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VOL. n 








H. Luders 


E. Waldschmidt 


M. A. Mehendale 



Price : Rs. 30 00 or 2.6s 




Vol. II, Part H 







AS can be seen from the preface to Prof. Sten Konow's edition of the Kharoshthi 
Inscriptions 1 , more than thirty years ago arrangements were concluded for the 
preparation of a volume of early Brahmi and Kharoshthi Inscriptions in GIL The 
joint editorship of this volume was entrusted to Professors Liiders (Brahmi inscriptions) 
and Rapson (Kharoshthi inscriptions) In 1922, however. Prof Rapson relinquished 
his post on account of other engagements, and Prof. Konow took over the charge and 
succeeded in bringing out the volume referred to above on Kharoshthi inscriptions in 
about six years. 

The task of Prof Luders was more comprehensive, as the number of early Brahmi 
inscriptions was comparatively greater than the number of Kharoshthi inscriptions. 
Moreover Prof. Luders could not devote his whole time to this work as he was preoccupied 
with many other problems of Indology, though for the last twenty years of his life he tried 
his best to fulfil the responsibility he undertook Shortly before his lamented death on 
7th May 1943, when he was already seriously ill, he requested Prof E. Waldschmidt to 
continue his work on Brahmi inscriptions and bring his unfinished task to an end. After 
the death of Prof Luders, Mrs Luders handed over the unfinished manuscript of the work 
on Brahmi inscriptions and other similar manuscripts on different subjects to Prof 
Waldschmidt. As Prof Waldschmidt was then in the military service, all this manuscnpt- 
matenal was put into trunks and kept securely in a safe in the Berlin Academy, of which 
Prof Luders was a prominent member and head of the Oriental Commission. Later, these 
trunks, together with other precious material in the Berlin Academy, were brought for security 
purposes into a mine at Bernburg After the war, in the summer of 1945 2 the trunks were 
plundered and their contents scattered, with the result that some of this valuable material 
was lost in the confusion What remained was collected by an official of the Berlin Academy 
and was again entrusted to the charge of Prof Waldschmidt 

After putting this material into proper order and on inspecting it, Prof Waldschmidt 
noticed that in the material before him there was nearly nothing from the second group of 
Brahmi inscriptions which is styled as " Southern Inscriptions " in Prof Luders' List and 
which begins with the number 962 Evidently Prof Luders intended to publish the 
Northern and Southern Brahmi Inscriptions separately in two volumes, and it was obvious 
that he first worked only on the northern inscriptions Even the manuscript of Prof Luders 
on Northern inscriptions was not complete when it came to the hands of Prof Waldschmidt, 
and there were many lacunae which needed to be filled in. It is difficult to decide whether 
these lacunae were already there as Prof Luders had not worked out these parts or whether 
they were results of the plundering and mishandling of the trunks It seems, however, certain 
that Prof Luders had not written the introduction to his intended volume treating the questions 
relating to the different eras and other points of general interest. Similarly the treatment 
on language of the different groups of inscriptions as also the various indices were missing 
in the manuscript. The bulk of the manuscript as it then existed dealt with the Mathura 
and Bharhut inscriptions besides some other smaller groups and separate inscriptions of 
major importance. Hence Prof. Waldschmidt proposed in 1947 to the then Director General 
of Archaeology to publish the material in different fascicles, beginning with the Bharhut 

, Vol 2, Part I, Calcutta 1929. 
Shortly before the end of the war Mrs. Luders had suddenly died on 13th of March 1945 


inscriptions as this was the most complete group in the manuscript of Prof Luders . The 
present work was undertaken after Prof Waldschmidt's proposal was accepted in a letter 
No. 21 A/12/49-4886 dated llth April 1949 of the Superintendent of Publications, 
Department of Archaeology, Government of India, New Delhi 

The year 1941 saw the publication of Prof Luders' book on " Bhdrhut und die buddhi- 
stische Literatur " (Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, XXVI, 3, Leipzig 
1941), and in this book the author discussed many of the Bharhut inscriptions On com- 
paring the treatment of certain inscriptions as contained in the unpublished manuscript 
intended for the CII, and in the published work on Bharhut, it was found, that in some 
respects the latter showed an advance over the former The published work contained in 
certain cases a more detailed discussion, besides a treatment of some general topics like the 
relation of Bharhut sculptures to the Pali texts, and a criticism of B M Barua's work on 
Bharhut Hence it seemed necessary to include this material in the present work at proper 
places, all the more so because copies of Luders 3 book on Bharhut are no more available 

The recovered material of Prof Luders as far as Bharhut is concerned comprised the 
treatment of most of the individual inscriptions It has been supplemented with an intro- 
duction headed by Luders' criticism of Barua's Barhut, and continued by a treatment of general 
topics, like a discussion of the language, of the age of the inscriptions, and of the nature of 
the personal and place names The index of the words has as well been added. In 
completing the manuscript of individual inscriptions, the originality of Luders' text 
has been retained as far as possible Minor changes and additions were often necessary, 
but have not been indicated at all places Similarly the supplementing of the text 
made with the help of the published work of Luders on Bharhut has not been distinguished 
as such The inscriptions, however, on which any treatment whatsoever was missing in the 
manuscript have been so indicated in the foot notes. 

In the present text it was thought advisable to divide the inscriptions into two mam 
groups: A donative inscriptions, and B inscriptions describing the sculptural represen- 
tations, and so to arrange them anew Consequently it was not possible to maintain the 
sequence of the numbers found in the List of Brahm! Inscriptions, but these numbers from 
the List have been mentioned in brackets by the side of new numbers, and in addition a 
concordance of the old and new numbers has been attached. 

In the year 1952, Dr M A Mehendale of the Deccan College Research Institute, 
Poona (India), arrived at Gottingen and joined Prof Waldschmidt in his work on Bharhut 



August 1954 

Postscript 1958: When our manuscript was completed in 1954 we had not heard 
of the removal of as many as fifty-four pieces of the railing of the Stupa of Bharhut, 
discovered at Pataora and other villages near the modern village of Bharhut, to 
the Allahabad Municipal Museum These sculptures have been treated by Dr Satish 
Chandra Kala, Curator, Municipal Museum Allahabad, in his book on 'Bharhut Vedika', 
Allahabad 1951 Some six or seven pieces are provided with inscriptions, read by Dr Kala 
One inscription hamajatakam (below B 41) was already known to the public from Cunning- 
ham's drawing The new inscriptions have been re-edited by Dr D C Sircar, Govern- 
ment Epigraphist for India, in Epigraphia Indica, Vol XXXIII, pp 57-60 They have 
been included in our volume at proper places 



Preface . .. . . V-VI 

Introduction . . . . IX-XXXIV 

(I) Luders' criticism of Barua's work on Bharhut . IX-XII 

(II) The Language .. .. . XIII-XXIX 

(III) Date and Palaeography . . . XXX-XXXIV 
References of Inscriptions to Plates XXXV-XXXVI 
Location of Bharhut inscriptions as described by General Cunningham XXXVII-XXXVIII 


Donative inscriptions 1_65 

(a) Formal aspect 1 

(b) Contents Personal names Place-names . 1-10 

(c) Text Translation Notes: Al - 136 . . H_65 

1. A 1 - 4 Donations by members of the royal family . . . 11-15 

2. A 5 - 54 Donations by inhabitants of certain places . 16-35 

(a) A 5- 9 Inhabitants of Karahakata 16-17 

(b) A 10 -12 Chudathila 17-18 

(c) A 13 - 15 Patalrputra . 18-20 

(d) A 16 -20 Punka 20-21 

(e) A 21 - 22 Bibikanadikata 21-22 

(f) A 23 -24 Bhojakata 22-23 

(g) A 25 -29 Moragin 23-25 
(h) A 30 -35 Vedisa 25-27 
(i) A 36 - 54 vanous places mentioned only once 27-35 

3 A 55 Donation by a sculptor (without reference to the native place) 36 

4 A 56 - 73 Donations by monks 37-43 

(a) A 56 - 63 Monks having specific church titles . 37-40 

(b) A 64 - 73 Monks called bhadanta or aya 40-43 

5 A 74 - 80 Donations by nuns . 44-45 
6. A81-113 Donations by men (without reference to native place or 

profession) . . 46-56 

'Hultzsch states m his German paper on Bharhut inscriptions (ZDMG Vol XL, 1886), p 59, 
that 38 of the inscriptions, the eye-copies of which had been published by General Cunningham in 
StBh , have not been removed to Calcutta For that reason estampages of them could not be made by 
him in 1885, when he prepared his article The same conditions are prevalent till now. Some 40-50 
inscriptions, part of them fragmentary, have to be taken as lost or supposed to remain somewhere " m 
situ ". For them the readings can rely only upon the unauthentic eye-copies published in StBh , and 
reproduced from them in the plates below All the cases in which the eye-copies alone are available 
have been noted as such - Cf , however, postscript 1958 to preface, above p VI 

(viii) CONTENTS 

7 A 114 - A 128 Donations by women (without reference to native place) 57-62 

8. A 129 - A 136 Unclassified fragmentary donative inscriptions . . 63-65 


Inscriptions describing the sculptural representations . . 66-181 

(a) The sculptural representation and the textual tradition . 66-71 

(b) List of the Jatakas identified 72 

(c) Text-Translation-Notes : B 1 - B 82 73-181 
1. B 1 - B 12 Inscriptions attached to the figures of demi-gods and 

goddesses . . . 73-81 

2 B 13 - B 17 Inscriptions attached to Bodhi-trees of the former Buddhas , 82-86 

3 B 18 - B 40 Inscriptions attached to certain scenes from the life of the 

Buddha . . .. .. .. 87-119 

4 B 41 - B 62 Inscriptions attached to identified scenes from Jatakas 

and Avadanas . .... 120-15S 

5 B 63 - B 67 Inscriptions attached to Jataka- or Avadana-scenes not 

yet identified . ... 159-163 

6 B 68 - B 69 Inscriptions attached to the representations of Ghaityas . . 164-166 

7 B 70 - B 76 Inscriptions referring to the legends connected with mount 

Nadoda . . .... 167-173- 

8 B 77 - B 78 Inscriptions attached to the representations of Ghankamas 174-178 

9 B 79 - B 82 Fragmentary inscriptions referring to Jatakas or religious 

legends . .. .. .. .. 179-181 

Concordance of Luders 5 List numbers and the numbers in the present work 182 

List of abbreviations . . .. . .. 183-185 

The Bharhut inscriptions alphabetically arranged .. . .. 18 6- 190- 
Word Index to the Bharhut Inscriptions . . . . . . . 19 1-20 L 




1 Since the writing of our " Postscupt 1958 " (p VI), mentioning the icmoval of fift\four pieces of the railing of the Stupa 
of Bharhut to the Allahabad Municipal Museum, some more information regarding the whereabouts of the Bhaihut sculptures and 
inscriptions has come to oui notice 

Two leliefs, one of them, with the inscription No A 112 nhich, accoidmg to Cunningham ((StBh , PI LVI, 65) came ' fiom 
Uchahara", and another with a representation of the Bodhi Tree (StBh , PI XXXI, 3), aie now in the Fitei Galluy, US \ , see 
A K Coomaraswamv, The Two Reliefs from Bharhut in the Freer Gallery, Jouinal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol 
VI (1938), pp 149-162 The sculptures are also reproduced in \nanda K Goomaraswamy, La Sculpture de Bharhut, traduction 
de Jean Buhot, Pans 1956, Plate XXV This book does not contnoute much regarding the inscriptions, however, it present^ Bhaihut 
sculptures in fifty-one plates in a quality superior to ours A.S the book is ea^il) available, it will be Ujeful to state wheie oui 
inscriptions are to be found in the illustrations of the book and vice \ ersi 

Our No 


Our No 


Our No 


A 8 



B 1 



B 42 

Pig 143 


























3 3 














































33 6LJ 
















33 4,'xi 






























































30, 32 










36, 108 
















33 153 


















3 3 



















3 3 













3 3 



3 3 










Goomai as-w 

Our No 

Coomai as\v 

Our No 

Coomai as\v Oui No 



A 34 

Fig 26 



lig 38 

B 20 



A 95, B 6 

3, 27 



JS 40 

A 123 

3 3 


B 4 




3, 41 

B 7 

3 , 


B 5 

3, 29 


36-37, A 62 

,, 42 

A 80, B 9 



A 58, B 1 

>, 30 


18, B 21, B 40, A 59 


A 65 



B 2 

,3 32 



,, 44 

B 8 

3 3 


B 3 

33 33 



,, 15 

A 94 

3 3 


B 23-31 

33 35 




A 39, B 10 



B 61 

3, 36 



3, 47 

A 124 



B 36-39, B 71, A 62 

3, 37 



3, 43 

A 71 


Coomaiasvv Our No Goomarasw Our No Coomaras\\ Our No 

Fig 49 A 61 Fig 77 A 31 Fig, 145 B 77 

56 A 29, B 13 ,, 79 B 43 ,, 147 B 64 

57 B 16 ,, 80 B 52 , 151 B 48 

,, 58 \ 16, B 15 ,, 83 B 59 ,, 153 B 68 

, 59 4. 38, B 14 87 A 100 ,, 170 B 57 

,, 60 A 40 B 17 90 B 82 ,, 172 B 63 

,61 B 19 94 A 73 174 B 69 

,, 63 B 35 ,, 95 A 96 , 17b B 58 

,, 66 A 112 105 cf Fig 73 178 B 73 

67 B 32-34 ,, 107 cf Fig 63 180 B 74 

,, 68 A 12 , 107 bis cf Fig 61 ,, 200 B 56 

,, 69 A 33, B 51 ,, 108 B 66, A 8, A 22 ,, 223 B 67 

,, 71 B 78 ,, 109 A 51, A 14 ,, 231 B 46 

,, 12. A 32, B 49 ,, 122 A 25 ,, 237 B 45 

,, 73 A 98, B 47 ,, 141 B 50 ,, 241 B 54 

,, 75 B 44, A 119 ,, 143 B 42 

2 Recent acquisitions of the Bharat Kala. Bhavan, Banaras 1 , include some sculptures from Bharhut having inscriptions 
\s Inch lulhci to were known only fiom the eye-copies published by General Cunningham in StBh as " from Uchahara" (these ha\ e been 
icpioduced in this volume) At theiequest of Di G S Gai, PhD , Governm Epigraphist for India Ootacamund, Shri Rai 
Kushnadasa, Hony Director of Bharat Kala Bhavan, jecently sent us estampages of five inscriptions (A 36, A 47, A 48, A 104 and 
B 62) foi being included in the Corpus See additional Plate No XL VIII We have to thank both the gentlemen, for their kind 
help Di Gai also contacted Professoi K D Bajpaiof Sagar University, Madhya Pradesh, who some time ago paid a visit to Bharhut 
and inspected the archaeological collection of the Ramvan Museum (near Satna, some miles distant from Bharhut) He found there 
about two dozen sculptures from Bharhut, some witt- fiagmentary mscuptions which he read as follows 

1 Utama 2 tasa danam 3 thabho danam 

Professor Bajpai states in a papei on * New Bharhut Sculptures ', to be published shortly, that he came acioss three Bhaihut railing 
pillars " in the locality " (Ranrvan or Satna p ] One (No 3 m this paper) is a fragmentary pillar with an inscription It is our No 
A 7 Another pillar (No 2 in the paper) has the inscription No A 26 Both inscriptions were known through Cunningham's c\c- 
copies as on "pillars in Batanmara" Pi of Bajpai has been kind enough to send us impressions of A 7 and A 26, and a copv of the 
manuscript of his papu For this generosity \vc are veiv grateful to him Prof Bajpai's description of the thud pUJai, ' icpicsenting 
the complete figure of -\ standing Yakshi", applies exactly to the Yakshi on a " pillar at Batanmara" reproduced in Cunningham's 
StBh } PI XXI, and in Coomaraswamy's book on Bharhut, 1 c Fig 47 Prof Bajpai found an inscription on the pillai which can be 
read as Soraya thabho danam" But if the two Yakshis are identical, the reading should be a little different, sec below, postscript 
on A 124 Cunningham, StBh , PI LV, gives seven inscriptions as found on " pillars a.* Batanmaia " His Nos 90-96 conespond 
to our Nos A 124, A 54, B 35, A 43, B 59, A 26 and A 7 Of these, B 35 and B 59 are in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, A 7, A. 26, 
andpiobablv A 124 are on the pillars discovered by Prof Bajpai It therefore remains for the future to find out the \\heieabouts, of onh 
\ 43 and \. 54 thabho daaam, read by Prof Bajpai on a sculpture, possibly constitutes the end of the inscription A 54 Luckily 
the wheicabouts of the inscriptions " fiom Uchahara" (Cunningham, StBh , PJ LVI, 61-67), which coiiespond to our Nos A 47, \ 3b, 
V48, \ 104, 4 1 12, B 62, andA4, ate today perfectly clear, A 4 ism the Indian Museum, Calcutta, A J 12 in the Freer Galleiy , USA, 
and the rest m the Bharat K-da Bha\an in Banaras 2 

A\e now add special postscripts to the uucuptions mentioned above 

V 7 (809), Plate XLVIII 

On a fiagmentaix railing pillai J\o 3 recoveicd by Pi of K D Bajpai, who irads the inscription as Karahakatasa Utara gadlu- 
kasa thabo dSnam and explains Utara (Uttara) as "personal name of the donoi, who was a dealer in pei fumes" (gandhika) 
Tlieimpiession of the inscription now available seems indeed to gnega instead of g^ whereasus cleaily to be lead m Cunningham's 
e\f-copy on which every one had to rely until ncm No \\ondei tLat, m Prof Bajpai's vvoids, ' the second woi d has been read by all 
scholars as ' utaragidhikasa ' " The piescnt editois tegardcd Utara-gidhika (Uttara-grdhvaka ? ) as a name deuved from the 
constellation Uttara like Uttara-dasaka, Uttara-datta, Uttara-nutta and similar names mentioned by Hilka Even if -gadhika 
is the coirect reading, it should be interpreted in the same way, i e as the personal name Utara-gadhika (Uttara-gandhika) It 
would he necessaiv to ha\ e Utarasa to enable us to sepaiate Utara from gadhikasa, cf A 55 etc The sa of Karahakatasa 
in the leading of Prof Bajpai is missing in the impression and has been added m mistake 

1 Cf Indian \ichaeologv, \ review, ed by A Ghosh, 1959-60, p 32, and ibid 1960-61 New Delhi 1961, p 74, Plate 

2 The bulk of the Bharhut sculptuies is m the Indian Museum, Calcutta 

A. good number is nowaday s also keptin ( 1) the Allahabad Municipal Museum, Allahabad, (2) the Bharat Kala Bhavan, Banai as, 
and (3) the Ramv an Museum, District Satna, a few pieces are kept m (4) the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, as \\ ell as (5) the Freer 
Gallery, USA A numbei of sculptures is apparently still m the possession of private people in places not far from the piesent village 
of Bhaihut 

3 Tim it, not absolutely certain as traces of an i-hook seem to come out if the rubbing ib held against light The Ictteis on the 
whole arc not veiy clear m this impiession 


\ 2Q (80S), Plate XLVIII 

On a fiagmentnv railing pillai Tso 2 ieco\cied b\ Piof K D Bajpai The iciding taken from Cunningham's eye-copv 
is confiimed bv the impression It may be possible to read Jatamitasa, hut the 2-sUoke of ta is zathei undtiduelopccl To rtad 
Jatamstase (as Pi of Bajpai doe=) is urm an anted and aganiit giammai 

\ 3b (877), Plate XIAIII 

Cunningham's cyc-cop% of this insciiption is described as coming "fiom Uchahaia" The scufpLuie is now in the Bhaiat 
Kila Bhai, an, Banaias The impression now available confirms our leading Only the anusvaia of doc-, not come out ckarl> 
in the impression (d3nam on p 27 is a mispnnt for danaxn.) 

\ 47 (876), Plate XLVIII 

The reading horn Cunningham's e\e-cop\, described as iiom Uchahaia " and now in the Bhaiat Kal2 Bha\an, Banaias, is 
confirmed b\ the impiession 

A 48 (878), Plate XLVIII 

The remaik on \ 47 applies also to A 48, we should, ho*vevei, icad ya instead of ya in [Pa]rakat[iJItaya 

A 10t (879), Plate XLVIII 
The icmaik on \ 47 applies to *\ 104 too 

A IZi (803) 

The inscription is not a fiagmentaiy one as explained bj I uders, theieis also no possibility of combining it with A 43 01 \vith any 
othei msciiption as suggested b\ Barua-Smha and rejected by Ludus The insciiptiun is ckail> legible as 

Sakaya thabha dan am 

in the photogiaph published b\ Coominsuani) , 1 c Fig 47, and can be made out also in the photogiiph in StBh , PI XXI, " Pillai at 
L-alanmaia ", near the le f t hip of the Yakshi If this Yakshi is the same as the one discoveied by Pi of Bajpai, his leading should not br 
Soriya thabo dSnam bat Sakaya -*s given above It is likely that the inscription is somewhat muliHtcd at pi< SLIH, but the old 
photogtaphs aie quite cleai \\c ha\c to tianslate The pillais (lit) the gift of Sale a (Sakra) 4 

B 62 (881), Plait XLVIII 
I he ixachng is 

timitimimgdalakuchhimh[a] Vas[gjut[o] m[o]cito Mahadevenasm 

Cl note 1 on p 155 


PigL XI, f n 1, line 1 kritvlt instead of kritva. 
XIII, line 41 instead of -I 
,, XV, lines 11-10 fiombclovv, lead 'for GSgiputa- and Vachhiputa- ni A 1 cf 6(1) and p XXI, f n 1 ', itu'cad rif ' cf Uso 

Glgiprtta- and VSchhipttta- in A 1 ' 
,, XX, line 19 bhikshum instead o/'bhikshnxn 
,, XXI, line 19 tth. instead of tth a 

line 22 (i e tt 2 ) instead of (i e tt) 

,, XXV line 12 (a) to instead of -ato 

XXVI, line 8 (|)ye instead o/-(a)ye 

XXX, f n 1, line 2 ' with the exception ' of ' with exception' 
,, XXXI, line 16 ' \vere later on 3 instead of ' became lalci on ' 
,, XXXIII, line 12' doubtless' instead of ' doubtlessly ' 
,, XXXVII, hue 3 (ushnisha) instead of (usnisi) 

f n , line 3 ' m Luders " instead of on Ludui " 
,, 6, line 2 from below ' (five times) ' instead of s (five time) ' 
,, 7, line 21 Maha-mora-giri instead o/Mab-a-moia-gin 

hne 14 fiom below -vadhana instead of -vadliana 

line 12 fiom below Puna-vadhana instead of Puria-vadhana 
, 7, line 7 fiom below -vada or -vida instead of -vada 01 -vida 
,, 10, t n 12, line 1 f deuvative ' instead of ' denvation ' 
, , 11, line 4 ' Eastcin gateway ' instead of eastern gatc\\ ay ' 

line 8 ' Chanda ' instead of '' Chandra ' 

f n 2, line 2 ' the more so ' instead of ' the moic ' 

f n 4, line 2 'as usual ' instead of 1 as usual 'y ' 
,, 12,f n 5 tsx instead o/tsa 
j , 21, line 7 Setaka instead of Setaka 
,, 23, line 8 ' Ramaprasad ' instead of Ramprasad ' 
24, 1 n 1, add Possibly we can take Jatamitra as ' one to whom a fuend has been born ' This name would be in a way 

parallel to Ajatasatru 

f n 7, addIf the name GhStila is deiived from Ghata, and not Ghata, then it may refei to the sign Aquanus 


Page 27, line 10, s only once ', addf n twice in the case of Chikulana (A 39, \ 40) and Nagara (A 43, A 44) 

line 14 * danarn ' instead of e danam ' 

, 31, f n 4, add Or Vasu may refer to the name of the gods 
, 32, line 2 (Snmati) instead of (Srunati) 

f n 5, add For Tisasee classification I, 2, A, b (names derived from stars) 
, , 35, f n 2, add For Nagarakhita, p 5 in nu>take included uader female name:., see classification I, 4, a, II (names derived from 

spirits and animal deities) 

, , 37, line 8 from below, p 47, line 1 from below ' recurs ' instead of reoccurs ' 
, , 48, f n 3, add Isxrakhita occurs perhaps also in A87a 

57, fn 6, add Or Koda may stand for *Kod3 <Kody3 (cf p 169, lines 6-7) 
, 59, line 17 (875)6 instead of (875)5 
,, 70, line 9 from below ' was translated ' instead of' is translated ' 

f n 5 'by the side of instead of ' at the side of 
, , 7 1, f n 6, read ' enumeration ' uistead of 'juxtaposition ' 
, , 72, line 1 JATAKAS instead o/JATAKAS 

,j 73, f n 1, line 5 ' \\hose sovereign is Kuiera ' instead of ' whose sovereign Kuvera is ' 
,, 75, line 14 " Ajakalapaka is 'some one " instead of '" Ajakalapaka * some one " 

line 1 from below ' figures ' instead of ' figure ' 
,, 79, f n line 2 ' unbelievable ' instead of '* Tunbehevable ' 
, , 80, line 2 from below * Koka ' instead of ' Koka ' 
, , 87, line 7 from below ' Bodhisattva ' instead of ' Boddhisattva ' 
, , 89, line 10' Holy One ' instead of Holy one ' 
, j 93, line 13 ' beating ' instead of bearing ' 

line 8 from below ' The hall of gods ' instead of The hall of the gods ' 
, , 94, line 22' the hall of gods ' instead of ' the hall of the gods ' 
,, 98, line 10 from below' p 53ff ' instead of ' 53fF ' 

,, 101 , line 1 c on the seven-stringed vina ' instead of ' on the the seven-stringed vipa ' 
, , 108, line 3 from below ' Holy One ' instead of ' Holy one ' 
,, 109, line 25 * away on both sides ' instead of ' away both sides ' 
, , 112, line 7 from below ' eraka. was substituted ' instead of so eraka was substituted ' 
, 1 13, line 2 ' he was reborn ' instead of ' he is reborn ' 

line 8 fiom below' undei No B 23 ' instead of No B 23 ' 
, , 115, line 9 from below ' restrained ' instead of ' restricted ' 
,, 117,f n 2, line 17 ' a place for walking ' instead of ' a place of walking ' 
, , 119, line 2 c female-attendant ' instead of ' female-mahout ' 
,, 122, line 12 ' at present kept in ' instead of at present in ' 
line 15 ' Jataka ' instead of 'jataka' 
line 1 from below ' infested ' instead of infected ' 
, , 124, line 26 ' mocking by ' instead of mocking of 
, , 127, line 26 ' can only be * instead of can be onlv 1 
, , 135, line 1 from below ' there ' instead of ' three ' 
, 140, line 5 ayam instead o/ayam 

,, 141, line 9 velugumbasmim, line 6 from belou ' slaughtei ' uistead of salughter ! 
line 1 from below ' interference ' instead of 1 intreference ' 
f n 2 avekkhlpanti instead of avekkbipaxd 
,, 145, line 22 ' an example of instead of an example for * 

line 3 from below ' whether it is ' instead of may it be ' 
, , 146, line 4 ' Northern gate ' instead of ' northern gate ' 
, , 148, f n 1 , line 2 ' Kakusandha, see ' instead of ' Kakusandha fsee ' 
, 150, line 16 'on the Himavat ' instead of ' in the Himavat ' 
, 1 53, line 5 jatyandhah instead o/jatyandhah 
, 159 } line 2 from below ' refused ' instead of ' rejected ' 
, 168 line 1 fiom below ' is aramika ' instead of ' isaramika ' 
, 173, hue 10 As knoivn ' instead of ' As we know ' 

1 75, line 22, line 24' Evil One ' and ' Holy One ' instead of ' Evil one ' and Holv one ' 
180, line 26 ' a role also ' instead of also a lole ' 
, 183, 184, read Hem Abh before Hem An 

1 84, ; end JPASB, befoi e JPTS 
,, 186, line 9 ' thabho ' instead of ' tliabo ' 
, , 183, line 8' A 46 ' instead of ' 46 A ' 
, , 191 , Ime 12 ' Anadhapemdika- ' instead of ' Anadhapeddika- ' 

hne 5 from below ' vaya- ' instead of vada- ' 
, , 192, hne 1 1 Isii*akhita- instead o/Isirakhita- 

,, 193, line 8 from below f (Ghittuppadasila- ' instead of (Ghittoppadasila- ' 
, , 197, line 1 1 ' petakm- ' instead of ' pai jakin- ' 



Page XVIII, line 25 B 55, 

j, XX, f n 9, line 3 asibiJant, 

, , XXIX, hne 7 fi om below A 3 

, , 2, line 6 from below (GargTputra), 

,, 4 line 6 from below A 75, 

7, hne 13 Morajabhi-kata, 

hne 28 (Takari-pada), 

,, 22, hne 15 No 36, Barua-Smha, 

,, 55, f n 2, line 1 editors 

,, 73, line 10 from below three, 

hne 10 from below Charada, 

95, f n 2, hne 5 p 89 

96, f n 2, hne 1 32f , 

,, 97, line 25 A 62, 

102, f n 21,27 

,, 110, line 25 No 60, 

1 12, line 5 from below (36ff) 

,, 118, f n 2, hne 5 beyond, 

120, line 9 Sircar, 

,, 121, lines 17, 19 coping-stone 

line 5 from below ^tar-shaped 

121, hne 2 PI 

,, 125, line 6 coping-stone 

128,1111611 No 74, 

,, 131, hne 5 p 120f , 

,, 138, line 3 from below speaking, 

,, 149, line 2 coping-stone 

,, 150, line 11 Bhisajataka, 

,, 159, line 8 p 108f , 

,, 160, hne 11 p 97F, 

,, 165, line 24 p 133ff , 

167, hne 15, hne 6 fiom below ' of many elephants ' 

,, 172, line 6 from below Cunningham, 

, , 180, line 6 fi om below p 171, 

,, 181, lines 7-8 ' that the men are sleeping decoiative pmpose ' 

,, 184 PTSD., SBE 


,, VII, f n ,lme 11886, (p 59), 

,, XXVIII, hne 13 -I 

4, hne 18 (BuddharakshitS)6 A 76 


7, line 13 Morajaha(ln) *kata 

,, 27, hne 2 from below (P 12) 

,, 38, f n 1 I, l,a 

,, 130 lines 4-3 from below accord-ing 

,, 133, hne 3 fiom below Atones the (inseit, however, comma after speaking,) 

,, 147, line 13 head while 

165, hne 25 (124a), 


194, hne 3 13 

195, hne 16 6 

line 19 26 

197, hne 7 IV 

198, hne 12 IH 

hne 1 1 from below I 
201, hne 15 from below to 

A * (882), Hate II 


* reproduct 


read ^ 



THE work published by Sir Alexandei Cunningham on his excavations at Bhaihut c 
was at his time an important achievement, because the reproduction of the sculptures 
was done in original photographs and not in sketches as usual up to that date 
Cunningham, helped by Subhuti, also began the interpretation of the sculptures, to which 
work in later time Andersen, Chavannes, Coomaraswamy, Foucher, Hultzsch, MinayefF, 
Oldenburg, Rlrys DaMds, Rouse, Waldschmidt, and Wan en contributed with merit. The 
great progress which has been made m Indian Archaeology and Epigraphy and in the 
investigation of Buddhist literature since the publication of Cunningham's book made the 
re-edition of the finds urgently desirable The first step in this direction was under taken 
by Barua and Sinha in 1926, when they published a new edition of the inscriptions at 
Bharhut 2 Later on Barua endeavoured to give in a work of thiee volumes an exhaustive 
account of all questions regarding the stupa 3 

One has to admit thankfully that the material offered for investigation in Baiua's 
latest work is quite large and impioved The 97 plates m part III show a row ol 
sculptures nevei published before, and some i eproductions are more complete or appear 
on a bigger scale The technical make-up of his plates is generally very good , but in spite 
of this one has to refei here and there to the old photographs of Cunningham which are 
more clear. 

The kernel of Baiua's publication is the second Book which contains the description 
and the identification of sculptures and beais the title " Jataka-Scenes ". Vogel aheady 
opposed the designation of the sculptures as Jataka-Scenes, JRAS 1927, p 593 ff, but Barua 
neglected this fully justified criticism The number of real Jatakas up to then identified at 
Bharhut was 32, according to the list given in Barhut I, p. 86 ff , Barua has enlaiged it to- 
double that number But unfortunately this apparently great rise in identifications proves 
to be an illusion Barua indeed has the merit to have explained convincinglv a numbei 
of representations foi the fiist time He identified rightly, as I believe, the figures on 
pillars icpresented on Cunningham's plate XIV and XV (see B 60 and B 61 ) 4 with the 
main persons of the Kandanj (341) and of the Samuggaj (436) 5 . Besides., he succeeded in 
identifying the ' fragment ' on plate XXVII with the Sammodamanaj. (33) 6 , plate 
XXXIII, 7 with the Kapij (250) 7 3 and the scene of the medallion in Barhut III, PI XCIII 

1 The Stupa of Bharhut a Buddhist Monument ornamented with numerous sculptures illustrative of 
Buddhist Legend and History in the third century B C , London 1879 

a Barhut Inscriptions Edited and translated with critical notes by Berumadhab Barua and Kumar 
Gangananda Sinha Published by the University of Calcutta 1926 

3 Bemmadhab Barua, Barhut Book I Stone as a Story-Teller Book II Jataka-Scenes. Book III 
Aspects of Life and Art Indian Research Institute Publications Fine Arts Series Nos. 1-3 Calcutta 

4 In the following text unless something is specifically mentioned the plate numbers refer to- 
Cunningham's publication When the sculptures bear inscriptions reference has been made to our 
number and classification in this publication, e g B 60 Sculptures bearing no such numbers do not 
have inscriptions. 

5 Bark II, p 117 f., 132 f 6 Ibid II, p. 91 f 

7 Ibid II, p. 109 f In Barua's list we find instead Makkataj (173), although Barua himself had 
decided in favour of the Kapj and denied the Makkataj. 


