the native princes
are at liberty to make presents, and in fact they do so;
it would be extremely impolite and very impolitic td
refuse them ; but when received they are at once depo-
sited "in a place set apart for this purpose and become
the property of Government (Cf. Hiibner, op. cit., II,
p. 31, and the Marquis of Dufferin's * Journal', 2 vols,
in 18°., Calmann — Levy, 1890.)
^ See notably the document entitled: East India Civil
Servants^ 29 July, 1890, 327, p. 2. col. 2.
250 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
in Other respects perfectly accurate, are so
in what may be called a theoretical sense.
In fact, on the one hand, certain officials
sign covenants, without thereby entering into
the Covenanted Service : their covenant is
then merely a document setting forth the
special conditions of their engagement. On
the other hand, the members of the Cove-
nanted Civil Service now no longer enjoy the
exclusive privileges accorded to them in by-
gone days. As their cost to the State is
heavy, the latter endeavours to reduce their
number. This it accomplishes in two ways :
in requiring more work from individual mem-
bers — to this point I shall subsequently re-
vert, — and in intrusting others, non-members
of the Covenanted Service, with duties which
by the regulations should imperatively be
reserved to that Service.
To be sure, the Government of India,
while conceding these exclusive privileges
to members of the Covenanted Service, has
reserved to itself the right of admitting to
the Civil Service other officials recruited by
different methods. Open competition has
evidently failed to secure all the men of
merit. Many, whose assistance would be
valuable, have been discovered in other pro-
fessions. These it endeavours to attract to
its service, and according to circumstances,
and to their ability, binds to it by more or
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 2$ I
less stringent obligations. Some are bor-
rowed from other administrations, and are
engaged merely temporarily, their special
knowledge being utilised for a given period.
Others are permanently enrolled, and incor-
porated in what is termed the ** Uncovenant-
ed Civil Service." ^
The Covenanted Service comprises solely
the Indian Czvzl Servants^ those same officials
with whom we have exclusively dealt in the
course of the present study; the Uncove-
nanted Service, a far more numerous body,
comprises officials of all denominations : those
of the technical departments, such as engi-
neers, foresters, telegraphists, etc., and also
a few of the higher class of Civil Servants.
The latter are, however, in an infinitesimal
minority. Here are some official figures
bearing on this subject. The Civil Service
numbers about 1,020 members, of whom
about 950, including members on furlough
and ineffective officers, are employed in the
Covenanted Service, and about 70 in the
Uncovenanted Service.
On the other hand, the Uncovenanted
Service numbers altogether about 4,800 offi-
cials, of whom 1,600 are Europeans or Eu-
' Cf. on this subject the following official documents:
" Correspondence relating to the age at which candi-
dates"... etc., 1885, C. 4580; "Report of the Public
Service Commission", 1888, C. 5327 ; idem, 1890. C. 5926.
252 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
rasians (half-castes), and 2,600 Asiatics. As
will be observed, the proportion of Asiatics
in the Uncovenanted Service is very large.
In the Covenanted Service, on the contrary,
it is insignificant : about ten in 950. This
is a momentous question, both from an
equitable and a political standpoint, and has
long occupied the minds of thoughtful men.
These two subsidiary methods of recruit-
ment provide the Government of India with
most useful servants. Thus, there are con-
suls, for instance, who are temporarily drafted
to a province of India adjacent to the coun-
tries where they previously officiated : such
were, in Burma, Messrs. Barber and Warry,
who were selected from among the best
British Consuls in China. Again there are
officers taken from the Staff of the native
army, and appropriated for an indefinite
term to posts in the Civil Service. Thus, in
Burma, Colonel Laughton officiated as Chief
Secretary; Col. Fryer as Financial Com-
missioner; Col. Sladen (whose name we
have already mentioned) as political officer
at the Court of King Theebaw; and a cer-
tain number of officers of minor importance
filled various other posts in the Civil Service.
Lastly, the Civil Service is recruited from
two other classes of persons : viz., from such
as have not hitherto been in Government
employ, and from Government officials in
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 253
other employ than that of the Civil Ser-
vice : they are selected by Government on
account of their intimate acquaintance with
certain countries, and so forth. Thus, in
order to meet the initial requirements in
Upper Burma, Government engaged the
explorer, Mr. Archibald Colquhoun of the
Engineers ; seven or eight officials of the
telegraph, and financial departments, and
of the police ; besides three non-official
persons, one of whom was the Principal
of a College, and the other two in the
service of the Bombay-Burma Trading Cor-
poration,
The system which we have indicated, is
one of those which is also made use of in
France. In Tongking, for instance, generals,
colonels or commanding officers — some of
high distinction, notably such as M. de
Maussion, M. Servieres and M. Pennequin —
held the post of ^Resident' conjointly
with their military commands; and several
officers of all grades have occupied civil
posts in which they have rendered signal ser-
vice. But we have not , I think, utilised to
the same extent as the British, the enormous
resources which our army afforded us in
this respect.
The British were careful to avoid two
faults : they did not, as we have done since
the close of 1886, require officers entering
254 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
civil employ to send in their papers and
retire permanently from the army: a course
which, though possessing some advantages
of minor importance, necessarily entails the
disadvantage of reducing so valuable a coad-
jutor both in quantity and quality.
In this respect, the example of what the
British did in Burma is instructive. Mr. Ar-
chibald Colquhoun, one of those whom we
mentioned above, had served not without
distinction in the Engineers; he had, more-
over, spent several years in exploring the
frontier territory between China and Burma,
and had succeeded in gaining considerable
adhesion amongst the British public at large
to his project of penetrating to Yunnan by
way of Upper Burma. On all these accounts
he commended himself doubly to the choice
of the Government of India. He was, in fact,
chosen, and posted to the district of Bhamo,
the centre of the region which he had ex-
plored. But he was only accorded the rank
of a Deputy Commissioner of the fourth
class.
This affords yet another proof of the good
sense and prudence of the Government of
India. It has succeeded admirably in recruit-
ing well-prepared officials for the Cove-
nanted Civil Service, and outsiders for the
Uncovenanted Service, in meting out to
each class a just and appropriate modicum
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 255
of advantage, and in deriving from both of
them a maximum of utility. We have yet
to consider the value of the officials thus
recruited.
CHAPTER VIII
THE VALUE OF THE BRITISH INDIAN OFFICIALS
British Opinion : Sir Richard Temple, Lord Lytton,
Lord Dufferin, Mr. Herbert — Foreign Opinion :
M, de Hiibner — Adverse Opinions: British Of-
ficials in Egypt — Average^ and probably correct y
opinion ; the officials in the days of the Com-
pany^ and those of the Government of India —
The men of initiative, and the men of disci-
pline — Officials of the future.
It is no easy matter to form an opinion
on this point. I must, however, state my
personal opinion, and shall do so with all
possible reserve. As I have not travelled
in the country and have consequently been
unable to even attempt an inquiry on my
own account — an undertaking by no means
free from danger — the sources of my inform-
ation must of necessity be external, of
which I shall mention two. The work that the
officials of India have been able to accomplish ;
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 25/
and secondly, the opinion which clear-sighted
and credible witnesses have recorded con-
cerning these officials.
We must not think of giving even the
merest abstract of what the British have ac-
complished in India, besides such an abstract
would be altogether superfluous ; for the
value of their work is no longer open to
dispute. Recent research has even effectu-
ally destroyed some of the abominable tales
current regarding the measures adopted in
the earlier days of British rule, and has vin-
dicated the reputation of their earlier Vice-
roys, even that of Warren Hastings. As to
the plans, and the administration of the Gov-
ernment of India during the latter half of
the present century, it is generally acknow-
ledged, despite criticisms of details of minor
importance, that they reflect credit on civi-
lisation. **The Government of India," wrote
John Stuart Mill, a man whose very char-
acter refutes any suspicion of partiality,
**is one of those Governments whose inten-
tions have been most blameless,^ and,"
he adds, *^ whose administration has been most
beneficent".
' John Stuart Mill was on this point— a fact that must
have caused him some grief — in direct opposition to
his father, the author of The History of India^ whom
the recent historical criticism convicts of error, and of
bad faith in his diatribes against the policy of the Company.
258 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
The attitude of the native peoples, in this
respect, is significant. "Peoples", because,
contrary to the prevailing supposition in
Europe, there is not, and perhaps never will
be, such a thing as an Indian nation. India
contains a collection of peoples, totally dis-
similar in race and religion, who mutually
hate each other; and each of these peoples
is subdivided into castes of high and low
degree, which mutually persecute one another.
Prior to the arrival of the British, perpetual
war was waged between these various races
and religions ; perpetual oppression was exer-
cised by one caste over another, and by
one individual over another. The natives
are well aware of this, and of all that they
owe to Great Britain, what they prize most
highly is British Justice and peace with British
Authority."
"I have been able,'' says Count de Hiibner
in his Voyage a travers V Empire britanniqiie^
"to compare the populations which are
under the direct rule of the Crown with
the subjects of the feudatory princes. For
instance, crossing over the frontier, one comes
into Hyderabad. The sky, the soil, the race
are the same ; but the difference between
the two states is striking, and all in favour
of the Presidency (whether of Madras or
Bombay) which has just been left behind. . .
Were proof needed of how deeply the moral
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 259
prestige of the British has taken root among
the population, I might quote the fact that,
throughout the entire Peninsula, the native,
if involved in a civil especially in a crim-
inal suit, is always anxious that it should
be tried before a British magistrate." ^
The above is an instructive commentary
on the work accomplished by the British in
India : it argues greatly in favour of the work-
ers. As to the workers themselves, I can-
not do better than reproduce the testimony
of those who have seen them at work. I
will begin by quoting British testimony.
One might be tempted to dispute this
testimony. But all idea of doing so vanishes
when the source from whence it comes is
considered, and how unanimous the verdict is.
^' Competent observers," writes Sir Richard
Temple, '^ who has held very important posts
in India, " have come to the conclusion that
' By this we do not mean that the British have no
enemies amongst the Indians: they have some implac-
able ones But these enemies, educated for the most
part at Anglo-Indian schools, and inspired by ambition
as much as by patriotism, are perhaps less desirous of
delivering their nation than of supplanting the British.
They possess, moreover, but a limited amount of influ-
ence, though it is increasing, and do not always succeed
in impressing others with the high opinion which they
entertain of themselves. (See, on this point. Young
India^ by W. S. Caine, 1891).
^ British India^ the Type of Modern Colonisation^ French
translation, i vol., 18°, 1889.
260 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Indian Civil Servants represent in the East
an admirable type of the better class of
Briton. A high prelate of the church, who
knows the West as well as he does the East,
assured me that he. had never met with a
superior class of men."
Sir John Strachey, who in his work has
given evidence of independence of character
rarely to be met with, says that the Indians,
though not enamoured of British rule and
administration, unhesitatingly prefer them to
those of their compatriots.
One of the later Governors-General, the
much lamented Lord Lytton, wrote to me :
**As Viceroy, I have for five years been in
constant communication with all Branches
of the Indian Civil Service, and I have formed
the highest opinion of their capabilities, and
their integrity. Doubtless in a Service of
such magnitude as that of British India, there
must inevitably be different degrees of intel-
ligence and capacity, and it is indubitable
that the Indian Civil Service, like public
Services of all other countries, numbers among
its members some who are incompetent. But
my impression is that, compared with other
Services, it contains exceptionally few such
men, and that its average standard is excep-
tionally high."
Another Viceroy still more qualified, per-
haps, to express his opinion on this subject,
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 26 1
inasmuch as he was more recently at the
head of affairs, and that if any criticisms —
as I shall presently explain — are possible
with regard to the Civil Service, they must
be made with reference to late years — this
other Viceroy, (why should I not name him ?)
Lord Dufiferin, wrote to me as follows : ^' You
ask me to tell you the plain truth regarding
the skill, experience and, in more general
terms, the moral worth of the officials of our
Indian Civil Service. I reply without any hesi-
tation : There is no Service like it i7i the world.
For ingenuity, courage, right judgment, dis-
interested devotion to duty, endurance, open-
heartedness and, at the same time, loyalty
to one another and to their chiefs they are,
to my knowledge, superior to any other class
of Englishmen. They are absolutely free
from any taint of venality or corruption.
Naturally, they are not all of equal worth,
and so I am merely speaking of them as
a whole. And moreover, if the Indian Civil
Service were not what I have described it,
how could the government of this country
go on so smoothly.^ We have 250 millions
of subjects in India, and less than 1,000
British Civilians for the conduct of the en-
tire administration."
Lastly, a high official in the India Office
writes to me: **You know what precautions
are taken in recruiting the Covenanted Civil
262 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Service^ ... As far as I am concerned, I
have had twenty years' experience in this
Office, to which all complaints or accusations
against Civilians are sent in, and I am fully
convinced of the rectitude, the capacity and
the success — all of a high standard — of this
Service. Doubtless there have been times
when certain of its members have been guilty
of incorrect conduct. But the exceptions
prove the rule. I can answer for it that
strict and impartial justice has invariably
been meted out to incapable or dishonest
Civilians, however high their official position,
however great their social and political in-
fluence may have been.
*^I attribute the success which I claim for
the Indian Civil Service in modern times,
chiefly to the fact that it is the best paid
Service in the world. A young man of 22^
on entering the Indian Service, receives a
commencing salary of ;^48o, and this salary
may, at the close of his career, have pro-
gressively risen to ;^ 10,000. This liberal
remuneration tends to diminish the tempta-
tion to which a man placed in a position
of responsibility and power may, by reason
of his being human, find himself exposed.
' See the * Report of the Indian Public Service Com-
mission,' 5296, 1890; cf. 'Correspondence between the
Government of India and the Secretary of State for
India', 1885, C. 4580.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 263
Moreover, I may add that the Government
watches with the greatest care over the
behaviour- of its servants, even in the most
insignificant matters, as it is well aware that
the continuance of British power in India
depends more on the wisdom and justice
of its servants than on anything else."
I might quote the opinions of many other
Englishmen; but refrain from doing so, as
they differ in no wise from those which I
have already given.
But in spite of all I have said above, as
the British, in extolling the grandeur of
their Indian Government and the excellence
of its officials, are not disinterested parties,
their enthusiasm may appear suspicious to us :
I am about to adduce the testimony of a
foreigner, M. de Hiibner. I quote him in
preference to any other, for this reason. As
a man of remarkable intelligence, he has
occupied high positions in his native country ;
as a native of Austria, a country which pos-
sesses no colonies, he has been able to
observe British India without envy or preju-
dice ; lastly, he has on more than one occa-
sion evinced sympathy for our country, and
his remarks on our little Indian colony, for
instance, are far from being displeasing to
us. Now, M. de Hiibner, in the course of
the narrative of his travels repeatedly recurs
to the sentiments of esteem, and even of
19
264 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
admiration which he entertains for the mem-
bers of the Indian Civil Service, their abne-
gation, their talent, their integrity and their
thirst for information, etc.
^* These men," he says ^'who have some-
thing akin to the hero, the missionary
(of civilisation), the diplomatist, the judge,
the soldier, and the administrator combined,
live beneath a flaming sky. I have seen few
whose countenances do not bear traces of
fever or dysentery, and yet for all that they
are contented."
^^I have,'' he says in another passage,
" met everywhere men devoted to their Ser-
vice, working from morning till night and,
in spite of their manifold occupations, finding
time for reading and serious study. India
is governed bureaucratically ; but her bureau-
cracy differs from ours in more than one
respect. In Europe the days of the Govern-
ment employe succeed one another with uni-
form similarity. Only great revolutions or
European wars are capable of disturbing this
placid monotony. Here it is not so. The
variety of his duties enlarges and forms the
mind of the Anglo-Indian official ; the dangers
to which he may be exposed from one moment
to another strengthen his character. He
t learns to take a mental survey of vast regions,
and to work in his office, while the ground
trembles beneath his feet. I believe I do
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 265
not exaggerate when I say that there is no
bureaucracy in existence which is better in-
formed, more business-like or more imbued
with the qualities which make the states-
man and — no one will venture to deny it —
more honest and straightforward than that
which administers the Peninsula on the
Ganges."
Lastly, in a final passage he says : ^^ I have
in the preceding narrative, given a faithful
and conscientious epitome of the information
which I was able to obtain from the most
direct and most credible sources respecting
the various places. I have not concealed
any point in the colossal British adminis-
tration which struck me as weak. I have
not passed over unnoticed any one of the
complaints made, rightly or wrongly, by re-
spectable persons acquainted with the country.
But even if viewed from the standpoint of
the pessimist, which is not mine, and if a
large share be granted to the inherent in-
firmities and defects of human nature, it is
still undeniable that British India at the pre-
sent day presents a spectacle which is unique
and unrivalled in the history of the world . . .
And to what are all these miracles due?
They are due to the wisdom and intrepidity
of a few leading statesmen, to the bravery
and discipline of an army composed of a
small number of British, and a large num-
266 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
ber of natives, ^ and led by heroes ; lastly,
and I may say almost chiefly, to the intelli-
gence, the devotion, the courage, the perse-
verance, the skill, combined with an integ-
rity proof against everything, of the handful
of officials and magistrates who govern and
administer the whole of India.''
This testimony is decisive.
And yet even this evidence, though so
extensive, formal and corroborative, is con-
fronted by adverse testimony. Now it is a
traveller who has met in India, instead of
men of eminence , independence or initiative,
veritable European bureaucrats, mere under-
lings and busy-bodies. Now it is a resident
of Cairo who declares that the British offi-
cials drafted to Egypt are below the average in
intelligence and integrity and serve by con-
trast to show off the ability and uprightness
of the officials of other nationalities.
I attach but little importance to complaints
emanating from Egypt, and for the following
reason. The officials drafted from India to
that country for the most part do not be-
long to the Covenanted Civil Service, the
only body of officials which concerns us here,
seeing that it is the only body whose mem-
bers can attain to the higher posts enabling
* The British army numbers 75,000, .the native army
about 160,000 men.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 267
their occupants to exercise an important
influence on the government of a country.
Even assuming that they were taken from
that class — as was the case with several of
them — this would not alter my opinion.
Indeed, the method whereby the officials
of the Covenanted Civil Service are recruit-
ed, the tests which they have to undergo ,
and the knowledge required of them, fit them
for service in India, but for no other country.
Removed from the scene where their know-
ledge was to have been brought into play ,
they may fail to do themselves justice, with-
out thereby affording a proof that they
would have been professionally incapable in
the country in which they were to serve.
But having conceded so much, I must add
that the British Indian officials in Egypt do
not all answer to the description of the
resident of Cairo alluded to. Sir Ray-
mond West, for instance, and Mr. Justice
Scott, and Sir Auckland Colvin, the present
Lieutenant-Governor of the North-west Prov-
inces, have been highly successful and will
bear comparison with officials of any other
country in the world. And to these names
might be added those of Sir Evelyn Baring,
a former Indian Financial Secretary, and of
Sir Colin Scott Moncreiff, a Civil Engineer
who successfully conducted the Irrigation
Works, and whose services the Russian Gov-
268 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
eminent is said to have endeavoured to
secure. It appears to me that the above
considerations and proofs invalidate the in-
dictment.
And for the rest, my answer is this. The
two adverse opinions I have quoted do not
apply to men of the same category or epoch.
As was apparent from the letters which I
reproduced above, a Service of such mag-
nitude as that of India numbers among its
members men of unequal value. It matters
not that in the competitive examination they
were almost on a par; nor that they com-
menced their career by occupying identical
posts; they derive different degrees of profit
from life and its daily lessons, and this leads
ere long to disparity and separation. The
average intellects do not rise above the level
of executive officers and, but for powerful
patronage, stop short at the rank of Chief
of a district, Deputy Commissioner : which
in their case represents the marshal's bdton.
Others who are more brilliant or more thor-
ough, attain rapidly enough to the positions
of Commissioner of a province. Chief Com-
missioner, Secretary to Government, Governor,
etc. Commensurately with their advancement,
the exercise of larger powers, and the con-
tact with men of higher intellect tend to
develop their natural faculties and to raise
them from distinction to eminence. Now, it
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 269
is more especially these eminent men, on
whom devolve duties of the highest impor-
tance, who associate with, and entertain
Viceroys and their ministers, or distinguished
travellers, such as M. de Hiibner; and we
can well understand how, under the seduc-
tive influence of their talents, the flattering
estimate formed of the best representa-
tives, of the Service may have been com-
placently extended to the whole body of
civilians.
And yet other more serious and thorough
explanations may, I think, be found for the
contradictory evidence to which I have allud-
ed. These explanations are founded on two
authenticated- facts which are both connect-
ed with the recruitment of the officials.
The system of recruitment has for some
years past been essentially modified; one of
the causes of these modifications is merely
temporary; it lay within the power of the
legislator to abrogate it, and this has, at the
time of writing, been actually done; the
other cause appears to be of a permanent
nature.
The first was as follows : The commission,
over which Lord Macaulay presided^ had
sought to attract to the Indian Civil Service
the intellectual pick of the nation, that is
to say, according to its opinion, the young
men who had gone through the University
270 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
career. To attain this object, the commis-
sion drew up the examination-papers and
fixed the age limit so as to correspond both
with the University curriculum, and with the
age at which the students leave college af-
ter taking their degrees. I need not again
refer to the examination-papers. The maxi-
mum limit of age was, as I have already
stated, fixed at 23, the minimum limit at 18
years, with the proviso . that 1 8 years was
an extreme limit, and that a candidate of
that age might only be admitted under quite
exceptional circumstances.
These regulations were most successful.
No sooner were they put into force than it
was ascertained that large numbers of Uni-
versity men entered their names for the
open competition for the Indian Civil Ser-
vice. In 1858, out of 40 candidates 90 %
were University students. Unfortunately,
for reasons which space forbids mentioning,
the maximum limit of age was gradually
lowered from 23 to 21, and from that to
20 years, and finally, by an Order in Coun-
cil dated the 24th February, 1877, of Lord
Salisbury, who was then Secretary of State
for India, to 19 years; the minimum limit
being fixed at 17. This decrease in the
limit of age led to disastrous results. Stu-
dents at the University, being bound, if they
wished to graduate there, to pursue thire
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 2/1
Studies up to the age of 22^ found them-
selves compelled to choose between India and
the University, or in other words, as I have
previously explained, between an Indian ca-
reer, and any one of the professions open
to civilians in the United Kingdom. Those
who chose an Indian career went so far
as to discontinue their studies at the Uni-
versity, in order to prepare for the open
competition. They placed themselves under
some professional expert, who "crammed"
them to their hearts' content. As a conse-
quence, the proportion of candidates hailing
from the Universities sank to a ridiculously
low level, and the remainder no longer of-
fered the security of a sound general edu-
cation, the need of which Lord Macaulay
had so strongly emphasized.
This twofold result, which threatened to
reduce to a lamentably low level the intel-
lectual qualifications of Indian Civilians, has
for several years past been universally con-
demned, both in India and in England. Fi-
nally, after a lengthy inquiry, the Govern-
ment yielded to the protests which even the
Viceroy of India supported, and, as we have
seen, the limits of age for the open com-
petition of 1892 are respectively fixed at
21 and 23 years. This being so, we may
hope that the young civilians in spe com-
peting in future years will recall their elder
272 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
confreres of 1858 and following years. ^
Such is the first of the causes to which I
referred. The British Government has sup-
pressed it. The second, on the contrary,
is still existent, and is beyond the reach of
Government control.
The Civil Service and, generally speaking,
the administration and government of India
are no longer recruited as they were thirty
years ago. They comprise two classes of
officials who, though side by side, are not
assimilated, the one still belonging by tradi-
tion to the days of the Company's regime,
and the other — already the great majority — to
the period of Crown administration. Between
the two types there is a gulf fixed. And
this is not owing to a difference in the
method of recruitment, to the; substitution
of recruitment by open competition for that
of recruitment by free selection: competitive
examinations were already in vogue in the
' This appeared in the Revue des Deux Mondes in
December, 1891, and January, 1892. In February and
March, 1892, two English Reviews published articles
on the same question. Ono, vjdiSth^ Educational Review y
which, by the licensed pen of Sir William Markby, Pro-
fessor of Indian Law at Oxford, urged the students
of Cambridge and Oxford to adopt an Indian career.
The other was the Oxford University Magazine^ which,
in an anonymous article, but evidently penned by an
expert in such matters, devoted itself specially to the
approaching Open Competition for the Indian Civil
vService to be held in August, and set forth the induce-
ments held out to students to take part in it.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 273
days of the Company, and more than one
civilian of the present day who can recall
the better models of former times, is a
"Competition Wallah.'' The fault, if any, lies
in the circumstances and manners of the time.
In the days of the Company's regime^
rapid communication did not exist either be-
tween India and the mother country, or
especially, — and the Company suffered for it
— between the principal centres in the inter-
ior of India. On the other hand, there was
no such plethora of regulations providing for
so large a number of possibilities, nor that
long series of well-established precedents
which are decisive, so to speak, in the mat-
ter of future eventualities. The result was,
that the Government of India and its agents
found themselves thrown, much more than
at present, upon their own resources, and
thus led to decide weighty matters on their
own unaided responsibility. The duties of
their office were therefore important, and
well calculated to entice men of energy and
initiative whom, on the other hand, the liberal
salaries, whether fixed or contingent, might
induce to overlook exile, for such was prac-
tically the lot of Indian officials at that time.
Now, of these men endowed with energy
and initiative Great Britain has throughout
all ages possessed an abundant supply : they
are the younger scions of noble or wealthy
274 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
families who throughout the course of English
history have occupied so prominent a posi-
tion. ^ Compelled by custom to carve out
for themselves a career which their almost
justifiable jealousy . pictured as transplendent,
they willingly entered the service of a Com-
pany which had posts of such interest cou-
pled with salaries on so munificent a scale
at its disposal. But these cadets whose sires
had for generations been used, both by habit
and inclination, to command, and to the
responsibilities connected with it, brought into
their business broadness of view, decision of
character, moral energy, and a fund of phy-
sical endurance, in short the very qualities
which were indispensable during the period
of conquest in India. Doubtless there were
among them a few of moderate capacity, and
even some * incapables ', who managed to slip
in by influence, which was then all-powerful.
But a few months of trial resulted in their
being either got rid of altogether, or rele-
gated to minor posts. The remainder climbed
rung by rung to the summit of the hierar-
chical ladder: generous, lavish, at times
somewhat addicted to plunder, irregular
enough in their conduct, but full of "go'',
and expending their store of courage and
invention for the Company's benefit.
This regime full of grandeur, but equally
' Cf. specially Burke's "Colonial Gentry".
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 2/5
full of abuse, under which, in defiance of
even the officials, the interests of private
individuals frequently took precedence of
those of the nation; under which, still more
frequently, the future was sacrificed to the
present, had already undergone a gradual
modification in the first half of the present
century, and came to an end in 1858, on
the final suppression of the Mutiny. Since
the transfer of the government to the Crown,
India has assumed more and more the char-
acter of an immense bureaucracy. The means
of communication have developed to a pro-
digious extent ; order and discipline have
been introduced into everything — as a con-
sequence, officialdom and administration have
undergone a transformation, and with them
the qualities required in the personnel.
Doubtless, now as formerly, the qualities
of energy and initiative are held in high
esteem; but education, precision, and per-
haps even docility are considered more im-
portant, and are developed to the detriment
of character. The fact is that character,
will and decision find merely exceptional
employment in pacified and organised India,
and that only in certain less civilised parts,
or during certain periods of less tranquillity,
and are Hable, under normal conditions, to
be more embarrassing than useful to the
Chiefs whose task it is to keep the machinery
276 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
in motion. Thus the modern civiHan of
contemporary India appears to be gravitating
more and more towards the whims which
characterise all bureaucracies. This revolu-
tion has not as yet permeated the entire
hierarchy : the intermediate and superior posts
are still occupied by brilliant representatives
of the old school, though modified in accord-
ance with the exigencies of present circum-
stances; but in course of time they too will
disappear^ probably without being replaced,
and with few exceptions which the Govern-
ment will endeavour to multiply, the higher
posts will be filled, not by the sons of the
nobility, the gentry, or the merchant princes,
but by those of the clergyman, the school-
master, and the shopkeeper.
J This fatal evolution is dreaded as a pos-
sible blow to British prestige by men who
have grown up in the study and — in spite
of all — in the admiration of those who may
be called the paladins of India. Great Bri-
tain, however, can face it without feeling
over-anxious. Times are much changed : the
heroic period is over; for the future there
is, to all appearance, less need for conquer-
ing countries or suppressing revolt than for
governing by peaceful measures, by justice
and foresight a population which for a long
time to come will continue in leading-strings ;
and for the latter task the shopkeeper's or
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 2^^
the clergyman's son, who would have been
incapable of the former task, — the learned,
methodical^ diligent, occasionally, economical,
mean and even vulgar official — has the decided
advantage over the earlier type with his
ardour, his improvising genius, his impru- .
dence, and his lavishness. ^ ^
It would, however, be an unwise move on
the part of the Government to deprive itself
once and for all of the latter precious element.
As long as there is a question of extending
its rule, and of forming Administrations,
there will be a need — and rightly so — of
men of resource and imagination; and it
seems that such men were somewhat scarce
in the latest Burmese affair. Besides which,
in a general way it is scarcely open to doubt
that the officials of Burma have proved
inferior to those of the rest of India. That
is, however, no evidence against the system
per se. Indeed, it is not long since, that
the Covenanted Civil Service supplied Burma
with officials recruited directly from its ranks ;
and, on the other hand, the vices of official-
dom to which we shall presently refer, are
due to passing and readily determinable
causes; the British are already engaged in
remedying them.
^ See "Colonies and Dependencies," by J. T. Cotton,
(pp. 28-35, and 75-80). Macmillan, 1883 ; in which
other, and very singular considerations are discussed.
CHAPTER IX.
THE OFFICIALS OF BRITISH BURMA.
Inferiority of the officials of Burma compared with
those of India — Various causes of this inferior-
ity : the climate^ and the situation of Burma —
Marked dislike on the part of the officials to
service in Burma — Excessive economy of the
Government of India in regard to personnel;
its failure to correctly estimate the personnel
that would be required for the administration of
Upper Burma — Expedients resorted to : favour
and injustice shown in recruiting the p ersonnel.
We must not exaggerate : the Civil Ser-
vice of Burma, such as it was originally,
and such as it is at the present day^ is,
generally speaking, satisfactory, in some dis-
tricts, excellent. Many of the Burmese
Officials would reflect credit on any Admin-
istration; but there are a few, not only in
the Civil Service, but also in the Medical,
and other branches of the Service, who
stand out as deficient in experience, in de-
votion to duty, and even, I regret to say.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 279
in conscientiousness. The proportion, though
small, of men of this stamp is higher than
in any other province of India, and this re-
mark is itself sufficient proof that the evil
is almost entirely due to local causes.
Burma has indeed to face two disadvan-
tages : one, peculiar to itself alone, is its
situation and climate; the other, shared in
common with the rest of India, though in
its case the result is possibly more potent
and more prejudicial, is the Government's
present craze for economy.
And first, with regard to the climate.
The climate of Burma is poor, and in the
opinion (expressed in June, 1891) of one of
our Consuls, M. Pilinski of Rangoon, harder
to bear than that of any other part of India.
The heat is debilitating, the extreme humid-
ity injurious to health, and certain com-
plaints, such as cholera and dysentery, are
either endemic or recur periodically. During
the campaign, the proportion of deaths through
war and sickness was considerable. The
Government transports could not provide
sufficient accommodation for all the homeward-
bound invalids. In 1888-89 ^he mortality
still remained at 5.32 per cent.
On the other hand. Upper Burma is health-
ier than Lower Burma; the temperature
being somewhat cooler, it is more invigora-
ting ; and some of the high officials make
20
280 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
arrangements for alternate residence at
Rangoon and Mandalay, according to the
season of the year. Certain districts, how-
ever, considerably further north, are not on
that account the more habitable. Bhamo is
only endurable seven months out of the
twelve. During the expeditions of 1 890-1 891
some particularly unhealthy spots were met
with : especially Fort White on the Chin
frontier, the district of Yeu in the Shan States,
that of the jade mines, etc. At Fort White
at one time 54 per cent of the garrison
were in hospital; Indians, Europeans, and
Burmese were all equally affected. In the
tow^n of Minthu, the garrison, comprising the
Staff and three companies of the 20th Madras
Infantry, could not muster more than 35
men on parade. A later report states that
44 per cent of the effective force were in
hospital.
An attempt was made to establish, on
the hills. Sanitaria similar to those in India,
at an altitude varying between 6,000 to
7,000 feet. It was thought that suitable
spots had been found, first at Enjouk, and
at Bernardmyo, near Mogok; and subse-
quently on an elevated plateau facing the
station of Bingway: ere long, however, it
w^as found that these so-called Sanitaria were
no less unhealthy than the rest of the country.
The unhealthiness of Burma is not, hovirever,
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 28 1
irremediable. The remedy lies in hygienic
dwellings^ in water-works and drainage, a
rational system of sanitation, hospitals and
an adequate supply of medicines : it is, in
fact, a mere question of time and money.
But climate is not the only drawback of
Burma. Other reasons help to render the
province unpopular with the Service.
Service in Burma has never been in high
repute. The practical means of good admin-
istration are wanting. The districts (admin-
istrative units) are too extensive ; in a country
of the size of France they number only
forty-one. Their superficial area averages
4,200 square miles; that of the Amherst
district is 15,000; and that of the Upper
Chindwin district, 19,000 square miles. .
Areas so vast should be traversed by numer-
ous lines of communication, and the means
of transit should be rapid. But roads are few
and far between, even in Lower Burma,
and the railways necessarily inadequate.
This state of affairs entails unpleasant
consequences. The sparsely scattered popu-
lation is not in touch with the authorities.
The majority of the chief officials, heads of
poHce, magistrates, etc., reside in the chief
towns. The rate-payer lives far from the
collector, and those amenable to justice,
far from the magistrate. Should a native
wish to pay a tax or to defend a law-suit
282 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
he must, as is often the case in Algeria,
undertake a journey of lOO miles, necessi-
tating a three days' absence from his home.
The more zealous officials are disconsolate
at their impotence; the others are far too
easily consoled. And further: it may easily
be conceived that service in Burma, the
latest addition to the large Indian family,
far from the Central Administration and the
favours it can dispense; peopled, moreover,
by fewer Europeans and offering fewer ad-
vantages, is unpopular with the members
of the Civil Service. Now, we know that
the candidates selected by open competi-
tion are entitled, according to their merit,
to elect to serve in a particular Presidency ;
Burma is not a favourite among them, and
has, consequently, to be content with those
lower down on the list. And yet even the
lowest in a list of picked men must be men
of marked ability. This fact does not, there-
fore, sufficiently account for the proved
insufficiency of the Anglo-Burmese officials.
The following remarks will complete the
explanation.
Members of the Civil Service are not re-
cruited for the whole of India. Prior to
every open competition, the Civil Service
Commissioners, previously ascertaining the
number of vacancies, give out that so many
candidates will be appointed to Bengal; so
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 283
many to the North-West Provinces, Punjab
and Oude ; to Bombay, Madras, and Burma.
After the open competition the selected can-
didates name the Presidency (or Province)
of India in v^hich they wish to serve, and in
which, as a rule, their promotion will take
place, and on entering upon the period of
probation they shape their studies accordingly.
They acquire a knowledge of the language,
the law, and the customs of their future lo-
cality ; but while this special course of study
renders them more qualified for service in
that particular province, it renders them less
qualified for service in any other. As a ne-
cessary consequence, a civilian who may be
an excellent official in Madras, would be not
unlikely^ at any rate ^at first, to prove but an
indifferent one, especially among the lower
grades, if transferred to Bombay.
Now ; officials are at present recruited sep-
arately for Burma. The officials of other
Indian provinces cannot readily, at any rate
without preparation, be utilised, and Burma has
therefore to rely upon her own particular
officials. Their number has, however, been
estimated somewhat too exactly. Should any
unforeseen event occur, the equilibrium is
disturbed, and the administrative machinery
is with difficulty kept going.
This is what happened in 1885. Burma
possessed a Civil staff of sixty-two officials
284 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
who sufficed for all requirements, and who,
notwithstanding the likes and dislikes of the
members of the Civil Service to which I have
already alluded, to put it briefly, performed
their task creditably. Suddenly and without
any preparation, ^ Upper Burma is invaded
and annexed, and requires a considerable
personnel. A certain number of officials are
taken from Lower Burma, with the result
that the latter province, in its turn, becomes
disturbed and requires the presence of all
its officials. It then becomes necessary to
turn to another quarter, and to appeal either
to non-members of the Civil Service who are
well-acquainted with the country, or — the
number of such persons being limited — to
Civilians of other Indian provinces. Now
these Civilians, fitted by their special know-
ledge for special duties, were ill-adapted for
service in Burma ; hence this source of supply
was checked by difficulties.
For once, then, the Government of India
found its studied combinations at fault. And
• The conquest of Burma was by no means an unex-
pected event ; but, on the one hand, no one could have
foretold whether it would take place in six months or
in six years ; and, on the other hand, no one knew what
regime would be established : whether a native or a
British Government. Whilst matters remained in this
state of uncertainty the Government did not venture to
increase the quota of officials selected for service in
Burma.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 285
it must be stated that the zeal and energy
of the personnel failed to remedy the inelas-
ticity of the institutions. In contrast to
Tongking, where our colonial, and even our
home officials, our officers of all arms, our
army and naval doctors all competed eagerly
for the vacant posts, great difficulty was ex-
perienced in obtaining the requisite supply
of officials for Burma. The medical service
more especially has never had even the in-
dispensable complement. Burma, as we know,
was not popular with Indian Civilians, and
their devotion did not impel them to go the
length of exchanging a life of comfort for
one of fatigue and danger. When they were
officially appealed to for volunteers for ser-
vice in the new province, only men of very
inferior ability, though of inordinate preten-
sions, came forward. Of these half a dozen
only were selected.
Considerable advantages should have been
offered, so as to attract the best qualified
among the Indian Civilians to this discredited
province. Now, it just happens that for well-
known financial reasons the Government of
India is economical to a degree, and is
eager to obtain a maximum of work from
a minimum of personnel. ^
' Lower Burma has yielded some surpluses of revenue
which I believe were considerable, though I cannot
positively assert it, as the official documents are so
286 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Lord Dufferin, in February, 1886, was of
the opinion that he could govern Upper
Burma with a Staff (exclusive of police) of
twenty-four persons; whereas over sixt)'
were required, and even that number was
inadequate. This miscalculation entailed cer-
tain infringements of Indian administrative
customs, and these infringements were so
many errors. The best officials who — be .
it remarked — were almost always the senior
ones, being everywhere in request and every-
where necessary, were frequently removed:
Wherever increased difficulties were antici-
pated, thither the ablest officials were trans-
ferred. After some months of this sharp
practice, the supply was exhausted; several
had to retire on account of ill-health, and
confused and contradictory. With these surpluses, the
advantages of which I have spoken, might have been
offered to the officials, and the complement oi personnel
have been augmented. This was not done : the surpluses
of Lower Burma went into the Indian Treasury, and
served to partly counter-balance the deficit in the bud-
get of Upper Burma.
The action of the Government of India is, strictly
speaking, excusable. The depreciation in the value of
the rupee represents an enormous loss. The interest ^
on the National Debt, which is payable abroad in gold,
has increased 50 per cent since 1870.
But the same complaints are made in the British
Colonial Service: from one end of the Empire to the
other, in all the Crown colonies, the officials are over-
worked. See, on this subject, some very significant
articles which appeared in 1889, especially in the Lon-
don and China Telegraph : " Wanted more Officials,*'
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 28/
the task of administration was undertaken
by less capable hands.
The administration of justice, more espe-
cially, was too often entrusted to young
men, who were, notwithstanding, unyield-
ing in their decisions. Lastly, as one fault
leads to others, the neglect of the regula-
tions, the contemptuous treatment of the
senior officials and of their rights naturally
led to arbitrariness and favour. Certain
important duties were confided to officials
who were unqualified either by age or ability,
to fulfil them.
It should not, however, be forgotten that
these were only exceptional cases, blemishes
which were obliterated by the satisfactory
ensemble. The body of officials in Burma,
though inferior to their colleagues in India,
yet remained sufficiently strong to develop
the resources of the new possession.
PART III,
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT RESOURCES,
EQUIPMENT RESULTS.
CHAPTER X.
THE RESOURCES OF BURMA.
Agriculture — Forests — Mines : meta/s, petroleum^ coal^
rubies.
At the outset, the resources of Burma
had been very much exaggerated. A rash
estimate had been made of the country as
a whole, based on the value of exceptional
districts, such as the Delta of the Irrawaddy,
etc. But Mrhen the plateaux and the moun-
tains were subsequently explored; when, in
the period following the annexation, officers
and engineers proceeded to draw up an
inventory of the resources of Upper Burma,
it became apparent that these optimistic
views would have to be somewhat moderat-
ed. But, nevertheless, Burma on nearer
acquaintance, even apart from the fact of
her position between India and China which
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 289
rendered her doubly valuable in British esti-
mation, proved to be a very desirable acqui-
sition.
Burma's natural wealth may be divided
into three groups: agricultural produce, for-
ests, and mines.
A brief description which, we fear, must
prove rather dry, will suffice.
The agriculture of Upper Burma can
hardly be compared to that of Lower Burma.
The products of the two provinces differ
considerably, and render them dependent
on each other for their supplies. The chief
product of Lower Burma is rice : from it
her four millions of inhabitants obtain their
food, and any surplus is sold to Upper Burma,
and to foreign countries : a million tons
to the former and some hundred thousand
to the latter. ^ Sometimes it happens that
foreign countries are served before the
sister province : if the harvest has been a
poor one, or if there has been a great de-
mand for export, the sister province suffers
from a scarcity of food, if not from actual
famine. This has occurred ere now, and
will occur again. But the wealthy rice mer-
chants of Rangoon do not trouble themselves
about so small a matter.
• In 1 889 the export of rice to foreign countries,
including British India, reached 918,369 tons, represent-
ing a value of Rs. 65,550,000.
290 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
In addition to rice, export statistics men-
tion certain other articles which are less
plentiful, but more valuable. These, though
shipped at Rangoon and Maulmain^ come for
the most part from Upper Burma.
Upper Burma indeed, unlike Lower Burma,
produces more especially superfluities. Hers
are special products, which will render her
wealthy, when time has brought about a
suitable distribution of colonists and capital
over the two provinces, and a rational selec-
tion of the objects of culture. In that the
future of the province lies. There will be
a repetition in Burma of the experiments
which proved so successful in India and
Ceylon. Lower Burma will continue to cul-
tivate rice, as at present; and Upper Burma
will furnish the luxuries of life : tea, quinine,
opium, etc. The result will be — a phenom-
enon which we shall doubtless also see
some day in Tongking — that tracts of land
now lying waste will be converted into highly
cultivated centres increasing in value with
each succeeding year; whilst, with the ex-
ception of the immediate vicinity of towns, the
lands of the Delta will remain stationary.
This future prospect is not so far distant as
might be thought.