(141a) with the Guthapanaj (227) ". Not quite sure, but not improbable, is the 
identification of reliefs on PI XLI 5 with the Suchij (387) 2 and the reliefs m Barhut III, 
PI. LXXI (92) with the Kanhaj (29) 3 With this, the number of identifications which are 
acceptable, comes to an end The identification of the relief on PI XXXIV 1 with the 
Vannupathaj (2) 4 is not convincing The same has to be said of the identification of the 
relief on PI XXXII 4 with the Samgamavacharaj (182) 5 and of the reliefs on PI XLVIII 4 
(see B 63) with the Mulapanyayaj (245) 6 His endeavour to bring together at all cost 
every sculpture with some text, and as far as possible with some Jataka, very often led Barua 
to completely unjustifiable and sometimes even impossible combinations 7 

On PI XL VI I 9 (see B 64), we have a relief in which a woman she is according to 
the inscription the young wife Asadha sits on the branches of a tree in a cemetery and 
tells something to three jackals I ask myself in vain what that has to do with the Asi- 
lakkhanaj (126) 8 , as in the Jataka the king's daughter does not climb up a tree, and also 
has no reason to do so, and the jackals do not play any role Likewise I do not understand, 
how it is possible to explain the horse in the half-medallion represented in Barhut III, 
PI XXVI as the famous horse Valaha, which, according to the Jataka (196), brings home 
.250 merchants, whereas, according to the Divy p 120, only the merchant Supnya 9 is 
brought home In the medallion a horse is to be seen, being led by a man with a rein, while 
another man with a spear in hand follows him The horse is certainly not, as Barua main- 
tains, represented as flying. Besides, the man with the spear, whom nobody would suppose 
to be a merchant, does not hold fast to the tail of the horse, as told in the story Barua's 
opinion that the artist intended to suggest through the man before the horse, that the horse was 
having a human voice, will not find common consent Probably the half medallion is purely 
decorative, and the representation is chosen with regard to the profession of the donor of 
the pillar, viz the horseman (asavanka) Suladha (Sulabdha), cf A 22. It seems to me 
also m no way reasonable to identify the relief on PI. XLII 9 with the Chullakasetthy (4), 
or even with the Gandatinduj (520) I0 , or to combine the relief on PI XLII 7 with the 
Madhupindika-Apadana (Ap 97) 1 r The relief on PI XLVI 4 is being explained by Barua as 
the illustration of the Kisa Vaccha episode 12 (J V, 134, 3 ff) in the Sarabhangaj (522). In 
that case we are asked to believe, that the man whom the relief stands with folded hands before 
an ascetic is the king who, according to the story, is deeply offended by him because of his 
spitting I also consider the interpretation of the relief on the PI. XLI V 4 and its identifica- 
tion with the Gahapatij (199) 13 as totally wrong In any case the man to the left does not 
lie on the earth, being caught m a noose. On the contrary, he sits in a position called m 

l lbid III,p 3f *Ibid II, p 126 f 

VYYnr 3 ?' P ; 1 9 u f o Bama himse / lf seems to have S lven U P the identification of the fragment on 
n AAAiii b with the Sumsumaraj (208) proposed in the JPASB , New Ser XIX, p 348 f because it 
un mentioned in his list The monkey represented m the fragment seems in fact only to be 
s, as well as the squirrels in Barh ITL PI X y 

d II p 81 f 

th* Jff/lJV , 10 ? f 7 he bndge n ^ lch the great ele phant walks, and the curious basis on which 
tne small elephant stands remain unexplained 

o r,r^ I P 84 ' Barh II5 P 108 f ~^Shatapasi cannot mean ' the venerable ascetic ' but is obviously 
.3 proper name, 

7 J?? m n ftV h p Se /H S T e mt ^ r ^ tatlons 3 not mentioned here, have been discussed in the text 
&i p. oo, Hark II, p. 97 ff 

s Ibid II, p 104 f 

10 Ibid II, p. 170 f 

11 Ibid II, p 167 f 

lz lbid II, p 144 f 

I3 JW II, p 105 f 


Sanskrit avasakthikaj in Pali samghati- or dussapallatthikd* and which, as the name indicates, 
consists in binding the garment round the knees and hips for support. The ascetic in the relief 
on PI XL VI 4 is also sitting in the position of samghatipallatthikd, his right arm, however, being 
free, while the man in our relief has put the arm in the supporting tie made from his garment. 

The treatment by Barua of our inscription No B 80 (for particulars cf. below) is a 
further example to show on what unfounded suppositions his identifications are sometimes 
based It is also characteristic of the method of Barua, to see how he deals with a small 
fragment of a coping stone, that is preserved in the Indian Museum and has been reproduced 
for the first time in Barhut III, PI LXXV (98). Barua completes the sculpture which bears 
our inscription B 65 (cf our treatment) by the photograph of another which, however, as 
everybody will see at first sight, does not fit in with the former In this way he finds it 
possible to identify the relief with the Indasamanagottaj (161) or with the Mittamittaj (197) 3 . 

Barua's lack of knowledge and feeling for the language has also become a rich source 
of errors Barua and Smha show often in their interpretations of labels a disregard for 
even the most simple rules of phonology The inscription B 45 reads Sechhajataka It is 
probably not to be expected of the authors to know that sechha is the western form of Sanskrit 
saiksha and that sekha, the eastern form, has been taken over into Pali, but the identification 
of sechha with sincha, secka, under express rejection of the right etymology, and the translation 
based thereon as ' a Jataka-episode of water-drawing ' 4 , is more than can be forgiven even 
to a beginner One may judge the Kodayo in our inscription B 72 as one likes, but that it 
cannot go back to Kodn-rdja or kottardja and that it cannot mean e fort-keeper ' 5 need 
scarcely be pointed out On the name of the mountain Nadoda occurring at different times 
in the labels (cf B 70-76) it is said in BI p 98 " Nadoda seems to equate with Nalada or 
Ndrada, and is obviously used as a synonym for Gandhamddana, nala or nalada meaning a scented 
plant or mineral " In the translations of the labels in Barhut II, p 162, 165, 169, Nadoda 
is accordingly simply substituted by " Mt Narada " Any comment seems to me to be 
superfluous The inscription B 66 Bramhadevo manavako is translated as " the young 
[Rupa-]Brahma deity Subrahma " 6 or "the youthful Rupabrahma deity" 7 , the scene 
has been explained as a greeting of the Buddha by the Brahmakayika goddesses after he 
had attained Bodhi. That in fact would be a very curious representation of the event But 
it is not necessary to deal with it any further, for the inscription can only mean ' the young 
Brahmin Brahmadeva ', and that any relation of the relief to the Rupabrahman goddesses 
is missing is obvious 

Finally even representations rightly explained for a long time have been wrongly 
interpreted by Barua. The story of the bullock and the jackal forming the basis of the relief on 

1 Vaij , 95, 299, Tnk , 532, Hem Abh , 679,Gaut , 2, 14, Manu 4, 1 12, kntvachaivdvasakthikdm nddhlyita, 
rightly translated by Buhler as ' while he sits on his hams with a cloth tied round his knees, let him not 
study ' In the Buddhist Sanskrit the word has been distorted to utsaktikd, Mvp , 263, 19 notsaktikqya, 
263, 85 notsaktikdkntaydgldndya dharmam desayishydmah 

a ln Chullav , 5, 28, 2 it is said of the chhabbaggiya monks samghatipallattlnkdya nisidanh samghatiyd 
pattd (so to be read) lujjanh, which in SBE XX is translated ' sat down lolling up against their waist- 
cloths (arranged as a cushion) and the edges of the waist-cloths wore out ' In Suttav , Sekh , 26 it is 
forbidden to sit in the house pallatthikaya on which the old commentary remarks yo anddanyam paticca 
hatthapallatthikdya vd dussapallatthikaya vd antaraghare mszdati dpatti dukkatassa Instead of the garment 
it was of course possible to support the knees also with the arms A special cloth has also been used for 
support dyogapatta See Vv 33, 41 , Vism , I, 79 

*Barh II, p 99 f 

W, p 84 

5 Ibid, p 92 f 

6 57, p 56 

'Bark II, p 23 


Cunningham s plate XXVII 10 was found years ago by Chavannes, Conies et Apologues I, p XI 
in some Buddhist text Bai ua does not know of it and wants to combine the relief and the Vakaj 
^300) which has quite different contents 1 The scene represented on the pillar of the South- West 
quadrant having the inscription %avama)hakiyam jdtakam (PI XXV 3) has already been 
explained rightly by Cunningham (p 53 ff.) m its mam features, although he had access 
onh to the later versions of the story in the Biihatkathamanjarl and in the Kathasantsagara 
Minayeff later on hinted at the story of the prudent Amaradevi and the four ministers in the 
Mahaummaggaj (546) * as the model of the artist 3 The representation exactly follows the 
text Barua 4 manages to identify the relief with two diffeient episodes of the Mahaummagga- 
Jataka on the basis of some unbelievable misinterpretations of the details 

But I may stop here. If I wanted to mention all the unjustified conclusions, all the 
contradictions, inexact and unclear matters found throughout the work of Barua I should 
have to fill many pages. They are as numerous as the many misprints and false citations 5 

l Barh II, p 114 f 

a j, VI, 368, 14 ff 

*Rechtrckes sur le Bouddhisme. p 148 ff 

*Barh H, p 158 ff 

of the essentials of 


The Bharhut inscriptions, which belong to the central group of early Brahmi inscrip- 
tions, are written in a Prakrit showing pi edominantly Western dialectal characteristics, 
e g the nom sg. mas. in -o ( 25) and the preservation of r, initially and medially, as opposed 
to the eastern -e and -I Barua, Baih I, p 48, calls the language " a monumental Prakrit 
with a marked tendency to conform to Pah diction " Regarding the inscriptions describing 
the sculptural representations he is of the opinion " that the scriptural source of the Barhut 
artists was not in all cases the Pah but of mixed character, with the predominance of the 
Pali elements " 

The following inventory brings out some dialectal mixture., for instance m the 
representation of the Sk cluster ksh ( 13), which is sometimes assimilated to (k)kh and 
sometimes palatalised to (cfychh., and in the cerebralisation of n, occurring in the Torana 
inscriptions Al and A2 only, whereas all other inscriptions avoid the cei ebrahsation of n> 
and even show the cerebral nasal n changed to dental n [cf. 12 (c)] The lattei fact is 
rightly observed by Barua 1 c. , but it is a distortion, when he notes such an essential difference 
between the orthography of the inscriptions on the gateway pillars and the main bulk of 
inscriptions, as to say " in the former the dental nasal (n) is replaced by the cerebral (n), 
and in the latter the cerebral is replaced by the dental." As a glance at the inscriptions 
will show, Al and A2 contain dental nasals; the point of difference is no more than that 
cerebralisation takes place in the two Torana inscriptions 1 

a. Phonology 

1 Treatment of the Sk. vowel n: The vowel, as usual, shows the threefold treatment 
viz that it is changed to a, z, and u However, it is possible to say that the change to a is 
predominant, for the change to i occurs only m the illustration isi, and m animal names like 
sigala and miga, while the change to u is restricted to the words of human lelationship 

(I) Change Sk. n>ai 

Sk knta->kata- A 112, A 129 
Sk knshna->kanhila- A 63. 
Sk gnhapati->gahapati- A 21. 

Sk Supidvnsha->Supdvasa~ B 7 (Here ordinarily \ve should have expected 
Supavusa- in combination with v) 

(II) Change Sk. n>i' 

Sk nshi->isi- m Isirakhita- A 50, A 53, A 87 a Isidata- A 86; Isipahta-A 59. 

Sk mnga->tmga- 5 B 47, B 48, B 68 

Sk sngdla-> sigala-* B 64 Perhaps also in 

'A 129, the veiy fragmentary third Toiana inscription, has again only the dental n. 
3 According to H Berger, %wei Probleme der mittehndischenLautlehre, Munchen, 1955, p 30 n becomes 
i as a rule, wnen the following syllable contains z, cf hmi <C.knmi> ktki<knki, vicclnka<vnfchika 

3 The change rz>z in this case is explained by H Berger (p 40 ) as due to the influence of the 
oft-occurring fern mngl^ntigz 

4 According to H Berger (p 25 f ) sigala belongs to the class of words which denote specific Indian 
things and are therefore most probably of non- Aryan origin This is supported by the occuirence of 
the suffix -dlaj-ara which is frequent in words which are etymologically unclear. 


Sk Rtsh)>asnngi)ia->Jsis[im]g[iya] B 53 r 
(III) Change Sk n>u: 

Sk naptn->natu- A 50. 
Sk mdtdpttn->mdt[d]pitu-na A 108 2 

2. Treatment of Sk >>z and ava As is to be expected they become e and o res- 

(I) Change ayi>e' 

Sk *krqyitua>ketd B 32 (But it is also possible to explain the form as coming 
from kritvd>*ktttd>kettd. Such a change, however, is not frequent in 
Bharhut inscriptions ) 

(II) Change ava>o 

Sk Sravand->Sona- A 123 (Perhaps this personal name may also be 
derived from Suvamd- } 

Sk vyavakrdnta->vokata-~ B 18 (Is it not possible to derive vokata from 
Sk avakrdnta-? The initial 0- may be a phonetic tendency to pronounce 
v before o.} 

Sk amravat(a)-~>Aboda- B 69 

Sk avakrdnti->ukramti- (i e ofaamti) B 19 This is according to Hultzsch, 

who considers the form as a mistake for okramti Luders, however^ 

would like to derive it from Sk upakrdnti- In view of the fact that we 

do not get any long u vowel before a cluster, it is better to regard u 

as a mistake for o, the usual left horizontal stroke being put to the 

nght by mistake If, however, the reading u is the correct one, then we 

better read the following letter as k and not kr This k then will not 

stand for kk as the preceding vowel is lengthened, cf Mahidasena- A 13. 

3 Treatment of Sk diphthongs ai and an As usual they become e and 0, except 

that an is supposed to have been preserved only in a solitary instance (see however below). 

(I) Change ai>e . 

Sk Vaijqyanta-~>Vejayamta- B 22 

Sk Vaidisa-> Vedisa- A 30, A 33, A 34 

Sk. saiksha->sechha~ B 45 

Sk -naikdyika-~>~nekdyika~ A 57 

Once Sk chaitya~>chdtiya- B 69 This is obviously a mistake, the top 

honzontal mark being put to the right by mistake instead of to the left. 

See above the probable mistake in ukramti- for okramti- 

(II) Change au>o 

Sk Gauptiputra-~> Gotiputa- A 1 
Sk kausala->kosala~ B 39. 

(III) au is supposed to have been preserved in 

Sk pautra->pauta- A 1 But this is highly improbable The change au>o 
is found in the very same inscription in the instance Gotiputa-. It is 

'The change n>i m snnga>simga is explained by H Berger p 30 to be due to the existence of 
the old palatal s 

2 For the change of n> in words of relationship as resultof the influence of the gen sg forms like 
ptfuh, mdtuh etc see Gh Bartholomae, Ausgleichserschemungen bei den ^ahlwortem 2, 3 und 4 im 
Mittelindischen Mit emem Anhang uber pitunnam, Sitzungsber Heidelberger Akademie 1916 V 
and H Berger p 60 ff. 


therefore reasonable to suppose that the word really has to be read potena, 
see the remark on the akshara po in note 1 of A 1 

4. Treatment of e and o : These sounds are normally preserved The following 
incidental changes, however, may be noted* 

(I) Change e>i Sk. kubera-> kupira- B 1 Perhaps this betrays a tendency to 

pronounce the second syllable short, especially when a long syllable follows 
(the actual from used is kupird) 

(II) o occurs for e obviously by mistake in 

Sk. Misrakesi-> Misakosi- B 28 

(III) Change o>u before a cluster is attested m 

Sk Nandottara->Nadutara- A 119 

(IV) machito B 62 for mochito is obviously a mistake in the eye-copy, the putting in of 

the upper left horizontal mark having been forgotten. 

5 Treatment of the vowel a: Though this vowel is fairly well preserved, it is 
possibly sometimes lengthened before a consonant cluster, and in a few cases it changes to 
i and u under the influence of y and m respectively 

(I) Change a>d before a consonant cluster It must be stated that clear cases of 
this type of change are really very few Most of them seem to be hypo- 
thetical (Note also that changes z>f and u>ii in similar circumstances 
are rarely found ) 

Sk. Punarvasu->Punavasu- A 72 It is, however, possible that we get here 
a combination of puna- and vasu, puna itself being the form for punar-. 
Thus the change of a>d m Punavasu may not have anything to do with 
the cluster rv t cf similar combinations m Araha-guto B 18, B 20, and 
chha-damtiya B 49 

Sk Angdradyut->Agaraju- A 1 Here also the right horizontal mark in the 
middle supposed to be for a is not very clear and seems accidental, exactly 
as m the case of pautena Note also that in the inscription A 2 line 2 we 
get Agaraju- with short a 
Sk Gangamitra->Gagamita- A 89 

Sk sattaka->sadika- B 27 But sddika- may go back to sdtikd. 
The next are the three instances where a>a occurs m the genitive singular 
term -assa >-dsa, cf 

asavankdsa A 22, Thupaddsdsa A 25, bhadamtasa A 38 Similarly we get 
a long vowel before a simplified cluster of rajnah>*ranno>rano A 4, cf. 
also Gdgiputa- and Vdchhiputa m A 1 

(II) Writing of a as d by mistake is found in toiandm A 1 (cf 12, c), dan[a\ A 49 a, 

gajdjdtaka B 42 a, Bhdramdeva- A 100, Dhamdrakhitd A 52, and Bhutdrdkhita- A 38 

(III) Change a>i due to the influence of palatal y\ 

Sk. nyagrodha->mgodha- B 70 

Sk Rishyamnga->Isimiga- B 48. (This is according to Luders, all other 

editors derive it from Rishimnga-.) 
Sk. Rishyasnnga-> Isisimga- B 53 

(IV) Change a>u due to the influence of labial m* 

Sk. smasdna->susdna- B 64. r 

r The change a> m susdna- is explained by H Berger as a result of samprasarana. For this the 
author presupposes (18, 6 n 13, also cf. p 61, 66) a hypothetical form *svasana- for smaSdna-. But 
elsewhere the rounding of lips due to m is shown by Berger himself 



6 Tieatment of the vowel a This vowel suffers most changes, though it is riot 
infrequent to find it well preserved It is principally changed to a before a consonant cluster, 
before the gen sg fern, term , at the end of the word mostly m nom sg. fern and abl sg 
mas , and lastly it is represented as a short vowel in some cases mostly due to the negligence 
of the scribe and should m fact be taken to stand for a long vowel in such cases 
(I) Change d>a before a consonant clustei 
Sk drya->aya- A 38, A 51, A 56 etc 
Sk rajya~>)aja- A 1, A 2 (It may be obseived that in the inscription A 1 

long a is preserved m Gdglputa- and Vdchhiputa ) 
Sk bhdryd~>bhaya-ye A 4 
Sk Kdsyapa->Kasapa- B 17 

This change is also observed befoie clusters with nasals. 
Sk sutrdntika~>sutamtika- A 51 
Sk upakranti-(?)>ukmmti- B 19 [cf 2 (II)] 
Sk vyaodki dnta- (' ? )>vokata- B 18 
Sk brdhmana-~>bramana- B 51 

Sk j djnah^rano A 1 (But cf idno A 4 We also get long a in rdjano A ^ 
and short a in rajano A 130, where we have to suppose that the gen. sg. 
forms are foimed on the analogy of such foims as attano etc ) 
Sk dtonand>atand A 112 
Sk dmiavat(a)->Aboda- B 69 

(III Change d>a before the gen (abl j sg fern termination. It is obseived befoie 
the term -ya and sometimes before -ye, but never before -yd. 
Sk Pushyadevd->Pusadeva-ya A 120 

Sk bhdryd->bhdnya-ya A 46 Also cf Punkaya A 1 7, Punkaya 1 A 19 (m these 
two cases abl sg teim ), Badhikaya A 42, Nadutaraya A 1 19, and Na^ankayu 
A 43. * 

Sk Pushyadattd->Pusadata-ye A 43, A 44 

Sk. Ndgd->Mga-ye A 74 Also cf Kamuchukaye A 54 b, Bhutoye A 77, and 
Sapagutaye A 78 2 

As against these instances we have numerous instances where a is pi eseived befoie-^ and 
-ye, cf the following- Ndgasendya A 14, Punkaya A 16 (abl sg.), Idadevdya A 19, A 45, 'Samaya 


A^BhojakatakdyaA2^BendkatikdyaA^^bhdnydyaA\\^SondyaA\^ac. etc befoic-w 
cf Ndgarakhitdye A 4, ndgankdye A 44, Phagudevdye A 75, Ujhikdye A 114, Gho&aye A 117 etc 
As mentioned above a is never shown as a before the ending -yd, cf Kujatdyd A 10 
Ndgadevdyd A 11, samanaya A 12, Pwn^^a (abl sg ) A 18, A 20, P^^ A 27, Masd&va A '29 
Sinmdyd A 48 etc etc '*--- 

(III) Change -d>-a at the end of a word 

(a) At the end of nom sg fern words, cf devata B 8, B 12, Sudamm B 10 

Mahakoka B 12, Idasdlaguha B 35, Simla B 56, -Chitupddasiia B 67 
lb) Also in the ace sg fern with or without the loss of final anusv ai a, c 

B 26, toAfl (<kanthd ace to LuderS) B 73, dakhmam B 26 

'Perhaps this is a mistake for Punkaya (cf A 16) or Punkavfi (cf A 1ft A on> 

other instance of the shortening of -a before -ya ( ' 20) ' aS We do not S et Y 

2 In A 24 *e get Diganagay[e] It will be seen that the final vowel stroke isnot n,,ito -1 A . 


>qya, and i%^ A 4 may be a mistake for bhayqye, as we have Naifarakfatn , *v, inscn P t , lon we get 

-/ ^/ 3 ^ T v* J.4.CI V W / f UcUf Unif/.j.ltfJ.vK IT! T ri i rtv-i -*-* -. - __. - j ' _ 


(c) At the end of the abl sg mas forms: Kaiahakata A 6, A 7, Ckekulana A 40, 
Ndsika A 46 

(d) The final a of gen pi mas is also sometimes shortened to a (which is shown 
\vith or without anusvara), cf Suganam A 1, ddyakana A 16, Sagana (foi 
Sugdna) A 2 and devdnam B 27 (Note that in the first two instances d is 
changed to a also before the gen pi term ) 

(e) The final d of instrumental sg. is shortened in Dhanabhutina A 1 . 

(IV) In the end we may note that d is sometimes represented as a just by way of a 

mistake in such cases as 

Sk ddna-~>dana- A 81, A 127 

Sk jdtaka^-jataka B 42 (the actual form here being jataia]., B 45, B 48, 

B 51 etc 

Sk Sthdna->*' Thdna-^ Tana- A 127 
Sk idjan-'>'\_nd'\gaiajd B 36. 

Sk drdmaka-^ardmaka- B 72 Also in the following instances main A 28, 
A 120, Samidatd A 122, Samika or Samaka A 6, A 41, A 66, bhanaka 
A 39, A 61, Anamda- A 50, and Bibikanadikata A 21, A 22 (Perhaps 
in this last instance d in Bimbikd becomes short as at the end of the first 
member of a compound ) 

One \vonders whethei these instances suggest a slightly appreciable tendency to- 
pronounce the first syllable short, as the following instances perhaps show a tendency to 
pronounce the second syllable short. Agataju 1 A 1, Agaiaju. A 2, Bidala B 42, Sujata B 50, 
avayesi B 51, Asadd B 64 In the instances vijadhata- B 61, Mahamukhi- A 42, and Mahakoka 
B 12 the change has occurred in compound 

(V) The change of d~>i in Venuvagwnyd (Sk Venukag 1 ) d ma-) is not certain, as Ludeis. 
is inclined to read Venuvagdmiyd 

7 Treatment of the Sk vowel i The vowel is fairly well preserved The changes 
that occur are rather sporadic and have no general application 

(I) Change i~>i before a cluster The only illustrations are Bibikanadikata A 22 

(if its derrv ation from Bimbikdnadikata is coi rect) M ahendi asena-~> * Mahiddasena- 
> Mahidasena- A 13 But we find that the short vowel is preseived in such 
cases as Idadevd A 19, A 45 

(II) Change i>e before a clustei, observed only in Vesabhu- (Visvabhu-) B 14 and 

Anddhapedika- (-pindika-) B 22 The same change, but not before a cluster, 
is perhaps to be seen in Kosabeyekd- (Kausdmbeyikd-} A 52 (but Lucleis is 
inclined to read kosabeyikaya)^ and in sri-~>sen A 100 (see, however, f n 3 
to A 100, p 52) 

(III) Writing of i as a, obviously due to the negligence on the pait of the scribe to 

attach i vowel mark, is seen in chetaya (for chetiya<,chaitya) B 68, Samaka- 
(svdmi-) A 66, Moragirami (gin-) A 26, and timigala B 62 (but Luders pro- 
poses to read timimgila). 

(IV) Change i>u due to assimilation in u\su~\(kdro) (ishu)- B 56, and Susupdlo 

(Sisupdla-) B 72 

8 Treatment of the long vowel i : This vowel is mostly shortened before the gen 
sg. term., in the compound formation, in suffixes and occasionally before a consonant 

1 Perhaps an instance of metathesis But we may also read Agaraju, see 5 (I), p. XV 


cluster, it is also sometimes shortened by mistake In all these it is intm-Mim* t 
compare these changes with those of the long vowel a 

I Change f>i before a cluster is not at all frequent. The only instance obsrr v tblr 

is Dighatapasi (dirgha-} B 63 

'II. Change z>z before gen sg term This change is universal and is ubsn\r*I 
before all the three terminations, viz -ya, -yd, and ~jr, cf. .some of tin- 
follow ing instances -bhichhumya A 24 etc, Vdsithiya A 35, hakatnxinti abl 
sg j A 37, bhikhumydA 12 etc , Kodiyamyd A 14, A 15, jak/uya A 1 1 f>, hhiUwn v 
A 44, bhichhumye A 43, A 74 etc 
III) Change f>z is observed at the end of the nom sg of sterns ending HI f* and . 

jjfl^fo B ^^yakhim B 10, Padum[d]vat[z] B 30, Dighatapasi B 6 r i. 

i IV) Change f>z is observed in the compound formations in Vachhiputa- A 1 , (rittt/wfit 
A 1, Revatimita- A 34, Bhdramdeva- A 100 a But long z" is kept in (Ifiqi/ttttti A ! 
\ Change f>z is observed in suffixes m all cases, cf chhadamtiya B -JS>, wvamaiht& i 

B 52, Maghddemya B 57, Bhogavadhamya A 51 etc 

This change is also found before the possesive suffix -ma*, cf 6Vrzmd B 8, SutmtiMt A Un 
VI 1 In the following instances the shortening occurs due to mistake 01 as .1 irsiik 
of occasionally pronouncing first or second syllable short. 

Isarut- (isdna-) A 84 a, A 85 b, tira- (tira-) B 62 (but Liidcis pic)|>oses m i nj.*i.l 
the sign for ra as a chance stroke and to read timi instead of timnn antl < (tinbiiir 
/ZOTZ with the Mowing ttmtmgtla), Smsapada- (Sirishapadta r) A Tl 
9 The short^ vowel u is well preserved It is shown, obviously by mistake-, as , 
in ^fl^a ^for Suga-<Sunga-} A 2 and in kamdra- (kumdra- ?) A 3 
^10 The long vowel u is not preserved 

^ It is changed to u before a cluster m Punahya (Purnakiya) H r M 
(jafrflft^-) A 51, J5A/fl- (Dhurta-) A 96, and to- (m m * } B >( >7 

J[J^ * It IS ' % ^ v "*'~ -J T /V.-l \ ^ /** 


Th !S at v OCCUM 

e wrmng of these mscnp^ons Y ^ '^ the hand f ^Hh- W cst,,n s, 

512 Treatment of Sanskrit stops- 

59 (see the change of -t->-d~ -t ^ , 

7 ^^ ^^ t * * 4* ^*- //-^ "3 V^ ^-1 J /^ * ** 1 % 

below i , 


H'ms to ] 
bom the 


>*Dadanikkhama>Dadamkama-- B 77 

Once -k' seems to have become -v-, due to assimilation, cf Venukagrdma- 
>Venuvagima- A 52 jatara B 42 for jataka is obviously a mistake 

(b) The palatals are equally well preserved The change of-j->-y- is to be noticed 

in Mahdsdmdjikd->Mahdsdmdyikd- B 18 (For palatalisation see below 13 ) 

(c) The cerebrals, with the exception of n, are well preserved The change of -t~>-d- 

is found once in sdtikd (or sattaka)>sddika- B 27 The change of th>t is 
perhaps to be noticed in Sthana->*Thana->Tana- A 127, Sreshthaka-> 
Setthaka->Setaka- A 18, smhtotpdddna-( ' ? )>' [ *satthopdddna->satupaddna- A 58, 
and the change of-dh->-d-is noticed thrice. 

Sk Ashddhd>asadd B 64, Sk Virudhaka-> Virudaka- B 4, Sk Dndhanishh ama- 
~>Dadamkama- 1 B 77 

The cerebral nasal n is, however, in all cases changed to n, except in the inscrip- 
tions A 1 and A 2 

Sk bhdnaka->bhanaka-or bhdnaka- A 39, A 59, A 54a, A 61, A 62, Sk sramand> 
samand A 12, Sk. brdhmana->bramana- B 51 

Even m term we have n for n 9 cf m[d]tdpituna A 108 In B 14 we have Vesabhund. 
But as the gen sg term is no, this is obviously a mistake for Vesabhuno 

Now in A 1 and A 2 we find n preserved in the body of the word and in termina- 
tions, cf tomna- z A 2, putena A 1, pautena A 1 

In A 1 we have torandm The nd, as has been noted in Luders 5 treatment of the 
inscription, is obviously a mistake for na 

Similarly Vdchhiputena m A 1 may be considered as a mistake for Vachhiputena 
(For cerebrahsation see below 14 ) 

(d) The dentals show only the following few instances of certain changes 

Change of a surd to sonant is found in two cases 

-t->-d~ in Sk dmravat(a)->Aboda- B 69, 

-th->-dh- in Andthapmdika->Anddhapedika- B 32 

The contrary change of a sonant to surd is found m -d->-t- m Sk Vidura- 
> Vitura- B 55 (See the change of -b~>-p- below ) 

-d->-y- in Sk avddesi>avqyest B 51 Luders notes that this change is an 
eastern peculiarity and shows that the original text of the Gathas was com- 
posed m a dialect of eastern India On the other hand we get bramano in 
the same inscription, and the preservation of the cluster br as well as the 
nom sg in o are western characteristics 

(e) The labials also show only instances of sporadic changes -b->-p~ in Kubera- 

>Kupira- B 1 (see above the change of d->-t-}, b>bh in Sk bisa->bhisa- 
B 58 

13. Palatalisation The instances of palatalisation are not frequent, cf vidyddhara- 
>vijadhara- B 61, Angaradyut->Agaraju- A 1, A 2 and yavamadhyakiya>yavamajhakiya B 52 
Perhaps we find palatalisation also in Vdtstputra->Vdchhiputa- m A 1, dhenachhaka B 76 < 
dhenutsaka- The cluster ps is palatalised to chh m Sk apsaras- ~>achhard- B 28, B 30, B 31 
More important is the treatment of the cluster ksh which is sometimes assimilated to 
(k)kh, but sometimes palatalised to (ch)chh The word that shows both the treatments 

r Hultzsch derives it from Dandamshkrama 
8 But we have torana-m A 129 


simultaneously is bhikshuni 1 According to T Michelson 2 and Luders 3 , the -kh- forms 
are the eastern and the -chh- forms are the western ones, because this distinction is clearly 
shown b} the Eastern and Western inscriptions of Asoka 4 Recently H Berger has put 
forward this view m a modified form He states that ksh>chckk is not found in the 
east, in Magadhi The change of ksh> chchh in the central and western dialects in a 
number of instances is explained by him not as the result of a spontaneous dialectic tendency 
but is taken as the result of c certain phonetic conditions ' 3 accordingly in all such cases 
where ksh becomes chchh, he tries to find out the phonetic conditions which govern the change 
(see Berger 1 c p 71 ff and p 86) So while in the opinion of S K Ghatterji, ksh becomes 
chchh in bhikshu(ni] } because of the habit to pronounce this word as bhikshyu(ni] , according to 
H Berger the chchh is the result of dissimilation of the two gutturals in the form bhikshuka~> 
bhikhhuka But this seems unlikely, as the word bhikshuka does not occur in Buddhist 
literature and in Prakrit inscriptions, and even in Sanskrit literature it is not very old It 
is more reasonable to suppose that the double treatment shows the different speech habits 
of the regions from which the monks (or nuns) came, or of the scribes who were responsible 
for recording the donations The Eastern form bhikkhu gradually must have gone over to 
the other regions as it was an ecclesiastical term, cf. also Luders, Bharh p 174 

(I) Instances for ksh>kh are { dakshma-*>dakhina- B 26, yaksha-~>yakha~ B 1, B 3 
etc 5 , Rishirakshita>Isimkhita A 50, A 53 5 A 87, A 88 6 , bkikshum>bhikkum 
A 11, A 12, A 29 etc 

(IT) Instances of the Western change of ksh>chfi are found mostly in the parallels 
for the Sk word bhikshuni, cf bhichhum A 24, A 37, A 42, A 43, A 74, etc It 
may be interesting to observe that this change takes place when the (ab 
or) gen suffix is -ye or ~ya It never shows this form with the suffix -yd 

Words other than bhichhum in which palatalisation of ksh is found are Chula- (Kshudra-) 
B 11, sechha- (saiksha-} B 45 7 and kuchhi- (kukshi) B 62 8 

Perhaps the word for ' six ' chha B 26, and B 49, is to be equated with "kshat 9 

14 Gerebralisation Not many instances of ceiebrahsation are witnessed in these 
inscriptions The only instances available are pahsamdhi (prati-) B 18, atha (artha) A 108, 
pathama (prathama] A 34, Bhogavadhamya (-vardhana) A 51, Sthana>*Thana>Tana A 127 (for 
cerebrahsation of n see 12 c above) 

15 Sibilants As in the case of the Prakrits of the midland all the three sibilants are 
reduced to the single dental sibilant without any exception, cf Ajdtasatu (-satni) B 40, sisa 

'The word bhikshu bhikkhu, bhichchhu does not occur in the Bharhut inscriptions Both the 
Prakrit forms, howe\er, occur in the SafichI inscriptions 

*JAOS , 30, 88 

3 Bharh, p 173 if See also Reichelt in Stand und Aufgaben der Spiachwissenschaft (Festschrift 
Streitberg, 1924) p 244, J Bloch, La Formation de la Langm Marathe p 111 ff, S K Chatterji, The Origin 
and Development of the Bengali Language, Calcutta, 1926, p 469 

4 Mehendale, Historical Grammar of Inscnptwnal Prakrits., Poona 1948, 37 (in) and f n 42 

3 We have zlsoyakhila A !Q5,yakhi B 2, A 116,j>akhim B 10 

6 We have also Agirakhita A 23, Gorakhitd A 46; A 68, Devarakhita A 93, Dhamarakhttd A 95, A 118 , 

NagaiakfntSA4 9 \Na]gmakkLta& 54 b, BudharakhitZ A 55, A 57, A 58, A 76, Bhutarakhta A 31 , Sagharahhita 

.A 108 

7 Ace to Luders sechha is the western form, whereas sekha is the eastern one See Bhath p 174 

and below p 124 H Berger (p. 86) says that the palatal in sechha does not conform to his theory, 

which demands sekha and that the word is therefore an exception which cannot be explained 

8 Ace to Berger the palatal in kuchhi is due to dissimilation to avoid the second guttural (kukhi},p. 72 
9 In the opinion of H Berger the palatal in chha should have first developed, when this word followed 

-an anusvara at the end of the preceding word in a sentence According to him there A\as a tendency 

in the Indo Aryan to avoid the sequence of a nasal and a sibilant, p 70 


(sishya) B 63, sila (hi a) A 1, Ghosd (Ghosh a) A 117, Asadd (Ashddha) B 64, Alambusa 
(Alambushd) B 31 etc etc 

16 Final consonants of Sanskrit words are usually dropped and we get the base 
with a vowel ending, cf Suchilomo B 9, Pasenaji B 39, Smmd B 8, Sinmasa A 110 

But in a few cases the final consonant is preserved and we get the inflected forms 
directly from their Sanskrit equivalents, cf. bhagavato B 13, B 15, and Vipasino B 13 In 
Abode (loc sg ) the base is Aboda which Luders derives from Amravat with an addition of the 
vowel at the end 

17 Clustered consonants: The consonant clusters are as a rule assimilated, the single 
letters, where the cluster occurs medially, serving the purpose of the double one 1 It is only 
in a few cases that clusters with r are preserved, the cases of anaptyxis are also equally rare 

18 Clusters with stops 

(a) The so-called double consonants are always represented as single ones Thus 

kukuta- (kukkuta-) B 42, Ujhika (Ujjhikd) A 114, Isidata- (Rishidatta-) A86,Budhi- 
(Buddhi-) A 21, Sudhdvdsa- (Suddhdvasa-) B 24 etc. etc 

(b) Clusters with g like rg and lg>g (i e. gg) , cf Gdgiputa- (Gdrgiputra-} A 1, 

Phagudevd- (Phalgudevd-} A 30, A 75; similarly igh~>gh (ggh) in Dighatapasi 
(Dirghatapasvtn-) B 63 

(c) Clusters with th like shth (or shf)>th (or t) (i e. tttf or tt). Thus Vdsithi- ( Vasishthi-) 

A 35, Jethabhadra- (Jyeshthabhadra-} A 92. In Setaka- (Steshthaka-) A 18, and 
satupaddna- (snshtopdddna-?) A 58 we have t and not th 

(d) Clusters with t like kt> pt and rf>t (i.e. tt) , cf Atimuta- (Atimukta-) A 81, Vasuguta- 

(Vasugupta-) B 62, Dhamaguta- (Dharmagupta} A 94, A 120, natu- (naptn-) A 50, 
Dhuta- (Dhurta-) A 96 
The cluster st is always assimilated to th, where medially it stands for tth, 

cf thabha- (stambha-) A 6, A 7 etc , Bahuhathika (Bahuhastika-) B 70, B 71, B 81; 
Thupaddsa- (Stupaddsa} A 25. 