Pending the development of her agricul-
ture Burma makes the most of those
sources of her wealth which can be read-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 29 1
ily converted, namely, her forests and her
mines.
But the forests have also proved deceptive.
Doubtless they contain plenty of timber in
great variety and of much value. Teakwood
is, perhaps, more abundant in Burma than
in any other part of the Indo-Chinese Pen-
ninsula, and Rangoon and Maulmain are
certainly the best suppHed markets. In lower
Burma, before houses were constructed on
the European model, most of those with any
pretensions to elegance were built of teak ;
and, after the local wants had been supplied,
there still remained a large quantity of tim-
ber available for export. In the year 1889-
1890 alone, 182,000 tons, valued at 16 mil-
lions of rupees, were exported to foreign
countries and to other provinces of India;
and in 1 890-1 891 179,000 tons, worth 132
millions. ^ But teak is not the only exportable
kind. Statistics prove that in the same year
about 52,000 tons of other kinds of wood
were exported either from Rangoon or Maul-
main, and both official reports and scientific
works mention a large variety.
Nevertheless, since the occupation of the
* The total amounts given of the quantity exported,
and of the value thereof, are taken from an official doc-
ument, Review of the Trade of India ^ published in 1890-
1891. But the figures given in the reports of the
French and Italian Consuls at Rangoon are considerably
lower.
292 THK COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
British, an official inquiry has proved that
the value of these forests had been overesti-
mated. Cultivated in the most improvident
manner by races who have never renewed
the vacancies caused by their wasteful con-
sumption, they have been found in many
places to be totally denuded of timber; so
that, instead of unrestrictedly drawing upon
the accumulated reserves, it was found ne-
cessary here to replant, and there to intro-
duce European methods of culture. The
Forest Department have taken stock of the
timber in the richest districts, and according
to the supply, either prohibited felling alto-
gether, or restricted it to a certain rigidly
limited number of trees.
The mines, on the contrary, have given
rise to no misconception. All those which
were known to exist have been found again,
and others have been discovered whose ex-
istence was not anticipated. Thus quite
recently Mr. Adam, an engineer, discovered
some rich beds of tin at Khow Morang, near
Ma-li-won, on the very spot where a few
years before a search had proved fruitless.
The mineral wealth of Burma is extremely
varied, comprising nearly all kinds of metals,
several metalloids, salt, amber, jade, etc.
These metals, however, at any rate in those
districts where they have been hitherto dis-
covered, are not always found in quantities
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 293
that would cover the working expenses.
This is the case with iron and copper, and
gold appears to be scarcely more plentiful.
With silver it is otherwise. Numerous and
rich lodes of this metal have been found,
especially in the Shan States. The silver is
extracted, and as a rule by very clumsy
methods, ^ from argentiferous lead yielding
from 2 to 8 francs' worth of metal to lOO
kilogrammes of ore. The actual yield of
metal dating from British rule, has not yet
transpired, but the figures which were sub-
mitted to Captain Yule at an earlier date
testified to considerable productiveness.
Salt is common enough in Upper Burma ;
but the trade, being a purely domestic one,
is of no great importance.
This is not the case with regard to petro-
leum, coal, and rubies.
Petroleum has always been a product of
Burma. It is found in Lower, as well as in
Upper Burma : in Lower Burma, in the prov-
ince of Pegu, at Akyab on the coast of
Arakan ; and in Upper Burma, at Yenang-
yaung on the Irrawaddy. In the latter dis-
trict there are about 540 wells, of which
300 only are productive, distributed over the
centres of Yenangyaung, Beme, Twingung^
and Yenaungyet. The total yield of oil is
* See the Report of M. Hildebrandt on the mines of
Bawsaing, a district of Themyelat.
294 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
from 1 5, OCX) to 20,000 viss per diem (i viss =
3.56 lbs. English weight). The two centres
of Yenangyaung and Beme furnish the major
portion : Yenangyaung has 375 wells (of which
209 are working) yielding from 12,000 to 15,000
viss per diem; and Beme, 151 wells (72 work-
ing) producing 3,600 z^2>5- per diem. Hitherto
the petroleum wells have been worked by
plant of the most primitive description. But
British capital will doubtless bring about an
improvement in this respect. A large firm,
that of Finlay, Fleming and Co., has recently
started in this district. There is no doubt that
the capital thus invested will yield a fair return.
Nothing is known, however, respecting the
capacity of the petroleum wells of Burma.
This subject was recently discussed by two
British engineers, one of whom, Mr. Noetling,
merely admitted that the entire extent and
depth of the wells had, perhaps, not yet been
ascertained; whilst the other, Mr. Marvin,
maintained that Burma possessed a greater
store of petroleum than the Caucasus and
the United States put together. The latter
optimistic assertion meets with much incred-
ulity. If the Burmese wells were so enor-
mously productive, the supply of oil, even if
obtained by the primitive methods hitherto
employed, would have increased or, at all
events, not have diminished. But, on the
contrary, their supply appears to have de-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 295
creased during the last thirty years. Cap-
tain Yule whilst inspecting the district of
Yenangyaung in 1858, with that minute at-
tention to detail which stamps him as one
of the most accurate observers, counted only
200 wells. Of these the most prolific yielded
about 400 viss per diem. The produce of
the others scarcely amounted to 180. The
mean total yield was about 3,600 viss per
diem. And it is noteworthy that this yield
was obtained without the encouragement or
the facilities accorded to this industry at the
present day. Petroleum was sold at a cheap
rate: Rs. i to ii per 100 viss. Labour was
dear, and an export duty of 10 per cent was
levied on the oil. The proprietor of a well
used to say that out of a monthly yield of
27,000 viss^ 9,000 viss went to the labourer,
1000 to the king; and looo to the land-
owner of the district. Now that exploration
is conducted methodically, export duty abol-
ished, and the price of petroleum consider-
ably higher, the yield is decreasing ; and both
Upper and Lower Burma, far from obtaining
a sufficient supply for their home consump-
tion, were obliged to import, in 1888- 1889,
5,400,000 gallons from the United States, and
965,000 from Baku. ^ These statistics can
' These figures are, however, only half convincing, and
the conclusion to be drawn from them is not decisive.
Burmese petroleum is not a very serviceable oil as an
21
296 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
hardly allow us to support Mr. Marvin's as-
sertion.
With regard to the coal mines and their
value, there is an equal absence of reliable
information. Captain Yule, who must inva-
riably be quoted when summing up Burma's
resources, discovered in the neighbourhood
of Thingadhan, on the right bank of the Ir-
rawaddy, some fairly rich mines, the coal
from which yielded 2^ per cent of ash.
Since the annexation of Upper Burma, sever-
al other coal-fields of some importance have
been discovered. ^ The first, 70 miles north
of Mandalay, which must surely be that
mentioned by Yule, is already leased to a
syndicate which has started working it. The
second is in the Chindwin valley, between
the two rivers Myitha and Yu. Its total
extent, of varying richness, is estimated at
175 square miles. The richest section is
along the river-bank, and measures fifty-five
illuminant. Even were the production considerably larger,
there would still be an advantage in importing petroleum
for lighting purposes from abroad, and in reserving the
indigenous oil for industrial uses. Besides which, the
total import from America in 1888- 1889, probably owing
to speculation, exceeded to an enormous extent the aver-
age of the preceding years. In 1887- 1888 the oil im-
ported from that country did not exceed 1,900,000
gallons, and that imported from Baku only amounted to
1,200,000 gallons.
* See the Report of Mr. Jones of the General Survey of
India.
THE .COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 297
miles; the seams are of little depth, as a
rule from 3 to lo feet. The coal appears
to be of excellent quality, containing on the
average 50 per cent (49.95) of fixed carbon.
An English syndicate has already acquired
the lease of six miles. A third mining centre
is in the Shan States, near Lasho, in a lo-
cality about to be traversed by a line of
railway to be referred to later. This centre
contains among other seams, one thirty feet
deep and over two miles long; but the
quality of the coal is indifferent. Lastly,
there are other coal-fields at Panlung, at
Namra, and in Lower Burma, on the
banks of the river Tenasserim, at a point
where the latter is still navigable. It should
be stated, however, that the coal obtained
from these mines has not up till now been
used for industrial purposes, and that even
the State Railways procure their fuel either
from England, or from Bengal.
Of all the mineral sources of wealth which
Burma possesses the most famous — I do not
say the most valuable — are her ruby mines,
containing also sapphires, topazes, and em-
eralds. These mines are situated in two
districts : the less important being in the
district of Sagaing, on the Irrawaddy, in a
hilly country of limestone formation; the
other, by far the more extensive, in the far
north, 4000 feet above sea-level, in a dis-
298 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
trict measuring ^^ square miles, which in-
cludes the basins of Mogok, Yebu, Katha,
and Kyapin. It is, most probably, the cra-
ter of an extinct volcano.
Mogok, the centre of this mining district,
must formerly have been a place of consi-
derable importance. Even now a heteroge-
neous collection of Shans, Manipuris, Chinese,
and even Burmese congregate there. The
Burmese are in a minority : as far as it rests
with them, they are invariably so, wherever
there is work to be done.
CHAPTER XL
THE PEOPLES OF BURMA.
The Burmese; their character; the primitive state of
Burmese industry; trade under the monarchical
regime — The Chinese; the part they play every-
where in the Far East; their attitude in Burma ;
the part they may play there.
The lazy disposition which characterises
the Burman, results from his preconceived
notion of life. He it was who, before our
philosophers, proclaimed man's right to be
happy, and his right to rest, before our
socialists. The day of ''the three eights,"
claimed by the most advanced of oiir work-
ing men, would scarcely satisfy him. He
would not know what to do with eight
hours of sleep, not how to endure eight
hours of work. There is nothing to which
he is so averse as diligence, unless it be
regularity. His ideal occupation is one which
does not occupy^ and which is constantly
changing. And from the time of awaking
until bed-time how varied is his idleness.
300 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
and how completely is his time filled up !
He requires an interval for talk, an interval
for doing nothing and for the thorough
enjoyment of his idleness, and yet a further
interval for preparation to resume his task.
Day by day to renew the same work and
traverse the same route, seems to him intol-
erable, and even foolish. In the earlier days
of the occupation Burmese were employed
as postmen. They performed their duties
for a week, and then disappeared without
any warning. Their delight is to huddle
themselves up, gently balancing themselves
on the tips of their toes, and smoking inter-
minable cheroots. Moreover, the activity of
other people does not disturb their inaction.
They are rather fond, whilst taking their ease
themselves, of making their women-folk work.
For all that, they are good fellows, gener-
ous, hospitable, vivacious, taking life easily,
and even easy to govern; but so idle, so
untruthful, so inclined to throw off any
burden, and to decline all responsibility that,
hitherto, no serious enterprise can be based
upon their labour alone.
However, as the Burman must live, he
works. In Lower Burma he can still trust
to others to procure him the means of earn-
ing his livelihood : in the factories or in the
harbours even the laziest can earn a modest
wage, which suffices for his more than modest
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 3OI
wants. But in Upper Burma he is of ne-
cessity thrown upon his own resources. He
cultivates his rice field with implements of
the most primitive description ; he keeps a
few goats — which he prefers to sheep, —
sometimes even one or two cows, which he
rears for their meat, and not for their milk,
for he shares the repugnance which is uni-
versal in the Far East, to *' become the
foster brother of the buffalo." Or else he
may add domestic employment to his scant
husbandry : he weaves garments for his
family with silk bought from a Chinese
merchant; a kind of short skirt called '^putso"
for males and **tamelin" for females. In
some districts there are even industries of a
more complicated nature : Yule, in the course
of his explorations, saw paper being manu-
factured (though of so coarse a texture, that
the natives preferred writing on a palm-leaf) ;
marble being hewn, and even chiselled into
highly polished statues ; and a fine quality
of lacquer being prepared, etc.
But this is all either infantile or merely
artistic : Mt is not industry. The North Bur-
man makes for his personal use only what
he requires, and for his client only what
' According to Yule, the Burmese appear to be at
once industrious, skilful and minute. On this point a
judgment may be formed from the description given by
him of the manufacture of lacquer. Op. cit., p. 197-198.
302 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
is ordered; he has not yet soared to the
idea of saving, or of manufacturing what is
now called a stock.
His knowledge of commerce is equally small.
Indeed, how could he have acquired it ? The
Chinese from all time and betore the advent
of the British, his kings also, have saved
him the trouble. It was a prerogative of the
kings of Burma, and moreover one of their
most trustworthy sources of revenue, to pur-
chase the produce of the country for the
purpose of reselling it to the Chinese and
to Europeans; and sometimes even to pur-
chase foreign products for retail to their
subjects. This was effected by means of two
great trade depots established, one at Bhamo
near the Chinese frontier, and the other at
Thayetmyo on the frontier of British Burma.
They sold cotton, india-rubber, lead, timber,
and rubies. The profits derived in a single
year from these transactions were estimated
at six millions of francs (^240,000). Of this
profit the people naturally received no share.
Ground down by the king, whose example
was faithfully adhered to by ministers and
mandarins, disgusted with a labour which
only served to enrich their masters, beguiled,
moreover, by their inconceivable indolence
into leading a life of inaction and idleness,
the Burmese have remained in a state of
childhood even down to our day. And so,
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 3O3
not they, but others, have undertaken the
responsibility of the various occupations re-
quiring energy, precision, and foresight. No
one dreams of employing Burmese to clear
the vast uncultivated tracts of Upper Burma ;
for this purpose natives of Assam and Ben-
gal are engaged, grants of land being con-
ceded to them on favourable terms along the
Mandalay line of railway. Banking, money-
lending, the higher branches of commerce,
naval armaments, agencies — all these are in
the hands, not of Burmese, but of Parsees,
Persians and, above all, Chinese.
The number of Chinese is very consider-
able.^ At Rangoon alone, they number
30,000. The Chinese take precedence of all
nations as merchants, and colonists : whether
they are merchant princes or humble shop-
keepers, daring capitalists or lenders of small
sums for a short time at exorbitant interest,
large contractors or simple navvies, agricul-
turists and undaunted pioneers, or, near chief
towns, shrewd gardeners and retired growers
of early fruit and vegetables, — all, no matter
when or where, in villages teeming with pop-
ulation or in districts still uncultivated, are
sure to be found flocking to the place just
when their co-operation is needed. They
come, they contract matrimonial ties, for even
' See the excellent report of M. Pilinski, French Con-
sul at Rangoon, Bulletin c onsu lair e f rang ais^]\xnQ^,i^gi.
304 THK COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
the married ones, in deference to custom,
leave their wives behind in their own coun-
try ; and they make a fortune whilst their
rivals are still planning how they shall make
theirs. Unfortunately, they are occasionally,
and especially during the earlier period fol-
lowing their arrival, very difficult to manage.
As may be surmised, these bold colonists are
not by any means models of discretion or
discipline. They go about marauding, and
thieving, become smugglers and, at a pinch,
pirates; and the heads of their ^'congrega-
tions'* have not always the power, or even
th(; will, to restrain them.
In a country such as Upper Burma, which
has for a long period been devastated by
war, there are frequent opportunities for
committing crime. Disturbed in their pos-
session of Bhamo, which they long had in
their power, contrary to the wish of the
kings of Burma, and which with their blue
brick houses, and regularly and neatly paved
streets they had converted into one of the
prettiest towns in the kingdom ; masters,
moreover, of the territory bordering on
China, and sure of finding a safe refuge,
and perhaps even assistance, beyond the
frontier, the Chinese have, since the advent
of the British, on more than one occasion
assumed a peculiar attitude.
Certain British officials, inexperienced in
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 305
dealing with people of this sort, retaliated
with ill-advised severity. But the Chief
Commissioners adopted and, as far as they
could, maintained a different policy : they
pretended not to notice the existence of
these evil intentions. Far from fearing the
advent of these troublesome customers, they
desired and facilitated it. In succession,
Sir Charles Bernard in his Jubilee speech.
Sir Charles Crosthwaite, and, lastly. Sir A.
Mackenzie in a meeting held at Bhamo which
the principal Chinese did not deign to attend,
gave utterance to the most flattering remarks
concerning them, and made them the most
enticing promises.
The valley of the Irrawaddy is open to
them, w^hatever misdeeds may mark their
first arrival. They will gradually settle down
there : some will take up mining, and others,
agriculture. Doubtless they will for several
years to come be the cause of much annoy-
ance, and of many disturbances. But, by
degrees, with improved communications and
greater security, the class of immigrants
will also improve; the good elements will
eliminate the bad. Already officials better
acquainted with their customs, such as Mr.
Warry, a former British Consul in China,
have succeeded by judicious concessions
in instilling into them a certain amount of
discretion, and discipline. Henceforward the
306 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Chinese may be expected to play a prom-
inent part in Burma. The daughters of
Heth, the Burmese coquettes^ do not disdain
the gallantry of these wily fellows with
their discreet tongues and open hands.
From this felicitous union a new race may
spring which will educate the Burmese
people.
With the co-operation of people so clever
as they, the future welfare of the country is
secured. Burma possesses both natural
resources, and labour to work them; she
only needed equipment, good economic laws,
and well-planned public works. These,
with one exception to which we are about
to refer, the British have not failed to give
her.
CHAPTER XII.
ECONOMIC LEGISLATION.
Regulations relating to the disposal of land — Gov-
ernmental rights — Reasons why the Government
has not endeavoured to transfer land to colonists^
or to Chinese — Commercial regulations; the re-
lations between the mother country and her
colonies — Custom-house and protective dues;
home manufacturers versus the colonists and
the natives; free-trade and its results.
The economic laws which the British were
enabled to give to Burma were neither com-
plex, nor numerous. Her industry is still in
its infancy; the large towns, where in ad-
dition to Europeans all those natives who
imitate, or who tolerate Western civilisation
are congregated, are chiefly supported by
trade; whilst the remainder live mainly by
agriculture. The part the British had to
play, and the duty they had to perform were
thus clearly defined : namely, to encourage
agriculture and commerce, and with this
308 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
object in view, to afford the cultivator easy
access to land, and the trader every facil-
ity for disposing of his wares.
Nothing is perhaps so important in a new
country as good regulations with regard to
land-tenure. The conquest has made the
conqueror the proprietor of, at any rate,
all domains and all unoccupied lands. The
choice of a method whereby he will effect
the transfer of these lands to colonists is a
matter of the highest importance. This the
British have well provided for by formulating
and applying very wise regulations ; their
legislation for Australia has produced most
fruitful results, and has been imitated by
almost all nations.^ Instead of presenting
land gratuitously, or even offering it to all
comers, they sell it to the highest bidder.
This method, which owes its origin to the
economist Wakefield, furnishes them with
the wherewithal to meet the expense of
public works, a primary necessity with young
colonies; and draws colonists who, having
paid for their land, know its value and lose
no time in bringing it under cultivation,
since they look to it to repay them their
outlay. The British did not, however, apply
' See on this subject an important document entitled :
"Report on the modes in which Land is disposed of in
the Australian colonies .... and as to what mode would
be most beneficial in future, both to the colonies and
the mother country. 1836.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 3O9
this method in Burma. Indeed, they appear
to have displayed no anxiety to adopt any
method whatever for the transfer of Crown-
lands to private individuals who would bring
them under cultivation.
And yet this would have proved a matter
of no great difficulty. True, the natives,
ruined by the war and lacking alike courage
and capital, were not the kind of people to
settle in an uncultivated region, exposed to
incursions, and which would require some-
what lengthy preparation before yielding any
return. But what the natives could not do,
Europeans might have done, and especially
the Chinese, those elder brethren of all
Indo-Chinese peoples. With Europeans to
provide the capital, Chinese as contractors,
and Burmese as labourers, it would have
been possible without any further cost than
that of police and overseers, to establish
centres of cultivation around which the na-
tives borrowed from the Delta would soon
have grouped themselves. Considerable ad-
vantages might have been derived from the
adoption of this plan which was simple enough,
and which the moral support of the Govern-
ment would have sufficed to put into opera-
tion : waste lands might have been populated,
the evolution of the Delta effected, order
secured, production increased, and foundations
laid for the future prosperity of Upper Burma.
3IO THK COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Instead of this, grants were indeed made
to certain officials — at first under nominal,
but subsequently, because of the scandal,
under verj' exacting conditions — of a few
plots of moderate size, and these were usu-
ally, especially at Mandalay, building-plots ; in
Bhamo, indeed, some auctions were held at
which the price realised exceeded Rs. 5 per
square yard. But, as a general rule, in the
rural districts, and even in the towns, the
Government has made no endeavour, and has
even refused, to sell lands of which it is the
proprietor.
This course had been already adopted in
Lower Burma. In Lower Burma the Govern-
ment does not sell land, but lets it on lease, and
that for a term rarely exceeding thirty years.
The reason for this procedure appears to be
that the British Government being the pro-
prietor of the greater part of the country,
wishes to reserve to itself the chance of prof-
iting by any rise in value which may occur.
From what has happened in the case of its
other colonies, it well knows the enormous
value land acquires as soon as agriculture
and industry begin to develop, and having
exclusively borne the cost of conquering and
organising the country, it lays claim to the
whole profits of its prosperity. This point of
view may be justified, and this calculation
may prove correct; but, to attain this end,
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 3 I I
the Government should first have paved the
way for the improvement of the lands which
it withholds. If it retains complete posses-
sion, the era of prosperity on which it relies
to so greatly raise the value of its property
will be slower in coming. And, on the other
hand, when this era at length does arrive,
and the Government, (at least in the present
hypothetical case), has done nothing in prepar-
ation for its advent, it will furnish those who
oppose the land-tenure with the only appar-
ently reasonable argument which they can
advance, namely, that of *' unearned incre-
ment.*'
It is highly probable that the British Gov-
ernment has fully realised the two inconve-
niences attached to the practice they have
long since adopted in India,^ and if it still
makes use of the same measure in Burma,
it is doubtless actuated by motives other
than those mentioned above. It is question-
able whether its motives are not rather of a
political than an economic nature. Fore-
seeing — and this seems probable — that the
purchasers of land will in most instances be
Europeans, or Chinese capitalists, it possibly
regards with feelings of no great satisfaction,
* A third inconvenience is that the same thing might
happen in Burma as happened in Bombay (where the
same policy was pursued), viz., that the land might remain
on the Government's hands.
22
312 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
and even with a certain amount of misgiving,
the advent of colonists who are as a rule
difficult to please, in any case inclined to
criticise, and at all times prone to ascertain
public feeling with regard to their grievances.
Now, established in India with exceedingly
limited and scarcely adequate forces both
civil and military, in the midst of a native
population numbering 250 millions swayed by
its prestige alone, the government must be
in a constant state of anxiety lest this prestige
should be compromised. And as the prestige
in reality amounts merely to a conviction of
its own infallibility which it has succeeded
in instilling into the natives, the more criti-
cisms it encounters — whether justified or not
is of little moment at the present time —
the greater will be the number of possibil-
ities militating against British Supremacy in
India.^
*"A man who arrives in India with ;fiooo in his
pocket and wishes to buy land for agricultural purposes
may very easily spend all his money and have nothing
to show for it but a heap of official correspondence:
"Why does he require land? — What will he do with
it?— Is he a respectable person? — Will he carry out
the ideas of Government in all that he does? — Will he
pay a high rent, whether he is successful or no? —
And, finally, the land granted him will be summarily
confiscated if he fails to fulfil all the conditions set
forth in the contract. This is excellent from a govern-
mental point of view, but under such conditions there
will be no colonists."). W. W. Danson, Rangoon, 26th
September, 1889. (Letter to The Economist,)
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 313
Whatever the motives of the British
Government may be, one thing cannot be
disputed, that it has done nothing for
agriculture.^
Neither has it done anything for com-
merce. As a matter of fact^ as regards the
latter, any action was unnecessary. For in
any country, and not merely in a new country
such as Burma, the action most beneficial to
commerce is — inaction, I am not, of course,
referring to the equipment, but to those regu-
lations which are termed tutelary, and which,
under the pretext of protecting, and infusing
life into commerce, have invariably paralysed
it, if indeed they have not actually been its
death-blow. The British Government has
therefore wisely not attempted to make any
regulations, and its inaction, though, injurious
to agriculture, has on the contrary been
most helpful to commerce ; though, in reality
commerce is no more beholden to this
Government, than is agriculture itself: the
interests of the mother country have been
exclusively consulted throughout.
We may add that this is a practice
common to all mother countries in their
* Little importance can really be attached to the
small sums of money advanced by Government to agri-
culturists. Such measures are childish in comparison
with so efficacious a procedure as that of disposing of
land to the colonists.
314 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
dealings with their Colonies. The foundation
of a colony is, nowadays, nothing more than
a work of far-seeing egoism, which the
mother country undertakes exclusively in
her own interest, and from which she intends
reaping the exclusive benefit at the earliest
possible date. But the colonies themselves
resemble children: they did not ask to be
brought into the world; once born, all they
ask for is to be allowed to grow and to
prosper ; and any circumstance which impedes
their growth or retards their prosperity
appears hateful to them, all the more so
if it is due to the mother country. The
latter, who has founded the colony with a
view to her own advantage, looks upon it
as bound to be always giving^ and never
requiring anything. From these opposite
views, indeed but natural, a perpetual con-
flict, and one which is more or less acute,
ensues, dating from the day following the
foundation, and scarcely at an end when the
colony is emancipated.
Now, the arena on which these conflicting
interests first battle against each other, is
the arena of commerce. The mother country,
tired of always paying for her colony, loses
no time in requiring the latter to share these
expenses, and, to enable it to do so, to
provide itself with a regular source of rev-
enue. This source of revenue the colony
u
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 315
will obviously obtain by means of taxes ;
and the first tax which suggests itself is
a custom-duty on the chief articles of con-
sumption and of traffic in the colony.
The importance and value of these articles
is assessed, with due regard to different
circumstances and countries, either on ar-
rival, on departure, or on their circulation
in the interior. This is a practice which is
so convenient and so productive that it
has been resorted to by all nations in
all ages. Even at the present day the
least civilised peoples, the last of the petty
kings on the coast of Africa, when they
wish to furnish their creditors with a cer-
tain amount of security, can devise no more
efficacious a plan than that of allowing
them to collect the customs, and to appro-
priate their proceeds.
Unfortunately, this procedure, though so
simple in itself, constitutes a tax on com-
merce — a tax which must, moreover, be borne
by the colony and its inhabitants. The
conqueror came to the natives brimful of
enticing promises; extolling the advantages
of civilisation, and above all others, the
abundance and cheapness of everything.
He even attracted colonists by dazzling them
with the facilities which a new country free
from all the impediments and all the bur-
dens which the machinery of old-world civi-
3l6 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
lisation entails, offered to their undertakings ;
and lo! he imposes on natives and colonists
alike, a burden which increases the cost of living
for the consumer, and restricts the profits
of the trader. In order as far as possible
to appease their apparently legitimate dis-
content — for the mother country can adduce
good arguments-— this tax must at all events
be made light and easy, must be assessed
at a moderate rate, and be levied only on
a limited number of commodities. This the
British well understood. In Burma only six
commodities were taxed of those for circu-
lation in the interior, valuable woods, teak,
etc. ; of exports, rice ; of imports, spirits,
salt, arms and ammunition, and, by a recent
decision, petroleum.
Soon, however, there arises another source
of contention between mother country and
colony. Colonies constitute investments which
are certainly excellent, but which yield no
return for long years to come. The gener-
ation which founds them finds but scanty
consolation for the expense which it incurs
in the thought of the profits that will ac-
crue to future generations. It wishes to
enjoy these profits itself, and claims to reap
some immediate advantage in return for the
pains which it has taken, and the sacrifices
which it has made. What compensation
can it hope for? Additional honour to its
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 317
flag ? Further prestige to its name ? Yes, in-
deed; but this does not suffice; something
more substantial, some material benefit is
looked for. And it says to its Govern-
ment: *'How will you guarantee me this
benefit?"
Now, when this question has to be faced
in all ages and in all countries a certain
class of citizens is ready to give an imme-
diate reply : I mean the manufacturing class.
The manufacturers' argument is this : Colonies
are founded for the sole benefit of the
mother country. Any returns they may
yield must accrue to the inhabitants of the
mother country. Now, the latter cannot
expect the Government to distribute the
profits among them at so much per head of
population. This would be neither easy as
a means of distribution, nor efficacious as a
means of enrichment. But it may be ad-
mitted that amongst the millions of inhabi-
tants of the mother country, there will be
some who may be chosen to be direct re-
cipients of the profits of the colonisation,
with the understanding that they will sub-
sequently enable their fellow-citizens to
share them by a free circulation of the goods,
and by the perfected mechanism of trade.
And those who seem to be clearly indicated
as fit persons to fill this office of interme-
diary, are the manufacturers of the mother
3l8 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
country. They are the most prominent
among those who have urged and even en-
couraged the foundation of colonies; they
have generally borne a larger share of the
expenses incident to their foundation than
the other rate-payers : as a. consequence they
are entitled to rank among the first who
shall profit by the colonial enterprise; and
to ensure their doing so is easy enough:
all that is necessary is to levy a custom-
duty on goods imported into the colony,
not a fiscal, but a differential and pro-
tective due, and to grant to )iome pro-
ducts other and more favourable terms
than those afforded to foreign products : the
market of the colony and the profits deriv-
ed therefrom will thus be reserved to them
and, through the medium of the manufac-
turers, the mother country will be sure of
reaping the advantages which it is her en-
deavour to secure.
This apparently rational theory is one which
is held in common by the manufacturers of
almost all countries, especially by French
manufacturers ; to it we owe the institution
of our general colonial tariff, even in Tong-
king which, coveted by our statesmen as of-
fering the shortest route to Western China for
our European commerce, has by a solemn and
strikingly unanimous vote of our Parliament
been, from the very first, almost entirely
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 319
closed to foreign merchandise, whatever its
destination, and is even now, on the timid
initiative of the local authorities which the
parties interested have all but ignored, only
open to passing vessels with goods for other
ports.
In opposition to this theory which is so
favourable to manufacturers and, as expe-
rience has proved, so prejudicial to the na-
tion at large — for the home manufacturers
never succeed in fully supplying the market
from which they have driven their foreign
rivals, whilst the colonial merchants are re-
stricted to a dull and unprofitable trade by
the sale of mere national products — another
may be urged which, starting from the same
premises, ends in a totally different conclu-
sion. Like the former, it recognises that the
time has gone by when colonies were founded
with a special view to the propagation of re-
ligion or of civilisation; like it, it proclaims
that colonies are founded for the benefit of
the inhabitants of the mother country, and
that, as the latter cannot individually receive
their quota of profit, it is absolutely neces-
sary to find a fraction of them who shall be
the recipients of these profits, and form a
channel whereby they may gradually flow
into all parts of the mother country. But
the mother country does not fix upon the
manufacturers, that privileged and useful class.
320 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
as this fraction. She does not designate
any special class for this office; her choice
falls in anticipation on the class which shall
establish a prior right thereto, and make
the best use of the same, Now, this class
is that of the men who have left their country,
their families, the society in which they
moved, all the comforts of civilisation, and
have gone out to the colony, thus exposing
their lives and their fortunes to innumerable
risks; it is the class of men who by their
presence on the spot are alone in a position
to influence the market of the colony : it is,
in fact, the colonists themselves.
Now, the interests of the colonists are
diametrically opposed to those of the manu-
facturers : their cry is : away with protective
dues ; even, if possible, away with fiscal
tariffs; away with differential dues; away
with obstacles of any sort. Throw all gates
wide open to all products. And the results
of this system may be thus summarised.
For the native an easy life and plentiful
means of subsistence ; for the colonial market
activity and wealth ; for the foreign markets,
for the countries on the line of communica-
tion, rapid and cheap access ; for the colonist
a fortune made by modest profits realised
on multifarious and important transactions;
for the Treasury an increased revenue —
relieving the mother country ; for the colony
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 32 1
the good repute which wealth confers ; and,
lastly, for the mother country the wide-
spread conviction ' amongst the nations that
henceforth there will be no cause for regret
should she take possession of any portion of
the globe still unappropriated. This is the
theory which for a century past has been
adopted and applied by Great Britain, and
which in a great measure accounts for the
astounding prosperity of her Colonial Empire.
This is the one, which prevails in India, and
in Burma, and which has made Rangoon, the
depot of Burmese trade, one of the finest
and wealthiest cities of the Far East.
For this, however, Burma, as I have stated,
I was not indebted to Great Britain. Indeed,
this policy which appears to us here as a
result of the wisdom and the generosity of
the mother country, was, under the circum-
stances of its origin, but the result of egotism,
and envy.
Indeed, an incident occurred, some twenty
years since, which as forming a curious
episode in the history of commerce deserves
^ to be generally known. On this occasion
it was the home manufacturers who were
jealous of their colonial brethren, and demand-
ed the abolition of the tariffs for which the
colony had voted. This is a reversal of the
usual order of things, with which France is
as yet unacquainted, but which she will ex-
322 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
perience later, and which may completely
upset her system of colonial tariffs.
India, as I have previously pointed out,
has for a long time past had a fiscal, and
even a protective tariff. This tariff, which at
the outset was very severe, has been gradu-
ally lessened, the number of commodities on
which it was levied has been reduced, and
the rate of assessment lowered. Never-
theless, up to 1879 it ^^s still levied on
imports of primary importance, and especially
on what are termed cotton goods. Under
the sheltering protection of this tariff a native
cotton manufacture had developed so greatly,
as to cause umbrage to the Lancashire cotton-
spinners. Since 1876, owing to protests, to
which the approaching elections lent great
weight, the British Government urged the
Government of India to abolish the duty on
cotton goods.
The despatch which Lord Salisbury, the
then Secretary of State for India, indited
on this occasion is a very curious one. In
it Lord Salisbury showed with great accur-
acy the motives militating in favour of the
abolition of this duty, and with equal sa-
gacity the excellent results which would
accrue to India from its abolition. That
his arguments were inspired solely by a
sincere regard for India's interests concerns
us little; one point only should be borne in
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. ^2^
mind: which is, that political economy was
amply justified on this occasion, and that
what was perhaps devised solely in the in-
terests of Lancashire, proved through the
stress of circumstances, of the greatest benefit
to India.
" I maintain," said Lord Salisbury sub-
stantially, '' that there is no conflict between
the interests of India and those of England.
The abolition of this duty would undoubtedly
afford great relief to an important British
industry; but, at the same time, it would
constitute a measure of still greater conse-
quence to the interests ot India. This duty
has the effect of restricting the importation
of British products; but, on the other hand,
it opens out a sad prospect for an Indian
industry which it is of the highest impor-
tance to establish on a secure and solid
basis. With such a basis everything points
to the probability of its rapid develop-
ment; but it must not be allowed to grow
under conditions or influences which past
experience teaches us must inevitably
prove unfavourable to its development and
to its good constitution. Whether the ques-
tion be considered in so far as it affects
the consumer, the producer, or the Trea-
sury, I hold that the interests of India
imperatively demand the opportune aboli-
tion of a tax which is erroneous in prin-
324 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
ciple, injurious in practice, and ruinous in its
effects." '
In consequence of these urgent solicita-
tions the Government of India took the
matter into consideration, and in 1 879 Lord
Lytton, who was then Viceroy, acting on the
report of Sir John Strachey, and contrary
to the advice of his Council, abolished the
duty on cotton goods, in the first instance
on certain qualities only, and in 1 88 1 on all
the remaining descriptions. From that time
forward trade has enjoyed perfect freedom ;
nowhere, not even in England, has trade
been so free from restrictions. And, a few
years later, all Lord Salisbury's predic-
tions came true. Cotton imports rose from
/ 1 9,000,000 in 1887 to 31 J millions in 1888
-1889; the native cotton manufacture gave
employment in 1889 to 2,625,000 spindles,
instead of 1,298,000 as in 1877; and its
exports to countries in the Far East, which
in 1874 scarcely reached ^i,ooo,ooo,exceeded
^6,290,000 in 1 888- 1 889. Thus the egotism
of a few eventually resulted in an advantage
to all.
Nevertheless, it would be puerile to attri-
bute the prosperous condition of the Indian
community under the British protectorate to
free-trade alone; many other causes have
' See Sir John Strachey' s Work, India (p. 102), to
which I have already alluded.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 325
contributed to it and among them the devel-
opment of means of communication, and
the impulse given to public works. Lord
Dufferin bore this in mind. The annexation
of Burma dated from December, 1885 ; in
February, 1886, Lord Dufferin embarked
for Rangoon, and at once proceeded to plan,
and to carry out a scheme of public works.
CHAPTER XIII.
PUBLIC WORKS.
The Public Works Budget of Burma — Roads — Rivers
— Roads versus Railways — Railways — Vari-
ous litres constructed or sanctioned — The line
from Toungoo to Mandalay: political and finan-
cial results. ,
Of all the means which a Government can
bring to bear to develop the resources of a
country, there are few more efficacious than
public works. This fact holds good in all
countries, and especially in a conquered
country during the agitated period of time
succeeding a war. The first problems to be
faced by the conqueror are, in fact, how to
discourage his late foes by proving to them,
in deed and no longer in word, that his
occupation is intended to be permanent ; how
to conciliate the labouring class by provid-
ing it with work^ if poor, or if well-off, with
improved means of acquiring wealth; and, lastly,
how to requite its soldiers and civil officers
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA, 327
by insuring them greater security and com-
fort. These problems may partly be solved
by means of well-planned public works.
The successive rulers of Burma since 1885
have not deceived themselves on this point.
Lord Dufferin, the first in order of date, used
to say that he anticipated great things from
the public works. Nevertheless, the scanty
means at his disposal largely curtailed his
plans. None but those works which were
absolutely necessary were at first to be
undertaken : roads to connect posts already
occupied, and to form a means of reaching
new ones ; some few barracks, and hospitals
for the troops who were so enervated by
the climate and the fatigue of continual
watching. At a later period this programme
was enlarged; law-courts, and official resi-
dencies to keep up appearances in the
eyes of the natives, were erected; then
followed the repair and even extension of
embankments, and irrigating canals ;^ and,
lastly, came railways. His successors pur-
sued the same policy. In 1886 the Public
Works Budget for Upper Burma amounted
to about ^80,000; in 1887- 1888, as also in
' For a country such as Burma, irrigation is of the
utmost utility. The British-Indian Government has not
hitherto devoted to this purpose as much capital as it
requires. In 1892 the sum credited to this account
still does not exceed Rs. 500,000.
23
328 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
1 888-1 889, it had risen to nearly ^480,000 ;
and, lastly, that for 1892 is estimated at
13 millions of rupees, of which 10 millions
are for railways alone.
The various items in the 1889 budget of
nearly ^480,000, the latest budget of which
particulars are at hand, were as follows :
2^160,000 for barracks, hospitals^ etc.;
;^ 1 24,000 for State buildings, such as law-
courts, prisons, post and telegraph offices,
etc.; ^48,000 for sundry disbursements ; and
lastly, ;^ 1 40,000 for communications. ^ I shall
confine my observations to this last item.
The sum of ;^ 140,000 to be applied ex-
clusively to lines of communication is a by
no means despicable provision. Our Gover-
nors of Tongking can testify to this, for
when they have paid their engineers and
superintendents, they have nothing left.
And yet this sum does not represent the
whole expenditure under this heading. In
the ^140,000 neither embankments (which
in these countries are used as roads) nor
railways are included. Low as the state of
the exchequer might be, it was not thought
* These figures do not, however, correspond with
those given by the official document East India Ac-
counts and Estimates^ 1 891 -1892, C. 6454, 1891. p. 13.
I shall quote here merely the following figures referring
to the year 1 888-1 889: Irrigation, Rs. 246,000; Public
Works (Military), Rs. 1,604,000; Public Works (Civil),
Rs. 2,908,000; Total Rs. 4,756,000.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 329
desirable to postpone any longer the provi-
sion of a superior equipment. From a strat-
egical, as well as an economic standpoint
great importance was attached to these works ;
as much was expected of a highway in good
order, and a well-constructed railroad as of
a battalion, or even a regiment of soldiers,
and the British even went the length of
curtailing their military budget in order that
they might increase their expenditure on
bridges and roads.
The first thing that had to be thought
of, was roads. In Lower Burma the mistake
had been made of neglecting this item : each
succeeding Chief Commissioner had commit-
ted the same error. Living at Rangoon,
on the sea, at the extremity of a Delta
dissected by so great a number of rivers
and canals, most of them did not trouble
themselves much about the rest of the coun-
try. This proved a matter for regret on
more than one occasion : ^ but their expe-
rience was not forgotten in dealing with
Upper Burma.
A country intersected by water-ways and
bristling with mountains has naturally very
few roads : on the level tracts streams and
* "Lower Burma has been for several years in our
possession. But preceding governments have displayed
so little foresight that there are as few practicable
roads in Lower, as in Upper Burma." (Tke Times,
29th September, 1888.)
r
330 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
rivers suffice for all purposes, and in the
mountainous regions only foot-paths are met
with. Now, it was to the mountains that the
last of the belligerents fled for refuge. Numer-
ous stations had been established there : in
order to connect these with each other and
with the principal centres, it was found
necessary to widen the foot-paths, and to
cut new roads. And this work was pro-
ceeded with without delay and, above all,
without interruption. Simultaneous surveys
were made of international routes, if we
may so call them, leading from the Irra-
waddy to the Brahmaputra, from Assam to
Burma; of national highways connecting the
valleys with one another, from the Chind-
win to the Irrawaddy, from Chittagong to
Mandalay; and lastly of roads to form con-
necting links between the various districts.
However, very properly, what was most
urgent was dealt with first : as a beginning,
connection was established between the va-
rious postal and administrative districts.
At the beginning of 1887 there were 300
miles of good main-roads, some macadamised ;
and numerous branch-roads. Since then,
these works have year by year been largely
added to, and there is now hardly a single
district which has not at least one road.
Naturally, whilst these roads were in course
of construction, other means of transport,
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 33 I
and especially the most important of all,
namely streams and rivers, were not neglect-
ed. I have said that Burma is intersected
by numerous water-ways : the Irrawaddy, the
Salwen, the Sittang, the Chindwin, the Mu,
and several others, forming a convenient and
economical means of communication extend-
ing over considerable area. Unfortunately,
these rivers, like most of the rivers of Indo-
China, are, to use a very appropriate epithet,
incomplete; they offer two great obstacles
to navigation : in the dry season their waters
are frequently too shallow for vessels of
even the lightest draught ; in the rainy sea-
son thy are transformed into rushing torrents.
They then drag, so to speak, their bed along
with them : sand and slime are carried down
to the sea, and form a deposit at the mouth
of the river, thereby creating formidable bars
which gradually gain on the sea and extend
the mainland; the residue, consisting of
stones, shingle and rocks, arrested at inter-
vals in their downward course by natural
obstacles, create very dangerous rapids. In
addition to this, the waters, enormously
swollen by the rains, overflow their banks,
and inundate the surrounding country.