(e) The cluster bdh>dh (ddh) . Suladha- (Sulabdha-} A 22 

(f) Clusters with p like tp, rp, and lp>p (pp); cf. upamna- (utpanna-) A 1, chitupdda- 

(chitrotpdta-?) B 67, Sapagutd (Sarpaguptd) A 78, Vijapi (Vijalpm-?) B 61. 
19 Clusters with the semivowel y~. Almost in all cases the clusters are assimilated. 
Only in the case of ty and sometimes in ry we find an instance of anaptyxis 

(a) Clusters ky and jy~>k (kk) and j (jj) , ty>tiy 

Sk Sdkyamum-^Sakamum- B 23 
Sk iajya->mja- Al, A2 
Sk chaitya->chatiya~ B 69 

(b) The cluster ty becomes mostly y (yy), but in a few cases ny 

Sk arya-~>aya- A 33, A 38 etc etc 

Sk bhdryd->bhayd~ A 4, but bhanyd- A 34 ? A 115 

(c) The cluster vy~>v in vokata (vyavafa dnta ?) B 18. 

(d) The clusters sy, sy, and shy>s (ss medially). 

Sk Kdsyapa->Kasapa- B 17. 

Sk Sydmaka->Samaka A 66, A 73 
Sk hshya~> sisa- B 63 

1 In a few cases where we have a long vowel before the assimilated cluster, the single consonant 
perhaps does not stand for the double one, cf. above the remarks under the treatment of the vowel a. 
a As already mentioned { 14) cerebrahsation has no great scope in these inscriptions. 


Sk Pushyaka->Pusaka- A 47 etc 

For the change of sy>s we have the instances of gen sg. of mas nouns m -a. 
(In a few cases where the preceding vowel is lengthened before this ending 
s does not stand for ss See above under the treatment of vowel a 5 (i) ) 
(For palatalisation of dental clusters withjv, viz dy and dhy, see 13 ) 
20 Clusters with the semivowel r- In a large majority of cases these clusters are 
assimilated In a few instances clusters kr t dr, and br are preserved 1 , and in a few cases 
anaptyxis steps in with the cluster sr 

(a) The Cluster kr>k (kk) (or far) 

Sk Chakravaka-~>Chakavaka- B 6, also dhamachaka- B 38, Bodhichaka- A 106 
In the case of chankrama->chakama- B 77, B 78, A 127 we do not find the re- 
presentation of the anusvara 

In Dadamkama- (Dndhamshkrama-) B 77 the aspiration due to sh is lost. 
The cluster kr is preserved only in ukramti (upakranti-?) B 19 

(b) The cluster gr>g (gg) . mgodha- (nyagrodha-) B 70 

(c) The cluster tr>t (ft medially) in all cases, cf 

Sk Mitra~>Mita- A 101 

Sk. putra->puta- A 1, also devaputa- B 18, B 20 etc 

Sk tnkotika->tikotika- B 78 

(d) The cluster dt>d (dd when not accompanied by anusvara and when not preceded 

by the long vowel) (or dt) or I (II) 

Sk Sambhadra->Sabhada B 29 

In the case ofndi>d we do not get anusvara in Sk Chandrd->Chadd B 2, but the 

anusvara is represented in Chamdd A 128 

Sk Indradevd->Idadeva- A 19, A 45, also Idasdlaguhd B 35, Mahidasena- A 13. 
The cluster dr is preserved in Jethabhadra- (Jyeshthabhadra-) A 92 
The cluster dr>l in the case of Sk ksudra-; cf Chulakokd B 11, aya-Chula- A 51, 

Chulana- A 91 

(e) The cluster pr>p (pp medially) in all cases 

Sk. prdsdda->pdsdda- B 22. 
Sk Supravmha->Supavasa- B 7 

(f ) The cluster br is preserved in bramana- (brdhmana-) B 5 1 , Bramhadeva- (Brahmadeva-) 

B 66 

(g) The clusters sr and sr>s (ss medially) generally. 

Skt sramand->samand~ A 12 
Sk Misrakesi->Misakosi- B 28 
Sk. sahasra->-sahasa- B 26 

The cluster sr>sir (or ser) in 

Sk Srimat->Sinma- A 110, or fern noun Sinmd- B 8, A 48 

Sk Sri-putra-?>Senyd-puta- A 100 

21 Clusters with the semivowel u Mostly the clusters are assimilated, but we get 
two instances of anaptyxis 

(a) Cluster tv>t (tt) in keta (krayitvd) B 32 

Cluster tuj however, becomes tuv in latuva (latva) B 44 

'Such clusters with r are also retained in Pah m words hke chitra, bhadra, tatra, brdhmana etc. Cf. 
H Berger (1 c p 19f ) and mscnpuonal Prakrits (see Mehendale 1 c 410) In Bharhut, the tendency 
to preserve clusters is found only with regard to r, whereas in the Asoka inscriptions it is found also with 
other semivowels like j and v (Mehendale 1 c 43, 45 ) 


(b) Cluster rv>v in Pundvasu- (Punarvasu-) A 72 (see, however, article 5 (i)). 

(c) Clusters sv and sv are assimilated to s (ss medially). 

Sk Visvadeva>Vtsadeva A 1 

Sk Visvabhu->Vesabhu~ B 14 (the e in the first syllable is short, as o in the case 

of okramti B 19, if that reading is the correct one). 
Sk Svamika-^Samika- A 6, A 41. 
Sk Dirghatapasvm-~>Dighatapasi B 63 

22 Clusters with sibilants The most important cluster under this head is ksh which 
shows double treatment viz kh (kkh) and chh (chchh). This has been already dealt with 
above under palatalisation 13 The other cluster met with is rs which becomes s (ss), 
cf Sudasana (Sudarsana) B 10. 

23 Clusters with h: The only cluster to be found is ih which is represented as rah 
in Arahaguta- (arhat-) B 18, B 20 

24 Clusters with nasals: These clusters are assimilated, and the anusvara is mostly 
not shown in the case of clusters with n, n, n, and m In the case of clusters with n, however, 
the anusvara is mostly represented in writing The absence of anusvara is to be attributed 
to the negligence of the scribe and not to the phonetic tendency, otherwise we have to 
regard the simple letter as standing for the double one 

(a) Clusters with the nasal n The two clusters to be observed aie ng and ngh, and they 

are very often represented without the anusvaia Cf Suga- (Sunga-) A 1 
(Saga- A 2), Igaraju- (Angdradyut-} A 1, A 2, Sagha- (Sangha-} A 40, A 108, A 109 
The anusvara is shown m Gamgita- (Ganglia-} B 5, timimgila- (timingila-) B 62, 
as read by Luders, (othei editors have read timigala-), and perhaps in Sa[m]gha- 
mita- A 106, and ists[im]g[iya] (Rishyasnnga-} B 53. Foi the cluster nkr see 20 (a) 

(b) Clusters with the nasal n The cluster nc is perhaps represented with anusvara 

\npa\m\chanekdyika- A 57 But nj is without anusvara Kujard- (kunjard-} A 10 
The cluster jn is in all cases assimilated to n Cf rdno (tdjnah) A 1, A 4, sigdlanati 
(sngdlajnapti) B 64 

(c) Clusters with the nasal n In the case of this cluster too it is not customary to 

mark the anusvara; thus Anddhapedika- (-pmdika-) B 32, Kadanki (Kandanki) 

B 60, and Muda- (Munda-} A 102 

The cluster m is assimilated to dental n m Punakiya- (Purnaklya-) B 55 

Similarly nn is assimilated to dental n in Avisana- (Avishanna-?) A 82 

Innh coming from nh also we find the dental Knshmla->*Kanhila- Kanhila- 

A 63 

(d) Clusters with the nasal 72 In a majority of cases the anusvara is not represented m 

the parallels for bhadanta, thus bhadata- A 39 5 A 58, A 59, A 64, A 65, A 66, but 
bhadamta- only m A 38 and A 61 In all other cases, except one, we find anusvara 
represented in the case of cluster nt ukramti B 19, vejqyamto B 22, chhadamtiya B 49, 
sildkammamto A 1, amtevdsino A 73, sutamtikasa A 51 The anusvara is, however, 
not found in vokata- (vyavakrdnta-) B 18 

In the case of nth anusvara is seen in Pamthaka- A 71, but not in katha (kanthd) 1 B 73 
The cluster nd also is more often shown with the anusvara Kdkamdi- A 37, 
Na\m\d\i\naganka- A 45, Anamda- A 50, Namda- A 69, [Na]mdagm- A 97, 

1 Derivation according to Luders. Buhler would connect it with kvatha, and Hultzsch with kdshtha 
(katha being mistake for katha). 


vamdate B 40 But anusvaia is not seen in J^adagin- A 54, Nadutma- A 119, 

Muchihda-"B 31 a, and vadate B 37 
For the clustei ndi see 20 (d) 
In the case of ndh we find anusvaia in patisamdhi B 18, but not in Kakusadha- B 15^, 

and gadhakuti B 34 

The clustei nn>n in kmata- B 54 It has become mn in upamna- (utpanna-} A L 
The cluster MJ initially becomes n in mgodha- (nyagwdha-} B 70 
The clustei K> ($?) m Agvakhita- A 23 
(e) Clusters with the nasal m In the case of this nasal the anusvara is mostly not 


SJ 1 

For the cluster ? we have the following illustrations Bibikanadikata (Bimbikd-) 
A 21, A 22, Kosabeyeka- (Kausdmbeyikd-) A 52, Kosabakuti (Kausdmba-) B 33, 
J#M (jatnbu) B 74 The anusvara is shown only in the case of Alambusd B 31 
In the case of cluster mbh we find that in a large number of instances the 
parallels for stambha do not show anusvara Thus w r e have thabha- A 6, A 7, 
A 25, A 27 etc etc , while anusvara is shown only in two cases* thambha- A 71, 
A 98 Of these two A 71 seems to show anusvara carefully in all words , cf 
aya-Pamthakasa, thambho, ddnam Sabhadd (Sambhadt d} B 29 also does not have 

The clustei mm is once shown with and once \\ithout anusvara -bammada- 
(sammada} B 27, but samadaka B 68 

The cluster mr>b in Sk amravat(a)>Aboda B 69 

The cluster tm>t (it) in atand (dtmand) A 112. 

The cluster dm shows anaptyxis in Padum\_a\vat\i\ (Padmdvati) B 30. 

The cluster im is assimilated to m, mostly shown without anusvaia, cf dhama- 
(dhatma-) B 38, A 94, A 95, etc , navakamika- (navakaimika-) A 59 The anusvaia 
is shown in two instances, sildkamma- (hldkatma-} A 1, and Sudhammd (Sudharmd) 
B 21 The cluster sm initially becomes s in susdna- (smasdna-} B 64 But m the 
abl sg term, it becomes -mh- (<-smdt) > cf. Moragmmhd A 25 

Lastly the cluster hm is once shown as mh and once as m (mm ?) Biamhadeva 
(Brahmadeva} B 66 and btamana (bidhmana-} B 51 

b. Morphology 

25 Masculine and Neutei Nouns ending in -a 
(i) Norn sg. mas -o: Kupiro B l.yakho B 1, B 3 etc , thabho A 6, A 7 etc , saso B 42 a, 

ddno (used as mas ) A 96 
-a only once chakama B 77, but we have the regular form chakamo 

B 78. 
-e- pdsdde 1 B 22 As this is the only form with -e ending it is 

obviously a mistake for -o ending 

(n) Norn sg iieut -am. The anusvaia at the end is preserved in a large majorm 

of instances, cf ddnam A 4, A 7 etc , jdtakam B 47, B 49 etc , 
toianam A 2, kdntam A 1 5 turam B 27, dhamachakam B 38, 
yavamajhakiyam B 52. 

1 Barua-Smha regard it as loc. sg and change Vejayamto to Vejayamte 


a When the final anusvara is sometimes not represented, cf, 
ddna A 5, A 6 etc , jdtaka B 41, B 42 etc., Jetavana (ace sg ) 
B 32, kata A 112, A 129, torana A 129, dan[a\ A 49a is pro- 
bably mistake for ddna(m}. 
(in) Inst sg ena putena and pautena A 1 

ma Vdchhiputena A 1 (as already remarked this is perhaps a mis- 
take foi -putena), kotisamthatena B 32 

(iv) Dat. sg -yd (=ya) athdyd (mistake for athaya) A 108 
(v) Abl sg -a This and the -a endings are more common Kcnahakaia 

A 6, A 7, A 8, Mdsika A 46, Vedisa A 33 

-a Vedisa A 30, A 32, A 34, A 35, Pdtahputd A 13, A 14, A 15 
-ato This is not veiy frequent Vedisdto A 31, Baha[da]to A 50, 
and perhaps in . to A 80 where the place name is 

(vi) Gen sg -sa. Visadevasa A 1, Mitasa A 101 etc , Kasapasa B 17, Mahddevasa 

B 81 It is clear that in the large majority of cases in which 
this ending occurs it stands for -(a)ssa But in three or four 
instances we find the preceding vowel a lengthened, and if 
these readings are correct then we may assume here a slightly 
de\ eloped tendency to pronounce the gen sg ending as a 
single consonant with the compensatory lengthening of the 
preceding vowel asavdnkdsa A 22, Thupaddsdsa 1 A 25, 
bhadamtdsa A 38, Bhutaiakhit[a\sa A 38 
(vn) Loc sg -e This is more frequent jaje A 1, Nadode B 70 etc , pavatg 

B 73, B 74,jfltefoB42a 

-zz( ? ): Moragnaml A 26 (with the change of the base in gtn- to 
gua-) But Liiders regards the form as a mistake for 
Moraginma or Moragtnmha, the abl sg form . 

tirami B 62 But Luders regards ia a mistake in the eye-copy 
and reads it along with the following word as timitirmmgtla- 
(vm) Nom pi mas -a: thabhd A 25 etc , de\v\a B 24 
(ix) Nom pi neut -dm kdmdvachaiasahasdm B 26 For dana A 49a cf 5, II 
(x) Ace. pi mas -e sise B 63 
(xi) Gen pi -dnam Suganam A 1, devdnarn B 27 


-ana Sagdna A 2, ddyakana A 16 
26 Fem Nouns ending in d 
(i) Nom sg -d Chadd B 2, Chulakokd B 11, Alambusd B 31, devatd B 11, 

Asadd B 64 

-a When the length of the final vowel is not marked devata 
B 8, B 12, Mahakoka B 12, Sudasana B 10, Idasdlaguha B 35,. 
Simla B 56, chitupddasila B 67. 
(n) Ace sg -am utamm B 25, dakhmam B 26, purathima(m) B 24 

-a. With the absence of final anusvara disa B 24, B 25, B 26, 

katka B 73 (Sk kanthd) 

(m) Abl sg -(d)yd Punkdyd A 18, A 20, Punkaya A 19 
-(d)ya: Punkaya A 16, A 17, Asitamasdya A 36 

'Hultzsch and Barua-Sinha read Thupaddsasa 


(iv) Gen sg. ~(d)ya kujarayd A 10, Ndgadevdya All, Samandyd A 12, Sakatadevaya 

A 15 


~(d}ya When frequently -yd is shortened to ya. Nagasenaya A 14, 
Sdmaya A 20, Anurddhdya A 32, -bhdnydya A 34, A 115, 
Idadevaya A 19, A 45, Benakatikaya A 49a, Badhikaya A 42, 
Nagarikaya A 43, bhdnjaya A 46, Pusadevaya A 120, Nadutaraya 
A 119. 

~(fl)j NagarakhitayeA^:, JVdgankdye A 44, Ghosdye A 117, bhayaye A 4, 

Pusadataye A 43, A 44, Ndgaye A 74, Kamuchukaye A 54b. 
(v) Loc sg. -^>#: Mahdsamdyikdya B 18 

27 Mas Nouns ending in -z 

(i) Norn sg. -z: WAz B 13, B 14 etc , Kadanh B 60. 

(n) Ace. sg. -z: The final anusvara being not shown zn B 75, patisamdhi 

B 18 

(in) Inst sg. -n<2 Dhanabhutina A 1. 

(iv) Abl. sg. -tf^<z. Moraginmha A 25, A 27 etc. 
(v) Gen sg -no Budhmo A 21, gahapatino A 21, Sakamumno B 23, Nadaginno 

A 54, \Nd\mdagmno A 97. 

-.ya We have only one illustration' Dhanabhutisa A 3 
28 Fern Nouns ending in -z 
(i) Norn, sg -z. suchi A 23 etc, ukramti B 19, JTwa^A;[M]/z B 33, gadhakuti 

B 34, sigalanati B 64 (<.-jnapti). 
(n) Abl sg -7?zA0 : kuchhimha B 62 

29 Fern Nouns ending in -z" 

(i) Nom sg. -z yakhi B 2, yakhim B 10 3 Mtsakasi B 28, Padum[d]vat[i] B 30 

-f Only one instance with long ending *fez>f B 56 But all 

earlier editors read devi, 
(11) Abl. sg -ya* Kdkamdiya A 37 

(lii) Gen. sg. -yd bhikhumyd A 12, A 29, A 80, Kodiydmyd A 14, A 15, Pdnkimyd 

A 4Q,yakkiya A 116 

-ya: With the shortening of final -d: bhichhumya A 24, A 37, A 42, 
A 79, bhikhuniya A 52 (but perhaps we should read -yd here, 
because m all instances where ksh'>(k}kh. l we get -yd ending), 
Vdsithiya A 35 

-ye bhichhumye A 43, A 74, A 75, A 76, A 77, A 78, bhikhumye 
A 44 (this is again doubtful. In view of ksh being represented 
by (k)kh perhaps we have to read bhikhumya), ko daldkiye 
A 127. 

(-yi : bhikhuniyi All* but we are asked to read bhikhuniyd ) 
30 Mas Nouns ending in -U 
(i) Nom sg. -. A[jd]tasat[u] B 40. 
(n) Gen sg. -no: Pundvasuno A 72. Vesabhund B 14; but this is a mistake for 


$ 31. Fem Nouns ending in -u 
(i) Nom sg. -M: ja bu B 74. 

-u: vadhu B 64 


32 Mas Nouns ending m -n 
(i) Gen sg -no: Ja[hird\natuno A 50 

-(?) bhatu. A 54a 

(n) Gen pi. -na. With the loss of final anusvara m\a\tdpituna A 108 

33 Fern Nouns ending in -n 
(i) Gen sg -u: matu A 18, A 28, matu A 54b, A 120 (mata A 90b perhaps 

a mistake for matu}) dhitu A 42 
34 Mas and Fern Nouns ending m consonants 

We find both the tendencies to derive the forms from their Sanskrit parallels or to 
change these bases to those ending m vowels 

(a) Mas nouns in -at. 

(i) Gen. sg -o bhagavato B 13, B 14, B 15 etc. 

-sa With the transference to -a declension, only in Smmasa A 1 10, 

(n) Loc sg -e Himavate B 79 

(b) Mas nouns in -an. 

(i) Norn sg The forms of raj an are directly derived from Sanskrit, raj a B 39, B 56, 

Nagaraja B 6, B 36, B 37 Once Ndgardja B 3 la. But we 
have the ending -o in Suchilomo B 9 

(u) Inst sg. atand A 112 comes from Sk dtmand 

(m) Gen sg The forms ofrdjan are again derived from Sanskrit rdno A 1, A 4 

But the ending -(n}o is witnessed in rdjano A 3, A 130 

(c) Mas noun in -it 

(i) Nom sg -i Pasenaji B 39 

(d) Mas nouns in -in 

(i) Nom. sg -i Dighatapasi B 63, Vijapi B 61 

(u) Gen sg (n)o Vipasino 1 B 13, petakino A 56, amtevdsino A 73 

-sa With the change to vowel base Mahamukhisa A 42 

(e) Mas noun in -ut 

(i) Gen sg -sa Agarajusa A 1 

(f) Fem noun in -as 

(i) Nom sg -d achhaid B 28, B 30, B 31 

35. Pronouns We have only the forms of the relative pronoun ya\ Nom sg mas. 
yo A 127, nom. sg neut yam B 51 

36. Numerals Perhaps we have the nom pi neut. form of tn in (t}im B 25. The 
other numerals are chha " six " B 26 and sahasa " thousand " B 26 

37 Verb forms: We only get some forms of the present indicative, one form of 
Aonst, one form of absolutive, and some past passive participles 

(a) Present 3rd sg indicative 

(i) active -ti. deti B 32, dohati B 73, anusdsati B 63, dadati B 75, sasam (for 

sdsati} B 18 
(u) middle -te vadate B 37, vamdate B 40 

(b) Aonst 3rd sg -si avayesi B 51. 

(c) Absolutive -id ketd (<*krajntvd) B 32 

(d) Past passive participles 

All these, except dina (i e dinna} for data (i e datta} , are derived from their corres- 
ponding Sanskrit equivalents upamna- (or upamna-?} A 1, kata- A 112,. 

1 From Vipatyin. Barua-Sinha derive it from Vipa&hit-. But m that case the form should be 



A 129, vokatar- B 18, samthata- (<samstnta-' ? } B 32, gahuta- (<gnhita-?) 
B 50, mdchita- (foi mochita-) B 62, kanta- (causal) A 1 Besides these, we get 
various participle forms in the pioper names of peisons, eg guta (<gupta) 
in Atahaguta- B 18, B 20, Vasuguta- B 62, Sapaguta- A 78, Dhamaguta- A 94, 
A 120, rakhita (<iakshita-) in J\ldgaiakhtta- A 4, A 54b, Gotakhtta- A 46, 
Agirakhita- A 23 etc etc , <sfata- (<datta-) in Pusadata- A 43, A 44, Isidata- 
A 86, but ^2720- only in Isidina- A 62, fcta- (<bhuta-} m Bhutaka- A 8, 
Bhuta- A 77, jata in J<zta~ A 56 and .Sajflte- B 50, viruda- (<vimdha-} in 
Virudaka- B 4, /0A- (<labdha-} in Suladha- A 22, /nz/zta- in Isipdhta- 
A 59, <&mte- (<diishita-?) B 75, wzate- (<mukta-} in Atimuta- A 81, pzjflwfl- 
(<vishanna-^} in Avisana- A 82, A 83. 

c. Some important Suffixes 

(l)-(fl). Anurddha A 32, Alambusd B 31, Asadd B 64, Asitamasd A 36, Idadeva A 19, Idasdla- 
guha B 35, to/zw/5 A 115, te&a B 73, JTo^fl A 116, Go/5 A 49, GAoja A 117, C/W<z 
B 2, Chapadeva A 34, chitnpadasila B 67, Chulakokd B 11, rfcAAzwfl B 26, Diganagd 
A 24, //we B 24-B 26, ^y^fl B 8, B 11, B 12, Ndgadevd A 11, Mgasend A 14, JVa^5 
A 74, Pusadevd A 120, PH. A 27, Phagudeva A 75, %5 A 4, ^cnyfl A 34, A 46, 
A 115, Mitadevd A 121, Sakatadevd A 15, Sabhadd B 29, -sabhd B 21, B 65, Samand 
A 12, .Stfrn^ A 20, Sudasana (for -rc<z) B 10, Sudhammd B 21, Sorc^ A 123, /So/Tza A 37. 

(2) 4 Kdkamdi A 37, fo/cMz B 62, ^fz B 33, B 34, afwz B 56, Misakosi B 28, yakhi B 2, A 1 16, 

Vdsithi A 35, sigdlanati B 64 

(3) i<,mn\ Dighatapasi B 63 

(4) -?<-t^ Pasenaji B 39 

(5) -z<-zw amtevdsi A 73, Kadanh B 60, /><?ta/fo A 56, Mahdmukhi A 42, Fy/>z B 61, 

7zpfljz B 13 

(6) -zfl: 

(a) in place names 


Kosabeyeka A 52, Chudathihka A 10, Dabhimkd A 42, JVdgattkd A 43, A 44, Namdi- 
nagankd A 45, Pamkatikd A 48, Punka A 16-A 20 

(b) in personal names 

Anddhapedika B 32, Avdsikd A 126, t//M<z ( ? ) A 114, Badhikd ( ? ) A 42 

(c) in ecclesiastical designations 

navakamika A 59, A 60 ( ?), Pamchanekdyika A 57, Mahdsamayika B 18, sutamtika A 51. 

(d) in professional designation 
asavdnka A 22 

(7) z/fl ( tte) Gamgita B 5, yami[td\ A 103 

(8) -zj;I: 

(a) injataka titles 

isisimgiya B 53, chhadamtiya B 49, bhisahammya B 58, maghddemya B 57, mugaphakiya 
B 59, yavamajhakiya B 52, Vitura-Punahya B 65 

(b) in place names . 

daldkiya A 127, Khujatidukiya A 38, Chikulaniya A 39, Therdkuhya A 41, A0- 
gavadhaniya A 51, Venuvagdmiyd A 52 

(9) -z/5 AflnAt/a A 63, Cto/a A 28, JVfl^/5 A 29, AfaAz/^ (?) A 65, j^fofo A 105, 

A 109 


(10) -kd 

(a) in peisonal names 

Ajakdlaka B 3, Apikinaka A 67, Janaka B 56, Pamthaka A 71, Pusaka A 47, Bhutaka 
A 8, Fiz/fl&z A 61, Vasuka A 46, Vijitaka A 104, Vnudaka B 4, F<?<to B 72, 
Satika A 132, Samaka A 66, Samika A 6, A 41, Samaka A 73, Setaka A 18. 

(b) in place names. 

Utaragidhika A 7, Chuladhaka A 17, Padelaka A 47, Bhojakatakd A 23, A 24, 
Selapuraka A 54, Kamuchuka B 54b. 

(c) as diminutives or possessives 

adhirajaka A 130, aidmaka B 72, jataka (passim) , tikotika B 78, dayaka A 16, 
bahuhathika B 70, B 71, bhatudesaka A 17, mdnavaka B 66, migasamadaka B 68. 

(11) -/0 (or -zte) usual p.p p suffix (37, d). 

Agirakhita A 23, Atimuta A 81, Isidata A 86, tofl A 112, Aante A 1, Ja/a A 56, 

DM^Z^ B 75, samthata B 32, Sw/tfto B 50, Suladha A 22. 
-J<z. Isirakhita A 53, Pusadata A 43, A 44, jBtoa A 77, Sapagutd A 78, Samidatd A 122 

(12) -ft ukramti B 19, Dhanabhuti A 1, A 3, 

(13) -7z<z ( 37, d). Amsana (?) A 82, A 83, Isidma A 62, upamna A 14, /## (passim). 

(14) -fl (^) Chulana A 91, Chekulana A 40. 

(15) -TZZ. Kodiydm A 14, A 15, Pdnhni ( ? ) A 49, bhikhunl and bhichhunl (passim), yakhim B 10. 

(16) ~mat>-ma (-md)' Ayamd A 33, Sz^Twa A 110, Strimd B 8, A 48. 

(17) -vat(a) ' bhagavat (for refeiences see index), Himavata B 79 

Padumdvati B 30. 


The inscription A 1 on a pillar of the eastern gateway [iorand] records that this gateway 
with its carvings was caused to be made by Dhanabhuti^ son of Agaraju (Angdradyut) and 
grandson of king Visadeva ( Visvadeva) during the reign of the Sugas (Sungas) Moreover, 
from the inscription A 3, mentioning a gift of pnnce Vadhapala (Vyddhapdla), the son of 
* king 3 Dhanabhuti, it results that the donor Dhanabhuti was a king (rdjan) like his grand- 
father (and probably also his father 1 ) The text of the fragmentary inscription A 2 on a 
Batanmara Torana pillar was probably the same as that of A 1, and a third Torana pillar 
inscription (A 129) of somewhat similar wording is in existence, but the aksharas hena in line 
1 do not fit in with one of the names in A 1, and it remains very doubtful whether king 
Dhanabhuti also erected this gateway Two of the gateways were evidently his donation 

King Dhanabhuti, dating his inscriptions in the Sunga reign, is supposed by Buhler 
and others to have been a feudatory of that dynasty 8 His connection with some donor 
of the name Dhanabhuti in a Mathura inscription (List No. 125), maintained by Cunnin- 
gham 3 , is, however, rejected by Luders in his revision of the Mathura inscription given below; 
see supplement to our Bharhut inscription No A 1 So the location of king Dhanabhuti's 
possessions remains mevident, and the contents of our inscriptions yield no more than a 
somewhat vague date for the erection of two of the Bharhut gateways in the Sunga reign,, 
i e between circa 184 to 72 B G 

For further elucidation on the chronological position of the Bharhut inscriptions we have 
to consider their palaeography. To the experts of old their similarity with the inscriptions 
of Asoka from the middle of the 3rd century B G was striking Cunningham says " The 
alphabetical characters of the inscriptions are precisely the same as those of Asoka's time 
on the Sanchi Stupa, and of the other undoubted records of Asoka on rocks and pillars "*, 
and elsewhere " I do not wish to fix upon any exact date, and I am content with recording 
my opinion that the alphabetical characters of the Bharhut inscriptions are certainly not 
later than B C. 200 " 5 Buhler's book on Indian Palaeography 6 displays great advance 
in the classification of the oldest Brahmi inscriptions He distinguishes an old Maurya type 
from a younger Maurya and from a Sunga type. To the Sunga type he attributes the 
Bharhut Torana inscriptions, found by him to be apparently younger than the bulk of the 
rail inscriptions The latter he considers to represent the old Maurya type On the whole 
he gives 150 B C as date for Bharhut in his table 

Some differences even in workmanship between the sculptures of the Toranas on the 
one hand and of the pillars and bars of the railing (vedika) on the other hand had already 
been observed by Cunningham According to him the sculptured statues on the balusters of 
the eastern gateway were " much superior in artistic design and execution to those of the 
railing pillars " These balusters of the Torana he found further remarkable as having 

'The donor in the inscription A 4 is Nagarakhita {Nagarakskita}, the wife of a king whose name 
with exception of the last akshara ka is lost Hultzsch was of the opinion that the name should be 
reconstructed as Dhanabhuti This suggestion is tempting, but against the reading of the last akshara 

a ln the fragmentary inscription A 130 a lung occurs who seems to be designated as adhvaja 

*StBh, pp 15 ff, Barua, Barh , I, p 29 says cc Dhanabhuti seems to have been a king of the 
Mathura region ". 

*StBh, p. 127 

5 Ibid, p 15 

6 Indtsche Palaeographie (1896), p 32 


single Kharoshthi letters called ' Anan letters ' by him engraved on their bases or capitals 
as marks of the sculptors " The letters found ", he says, " are/?, s, a and b, of which the first 
three occur twice I think it probable that these letters may be numerals, the initials of the 
words panch.^5, sat =7, ath=8, and ba=2 'V 

p a b a s 

On the other hand not less than 27 marks, discovered on any portions of the railing, were all 
in Brahmi letters. Cunningham came to the conclusion that Western artists were employed 
by king Dhanabhuti at the gateways, "while the smaller gifts of pillars and rails were executed 
by the local artists" a 

It is now generally believed that the Bharhut stupa with its railing and gateways was 
built in successive stages, and that its history extends over more than a century. The mound 
will have existed in the third century B C , as it was built of large size bricks (12 X 12 X 3, 5 
inches) which are typical for the Maurya age For some time it may have been surrounded 
by a wooden fence and decorated with wooden gateways The old wooden models of the 
railing and gateways, however, became later on, towards the end of the second century B G , 
replaced by stone work 3 Barua imagines three stages in the execution of the stone work 4 
1 In the first stage " the mound was enclosed by a railing of rough-hewn stone, with four 
quadrants, four entrances, a square coping with certain ornamentation on its outer face, 
and some statues of demigods and demigoddesses on terminus pillars " 2 " In the second 
stage, when the eastern terminus pillar of S E Quadrant was recorded to be the Barhut 
first pillar 5 , some alterations were made resulting in the replacement of the 

right terminus pillar in each quadrant by one connected with a return, added at the time, 
-and bearing a lion-statue guarding the approach In this stage a few other statues 

of demigods and demigoddesses were carved on three out of four right terminus pillars in 
the quadrants The artists employed haikd all from localities where Brahmi was the 

current script " 3 " The third stage was reached when king Dhanabhuti erected 

the gateways He employed some artists, who hailed from a north-western region where 
Kharoshthi was the current script, to do the work These artists must have also worked 

on the great railing, either fashioning some of the pillars and rail-bars, or carving new 
sculptures, or inserting new pillars and rails, in short, giving a finishing touch to the work 
of repair or decoration " Barua dates the three stages as follows 6 " The first stage is 
Mauryan but not necessarily Asokan, it is piobably post- Asokan The second or middle 
stage must be dated as early as 150 B G and the third or final as late as 100 B G , half a 
century being sufficient, upon the whole, for the development of the Barhut plastic art from 
the first 5 to the Prasenajit pillar " 7 . Giving these dates, Barua keeps in line with Foucher 
-who wrote 8 " we feel certain that towards the end of the second century the final touch must 
have been given to the decoration of the stupa, commenced, no doubt, during the third ". 

1 L c , p 8, and note 2 

a lt may be recalled that, as stated above p XI ( 12, c ), the cerebral nasal (ri) appears only in 
the gateway inscriptions A 1 and A 2. 

3 Foucher, The Beginnings of Buddhist Art, London, 1917, p. 34 

4 Bark , I, pp 32 ff 
5 Cf No A 34 
6 Barh, I, p 36 

'Gf No. B 26-31, B 36-39, B 60-61, B 70-72, A 62. 
8 Lc,p 34. 


To the discussion, how to anange the early Biahmi inscriptions chronologically, an 
impetus was given at his time by Ramaprasad Chanda in * Dates of the Votive Inscriptions 
on the Stupas of Sanchi' 1 Ghanda pioposed the following order of inscriptions q 

1 Edicts of Asoka 

2 Nagarjum Hill cave inscuptions of Asoka's grandson Dasaratha 

3 Besnagar Gaiuda pillai inscriptions 

4 (a) Inscriptions on the railings of Stupa I at Sanchi 

(b) Inscriptions on the lailings of Stupa II at Sarichi 

(c) Bharhut railing inscriptions 

(d) Inscriptions on the lemnants of the old Bodh-Gaya railing 

5 (a) Besnagar Gaiuda pillar inscription of the year 12 after the inscription of 

maharaja Bhagavata 

(b) Inscription of Nayamka, widow of the Andhra king Satakam I in the 
Nanaghat cave 

(c) Bharhut torana (gateway) inscription 

6 Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, king of Kahnga 

7 Saflchi torana inscriptions 

8 Inscriptions of the time of Sodasa 

Chanda's lesearches foim the basis of later inquiries in Bharhut inscriptions by Barua 
and Sinha 3 and by N G Majumdar. 4 

Barua and Sinha print and discuss three lists of letters A gateway inscriptions 
"engra\ed by Western artists whose script was Kharoshth! ", B coping inscriptions 

"engra\ ed by different sculptors apparently of the same period", and G rail-pillar, rail- 

bar, rail-panel and rail-medallion inscriptions, engraved at different times by different 

artists (masons and sculptors) of different localities, where the Brahml was or was not the 
pievalent script " Obviously list A contains the younger type of letters and B the older, while 
in C both types are mixed N G. Majumdar, inquiring into the chronology of early Brahm! 
inscriptions, again distinguishes two layers of Bharhut inscriptions In his edition of 
Saflchi inscriptions, contributed to the monumental, but somewhat bulky work of Marshall 
and Foucher on Sarichi in three volumes, he gives a clear survey of the palaeographical 
position and a revised, and in oui opinion moie correct, date foi the Bharhut inscriptions, 
viz circa 125-75 B C instead of 150-100 B C His results with respect to the older Bharhut 
inscriptions he states(Vol I, pp 270f ), after having fixed the last quartei of the second century 
B C as the date of the railing of Stupa 2 at Sarichi, in the following words "Judging from 
palaeography, the major portion of the balustrade of the stupa of Bharhut would also appear 
to belong to this peiiod ", and again: " The inscriptions of Stupa 2, together with those on 
the Bharhut railing and the Bhilsa pillar 5 , represent therefore the concluding phase of group 2 
of our table of alphabets 6 (circa 125-100 B C )" 

The younger inscriptions engraved on a gateway pillar "and some portions of its- 
railing which appear to have been later additions " he attributes to a different cate- 

'MASI, I, 1919 

2 Lc, pp 14-15, cf BI,pp 108 f 

3 J37, pp 103-112 

4 Marshall, Sii John, and Alfred Foucher The Monuments of Sanchi With the texts of inscriptions 
edited, tianslated and annotated by N G Majumdar, Calcutta Manager of Publications, 1940, 3 vols 

5 Refers to the Besnagar Garuda pillar Dr D C Sircar is of the opinion that the Besnagar 
epitaph of Hchodoius "cannot be much earlier than the end of the second century B C " [The History 
and Culture of the Indian People, ed by R G Majumdar and A D. Pusalker, Vol II (1951), p. 195] 

^Monuments of Sanchi, Vol III, end. 


gory and has them classed " with certain epigraphs on the Bodh-Gaya railing, e g those of 
the time of Brahmamitra and Indragmmitra and with the Mathura inscriptions of Utara- 
dasaka and king Vishnumitra ". This group, according to him, belongs to about 100-75 B.G 
We look with some reserve at the attempts to classify individual Bharhut inscriptions 
as earlier, and others as later, resting upon the shape of one or two test letters only Certainly, 
a process of gradual transformation of aksharas in early Brahml can be stated, and the 
general trend is clear enough However, as Barua says 1 , " certain forms became stereotyped 
at a particular period of time as an outcome of a very complex process, of the action and 
reaction of various factors The shape of letters depends on the local style, the personal 
habit and temperament, the nature of space and material, the position of the scribe, the 
nature of the tool, and the rest " Sometimes we find slightly different forms of test letters 
side by side in the same inscription, or in inscriptions doubtlessly belonging to the same 
time In other cases advanced types of one letter occur together with conservative ones of 
another So in the inscription B 26 (Plate XVIII) an advanced chha of nearly 'butterfly' type 
stands by the side of an old shaped kd, and in B 28- B 31 (Plate XVIII), in the words alambusa 
and achhard, the letter a is written each time in a somewhat different shape, although the 
inscriptions are found on one and the same sculpture and refer to the same lepresentation 
Majumdar says, after discussing the palaeographically late features of some letters of the 


B26 B28 B29 B30 B31 B31 

ground balustrade inscriptions of stupa I in Saflchi "The parts of the balustrade where these 
inscriptions occur must undoubtedly have been later insertions, due to subsequent additions 
and repairs, and they have no bearing on the date of the balustrade as a whole" 2 . 

It seems wise, not to decide in such cases without allowing some margin for the habits 
of the individual scribes, and to take into consideration, besides palaeography, any other 
evidence that might be available 

The gradual change in the form of some test letters in Bharhut is shown in the following 
Regarding letter a In the inscriptions of As oka the two left arms of the letter a generally 

meet at a point Another type, more rare, has a gap between the arms, and this type 

is a characteristic of the post-Asokan writing 
Letter ka : The old type is a cross of which the horizontal and the vertical intercross each 

other in the middle The later type has a shorter horizontal, crossing higher up, and 

looks like a hanging sword, or a dagger 
Letter ga In the old type the arms form a sharp angle at the top , the later type has a 

markedly rounded top instead of the angle 
Letter chha The old types show nearly a circle bisected by a vertical Then the corpus 

becomes more elliptical, and finally it looks like a butterfly with two loops 
Letter dha In the inscriptions of Asoka this letter is of the shape of the Roman D, the vertical 

stroke appearing to the left In the post-Asokan writing the vertical stroke is found to 

the right, and the form of the letter is a reversed one 
Letter pa In later times the right vertical is heightened, and the left and right verticals are 

nearly equalized. 

'/ , p 110 
Sanchi, Vol I, p 268 


Railing Torana Mathura (List 125) 

ga A A A O 

chha ({) ^ $b 

dha o d d 

pa t b U 

bha fi rj rl 

w * 

ma X 




Lettei bha In the old type the right vertical of the letter is of equal length with the left one, 

later on the lower part of the right vertical is elongated 
Letter ma In later times a tendency towards angulanzation is obvious 
Letter ya The old type is that of a veitical standing upon a horizontal crescent, sometimes 

high-curved Later on the letter resembles an anchor 
Letter ta. The old type Is a straight vertical stroke with equally thick ends; later on the 

upper end gains in the thickness, and the letter looks like the blade of a sword. An 

old vanation has the vertical stroke curved like a corkscrew 

Letter va As in the letter ma a tendency towards angulanzation is obvious in later times. 
Letter sa In the younger type, as with the letter pa, the right vertical stroke is lengthened 

and nearly equalized to the left one 
Letters pu and su: In the earlier type the u mark is applied towards the middle part of the 

letter, in the later type in continuation of the right vertical. 


The inscriptions are reproduced from estampages with the exception of those 

marked * or I 

* means from eye-copy, f phoLogiaphed fiom the stone, J from estampage and 

photographed from stone 





A 12 
A 13 
A 14 
A 15 
A 16 
A 17 
A 18 
A 19 
A 20 
A 21 
A 22 
A 23 
A 24 
A 25 
A 26 
A 27 
A 28 
A 29 
A 30 
A 31 
A 32 
A 33 
A 34 
A 35 
A 36 
A 37 
A 38 
A 39 
A 40 
A 41 
A 42 
A 43 
A 44 
































XXIV 1 " 










A 45 
A 46 
A 47 
A 48 
A 49 
A 49a 
A 50 
A 51 
A 52 
A 53 
A 54 
A 54a 
A 54b 
A 55 
A 56 
A 57 
A 58 
A 59 
A 60 
A 61 
A 62 
A 63 
A 64 
A 65 
A 66 
A 67 
A 68 
A 69 
A 70 
A 71 
A 72 
A 73 
A 74 
A 75 
A 76 
A 77 
A 78 
A 79 
A 80 
A 81 
A 82 
A 83 
A 84 
A 85 





A 86 


A 129 



A 87 


A 130 



A 87a 


A 131 

xxvi < 


A 88 


A 132 



A 89 


A 133 



A 90ab 


A 134 



A 91 


A 135 



A 92 


A 136 



A 93 



A 94 


B 1 



A 95 


B 2 



A 96 


B 3 



A 97 


B 4 



A 98 


B 5 



A 99 


B 6 



A 100 


B 7 



A 101 


B 8 



A 102 


B 9 



A 103 


B 10 



A 104 


B 11 



A 105 


B 12 

XVI " 


A 106 


B 13 



A 107 


B 14 



A 108 


B 15 



A 109 


B 16 



A 110 


B 17 



A 111 


B 18 



A 112 


B 19 



A 113 


B 20 



A 114 


B 21 



A 115 


B 22 



A 116 


B 23 



A 117 


B 24 



A 118 


B 25 



A 119 


B 26 



A 120 


B 27 



A 121 


B 28 



A 122 


B 29 



A 123 


B 30 



A 124 


B 31 



A 125 


B 31a 



A 126 


B 32 



A 127 


B 33 



A 128 


B 34 


























































































































t B 


































as descnbed by General Cunningham 1 

I Inscriptions on pillars of gateways (torand) 

Al (687), A 2 (688), A 129 (689) 

II Inscriptions on coping stones (usni f a] 

(I) A 70 (690) 

(II) B 57 (691), B 63 (692), B 69 (693), B 50 (694), B 42 (695), B 77 (696), 

(III) B 64 (697), 

(IV) B48 (698), B 68 (699), 

(V) B 41 (700), B 54 (701), B 65 (702), 

(VI) B 46 (703), B 45 (704), 

(VII) A 5 (705), B 58 (706), B 73 (707), B 74 (708), 

(VIII) B 56 (709), B 67 (710), B 75 (711) 

III Inscriptions on pillars (stambhd] of railing and returns (gates) 

(a) S E Quadrant 

(P 11) A 34 (712), (P 12) A 38 (713), B 14 (714), 

(P 13) A 68 (715), (P 17) A 71 (716), B 11 (717), 

(P 15) A 42 (718), (P 18) A 14 (719), 

(P ?) A 12 (720), (M 5) A 50 (721), B 16 (722), 

(P 21, M 2) A 24 (723), B 43 (724), (P 6) A 21 (725), 

(P 10) B 7 (726), A 94 (727), (P 26) A 22 (728), 

(P 14) A 98 (729), B 47 (730), B 32 (731), B 33 (732), B 34 (733), 

(P 1) A 95 (734), B 6 (735), B 4 (736), B 5 (737) 

(b) S Return 

(P 29) A 62 (738), B 23 (739), B 24 (740), B 25 (741), B 26 (742), B 27 (743), 
B 28 (744), B 29 (745), B 30 (746), B 31 (747), B 60 (748), B 61 (749), 
B 38 (750), B 39 (751), B 36 (752), B 37 (753), B 71 (754), B 70 (755), 
B 72 (756), A 136 (757) 

(c) S W Quadrant 

(P ?) A 123 (758), (M 7) A 40 (759), B 17 (760), 

(P 9) A 74 (761), (P 23) A 61 (762), 

(P 27) A 8 (763), (P ?) A 52 (764), 

(M 10) B 78 (765), (P 30) A 65 (766), 

(P 25) A 6 (767), (P 2) A 66 (768), B 52 (769), 

(P 16) B 8 (770), B 9 (771), A 80 (772) 

(d) W Return 

(P 3) A 59 (773), B 40 (774), B 21 (775), B 22 (776), B 18 (777) 

(e) JV W Quadrant 

(P 8) A 29 (778), B 13 (779), (P 20) A 30 (780), 

"A 1, B 1 etc refer to our treatment of the inscriptions below Group A consists of donative 
inscriptions, group B of inscriptions describing the sculptural representations The numbers given 
in brackets are the corresponding ones on Loaders' ' List of Brdhml Inscriptions ' The arrangement in 
the List follows the order given by Cunningham in StBh 



displaced B 76 (781-791), (M ?) A 16 (782), B 15 (7fH), 

.M 9j A 32 (784), B 49 (785), (P 31) A 39 (789), B 10 (790), 

iT 5) A 58 (792), B 2 (793), B 1 (794), B 3 (795) 
f 1 ,V flpta 

P 28] B 55 (786), A 60 (787), B 66 (788) 
tg \ E Quad) ant 

'P 22) A 27 (796), (P 19) A 51 (797), 

P4) A 25 (798;, (?) A 46 (799), 

,P 7) A 73 (800;, B 19 (801), B 53 (802) 
h * Displaced Baianmm a 

A 124 (803), A 54 (804), B 35 (805), A i3 (806), B W (807;, A L!(> (HOH), 
A 7 (809; 
i; Displaced Pataoia 

B 51 (810), B 12 (811), A 17 (812), A 33 (813), B 20 (81 [} 
IV Inscriptions on rail-bars (suci) 
i a) 5' Quadiant 

A 78 (815;, A 15 (816), A 37 (817), A 13 (818), A II (m% A 10 <K20K 

A120(821),A114(822) S A118(823) 3 A81(824),B44(82')),A11<)(8^)) 

(b) S Return 

A 102 (827), A 84 (828), A 85 (829), A 86 (830), A 72 ('Hj, A <) (U>), 
A 63 (833) 

(c) 5 H' j^iarfranf 

A 93 (834), A 31 (835), A 49 (836) 
W Inscnptums on displaced rml-bats and on ftaonientt, 

A 19 (837), A 18 (838), A 20 (839), A 76 (840), A 77 (811) A 07 M'i 
A109(843} > A108(844),A96(8),A105(846)VA10I 87)' A ' 


A 79 (851) ' A 45 852 A 90 A ' ; 

A , ' A W (858)> A 53 < 859 ' A 2R 8W) 

A 87 A 91 (863) ' A 82 (864 ^' A 3 





In comparison with the later donative inscriptions, the wording of the Bharhut 
inscriptions is simple In its shortest and very common form the inscription mentions only 
the name of the donor, put in the genitive, followed by the word danam " gift " ' In about 
forty cases the object of the donation is specified as thabho (thambho}, 2 thabha * suchi* bodhichaka 
(A 106), tanachakamapan[tepo} (A 127) Usuallv the woid danam comes after the object of 
gift, but the reverse order of words is found in not less than twelve cases 5 In one inscription 
(A 50) the woid danam is obviously to be understood, but the writer did not think it necessary 
to inscribe it 6 Whereas m most cases particular icgaiding the native place, profession etc. 
of the donors are given before the word danam, m four mscnptions we find a word or two 
added aftei it, referring to the native place (A 39) 01 the personal relationship (A 46, A 90) 
of the donoi In A 76 the female donor is characteused as a nun (bhichhuni) aftei the word 
danam Normally the donations are made by individuals obviously for their own spiritual 
welfare In one case ^A 108), however, it is specially mentioned that the gift was made 
for the benefit of the parents of the donor (mdtdpttuna athdya) In A 5, the donation does 
not come from an individual donor but from the community of the town Karahakata 
It was probably collected by subscription Similarly m A 16 the gift is attributed to 
a group of donors from Punka 7 Normally it is to be piesupposed that only the cost of the 
objects given was borne by the various donors, but m one case (A 112), if the mterpi etation 
given below is correct, the inscription would mean that the donor himself had carved the 
relief besides paying the cost of the stone In A 1, special reference is made to the stone- 
work (carving) added to the torana as decoration 


The donois mentioned in the 136 Bharhut inscriptions of our group A 8 include both 
the men and women who lead the worldly life and those that have renounced it Thus on 
the one hand we have about 58 gifts from laymen 9 and about 36 from lay women, 10 whereas 

1 In about eight cases the anusvara is omitted Once, m A 96, the word is used in the masculine 
form dano which, according to Luders, is probably a clerical error (as well as dan[d] A 49a). 

a A 6, A 7, A 8, A 39, A 40, A 46, A 50, A 54, A 58, A 61, A 65, A 66, A 68, A 71, A 73, A 80, 
A 87a, A 94, A 98 In A 34 it is mentioned that the pillar donated is the first one (pathamathabho] 

3 A 25, A 27, A 29, A 123, A 124 

4 A 23, A 56, A 72, A 87, A 89, A 96, A 101, A 104, A 105, A 109, A 111, A 118, A 119 

5 Cf danam or dana thabho A 6, A 58, A 61, A 94, danam thabha A 25, A 27, A 29, A 123, danam or 
ddna suchi A 109, A 118, A 119, dana tanachakamapan[repo\ A 127. 

6 The word danam is missing also m A 3, A 9, A 1 1, A 35, A 43, A 44 But these inscriptions seem 
to be incomplete 

7 In Sanchi, gifts have been made by villages, or by particular sects or guilds having their residence 
m Vedisa or Ujem (Ujjayini) 

8 Four newly recovered inscriptions (A 49a, A 54a, A 54b, A 87a) have to be added 
9 A1-A3,A6, A 7, A 13, A 21 -A 23, A 25, A 26, A 30, A 31, A 36, A 40, A 47, A 50, A 54a, 

A54b, A 55, A 81 - A 113, A 129(?), A 130(?), A 132, A 133(?) 

IO A 4, A 9, A 10, A 14, A 15, A 18, A 19, A 20, A 27, A 28, A 32-A 35, A 45, A 46, A 48, A 49, 
A49a, A 53, A 114-A 128, A 134(?) 


on the other hand there are 25 donations by monks 1 and 16 by nuns * It is perhaps striking 
to find monks and nuns making donations, as they were forbidden to own any personal 
property besides some ordinary requisites Probably we have to suppose that they collected 
the money required for some pious purpose by begging it from their relatives or acquain- 
tances It is, however, never stated in Bharh as in Jam inscriptions from Mathura, 
that the dedication was made by a layman at the request of some clergyman The wording 
of the Bharh inscriptions refers to the Buddhist clergyman in such a way, as if he himself 
had made the donation 

In some inscriptions only the names of the donors are mentioned, while in the others 
we find details regaiding 

(I) the places they come from, 

(II) the family (gotta) 01 tribe they belong to, or the relationship they have to some 
other person, 

(III) the professions they follow, and 

(IV) the ecclesiastical titles thev bear (in case of monks) 

The places fiom where the donors come are mentioned in 52 cases Several of these 
place-names occur more than once, for instance, Vedisa (six times), Karahakata (five times), 
Punka (five times), Moragm (five times), Chudathila (thrice), Pdtahputa (thrice), Bibikana- 
dikata (twice), Bhojakata (twice), Chikulana (=Chekulana s twice), Nagaja (twice) The other 
place-names occur only once, see the treatment of place-names below p 6 f 

The donors mentioned in A 1-4 and in A 130( p ) are members of the royal family of 
king Dhanabhuti who apparently was a feudatory of the Sungas In A 1 , Dhanabhuti is 
called the grandson of 'king 5 Visadeva In A 3, he himself is called king (raja) and his son 
Vadhapala is styled ' prince ' (kumdra) In A 4, a female donor of the name Nagarakhita 
is mentioned as the wife of a ' king ' whose name is lost A 1 30 refers to a c king ' and a 
' supreme king ' (adhirdja) whose name again has not been preserved The historical bearing 
of these inscriptions is discussed under A 1 

The family (gotra) of a female donor is given in A 35 as Vdsithi ( Vdsishthi), and the name 
of a tribe to which two female donors from Patahputra and another lady from some un- 
known place belong, occurs as Kodiya (A 14, A 15) and Koda (A 116) 3 In a few inscriptions 
the donor's relationship to his mother is mentioned as c the son of so and so ' Such is the 
case in A 1 where king Dhanabhuti and his ancestors appear Here the name of the respec- 
tive mother refers to her gotra, eg Gdgiputa (Gargiputoa) Gotiputa (Gauptiputra) , Vdchhiputa 
(VdtsiputraY In A 100, however, the donor is mentioned simply as the son of Sri (Sertydputa). 

Once the relationship of the donor to his grandfather and father is expressed as Jahi- 
tanatu Isirakhitaputa (Jahiranaptn Rishirakshitaputra) A 50 

The female donor Pusadevd (Pushyadeva) is referred to as c the mother of so and so ' 
eg Dhamaguta-matu (Dhaimagupta-mdtn) in A 120 In three other cases the name of the 

'A 8, A 17, A 38, A 39, A 41, A 51, A 54, A 56- A 73 The titles upasaka for male and upasika for 
female lay-worshippers, as well as bhikhu or bhichhu (bhikshu) for monks are never used in Bharhut inscrip- 
tions We find only bhikhuni or bhichhuni (bhikshunl) for nuns The monks in Bharhut inscriptions 
are to be recognized only from their ecclesiastical titles given below In Sanch! inscriptions, however, 
upasaka and upasika occur 4 and 15 times respectively, and bhikhu or bhichhu as also bhikhuni or bhichhuni 
occur very often 

2 A 11, A 12, A 24, A 29, A 37, A 42 -A 44, A 52, A 74- A 80. 

3 Cf Kodayo for Kodiyo in A 116 and B 72 

4 Cf Hultzsch, IA Vol XXI (1892), p 227, note 11 "The custom, in accordance with which 
each of the three lings bears a secondary name derived from the gotra of his mother, has descended 
through the Andhras to the Kadambas and Chalukyas, see Dr Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties, p 5, note 2 " 


female donor is not mentioned, but she is called ' the mother of so and so ' cf Setaka-rndtu 
(Sreshthaka-mdtn) A 18, Ghatila-matu A 28, and Tosdlasa mdtaGosdlasa matu (Gosdlasya mdtuh) 
A 90 In A 54b, a man named Nagarakhita (Ndgarakshita) occurs as a donoi in the 
company of his mother 

A female donor is referred to as ' the wife of so and so 3 in Revatimitabhdnyd (Revatimi- 
trabhdryd) A 34, in Vasukasa bhdnyd A 46, or ' the daughter of so and so ' in Mahamukhisa dhitu 
(Mahdmukhino duhituh) A 42 

The professions of lay-donors are mentioned only in two cases One of the donors 
(A 22) is styled as e horseman ' (asavdnka=afvavdnka], and the other (A 55) as ' sculptor * 
(rupakdrakarupakdraka) In A 21, the donor is characterized as * householdei ' (gahapati = 
gnhapati) ' 

A great variety is to be found m ecclesiastical titles ~ 

aya (dtya) ' the venerable ' A 8, A 67 -A 72, 

bhadata (bhadanta) c the reverend ' A 41, A 64- A 66, 

bhdnaka (bhdnaka} ' the reciter ' A 54, A 54a, A 63, 

combination of bhadamta with aya A 38, 

combination of aya with bhdnaka A 62, 

combination of bhadata with bhdnaka A 39, A 61 , 

combination of aya with sutamtika (suhantikd] ' the student of the sutrantas ' A 51; 

combination of aya with petah (petakin) c who knows the pitakas ' A 56 , 

combination of aya with amtevdsi (antevdsin) ' the pupil ' A 73, 

combination of bhadata with satupaddna (snshtopdddna] ' who has abandoned attach- 
ment ' A 58, 

combination of bhadata with aya, bhdnaka, and navakamika (navakarmika] ' superinten- 
dent of the works ' A 59 , 

bhatudesaka (bhaktoddesaka) ' superintendent of meals ' 3 A 17, 

pamchanekdyika (pafichanaikdyika) 'who knows the five Nikayas ' A 57, 

bhikhuni (bhikshuni) 'a nun' 4 A 1 1, A 12, A 29, A 44, A 52, A 80, 

bhichhuni A 24, A 37, A 42, A 43, A 74 - A 79 

Personal Names 

As the following classification points out, there is a great variety in the names given, 
to persons A large number of these names is religious (theophonc) J Apparently we are 
in a period when the worship of old vedic deities still existed and when the rule of some 
G'rihyasutras recommending to name a person after some nakshatra was in vogue But the 
cult of minor deities and spirits like Yakshas ; Bhutas and Nagas and of saints seems to have 

r ln Sanchi inscriptions there is a great variety of professional epithets like set/n (a banker), vamja 
(a merchant), dvesam (a foreman of artisans), rajahpikara (a royal scribe), rajuka (a high District officer), 
lekhaka (a writer), vadhaki (a mason), pavanka (a cloak-seller), sotika (a weaver), and kamika (an artisan). 
The epithets 'horseman ' (asavanka, Bharh A 22) and c householdei ' (gaJiapati, Bharh A 21) occur as 
well (Rhys Davids SBE XI, p 257, note, sees in gahapati a ' village landholdei ') 

2 In Sanchi we get some more ecclesiastical titles like thera (Senior), dhamakathika (preacher of the 
law), mnayaka (guide, instructor) and sapurisa (a holy man) On the general importance of some of the 
church titles see below p 48 and notes 

3 The donor is not specially said to be a monk But the office he holds is known from the Pah 
texts to be that of a clergyman 

4 The corresponding designation for monks bhikhu or bhichhu (bhikshu) is not to be found, as 
mentioned above p 1, note 11 

5 " Theophore Namen ", see Hilka, Alfons, Die altindischen Personennamen, Breslau, 19 10^. 
DD 78-112 


been very popular Besides, names derived from the Vaishnavite and Saivite deities prove 
also the existence of these sects in that period Often the person is called c protected ' 
(guta=gupta ) i akhita^mkshita, pahta) or c given 5 (data=datta)* by some deity or star or 
the person is said to have some deity as his * friend J (mita=mitra) or f god ' (deva), or is said 
to be the deity's servant (ddsa) a In the case of such names as may be called Buddhist 
however, words as samgha, dhama=dharma, budha=buddka ) bodhi, and thupa=stupa appear in 
place of the deity's name 3 It is surprising that such Buddhist names are relatively few, 
and that there is no marked difference in naming laymen and clergymen 4 The non- 
rehgious names referring to the appearance of the body, mental dispositions, plants or 
animals are comparatively seldom met with 5 

I Religious Names 

1 Buddhist- (a) Male names Thupadasa (Sffipaddsa) A 95, Dhamaguta (Dharmagupta) 
A 94, A 120, Dhamarakhita (Dharmarakshita) A 95, Budharakhita (Buddharakshitdf 
A 55, *A 57, *A 58, Budhi (Buddhi) A 21, Bodhguta (Bodhigupta) A 99, Saghamita 
(Sanghamitra) A 40, Samghamita (Sanghamitm) A 106, (A 107), Sagharakhita (Sangha- 
rakshita) A 108, Saghila (Sanghila) A 109 

(b) Female names Dhamarakhita (Dharmarakshita} * A 52, A 1 1 8 , ^Budharakhita 
(BuddharakshitdY , A 76, * Samaria (Sramand) A 12 

2 Names derived from stars 

A Constellation (nakshatra}" 1 ^ Male names Utaragidhika (Uttaragndhyaka?} A 7, 
Jethabhadm (Jyeshthabhadra) A 92, *Pundvasu (Punarvasu) A 72, Pusa (Pushya) A 98,' 
Pusaka (Pushyaka)^ A 47, Phagudeva (Phalgudeva) A 30, Bharamdeva (Bharamdeva) A 100^ 
Revatimita (Revatimitra) A 34, Sahka (Svdtika) A 132 

(b) Female names Anuradha A 32, *Pusadata (Pushy adattd) A 43, A 44, 
Pusadevd (Pushyadeva) A 120, Pusa (Pushya) A 27, *Phagudeva (Phalgudeva] A 75 
Sakatadevd (Sakata[==Rohtm]deva) 8 A 15, Sona (Sravand) A 123, Tisa (Tishyd) A 49a. 
B Planet (gmha) s (a) Male names Agaraju (Angdradyut) A 1, A 2. 
G Sign of Zodiac (rasi)" (a) Male name Siha (SimhaY 1 A 111 

(b) Female name Chdpadeva 13 A 34 

3 Vedic. (a) Male names Agirakhita (Agmrakshita}^ A 23, Mahidasena (Mahendrasena}^ 

'Hilka Icp 49 ff 
2 Hilkalcp 47. 
3 Hilkalcp 104 f 

!! le .i nai ? es f D ? onks and nuns are shown with an asterisk mark 

' Naturgeschichthche Benennungen ' l.c pp 1 1 3- 1 52 

to Sk. Budharakshita and refer to the planet Budha. 

D j jr ~ f ./ith rakhita ' or similar expressions for ' protected ' 

. TT .. , ,-_.., uudanist names 

gHilka^cpp 33-38 (Gestirnnamen). 

-.*. ^^v^ AUW Oth ame na " v <*> reac i ^7 Majumdar as Rohanideva, is attested (cf Zzjtf No 46 7, 
i'6S)"and Rohamafva 5^ Ts^yf ^^ a " fil<St member of a com P ou nd are Rohammitd (List No 996,' 

^ Hllis. 1 r n 10^? f -i. A i 

a planet (Budha) ' * the P ossiblht y of BudharakhitS also being a name derived from 


1 ' Cf a P ' -^^a etc. 

a hst of n' e Slg ? t Z , diaC SaglttanUS Hllka ' 1 c ? 138 
case the name is tha oTa ^?* + * ??Y aS ? e SeC nd member of a COI *Pound But as m our 

13 Hilka 1 c p 80 f ' 1S n dy that Jt refers to the wea P n 

14 Hilka 1 c p 82 (Indra as Mahendra) 


A 13, Mita (Mitra) 1 A 101, *Mahaia (Mahira, Mihira) 1 A 73, Visadeva (Visvadeva) 2 
A 1 

(b) Female names Ayamd (Aiyama) 3 A 33, Idadevd (Indradevdy A 19, A 45, 
Mitadevd (Mitradeva) 1 A 127, Somd 5 A 37 
4 Puranic: (a) Male names 

(I) Deities in general Devarakhita (Devarakshita) 6 A 93, Devasena 6 A 64 

(II) Spirits and animal deities *Bhutaka (Bhutaka) 7 A 8, Bhutdrakhita 
(Bhutarakshita) 7 A 31, *A 38, Takhila (Takshila) 3 A 105, *Gorakhita (Gorakshita)* 
A 68, *Ndgadeva la A 70 

(III) Rishi worship 11 Isidata (Rishidatta) A 86, *Isidma (Rishidattd) A 62, 
*Isipahta (Rishipdhta) A 59, A60(?), Isirakhita (Rishirakshita) A 50, A 87, (A 87a), 
A 88 

(IV) Minor deities Sinma (Srimat) 1 * A 110, ^Mahila 1 * (Mahipdhta?) A 65, 
Gdgamita (Gangdmitra) 1 * A 89 

(V) Saivite Is ana (Tsdna) 15 A 84, A 85, Vddhapdla (Vyddhapdla) 16 A 3, 
Samika (Svarmka) 11 A 6, *A 41 

(VI) Vaishnavite * Kanaka (Knshnaka) 18 A 39, Kanhila (Knshnala) A 63, 
*Valaka (Balaka) lg A 61, Valamita (Balamitra) A 36 

(b) Female names 30 

(I) Spirits and animal deities *Bhuta (Bhutd] A 77, Takhi (Yakshi) A 116, 
Gorakhitd (Gorakshitd) A 46, *Diganagd (Dinndgd) A 24, *Ndgadevd All, Ndgarakhitd 
(Ndgarakshitd) A 4, A 54b, Nagasena A 14, *Ndga A 74, *Nagild A 29, *Sapagutd 
(Sarpaguptd) A 78 

(II) Rishi worship Isirakhita (Rishirakshita) A 53 

(III) Minor deities Smmd (Srimati ) A 48, Sen (Sri) A 100, Chamdd (Chandra)' 1 
A 128 

(IV) Saivite Samidatd (Svdmidatta) A 122 

'Hilkalcp 87 
2 Hilkalcp 88 
3 Hilkalcp 81 
4 Hilkalcp. 81 f 
5 Hilkalcp 102 f 
6 Hilkalcp 79-80 
Hilkalcp 87 
8 Hilkalcp. 88 
9 Hilkalcp. 120 
10 Hilkalcp 84 f 
"Hilkalcp. 104 
12 Hilkalcp. 94^ 

13 On suffix -(i)la in names, see Hilka, 1 c p 68 f 
14 Hilkalcp 84 
15 Hilkalcp 96 

16 The name has been classified as Saivite under the assumption that vddha corresponds to Sk vjddha 
' hunter ' and that c the protector of hunters ' is a designation of Rudra-Siva. 

17 Hilkalcp 104 

18 According to Loaders Kanaka is the defective writing for Kanhaka (Knshnaka) For names referring 
to Krishna see Hilka 1 c p 93 Hilka, however, takes Kanaka as ' gold ' and classifies the name as 
referring to minerals (cf p 121) It is also possible to relate it to the appearance and parts of the body 
(II, 1) as it could correspond to ' karnaka '. 

19 Hilkalcp. 94 

* 20 For references to Hilka see under male names, 
aI Hilkalcp. 101 f. 


II ^\on-iehgious Names 

I Appearance colour, size, dress, voice, and paits of the body: 

(aj Male names *Sdmaka l (Sydmaka) A 66, *A 73, Klhula (Aduehay A 51, 


*Chuladhaka (Kshudra^) A 17, Chulana (Kslmdra?) A 91, AfaJwmu/Jn (Malta- 
mukhmY *A 42, Muda (Munda) A 102, Ghdtila (Ghdta 'nape 01 kick of the 
neck'?) A 28 
;bj Female names Sdmd (Spamd)* A 20, Gold* A 49, Gho\a ((lho\haY A 117, 

Kachuld (Kanchuld c a bodice') 7 A 115 
2 Mental disposition and temperament 

(a.) Male names Anamda (Anandd] A 50, Avisana (Amshanna) A 82, A 83, l ,Namda 
(Nanda) 8 A 69, *Nadagin* (Nandagm) A 54, Namdagtn" A ( )7 5 /Mwta (7J>/7rto 
crafty, cheat ') A 96 

ib) Female names Ujhikd (Ujjhikd 'one who has abandoned {?)*) A 114 
Nadutara (Nandottard) A 119, *Badhikd (Baddhikd ' one who is bound ') A 12, 
^ \Vealth, fame, and birth 

(a) Male .m^Dhanabhuti 10 A 1, A 2, Vasuka" A 46, Setaka (Sn^htjiakay* A 18, 
Jdtamita (Jitdmitia?) A 26, *Apikmaka (Apigirnaka?) A 67, JV/JyU (itfiVa-*) 1 ' 
A 136, Gosdla~Tosdla (Gosdla c born in a cow-stall 1 ) A 90, *7 t l/" A 50 
*Pamthaka (Panthaka ' born on the way '?) A 71, Fyz/^ ' om''boin in the 
country '(?) A 104, Suladha (Sulabdha) A 22 

(b) Female name Avasikd (Avdsikd ( one who has a resident o( '>)' I 
4 Plants and animals 

(a) Male names-^femttte (^to^a)' 6 A 81, Suga, Saga (Sunga) A ], A 2 
_ (b) Female names-Valwttd (Velhmitrd) A 35, Kujard (KuhianlY' A 10 
o Unclassified male names 

>/W A 50, Tamita A 103 

Besides the place-names which occur more than once (cf n >>\ , , r / / 
times Karahakata ( P j J ^zm 

'Hilkalcp 127 

cp 128 
Hiika 1 c p 127 



I cpp 

r ~ - - - - o ^"J-v-l JUitillflS Tnv A I a.*-. 1 ^. i 

out not kujara, .see Hiika 


Nagara (twice) a number of places, in which the donors originated, is mentioned 
only once, for instance Asitamasd, Kamuchu(' ? } , Kdkamdl^ Kosambi, Khujatiduka, Therdkuta> 
Dabhma, Namdmagara., Ndszka, Padela, Parakata, Pankina, Bahada., Bendkata^ Bhogavadhana> 
Venuvagama^ Sinsapada and Selapura 
A Formation 

If we compare these names with such place-names as are found in Sanchi msciiptions, 
certain formative elements of that time are conspicuous We find 


(a) Names ending in -kata Karaha-kata A 6, A 7, A 8, Para-kata A 48, Bibikdnadi- 
kata A 21, A 22, Bend-kaia A 49a, Bhoja-kata A 23, A 24 

The ending -kata probably goes back to Sanskrit kataka 1 (modern kada) in 
the sense of ' circle, valley or camp ' It occurs also very often in Prakrit inscrip- 
tions as -kata or -kada, for instance in Sanchi in JBeda-kada, Bhadana-kata (Bhadana- 
kada), Madaldchhi-kata (Madaldchhi-kada) , Morajdbhi-kata (Mot ajdha(hi) -kata 
(Morejdhi-kada), Sida-kada (Seda-kada), Viraha-kata ( Vet oha-kata) 

(b) Names ending in -gdma (Skt grama ' village ') Venuva-gama A 52 

In Sanchi we get a few more names with this ending, which is frequently 
used in the formation of place-names Kamdadi-gdma, Nava-gdma, Sdmika-gdma. 