As a preventative against inundations,
embankments are constructed. Orientals are
past-masters in this work: they construct,
and keep up these artificial embankments
332 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
with means, the simplicity and efficacy of
which cannot but rouse the envy of our
ablest engineers. These embankments in
some places reach a prodigious size. Yet
the rivers of Indo-China are by nature well
embanked; their natural banks rise above
the water-level to a height of from thirty to
sixty-five feet (and sometimes more) : at
Thabetyin in Burma they even reach a height
of 1 20 feet. On heights to which it might
be thought the water could never rise, it is
surprising to see the native, still distrustful
of the river's vagaries, perch his hut, as a
bird builds its nest, on the top of frail
bamboos. The native is, however, quite right.
When the rainy season comes, the river rises
and, were it not for these embankments,
would overflow into the valley beneath. At
a distance of 250 miles from the sea the
Irrawaddy in the rainy season rises to over
45 feet above its dry-season level, and its
embankments, which extend for nearly 300
miles, in some places exceed sixteen feet
in height. It may well be imagined what
an amount of attention and money the
maintenance of such a work entails. At all
events, this expenditure insures almost abso-
lute security to the life and property of the
inhabitants.
Less happy results have been attained in
combating the shoals and the rapids. The
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 333
sure but costly methods employed in Europe
to regulate the flow of rivers, and to insure
the maintenance of a uniform depth at all
seasons of the year, could not be adopted
with these gigantic streams^ and in these
still impoverished countries. The rapids
may be destroyed with dynamite. This
means has not apparently been hitherto
employed in Burma; but at Tonking, the
French have attained the best results from
its use on streams which in character and
size resemble the Irrawaddy above Bhamo.
To combat the shoals, there is but one
resource, and that a very inadequate one,
viz. — to build boats of light draught. It is,
however, a very unpractical resource in places
where there is much navigation. The Irra-
waddy which is by far the most important
river, and which absorbs almost the entire
traffic of the interior of Burma, is uncertain
and difficult to navigate. For several months
in the year its waters lower so considerably
as not even to afford a depth sufficient for
river-steamers, and the continually shifting
sand-banks baffle even the most experienced
pilots. Captain Yule, in 1853, and quite
recently. Lady Dufferin, have both recounted
their adventures on board vessels which had
run aground on sand-banks. Besides sand-
banks, the rocks are a great source of danger ;
the latter have already been the cause of
334 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
several wrecks : witness the Thureah of the
Flotilla Company, which Company was also
destined, shortly after to lose the Patheen
on the Chindwin.
Under such conditions, traffic is suspended
for several weeks, and above Bhamo for sev-
eral months, in the course of each year.
Captain Yule states further that it took him
83 days to cover the short distance from
Bhamo to Tsa-Choe-Sing. Moreover, after
passing Bhamo, the river is only navigable
for a further distance of from 120 to 150
miles ; at Hokat there is a rapid which has
hitherto proved impassable, whilst the preci-
pitous banks, crowned by mountains 6,000
feet high, render trans-shipment almost pro-
hibitive.
Mortal man can do little, directly, to coun-
teract difficulties such as these. The canal-
isation of a river which at a distance of
800 miles from the sea is almost as broad
as at its mouth, is apparently a chimerical
project. The expense of cutting a channel
would be enormous, and even when cut would,
doubtless, with so variable a bed and sand-
banks so continually shifting, be impossible
to keep clear. The other rivers are no better
constituted. To derive any advantage from
them, the only available course is to put
down buoys which w^ould have to be sub-
jected to constant revision, to train efficient
I
' <
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 335
pilots, and to construct boats specially adapted
for the navigation. In this respect the potent
Irrawaddy Flotilla Company has done all that
was possible to be done. Its fleet, one of
the largest — if not the very largest — of river-
fleets, supplies the entire service on the
Irrawaddy from Rangoon to Bhamo and be-
yond, and according as the season admits of
it, also on the rivers Chindwin, Myitnge, etc.
In spite of this, the navigation of these
rivers continues intermittent and irregular.
A Government in the critical position which
the Government of Burma then occupied,
could not, without imprudence, rest satisfied
with communications of so precarious a na-
ture; it required more regular and more
rapid means of communication: of such
there were apparently none other but rail-
ways.
There was, however, some hesitation in
choosing between railways and cart-roads.
Not indeed in Burma, where no one thought
of comparing means of transport so dissimi-
lar, but in London, at the India Office.
Lord Kimberley, when he was asked to sanc-
tion the construction of the line from Toungoo
to Mandalay, replied by inquiring whether
*'at least in the present state of the Burmese
finances, and until they showed some improve-
ment, the attention of the Government
would not be more advantageously directed
336 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
to good roads available for use in all seasons,
which would form a connecting link between
the principal centres?" However, the local
Government easily overcame that objection :
Upper Bui ma now has already 314, and Lower
Burma 336 miles of railways.^
But the history of the construction of
these railways is so instructive that we
cannot avoid entering into further details.
In Lower Burma the question of railroads
had apparently for a long period attracted
as little attention as that of highways. The
British had been masters of part of the
country since 1824^ of the entire country
since 1852, and it was not until 1877 (2nd
May) that the line of railway from Rangoon
to Prome was opened. Then an interval of
eight years elapsed before the opening of
the line from Rangoon to Toungoo.
It is a noteworthy fact that the British
felt their way in India for a century and a
half before they succeeded in evolving a
rational system. In particular, they do not
appear to have appreciated until a very late
* These 650 miles are apportioned as follows : in Low-
er Burma: Rangoon to Prome (1877), 161 miles; Rangoon
to Toungoo (1885), 166 miles; Suburban lines, 9 miles;
in Upper Burma: Toungoo to Mandalay, the second
section of the Hne from Rangoon to Mandalay (1887-
1888', 220 miles; Sagaing to Shwebo and Wuntho, the
two first sections of the Mu Valley line (i 891), 94 miles.
To the above should be added the lines sanctioned, or
already in course of construction.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 337
period the economic and political importance
of public works, of means of communication,
etc. In 1 836-1837 the Indian Public Works
Budget did not exceed ^81,000. In 1850
it had already been increased to ;^400,ooo,
not to mention an extraordinary budget for
barracks, hospitals, etc.; in 1886-1887 their
eyes were opened, and the Public Works
Budget figured at ;^ 15,617,000. Moreover,
when the idea was entertained of pacifying
and developing the resources of Upper Burma,
it had its origin in other motives than those
which had so long prevailed in the rest of
India, and particularly in Lower Burma.
*^Next to a strong police-force, and an
efficient civil administration, nothing is more
important, as a means of pacification, than
the opening up of improved communications,
and among others, of the railways now about
to be constructed as far as Mandalay." It
was in such terms that the Edinburgh Review
wrote (April, 1887), though its remarks were
merely a recapitulation of the opinion enter-
tained by the highest authorities. From the
very first. Lord Dufferin, Sir Frederick
(now Lord) Roberts, Sir George White, Sir
Charles Bernard, Colonel Fryer, were all of
the opinion that, notwithstanding Burma's
meagre budget, the construction of railroads
must be proceeded with at once. In concur-
rence with Sir Herbert McPherson, who had
3^8 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
just met his death in the country he knew
so well, they opined that ^* every line of
railway opened' in Burma would be of more
value than an army-corps," and would be at
once a source of wealth, of great strategical
worth, and an agent of pacification.
'^ The opening of a railroad to Mandalay —
an extension to Upper Burma of the line from
Rangoon to Toungoo — would,*' to quote a
document dating from the middle of 1886,
^^have important results both in Burma, and
the Shan States. In Upper Burma a great
number of people refuse to believe that the
British have really conquered their country
and are in actual occupation of Mandalay;
a great number of others will not admit that
we intend to remain in the country, and to
govern it in the name of the Queen-Empress.
The opening of a State Railway would have
a decisive effect over these doubts and
surmises.
^^On the other hand the work, and the
wages which it would provide, would exercise
a great influence on the pacification of the
country, and would reconcile the population
to British rule. In the region through which
this line is to pass, the villages have been
plundered by dacoits and rebels; and the
peasants have been unsettled by the anarchy
which prevailed last year. When we shall
have opened the line of railway for a con-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 339
siderable distance in this region, have guarded
and efficiently protected it, the immediate
effect upon the population will be very great :
work will have been provided for them dur-
ing the slack season, and thereby they will
have been enabled to earn money ; ^ lastly,
a practical proof will have been afforded
them of the interest which the British
Government takes in their country.
** Naturally, the impression created by the
construction of the railway will be but tem-
porary, but it will be precisely at a time
when there is most need of it; for our
present object is, to induce the various
races to submit, to supply them with an
outlet for their energy and with the means
of providing sustenance for their families
by devoting themselves to peaceable occupa-
tions. Moreover, apart from this effect, the
railway will produce other and more lasting
effects upon the population: it will supply
them with the means of travelling hither and
thither; of forming an idea of the power of
the British, of their system of administration,
* In the year 1891 there occurred one of those period-
ically recurring famines which are the scourge of Upper
Burma. Two-thirds of the population were rendered
destitute. The Government doled out relief in kind,
decided, to meet the urgencies of the case, on the
construction of a line from Myingan to Meiktila, the
repair of the breaches in certain embankments, and in
short, provided work for more than forty thousand people.
340 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
of their anxiety for the welfare of the people ;
and thus induce them, at length, to consent
to become the subjects of Her Britannic
Majesty.
" The objection has been raised that a
railway is a very costly affair; that neither
India nor Burma has a rupee to spare for
expenses which can possibly be deferred;
that in most countries roads precede railways,
and that there are no roads in Upper Burma.
The suggestion has been made that it would
perhaps be preferable to expend the meagre
resources available on a system of branch
roads leading to the principal trade centres,
and to a central high-road which might
subsequently be converted into a railway.
Of course the Government ought not in the
present state of its exchequer to launch out
into works which may be deferred, or alto-
gether avoided. But, in my opinion, it would
take thirty years to construct the net-work
of roads in question, and no central high-
road under whatever circumstances it may
be built, can afford the province the com-
mercial, political, strategical and administrative
advantages which the proposed railway will
afford. Nay, more; I believe I am justified
in entertaining the hope that ten years hence
this railway, instead of being a burden, will
prove a direct source of revenue, which a
system of roads could never be.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 34 1
^^ It is true that the cost of constructing
a railway would be from six to seven times
as much as that of a central highway of
equal length, and from three to four times
as much as a system of cross-roads converg-
ing towards a central roadway; but the
capital expended on the construction of a
railway, would^ within a short space of time,
yield returns in excess of the interest there-
on; whilst at the end of the same period
the mere up-keep of a system of roads would
represent a total equal to half as much
again as the initial cost of their construction.
The new railway would convey additional
traffic to the section from Toungoo to
Rangoon, which alone would constitute a
considerable source of income, and this
again must be added to .the number of
indirect advantages which would accrue from
this plan. Thus, not only would this railway
be self-supporting, but it would yield surplus
receipts with which branch lines could be
opened subsequently as feeders ; and further,
it would constitute in the districts which it
traverses, a means of pacification and enrich-
ment incomparably superior to that afforded
by the most perfect system of roads imagin-
able."^
The preceding passages are extracts from
' Burmah, 1887, C. 4962.
I
342 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
a memorandum of Sir Charles Bernard, dated
lOth June, 1886, six months after the Brit-
ish occupation of Burma. This memorandum
was addressed to the Viceroy, Lord DuflFerin.
The Viceroy endorsed the conclusions, and
on the 6th August telegraphed to London
recommending them to the consideration of
the Secretary of State for India in Council;
on the 20th September he urged their adop-
tion in an explanatory despatch ; on the fol-
lowing 27th October he received a telegram
to this effect: *' Received your despatch of
20th September last, concerning railway.
The construction of the Mandalay Railway is
sanctioned." A year had not elapsed since
the British entered Upper Burma. Who could
fail to admire and to envy this promptitude
in coming to a decision!
Moreover, pending the arrival of this mes-
sage, a preliminary survey of the trace and
levels had been made, and on its receipt, it only
remained to commence operations. The works
progressed rapidly. The first section from
Toungoo to Pyinmana was opened for traffic
in July, 1888, and the whole line on the ist
March, 1889. The formal opening of the
line was conducted with great ceremony in
the presence of Sir Charles Elliott, Minister
of Public Works. The construction of a
line 220 miles long, in the interior of a
depopulated country, where labour was
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 343
scarce,^ traversing mountains from 400 to
500 feet high, and crossing rivers from 300
to 500 feet wide had occupied no more than
two years and a half and had cost only Rs.
92,000 per mile.
Moreover, the line at once fulfilled the
expections which had been formed of it. It
had taught the people wisdom, and acts of
piracy and crimes of all sorts became less
frequent.
Objections have been raised to the man-
agement of the line.^ It has been asserted
that the Government was entering into an
unwise competition with the river-traffic, by
reducing its rates wherever trade was offered
a choice between the transport by rail or by
water. And no one can approve of such
tactics, though the Executive may themselves
plead in excuse the necessity of recouping
its outlay.
The actual line has likewise been criticised.
It has been said that it was folly to construct
a first line of railway parallel with the finest
river of Burma, and through a district better
supplied than any other with means of trans-
port by water. This criticism is unfounded.
' On the eastern section of the line, the scarcity of
labourers was still further aggravated by a positive
aversion to work, and by a display of hostility towards
those in charge of the works. Even beggars refused to
let themselves be enrolled.
^ See a letter to The Times of 28th October, 1889.
24
344 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
The line from Toungoo to Mandalay formed
the natural complement of that from Ran-
goon to Toungoo ; besides, it was shortly —
as was then supposed — to be continued to
Bhamo and was, on the other hand to serve
as ** a base for future lines connecting the
Shan States/' Other valleys, those of the
rivers Mu and Chindwin, important tributa-
ries of the Irrawaddy, and like it only ca-
pable of irregular navigation during the dry
season; those too of Hokong and Mogaung
beyond Bhamo, impatiently awaited their lines
of railway. Lastly, further lines were pro-
jected, of commercial or political interest :
such as the lines which were to connect
Mandalay with the Salwen, Burma with Assam
(with a station at Makum), and so on to the
Brahmaputra (with a station at Sudiya).
The results attained could not but hasten
the execution of the other projects then
under consideration, which were all of great
magnitude and importance.
CHAPTER XIV.
PENETRATION INTO CHINA.
China and the European Powers — Evolution of Eu-
ropean policy within the last thirty years — -
Occupation of the countries bordering on China
— Tongking and Burma — The Red River ^ and
the rivers of Burma — The Burmano-Ckinese
Railways — Hypotheses upon which they are
based — Value of these hypotheses ; various traces ;
their practicability — Projects of the Government
of India — A land-route ; treaty concluded with
the Kachinese — A railroad.
The conquest and commercial exploitation
of Burma are not the final aim of British
ambition. Burma is not merely, so to speak,
a point of arrival ; she is also a place of
passage. Her boundaries are conterminous
with those of India and China; she guards
the approach to the former, and is appar-
ently a means of access to the latter. In
the conquest of Burma the British thought they
had actually provided India with a new bulwark
of defence and at the same time obtained
346 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
possession of one of the gates of China, ^
though the question still had to be faced:
how to open it?
For the last fifty years and more, China
has constituted one of the aims of the great
European powers in the Far East. Doubtless
not one of them at the present moment
threatens the integrity of her territory; but
they are one and all eager to have a share
in her commerce, and to develop the im-
mense natural resources which she allows to
lie dormant. They therefore endeavour to
obtain access to her territory for their en-
gineers and manufacturers, as they have
already succeeded in doing for their mer-
chants in many of her ports. They are
anxious to remodel her equipment and her
methods, and to induce her to tread with
them the paths of Western civilisation; and
although China is self-satisfied and suspi-
cious of foreigners — convinced as she very
rightly is that contact with the West will
prove fatal to her — their aim would assur-
edly have long ago been attained, had they
* "I may observe," wrote Yule in 1857, "that the
missionaries in Yunnan receive their remittances by way
of Amarapura." (Op. cit., p. 145). Since that time, how-
ever, remittances of money have undoubtedly been for-
warded to the province of Si-Chuan, and probably also,
to that of Yunnan by way of the Yang-tse-kiang. (Cf.
Seize anndes en Chine, lettres du P, Clerc, 1887, Haton,
Paris).
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 347
not during the last thirty years, abandoned
the time-honoured policy which had pre-
viously been so successful in its results.
During the centuries which have preceded
ours, and up to the year i860 or there-
abouts, the European Governments, what-
ever their enmities in Europe, had always
acted in strict concert in their dealings with
China. If any European nation encountered
any difficulty, or claimed any reparation:
her grievance or her claim became the claim
or grievance of all the others. The entente
was, indeed, easy to maintain at that time.
Only four nations : France, Great Britain,
Russia, and the United States had interests
in China, and these interests were in each
case of a different nature. After i860, and
more especially 1870, circumstances were
altered. First Germany, then Italy, followed
by other nations, appeared on the scene.
They were all absorbed in their own mate-
rial interests. All were now represented by
their ambassadors at Pekin, instead of^ as
hitherto, by their consuls at the various ports.
National animosities, the rivalry of individuals
and in a still greater degree, industrial and
commercial competition combined to sever the
bond of union: ever since they have shown
the Chinese, who suspected as much, that,
so far as Europeans in the Far East are con-
cerned, Europe is no longer a united country.
348 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
It was thought that the time was approach-
ing when China would emerge from her long
period of immobility, and by entering into
competition with Western nations arm her-
self for this colossal duel. No apprehension
was felt lest this duel should one day prove
fatal to Europe. The mere prospect of all
the railways, telegraphs, factories, and arse-
nals for which this gigantic customer would
give orders turned the heads of all. Instead
of sharing this unexpected windfall like good-
natured thieves, each nation was anxious to
reap the exclusive advantage herself, and
became quite modest in her pretensions
Germany, moved by ambition for her manu-
facturers, would not undertake anything which
might set the Chinese against Herr Krupp.
Great Britain^ in her solicitude for her citi-
zens settled in China: bankers, merchants,
insurance agents, etc., silently waived her
most legitimate demands. Whereas China
remained equally hostile to all nationalities,
and hated equally, under the generic term
of Europeans, Englishmen, Russians, French-
men, or Italians; the Europeans themselves
were divided and split up.
In politics there were petty treacheries;
in business, sales at reduced rates, and some-
times contracts at a loss. The Chinese let
them say and do what they pleased, and
accepted what was beneficial to themselves,
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 349
but refrained from establishing a connection
with any one, from entering into large en-
terprises, and from throwing . open their
country to Europeans or to European capi-
tal. At this game the nations all lost rapidly
both their influence and respect. Even Rus-
sia once so feared, and who, as lately as
1 88 1, had wrested important concessions
from China, became aware that her influence
was diminishing. And accurate observers are
now doubtful as to which of the two nations
inspires her rival with fear.
In this state of affairs, each nation con-
soles herself for her own losses by the losses
of the other nations.
Certain Powers, however, actuated by
more prudential motives, decided to have
recourse to other means, which they believed
would accelerate the desired solution. They
sought out from among the countries bor-
dering on China those whence relations might,
without too great difficulty, be established
with the province contiguous to the Empire.
To this province they would obtain access ;
they would bring right up to its boundaries
their railway and telegraph lines, their postal
and transport services, their bazaars and
markets; they would prove to it what the
science, the laws, and the organisation of
the Western barbarians could effect for the
prosperity of peoples ; they would enrich the
350 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
inhabitants of its nearest districts ; they would
win them over to the use of our customs
and our inventions; they would make them
— well pleased with their own benefits and
satisfied — missionaries who would sing our
praises to their compatriots; one after an-
other they would proselytise the districts
and provinces, and when in course of time
the Empire, yielding to the force of example,
decided on receiving our products and imi-
tating our methods, they would be the first
to gain admittance to her territory, and to
"take orders." It was in this hope that the
British established themselves in Burma, the
French in Tongking and the Germans beat
about Siam.
The frontier of Burma, like that of Tong-
king, is parallel for a long distance with
that of the province of Yunnan. Tongking
borders, further, in the north and north-west,
on the two provinces of Quang-Si and Quang-
Tung. Burma possesses several rivers which
take their rise in China : the Irrawaddy, the
Sittang, the Salwen; Tongking has, strictly
speaking, but one river, the famous Red River.
This is not the place to speak of the Red
River, or to compare it, as a means of gaining
access to China, with those of Burma. Besides
which, such a comparison would now be super-
fluous; the Red River has won. Steamers,
which have been perfectly adapted to the re-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 35 I
quirements, ascend the river as far as Laokai
on the Chinese frontier, and all that remains
for us to do is to afford every facility to
navigation by improving, at a moderate cost,
the channel of the river; and to commerce
by repudiating — not by surreptitious and seem-
ingly secret resolutions, but by a solemn and
widely proclaimed law — the troublesome re-
gime of customs' duties which bars the Tong-
king route to European transactions with
Western China. The rivers of Burma, on
the contrary, are, as I have already said, of
infinitely greater length than those ofTong-
king, and offer insurmountable obstacles before
reaching the Chinese frontier. The British
themselves appear to have decisively com-
demned them, and are now, with a view to
a nearer approach to, if not to an entry into
China^ engaged in making preliminary surveys
of various lines of railway.
Amongst these surveys a marked distinc-
tion must be made between those which are
either controlled, or even ordered, by the
State, and those which aim at the very heart
of the Empire, and are the outcome of pure-
ly private enterprise. Of the latter there
has, indeed, been a perfect deluge. Long
before the annexation of Upper Burma, ex-
plorers, engineers, former Indian officials,
veritable commercial travellers in railways,
started both in England and in the Far East
352 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
weekly recurring plans for some new line,
which at at less cost than any of the others
would invariably place China, and sometimes
Siam also, literally within the grasp of the
British. Their starting-point, would be either
Rangoon, Maulmain, or Mandalay, and passing
through Tali-fu or Semao, their terminus would
be either at Bangkok, Canton, Yunnan-fu,
Nanking or some other town of equal im-
portance. Their object was to divert to
Burma the traffic which had hitherto taken
the route of the Mekong, the Red River, the
Canton and especially the Yang-tse-kiang,
rivers; and in the magnificent prospectuses
which depicted their probable future, this
object was invariably attained.