(c) Names ending in kuta 'peak 5 or -gin 'mountain 3 Therd-kuta A 41, Mora-gin 
A 25, A 29 

In Sanchi the names ending in some word for mountain are Ckuda-gm, 
Chuda-mora-gm, Makd-mora-gin, Bota-Snparvvata 

(d) Names ending in nagara ' town ' Namdi-nagara A 45 

In Sanchi Nadi-nagara or Namdi-nagara and its derivatives occur very often 
We also get Athaka-nagara 

(e) Names ending in -pada (Skt -padia c a village ', cf above the ending -gdma) : 
Sinsa-pada A 53 

In Sanchi this ending is found in Kuthu-pada (Kuthuka-pada) , Tdkdra-pada 
(Tdkdn-pada) Tinda-pada., Phujaka-pada, Roham-pada 

(f ) Names ending in -pura ' town ' Sela-pura A 54 

In Sanchi we find Adha-pura or its derivative 

(g) Names ending in -vadhana (Sk -vardhana ' growth ', 'increase ') . Bhoga-vadhana A 51. 

In SaSch! we often have Bhoga-vadhana (or -vadhana), besides Dhama-vadhana 
and Puna-vadhana 

(h) Other endrngs which are found in Sanchi inscriptions, but which are not met with 
in Bharhut inscriptions are 

-ghara (Udubara-ghara, Kura-ghara,, Kora-ghara., ICosa-ghara), 
-patha (Kachu-patha } Subhaga-patha, Seta-patha, Sveta-patha) , 
-vdta or -vada or -vida (Skt vrta ' enclosed, enclosure ' ? ) m Achd-vdta or -vada, 

Puru-vida, Poda-vida, 
-vana ( Tuba-vana^ Madhu-vana) 
B Identification 

Some of the place-names in Bharhut inscriptions are to be identified with certainty, 
others only conjecturally, the location of quite a number of towns or villages remains 

1 Cf the name of the town Dhamna-kataka (List No 1271) by the side of Dhamna-kata (List No. 1225), 
and Dhamna-kada (List No 1205), and Dhenukd-kataka (List No 1092) by the side of Denukd -kata (List 
JNTos 1090, 1093, 1096, 1097), and Dhenuka-kada (List No 1121) 


(I) The first group comprehends some renowned localities extending over a vast 
area from Patahputra (Patna) in the north-east of India to Nasik and Karhad, places m the 
former Bombay State, in the West Therefore it is obvious that Bharhut attracted visitois 
not only from its vicinity but that pilgrims even from distant places flocked to the shrine 
or supported subscriptions to contribute to the embellishment and ornamentation of the 
monument Important localities to be identified are 

Karahakata, probably the modern Karhad, in the district of Satara, Bombay State, 
about forty miles north of Kolhapur The name reappears in the Kuda Buddhist 
cave inscription (List No 1055) as Karahakada, and seems to be the ancient 
form of the later Karahataka, Karad, the capital of one of the branches of the 
Silahara family ' 

Kosambi (Sk Kausdmbi), modern Kosam, on the left bank of the Jumna, about thirty 
miles to the west of Allahabad, according to the Mahaparmibbanasutta it was 
one of the great Indian cities at the time of the Buddha, famous as capital of the 
Vatsas or Vamsas 8 To Kosambi our inscriptions refer only once (A 52). The 
nun Dhamarakhita, inhabitant of Venuvagama, is called Kosabeyika (Kama- 
mbeyikd) " native of Kosambi " 

JV&ifc,' the modern Nasik on the Godavarl, 117 miles by tram to the north-cast of 
Bombay, a celebrated place of pilgrimage, known to archaeologists on account 
of some old cave-temples 

Patahputa (Patahpufia), modern Patna, the capital of Magadha m Mauzya and 
b-upta times, founded by Ajatasatru of Magadha as Pataligama in ci 48S B C 
the last year of Buddha's hfe A description of the town as the residence of the' 
Mamya Chandragupta has been given at the end of the fourth century B C 
by the Greek ambassador Megasthenes For excavations see L A Waclell Ret>mt 
on E^anons at Patahputra Calcutta 1903, D B Spooner, Mr Ratan Taa's 
Excavations at Patahputra ASIAR , 1913-14 pp 53-86* 

M t^2 It K ^; H r d a f a (V ' snuparv ^ XXXVIII > 20 - 22 > a to 

Vindhya mountains The Paunk 


The Bhojpur topes 


ytfP^Pr^^, r , pp 692 ff , Nunda Lal Dey> , c pp 96f/ 

* Cf Ki f 1 1 ' Malalasekera 1 c Vol II, pp 1 78 f, BI. 

' P ' 34 Another Purf 

, p 62; , /p 13 , Shafer;lcp 


Vedisa (Sk. Vaidisa, P Vedisa, Vedisagm), modern Besnagar, 1 2J miles to the north of 
Bhilsa in Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh), at the fork of the Bes (Bias) and theBetwa 
rivers; known from the pillar inscription of iHeliodoros, the Greek ambassador 
from Taxila, sent to the king Kasiputa Bhagabhadra (Gf List No 669) The 
name is derived from the river Vidisa (Bes, Bias), mentioned m the Puianas as 
one of the rivers originating in the Panyatra mountain 2 together with the Vetravati 
(Betwa) , the Vaidisas appear ibid in the lists of the Vmdhya population 3 
(2) Suggestions can be made regarding the following places 
Asitamasa, supposed by Cunningham to have been situated on the bank of the Tamasa 

or Tonse river in Rewa, Central India 4 

Kakamdi? is known from grammatical Sanskrit literature 6 as well as from Buddhist 
and Jam sources The Kasika on Panim IV, 2, 123 cites the name as that of a 
place in the East, quoting the derivation Kdkandaka "inhabitant of Kakandi" 
In the SnA p 300 SavatthI (Sravasti) is said to have originally been the residence 
of the Rishi Savattha, "just as Kosambi was the abode of Kusumba and Kakandi 
that of Kakanda " (yathd Kusubassa nwdso Kosambi Kdkandassa Kakandi) Hultzsch 7 
referred to the mentioning of Kakandi in Jam literature (Pattavali of the Khara- 
taragachha, IA Vol XI, p. 247) The exact location of the town is not known 
Namdmagara has been identified with Nandigrama Nandgaon in Oudh, eight or nine 
miles to the south of Fyzabad, 8 or with Nandner (near Tonk), 9 but these identi- 
fications are not very probable, as the town is more often quoted in early Brahml 
inscriptions than any other, 10 besides Ujem (Ujjayini) Is it a second name for 
some important place in central India ? According to the dictionaries nandindgari 
means a particular kind of writing, andnandmagaraka a particular written character 
-A town Nandipura occurs in a Jam cosmographical list after Kausambi :i 
Bendkata cf A 49a 

Bhogavadhana (Sk Bhogavardhana)^ place met with in several early Brahmi inscriptions, 12 
and known from Sanskrit literature The exact location is unknown 13 The 
Puranas place the country between Asmaka and Konkana 14 Majumdar 15 summing 
up what is known says. " From some of the Puranas it seems that this place has to 

1 Nunda Lai Dey, 1 c p 29 (Bessanagara), p 35 (Bidisa) , Law, 1 c p 35 , BI , p 132 , Malalasekera, 
1 c Vol II, p 922 For a sketch of Besnagar by Cunningham see Reports of the Archaeological Survey 
of India, ed by Sir A Cunningham, Vol X, PI XII, for a description of the remains, ibid, pp 36-46 
In the ' Monuments ofSdnchl ', Vol I, p 2, the following note is given C The city was not confined to the 
fork between the two rivers but extended at last two-thirds of a mile to the river Bes" Cf ASIAR , 1913-14, 
P 186 

2 Kirfel, Icp 65 

3 Kirfel, Icp 76 

4 Law, Icp 56, Nunda Lai Dey, Icp 202 (Tamasa) , BI p 125, Kirfel, 1 c p 65 (Tamasa) 

5 Malalasekera, Ic Vol I, p 558, BI p 127, Law, Icp 27 

6 Monier-Wilhams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s v 
7 L4, Vol XXI (1892), p 235, note 59 

8 BI p 128, Law, Icp 31, Nunda Lai Dey, Icp 131 Momer-Williams, Sanskrit-English Diet , 
gives Nandigrama as name of a village near Daulatabad 
9 Majumdar, Sanchl, Vol I, p 299, referring to Buhler 

10 Cf List s v Nadmagara, JM'ddinagara, Namdmagara and derivatives Nadanaganka, Nadmaganka, 
Jfadmaganka, Namdinagdraka, Namdmagankd, Namdindganka. 

11 Kirfel, Icp 226 

12 Cf List s v Bhogavadhana, Bhogavadhanaka and Bhogavadhamya 
I3 BI p 130 f 

14 Kirfel, Icp 75 
l5 Sanchi, Vol I, p 300 



be located somewhere in the direction of Asmaka and Mulaka, that is, in the 
Godavari valley " 

Mot agin (Sk Maywagin) is represented in Safichi inscriptions by the village (gdma] 
Chuda-moragm 1 and by Maha-moragm 2 Hultzsch 3 contributed the following- 
note fct With Mayuragm compare Mayuraparvata, a locality which is referred 
to in a quotation of the Charanayyuhabhdshya , see Dr Buhler's translation of 
Apastamba, p XXXI note, and Dr von Schroeder's Maitrayanl-Samhita 
p XXIV" 

Venuvagama (Sk Venukagrama), dwelling-place of the nun Dhamarakhita, the " native 
of Kosambi " (A 52], is stated 4 to be a suburb of Kosambi and to have been 
identified by Cunningham with the modern village of Ben-Purwa to the north-cast 
of Kosam But the name seems more akin to Beluvagdma (also called Beluvagamaka 
and Belugama, a village near Ves ah (Vaisali), where the Buddha spent his last laiuy 
season, according to the Mahapanmbbanasutta 5 In the corresponding Sk. 
text (Mahaparmirvanasutra 13 2) the name of the village is Venugramaka* 
The modern Belgaum in the Deccan also represents Venugrama 7 

Smsapada The location of the place is unknown Hultzsch refers to a village called 
Sirishapadraka mentioned in two inscriptions of the Gurjara dynasty '> 

(3} The list of place-names not identified as yet comprehends 4 

Kamuchu(>),Khujatiduk a ,' Chikulana (Chekulana)," Ghudalhila, Therakut.i 
Dabhma, Nagara," Padela," Parakata, Pankma, Bahada, Blbikanadikata,'* 

[Epithets designatmg^somebodv with regard to his domicile are formed from place- 
names wl th the sufihes -,ka, -ya or -ka, see the treatment of nnportant suffixes (undo: b 
a, 8, b, and 10, b) above pp XXVIII f ] ^"uci u, 

'List No 625, as lead b> Majumdar 


*I p 127, Law, 1 c p 35 
Malalasekeia, 1 c Vol II p 313 

c eylon ra c 

"SI p 128 " The Puranas mention 
"Barua-Smha (BI p 128), w 
Ghaul near Bombay, by w a / of 

P ri f ' CqUatIon TOth SoisavaUfm, a aty of the 
M need to be discussed 

PlaCC ' ^ t0 combmc ll wil1 ' 

naeankd appear m 
and other Lly BrSi 
x>ai ua-sinha, BI D 12Q 
Distiict Central Proves " 
4 -barua-Sinha, 57 r, 130 

's Kamasfltra with 
a short form fo t 


***** name of Pandeua in 
in the ree,on of 


A 1 (687), PLATE I 

ON a pillar of the eastern gateway, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Edited by 
Cunningham, with remarks by Rajendralala Mitra, and Buhler, StBh (1879), p 128 f. 
No 1, and PI XII and LIII, Rajendralala Mitra, PASS 1880, p 58 ff , Hultzsch, 
IA , Vol XIV (1885), p 138 f, and PI , %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 60, No 1 3 IA, Vol 
XXI (1892), p 227, No 1 , Ramaprasad Chandra, MASI , No 1 (1919), p 21, No 20, and 
PI V, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p If , No 1 Buhler, ASWl (1883), Vol V, p 73 


1 Suganam raje rafio Gagiputasa Visadevasa 

2 pautena 2 Gotiputasa Agarajusa putena 

3 Vachhiputena Dhanabhutma kantam toranam 3 

4 silakammamto cha upamno 4 


During the reign of the Sugas (Sungas} 5 the gateway was caused to be made and the 
stone-work (i e carving) presented by Dhanabhuti, 6 the son of a Vachhi(Ffl) 3 7 son of Agaraju 
(Angaradyut) * the son of a Goti (Gaupti) 1 and grandson of king Visadeva (Visvadeva) , 9 the son 
of Gagi (Gdrgi ) 7 

That the Sungas are meant by the Sugas was first recognised by Buhler Raje was 
translated by Rajendralala Mitra ' in the kingdom 5 , by Barua-Smha ' within the dominion', 10 
but the term rajyasamvatsare in No 22 and 33, rajyasam in No 51 of my List is in favour of 
the meaning c during the reign ' assigned to the word by Hultzsch Silakammamto was first 
correctly explained by Rajendralala Mitra, it refers no doubt to the sculptures on the 
gateway Buhler was the first to derive upamno from Sk utpannah, but his translation was 
wrong Hultzsch rendered ' silakammamto cha upamno ' at first e and the masonry was 
finished ' and later on ' and the stone-work arose ' 

Barua-Sinha take upamno in the sense of the causative and translate ' and the workmanship 

1 Another donation by a member of the royal family is probably to be found in the fragmentary 
donative inscription No A 130 

2 This word has been lead by all editors as pautena But as the diphthong au nevei occurs in the 
Bharhut inscriptions and as it is linguistically untenable we suggest to read potena, the moie as the 
middle horizontal mark to the left, which is supposed to give the matra for au, is very slight and hence 
it is veiy likely that it is just an accidental prolongation of the middle horizontal mark to the light 
On somewhat similar ground Luders himself reads ddnam instead of donam in A 64 

3 Read toranam The engraver has forgotten to incise the left upper bar of na 

4 The last akshara looks like na, but there can be little doubt that it is to be read no, the right 
portion of the o-sign being attached to the top of the na and not as usually to the middle of the letter 

5 The name appears in the classification given above II, 4, a (names derived from plants) Sunga 
is a name for the Indian fig tree (=vatd) 

6 See classification II, 3, a (names derived from wealth, fame, and birth) 
'Regarding gotra-names cf p 2 

8 See classification 1, 2, B, a (names derived from planets). Hultzsch, IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 227, 
note 11 "As suggested by Dr. Buhler, this name has to be explained by Angara[ka] iva dyotata ity Angara- 
dyut , 'shining like (the planet) Mars ' " 

9 See classification 1, 3, a (names referring to vedic deities) 

10 Barua, temporarily having changed his opinion, translates c during the reign of the Sungas ' in 
Barh I, p. 29, but ' within the dominion of the Sungas ' again ibid , p 41 


in stone has been produced ', but all these renderings are unsatisfactory In my opinion 
the term upamno is used here in the same meaning as in the language of the Buddhist Pali 
Canon Innumerable times it is stated m the Vmaya that such and such object was samghassa 
uppanno, cf. e g Cullav , V 5 23, 1 f samghassa makasavyam uppanna hoti; chamaravijani uppanna 
hoti, samghassa chhattam uppannam hoti The words are generally translated ' a mosquito fan, 
or a chamaia fan, or a sun-shade, had come into the possession of the Samgha '. This is 
quite true, but it is only by donations that the Samgha acquired these things, and so uppanna 
seems to have assumed the meaning of ' presented ', which would suit admirably well also m 
our inscription 

From the inscription A 3 (mentioning Dhanabhuti's son, prince Vadhapala) it results 
that Dhanabhuti to his grandfather the title ' king s is given in our inscription was a 
king himself 1 Cunningham found the name Dhanabhuti as that of a donor again in an 
inscription from Mathura (List No 125), and tried to link this donor to king Dhanabhuti 
of our Bharhut inscriptions The revision of the inscription List No. 125 given here as a 
supplement shows that his assumption is an ill-founded one 


List No. 125, PLATE I 

Fragmentary inscription on a railing pillar from Mathura According to Cunningham 
the inscription was cut on a corner pillar with sockets for rails on two adjacent faces, and 
sculptures on the other two faces Afterwards another railing was attached, and fresh holes 
of a much larger size were then cut in the face bearing the inscription Cunningham, 
moreover, states that the pillar was in the Ahgarh Institute, but when Mr Ramaprasad 
Chanda visited the Institute in September 1921, he was unable to trace the stone a So 
our knowledge of the inscription is restricted to the reading and the facsimile which 
Cunningham published first Arch Surv Rep , Vol III (1873), p 36, No 21, and Plate XVI, 
and again Stupa of Bhdrhut (1879), p 130, and Plate LIII The facsimile in the Stupa of 
Bharhut is less trustworthy, being evidently altered, not from the stone itself, but in accor- 
dance with preconceived ideas about the reading of the text From this revised facsimile 
Senart edited the whole inscription in 'Inscriptions de Piyadasi\ Vol II (1886), p 476, 
note l=Ind Ant, Vol XXI (1892), p 246, note 62 (English translation), and the second 
part only in J As Ser VIII, Vol XV (1890), p 119 f 


1 ka[p] 3 

2 bhutifsa] 4 . is 5 

3 putrasa sa 6 

1 Cf the discussion on the date of our Bharhut inscriptions above p XXX 
S ASI Ann Rep, 1922-23, p 166 

3 The second akshara may have been Ac, but it can hardly have been la as assumed by Senait 
After kap about six aksharas are completely destroyed As regards the restoration of this and the next 
two lines see the remarks below. 

4 Of sa only a minute particle is preserved, but the reading is certain Between bhutisa and ts. 
about four aksharas are missing. 

5 In the first facsimile the sign is only tsa, in the revised facsimile it has been changed to tsa, but 
certainly only because Cunningham thought that Vatsiputrasa was the original leading 

6 Before sa the facsimile shows a sign which Cunningham transcribed by la, but in this he cannot 
be right, as la never shows a slanting bottom line as the letter in the facsimile Considering that 
Cunningham was unable to decipher the last but one letter in the second line, it is veiy probable that 
the corresponding letter in the third line also was defaced and that the sign given in the facsimile is 


4 Dhanabhutisa danajjm] 1 vedika 

5 toranam cha ratanagrih[e] a sa- 

6 rvabudhapujaye 3 saha 4 matapi- 

7 tmi 3 saha [cha] 6 chatu[hl] 7 panshahi 8 


The gift of Dhanabhuti, the , the son of a (Va)ts(i) , bhuti 

(consisting in) a railing and gateways at the jewel-house in honour of all Buddhas, together 
with (his) paients and together with the four assemblies 

Whereas the second part of the record is absolutely clear, the restoration of the sadly 
mutilated first three lines presents considerable difficulties On the Eastern gateway at 
the Stupa of Bharhut there is an inscription (A 1 ) which records that the gateway was caused 
to be made and the stone work presented by Vacchiputa Dhanabhuti, the son of Gotiputa 
Agaraju and grandson of rdjan Gagiputa Visadeva And there is at Bharhut another 
inscription on a rail (A 3) to the effect that the rail was the gift of the Kumaia Vadhapala, 
the son of rdjan Dhanabhuti When Cunningham became acquainted with these inscrip- 
tions, he tried to establish a connection between the Dhanabhuti of the Bharhut msciiptions 
and his namesake at Mathuia by supplying in the Mathura inscription dhana at the end of 
the first line, restoring vdtsi at the end of the second line and vddhapd between putiasa and 
the supposed lasa in the third line In his revised facsimile, where the restored letters have 
been entered, the first four lines appear therefore as follows 

kapa . (Dhana) - 

bhuti[sa] (Va)tsi- 

putrasa (Vadhapa)lasa 
Dhanabhutisa danam vedika 

Cunningham was of the opinion that from the record as restored by him we obtain an- 
other name of the royal family mentioned in the Bharhut inscription in Dhanabhuti II, 
the son of Vadhapala, and grandson of Dhanabhuti I, and he used this arrangement of the 
pedigree for deriving important conclusions with regard to the date of the Bharhut Stupa. 
But a glance at the text of the inscription as established by Cunningham will be sufficient to 
show that it can nevei convey the sense that Cunningham gathered from it Neither is Vadha- 
pala called the son of Dhanabhuti I, nor Dhanabhuti II the son of Vadhapala I doubt very 
much that there was any relation between the Dhanabhuti of Bharhut and the Dhanabhuti 
of our inscription Judging fiom the palaeography of the inscriptions, the latter must be at 
least fifty years younger Theie is nothing to prove that he was a rdjan or the son of a tdjan 
On the contrary, the assignment of a share in the gift simply to his father and mother tends to 
show that he was a private person The restoration of ts putrasa as Vdtsiputrasa is pro- 
bable, but it cannot be decided whether it is to be joined with the preceding name 01 with. 

'The anusvdm appeals only in Cunningham's revised facsimile, but as the inscription is carefully 
engraved, we may assume that it was overlooked in the first facsimile 

2 The -sign is missing in the facsimiles, but probably only by oversight. 

3 The -sign is distinct in the first facsimile, but omitted in the second 

4 Here and m the next line the woid is clearly saha 

5 Cunningham read mata pitrohi, Senart mdtapitihi ( p ) and later on matdpitdki For grammatical 
reasons the reading -pitihi would seem to be the coirect one The z-sign of hi is distinct 

6 The akshara which according to the facsimile was blurred and omitted in their transcriptions by 
Cunningham and Senart was evidently cha 

7 According to the facsimiles the last akshara was blurred It was either hi or hi as read by Senart. 

8 Cunningham and Senart read panshahi, but here again the f-sign is distinct in the facsimiles. 


Dhanabhuttsa. In the latter case, we should, of course, have to assume that it was due to 
mere chance that he had a mother of the same got? a as the Dhanabhuti of Bharhut, their 
identity being precluded by the scnpt of their records There is absolutely no reason \vhy 
bhutisa should be restored as Dhanabhutisa., names ending in bhuti being very frequent in tliis 

The term ratnagnha seems to denote a Stupa The term P pans a, Sk panshad is used 
also in the Pah Canon and in the scriptures of the Sarvastivadins with reference to the 
division of the Buddhist Order into bhikkfius, bhikkhunis, upasakas and upasikas 

A 2 (688), PLATE XXIII 

FRAGMENTARY inscription on a pillar of a gateway, now at Batanmara Edited by 
Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 128, No 2 and PI LIII, Barua-Smha, BL (1926), p 3, No. 2. 


1 Sagana laja 

2 Agaraju 

3 toranam 1 


During the reign of the Sugas (Sungas) 1 Agaraju (Angdradyut^Y the 


The text of the inscription was probably the same as that of No A 1 Another 
fragmentary torana-mscnption is No A 129 

A 3 (869) 3 , PLATE XXIII 

RAIL inscription Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 116, Cunningham 
StBh (1879), p 142, No 54 and PI LVI, Hultzsch, DMG , Vol XL (1886), p. 60; 
and I A , Vol XXI (1892), p. 225, Bama-Sinha, BI (1926), p 30, No 103; Barua, Barh. I 
p. 42 

Dhanabhutisa rajano putasa kamarasa 4 Vadhapalasa [danam] 


(Gift) of prince Vadhapala (Vyadhapala), 5 the son of king Dhanabhuti 

Dhanabhuti is already known as the donor o f the 'torana 5 mentioned in A 1 There 

he is not referred to as ' king ' as he is in our inscription, in A 1, however, his grandfather 

bears that title 

'From Cunningham's eye-copy The transcript on p 128 has Saganam and Asa Rama. The 
true readings are apparently Suganam raje and Agaraju 
2 For the names see notes in A 1 
3 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 
4 kamarasa is obviously a scribe's mistake for kumdrasa 

VriHH^^T* 1011 -^ 110 *^ Cer t. ta111 ' b . Ut m re P lobable tha * that of Barua and Smha who suggest 
1345? butttJ'T dha==mddha th ^ ^fer to < vadharaja ' in the Hatmgumpha inscription (LtONo. 
4 a 5 ^*' Vdha P ala ( = V y a dhapala) has been classified above 

< 4 a 5) as S 


A 4 (882)% PLATE II 

inscription, now in the Indian Muse urn, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh 
(1879), PI LVI, No 67 (Plate only), Hultzsch, DMG , Vol XL (1886), p. 60, IA , Vol 
XXI (1892), p 225, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 33, No 115 

kasa rafto bhayaye Nagarakhitaye danam 

Gift of Nagarakhita (Ndgaiakshit&Y, the wife of king ka. 

Hultzsch proposed to read tisa instead of kasa m the beginning of the inscription and 
-was of the opinion that the name of the king should be reconstructed as Dhanabhuti, the 
iing mentioned in A 1 and A3 In this he was followed by Luders (List) and Barua-Smha. 
The impression on the estampage, however, does not bear out that reading. As no king's 
name ending in -ka appears in the Bharhut inscriptions it is difficult to make any suggestion 
about the name of the king whose wife Nagarakshita was 

1 Luders' treatment of this inscription has not been recovered. 

a See classification I, 4, b, 1 (names derived from spirits and animal deities). 

(a) A 5 - 9 Inhabitants of Karahakata 

A 5 (705), PLATE II 

ON a coping-stone (No VIII), now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Edited by 
Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 131, No 16, and PI LIII , Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol. XL 
l'1886) s p 62, No 16, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 228, No 16; Ramaprasad 
Chanda, MASI ,Ko I (1919), p 20, No 15, and PI V, Barua-Sinha, BL (1926) p Ty 
No 119 '* 


1 Karahakata-nfijgamasa 

2 dana 1 


The gift of the town of Karahakata 
A 6 (767), PLATE II 

m the 
gham, StBh (1879), p 136 No 56 and 

XL ^ p 68 , No 70j a ( nd H J a p nd IA ^ L g, 

Barua-Smha, BI , (1926), p 12, No 27 ! 

Kaiahakata* Samikasa 3 dana thabho 


The pdlar (,s) the gl ft of Sannka (SvarmkaY from Karahakua 
A 7 (809), PLATE XXTTT 

(1879) ' " J;iy ' 

Si (1926)i p , ' > P . , Vol. XXI (1892), p 225; Bauu- 

Karahakata Utarag^hkasa thabho danam" 

-TM t~ ' 

* '-"SKS * - ,,,,w,.,. 


ianscript t The ^w has been written 


The pillar (is) the gift of Utaragidhika (Uttat agrdhyaka ?) r from Karahakata. 

A 8 (763), PLATE II 

a pillar of the South- Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 27) 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 135, No 52, and PI LIV, Hultzsch, %DMG , 
Vol XL (1886), p 67, No 67, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 232, No 67, 
JBarua-Smha, BI (1926), p 11, No 24 


1 Karahakata 

2 aya-Bhutakasa thabho danam 


The pillar (is) the gift of the venerable Bhutaka (Bhutaka)* from Karahakata 

A 9 (89 1) 3 , PLATE XXIV 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 143, No 8, and PI LVI, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p 36, No 126 


rakat[a]yaya 4 
(The gift) of a female inhabitant of (Ka)ra(ha)kata (?) 

Cunningham read the inscription as mkatayaya> but the third letter in his eye- 
copy is clearly t[a\ 01 t[o] Luders in his List proposed to restore [Karaha]katiyaya, gen. 
of Karahakatiya i e. a female inhabitant of Karahakata This explanation has also been 
adopted by Barua-Smha, but as there is no ha between ra and ka it remains doubtful 

( b) A 10-12 Inhabitants of Chudathila 

A 10 (820), PLATE II 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(CB 16) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 139, No 6, and PI LV; Hultzsch, 
ZDMG, Vol. XL (1886}, p 71, No 104, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 235, 
No 104; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 18, No 54 

Chudathihkaya Kujaraya danam 

The gift of Kujaia (ICunjard), 5 the Chudathilika (inhabitant of Chudathila). 

1 See classification I, 2, A, a (names derived from constellations) 

2 See classification I, 4, a, 2 (names derived from spirits and animal deities). 

3 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

4 From Cunningham's eye-copy. 

5 See classification II, 4, b (names derived from animals). 


A 11 (819); PLATE II 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(CB 19) Edited by Cunningham, StBk (1879), p 139, No 5, and PI LV; Hultzsch, 
ZDMG., Vol XL (1886), p 71, No 103, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 235, 
No 103, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 18, No 53 

Chudathilik[a]ya Nagadevaya bhikhumyi 1 (danam) 


(The gift) of the nun Nagadeva, 2 the Chudathilika (inhabitant of Chudathila). 

A 12 (720); PLATES III, XLVI 

ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited 
by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 132, No 9, and PI LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL 
(1886), p 64, No 29, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 229, No 29, Barua-Sinha* 
BI (1926), p 7, No 10 


1 Samanaya bhikhumya Chudathilikaya 

2 danam 

The gift of the nun Samana (Sramand), 3 the Ghudathihka (inhabitant of Chudathila) 

Barua-Smha's correction of Samanaya to Sumanaya is superfluous For the male name 
Samana see the SaHchi inscriptions Nos 336 and 530 in my List, the Nasik mscr No 1144 
and the Bhattiprolu inscrs Nos 1332 and 1337 and the female name Samamka m No 43 
The spelling of the name with the dental na conforms to the rule observed m the Bharhut 
inscriptions, where, with the exception of the torana inscription, na is everywhere replaced 
by na The derivation of Chudathihka fiom Sk Chundasthali pioposed by Barua-Sinha 
need not be discussed 

(c) A 13-15 Inhabitants of Pataliputra 

A 13 (818), PLATE III 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(CB 44) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 139, No 4, and PI LV, Hultzsch, 
%DMG, Vol XL (1886), p 71, No 102, and PI , and IA , Vol. XXI (1892), p 235, No, 
102, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 18, No 52 

Patal[i]puta Mahidasenasa danam 

1 Read bhikhumyd 

2 See classification I, 4, b, 1 (names derived from spirits and animal deities) 

3 See classification I, 1, b (Buddhist names) 


The gift of Mahidasena (Mahendrasena) 1 from Pataliputa (Pdtaliputra) 


ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 18). 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 132, No 8, and PI LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG , VoL 
XL (1886), p 63, No 28, and PI , IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 229, No 28, Barua-Smha, JSL 
(1926), p 7, No 9 


1 Patal[i]puta Nagasenaya Kodi- 

2 yaniya danam 3 


The gift of Nagasena, 3 the Kodiyani (belonging to the Kodiya tribe), from Pataliputa 
(Pdtaliputra} . 

Hultzsch mentioned as a possibility that Kodiyani, which occurs again as the surname 
of a lady from Patahputra in No A 15, might be the equivalent of Kaundinyayam, and 
Barua-Smha have accepted this explanation which in my opinion is phonetically untenable 
Hultzsch himself preferred to take Kodiyani as the feminine derivation of Kodiya formed 
like arydm from arya, kshatnyani, from kshatnya, etc There can be little doubt that this is. 
the right view, and that Kodiyani has the same meaning as Kohyadhita, the epithet of the 
lay-sister Suppavasa in A I, 26 Kodiya occurs as a surname of the thera Sutthiya, the 
founder of the Kodiya gana, in the Sthaviravali of the Kalpasutra of the Jams 4, 10' thera 
tSutthiya-Suppadibuddhd Kodiya-Kdkamdagd Vagghdvaccasagottd 4 Kodiya becomes Kohya in Pali 
and Kohya in the later language The Koliyas or Kohyas are frequently mentioned in 
JBuddhist literature as a tribe that was intimately related to the Sakiyas, although there were 
quarrels between them about the water of the Rohmi river which divided their territories; 
see J V, 412, 14 ff ; DfiA. transl III, 70; SnA 352, 7 fF, Mm I, 348, 8 ff , II, 76, 7, III, 
93, 20 That the surname of the Jaina thera is nothing else but the name of that tribe is- 
proved by the second designation as Vagghavacca, which agrees with the statement that the 
Koliyas were known also by the name of Vyaghrapadyas (Mm I, 355, 13 kdlena nshindjdtd 
tti kohyd tti samdjnd vydghrapathe vydghrapadyd samdjnd cha) and their town as Kolanagara or 
Vyagghapajja (SnA 356, 17 f ) The legends about the origin of these names are, of course, 
later inventions 5 I am therefore convinced that Kodiyani is a surname of the same meaning 
as Kodiya in the Jama text The exact counterpart of Kodiyani is Sakiyani, ( belonging to 
the Sakya tribe ', used of the mother of the Buddha in Mvu II, 12, 15 Cf A 15, B 72 and 
ECodaya in A 116 

1 See classification I, 3, a (names referring to vedic deities) 

2 The second line is engraved above the first line 

3 See classification I, 4, b, 1 (names derived from spirits and animal deities) 

4 On Kottiya (Kodiya}~Gana see Buhler in 'Further Proofs of the Authenticity of the Jama Tra- 
lition', WZKM, IV (1890), p 318. 

5 SeeWeber-Fausboll, Die Pali-Legende von der Entstehung des Sakya-und Koliya-Geschlechtes, 
r ndische Studien 5, pp 412-437, Hardy, R Spence, A Manual of Buddhism, sec ed London, 1880, 
>p 317 if, Law, Bimala Churn, Tribes in Ancient India, pp. 290 fF , Kern, Buddhismus, tianslated by 
acobi, Vol I, pp 174 and 295 


A 15 (816), PLATE III 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Eastera quadrant, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B. 42). 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 139, No 2, and PI LV; Hultzsch, DMG , Vol 
XL (1886), p. 71, No 100, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 235, No 100; Barua- 
Smha, BI (1926), p 17 f, No 50 


Patahputa Kodiyaniya Sakatadevaya danam 

The gift of Sakatadeva (Sakatadeva),* the Kodiyani (belonging to the Kodiya tribe) from 
Pataliputa (Pdtahputra). 

For Kodiyani cf note on No A 14 

(d) A 16-20 Inhabitants of Purika 

A 16 (782), PLATE III 

ON a pillar of the North- Western quadrant, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Edited 
by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 137, No 71, and PI LIV, Hultzsch ?DMG Vol XI 

Punkaya dayakana danam 


The gift of the donors from Purika 
A 17 (812), PLATE XXTV 

" 879) - 

Chuladhakasa Purikaya bhatudesakasa dananV 

The gl ft of Chuiadhafca ( V from Purit5> the supenntendent of 

A^IB (838). PLATE TTT 
M. M, 


p 140, No. 23, and PI. LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 72, No. 118, and Pi > 
and IA 9 Vol. XXI (1892), p 236, No 118, Barua-Sinha JBI (1926), p 21, No. 73. 


Punkaya Setaka-[ma]tu danam 

The gift of the mother of Setaka (Swshthaka) 1 from Punka 

/ f 

Setaka cannot be equated with Pah Setaka or Sk Svetaka, as considered possible by 

Barua-Sinha, but was correctly derived by Hultzsch from Sk Sreshthaka In case of the 
latter equation to which Barua-Sinha do not categorically object they propose that the name 
'may be taken to mean a dignitary, a man of substance, or a banker, it being ^Bengali Set or 


A 19 (837), PLATE IV 

ON a rail-bar, 2 now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 33) 3 Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p 140,No 22, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 72,No 117, 
and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 236, No 117, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 21, No 72. 

Punkaya Idadevaya danam 


The gift of Idadeva 4 (Indradeva) from Punka 
A 20 (839); PLATE IV 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh 
(1879), p 140, No 24, Hultzsch, DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 72, No 119, and PI, and 
IA, Vol XXI (1892), p 236, No 119, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 21, No 74 

Punkaya Samaya danam 


The gift of Sama (Syama) 5 from Punka 
(e) A 21-22 Inhabitants of Bibikanadikata 

A 21 (725), PLATE IV 
ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 6). 

'See classification II, 3 a (names derived from wealth, fame, and birth) 

2 It seems that the heading C S W Quadrant' Cunningham, StBh , p. 140, and Plate LV does 
not apply to the rest of the rail-bar inscriptions Nos 837-884 in my List. (Regarding the numbers- 
in this edition see the concordance on p. 182 ) 

3 or C B 41 ? 