The most famous, perhaps, of these pro-
jected lines was that from Maulmain to
Chung-king, on the Yang-tse-kiang. As this
river has a very strong current which renders
its ascent very tedious and expensive^ people
flattered — and still flatter — themselves that
the European import-trade with the interior
of China would desert it in favour of the
railway starting from Burma and terminating
at Chung-king. The descent of the river,
on the contrary, though perilous, is rapid and
comparatively inexpensive. It was therefore
probable that all the provinces through which
this river flows would continue, even after
the railway had been opened, to use it as a
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 353
means of transport for their products to the
east coast, and thence to Europe. This
probable distribution of the traffic would still
leave a very remunerative share to the Bur-
mano-Chinese railway.
But it is doubtful whether the course ot
events would coincide exactly with the anti-
cipations of its promoters; not to mention
the enormous expense which would be in-
curred. The entire plan is based upon two
hypotheses : the first, that China will sanction
the construction of a railway on her territory ;
the second, that for a long time to come, at
all events, she will not sanction the construc-
tion of more than one railway. But both
these hypotheses are open to discussion.
That China may consent to the construc-
tion of a railway, is not impossible ; and yet
this may not occur in the near future. The
example of the short line from Woosung to
Shanghai, which was destroyed as soon as
constructed, and transported to Formosa,
where the pile of materiel is being swallowed
up piecemeal by the sea — this recent exam-
ple is not very encouraging. As a contrast
to the above, I may instance the line, which
is also a very short one, connecting Tientsin
with the Kaiping coal-mines, and which has
not hitherto been menaced ; but in the latter
instance it must be borne in mind that
powerful personages, among others Li-Hung-
354 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Chang, were interested in its construction,
and are also interested in its maintenance.
Now, as regards the proposed line, on the
contrary, many people are opposed to
its construction. Not to quote too long a
list, I shall merely mention the Mandarins
of the provinces through which the line would
run, and further the British, or rather Euro-
pean residents of Eastern and South-Eastern
China, particularly those of the communities
of Shanghai, Hongkong, and all the open ports.
The Mandarins of these provinces, above
all, dread the introduction of the system of
communications in vogue in Europe — tele-
graphs and railways — which by facilitating
transmission of orders, and the exercise of
control, would deprive them of their author-
itative independence. Accordingly, whilst
refraining from any personal protest against
projected public works, they have invariably
endeavoured to obstruct even preliminary
surveys by exciting popular prejudice,^ and
stirring up the people both against the pro-
jects, and the Europeans who advocated
them.^ The persecutions of the Christians
* Read the numberless accounts given by travellers
of the Feng-chui (the anger of the wind and the water).
^ And this is no mere idle talk. In iSSg the Hongkong
and Shanghai Bank obtained a concession for a line
running from Tientsin to Trong-Chow. The decree was
signed, and the capital subscribed. Then such a for-
midable opposition arose that it was thought impossible
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 355
are actuated by similar feelings : in many
cases the hatred of the Christian religion is
less than that of Western civilisation.
As to the British communities in the Far
East, seeing that the diversion of any por-
tion of the traffic to Burma represents a
loss for them, they cannot but be opposed
to all these lines of railway. Of this there
can be no manner of doubt, and it has been
noticed that in no quarter have these vari-
ous projects been criticised with greater
acrimony and pertinacity than by the Anglo-
Chinese newspapers circulating in these com-
munities. The opposition of two such weighty
elements is a primary and very potent cause
of failure : but there is also another.
It is taken for granted that should China
consent to the construction of a railway, the
first one sanctioned by her would be pre-
to proceed with it. The Government consulted the
provincial Governors as to the utility of railways. The
most influential replied that they would undoubtedly
prove advantageous, but that they must be constructed
with the resources of the country, and without the inter-
vention of foreigners. Under these circumstances rail-
ways were an impossibility. The Mandarins were aware
of this, and desired it. The Central Government thought
otherwise. On this occasion, indeed, the Viceroy of the
two Quangs, the famous Cheng, who had most clearly
enunciated this opinion, was removed, sent to the prov-
ince of Hu-Pe, and ordered to construct, at his own
expense, the line from Hankow to Lu-Ko-Tsiao, near
Pekin.
356 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
cisely the Chung-king line, running through
the provinces of Yunnan and Se-Chuen ;
and that when this railway was once com-
pleted she would not for a long time to come
suffer other lines to be constructed. This
is a gratuitous and irrational supposition.
A country so vast in its proportions admits
of several systems of railways : it could not
possibly be tapped from one side only.
Even assuming the hypotheses most favour-
able to the Burmano-Chinese railway, it is
obvious that an onslaught on the main part
of Central China must be anticipated from
two or three other sides : on the east, the
south-east, and the south. China, when once
the first step was taken, would not refuse
to take another. When she had sanctioned
a railway partaking in some measure of an
international character, she would not oppose,
but rather encourage, lines which were really
national ones.V And there would be no
lack of capital. The Chinese, those success-
ful and clever traders, would themselves sub-
scribe all that was required; whilst the
European and British colonies of Shanghai,
Hongkong, and other open ports would make
spontaneous offers, undeterred by any fear
* The first line of railway which the Chinese have
thought of, is from Hankow, across the plains, to the
sea.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 357
of entering into competition with their fellow-
countrymen in Burma.
Hence, for the present at all events, too
great importance must not be attached to
these projects of gigantic Burmano-Chinese
railways, running from Rangoon or Maulmain
to Canton or Chung-king.
On the other hand, the railways merely
reaching, and not crossing over the Chinese
frontier are quite another matter.
The first proposal of a railway to the
Chinese frontier dates from thirty years back.
In 1 86 1 Sir Arthur Phayre, the first Chief
Commissioner of Burma, recommended a
preliminary survey of a line in the direction
of Kiang-hung. In 1 866 Lord Salisbury, then
Viscount Cranborne, requested the Govern-
ment of India which displayed no great con-
cern about the matter, to have a survey
made of a railway extending as far as the
Chinese frontier. In 1869 the Duke of Ar-
gyll, and in 1874 Lord Salisbury for the
second time insisted on this project. Finally,
many others, travellers or officials, had orig-
inated various more or less elaborate, and
practical plans. It was not, however, until
1882 that, at the instance of the explorer
Colquhoun, a survey — although a summary
one — was made of the country in order to
determine whether it would be possible to
construct a railway connecting Burma and
358 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
China. Since 1882 this idea has never been
relinquished ;^ but the proposed lines of route
have varied considerably.
I shall proceed to indicate the lines of
route which have found most favour, regard-
less of their chronological order. Nearly all
of them, in view of the eventualities to which
I have referred, admit of two terminal points :
one on the Chinese frontier or in its imme-
diate vicinity ; the other, on Chinese territory,
at a greater or less distance from the Bur-
mese frontier.
An earlier trace starts from Mandalay, as-
cends the Irrawaddy as far as Bhamo and
thence taking a bend to the north-east crosses
the Chinese frontier, and terminates at Mo-
mein. From Momein it extends in a north-
easterly direction to Tali-fu, or else eastward
to Yung-chang, and thence on to Yunnan-fu.
This trace which has long been regarded
with favour, and a portion of which will
probably be adopted later, has at present
been entirely abandoned. . Several travellers,
among whom may be specially mentioned
those of the Grosvenor mission, and Mr. Col-
quhoun, have explored the country which it
traverses, and consider it impracticable. The
' See the numerous letters of encouragement addressed
by British Chambers of Commerce to the engineers and
the Government; especially the letter of the Blackburn
Chamber of Commerce, of the 8th February, 1892.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 359
following is what Mr. Colborne Baber, Inter-
preter and Secretary to the British Embassy
at Pekin, and a member of the Grosvenor
mission, says concerning it : "It seems chi-
merical to suppose that this route could be
rendered practicable for wheel-traffic. The
valleys or, rather, the chasms of the Salwen
and the Mekong, not to mention other ob-
stacles, offer difficulties which will undoubt-
edly prove insurmountable for a long time
to come. By cutting half-a-dozen tunnels
like that of Mont Cenis, by constructing a
few bridges like that over the Menai Straits,
the route from Burma to Yunnan-fu might
doubtless be much improved.'' We may
add that the line would traverse mountain-
ous regions which are barren and uninhab-
ited.
A second trace starts from Hlaindet on
the line which runs from Rangoon to Man-
dalay, descends in a south-easterly direction
to Mone, crosses the Salwen at Tacaw Ferry,
and passes through Kiang-tung and Kiang-
hung. Kiang-hung is but a short distance
from the Chinese village of Semao. This
trace passes through an exceedingly moun-
tainous country. Between Hlaindet and Mone,
there are no less than four defiles, one of
which is 4,900 feet above sea-level. Beyond
Mone three chains of mountains are crossed,
then a descent is made to Tacaw Ferry
25
360 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
(870 feet above sea-level) where the Salwen
is 800 feet wide. Between Tacaw Ferry
and Kiang-tung there are four more moun-
tain-chains, varying in altitude from 4,000 to
6,500 feet, and, lastly, from Kiang-tung to
Kiang-hung, a continuous incline with a total
fall of 4,000 feet.
The enormous difficulties which these
traces would offer, led Messrs. Colquhoun and
Hallett to seek another route across a coun-
try with fewer obstacles. Their projected
line starts from Maulmain, the second port
of Burma, on the Gulf of Martaban, not far
from the mouth of the Salwen, and thence
passes successively Myawaddy, Rahaing on
the Mei-Ping, Lakon, and Kiang-sen on the
Mekong. On leaving Kiang-sen it follows
the course of the river at a short distance
from it, and reaches Kiang-hung, the termi-
nus of the preceding route. This proposal,
which is still favourably regarded, has the ad-
vantage of being shorter than the others,
and of traversing a line ot country with
somewhat less steep inclines. The altitude
of Rahaing is 377 feet; that of Lakon, 763;
of Kiang-sen, i ,097 ; and, lastly, of Kiang-
hung, about 2,000 feet. These advantages
are counterbalanced by the inconvenience
arising from the fact that none of the al-
ready existing lines are made use of, and
that a considerable length of the line en-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 36 1
croaches upon Siamese territory. In the
latter respect it is inferior to the other
routes which traverse exclusively Burmese
territory.
From this point of view it comprises four
sections ; two on Burmese, and two on Sia-
mese territory, in the following succession :
Maulmain to Myawaddy, Burmese territory;
Myawaddy to Rahaing, Siamese territory;
Rahaing to Kiang-sen, Siamese territory;
Kiang-sen to the Chinese frontier, Burmese
territory. The two Burmese, or rather Brit-
ish sections would measure : from Maulmain
to Myawaddy, 80 miles; from Kiang-sen to
the Chinese frontier, 240 miles; the two
Siamese sections w^ould measure : from Mya-
waddy to Rahaing, 88 miles; from Rahaing
to Kiang-sen, 250; that is, a total of 320
miles for the British, and 338 for the Siamese
sections. The probable cost would amount,
for the British sections, to. ;^2, 500,000; for
the Siamese sections, to ;^2, 200,000, making
a total, in round numbers, of ;^ 5, 000,000.
This is a very high figure, and there is
nothing to prove that it would not be exceeded.
Mr. Holt Hallett has been unable to devote
more than a very brief study to the matter ;
more accurate calculations will probably prove
that this estimate would be exceeded by one-
third to one-half, or perhaps still more.
Even assuming its accuracy, this enormous
362 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
sum constitutes ' a new and very serious ob-
stacle to a proposal which is otherwise well-
planned. It is, indeed, questionable whether
the Siamese would consent to construct, or
merely to subsidise a line which would be of
infinitely less use to them than to the British.
'Tis true, they are inclined to adopt European
inventions; but in the very complete list of their
own proposed railways recently compiled by
Captain Jones, British Consul-General at Bang-
kok, this one does not figure.^
I may add that the British pubUc has
itself displayed considerable disapproval of a
line which would not run entirely through
British territory; consequently Mr. Holt
Hallett recently found himself obliged to
modify his trace, and to take his projected
line of railway through Burma and the Shan
States.
However^ the Government of India has not
thought fit to adopt the trace of Messrs.
Colquhoun and Hallett; but has fallen back
upon an already existing roadway which has
long been in use, and is considering a railway
which would traverse Burmese territory
throughout, and would utilise existing lines
for part of its length.
' See this list, which is given almost in extenso in the
interesting and accurate brochure by Captain Devrez,
Les Grandes Votes commerciales du Tonkiuy Paris^ La-
vauzelle, i89i.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 363
The route in question is that leading from
Bhamo to Tali-fu. It is called the ** ambas-
sadors' road/' being that which the Burmese
ambassadors were accustomed to take when
they went to China to pay tribute; it had
also for a long period been the route of
commerce. This has, however, no longer
been the case for several years past : trade
was dull, and the merchants, who by reason
of their diminished number were less capable
of resistance, were systematically plundered
by a robber-tribe called the Katchinese, and
preferred to give up their trading expeditions
altogether. This state of affairs roused the
British to action, and they had recourse to
an expedient which they had already adopt-
ed with success elsewhere. Plunder is, in-
deed, a customary occupation of the Kat-
chinese. Whether it be a merchant-traveller,
or a peasant-agriculturist, all are fish that
come to their net. They had, as we have
seen, taken to raiding the peaceable inhabit-
ants of the valleys at the foot of their
mountains, and the Government of India
only succeeded in restoring peace by send-
ing Captain Raikes to negotiate with their
chiefs. A second mission was sent to re-
open the Yunnan route to traders. At the
beginning of 1 890 the Katchinese, after having
for some time been subjected to considerable
pressure, entered into an agreement to de-
364 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
sist from molesting the traders, to leave the
road open to them, and even to keep it in
good repair. In return, the British Govern-
ment undertook to levy a fixed contribution
on the merchants, and to distribute the
amount thus obtained annually amongst the
associated chiefs. Thanks to this singular
agreement, which is quite in accordance with
the customs of the country, the route has
been re-opened to trade, and business relations
between China and Burma are re-established.
But this road is, as may be imagined, a
somewhat primitive means of communication,
and one which can give but little impetus to
trade. Consequently, the Government con-
templates constructing a line of railway at
a more or less distant date. This line, which
is, however, by no means a novel idea, having
been adversely criticised by Mr. Colquhoun
himself as far back as 1884, would start
from Mandalay, and make for Theebaw;
thence ascending the valley of the Myitnge
it would proceed to Theinnee, and reach
the Salwen at Kunlon Ferry. The Salwen
constitutes a limit beyond which the British
Government for many reasons does not as
yet wish to risk its capital. Provisionally,
then, the line would stop at this point.
When the day comes on which an entry
into China can be effected, the Salwen would
be crossed, the line be continued upwards
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 365
along the course of the river Nanting as far
as Sunnig-fu (lOO** long., 24^40' lat.) and
thence to Yunnan-fu.
This line, according to the present plan,
that is, extending from Mandalay to Kunlon
Ferry, would have a length of from 260 to
265 miles, and would cost about 30 millions
of rupees. It is considered practicable.
Both engineers and non-professional men
are of this opinion. Mr. William Sheriff, who
was commissioned by the Rangoon Chamber
of Commerce to report on the project, for-
mally declared at a meeting of the Society
of Arts of that town, that he had met with
no serious obstacle. According to him there
would be no greater incline than i in 40.
Lord Lamington, who has lately travelled in
the Indo-Chinese Peninsula^ holds the same
view. Yet even the official plans indicate
slopes of 4,000 feet, and mention as a seri-
ous obstacle a famous gorge named Gokteck
or Gotkeik. The department of the Liver-
pool Chamber of Commerce which deals
with Chinese and Indian affairs declares that
''the difficulties connected with the construc-
tion of this railway are enormous.'' Lastly,
Mr. Colquhoun in his comparison of possible
traces refers to the opinion of Doctor Wil-
Ham, author of ''Through Burma to Western
China,'' which is by no means reassuring. "I
hold the passes (of the Shan plateaux)," he
366 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
says, "to be impracticable either for a rail-
way or a tramway. In 1861, when crossing
the mountains whence the road to Theinnee
debouches, I had to pass along footpaths
situated at an altitude of 5,000 feet above
the river-level. I have ascended and redes-
cended the sides of the mountain in this
neighbourhood by four different routes : every
one of them was precipitous, and not only
impracticable at the present moment, but —
as far as can be judged without technical
experience — impossible to render practicable
for any description of railway or tramway,
without an expenditure which would by far
exceed what could be reasonably devoted
to the attainment of this object.'' Be this
as it may, the Government of India has had
a preliminary survey made of this trace, and
its engineers have declared it to be practicable.
It has not, however, as yet sanctioned the line,
nor ordered the works to be commenced.
Such are the principal lines which have
attracted the attention of the Government of
India or of capitalists.
The realisation of the majority of them
can scarcely be said to be as yet within
measurable distance.^
' I may add that the majority of the lines which aim
at penetrating into China pass through Semao. If we
were so minded, we could be at Semao before anybody
else. Consult the map of China and Anam.
CHAPTER XV
FINANCIAL ORGANISATION.
The principles of financial organisation — India and
Great Britain; Tonking and France — The Com-
parative independence of India — Its consequences
— Influence on politics, and on commerce — Trade
of Burma — Share accruing to Great Britain —
Revenue.
Preliminary surveys and the planning of
new lines of railway are easy matters compared
with the much harder task of finding the money
for their execution ; and the British in Upper
Burma have from the very commencement
been beset by financial difficulties, as the
French have also been in Tongking. The
two countries do not, however, admit of a
very exact comparison. They so far resem-
ble one another that neither has a revenue
sufficient to cover an expenditure which in
both cases is cut down to as low a figure
as possible, and that Tongking, should it re-
quire supplementary resources, applies to the
368 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
French Government, whilst Burma in a simi-
lar case applies to the Government of India.
I have already had occasion to point out,
but it will bear repetition, that India is not
one of the ordinary class of colonies, but a
Viceroyalty. India is an organism indepen-
dent of the mother country; she has a se-
parate existence and, though subject to the
control of the Home Government, enjoys per-
fect liberty in the conduct of her interior
and exterior policy. Her independence is
subject to the condition that she hamper
neither the policy, nor — what might prob-
ably be more to be apprehended — the fi-
nances of Great Britain. Like all rich and
organised countries, India possesses two
sources of supply : taxes and loans. Within
the limits of her resources, and provided
she makes no improper use of either, she is
free to fix the amount of her expenditure
pretty much as she pleases. And the con-
sequences thereof to her are important : I
shall mention one only.
In an ordinary colony there is what one
might term a gulf fixed between the con-
ception and realisation of a plan. Let us
suppose that it is desired to construct a net-
work of railways in Tonking. The Governor
requests the Director of Public Works to
draw up a plan. This plan is forwarded to
the Under Secretary of State in Paris, and
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 369
he has it examined in his offices. But his
subordinates though competent to criticise
matters of a political, commercial or finan-
cial nature, are not competent critics of the
science of engineering. Consequently, this
portion of the project is referred to the Su-
perior Council of the Civil Engineering De-
partment, or possibly to a Special Commis-
sion, which will be sure to introduce amend-
ment. In due course it is returned to the
local Board for '* supplementary study."
Meanwhile, however, the opportunity has slip-
ped away ; the responsible author of the
original plan has been replaced by a new
engineer who regards matters from a different
stand-point to that of his predecessor, the
Council, or the Commission; he prepares a
plan which, after a long interval^ will perhaps
go through a similar course of scrutiny.
Let us suppose that at length a decision is
arrived at : there then remains the question
of money. In the colonies, as elsewhere,
railways are not, as a rule, constructed with
budget-surpluses, but by loans contracted for
the purpose, or subsidies granted by the
Home Government. In the latter case the
matter comes before Parliament, which in its
turn scrutinises a project which the Civil
Service has already subjected to a twofold
scrutiny, and so the chapter of adventures of
this unfortunate scheme begins afresh. It is
370 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
lucky indeed if the discussion turns, not upon
the trace, but the principle of the railway.
Thus, unless the Governor is a man whose
opinion carries weight, the Secretary of State
for the Colonies firm, and the Parliamentary
Commission favourably disposed to the pro-
ject, the debate thereon will be frequently
adjourned, and Tongking will remain without
its railway.
India, on the contrary, with her almost
autonomous Civil Service, her independent
exchequer, her well-nigh all-powerful Govern-
ment, has scarcely any other impediments to
contend with than those attributable to her
own caution, and it may be said without
exaggeration that this caution has at times
retarded her action to a greater extent than
the Home Government would have wished.
If it is a question of digging a canal, or of
constructing a railway: the Government of
India can proceed with the survey and even
with the preliminary works, well-assured that
it will have no difficulty in obtaining sanction
to a well-devised scheme. We were able to
instance a case in point in the course of the
present essay, viz., that of the railway from
Toungoo to Mandalay.
Now the Home Government has its rea-
sons for being so lenient. They are not
hard to guess.
One is, that the Government of India,
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 37 1
being in a position to study the various
problems on the spot, and having at its dis-
posal first-rate political and technical advis-
ers, inspires the Home Government in every
case, if not with absolute confidence, with
as much and even more confidence, than
any other consultative body which it could
assemble in England. The other reason,
perhaps a less weighty, but, it must be con-
fessed, a more decisive one, is that the
Government of India^ when applying for its
sanction, does not usually make any appeal
for pecuniary aid, which obviates the neces-
sity of laying the matter before Parliament.