4 The name Idadeva cf classification 1, 3, b (names referring to vedic deities) reoccurs (A 45) as- 
an inhabitant of Nandinagara 

5 See classification II, 1, b (names derived from appearance of the body). 


Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 133, No 14, and PI LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG , 
Vol XL (1886), p 64, No 33, and PI, and LI, Vol XXI (1892), p 230, No. 33; Barua- 
Smha, BI (1926), p 8, No 13 


1 Bibikanadikata 1 Budhino gahapatmo 

2 danam 

The gift of the householder Budhi (Buddha)* from Bibikanadikata (Bimbikanadikata ? ) 

Buddhi, spelt both Buddhi and Budhi, is a common name at this time, and Barua-Smha's 
correction to Bodhi is quite unnecessary The name of the place is probably correctly explain- 
ed by Barua-Sinha as containing the name of a river Bimbikanadi, not yet identified 

A 22 (728), PLATE IV 

ON a pillar of the South-Eastem quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 26) 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 133, No 17, and PI LIII , Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol 
XL (1886), p 64, No. 36, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 230, No 36, Barua-Smha, 
BI (1926), p 8, No 15, also p 84, No 197, Barua, Bark, Vol II (1934), p 104 f, and 
Vol III (1937), PI XXVI (21-24) 


1 Bibikanadikata Suladhasa asavarika- 

2 sa danam 

The gift of the horseman Suladha (Suladbha)* from Bibikanadikata (Bimbikanadikata ? ). 

The upper half medallion of the pillar dedicated by Suladdha shows a fully accoutred 
riding horse led by the bridle by a man whose clothing consists only in a short garment 
tied round his waist, while another man clad in the same fashion and holding a spear in his 
right hand appears at the horse's tail It is quite possible that Suladdha had the pillar decorat- 
ed with a horse attended by a groom and a soldier with regard to his own profession, but 
I cannot agree with Barua's opinion that the medallion illustrates the story of the Valaha 
horse either in the version of the Jataka (No 196) or in that of the Divy (p 120). The 
horse is certainly not represented as flying, the man behind does not seem to be tied to the 
horse's tail, and the strange idea that the artist has represented the horse's gift of human 
speech by the human figure in front will probably meet with little approval 

(f ) A 2324 Inhabitants of Bhojakata 

A 23 (861)*; PLATE IV 
RAIL inscription, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh. 

* Both Hultzsch and Barua-Sinha read Bibikdnadikata, but the ka has no J-sign 

2 See classification I, 1, a (Buddhist names) The name could also correspond to Budhm and 
refer to the planet Budha. 

3 See classification II, 3, a (names derived from birth). 
4 Luders 3 treatment' of this inscription is missing 


(1879), p 141, No 46, and PI LVI; mentioned by Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol. XL (1886), 
p 59, and IA. 9 Vol. XXI (1892), p 225; Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI , No I (1919), 
p. 20, and PI V, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 27, No 96 

Agirakhitasa 1 Bhojakatakasa suchi danam 

A rail, the gift of Agirakhita (Agmrakshitay , theBhojakataka (inhabitant of Bhojakatd) 

Ramprasad Chanda first read the name of the donor correctly Before him it was 
read Atankhata (Cunningham), Atantata (Hultzsch, Luders) or Atanata (Barua-Smha) 

A 24 (723), Plate IV 

ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 21). 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p. 133, No 12, and PI LIII, Hultzsch, ^DMG. 9 
Vol XL (1886), p 64, No 31, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 229, No 31, Barua- 
Sinha, BI (1926), p 7, No 12 

Bhojakatakaya Diganagayfe] 3 bhichhumya 4 danam 


The gift of the nun Diganaga (Dinnaga)^ the Bhojakataka (inhabitant of Bhojakata) 
(g) A 2529 Inhabitants of Moragiri 
A 25 (798), PLATE V 

ON a pillar of the North-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 4) 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 138, No 86, and PI LV, Hultzsch, %DM G , Vol 
XL (1886), p 71, No 96, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 235, No 96, Barua-Smha, 
BI (1926), p 16, No 40 

Moragmmha Thupadasasa 6 danam thabha 

Pillars, the gift of Thupadasa (Stupaddsa) 7 from Moragiri (Mqyuragtn) 

Thabha may be a clerical error for thabho, but it occurs again in No. A 27 and A 29, 
and as all three inscriptions record gifts of persons from Moragm, it is not improbable that 

1 kht has been inserted underneath the akshara ra 

2 See classification I, 3, a (names referring to vedic deities) 

3 The e-sign is not quite distinct, but probable 
4 Barua-Smha wrongly bhichhuniya. 

5 See classification I, 4, b, 1 (names derived from spirits and animal deities) 

6 Hultzsch and Barua-Sinna Thupadasasa, but the fifth akshara is distinctly sa 
'See classification I, 1, a (Buddhist names) 


the three donors had joined to bear the expenses of several pillars and that for this reason 
the plural is used in the inscription. 

A 26 (808) , PLATE XXIV 

ON a pillar, now at Batanmara Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p 139, No. 95, 
and PI LV, Hultzsch, DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 59, and IA., Vol XXI (1892), p 225, 
Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 17, No. 45 

Moragirami Jatamitasa danam 1 


The gift of Jatamita ( ? Jitamit?a?) z from Moragin (Mayuragiri] 

A 27 (796) , PLATE V 

ON a pillar of the North-Eastern quadiant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 22), 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 138, No 84, and PI LV, Hultzsch, DM?,, 
Vol XL (1886), p 70, No 94, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 235, No. 94; Barua- 
Smha, BI (1926), p 15, No 38 

Moraginmha Pusaya danam thabha 3 


Pillars, the gift of Pusa (Pushy a)* fiom Moragin (Mayuragin) 
A 28 (860) , 5 PLATE V 

RAIL inscription Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 141, No 45 and PL LVI; 
Hultzsch, ZPMG, Vol XL (1886), p 74, No 138, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), 
p 238, No 138, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 27, No 95 

Moraginma 6 Ghatila-matu danam 

Gift of the mother of Ghatila 7 from Moragin (Mayuiagm) 

1 From Cunningham's eye-copy. The transcript has Moragin and Jitamitasa Moragirami is 
evidently a mistake for Moraginma or Moraginmha. Jatamitasa may be a mistake for Jitamitasa ('one 
who subdued his friend') or better Jitamitasa ('one who defeated his enemy'), but in the eye-copy 
the first akshara is distinctly j a 

s Under the assumption that Jitamitra has to be understood, the name has been classified II, 3, a 
(names derived from wealth, fame, and birth). 

3 For thabha see the remark on A 25. 

4 See classification I, 2, A, b (names derived from constellations) 

^Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

This is probably a clerical mistake for Moraginmha to be found in A 25, A 27, A 29 The defec- 
tive spelling also appears in Moragirami (A 26) 

'See classification II, 1, a (names derived from appearance of the body) It has been assumed, 
that ghata and ghdtaka are used in the meaning of " nape or back of the neck" 


A 29 (778), PLATE V 

ON a pillar of the North- Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 8). 
The inscription is engraved over a medallion followed by the inscription No B 13 Edited 
by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p 137, No 67, and PL LIV, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL 
(1886), p 69, No 81 (first part), and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 234, No 81 (first 
part); Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI , No I (1919), p 19, and PI V, No 4, Barua-Smha, 
BI (1926), p 13, No 31 

Moraginmha Nagilaya bhikhumya danam thabha 1 


Pillars, the gift of the nun Nagila 2 from Moragin (Maymagin) 
(h) A 30-35 Inhabitants of Vedisa 3 
A 30 (780) , PLATE V 

ON a pillar of the North-Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 20) 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 137, No 69, and PI LIV, Hultzsch, %DMG , 
Vol XL (1886), p 69, No 82, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 234, No 82, Barua- 
Smha, BI (1926), p 14, No 32 

Vedisfa] Phagudevasa danam 


The gift of Phagudeva (Phalgudeva}* from Vedisa (Vaidisd) 
A 31 (835), PLATE V 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B. 
56) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 140, No 20, and PI LV, Hultzsch, DMG., 
Vol XL (1886), p 72, No 116, and PI , and/4 , Vol XXI (1892), p 236, No 116; Barua- 
Smha, BI. (1926), p. 20, No 70. 

Vedisato Bhutarakhitasa danam 

The gift of Bhutarakhita (Bhutat akshitay from Vedisa (Vaidisa) 

1 For thabha see the remark on A 25 From the estampage it appeals that the word thabha is inscrib- 
ed on a surface different from that of the rest of the inscription 

2 See classification I, 4, b, 1 (names derived from spirits and animal deities), andp XXVIII (suffix 
-ila) For the formation of this name Hultzsch refers to Pnmm 5, 3, 84, and %DMG , Vol. XXXVII, 
p 551, No 5, note 2 

3 The fragmentary inscription No A 135 refers possibly also to some inhabitant from Vedisa 

4 See classification I, 2, A, a (names derived from constellations) 

5 See classification I, 4, a, 2 (names denved from spirits and animal deities) 


A 32 (784); PLATES VI, XLI 

ON a pillar of the North- Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (M 9). 
The inscription is engraved over a medallion just above the inscription B 49 Edited by- 
Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p. 137, No 73, and PI LIV; Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol 
XL (1886), p 70, No 85 (first part), and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 234, No 85 
(first part), Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI } No I (1919), p 19, No 5, and PI. V; Barua- 

Smha, BI (1926), p 14, No 34 


Vedisa Anuradhaya danam 

The gift of Anuradha 1 from Vedisa (Vaidtsa) 
A 33 (813), PLATE XXIV 

ON a pillai, now at Pataora. Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 139, No 100, and 
PI LV, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 59, and 7,4 , Vol XXI (1892), p 225, Barua- 
Sinha, BI (1926), p 17, No 48 


Vedisa Ayamaya danam 2 


The gift of Ayama (Aryama) 3 from Vedisa (Vaidtsa) 
A 34 (712), PLATES VI, XXVII 

ON the corner pillar of the railing of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian 
Museum, Calcutta (P 11) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 132, No 1, and PL 
XII and LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p. 63, No 22, and PI, and IA , VoL 
XXI ^892), p 229, No 22; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 3 f , No. 4 


Vedisa Chapadevaya 4 Revatimitabharryaya pathamathabho 5 danam 


The first pillar (is) the gift of Chapadeva, 6 the wife of Revatimita (Revaftmitra) ? 
from Vedisa (Vaidisa) 

A 35 (885) 8 , PLATE XXIV 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p 143, No 1, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG. 9 Vol 
XL (1886), p 59, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 225, Barua-Sinha, EL (1926), p 35, No 120, 

J See classification I, 2, A, b (names derived from constellations) 

2 From Cunningham's eye-copy 

3 See classification I, 3, b (names referring to vedic deities) 
4 Barua-Sinha wrongly read devaya 

JJBarua-Sinha wrongly read pathamo. 

5 See classification I, 2, C, b (names derived fiom sign of zodiac) 
^See classification I, 2, A, a (names derived from constellations) 
Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 


Vedisa Vasithiya Velimiftaya] 1 

[Gift] of Vehmi[ta] (Velhmitra)* the Vasithi (Vdsishthi), from Vedisa (Vaidisa] 

As Cunningham's eye-copy shows, the right portion of the inscription, containing at 
least the word danam, has broken away Barua-Smha give a restoration adding Vehmi(ta- 
bhdnydya ddnam] 3 Accordingly their translation is The gift of Vasishthi, the wife of 
Venirmtra (sic), from Vidisa. It is, however, more probable that Vasishthi is a surname 
indicating the gotra of the woman mentioned as donor, cf Pali Vdsetthi, Vdsettha, Vdsittha. 

(i) A 36-54 Inhabitants of various places mentioned only once 

A 36 (877) 4 , PLATE XXIV 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 142, No 62, and PI LVI, Barua-Smha, BI (1926),. 
p 32, No 111. 

Asitamasaya Valamitasa danam 5 


Gift of Valamita (Valamitra) 6 from Asitamasa 
A 37 (817), PLATE VI 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 51). 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 139, No 3, and PI. LV, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol 
XL (1886), p 71, No 101, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 235, No 101; Ramaprasad 
Chanda, MASI 9 No I (1919), p. 20, No. 19, and PI V; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 18, 

No 51 

Kakamdiya Somaya bhichhumya danam 


The gift of the nun Soma 7 from Kakamdi (Kdkandl] 
A 38 (713); PLATES VI, XXXIII 

ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P. 12).. 
The inscription is engraved over a medallion Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), 

1 From Cunningham's eye-copy. 

a See classification II, 4, b (names derived from plants) 

3 For the completion of our inscription by adding a fragment see No A 125 

4 Liiders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

5 From Cunningham's eye-copy The inscription has recently been recovered and is now in the 
Bharat Kala Bhavan, Banaras. 

6 See classification I, 4, a, 6 (Vaishnavite names) 

7 See classification I, 3, b (names referring to vedic deities). 


p 132, No 2, and PI LIII; Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 63, No 23, and PI, 
and IA , Vol. XXI (1892), p 229, No 23; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 4 ff , No 5 


bhadamtasa 1 aya-Bhutarakhit[a]sa J Khujatidukiyasa danam 


The gift of the bhadanta, the venerable Bhutarakhita (Bhutai akshitd) , 3 the Khujatidukiya 
(inhabitant of Kubjatinduka ?) 

A 39 (789); PLATES VI, XXXII 

ON a pillar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 31) Edited by Cunningham, StSk 
(1879), p 137, No. 77, and PL XXIII and LIV, Hultzsch, DMG., Vol XL (1886), p 70, 
No 88, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 234, No 88, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 14, 
No 36 


bhadata-Kanakasa bhanakasa thabho danam Chikulaniyasa 


The pillar (is) the gift of the reverend Kanaka (Knshnaka?) 9 * the reciter, the Chikulaniya 
(inhabitant of Chikulana] . 

As regards the name of the place cf. No A 40 Kanakasa (cf. Kanika in List No. 1202 
and 1203) may be defective writing for Kanhakasa, cf Moraginmd for Moraginmhd in No 
A 28 A donor's name Kanhila occurs in No A 63 


ON a pillar of the South- Western quadrant, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (M 7), 
The inscription is engraved over a medallion, followed by the inscription No B 17. Edited 
by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 135, No 48, and PI. LIV, Hultzsch, DM G , Vol XL 
(1886), p 67, No. 64 (first part), and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 232, No. 64 (first 
part) , Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 11, No 21 

Chekulana Saghamitasa 5 thabho danam 

The pillar (is) the gift of Saghamita (Sangkamito a)* from Chekulana. 

The adjective Chikulamya in No A 39 proves that the name of the place was Chekulana 
or Chikulana, not Chikula as supposed by Barua-Smha 

' The third akshara is distinctly ta 

~ The a-sign of the first ta is distinct, of the second ta only probable 
JSee classification I, 4, a, 2 (names derived from spirits and animal deities), 
bee classification I, 4, a, 6 (Vaishnavite names) and special note 
It is not impossible that there was an anusvara after the first sa 
dee classification I, 1, a (Buddhist names) 


A 41 (858) '; PLATE VII 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBk (1879), p 141, No, 43, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, DMG. t 
Vol XL (1886), p 74, No 136, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 237, No 136, Barua- 
Smha, BI (1926), p. 26, No 93. 


bhadata-Samikasa Therak[u]tiyasa 2 danam 

Gift of the reverend Samika (Svamika)* the inhabitant of Therakuta (Sthamr okuta] 

Hultzsch took Samika and Therakuta as names of two donors, and Luders in his List 
was the first to explain the word Theiakutiya as 'inhabitant of Therakuta' Luders, how- 
ever, followed Hultzsch at that time, when taking Samika as the equivalent of Sk. Syamdka 9 
apparently regarding Samika as an error for Samaka iccurring in A 66 in bhadata-Samaka. 
In A 6 where Samika is the name of a lay-donor Luders explains it by Svdmika (as already 
List No. 244), and in view of the fact that there is no marked difference in naming laymen 
and Buddhist clergymen there is no reason why Svdmika should not be the name of a 
bhadanta The explanation of Samika by Samika (Barua-Sinha) needs no discussion 

A 42 (718), PLATE VII 

ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 15). 
Edited by Cunningham, StBk. (1879), p 132, No 7, and PI LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol. 
XL (1886), p 63, No 27, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 229, No 27, Ramaprasad 
Chanda, MASI t No I (1919), p 20, No. 12, and PI V, Bama-Smha, BI (1926), p 6 f 

No 8 


1 Dabhimkaya Mahamukhisa dhitu Badmka- 

2 ya bhichhumya danam 


The gift of the nun Badhika (Baddhika)^ the daughter of Mahamukhi (Mahdmukhtn)^ 
the Dabhimka (inhabitant of Datbhina ?) 

Hultzsch's suggestion accepted by Barua-Sinha that Badhikaya might be a clerical 
mistake for Bodhikqya is wrong Badhikd is the female name corresponding to Badhaka 
occurring as the name of two different monks in the SaKchT inscuptions, List Nos 484 and 
633 The Sanskrit equivalent of Mahamukhisa is haidly Mahdmukhyasya as assumed by Barua- 
Sinha Female adjectives are frequently formed from names of places with the suffix -ika. 
The name of the place must therefoie be Dabhina, in Sanskrit perhaps Daibhina, but not 
Darbha 6 as stated by Barua-Sinha A parallel place-name is Dharakina in the Safichi 
inscription, List No 259 

1 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

2 The u in the akshara ku is not quite distinct, it could also be read u 

3 See classification I, 4, a, 5 (Saivite names) 

4 See classification II, 2, b (names derived from mental disposition and temperament) We take 
Baddhika characterising a female ' bound to ' worldly desires 

5 See classification II, 1, a (names derived from paits of the body) 

6 According to Barua-Sinha, in the Biahmanda- and a few other Puranas Dana or Dcubha is 
mentioned as a countiy on the hills 


A 43 (806) , PLATE XXIV 

FRAGMENTARY inscription on a pillar, now at Batanmara. Edited by Cunningham, StBh. 
(1879), p 138, No 93, and PI. LV, Barua-Smha, El (1926), p 16, No 43. 

Pusadataye Nagankaya bhichhuniye 1 


(The gift) of the nun Pusadata (Pushyadatta)* the Naganka (inhabitant of Nagara). 
As regards the restoration suggested by Barua-Sinha, see the note on No A 124. 

A 44 (806 a)S PLATE XXVIII 

INCISED near the representation of an acrobatic scene on a fragment of a pillar from 
Nagaudh State in Central India, now belonging to the Allahabad Municipal Museum 
(Ac/2915) Edited by Dines Chandra Sircar, JRASB , Letters Vol XIV, 1948, p 113 f, 
El, Vol XXXIII (1959/60), pp 57 f , Kala, BhV. (1951), p 30, and PI 1 , an illustration 
of the fragment of the pillar is also given by Stella Kramnsch, The Art of India through the 
Ages (1954), PI 17 

Pusadataye Nagankaye bhikhumye 4 

(The gift) of the nun Pusadata (Pushy adattd)^ the Nagarika (inhabitant of Nagara}. 

This inscription first published by Mr Sircar m 1948 is very similar to A 43. The 
-differences are that in A 43 we read Nagankaya bhichhuniye whereas the present inscription, 
according to Mr Sircar, has Nagankaye bhikhumye. 5 Mr Sircar first read a doubtful sa at 
the end of the inscription, perhaps because he accepted the combination of A 43 and A 124, 
following a suggestion made by Barua-Sinha but rejected by Luders under A 124 In 
his second article Dr Sircar came to the conclusion that the epigraph ends with the 
word bhikhumye and translated the iccord "(The gift) of Pushyadatta, the nun of 
the city " 

A 45 (852), PLATE VII 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 48) Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p 141, No 37, and PL LVI; Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol. XL (1886), p. 74, 
No 132, and PI, and/J, Vol XXI ( 1892 ), p 237, No 132, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), 
p 24, No 87 

From Cunningham's eye-copy His transcript has Nagankaye Supply danam at the end 
- See classification I, 2, A, b (names derived from constellations) 

3 Luders, of course, had no knowledge of this new discovery A 43 and A 44, both mentioning 
the place name Nagara, were for a time-a rubbing not being available-considered to be identical, other- 
wise they would have been inserted after A 12 

4 As read by Mr Sircar in his second article. Possibly the inscription has Nagankaya as in A 43. 
5 Note 3 however, that in our inscriptions the genitive sg -ye is found elsewhere with the base 

bhichhuni and not with bhikhunl, see 29 (III) 


Na[m]d[i]nagankaya Idadevaya danam 


The gift of Idadeva (Indradeva) 1 , the Namdmagarika (inhabitant of Nandmagara) . 

A 46 (799), PLATE XXIV 

ON a pillar of the North-Eastern quadrant Original lost Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p. 138, No 87, and PI LV, Hultzsch, DMG , Vol XL (1886), p. 59, and 
IA. t Vol XXI (1892), p 255 (refers only to the name of the place) , Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p 16, No 41 


1 Nasika Grakhitiya thabho danam 

2 Vasukasa fehanyaya 2 


The pillar (is) the gift of Gorakhita (Gorakshitaf frem Nasika , (of Gorakhita) the wife 
of Vasuka 4 

A 47 (876) 5 , PLATE XXIV 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 142, No. 61., and PI. LVI, larua-Smha, 8 BI. 
{1926), p. 32, No 110 

Padelakasa Pusakasa suclii danam 6 


The rail-bar (is) the gift of Pusaka (Pushy aka) ^ the Padelaka (inhabitant of Padela) 8 

A 48 (878) 9 , PLATE XXIV 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 142, No 63, and PI LVI, Barua-Smha, BL (1926), 
p. 32, No 112. 

[Pa]rakat[i]kaya Sinmaya danam 10 

'See classification I, 3, b(names referring to vedic deities). In A 19 the name recurs as that 
of an inhabitant of Punka 

3 This is the reading of Cunningham's eye-copy In his transcript Cunningham reads gorakhitaya 
which appears to be the correct reading, and bhanydya Nasika stands for Nasika. 

3 See classification I, 4, b, 1 (names derived from spirits and animal deities). 

4 See classification II, 3, a (names derived from wealth.) 

5 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

6 From the eye-copy of Cunningham 

'See classification I, 2, A, a (names derived from constellations). 

8 Barua-Smha translate Padelaka as c the man of Pandya ' ( ? ) which seems to be unfounded. 

9 Luders'/ treatment of this inscription is missing. 
10 From the eye-copy of Cunningham 



The gift of Smma (Srimati}\ the Parakatika (inhabitant of Paiakata], 

A 49 (836) , PLATE XXIV 

ON a rail-bar of the South- Western quadrant Original lost Edited by Cunningham^ 
StBh (1879), p 140, No 21, and PL LV, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 21, No. 71. 

Golaya Parikiniya danam 2 

The gift of Gola, 3 the Pankim (inhabitant of Pankina) 

Barua-Smha, following Cunningham, translate the inscription The gift of Pankinl 
from Gola ' As the epithet indicating the native place of the donor is placed sometimes 
before and sometimes after the peisonal name, and as Gold occurs as a female name in 
the Sanchi inscription List No 596, there can be no doubt that here also Gold is the 
personal name Pankim then is probably derived from the name of a place With 
Pankina may be compared Dhatakina in No 259 of my List and Dabhma, from which 
Dabhimka is derived m No A 42 

A 49a, Plate XXXIX 

ON a pillai, now in the Allahabad Municipal Museum (Ac/2914), inscribed below the 
inscuption No B 31a Edited by Kala, BhV (1951), p 31; Sircar, El, Vol. XXXIII 
(1959/60), p 59 


Tis[a]ya Benakatikaya dan [a] 4 


The gift of Tisa (Tishya}^ the Benakatika (inhabitant of BendkataY 
A 50 (721), PLATE VII 

ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (No 6510) fr 
Edited b> Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 132, No 10, and PI LIII, Barua-Smha, BI 
(1926), p 7, No 11 

'See classification I, 4, b, 3 (names derived from mmoi deities) 
2 Fiom Cunningham's eye-copy which agiees with his tianscnpt 
3 See classification II, 1, b (names derived from appearance of the body) 

*dan[a\ ma\ be a mistake for dana=ddnam The final anusvara is sometimes not represented, 
see above 25 (11) It is hardly believable that ddnd has been used in the pluial number for danam 

5 Benakata is a place-name ending in kata like others mentioned above p 7. In a 
Nasik Buddhist Gave inscription, List No 1125, we find Gotamiputa Sin-Sadakani (Gautamiputw 
Sri-Satakarni) called "lord (svamiri) of Benakataka of Govadhana (Govat dhana}" According to Bimala 
Churn Law (Historical Geography of Ancient India, Pans [1954], p 301, s v. Vendkataka] the place was- 
situated on the Venva river in the Nasik district Nundo Lai Dey (The Geographical Dictionary of 
Ancient and Mediaeval India, 2nd ed 1927, p 29) mentions ''Benakataka" as "Warangal, the capital 
of Tehngana or Andhra", Ic p 28 he gives "Berta" as "the river Wam-Ganga in the Central 
Provinces", "a tributary of the Godavari" 

6 See ASIAR , 1925/26, p 148, Note 1, and p 297, No 48 



1 Baha[da]to Jafhirajnatuno 1 Isi- 2 

2 rakhitaputasa Anamdasa thabho 


The pillar (is the gift of) Anamda (AnandaY, the son of Isirakhita (Rishttakshtta) 4 , the 
grandson of Jahira (?) 5 from Bahada ( ?) 

With Bahadato compare Vedisdto in No A 31 Barua-Smha proposed to correct the 
first three woids to Bahadagojatirasa ddnam, but the reading given above is absolutely certain 
as far as natuno is concerned The names of the place and of the grandfather of the donor 
are not quite reliable, but the geographical name Bahadagojatira may be cancelled 

A 51 (797), PLATE VIII 

ON a pillar of the North-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 19). 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 138, No 85, and PI LV, Hultzsch, %DMG , (1886), 
Vol XL, p 70, No 95, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 235, No 95, Barua-Smha, 
JBI (1926), p 15, No 39 


1 aya-Chulasa sutamtikasa Bhogavadha- b 

2 myasa danam 


The gift of the venerable Chula (ICshudia), 7 the student of the Sutrantas, 8 the 
Bhogavadhamya (inhabitant of Bhogavardhana) 

A 52 1 764), PLATE XXIV 

ON a pillar of the South- Western quadrant Original lost. Edited b / Cunningham, StBh 
(1879), p 135, No 53, and PI LIV; Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 59, and IA , 
Vol XXI (1892), p 225 (mentions only the name Kosabeyekd), Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p 12, No 25 


1 Kosabeyekaya bhikhumya 

2 Venuvagimiyaya Dhamaiakhita- 

3 va danam q 

'Barua-Sinha lead Bahadagqjatuanatana The biacketed letteis are bluried and doubtful, but hi is 
more probable than h The fourth aksham is distinctly to, not go The last two aksharas are clearly tuno 
"The second akshma is distinctly si 

3 See classification II, 2, a (names derived from mental disposition and temperament) 

4 See classification I, 4, a, 3 (names referring to Rishi-worship) 
" J The name has lemained unclassified 

6 bho has also the ?^-sign 

'See classification II, 1, a (names denved horn appearance of the body). 

8 The term suttamtika of course refers to the study of the Suttapitaka, cf PTSD sub voce, Rhys 
Davids-Oldenberg, Vinaya Texts, Part I, p XXX (SBE XIII). The school of the Sautrantikas, thought 
of by Hultzsch and Barua-Sinha, did not arise before the beginning of the third century AD In 
Barua's later work (Barh I, p 46) the translation is C well-versed in the Sutras" The corresponding 
sutdtika in Sanchi (List No 635) is translated by Majumdar p 297 ' one who is versed in the Suttantas ' 
A nun versed in the sutras is called sTttdtikini (sautrdntikini) List Nr 319, 352 (Safichi) 

9 This is the reading of Cunningham's eye-copy His transcript reads Kosambeyekaya bhikhumya 
Venuvagdmiydya Dhama Rakhita The correct reading appears to be Kosabeyikaya (or Kosambeyikaya) 
bhikhumya Venuvagdmiydya Dhamarakhitdyd ddnam 



The gift of the nun Dhamarakhita (Dharmarakshitd), 1 the Kosabeyika (native of 
Kausambi), the Venuvagamrya (inhabitant of Venukagrdma). 

A 53 (859) a ; PLATE VIII 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 141, No 44, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, DMG.> 
Vol XL (1886), p 74, No 137, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 237, No 137, 
Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 27, No 94 

Sirisapada Isirakhitaya danam 


The gift of Isirakhita (Rishuakshita) 3 from Sirisapada (Sirishapadra] 

A 54 (804), PLATE XXIV 

ON a pillar, now at Batanmara Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 138, No. 91,. 
and PI LV, mentioned by Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p. 59, and IA. 9 Vol. XXI 
(1892) p 225, re-edited by Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 16, No 44 


1 Nadagirmo bhanakasa Selapuraka- 

2 sa thabho danam 4 


The pillar (is) the gift of Nadagin (Nandagm) 5 , the reciter, the Selapuraka (inhabitant 
of Sadapura) 

A person of the name of Namdagin is mentioned as a donor in No A 97, cf also 
No A 69, where the venerable Namda is referred to. 


ON a pillar, now in the Allahabad Municipal Museum (Ac/2918). Edited by Kala, BhV. 
(1951), p. 22, Sircar, El, Vol. XXXIII (1959/60), p 58 


girino bhanakasa bhatu 

(The gift) of , the brother of (Nada)giri, the reciter 

The reciter whose name ended with the word gin is probably Nadagin (Nandagm), 

'See classification I, 1, b (Buddhist names) 
a Luders* treatment of this inscription is missing 

3 See classification I, 4, b, 2 (names referring to Rishi-worshipj . 

4 From Cunningham's eye-copy. The transcript has Nandaginno and omits the sa of Selapurakasa* 

5 See classification II, 2 3 a (names derived from mental disposition and temperament). 


donor of a pillar, mentioned in the inscription A 54. For bhatu cf matu, dhitu p XXVII 
(33). In A 50 the Gen sg of naptr is natuno It Is, however, impossible to read the 
traces of the aksham following bhatu as no The akshara may have been^z or ha as Dr Sircar 
has suggested, and represent the initial consonant of the name of the donor 


ON a rail-bar, no\v in the Allahabad Municipal Museum (Ac/2972) Edited by Kala, 
BhV 0951), p 33; Sircar, /, XXXIII (1959/60), p 58 


[Najgarakhitasa cha matu cha Kamuchukaye danam 

Gift of Nagarakhita (Nagatakshita) as well as of (his) mother 1 , the Kamuchuka 
(inhabitant of Kamuchu ?) a 

Similarly it is recorded in No A 96b that the mother of Gosala shared with her son 
in the expenses of a rail-bar 

1 Gf. A 18, A 28, A 120 

2 Dr Kala regards Kamuchuka as the name of the mother, whereas Dr. Sircar reads the second 
part of the inscription cha matu Chakamuchukqye danam " and (his) mother Chakramochika " He 
notes " The word cha possibly suggests that the present epigraph was the second of a set of two 
inscriptions, the first recording a gift of Nagarakshita, while the inscription under study records 
only the gift of his mother " 



A 55 (857)% PLATE VIII 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 141, No. 42, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, 
7DMG , Vol. XL (1886), p 74, No 135 } and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 237, 
No. 135;Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI , No I (1919), p. 19, and PI V , Barua-Sinha, 
BI (1926), p 26, No 92. 

Budharakhitasa rupakarakasa danam 


The gift of Budharakhita (Buddhatakshita)? the sculptor. 
The name Budharakhita is found as that of a monk in A 57 and A 58 

"For donors following certain professions mentioned with reference to their native place see 
No. A 17 (bhatudesakd) and A 22 (asavanka). In A 21 a donor is specified as gahapah 
a Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing. 
3 See classification I, 1, a (Buddhist names) 


4. A 56 - 73 DONATIONS BY MONKS 1 
(a) A 56-63 Monks having specific church titles 2 

A 56 (856) 3 , PLATE VIII 

DITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 141, No 40, and PL LVI, Hultzsch, DMG , 
Vol. XL (1886), p 74, No 134, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 237, No 134, 
Barua-Smha, BL (1926), p 24 if, No 91, Luders, Bharh. (1941), p 174 f 

aya-Jatasa petakino suchi danam 


The rail-bar (is) the gift of the venerable (arya) Jata,* who knows the Pitakas 

A 57 (867) , PLATE VIII 

RAIL inscription, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh. 
(1879), p 142, No 52, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, DMG , Vol. XL (1886), p 75, No 144, 
and PI, and L4, Vol XXI (1892), p 238, No 144, Barua-Smha, BL (1926), p 28, No 101, 
Luders, Bharh (1941), p. 175 f. 

Budharakhitasa pa[m]cha-nekayikasa danam 

The gift of Budharakhita (Buddhaiakshita)? who knows the five mkayas 

The attribute pamchanekayika is given to the monk Devagiri in the Safichi-inscriptioni 
List No 229 The name Budharakhita is common in inscriptions and reoccurs in A 55 
and 58 In our inscription it is of course the name of a monk, not of a lay-man as suggested 
by Barua, JPASB , New Ser XIX, p 358, and Bath Vol I, p 46, although he is not 
expressly called a bhikkhu 

A 58 (792), PLATES IX, XXIX 

TOGETHER with Nos B 1-3 on the inner face of the terminus corner pillar of the North- 
Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 5) Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p 138, No 80, and PI XXII and LV, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), 

1 For donations by monks mentioned as inhabitants of certain places see No A 8, A 17, A 38, A 
39, A 41, A 51, A 54 

2 On the general importance of some of the church titles (petakin, pamchanekayika, bhdnaka} cf. 
below p 71 and notes For monks having church titles mentioned with reference to their native 
place see No A 51 (sutamttka), A 39 and A 54- (bhdnaka} 

3 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

4 See classification II, 3, a (names derived from birth) 

5 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

6 See classification I, 1, a (Buddhist names) 


p 70, No 90, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 234, No 90, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p 15, No 37 


1 bhadata-Budharakhitasa satupadana- 

2 sa danam thabho 


The pillar (is) the gift of the reverend Budhaiakhita (Buddharakshita} 1 who has 
abandoned attachment 

The meaning of satupaddna has not yet been ascertained It does not seem to be a 
proper name, but rather denotes some clerical dignitary Hultzsch hesitatingly traced it 
back to Sk sdstropdddna and translated it e who is versed in sciences ', but although sata 
may stand for sattha, it is very improbable that the stra of s astro, should develop into lingual 
tha Nor do I understand how updddna could possiblv have been used as an adjective 
Barua-Smha take satupaddna as c a monumental Prakrit counterpart of the Pah Satipattkdna 
or Satipatthdmka and the Sanskrit Smraityupasthdna or Smraityupasthdmka ' (sic) I considei 
it unnecessary to discuss this explanation In my opinion satupaddna is an imperfect spelling 
for sattupddana=Sk snshtopdddna, c who has abandoned attachment ' With satta foi 
sattha we may compare participles such as matta=Sk mnshta (D II, 133), samtatta=-Sk 
samtrasta (J 322, 2), and with the whole term samavasatthesana* 9 8 one who has completely 
abandoned longing' (D III, 269, A II, 41), and anupdddna e free from attachment' or 
' clinging to existence ', frequently used of an Arhat 

A 59 (773), PLATES IX, XXXIV 

ON the left outer face of the return corner pillar of the Western gate, now in the Indian 
Museum, Calcutta (P 3). The inscription is engraved on the left hand pilaster of the middle 
relief (see also Nos B 21, B 22, B 40) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 136, No 62, 
and PI XVI and LIV, Hoernle, Id, Vol XI (1882), p 29, No 24, Hultzsch, ZDMG,, 
Vol XL (1886), p 68, No 76, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 233, No. 76; Barua- 
Smha,/ (1926), p 13, No 30 


bhadatasa aya-Isrpalitasa bhanakasa navakamikasa danam 


The gift of the reverend, the venerable Isipahta (Rishipdhta}* the reciter and superin- 
tendent of the works r 

A 60 (787), PLATE IX 

FRAGMENTARY inscription on the right outer face of the same pillar as No B 55, now in the 
Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 28) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), PI XIX (PI only), 

classification I, 1 I5 a (Buddhist names) 

reading has been shown by Kern, Toev. II, 56, cf esana pattmssattha A. 