The Cabinet is therefore at liberty to judge
the project on its own intrinsic merits, and
without reference to any difficulties which
might thereby be created for its home
policy.
This good understanding between the two
Governments, which is also manifested in
other matters besides Public Works, gives
the policy of India wonderful security and
elasticity. India, being thus, by virtue of
her financial autonomy, mistress of her
actions, occupies an exalted position, and
owes her greatness partly to her skill in
taking advantage of opportunities which others
have let slip, and partly to the ability to do
what has to be done at the right moment.
Therefore, all Frenchmen who have studied
372 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
her history cannot but envy her favourable
position, and long for the time when our
Indo-Chinese possessions will be in a similar
state of semi-independence in regard to the
Home Government, which is a necessary con-
dition for their future greatness. But a
similar position requires, in the first instance,
prosperous or, at all events, elastic finances :
it is for this reason that the British Govern-
ment and the Government of India have, as
far as their policy permitted it, taken such
pains in all the provinces of India, and
particularly in Burma, to provide them-
selves with the means of improving local
resources.
I cannot enter into details respecting the
revenue. I will merely say a word as to its
nature.
Commerce is — in the earlier period of
colonisation — the source of all wealth: con-
sequently commerce will be regarded with
favour; it will be allowed special facilities
and entire freedom of action. By so doing,
the colonists will amass wealth, and the
receipts of the Treasury will be augmented.
But, however great the need of funds, the
receipts must not be augmented at all hazards.
An over-exacting Treasury makes untract-
able rate-payers. The demands made must
be moderate, and should this liberality in
conjunction with an impoverished exchequer
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 373
lead to a deficit, it must be borne with re-
signation: the present is but the seed-time;
the harvest when it comes, will repay all the
trouble, and all the sacrifices.
This method which is so simple, so
logical, and yet so rarely adopted, has,
under British auspices, quite equalled ex-
pectations.
The trade of Burma, liberally equipped,
affords evidence of progressive increase. In
1 886- 1 887, just after the annexation and
while the insurrection was yet at its height,
it amounted to ;^i 3, 120,000; it increased in
1887-1888 to ^15,320,000; in 1888-1889, to
^14,040,000; in 1889-1890, to / 1 5,760,000;
and in 1 890-1 891, to ^17,960,000. That is,
not counting the exceptional year 1886- 1887,
an increase of 14 per cent in three years.
And our (French) consul at Rangoon, M.
Pilinsky, removes all doubt as to the cause
of this increase: '^Business with Upper
Burma,'' he says, ^*was almost at a stand-
still .... But since 1887 the country has
been gradually pacified ; the peasants, a large
proportion of whom had abandoned their
villages^ returned to them^ and devoted them-
selves to agriculture; and business, which
had sustained a momentary check, was re-
sumed with increased activity."
The figures which I have just quoted re-
present the entire export-trade of Burma,
374 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
i, e,^ the exports to Great Britain as well as
those to other countries. It is a curious
fact^ and contrary to the generally received
opinion, that the share of Great Britain in
this trade is not a very large one. The
imports from Burma into Great Britain were
in 1886-1887 /2, 120,000; in 1887-1888,
;^ 1, 5 60,000; in 1 888- 1 889, / 1, 400,000; and
in 1 889-1 890, ^2,280,000. The exports
from Great Britain to Burma were in 1886-
1887, ;^i,400,ooo; 1887-1888, /2, 320.000;
in 1 888- 1 889, ;^2, 080,000; and, lastly, in
1 889- 1 890, ;^ 1, 880,000; this gives a total of
;^3, 480,000 for 1 886- 1 887 out of;^ 13, 120,000;
and for 1889- 1890, of ;^4, 160,000 out of
;^ 1 4,040,000. The proportion is not favour-
able to Great Britain. In spite of this, how-
ever, there is no question of applying to
Burma a so-called protective tariff, which
would ruin that country without adding to
the wealth of the mother country.
In the revenue returns, as in those of
commerce, there is also evidence of progress.
In 1 886- 1 887 the revenue derived from
Upper Burma alone amounted to Rs. 2, 224,980;
this amount rose in 1887- 1888 to Rs.
5,016,360; in 1888-1889, to Rs.7,345,430;
and in 1889- 1890, to Rs. 10, 103, 150. This
progressive increase is a good omen ; it does
not, however, suffice to balance the budget.
Since 1886 the annual deficit has been
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 375
from 8 to 12 millions of rupees.^ This
state of affairs, however, occasions no anx-
iety to the Government of India, nor does
the Imperial Parliament demand the evacu-
ation of the country: they are both aware
that a young colony does not pay its ex-
penses ; successive Viceroys, from Lord Dal-
housie in 1852, have foreseen the deficit,
and, bearing in mind the present financial
position of Lower Burma as contrasted with
former days, they have been content to
quietly await the course of events.
' No great reliance can be placed on any of these
figures. The statistics given in English, and Indian
official records do not correspond.
26
CHAPTER XVI.
RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS.
Results of British Administration — Lessons which the
French may learn therefrom — The method^ and
its expedients — A rational plan: races; laws;
officials; public safety; material and intellectual
equipment — Colonisation,
A flourishing trade; finances based upon
an admirable system, but nevertheless still
inadequate to the country's requirements and
likely to remain so for several years to come ;
the administrative machinery erected on the
solid foundation of good laws, and good of-
ficials, but yet occasionally thrown out of
gear by frictions, and liable to jerky action ;
lastly, pacification and security increasing
steadily day by day, but still disturbed from
time to time by rude awakenings, and even
successful outbreaks of the spirit of revolt:
such is, briefly stated, the balance-sheet of
British occupation in Burma at the end of
six years.
I fear it will appear rather a poor one.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 377
Its apparent mediocrity will cause a certain
amount of exultation among those whose
slumbers are disturbed by the thought of
Burma, and will evoke a smile of pity from
others, who cannot brook the idea of taking
a lesson from the British school. The actual
disproportion between these results and the
means employed for their attainment will
create some misgivings in the minds of those
who had augured marvellous results from Brit-
ish sagacity and skill.
The latter circumstance seems to me the
worst of all.
There is a certain class of novel-readers to
whom a logical sequence of events is the
supreme desideratum. They wish the char-
acters presented in the volume to remain
throughout rigidly congealed in the form
which they assumed at the commencement.
If at the commencement they are virtuous,
virtuous they must remain to the end; they
will not tolerate even a momentary relaxa-
tion of their uncompromising virtue. In like
manner they cannot suffer clever people to
make a mistake or prudent people to commit
an imprudence. And if by a mishap excellent
means should fail in bringing about the desired
effect they condemn them thenceforth as use-
less.
Novel-readers of this class are unfortu-
nately also to be met with in politics.
378 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
But such is not life. Human beings and
events do not display unvarying sameness
or automatic precision; at any moment cir-
cumstances may occur which will upset the
best laid plans. Though the British, notwith-
standing their persistent efforts to pacify
Burma, and to develop its resources by
Public Works and other means, have after
six years not completed the pacification or
ensured a steady development of the coun-
try's resources, or established a perfect system
of administration, this fact need not dis-
concert us, nor shatter our faith in knowledge
and prudence. The mediocrity of the results
is no evidence against the method.
But further. The supposition is allowed
that with a less methodical procedure results
apparently more brilliant might have been
attained. But method is conscientious: it
prescribes expedients, and scorns appearances.
It connects the future with the present; it
clears and levels the ground-plot before
building upon it; in building the house it
begins with the cellars, and not with the
upper stories. This is slow, and costly; but
it is durable. To the prejudiced eye the
British in Burma may not appear much more
advanced, than we ourselves are in Tonking.
They are, however, infinitely more so. Their
future prospects are assured.
There is not a doubt of it, to my mind.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 379
Accordingly, now that I am on the point of
concluding, I have no hesitation in saying :
let us adapt the institutions of Burma to
Tonking.
Let us adapt, but not adopt them bodily.
For the two situations have nothing indenti-
cal, nor even wholly comparable : there is no
resemblance between them and us, Tongking
and Burma, our Mandarins and their native
officials, the Burmese and the Tonkinese, nor
even between their Chinese and ours. The
differences are assuredly obvious, and to many
persons they, and they only, will be apparent.
And yet several similarities obtrude them-
selves, and the only danger is, lest too many
should be discovered. Let us, then, not copy,
but adapt.
As I stated at the commencement of this
work, the experience of the British in Burma
admits of our evolving certain rules; which
I shall now proceed to do.
These rules applied to Tonking demand
the fulfilment of the following conditions :
I . — A knowledge should be acquired of the
peoples whose destiny we have taken in
hand. These peoples^ though inhabiting one
and the same country, belong to different
races and families. Not to mention number-
less tribes, the offspring of untraceable inter-
marriages, the Cambodians are one race, the
Anamites, another ; the inhabitants of Cochin
380 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
China are akin to those of Anam; it is un-
certain whether or no the Tonkinese form
a distinct race. On this point opinions differ :
M. Harmand, M. Aymonnier, M. Sylvestre,
the Governor-General, M. de Lannessan,
Mgr. Puginier, all have (or had) their various
opinions : the inhabitants of Anam, and
Tongking must be studied from a historical,
an ethnological, and a political point of view ;
and it must be ascertained beyond a shadow
of doubt whether they are one and the same
nation, or whether their origin, their strug-
gles, and their institutions do not render
them two distinct and possibly even antag-
onistic nations.
2. — This question settled; the next matter
of importance is, to give these peoples laws :
by which I mean laws adapted to their re-
quirements. Now, this is what the laws now
in force in our Indo-Chinese possessions are
not. Their own native laws do not cover
sufficient ground now that they are connect-
ed with us, and our French laws are still
too advanced for them. They require laws
which are more comprehensive than their
own and certainly less complicated than
ours. Neither the Anamite code — the col-
lection and translation of which we owe to
the prolific era of the Admiral-Governors of
Cochin China, — nor the Code Napoleo7i can
— applied separately — afford satisfaction or be
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 38 1
adapted to their requirements : they want
laws specially made for them, laws modelled
in a great measure on their own native laws,
but amplified, where necessary, in accordance
with the principles, but not the provisions,
of our Western legal codes.
However, the time for codifying these
laws has not yet arrived. This is a colossal
task, and one requiring a multiplicity of
precautions, and a vast amount of talent.
In India the task was entrusted to such men
as Lord Macaulay, and Sir Henry Summer
Maine, who spent several years in merely
collecting the materials. I am not aware
whether we have such men at our disposal.
In any case, I believe we do not yet possess
such materials. Let us, then, confine our-
selves for the present to restoring to the
Anamites a portion of the laws which we
have imprudently altered; and continuing
the work of the La Grandieres, the Luros,
etc., let us collect for future use the mate-
rials for a code of native laws, which shall
be worthy of a great nation.
3. — But laws are not everything. Let
us have officials and judges who know how
to administer them. Let the mother country
retain, or let us even restore to her, the
executive and judicial officers whom she so
lavishly bestows upon her colonies. Indo-
China (like India) requires tried and well-
382 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
trained otficials. For a brief period she
possessed such ; let us renew the tradition.
Let us institute competitive examinations
such as I have described — this would be the
more liberal plan, — or else keep up our
Colonial College, which would be less com-
plicated. But let us improve the latter.
Let us transform it from a Colonial, into
an Indo-Chinese school. Let us not throw
it open to all comers, but only to those
who have successfully passed a strict and
honest competitive examination, certifying
their intellectual and moral worth. Let us
organise a practical course of study for a
period of two years under efficient teachers ;
let us guarantee the successful candidates
honourable openings, and an assured career ;
lastly, let us complete their education in the
country of their destination, paying them
during this stage of their career; and ten
years hence we shall have as many officials
as we require, and who may be compared
to the most distinguished of Indian civilians.
4. — Having made provision for justice and
administration, the next requisite is security :
both within and without.
On our Chinese frontier, a few forts might
be placed at points of strategical importance,
and a few battalions might be posted judi-
ciously : above all, our transactions and rela-
tions should be good. Let us concern our-
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 383
selves less with Pekin, and more with the
provinces bordering on our possessions.
We know so little of the mandarins, and
indeed misjudge them. A little respect —
which many of them deserve — would con-
ciliate them. Opportune gifts, proportioned
to their rank, presented to the Viceroys of
the two Quangs and Yunnan, the Governors
and the "Taotai'' would have a decisive
effect. They would keep an eye on their
frontiers, and would, so to say, filter the
emigrants. If, in addition to this, we made
an alteration in the poll-tax, which in its
present form humiliates them, we should
have, I do not say all at once, but in four
or five years' time, the best Chinamen in
the world. Countries in the Far-East, as
a rule, get the class of Chinaman they
deserve.
As regards Anam, a rational use must be
made of the political and military resources
of the country. The protectorate must be
restored; the king treated with respect,
which would invest him with a prestige to
be used in our service ; the people influenced
through the medium of the Mandarins ; not
of the Princes or the Chiefs of powerful
clans who would be incapable of rallying,
without arriere-pensee^ round an upright and
economical administration, — but the minor
Mandarins, humble literati^ whose conduct
384 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
we could control by our agents, and to
whose influence that of the leading men
would serve as an equipoise.
So much for political matters. Military
matters are capable of an equally easy
solution. A native militia must be con-
stituted, and also a civil and military police
force ; these forces may, without any appre-
hension, be officered, except in the higher
ranks, by native chiefs. In addition to the
militia, two standing armies, — numerically
small, but quite distinct — would be required ;
one of French troops; the other of native
troops which must have strong cadres^ and
be commanded by Frenchmen. The native
troops to be precisely similar to the native
Indian army, that is to say, engaged for
service in Tongking only, with cadres whose
whole career would be made there. The
French troops, still less numerous, to be
recruited on advantageous terms from among
hardy, grown-up men, and judiciously posted
at strategic points in healthy localities. There
they would be allowed to remain, not inactive,
but at peace, ever ready for action, but
rarely made use of, and surrounded with
comfort, and prestige ; they would be reserved
for supreme contingencies ; no display would
be made of them, they would be kept as
much as possible out of sight, like a mys-
terious ^^ scarecrow" and, to use an English
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 385
expression, like splendid and terrible " animals
of war."
Arrangements such as these will make us
feared by the natives ; but that is not enough ;
we must make ourselves known and appre-
ciated, I do not venture to say, liked.
5. — As a means to this end, let us add
to whatever benefits they already derive from
Eastern civilisation those which our Western
civilisation affords : education ; equipment ;
wealth.
A. — Education^ especially with peoples who
venerate science, and respect the learned,
is an admirable means of spreading influence.
But one must know how to avail one's-self
of it. The British have scarcely given it a trial
in Burma. Their experiments in India have
not been particularly successful, and have
served to give colour to the opinion, which
has some notable supporters, that to educate
the natives is to train up leaders for your
enemies. This opinion is based upon false
appearances.
The British made a mistake in India. True
to their traditional policy, they proposed to
rely on a native elite for the government of
the people. With this object in view, they
went to great expense in order to provide
this elite with tuition in the higher branches
of knowledge, and for a long period neglected
elementary education. Thanks to this proce-
386 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
dure the prize-men of their universities were
regarded by their compatriots, who were
systematically kept in a state of ignorance,
as demi-gods, and thus acquired a prestige
which might have become a source of dan-
ger. To remedy this state of affairs, the
British are now everywhere introducing ele-
mentary education. And this already has
a salutary effect.
There is the solution! Let us establish
numerous schools in Tongking, and afford
the people free access to them. Let the
education imparted be — another fault to be
avoided — the complement of the Anamite
education, and not a rival system. Let it
not be our aim to deprive the Chinese of
the means whereby they may keep in touch
with the Chinese world. Let us not shut
them out from this world, in inducting them
into ours. Let us not even offer them a
choice between the two systems ; let us give
them both in conjunction.
B. — Equipment \ an equipment of the most
improved type, which shall justify our inter-
vention, — that is, in fact, what these virtuosi
and men of action require. A material, as
well as an intellectual outfit. They are quite
capable of availing themselves of it : just look
at the success of our messageries niaritimes^
and messageries fluvialesl Well-managed ports,
well-planned and well-maintained canals, roads.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 387
and railways, a good postal and telegraph
service, — these are the best agents of rule,
the best means of enrichment.
C. — The prosperity of every young colony,
and especially of this one, which is a com-
mercial route, depends on commerce. Let
us afford to commerce a maximum of free-
dom. We have introduced our general tariff
into Indo-China and while no one benefits
therefrom, the natives and colonists are great
losers thereby : let us abolish it — not surrep-
titiously, but openly, publicly, solemnly. Let
us proclaim its abolition to all the world.
Let the world, our adversaries, who use it
as a weapon against us, be unable either to
ignore its abolition, or to let it be ignored.
Let the colonists, the natives, the Chinese
know that for the future trade is free, and
that, at length, a fortune may be made in
French Indo-China.
6. — And let us people this Indo-China
with good colonists, men of enterprise and
discretion. Let us invite thither the China-
man, and the Frenchman ; not the poor, but
the rich, the capitalist : they will employ the
others later on. Let us invite, let us attract
them. Let us offer them advantages, privi-
leges, monopolies. This is my prayer, the
prayer of an economist and a liberal. Let
us create at Tongking privileged Compa-
nies ; not one only, but several ; not a single
388 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
•
great Company, but small and medium-sized
Companies which will compete with one
another. We have tracts of land in the
east, the north and the north-west which
under the existing regime^ will remain wastes
for a century to come : let us people them.
French capitalists, Chinese foremen, native
labourers : there you have a triple alliance
which will bear abundant fruit.
And when we have accomplished all this,
and have pursued this policy (which is surely
a very simple one) for the space of ten
years without allowing ourselves to be dis-
heartened by any rebuffs, we shall no longer
require to take a lesson from anybody.
For, I confess that when I compare what
the British, backed by the infinite resources
of India, have accomplished in Burmah with
the results which we Frenchmen with our
wretched means have attained in Tongking,
I cannot refrain from admiring our capacity
for colonisation.
In point of courage, devotion, ingenuity,
heartiness, or even pertinacity and industry
we need envy no one. There is one thing
in which we are defective : though pre-emi-
nently disposed to economy, we are wanting
in foresight. This the British possess in a
superlative degree. For half a century their
motto has been "get ready,*' while ours has
been, and still is '*get clear.** Sometimes
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 389
we succeed in doing so; at others, we be-
come more deeply involved. And when at
length our plight is desperate, we appeal to
some more talented person, and entreat him
to get us out of our dilemma. With good
laws judiciously enforced, ordinary well-
trained officials would have sufficed for the
task : we, however, squander upon it the
energies of our men of genius. This is a
wa'steful procedure which no well-ordered
state can tolerate : let us be thrifty, but
provident withal.
THE END
E. J. Brill, Printer, Leyden.
I
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 1
INDEX.
A.
Aberdeen, The Harbour of Hong Kong, 13; Docks built at,
46, 62.
Aborigines, viii.; A Factor modifying Colonial Government, xx.
Acclimatisation of Institutions, The Method of British Legis-
lative Policy, 206.
Administrators, Qualities of good, xvii.
Administrators in French Colonies, Inefficiency of, xvii.
Annam, Revolt in, 159; French Protectorate should be
restored in, 383.
Aristocracy, Nature of Oriental, 200; Part played in India
by English A, 274; Future Displacement from Indian
Government of English A., 276.
Army in India, The British, Opinions on, 266; also v. sub
Soldier.
Asiatics in British Civil Service, 252.
Assam, 149.
Australia, Good Results of Land Legislation in, 308.
Autonomy, Colonial, The Gain of, xii. ; Principle of Granting
A. in English Colonies, 96.
B.
Banking, Eastern, 134, 135, 138; also v. Parsees.
Banks, Overbuilding in Hong Kong, 64.
Bernard, SirC, Memorandum on Burmese Railways, 338-41.
Bhamo, Occupied by the British, 191; Chinese at, 304.
Boats, Chinese, 9.
Bonham, Sir (9., Governor of Hong Kong, 40, 108.
Boivefiy Sir/., Governor of Hong Kong, 109; Plans of, no.
Bowring^ Sir J., Governor of Hong Kong, 42, 108.
Budget, Colonial, Establishment Charges in French, x.
" Buffer State," Burma as a, 195; Qualities of a, 196.
Bureaucracy in India, 264, 275.