See classification I, 4, a, 3 (names referring to Rishi-worship) 


Hultzsch, ZDMG., Vol. XL (1886), p 76, No 154, and L4 , Vol XXI (1892), p 239, No. 154, 
Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 14, No 35 


[m]ika[sa danam] 
The gift of mika 

The inscription seems to have consisted of about 16 aksharas, and it is possible that it 
recorded the gift of the venerable Isipahta, the superintendent of the works (aja-Isip dittos a 
navakamikasa danam} , just as the inscription on the corner pillar of the Western gate, see A 59 
But the restoration must be taken for what it is worth 

A 61 (762) ; PLATE IX 

ON a pillai of the South- Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 23) 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 135, No 51, and PI LIV; Hultzsch, DM G , 
Vol XL (1886), p 67, No 66, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 232, No 66; 
Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 11, No 23 

bhadamta-Valakasa bhanakasa 1 dana[m] 2 thabho 

The pillar (is) the gift of the reverend Valaka, 3 the reciter 

A 62 (738), PLATE IX 

ON the return terminus pillai of the Southern gate, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(P 29) The inscription is engraved on the left of the middle rehef of the inner face On 
the same pillar we find the inscriptions Nos B 23-31, B 36-39, B 60-61, B 70-72 Edited by 
Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 134, No 27, and PI XIV and LIV; Hoernle, IA , Vol X 
(1881), p 259, No 17, and PL, Hultzsch, DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 65, No 45, and 
PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 230, No 45; Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI t No 1 (1919), 
p. 20, No 14, and PI V, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 8 ff , No 18 

aya-Isidmasa 4 bhanakasa danam 

The gift of the venerable Isidma (Rishidatta] , 5 the reciter 

1 Barua-Smha bhanakasa, but the bha seems to have no <z-sign 
a Hultzsch ddna The anusvara is probable 

3 See classification I, 4, a, 6 ( Vaishnavite names) . 

4 As observed by Hoernle, there is a hook or angle to the left of the sa, but I doubt that it has 
any meaning 

5 See classification I, 4, a, 3 (names referring to Rishi-worship) 


Three sides of the pillar are decked with sculptures Each face has three reliefs 
marked at the bottom by a railing and flanked, the uppermost by a palm-tree, and the 
lower ones by octagonal pillars with bell-shaped capitals As this inscnption is the only 
donative inscnption on the pillar, it probably refers to the gift of the whole pillar, although 
the object of the donation is not stated 

A 63 (833), PLATE XXV 

ON a rail-bar of the Southern gate Original lost Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), 
p. 140, No 18, and PI LV, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 20, No 68 

Kanhilasa bhanakasa danam 1 


The gift of Kanhila (Knsknala), 2 the reciter 
b A 64-73 Monks called bhadanta or aya 

A 64 (850) , PLATE IX 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 18) Edited by Cunningham, 
StBk (1879), p 141, No 35, and PI LVI; Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 73, No. 
130, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 237, No 130, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p 23, No. 85 

bhadata-Devasenasa danam 4 


The gift of the reverend Devasena. 5 
A 65 (766) , PLATES IX, XXXI 

ON a pillar of the South-Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 30), 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p 136, No 55, and PI XXXII and LIV; Hultzsch, 
ZDMG, Vol XL (1886), p 68, No 69, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 233, No 69, 
Ramaprasad Chauda, MASI , No I (1919), p 20, No 11, and PI V, Barua-Smha, BI 
(1926), p 12, No 26 

bhadata-Mahilasa thabho danam 

'Fiom Cunningham's eye-copy which agrees with his transcript 

2 See classification I, 4, a, 6 (Vaishnavite names) 

3 Monks aie also called bhadanta or <z^zwhen (a) their native place is mentioned and (b) specific 
chuich titles are given For (a) see No A 38 (bhadamta aya), A 41 (bhadamta}, A 8 (aya), for (b) see 
A 39, A 58, A 59, A 61 (bhadamta}, A 51, A 56, A 59, A 62 (aya} 

4 Hultzsch and Barua-Smha donam The horizontal stroke to the left of da which gives the akshan 
the appearance of do is much thinner than the fl-stroke and probably accidental 

5 See classification I, 4 3 a, 1 (names referring to deities in general). 


The pillar (is) the gift of the reverend Mahila ' 

According to Luders Mahila is piobably a shortened form of a compound name such 
as Mahipdhta or Mahirakkhita. The suffix -(i)la, (i)la 15, however, common in personal names, 
s Hilka, 1 c pp 68 f , and above p XXVIII on suffixes (9) . Barua-Sinha's denvation from 
Madhvila is phonetically impossible, the correction to Mihila is unnecessary 

A 66 (768), PLATE IX 

ON a pillar of the South-Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 2), 
where also B 52 is found. Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p. 136, No. 57, and PL 
LIV, Hultzsch, ZDMG , Vol. XL (1S86), p 68, No 71, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), 
p 233, No 71; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 12, No 28 

bhadata-Samakasa thabho danam 

The pillar (is) the gift of the reverend Samaka (Syamaka) s 

Samakasa may be a clerical error for Samikasa, but it is more probably a defective writing 
for Sdmakasa,3iS Samaka occurs as the name of a monk also in A 73, and of different persons in 
the Nasik inscription List No 1126 and the Bhattiprolu inscription List No 1337 

A 67 (842), PLATE X 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B. 22) Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh. (1879), p 140, No. 27, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, ?DMG., Vol XL (1886), p 73, No. 
122, and PI, and IA., Vol XXI (1892), p 236, No 122, Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI., 
No 1 (1919), p 19, No. 1, and PI V, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 22, No 77 

ava-Apikinakasa danam 

The gift of the venerable Apikmaka (Apigirnaka p ) 3 

Apikinaka is found again in the form Ampikinaka as the 'name of a Buddhist monk in 
the Bhaja inscription, List No 1081, Barua-Sinha's derivation of the name from Sk. 
Aprakirna is quite unlikely 

A 68 (715), PLAIE X 

ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 13). 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 132, No 4, and PL LIII; Hultzsch, DMG , Vol. 

1 See classification I, 4, a, 4 (names derived from minor deities). 

2 See classification II, 1, a (names derived from appearance of the body) 

3 See classification II, 3, a (names derived fiom wealth, fame, and birth), apigirna "praised" is 
attested by lexicographers 


XL (1886), p 63, No 25, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 229, No. 25, Ramaprasad 
Ghanda, MASI , No. I (1919), p 19, No 2, and PI V, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 6, No. 6. 

aya-Gorakhitasa thabho danam 


The pillar is the gift of the venerable Gorakhita (Gorakshita) ' 
A 69 (886)% PLATE XXV 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 143, No 2, and PI LVI, Barua-Smha, BI. (1926), 
p 35, No 121 

aya-Namda 3 

(The gift of) the venerable Namda (Nando) 4 

A reciter Nadagiri (Nandagtri) is mentioned in A 54, and the name Namdagin also 
occurs m A 97 Nada, Namda or Namda by itself is found as a personal name in the 
inscriptions List Nos. 289, 1032, 1121, and 1345 

A 70 (690), PLATE X 

ON coping-stone No. I, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p 130, No. 1, and PI. XII and LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG 9 Vol XL (1886), 
p 60, No 2, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 227, No. 2; Barua-Smha, BI. (1926), 
p 33, No 118 

aya-Nagadevasa danam 


The gift of the venerable Nagadeva 5 
A 71 (716), PLATES X, XXXII 

ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 17). 
The inscription precedes No B 11. Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 132, No. 5, 
and PI XXIII and LIII; Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 63, No 26 (first part), 
and PI, and IA , Vol. XXI (1892), p 229, No 26 (first part), Barua-Smha, BI. (1926), 
p 6, No 7. 

1 See classification I, 4, a, 2 (names derived from spirits and animal deities) 
a Luders 3 treatment of this inscription is missing 

3 From the eye-copy of Cunningham 

4 See classification II, 2, a (names derived from mental disposition and temperament) 

5 See classification I, 4, a, 2 (names derived from spirits and animal deities) 


aya-Pamthakasa thambho danam 


The pillar (is) the gift of the venerable Pamthaka (Panthaka) l 
A 72 (831), PLATE X 

ON a rail-bar of the Southern gate, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (G B 6). 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 140, No. 16, and PI LV, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol 
XL (1886), p 72, No 114, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 236, No 114, Barua- 
Sinha, El (1926), p. 20, No. 66 

aya-Punavasuno suchi danam 


The rail-bar (is) the gift of the venerable Punavasu (Punarvasu) * 

A 73 (800) , PLATE X 

ON a pillar of the North-Eastern quadrant, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 7), 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p. 138, No 88, and PI LV, Hultzsch, ^DMG , Vol 
XL (1886), p 71, No 97, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 235, No 97, Rama- 
prasad Chanda, MASI,No I (1919), p 19, No 6, and PI, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p 16, No 42. 


1 Maharasa amtevasmo aya-Sama- 

2 kasa thabho danam 

The pillar (is) the gift of the venerable Samaka (Sydmaka}* the pupil of Mahara 4 

The spelling with the long a in the first syllable proves that Samaka is Sk Sydmaka, 
not Samaka, as suggested by Barua-Smha, cf note on No A 66 Maharasa may be taken 
as defective spelling for Mihirasa as proposed by Barua-Smha, their tentative equation of 
Mahara with Sk. Madhvara is phonetically impossible 

1 See classification II, 3, a (names derived from birth) 

* See classification I, 2, A, a (names derived from constellations) 

3 See classification II, 1, a (names derived from appearance of the body) 

4 See classification I, 3 a (names referring to vedic deities) 

A 74 (761), PLATE XI 

ON a pillar of the South- Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(P 9) Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p. 135, No 50, and PI LIV; Hultzsch, 
%DMG , Vol XL (1886), p. 67, No. 65 and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 232, 
No 65,Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 11, No 22 

Nagaye bhichhuniye danam 

The gift of the nun Nag a a 

A 75 (87Q) 3 , PLATE XI 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), 
p 142, No 55, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 75, No 146, and PI, 
and LI, Vol XXI (1892), p 238, No 146, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 31, No 104. 

Phagudevaye bhichhuniye danam 


The gift of the nun Phagudeva (Phalgudeva) .* 

A 76 (840) , PLATE XI 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), 
p 140, No 25, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 73, No. 120, and PL, 
and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 236, No 120, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 21, No. 75. 

Budharakhitaye danam bhichhuniye 

The gift of the nun Budharakhita (Buddharakshita) 5 

A 77 (841); PLATE XI 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 34) Edited by Cunningham, StBh. 
(1879), p 140, No 26, and PI LVI; Hultzsch, Z&MG., Vol. XL (1886), p. 73, No. 121, and 
PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 236, No 121 ; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 22, No. 76. 


Bhutaye bhichhuniye danam 

'For nuns mentioned with reference to their native place see No A 11, A 12 A 24, A 29, A 37, 
A 42-44, A 52 

2 See classification I, 4, b, 1 (names derived from spirits and animal deities). 

3 Luders 3 treatment of this inscription is missing 

4 See classification I, 2, A, b (names derived from constellations). 
5 See classification I, 1, b (Buddhist names). 



The gift of the nun Bhuta (Bhuta) l 
A 78 (815); PLATE XXV 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Eastern 2 quadrant Original lost Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p 139, No 1, and PI LV; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 17, No 49. 

Sapagutaye bhichhumyfe] danam 3 


The gift of the nun Sapaguta (Sarpagupta] 4 
A 79 (851), PLATE XI 

FRAGMENTARY inscription on a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited 
by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p. 141, No 36, and PI LVI; Hultzsch, DMG , Vol XL 
(1886), p 73, No 131, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 237, No 131, Barua-Smha, 
BI (1926), p 23, No. 86 


. . . . kaya bhichhumya danam 


The gift of the nun . ka . 

A 80 (772), PLATE XI 

ON the same pillar as Nos. B 8 and B 9, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 16). The 
inscription which is fragmentary is engraved above No B 9. Edited by Cunningham, StBh 
(1879), p. 136, No 61, and PI XXII and LIV, Hultzsch, %DMG., Vol XL (1886), p 68, 
No 75, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 233, No. 75, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 12 f , 
No. 29. 


1 to 5 bhikhuniya thabho 

2 danam 

The pillar (is) the gift of a nun from 

The syllable to is probably the ending of the ablative of a place-name Barua-Smha 
tried to restore the inscription by connecting it with the fragment No. A 126, but their reading 
Avasikaya bhikhuniya is absolutely imaginary, as the letter preceding bhikhuniya can on no 
account be read ya. 

'See classification I, 4, b, 1 (names derived from spirits and minor deities). 

z< S W. Quadrant' in the heading of ListNos. 815-826 on p 139 of Cunningham's work is a mistake. 
The correct ' S E Quadrant ' is found on Plate LV 

3 From Cunningham's eye-copy which agrees with his transcript 

4 See classification I, 4, b, 1 (names derived from spirits and minor deities). 

5 Cunningham read rata, but the last akshara is distinctly to and the preceding akshara cannot 
have been ra. 



A 81 (824-), PLATE XI 

IN a rail-bar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(CB 49) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 139, No 10, and PI LV, Hultzsch, 
DM?,Vol.XL(1886),p 72, No 108, andPl , andLl , Vol XXI (1892), p 236, No. 
108,Barua-Sinha,7 (1926), p 19, No 61 

Atimutasa danam 


The gift of Atimuta (Atimukta) a 
A 82 (864) 3 ; PLATE XI 

ON a rail-bar, now Indian Museum, Calcutta. Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), 
p 142, No 49, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 74, No. 141, and 
PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 238, No 141 , Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI , No. I (1919), 
p 19, and PI V, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 28, No 99. 

Avisanasa danam 


The gift of Avisana (Avishanna) 4 
The name of the donor reappears in A 83 

A 83 (865) 3 ; PLATE XII 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), 
p. 142, No. 50, and PI LVI , Hultzsch, gDMG., Vol XL (1886), p. 74, No. 142, and PL, 
and IA, Vol XXI (1892), p 238, No- 142, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 28, No. 99. 


(A)v[i]sanasa 5 danam 

'For donations of men whose native places have been mentioned see No. A 6, A 7, A 13, A 23, 
A 25, A 26, A 30, A 31, A 36, A 40, A 47, A 50. A few inscriptions referring to men give the profes- 
sion as well as the native place, cf No A 17, A 22, in A 21 the donor is characterized as gahapatL 
A 55 mentions the profession of the male donor, "but not the native place 

2 See classification II, 4, a (names derived from plants) 

3 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

4 See classification II, 2, a (names derived from mental disposition and temperament) Instead 
of a-vishanna " not sorrowful " the name could also be interpreted as a-vishana " not having horns 5 *. 

5 avisanasa has been read by all previous editors, but our estampage does not bring out any trace 
of a in the beginning, whereas Cunningham's eye-copy shows the a clearly 



The gift of Avisana (Avishanna) . 
The donor is apparently the same as in A 82. 

A 84-85 (828-829) ; PLATE XII 

ON a rail-bar of the Southern gate, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (G B 27). The 
inscription is engraved twice, above and below the medallion. The upper inscription 
(a) is carved in extremely cursive characters, while the lower inscription (b) is in ornamental 
script The lower inscription was edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 140, No 14, 
and PI LV; Bama-Smha, El (1926), p 20, No. 64. Both inscriptions were edited by 
Hultzsch, %DMG 9 Vol XL (1886), p 75, No 151, and p 72, No 112, and PL, and IA , 
Vol XXI (1892), p 238, No 151, and p 236, No. 112 Anderson, Cat., Vol I, p 55, states 
that there is a third inscription to the same effect on another rail-bar (C.B 50) 


a Isanasa dana 
b Isanasa dana 

The gift of Isana (Is ana) ' 
A 86 (830), PLATE XII 

ON a rail-bar of the Southern gate, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 2) 
Edited by Cunningham, StBk (1879), p 140, No 15, and PI LV, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol 
XL (1886), p 72, No 113, and PI, and U , Vol XXI (1892), p. 236, No 113,Barua- 
Smha, BL (1926), p 20, No 65 


Isidatasa danam 

The gift of Isidata (Rishidatta) . a 
A 87 (868) , 3 PLATE XII 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), 
p 142, No 53, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 75, No. 145, and PL, 
and IA, Vol XXI (1892), p. 238, No 145, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 30, No 102. 


Isirakhitasa suchi danam 

The rail-bar (is) the gift of Isirakhita (Rishrakshita) 2 
A donor of the name of Isirakhita reoccurs No A 88 (cf A 53). 

1 See classification I, 4, a, 5 (Saivite names) 

2 See classification I, 4, a, 3 (names referring to Rishi-worship) 

3 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 



ON a rail-stone, now in the Allahabad Municipal Museum (Ac/2967) Edited by Sircar, 
7, Vol XXXIII (1959/60) , p 59 

[sira]kh[i]tasa thabho danam 

The pillar (is) the gift of (I)sirakhita (Rishirakshita) 

A donor, Isirakhita by name, occurs No A 50, A 87 and A 88. The restoration 
(I) [si] -remains doubtful 1 . The word -rakhita as second part of a compound is veiy 
common in personal names 8 

A 88 (848) , PLATE XII 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 45) Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p 141, No 33, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, DMG,, Vol XL (1886), p 73, 
No 128, and PI, and IA 3 Vol XXI (1892), p 237, No. 128; Barua-Sinha, BL (1926), 
p. 23, No 83. 

Isirakhitasa danam 


The gift of Isirakhita (Rishirakshita) 3 

A donor of the name of Isirakhita also occurs No A 50 and A 87 

A 89 (832) , PLATE XXV 

ON a rail-bar of the Southern gate Original lost Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), 
p. 140, No 17, and PI LV, and Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 20, No 67 


Gagamitasa sucm danam 4 

The rail-bar (is) the gift of Gagamitra (Gangamitra} 5 

As stated by Cunningham, the name of the donor may be traced back to Gangamitra 
or Gargamitra, but Gangamitra or, with the usual shortening of the final vowel of the first 
member of the compound, Gangamitra would seem to be the more probable form; cf. 
Gagamdata (for Gamgadata) in the SaSchi inscription List No. 390 

"Sircar reads [ye Ra]kh[i]tasa. 
a See classification I, 1-4. 

3 See classification I, 4, a, 3 (names referring to Rishi-worship) 

4 From Cunningham's eye-copy which agrees with his transcript 
5 See classification I, 4, a, 4 (names derived from minor deities). 


A 90 (853) , PLATE XII 

ON a rail-bai, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), 
p 141, No 38, and PI LVI; Barua-Smha, El (1926), p 24, No 88. There are two inscrip- 
tions, one (a) in the ordinary script of the time, and another (b) in thin and badly shaped 


a Gosalasa danam 
b Tosalasa 1 mata a 


a The gift of Gosala (Gosala) 3 

b Of the mother of [G]osala (Gosala) 

Probably the first inscription is the original one, and the second was added as an 
afterthought to record that the mother of GoSala shared in the expenses of the rail-bar. 

A 91 (863)*, PLATE XII 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh. 
(1879), p 141, No 48, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, DMG , Vol. XL (1886), p. 74, No. 140, 
and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 238, No 140, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 27, No. 98 

Chulanasa danam 


The gift of Chulana 5 

A 92 (855) 4 , PLATE XII 

RAIL inscription Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 141, No 40, and PI. LVI; Hultzsch 
ZDMG.> Vol XL (1886), p 74, No 133, and PI , and IA , Vol. XXI (1892), p. 237, 
No 133; Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI , No I (1919), p 19, and PI V; Barua-Smha, BI. 

(1926), p 24, No 90 


Jethabhadrasa danam 

The gift of Jethabhadra (Jyeshthabhadra) . 6 

"There can belittle doubt that the engraver wanted to write Gosalasa, but the first aksharais a plain 
to The hook on the left of the sd is indistinct 

2 The second akshara seems to be ta, not tu, cf. 33 (i). 

3 See classification II, 3, a (names derived from birth) 

4 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

s See classification II, 1, a (names derived from the appearance of the body). Cf. the remarks on 

Chula in A 17. . 

6 See classification I, 2, A, a (names derived from constellations). 


A 93 (834), PLATE XIII 

ON a rail-bar of the South- Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (GB. 
46) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 140, No 19, and PL LV, Hultzsch, %DMG. y 
Vol XL (1886), p 72, No. 115, and PL, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 236, No 115; Barua- 
Smha, BL (1926), p 20, No 69 


Devarakhitasa [danam] 1 


The gift of Devarakhita (Devarakshitd) z 
A 94 (727), PLATE XIII 

ON the opposite side of the same pillar as No B 7, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(P 10) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 133, No 16, and PI LIII, Hultzsch, 
ZDMG., Vol XL (1S86), p. 64, No. 35, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 230, No 35, 
Barua-Sinha, El (1926), p. 8, No 14 This side of the pillar is figured in Barua's Barh , 
Vol III (1937), PI LXVIII (81) 


Dhamagutasa danam thabho 

The pillar (is) the gift of Dhamaguta (Dharmagupta) 3 

According to Anderson, Cat , Vol I, p 32, this side of the pillar bears the statue of an 
Apsaras playing a seven-stringed harp 

A 95 (734), PLATE XIII 

TOGETHER with Nos B 4-6 on the middle face of the southern terminus pillar of the South- 
Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (PI) Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p 133, No 23, and PL XXI and LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG 9 Vol XL (1886), 
p 65, No 41, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 230, No 41, Barua-Sinha, El (1926), 
p. 8, No 17 


Dhamarakhitasa danam 

The gift of Dhamarakhita (Dharmarakshita) 3 

A 96 (845), PLATE XIII 
ON a rail-bar, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 35) Edited by Cunningham, 

'The last word which is a little blurred already in Hultzsch's photograph seems to have disappeared 

2 See classification I, 4, a, 1 (names referring to deities in general). 
3 See classification I, 1, a (Buddhist names) 


StBh (1879), p. 140, No 30, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 73, 
No. 125, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 237, No 125, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p 22, No. 80. 


Dhutasa suchi dano 

The rail-bar (is) the gift of Dhuta (Dhurta) l 

Barua-Sinha trace Dhuta back to Sk Dhuta I see no reason why it should not go back 
to Sk Dhurta as suggested by Hultzsch The masculine form ddno is probably a clerical error, 

A 97 (898) a : PLATE XXV 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 143, No 15, and PI LVI; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p 37, No 132 

[Nam]daginno da(nam) 3 


The gift of Namdagin (Nandagiri) ' 

A ' reciter 5 (bhdnaka) of the name of Nadagm is mentioned as a donor in No A 54. 

A 98 (729) , PLATES XIII, XLI 

ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 14),. 
above the inscription B 47 Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 133, No 18, and 
PI XXV and LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 64, No 37 (first part) , and PI , 
and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 230, No 37 (first part) , Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 8, No 16, 

Pusasa thambho danam 


The pillar (is) the gift of Pusa (Pushjfa)* 
A 99 (883) 2 , PLATE XIII 

BUDDHIST Rail inscription, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Hultzsch, 
ZDMG, Vol XL (1886), p 75, No 152, and 14, Vol XXI (1892), p 239, No 152, 
Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 33, No. 116 

'See classification II, 2, a (names derived from mental disposition and temperament) 

"Luders 3 treatment of this inscription is missing 

3 From the eye-copy of Cunningham. 

4 See classification I, 2, A, a (names derived from constellations). 


[Bodhigu]tasa d[a]nam 


The gift of Bodhiguta (Bodhiguptd) 1 
A 100 (874) g ; PLATE XIII 

RAIL inscription, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), 
p. 142, No 59, and PI XXXI and LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p. 75, No, 149, 
and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 238, No 149; Cunningham, Mahdbodhi (1892), PI. V 
(PL only), Barua-Smha, BL (1926), p. 32, No 108. 

Senya 3 putasa Bharamdevasa danam 

The gift of Bharamdeva (Bharamdeva) 4 ', the son of Sen 3 (Sri). 

The earlier editors read Seriyaputa as a compound, but as Senya is clearly a genitive 
sg of Siri (Sri) we prefer to separate the two words Barua-Smha take Seriyaputa as a place- 
name and translate 'from Sriputra'. The words indicating the places of origin of the donors, 
however, are always put in the ablative, and in the genitive only, when a derivative in -K& 
(-ika) or -lya is formed from them 

A 101 (847); PLATE XIII 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Hultzsch, DMG., Vol. 
XL (1886), p. 73, No 127, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 237, No 127, Barua-Smha, 
BI (1926), p 23, No 82 


Mitasa 6 suchi danam 


The rail-bar (is) the gift of Mita (Mitrd}" 1 
The inscription was wrongly identified by Hultzsch with No. A 111. 

A 102 (827), PLATE XIV 
ON a rail-bar of the Southern gate, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (G.B. 10). 

'See classification I, 1, a (Buddhist names) 

2 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

3 The -mark of se is quite distinct, but the estampage shows also a trace of an z-mark Did the 
writer add this z-mark as a correction ? The change of i to e is observed only in Kosabeyekd m No. A 52, 
where Luders is inclined to correct the reading of Cunningham's eye-copy to Kosabeyika 

4 See classification I, 2, A, b (names derived from constellations) 
jjSee classification I, 4, b, 3 (names derived from minor deities). 

The reading Mitrasa seems possible, the right limb of the ta being elongated. 
7 See classification I, 3, a (names referring to vedic deities), 


Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 140, No 13, and PI LV , Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL 
(1886), p 72,No 111, and PI, and Li, Vol XXI (1892), p 236,No 1 1 1 , Barua-Smha, BI 
(1926), p 19, No 63 


Mudasa danam 

The gift of Muda (Munda} 1 
A 103 (873) a , PLATE XXV 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 142, No 58, and PI LVI , Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p 31, No 107 

Yami[ta]sa sa 3 

A 104 (879) B ; PLATE XXV 

ON a rail-bar, since 1959 in the Bharat Kala Bhavan, Banaras The inscription is incised 
underneath No B 62 EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 142, No 64, and PI 
LVI; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 32, No 113 

Vyitakasa suchi danarh 5 

The rail-bar (Is) the gift of Vijitaka 6 

A 105 (846); PLATE XIV 
ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), 

1 See classification II, 1, a ( names derived from the appearance of the body) 

a Loaders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

3 From the eye-copy of Cunningham Barua-Smha correct and restore the rest of the inscription 
as suchi danam sa, however, is quite distinct in Cunningham's copy 

4 The translations of Barua-Smha ' The rail-gift of YamuV, 'The rail-gift of Yamendra' need no 
discussion The name has remained unclassified 

5 From the eye-copy of Cunningham An mked impression received by Dr D C Sircar, 
Ootacamund, in September 1959 shows that Cunningham's eye-copy gives the correct reading In an 
article prepared for El, Vol XXXIII (1959/60) -kindly made available to us -Dr. Sircar says 
"In the word suchi, the letter v had been originally written for ch t though an attempt was later 
made by the engraver to rectify the error by adding a vertical stroke to the right lower end of v. 
There is a mark at the upper left corner of the letter which, taken with the sign for medial i, looks 
like the medial sign for i as found in slightly later epigraphs. But the mark appears to be due to a 
flaw in the stone" 

6 See classification II, 3, a (names derived from birth) 


p 140, No 31, and PI LVI; Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p. 73, No 126, and PL, 
and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 237, No. 126, Barua-Smha, BL (1926), p. 23, No. 81. 

Yakhilasa suchi dana 


The rail-bar (is) the gift of Yakhila (Takshila) 1 
A 106 (866)% PLATE XIV 

RAIL inscription, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), 
p 142, No 51, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 75, No. 143, and PL, 
and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 238, No 143, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 28, No 100. 

Sa[m]ghamitasa bodhichakasa danam 


(This is) the gift of a wheel of enlightenment (bodhichakray by Samghamita 
(Samghamitra) . 

Saghamita or Samghamita occurs as the name of a donor also in No A 40 and probably 
in No. A 107. 

A 107 (895) a , PLATE XXV 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p 143, No. 12, and P1LVI; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p. 37, No 130 


(Sam)ghami(tasa danam) 4 


The gift of Samghamita (Samghamitra) 5 
For the donor's name cf No A 106 

A 108 (844), PLATE XIV 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (G B 30) Edited by Cunningham 
StBh (1879), p 140, No 29, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 73, 

1 See classification I, 4, a, 2 (names derived from spirits and animal deities). 

2 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

3 In other cases, where the gift is specified as suchi, thabho, thabhd, the object of donation is put m 
the nominative The genitive in bodhichakasa is an exception and induced Barua-Sinha to take the 
"word as an epithet used m apposition to Samghamita, ' characterizing a tendency towards the ideal of 
Buddhahood ' It is, however, not even evident from the inscription that Samghamita. belonged to the 
order of monks 

4 From the eye-copy of Cunningham. The fragment consists only of the two letters gha and tni 
and a rest of the akshara preceding gha, not to be clearly deciphered The restoration is quite 

5 See classification I, 1, a (Buddhist names) 


No. 124, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 237, No 124, Barua-Smha, BL (1926), p. 22 
No 79. 

Sagharakhitasa m[a]tapituna athaya danam 


The gift of Sagharakhita (Samgharakshita) 1 for the sake of his parents 

A 109 (843), PLATE XIV 

ON a rail-bar, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (GB. 17) Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p. 140, No 28, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 73, 
No 123, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 236, No 123; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 22, 
No 78 

Saghilasa dana[m] suchi [d] a 


The rail-bar (is) the gift of Saghila (Samghtla) 1 
A 110 (849), PLATE XIV 

ON a rail-bar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 29) . Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p 141, No 34, and PI LVI; Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p. 73, 
No. 129, and PL, and IA. 9 Vol XXI (1892), p 237, No. 129; Barua-Smha, BI. (1926), 
p 23, No 84 


Sirimasa danam 

The gift of Sinma (Srimat) 3 
A 111 (846a), PLATE XIV 

ON a rail-bar, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (No 148) Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p 140, No 32, and PI LVI 

Sihasa suchi danam 

The rail-bar (is) the gift of Siha (SimhaY 

1 See classification I, 1, a (Buddhist names) 

a This letter, the tipper part of which is quite distinct, has not been noticed by the previous editors, 
Perhaps the writer wanted to inscribe danam here, as this word is normally put after the object of donation, 
but having found that it was written already, he stopped inscribing it 

3 See classification I, 4, a, 4 (names derived from minor deities). 

4 See classification I, 2, A, c (names derived from signs of zodiac). 


A 112 (880) ', PLATE XIV 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 142, No 65, and PI XXXI and LVI, Barua- 
Sinha, BI (1926), p 33, No. 114, and p 65, No 170, Barua, Bark , Vol II (1934), p 48 ff; 

Luders, Bh&rh (1941), p. 72 f 


1 [ka]sa danam [a] tana 

2 cha [ka]ta 

The gift of . [ka], and made by himself 

The relief containing this inscription (carried away to Uchahara) is a replica of the 
scene described under B 39 It presents the procession of king Prasenajit of Kosala around 
the Dharmasala erected as a memorial of Buddha's first preaching in the city of Sravastl 
The edifice, the wheel and the two figures on both sides of the wheel are nearly the same as 
those in the relief of the southern gate A stone seat, however, in front of the wheel, on 
both sides of which a woman is kneeling, is added here The standing figures are bigger 
than the representations of the kneeling women and this perhaps characterizes them as gods, 
In both reliefs a procession moves around the edifice. To the right, a chariot on which 
two men are standing and which is drawn by two horses is seen To the left, a man on 
horse-back rides through the entrance gate In front of him an elephant goes having a man 
on its back, shown in side-view in a very clumsy way The elephant with its trunk gets hold 
of the branch of a tree hanging above 

On the roof of the edifice stands our inscription, the beginning of which is destroyed 
Cunningham read it as . sa danam Atena Charata, Barua-Sinha divide the inscription 
into a donative inscription and a f Jdtaka label \ and, remembering the words attana 
marantdpt* in the Vidudabhavatthu of the DhA , change the last words of the inscription 
to atand maramta. They remark, " The recorded scene is apparently that of Vidudabha's 
invasion of Kapilavastu and non- violent attitude of the Sakyas " For the curious inter- 
pretations required to bring this explanation in union with the real depiction in the scene, 
the reader may look up Barua's work (Barh , II, p 48 ff ) 

The occurrence of the word danam clearly shows that the inscription does not refer to 
the scene represented in the relief, but that it is only a donative inscription emphasizing that 
besides paying the cost of the stone the donor himself had carved the relief 

A 113 (893) 3 , PLATE XXV 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh , (1879) p. 143, No 10, and PI LVI, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), 
p 36, No 128 


. tarasa 4 

(The gift) of tara ( ?) 

'Ludeis 3 treatment of this inscription is missing 

2 1, 358 sammdsambuddhassa pana nataka asattughataka nama \attana mar antdpi pare jwita na voropenttj 
" The relations of the completely enlightened one, however, are such who do not kill the enemies. 
Being put to death themselves, they do not deprive others of their life." 

3 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

4 From the eye-copy of Cunningham, the inscription is quite fragmentary 



A 114 (822), PLATE XV 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(C B. 21). Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p 139, No. 8, and PI, LV, Hultzsch, 
%DMG> Vol XL (1886), p 71, No 106, and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 235, 
No 106,Barua-Smha, El (1926), p 19, No 59 

Ujhikaye dana 


The gift of Ujhika (Ujjkikd)*. 
A 115 (854), PLATE XXV 

FRAGMENTARY inscription on a rail-bar Original lost. Edited by Cunningham, StBh. 
(1879), p 141, No 39, and PI LVI, Baiua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 24, No 89, and p. 100. 

Kachula[ya] bhanyaya danam 3 

The gift of Kachula (Kanchula ? ) 4 , the wife of 

The four or five aksharas missing before bhanyaya must have contained the name of 
the husband of the donatnx, whose own name seems to have been Kachula, cf Chapadevaya 
Revatimitabhanyaya No A 34 Barua-Smha's restoration is wrong 

A 116 (871) 5 , PLATE XV 

RAIL inscription, South- Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by 
Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 142, No 56, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol. XL (1886), 
p 75, No. 147, and PL, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p. 238, No 147, Barua-Sinha, 
BI. (1926), p. 31, No. 105. 

Kodaya 6 Yakhiva danam 

'For donations of women whose native places have been mentioned see No A 9 (fragmentary), 
A 10, A 14, A 15, A 18-20, A 27, A 28, A 32-35, A 45, A 46, A 48, A 49, A 53 

2 See classification II, 2, b (names derived from mental disposition and temperament). 

3 From Cunningham's eye-copy. In the transcript the first word is given as ICachulasa, but the 
fourth akshara may be a mutilated jy<2 

4 See classification II, 1, b (names derived from dress). 

5 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

6 To the right of the lower portion of the letter ^atheestampage shows a dot which could be read 
as m if it were not so low It is perhaps only accidental Kodaya is probably a clerical error for Kodiyaya 


The gift of Yakhl (Takshi) 1 , the Kodiya 

Luders in his List translates this inscription as ' gift of a yakhl (yakshl} by Koda 
(Krodd}\ taking yakhl as the object of donation 2 and Koda as the donor That * yakhl is 
the object of the gift is not probable as the inscription is not attached to a pillar. On the 
other hand Takhi occurs as the name 3 of a nun not less than three times m the Brahrni 
inscriptions, see List Nos, 254, 344, and 500 For the interpretation of Koda as a woman 
belonging to the Kodya or Kohya tribe cf Luders 3 explanation of ICodiydnim A 14, A 15 
and of Kodayo m No B 72 A Koda Kalavdda also appears in the Vakala stone inscription,, 
List No 971 

A 117 (872) S PLATE XIV 

RAIL inscription, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta First edited by Cunningham, StBh. 
(1879), p 142, No 57, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL (1886), p 75, No 148, 
and PI, and IA , Vol. XXI (1892), p 238, No 148; Barua-Smha, BI. (1926), p 31, 
No. 106 

Ghosaye danam 


The gift of Ghosa (Ghoshd) 5 
A 118 (823), PLATE XV 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 15) , 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p 139, No 9, and PI LV, Hultzsch, %DMG , Vol XL 
(1886), p. 72, No. 107, and PI , and IA., Vol XXI (1892), p 235, No 107, Barua-Smha, BI, 
(1926), p 19, No 60 

(Dha) marakhitaya 6 dana suchi 


The rail-bar (is) the gift of Dhamarakhita (Dharmarakshita}' 1 

A 119 (826), PLATES XV, XL 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 59) . 
The inscription is incised in continuation of No B 44 Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879),. 