Burma, Lesson from the colonisation of, xxii. ; Increase of
since 1885, xxii. ; Wars in, xxii. ; Seized by the British
in self-defence, xxiii. ; French loss of opportunities in,
xxiii. ; Works on, xxiv. n., 146; Uncertain knowledge
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
of, 145 ; Divisions of, 146 ; Races of, 146^ 148; Geo-
graphical position of, 147 ; Mountains in, 147-8 ; Ex-
pansion of, 149; Ingress to, 149; Rivers of, 150;
Richness of, 150-1, 289; False prestige of, 151;
English policy in, 151, 187, 188, 191, 194-205, 211-17;
English expeditions in, 152, 154, 157, 161 ; French
Agent at, 153 ; Fall of the Kingdom of, 154; Slow
pacification of, 156; Dacoits in, 157-62; Insurrections
in, 156-60, 162; Advantages of England in, 163-4;
An Indian Province, 163 ; Exceptional measures with
regard to, 167, 212-5 f British forces in, 168-9 ; Police
in, 170-3 ; Disarmament of, 173 ; Pacification of,
174-93 ; Organisation of, 176 ; Absence of native aris-
tocracy in, 179, 200; Arbitrary executions in, 183;
English injustice in, 183-6; Arrests in, 185; Priestly
life universal in, 186; Friendliness of Priests to British
in, 187; Council of State abolished in, 188; British
policy to vassal tribes of, 188; Wisdom of British
policy in, 191 ; Suzerainty claimed by China over,
1 9 1-2 ; Political aims of England in, 194-205 ;
Reasons for annexation of, 194-204; Protectorate
abandoned over, 199 ; Poverty of, 201 ; Lack of
education in, 201 ; Mediocrity of Priests in, 202 ; De-
sire of order by, 203 ; British legislation in, 206-18 ;
Typical British system in, 206 ; Cautious legislation in,
210; Special laws in, 211; Modifications of Indian
Law in, 212-3; Special Regulations in, 214; Recom-
mendations of Lord Dufferin for, 214 ; Upper Burma
I^ws Act, 215; Legislative Divisions of, 215;
Summary of British regime in, 216-7 l Dangers avoided
by legal system in, 217 ; Objections to legal system of,
218 n.; Inferiority of officials in, 277-9; Climate of,
279-80 ; Unhealthiness of, 279-81 ; Sanitaria in, 280;
Unpopularity of Service in, 281 ; Extent of districts a
weakness in, 281-2 ; Officials recruited separately for,
283 ; Insufficient officials in, 284 ; Surplus of revenue
from, 285 n. i ; Resources of, 288 et seq, ; Agriculture
of, 289, 301 ; Special products of Upper, 290; Pro-
spects of Upper, 290; Forests of, 291-2; Neglect of
forests by natives in, 292 ; Minerals in, 292-8 ; Petro-
leum in, 294-5 ; Coal in, 296-7 ; Gems in, 297 ; Land-
legislation in, 308-12; Government proprietorship of,
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 3
310-11 ; Commerce in, 313, 373-5 ; Public works in,
326-44; Budget of, 328; Roads in, 329-30; Rivers
in, 331-5 ; Floods in, 331 ; Railways in, 335-44, 35^ ;
Famines in, 339 n. ; Intermediate between China and
India, 345 ; A gate to China, 350 ; Surveys in, 351-2 ;
Robbers in, 363 ; Finance of, 367 et seq. ; Revenue
returns from, 374 ; Results of British occupation of,
376.
Burmese, The, 299-303; Idteness of, 299; Industries
among, 301; Absence of Commerce among, 302;
Regal Monc^lies among, 302 ; Indifference to death
of, 183.
Business Depressions, Periodicity of, 63; at Hong Kong, 64.
C.
California, Isolation from Atlantic States of, 56; Chinese
Immigration to, v. Coolies.
Canton, Former Pre-eminence of, 18: Opened to Europe,
.23-4, 40, 45 » 60.
Capital in the East, v. Burma, Hong Kong, &c.; Companies,
Railroads.
Caste in India, 25-8.
China, Text of Treaty between European Powers and, 23 n.;
Trade with Europe (1849), 25 n. i ; Growth of diplomatic
relations with, 26, 37; Claim over Shan States of,
189; Claims to suzerainty of Burma by, 191; Pene-
tration of Europe into, 345-66; Unity of Europe
in face of, 347; Hostility to Europe on the part
of, 348; European policy (since i860) towards, 349-50;
Trade through Tongking with, 350; Trade through
Burma with, 352-3; Railways in, 353, 356; Opposition
of officials to railways in, 354-5 ; Railways to frontier
of, 357-66; Relations with Russia, 349.
Chinese, The, Lack of patriotism among, 55; Ability to
endure expatriation of, 56, 68; English victories over,
55, 60; English merchants find rivals in, 68, 84, 123,
303; Bad qualities of, 69-71, 83; Employment in
Hong Kong Police of, 72; Respect for force on the
part of, 76; Hong Kong classes of, 76, 82; Slavery in
Hong Kong among, 83; Promiscuous living of, 83;
Adoption of Western customs by, 84; Wealth of, 84-5;
4 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Interdependence of British and, 87; In Burma, 303;
Inamenability to law of, 304; English policy in Burma
towards, 305; Foreign intermarriage with, 306.
Chusan, Strategic and Commercial Importance of, 17.
Civil Service, v. Colonial Government, Examination, Officials,
Commissioners; Burma, India, &c.
Classical Education, A Training in the Scientific Spirit, 235.
Colonial History, Lack of study of, 35.
Colonies, Colony, Phases of Existence of, 53 ; A Long-dated
investment, 120, 316; Interests of the Mother-Country
identical with those of C, viii.; Strength of C. if inde-
pendent, xii.; When containing European minority must
be administered by the Mother-Country, 97 ; Bound to
contribute to their cost of maintenance, 121; Danger of
premature withdrawal by Mother-Country from, 121;
Inevitable contest with the Mother-Country on the part
of, 314-6; " Protection " in, 318.
Colonies, English, Classes of, 96; Taxation of, 122 et seq,;
Weak finance of, 123.
Colonies, French, Weakness of, xi., xvii.; In xviii. century,
xviii.; Modern restoration of, xviii.; Modelled on the
Home Country, 209; Are now Possessions, 210 n.
Colonisation, False Theories of, ix., 317-20; Right Theory
of, 320; Aim of, xiii., r2i; Rules of, 12 1-2; Ideal of,
xvii.; Comparative Study of, xix/, xx. ; Qualities neces-
sary in successful, xxi. ; Principle of English, 96, 98-100;
Recognised value to India of English, 257; Refutation
of slanders against English, 257.
Colonists, Definition of, vii , xvi., 97 ; Methods of attracting,
80 et seg,] Not permanent in the East, 88, 141.
Colquhoun^ Mr, Archibald^ Service in Burmah of, 190, 254,
35.8-9-
Commissioners, Indian Civil Service, 230, 239, 241.
Commissariat, Mismanagement in Burma of the, 163.
Companies, Eastern Joint Stock, 135-8.
Company, The East Indian, Regime of, 273-5,
" Competition Wallahs," 246, 273.
Coolies, Business in transportation of, 43, 49, 55-8; Neces-
sity in Hong Kong of, 68.
Cotton Supply, Effects of the American War on the, 48, 63, 65.
"Cramming," 271.
Crown Colonies, 96.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 5
Customs-Dues, Organisation in China of, 46; Ease of
obtaining revenue by, 315; Pressure on a new colony
of, 316.
D.
Dacoits, 157-62, 183-5.
DaviSy Mr., Governor of Hong Kong, 38.
Derby y Lord^ quoted on Hong Kong, 20, no.
DilkCy Sir C, quoted on Dacoity, 160; Writings of, 177.
Duffeririy Lord^ quoted on police duties, 171; On the
occupation of Bhamo, 191; On policy towards Burnia,
i95~7^ On annexation of Burma, 204, 214; On the
worth of I.C.S. officials, 261; References to, 164-7, 185,
198, 203, 327, 342.
E.
Eastern Cadets, 100, 102.
Education, A Liberal, The best preparation for professional
life, 236.
Egypt, Irrigation Works in, 267.
Egyptian Complaints against English Officials, 266-7.
Ellioty Capt. CharleSy First Governor of Hong Kong, 36.
Embankments in Burma, 328, 332.
Engineers, French, High Standing of, 224.
England, The First Colonial Power, xx.; Good points in
Colonial Policy of, xx. ; The Rival of France in Cents.
18 and 19, xxiii.; Tenacity in purpose of, 33, 115-6,
119; Humanity of, 58, 79, 207; Regard for law on the
part of, 77, 171; Impartiality of, 78, 180; Eastern
success of, 81; Eastern hygienic work of, 91-2, 94;
Colonial Policy of, v, sub nn., of Colonies; Colonial
principles of, 96; Choice of officials by, 98; Weak
Colonial finance of, 123; Pacific measures of, 174-93;
Belief in justice by, 179; Cautious Colonial legislation
of, 210.
Europeans in the East, Drawbacks to employment of, 71;
Unable to live permanently there, 88, 105 ; Preponde-
rance of in I.C.S., 252.
Examination, Competitive, Necessary for selection of Colonial
officials, 98 ; Nature of for Hong Kong, loo-i ; Advan-
tages of, 220; Adopted by France only for Home
officials, 221-2; Necessary severity of in I.C.S.,
229; Inadequacy of solely, 230; Nature of for I.C.S.,
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
231-44 ; Origin of the system of, 233 ; Correspondence
of French E. with E. in I.C.S., 237-8; Importance
attached to viva voce in, 245-6 ; Choice of Province
after, 282-3.
Examiners I.C.S., 230-1 ; Control over candidates by^
239-
F.
Finance, Colonial ; Problems of, 120 et seq, \ Eastern v, sub
nn. of Colonies, esp. 367.
Fouillke^ M., Quoted on classical education, 235.
France; Colonial policy of, xviii., 209; Capacity for
colonisation of, 388 ; Break of continuity in the history
of, xviii.
" Free Trade," The secret of England's Colonial success,
320-1.
French Colonial System; Absence of Competitive Exami-
nations from, 224 ; Compared with I.C.S., 238 ;
Salaries given by England compared with those under,
248 n., 253; Protective Tariffs under, 318, 321, also
V. Government, Colonial.
G.
Gold, Effect on Hong Kong of the discovery of, 55.
Government, Colonial ; Empiricism in, vii. ; Requisites of
good, xvi., xvii. ; Factors in, xx. ; Theory of, vi.-ix.
Government, British Colonial, 96-124, and sub nn. of
Colonies; Results of, 125-142, 376; Salaries under,
100, 103-4; Officials under, 95-110; Interference of
Home Government with, 1 1 1 ; Moderation in Burma
of, 178; Impartiality, 180; Wisdom in Burma of,
191-3, 253 ; Seeks good Criminal even more than good
Civil Laws, 207; Elastic in legislation, 212-3; High
qualities of officials under, 218, 228-9; Especially
effective in India, 219 et seq,\ Adopts Competitive
Exam, for entrance, 232 et seq.\ In covenant with its
servants, 249; Moral prestige in India of, 258-9, 312;
Changing in India, 274-6; Economy in India of, 285;
Its Policy in Burma, 307 ; Failure of Land-legislation
in Burma by, 309-12; Slow evolution of system in India
by, 336; Burmese, Financial difficulties of, 367 et seq,-.
Methodical, 378.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA, 7
Government, French Colonial; Routine in, vii. ; Establish-
ment Charges in, ix.; Modelled on Home Govt.,
viL, ix., X.; v, also French system.
Governor, Colonial; Necessary security and pre-eminence of
the, 99; Powers of the English, 105, 177-8; Position
between the Colony and the Mother-country, 122,
Governments, False theories on the part of, 1 1 2-3.
Grey^ Lordy quoted on Hong Kong, 32.
Grosvenor Mission, The, 358-9.
H.
Halletty Mr., Burmese Surveys of. 360-2.
Hastings^ Warren, Modem Vindication of, 257.
History as a Subject in I.C.S. Examinations, 241.
Hong Kong, Lesson from the colonisation of, xxi. ; Descrip-
tion of, 1-14; Terms of cession to England of, 2; Early
defects of, 3; Advantages in position of, 15, 62; Early
conflicting views about, 16; Reasons for British occupy-
ing, 20; Early Prosperity of, 20, 54; Decline of, 25, 54;
Unhealthiness of, 26-9; Soil of, 29; Proposed Abandon-
ment of, 32, 54; Early Annals of, 36-50; Wages in, 39;
Chinese residents recalled from, 44; Postage Stamps
first issued by, 47; Taxation of, 48, 64; Mint built at,
48 ; Development of, 52-66 ; General advantages of, 62 ;
Trade depressions at, 64-5; Suez Canal helped trade
with, 65 ; Importance of native cooperation to, 67 ;
Difficulties of British in, 70; Justice in, 71; Boat-
dwellers in, 72; Legislation in, 78-9, 84; Education in,
79-8r; Variation in population of 81, 89; Proposed
Chinese Consulate at, 82; Slavery in, 83; Class of
Colonists needed for, 87; Problem of Colonising, 90;
Public Works in, 90-2 ; Death-rate at, 93 ; Competitive
Exam, for, 100; Salaries at, 103-4; Powers of Governor
. of, 105; Duties of Councils at, 105-10; Change in
Government of, 108-10; Problems in Government of,
114; Trade at, 114-20, 13c; Harbourage at, 116;
Credit at, 119, 135; Chinese cooperation with Governor
of, 118; Financial problems at, 120 et seq,\ Civil and
Military expenditure on, 125 et seq.\ Debt of, 126;
Increase of expense of, 128; Taxes of, 129-30; A Port
of distribution, 13 1-4; Causes of prosperity of, 132-5;
8 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
Business of, 133-4; Nature of Banking at, 134-5;
Joint-Stock Companies at, 135-8; Banks of, 138; Life
of colonist at, 139-40; Hospitality at, 140-1.
Horsemanship, I.C.S. Candidates tested in, 233.
de Hubner^ County Opinion on English rule in India, 258,
264-6.
Hyderabad, 258.
Hygienic Work in the East, 91-2.
I. J.
India, Lesson from the Government of, xxii. ; High character
of laws of, 207; Books on, 207; Penal Code of, 208;
Code of Civil Procedure in, 209; Code of Criminal
Procedure in, 209; Importance to England of, 228;
Complexity of, 228, 258; Need of high-class men to
govern, 229; Not a nation, 258; Condition of before
British rule, 258; Native appreciation of England in,
258; Debt of, 286 n.; Free Trade in, 324; Autonomy
of, 368-372; Causes of greatness of, 371; Elementary
Education in, 386.
Indians, Qualities of as Officials, 71; Official employment
of, 252, and V, Natives.
Indian Civil Service, Original Scheme of admission to, 270;
Change in Scheme, 270-1; Evil results of change in
Scheme, 271; The Covenanted, 251; The Uncove-
nanted, 251-2; also see Examination , India, Officials, &c.
Indo-China, England and France in, xxiiL, xxiv.; Contrasted
systems of the two Nations in, 209, 225.
Irrawaddy, The, Difficulties in navigating, 333-4*
Irrigation in Burma, 327.
Jacobinism in National Policy, 77.
K.
Katchinese, 148; Robberies by, 363; Government agree-
ment with, 364.
Kowloon, Importance to Hong Kong of, 3; Occupied by
British, 46; Negotiations for disposal of, 61.
L.
Ladrones, The, 7 ; Adapted to piracy, 73.
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. 9
Legislation in British Colonies ; Excellence of, 207 ; Seeks
good criminal laws rather than civil, 207 ; Limits judge
in criminal cases, 208; Power of selection from, 212-3.
Legislation in French Colonies, Defects of, xvii.
Lower Burma, History of, 7;. Burma; Courts Act in (1889),
211 ; Legislation of, 211, 218 n.
Lytton^ Lord, Opinion on I.C.S., 260; Abolished Indian
Import Dues, 324.
M.
Macao, Antiquity of, i; Depot of opium smuggling, 22;
Healthiness of, 30 ; Piracy at, 41 ; Centre of coolie-
traffic, 58 ; Distress at, 60.
Macaulay, Lord, Work on Indian Penal Code, 209 ; Work
on I.C.S. Commission, 233 et seq,
Maine, Sir H,, Opinion on Indian Laws, 207.
Mandarins, Oppose Railways in China, 354-5.
Manufacturers in relation to Colonies, 317-19.
Mercer, Mr,, Governor of Hong Kong, 62.
Mill, James, Error of, in Indian History, 257 n.
Mill, y. S., Opposed to y. Mill on Indian questions,
257 n. ; Opinion on Indian Government, 257.
N.
Namoa, Capture by pirates of the ship, 75.
Nankin, Treaty of, 37.
Natives of India, Racial diversity of, 258 ; Mutual hatred of
classes among, 258; Opposition to British by, 259; In
the army, 266.
O.
Officials, British Colonial, Choice of, 98; Principles of
selection of, 98-100, 228 et seq, \ Qualifications of,
100-2 ; Remuneration of, 103-4, 248 . n., 262 ;
Powers of, 105-10 ; Prizes of, 104, 229, 248-9 ;
Good and bad Qualities of, iio-ii, 178, 180, 245;
Cooperation of Civil and Military, 176 ; Variance
between, 177 n. ; High Level of, 218, 229, 260, 262;
Recruitment of, 219-55, 269, 272-3 ; Necessity of
high education for, 236 ; " Ineffective " period of
service of, 246 ; Summary of requirements of, 247
lO THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
The Covenanted, 251; The Uncovenanted, 251-2;
Military officers taking the duty of, 252 ; Value of, 256
et seq.'y Opinions on, 259 et seq,\ Devotion of, 264;
In Egypt, High qualities of, 267 ; Promotion of, 268 ;
Two types of, 272; Change of personnel in, 274-6;
In Burma, Inferiority of, 278 et seq,\ Overworked
generally, 286 n.; Choice of province by, 282-3.
Officials, French Colonial, Not obtained by Examination,
222; Appointed by interest, 225.
Officialism in French Colonies, vii., x., xii., xvii.
Opium, Smuggling of, 22; Trade at Hong Kong, 38, 64;
Tax on, 42; War, 73; Grown in Upper Burma, 290.
Opposition to British in India, Native, 259.
P.
Pacification, Process of, 175; Requirements for, 178;
Railways a means of, 337.
Parliament, British, Colonial Legislation by the, 106.
Parsees in Eastern Banking, 22, 64, 303.
Pascal quoted, xix.
Pekin, Treaty of, 2.
Penal Code, French, ix..
Penal Code, Indian, 208,
Peninsula and Oriental S.S. Co., Early traffic to East, 39.
Persecution of Christians in China, Reasons for the, 355.
Petroleum in Burma, 293-5; Decreasing yield, 295.
Pirates in Eastern Waters, 3, 7, 158; Numerous in Hong
Kong, 39-41, 43-6, 45, 72-5; Expeditions against, 45,
74; Combined national eifort necessary to extirpate, 75.
Plains, Characteristics of dwellers in, 149.
Policy, English Colonial, Good points in, xx.; also v.
Government, England, France, &c.
Policy, French Colonial, Lacks spirit of continuity, xviii.;
Good qualities of, xviii.; Debt of Modem to Old, xviii.
Policy, Colonial, Universal errors in, xx.
Political Economy, xiv.
Prefect, French, How appointed, 223.
Frendergast, Gen.^ Service in the East of, 154, 166, 184.
Presents from Native Rulers, System of, 249.
Princes of India, Feudatory, 258.
Probationers for I.C.S., 232,
THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA. II
Professors, French, 224.
Promotion by Merit, Supplementary to Competitive Exam-
ination, 98.
" Protection," 318; Weakness of, 319-20.
Protectorate, Nature of a, 1 99.
Public Works, Neglect by France of, x.; Slow development
in India of, 336; In Burma, 325-44.
R.
Railways, in Burma, 328, 335-44; in China, 353-6; to
Chinese Frontier, 356-66; in Siam, 362.
" Residents," French, 219, 253.
Rice, P^xport from Lower Burma of, 289.
Rivers, Importance in Burma of, 330-5.
Roads, Value in Burma of, 329; Neglected in Lower
Burma, 329.
Roberts^ Gen. Lord, Service of, 166-8; quoted, 169, 171,
[76, 187.
Robinson^ Sir H, In Hong Kong, 46.
Rupee, Depreciation of the, 286 n.
Russia, Diminishing influence with China, 349.
S.
Salaries in I.C.S. v. Officials, &c.
Salisbury^ Lord^ Sec. of State for India, 270 ; Despatch on
Abolition of Indian Import Duty on Cotton, 323.
Scheduled Districts Act (1874), 212 ; Powers of Local
Governments under, 213.
Secret Societies, Chinese, 40, 70.
Secretary of State for the Colonies, Powers of the, 96, 106.
Shans v, Burma, Siam.
Shan States, Act, 190; Exempted from Stat. Vic. 33, 214;
Coal in, 297 ; Claims of China and Siam over, 189.
Siam, Claims Shan States, 189; Railways in, 362.
Silver, Abundant in Burma, 293 ; Depreciation of, v. Rupee.
Slavery, Chinese, 83.
Soldier in the East, The, 93, 165, 168, 171, 176, 265-6,
280.
12 THE COLONISATION OF INDO-CHINA.
States, The Native, in India, Compared with British rule,
258-9.
Stat Victoria J J c, J, §7, Local Governments under, 213.
Strachey, Sir/.^ Authority on India, 207, 218; Opinion of
British rule in Indi^, 260; Report on Indian Import
Duties, 324.
Suez Canal, Effect on Eastern Exchange of the, 65.
T.
Taipings, The, 59.
Tariff, In India, 322.
Taxation of Colonies, Method of, 122-3; Necessity of
Moderation in, 372.
Temple, Sir R., Opinion on I.C. Servants, 260.
Theebaw^ King, Deposed, 154; Banished, 199; Popularity
of, 198 ; Cruelties of, 200.
Tientsin, Treaty of, 61 ; Second Treaty of, 62.
Tongking, Compared with Burma, 169, 203; Employment
of military officers in, 253; Rivalry for posts in, 285;
Possible future of, 290; "Protection" in, 318; Insuf-
ficient Supplies in, 328; River engineering in, 333;
Reason for occupying, 350; Red River of, 350; Finan-
cial difficulties in, 367; Railways in, 368; Procedure
in, 369-70; Less advanced than Burma, 378; Sugges-
tions for Government of, 379-89; Variety of races in,
380; Inadequacy of French Codes for, 381; Need of
good officials in, 382; Security in, 383; Troops in, 384;
Education in, 385-6; Free Trade in, 387; Encourage-
ments to Capital in, 387-8.
U. Y.
United States, The, England's greatest Colony, xiii. ; Export
of petroleum to Burma from, 294.
Universities, The English, I.C.S. candidates drawn from,
234, 271.
Upper Burma v, Burma.
Upper Burma, Xaws Act, 215.
Viceroy, Powers of, in India, 178.
Viva-voce, Opinion of I.C.S. Commissioners on the value in
examination of, 245-6.
1
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