1 See classification I, 4, b, 1 (names denved fiom spirits and animal deities) 

2 The only case where the object of donation is not put in the nominative is bodhichakasain No. A 106. 

3 Barua-Smha also take Takhi as a personal name although they translate Koddya as ' from 
Kunda (V. 

4 Luders 5 treatment of this inscription is missing 

5 See classification II, 1, b (names deuved from appearance of the body and from voice) 
6 The dha which Cunningham gives in his transcript and his eye-copy is now broken off. 

7 See classification I, 1, b (Buddhist names) 


p 139, No 12, and PI XXVI and LV 5 Hultzsch, ^DMC., Vol XL (1886), p 72, No 110, 
and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 236, No. 110, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 19,. 
No 62 

Nadutaraya dana suchi 


The rail-bar (is) the gift of Nadutara (Nandottara)\ 
A 120 (821), PLATE XV 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (C B 24). 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 139, No 7, and PI. LV, Hultzsch, DMG , Vol XL 
(1886), p 71, No 105, and PI, and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 235, No 105, Barua-Smha, 
BI (1926), p 19, No 55 

Dhamaguta-matu 3 Pusadevaya danam 


The gift of Pusadeva (Pushyadevd) 3 , the mother of Dhamaguta (DhaimaguptaY 

A 121 (875) 5 , PLATE XV 

RAIL inscription, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh. 
(1879), p 142, No 60, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, %DM G , Vol XL (1886), p 75, No 150, 
and PI , and IA , Vol XXI, (1892), p 238, No 150, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 32, No 109, 

Mitadevaye danam 


The gift of Mitadeva (Mitradeva) 5 
A 122 (862) 6 , PLATE XV 

RAIL inscription, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, StBh 
(1879), p 141, No 47, and PI LVI, Hultzsch, ZWG,Vol XL (1886), p 74, No 139, 
and PI , and IA , Vol XXI (1892), p 238, No 1 39 , Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 27, No 97 

Samidataya danam 

'See classification II, 2, b (names derived from mental disposition, and temperament) 

2 Hultzsch Dha\ni\ma- 

3 See classification I, 2, A, b (names derived from constellations) 
4 See classification I, 1, a (Buddhist names). 

5 See classification I, 3, b (names lefernng to vedic deities). 
6 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 



The gift of Samidata (Svamidatta) J . 
A 123 (758); PLATE XV 

ON a pillar of the South-Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (N& 
6500) 2 Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 135, No 47, and PI LIV, Barua-Sinh.u 
JBI (1926), p 11, No 203 

Sonaya danam thabha* 

The pillars (are) the gift of Sona (Srauana) 5 . 

The gift of more than one pillar by the same person is recorded also in the inscription 
A 25, A 27, A 29, A 124 

A 124 (803), PLATE XXV 

FRAGMENTARY inscription on a pillar, now at Batanmara. Edited by Cunningham, StBh 
(1879), p 138, No 90, and PI , Barua-Smha, El (1926), p. 16, No. 43. 

. . . . sakaya thabha danam 6 

The pillars (are) the gift of , saka 

The inscription appears to be fragmentary, but I see no reason whatever why it should 
be combined with No A 43, as suggested by Barua-Smha Saka, moreover, does nut 
sound like a personal name, and the term bhichhunl Saka, ' the Buddhist nun ', occurs no- 
where, neither at Bharhut nor in any other inscription 

A 125 (899) 7 , PLATE XXV 

EDITED by Cunningham StBh (1879), p. 143, No. 16, and PI. LVI; Barua-Smha BL 
(1926), p 37, No 133 

yaya danam 8 . 

'See classification I, 4, b, 4 (Saivite names). Barua-Sinha think of Samidattd besides 

2 See ASIAR 1925-26, p 148, Note 1 3 and PI LVIII d (above female figure). 

3 Barua-Smha, BI p 100,,No. 48 a, give an additional inscription Soyaya dana thabho, which they 
translate as ' the gift of Sreya (Sriya) a pillar ' This inscription is probably the same as A 123 when- 
they read thabho instead of thabha. As no one else has noted this additional inscription it has not bef it 
treated by us separately 

4 The second akshara is distinctly bha, not bho } as given in Cunningham's eye-copy The vertical 
.stroke at the bottom of tha appears to be accidental 

5 See classification I, 2, A, b (names derived from constellations). 

6 From Cunningham's eye-copy which shows thabha^ whereas the transcript has thabho. 

7 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

8 From the eye-copy of Cunningham 



The gift of . ya 1 . 

A 126 (887) a ; PLATE XXVI 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 143, No 4, and PI LVI; Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), 
p, 35, No 122 


Avasika . 3 
( Gift of ?) Avasika (?) 4 

A donor of the name Avasika from Ajandva occurs in Luders' List No 619 5 

A 127 (903)% PLATE XXVI 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), PI LVI, No 20 (PL only); Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p 38, No. 134, and p 62, No 166; Barua, Bark, Vol. II (1934), p. 41, Luders, Shark. 

(1941), p 40 


1 Ko dalakiye- 

2 y[o] dana tanachakamapan- 

The plastering of the tana-walk (is) the gift of Ko dalaki(?). 

Barua-Smha divide this inscription into two parts and explain it as koladaldkiydya 
ddnam "The gift of Koladalakhya (?) " and Vanacamkamo Pdnreyo "The woodland resort 
Panleya " On the latter inscription they add the following remark: " The label seems to- 
have been attached to a scene of the grassy woodland, where the Buddha spent a ramy 
season, being waited upon and guarded by the elephant Panleyyaka or Pareraka 
The story of this elephant is given in the Mahavagga of the Vinaya-Pitaka, the Kosambi- 
Jataka of the Jataka-Comy. (F. No 428), and the Kosambakavatthu of the Dhammapada- 
Gomy " 

Luders, whose treatment of the inscription has not come to our hands, remarks, while 
dealing with the chankamas (1 c ) , that probably a third chankama was depicted in Bharhut 

1 Barua-Smha propose to combine our fragment with the inscription No A 35 where the usual 
ddnam is missing This is quite conjectural 

2 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

3 From the eye-copy of Cunningham The right part of the inscription is broken off 

4 Perhaps the name means ' one who has a residence ' Accordingly it has been classified under 
II, 3, b (names derived from wealth, fame, and birth) 

5 Barua-Smha suggest to complete the inscription as Avasika(ya bhikhuniyd ddnam} "The gift of a nun 
of the local monastic abode " Their reference to dvdsika-bhikkhu ' resident monk 5 which is opposed 
to dgantuha-bhikkhu ' visiting monk' in this connection does not give sufficient support to the restoration 
proposed by them. 

6 From Cunningham's eye-copy 


He refers to our inscription of which he says that m fact it seems to contain the word chakama, 
but that the rest of it cannot be deciphered at the moment According to him the expla- 
nation of Barua-Smha, referred to above, is not convincing 

The tentative translation given above takes the latter part of the inscription as 
specifying the gift of Ko dalaki (?), as is done in other Bharhut inscriptions where we find 
the mention of pillars (thabha) and bars (suchi) as gifts of certain individuals It pre- 
supposes that there was a chamkama, in the immediate vicinity of the stupa, on which the 
inscription was carved, when the plastering (pantepa=parilepa) was done It is difficult 
to explain the word tana by itseh If we could take the half-circle in Cunningham's eye-copy, 
read as t, as a full circle, and read it as th, then it is possible to explain tkana=thdna<.Sk 
sthdna The word sthdnachankrama would then mean * the spot to walk up and down 
(chanfaama) at the place (sthdna) (of the Stupa) 3 Linguistically it is also possible that tana 
stands for thana, as loss of aspiration is found in the case of dh~>d in the following proper 
names Asadd B 64, Vnudaka- B 4, and Dadamkama- B 77 

A 128 (889) % PLATE XXVI 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 143, No. 6, and PL LVI, Barua-Smha, BL 

(1926), p 36, No 124. 


Chamda . a 
(The gift of ?) Chamda (Chandra}* 

Chadd (Chandra) is found in B 2 as the name of a Yakshi and in List No 1276 as the 
name of an upasika 

1 Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

'From the eye-copy of Cunningham The inscription is broken off at the neht 
bee classification I, 4, b, 3 (names derived from minor deities) 


A 129 (689); PLATE XXVI 


RAGMENTARY inscription on a pillar of a gateway, now at Batanmara. Edited 
by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 128, No 3, and PI LIII; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 3, 
No 3 


1 hena 

2 torana cha 

3 kata 1 

The inscription apparently recorded the gift of a gateway, but no connected translation 
is possible. Cf No A 1 and A 2 

A 130 (892)% PLATE XXVI 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 143, No 9 and PI LVI; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p 36, No 127 


1 tu raj an [o] adhirajaka 3 

2 yata 

(Gift of the ?) . of the king (rdjan), the supreme king (adhiraja ? ) . 

A 131 (888) 2 , PLATE XXVI 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 143, No 5, and PI LVI, Barua-Sinha, BI. 
(1926), p 35, No 123 


Maha[da] 4 

(Gift of ?) Maha[da] 

1 From Cunningham's eye-copy The transcript has toranam (i e toranam}. 

* Luders' treatment of this inscription is missing 

3 From the eye-copy of Cunningham The inscription which runs in two lines is broken off on both 

4 Fiom the eye-copy of Cunningham The inscription is broken off to the right 

5 Barua-Smha's completion of the inscription as Mahdd(evasa ddncari) 'The gift of Mahadeva' is 
no more than a suggestion Mahadeva occurs in B 62 and B 81 as a designation of the Buddha 


A 132 (890) r ; PLATE XXVI 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p 143, No. 7, and PL LVI; Barua-Sinha, BL (1926), 
p 36, No. 125 

Satika. s 
(The gift of) Satika (Svatika) z 

Compound names having Sati or Sati (Svdti) as first member are found at different 
places in the Brahmi inscriptions, cf. Luders' List s v 

A 133 (900)'; PLATE XXVI 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 143, No 17, and PI. LVI, No 16; Barua-Sinha 
BI (1926), p 78, No. 187 


[pa]chasa na 4 

(The gift ?) of . [pajcha^ 
A 134 (894V; PLATE XXVI 

N n ' andP1 LVI ' B -Sinha^/. (1926), 

yasmisa yam 6 

(The gift ?) of yasmi, the Yam 7 
A 135 (896)% PLATE XXVI 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879) D 143 i\r is j TT r T 

(1926), p 37, No 131 J ' P ' N 13j and P1 LVI ^ Barua-Sinha, BL 


ff - 

H , - cnption is brokeri ff - 

and that ta msc np*on was to endn n "" * 1S left out before 

B^ TCSeat j' "^ see th ^a a reference to a sr, nf ST'* Insc Pt'on as ^ w to M 
Buddha stayed five weeks, one week on S SDO^ aC =,tf five ? ts m ^uvzlvaf where the 

o---:- o ^ 

^-- - 

? T ls rok - ^ on both S1 des 


l ^ " The P ft of a (the LC& Said t ; N Sense -n be ma de out'. 

except the last three syllables) yasmi". mnabltant of a place, the name of winch is missing 



sa Kusu * 

(The gift of ?) Kusu(ma ?) . from (Vedi)sa (?) a . 
A 136 (757) , PLATE XV 

FRAGMENTARY inscription on a terminus pillar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p 135, No 46, and PI LIV; Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), 
p. 11, No 19, Barua, Barh , Vol II (1934), p 63 f., and PI (?)'. 


Yasika 4 may be the name of the Yaksha figured on the pillar. It could also be that 
of the donor, although the word is not found elsewhere as a personal name and it is not 
even certain that it was the beginning of the inscription. 

1 From the eye-copy of Cunningham The inscription is broken off on both sides. 

2 The translation is no more than a conjecture } 

3 1 am unable to state where the stone bearing the inscription is figured In Barua s text it 
is called Scene 64 a On his Plate LIX we are informed that No 64 a is No. 65 of the Plate. But 
the statue does not agree with the description. The Yaksha does not stand with joined hands on 
a bearded and human-faced quadruped, but with the right hand raised on a sea-monster. 

4 Under the assumption that the name is to be derived from yatas, 'fame it has been classified 
under II, 3, a (names derived from wealth, fame, and birth) 






The question, whether the artists of Bharhut worked according to the Pali Jataka 
collection or not, has been answeied in the affirmative by Buhler 1 and in the negative by 
MmayerP and von Oldenburg 3 Foucher* is of the opinion that although a literary source 
akin to the Pali collection was followed, this could not have been the Pali collection itself, 
His argument which I am going to treat in detail rests on three grounds firstly, the 
Jatakas in the labels and in the Pah-texts have different titles , secondly, the labels are written 
in a dialect differing from the Pah, thirdly, several of the stories represented cannot be found 
m the Pah collection 

1 I cannot give any value to the first of the above-mentioned reasons r ' The titles 
in the Jataka collection are late, which may be concluded from the fact that they sometimes 
are based on a misunderstanding of the text Eg J 341 bears the title Kandanjataka. 
The name Kandan, however, is based, as mentioned in our treatment of No B 60, on the 
false separation of the words in Gatha 21 of J 536, and in reality is the same as m the label 
of the Bhaihut relief viz Kandanki The titles of the Jatakas often differ in the manu- 
scripts of the Atthavannana too In Burmese, the Mugapakkhaj (538) is called 
Temivaj , and the Mahaummaggaj (546) appears as Mahosadhaj For Gunaj (157) at 
least some Burmese manuscripts give Sihaj , as well as Rajovadaj for Mahakapij (407) 
and Chandakumaiaj foi Khandahalaj (542) In some Simhalese manuscripts Romakaj 
1 277) is suled Parapataj Also the commentator of the Jataka himself, when alluding 
to the Jatakas, often uses titles, different from those standing in the text Finally the 
occurrence of smaller differences in the titles may be considered as shortenings or extensions of 
them E g the commentator mentions the Sammodamanaj (33) as Vattakaj m Vol V, 414, 
27, the Vanarmdaj (57) as Kumbhilaj mVol II, 206, 14, the Telapattaj (96) as Takkasilaj. 
in Vol I, 469, 30 f , the Gunaj (157) as Sigalaj m Vol II, 314, 21, the Adittaj (424) as 
So%iraj 6 in Vol IV, 360, 24, 401, 12, the Kosamblj (428) as Samghabhedaj m Vol III, 
211, 10 f , the Chakkavakaj. (434) as Kakaj in Vol I, 241, 28 f , Vol II, 318, 23 f , the 
Samuggaj. (436) as Karandakaj in Vol V, 455, 2, the Chatudvaraj (439) as Mahamitta- 
\mdakaj in Vol I, 363, 7 f, Vol III, 206, 14 f, the Mahakapij (516) as Vevatiyakapij 7 
m Vol III, 178, 7 f , the Vidhurapanditaj (545) as Punnakaj m Vol IV, 14, 24 f , 182, 19, 

' On the Origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet, p 16 f 

-Recherches sur le Bouddhisme, p 152 

3 JAOS XVIII, p 185 f 

*Mtm cone UAsie Orient , Vol III, p 9 

= Iii the same way already Rhys Davids, Buddh Birth Stones, p LXI has expressed his opinion 

!> Jf *? ^ { ? )3 Vldura J ataka B*) "i Vol IV, 360, 24, Sivirajataka (fid) m Vol IV, 401, 
12 are distortions by the writers, cf Andersen, J , Vol VII p XIV 
1 In the Simhalese manuscripts 


Exactly the same is to be observed in the other commentary literature In DA. page 674 Bu- 
ddhaghosa refers to the Sammodamanaj as Vattakaj , on page 1 78 to the Vidhurapanditaj 
as Punnakaj , besides on page 674 to the Daddabhaj (322) as Pathaviuddryanaj , on page 657 
to the Dhammaddhajaj (384) as Dhammikavayasaj In the DhA in Vol I, 55 the Sammo- 
damanaj is called Vattakaj , in Vol IV, 83 the Telapattaj bears the name Takkasilaj , 
and the Kachchhapaj (215) is cited in Vol IV, 92 as Bahubhamj Such fluctuations in the 
titles of the Jatakas, however, must have existed already in the time when the Bharhut reliefs 
were carved Only in this way indeed it is understandable that in the inscription No. B 42 
two labels Bidalajata[k]a and Kukutajataka are given side by side as it were for choice. 

The reason for these fluctuations is also recognizable At the time of the Bharhut 
sculptures these titles were in no way literally fixed, but were used only as convenient short 
designations In the beginning the different Jatakas did not have any real titles The 
first Pada of the first Gatha was taken as the heading This custom has been retained in 
the Jataka-Atthavannana, even where, on account of regroupings sometimes made by the. 
author of the Atthavannana, it did not suit any more In the Vidhurapanditaj (545) the 
heading is pandu kmyasi dubbald This is indeed the first Pada of the first Gatha in the 
proper story of Vidhura and Punnaka, but not of the Jataka as it stands now in the 
Atthavannana, because the story of the Chatuposathikaj (441) from the Dasampata precedes 
it ' Likewise the Kosiyaj (470) and 9 further Gathas precede the proper story in the 
Sudhabhojanaj (535)% the title, however, reads naguttame or naguttame gmvare, which is the 
beginning of the first Gatha in the proper story 3 The Mahaummaggaj (546) opens 
in the Atthavannana with a whole row of narrations that were independent Jatakas in the 
original collection G 2 4 belongs to the Sabbasamharakapanha (110), G 3 to the Gadra- 
bhapaflha (111), G 4-5 belong to the Kakantakaj (170), G 6-7 to the Smkalakannij. (192), 
G 8-19 to the Mendakaj (471), G 20-40 to the Smmandaj (500), G 41 to the Amaradevi- 
panha (112) 5 , G 43-47 to the Khajjopanakaj (364), G 48-57 to the Bhunpanhaj (452), 
G 58-61 to the Devatapaflhaj (350), G 62-83 to the Panchapanditaj (508) 6 The proper 
Mahaummaggaj. begins only with Gatha 84 and the Pratika of this Gatha Panchdlo sabba- 
sendya therefore still appears in the Atthavannana as the title I regard it as most probable 
that the combination of several Jatakas had been undertaken by the author of the Attha- 
vannana himself who in this way wished to avoid repetitions in the prose-narrations This 
regrouping will scarcely have been accomplished at the time of the origin of the Bharhut 
sculptures The label yavamajhakiyam jatakam (cf B 52) will therefore not refer to the 
Mahaummaggaj in its present form, but will only be the title of the story of Mahosadha 
and Amaradevi This story, on account of its containing only one Gatha (41), originally 
stood as J 112 m the Ekampata where it is at present mentioned under the title Amaradevi- 
panha or Chhannapathapafiha totally unsuitable for the story handed down to us in the 
Jataka collection The title Yavamajjhakiyam jatakam therefore, according to my opinion, 

: G 11 has probably been taken from the Sinmandaj (500). 

2 The Kosiyaj stands in the Dvadasampata, therefore it should contain 12 Gathas Indeed there 
is in the tale of the avaricious Kosiya an evident conclusion after the 12th Gatha. The rune following 
Gathas are an amplification or a second version of the tale 

3 In the Burmese manuscript (B d ) the heading has been changed to neva kinami, which is the beginn- 
ing of the first Gatha in the text of the Atthavannana The Burmese manuscript B s still bears the 
old heading 

4 The stanza marked as G. 1 by Fausboll is no Gatha but an Uddana which does not belong to the 
canonical text 

5 G 42 is G 58 anticipated in the prose narration 

6 Another Jataka, the Dakarakkhasaj (517), has also been incorporated into the proper Mahaum- 


cannot be taken to prove that the artists of Bharhut were following a text-book different from the 
Pah Jataka as suggested by von Oldenburg. The same holds good for the title Kmnarajatakam 
(cf B 54) That the Pratika -headings took the place of titles is confirmed by the label 
yam bramano avayesi (B 51) It is identical with the heading in the Atthavannana (J 62). 
This way of citation seems to me to be one of the strongest proofs for the still disputed view 1 
that originally only the Gathas of the Jatakas were collected together Indeed I do not 
understand how it can be doubted that the original collection contained only the Gathas. 
For (1) the stones are arranged according to the number of the Gathas they contained, 
(2) they are referred to according to the first Pada of the first Gatha, (3) the prose-narration 
does not agree with the Gathas in innumerable cases, and (4) the prose-narration handed 
down to us calls itself a commentary to the Jataka 8 (Jdtakass* atthavannand) 3 

2 Regarding Foucher's point three it cannot be disputed that there are representa- 
tions of stones in Bharhut which are not to be found in the Pah Jataka book But I don't 
know why this fact should speak against the use of the Pali collection by the artists From 
amongst the sculptures at Bharhut that are either not designated as Jatakas in the labels 
or are totally undesignated, up to now 21 can be identified with certainty and two with 
probability with the stories occurring in the Pali Jataka collection This, however, does 
not prove that all similar representations must be taken as Jatakas The artists may as 
well have illustrated legends which were never Jatakas or had not become Jatakas at their 
time For example this, in my opinion, is the case with the legends, the scene of which was 
mount Nadoda On the other hand, it is scarcely a chance that the 18 scenes, labelled as 
Jatakas 4 , are all to be identified with Jatakas in the Pah collection To me this seems to 
speak decisively for the fact that the artists of Bharhut worked according to the Pali Jataka 

This statement could be contradicted, if the sculptures would show differences from 
the text of the Pah collection While discussing such possible cases, it has to be taken 
into consideration that only such matter can be used for comparison which is proved to be 
old by the Gathas and not merely mentioned in the prose-narration 

Lanman, JAOS , XVIII, p 185 opines that the representation of the Aramadusakaj 
(PI XLV 5) is a good example showing that the sculptural representations agree with the 
canonical texts in the essentials, but deviate in details in J 46 the gardener gives leather bags 
(chammanda) and wooden tubs (ddiukuta) to the apes, in J 268 leather vessels (chammaghataka) 
for watenng of trees, while in the relief the monkeys use earthen pots in nets suspended 
from sticks carried on their shoulders In the Gathas, which alone are canonical, nothing 
however is said about the kind of the vessels used So this can scarcely be called a contra- 

In the Chammasatakaj (324), the fool pushed down by the ram is, according to the 
prose-narration, a religious mendicant carrying a skingarment (chammasdtako panbbdjako 
Bdrdnasiyam bhikkhdya charanto) In the Gathas, however, he is a Brahmin carrying a burden 
suspended from a stick (khanbhdra), and the relief (PI XLI 1, 3) exactly corresponds to it 

'eg Weller, //, IV, p. 47 

'Oldenberg, G JV., 1911, p 447 

3 Luders proceeds to say that there aie direct proofs showing that in olden tunes there were manu- 
scripts containing only the Gathas Short hints at this fact have been made already by Franke (BB 
XXII, p 296 ff) and Senart (JA Se*r. IX, T XVII, p 404) But it seems to Luders that they have 
not received sufficient attention, and so he collects all the material on pp. 140 ff of his book on Bharhut 
which the reader desiring to have more information on the point may look up 

Of the 19th scene only the mutilated inscription .niyaj dtaka(B 80) has remained, but not the 


It is also no deviation if the man who warns the Brahmin about the ram is represented m 
the relief as a well-dressed man standing upright, whereas, according to the prose, he is 
a merchant sitting in his shop , for in the Gathas nothing is said regarding this person 

The representation of the Mahabodhij (528) (PI XXVII 14) exactly tallies with the 
course of narration to be concluded from the Gathas 1-3 The dog has heard the conversa- 
tion of the king with his wife, by which it knows that the affection of the king for the ascetic 
has disappeared It therefore barks at him and shows him its teeth, whereas in the prose 
narration the dog appears as a warner of the ascetic under total distortion of the original sense. 

In the Mahakapij (407) only a slight difference between the iclief on PI XXXIII 4 
and the Gathas is to be observed According to G 3 the monkey-king fastens the cane to 
his hind-feet (aparapadesu dalham baddhalatdgunam} 1 , on which the apes have to cross from one 
tree to another In the relief the cane is fastened to its right hind-leg The deviation is 
too insignificant to lead to the conclusion that the artist was following a different version 
All the other deviations from the Pali Jataka only refer to the prose-narration According 
to the prose-narration, the king gets the ape-king down from the tree by means of a scaffolding 
which he got erected on the raft in the Ganga In the relief, two men are spreading a cloth 
m order to catch up the monkey, as is likewise narrated in the Jatakamala (patamtdnam 
vitatya 179, 1) The prose narrates that the exhausted ape-king is laid on a bed covered 
with a skin moistened with oil In the relief he sits m conversation with the king on a cane- 
seat (mdrha) as the king himself does Nothing of this kind is said in the Gathas Without 
hesitation, we may take the version of the story followed by the sculptor as the older one, the 
more so as the Bharhut relief is in agreement in these points with 2 the representation of the 
Jataka on the Western gate of stupa I in Safichi 3 

Other cases of supposed discrepancies between the Pali Jataka story and the sculptural 
representation likewise turn out to refer to the prose-narration ; see the treatment of No B 45, 
B 46, B 49, B 57, and B 59 

What applies to the representations of the Jatakas also applies to the scenes from the 
life of the Buddha We have to keep in mind that here* also only deviations from the cano- 
nical texts can prove the use of a collection different from the Pali Tipitaka What appears 
m the later commentary literature is the form which the legends took in Ceylon in the 
5th cent A D , and it is indeed quite possible that they were narrated differently on Indian 
soil even in the school of the Theras 

Now in Bharhut only two stories are represented, which are handed down m the 
Suttas, viz the visit of Ajatasattu and the visit of Sakka in the Indasalaguha, which are treated 
below under B 40 and B 35 Both the representations do not contain anything which is 

'According to the prose, to his hip (ekam attano katiyam bandhitva III, 372, 5) Aiyasma in the 
Jatakamala follows in this point more exactly the text of the Gatha (vetralatayd gadham abadhya chatanau 
178, 10) In the rest, however, he deviates from the Pah prose-narration and from the sculpture The 
Bodhisattva stretches not across the river, but across the space between the tree and a mountain in the 
vicinity, and he does not cut off the cane and fasten it on to another tree, but leaves it rooted in the 
ground The text of the Gathas can be reconciled with both the versions. 

2 Surely also the account of the burial of the ape-king and of the worship of its skull is an addition 
m the prose-narration, as well as the identification of one of the bad monkeys, who mortally wounds the 
Bodhisattva by its jump, with Devadatta In the Jatakamala nothing of it is mentioned The identifica- 
tion was originally missing even in the Samodhana and has been added later on in the Burmese 
manuscripts The Pachchuppannavatthu of the Chuladhammapalaj (III, 178, 7 f), however, refers to it. 

3 Marshall, Guide to Safchi 3 Pl VI d, Mlm com VAste Or.T III, PI II, 6 The half-figure, which 
appears in the Bharhut rehef at the bottom between the ape and the king, is not explained with certainty 
I regard it out of question that there is an ape again, as suggested by Barua, Barhut II, p 130 Probably 
Foucher is right who sees in the figure one of the inhabitants of the forest, who brought the king to the 
tree of the Bodhisattva See Beginnings of Buddhist Art, p 42 



opposed to the canonical texts On the contrary the visit of Ajatasattu is depicted even in 
Ss exactly according to the SamaSflaphalasutta .(DJi I 47 ff ) In the same way the 
representation of the visit of Sakka follows the text of the Sakkapaflhasutta (DN II, 263 II) 
E^en the name of the cave in the label (Idasalaguha) is the same as in Pali, while with the 
Sanastrvadms it occuis as Indrasailaguha 

Moreoxer, the depictions of the non-canonical legends also show the gieatest conforms 
with the Pah version This, for instance, holds good for the Erapatta-legend, treated bclcm 

under B 36 and B 37 

It is doubtful whether in the relief representing the donation of the Jetavana, a dcua- 
tion from the later Pah sources is to be seen I am showing below 1 that the relief, in so f, 
as it is also a depiction of the miracle of Sravasti, represents a version of the legend okk'i 
than the one in the Pah commentanes Nevertheless the close relation with the tradition 
of the Theras comes to light, when we compare it with the version in the text of tin 
Mulasarvastrvadms, which differs to a greater extent 

In these circumstances even the occurrence of persons as the devaputra AiahagutU 
(B 20), unknown to the Pah commentary literature, in the Bharhut reliefs does not pro\e 
that the artists followed a tradition different from that of the Theras 

There is, as far as I see, in Bharhut only one deviation from the Pah canon, viz the 
representation of the Bodhi tree of Buddha Vipassin (treated under B 13) 1 am not able 
to gi\ e a satisfactory explanation It is quite improbable that the text m the Mahapa- 
danasutta has been afterwards changed It seems that here in fact the tradition of a different 
school comes to light which found its way into the pictorial art, for also in SaSlchi, the Asoka 
appears as the Bodhi tree of Vipassin The Kharoshthi letters used as marks of the sculptois 
on the eastern gate make it probable that also the artists from the North- West of India were 
at \\ork at Bharhut Perhaps the Vipassm-medallion which differs 2 also stylistically from 
the type of the representation of Bodhi trees common in Bharhut is the work of some artist 
from the North-West Be it as it may, I do not believe that this quite unique case can 
weaken the argument that the artists of Bharhut in general followed in then work the 
tradition of the Theras as it was laid down in the canonical Pah texts. 

3 I cannot enter here into a full discussion on the second point raised by Touchei 
against the use of the Pah Jataka collection, as the explanation of the linguistic deviations 
in the labels from the Pah would require a special treatise I intend to give it on a different 
occasion, and hope to be able to show that the text of the Pah canon is translated fiom an 
older canon laid down in the popular language of Eastern India 3 When translating into 
the Western language, which we are used to call Pah, not only numerous faults occulted, 
but at many places the Eastern forms have been retained So for instance, in the Eastein 
language the ksh of saiksha and of bhikshu, bhikshum became kkh, m the Western language, 
however, it became chchh But sekkha, bhkkhu, bhikkhuni were taken over without change 
as technical expressions in the church language 4 When the sculptors of Bharhut or their 
employers used the forms sechha (B 45) and bhichhuni 5 which are m conformity with the 
Western colloquial language, so naturally we cannot conclude therefrom that they followed 

1 See the treatment under B 32 

s ^hL Si* 161 C T f^!, ^ rt^g worshippers only are represented behind the kneeling 
s,v,e have here on the left side five and on the right side four standing worshippers 

mentln ^ ^"^ b t ee ? edlted b Y E Waldschrmdtm 1954 from fragmentary 
Al? 16 2 eobacht g ^er die Sprache des buddhutischen Urkwms" 
G Wissensch aftenzu Berlin, Klasse fur Sprache, Literati* 

or bhMu { * ** cndm e ~ e <~ as has been *ainfid the Eastern form, 

occurs ten times m the inscriptions, at the side of bhikkhuni appearing only five times. 


the text in a dialect different from the Pali At the first look the matter seems to be 
different in the label treated under B 51 viz yam bramano avqyesijatakam, 1 for the first three 
words came from the Gatha, that is to say, from the text of the canon In Pah we have 
yam brahmano avddesi The original text probably read bdhane instead of brahmano, and for 
avddesi certainly avayesi Now today, we know how the Sanskrit translations of the canonical 
texts were made countless Prakntisms were at first simply taken over and only gradually 
later on substituted by correct Sanskrit forms The Pali translators have worked appa- 
rently in the same way Avayesi was kept at first and only later on corrected to the right 
Pah form avddesi 3 bdhane was translated by bramhano, and bramhano was later on, not only 
here but in the whole sphere of Pah literature, substituted by brahmano which is not at all a 
real dialectal form, but, as the hm shows, simply taken over from Sanskrit From that label 
we can only draw the conclusion that in the 2nd cent. B C the text of the Pah canon 
showed more Eastern forms than today 

The inscription A 56 shows that at the time of the construction of the railing a Buddhist 
canon was in existence, for the donor of a rail-bar, the venerable Jata, is designated aspetakin a 
' knower of the Pitakas ' This, by itself, would not mean that Jata studied the Pali 
Tipitaka of the Theras, as the canon of other schools also consisted of Pitakas In 
Sarnath, Set Mahet, and Mathura we have inscriptions of donations from the time of 
Kamshka and Huvishka 2 in which the monk Bala calls himself trepitaka, and his pupil, 
Buddhamitra, trepitikd As Bala uses Sanskrit full of Prakntism in his inscriptions, his 
Tnpitaka will also have been composed in this language But in the inscription No A 57 
a certain Budharakhita 3 is mentioned, who receives the designation pamchanekdyika* that 
is ' knowing the five Nikayas 5 The five Nikayas must be the five divisions of the Suttapitaka 
in the Pah canon 5 , for only here the division into five Nikayas occurs In the canons of the 
other schools, as is well-known, dgama is used instead of mkdya Whether the contents of the 
five Nikayas, especially those of the Khuddakamkaya, were at that time exactly the same as 
in the Pali canon of today is a question in which we need not enter here 6 In any case the 
expression pamchanekdyika confirms that the Pali canon was in existence in the 2nd cent B C 
in Western India The probability that the artists of Bharhut followed the texts of this 
canon is highly strengthened by this fact 

'The missing of the length of vowels is naturally only graphic, bramano seems to be incomplete 
-writing for bramhano 

"LzrfNos 925-927, 918, 38 

3 Buddharakkhita is naturally a monk even if he is not called a bhikkhu in the inscription, he is not 
a layman as Barua JPASB , New Ser XIX, p 358 supposes. 

4 The same title is received by the monk Devagiri in the Salichi inscription 299. Mil 22 mentions 
side by side tepitakd bhikkhu panchanekayikd pi cha chatunekdyikd cheva 

5 According to Buddhaghosa, DA , p 22 f , DhsA , p 26; Samantap (Vm III, p 291), the whole 
of the Tipitaka indeed is divided into five Nikayas According to him the Vinayapitaka and Abhi- 
dhammapitaka belong to the Khuddakampata This conception occurs also in the Gandhavamsa 
(JPTS 1886, p 57) which is probably composed not earlier than the 17th cent., but it can impossibly 
be the original It is shown clearly by the terminology itself that the Vinayapitaka and the Abhi- 
dhammapitaka were coordinated with the Suttapitaka In the account of the council at Rajagaha 
found in Ghullav 11, 1, 7 ff, the pancha mkdya are obviously confronted as texts of the Dhamma With 
the ubhatovmayd as the texts of the Vmaya Gf Przyluski, Le concile de Rdjagiha, Pans 1926, p. 338 

6 In Mil. 341 f the inhabitants of the Dhammanagara are enumerated as suttantikd, venayikd, dbhi- 
dhammikd, dhammakathikd.,jdtakabhdnakd, dighabhdnakd, majjhimab kanaka, samyuttabhdnakd, anguttarabhdnakd, 
khuddakabhdnakd I do not believe that it can be concluded from the juxtaposition of the jdtakabhdnakd 
and the khuddakabhdnakd that the author did not look upon the Jataka book as a part of the 
khuddakamkdya, or even, as Baiua JPASB , N S. XIX p 363 thinks, that a special collection of the 
commentonal Jatakas besides the collection contained in the Khuddakamkaya was in existence. The 
reciters of the Jatakas are mentioned especially after the preachers of sermons probably because both 
address themselves chiefly to the laymen whereas the expositions of the Nikayas may have been meant 
principally for the monks 







First identified by 

B 41 Hamsajataka Nachchaj 32 

B 42 Bidalajatara Kukutajataka Kukkutaj 383 

B 43 Nagajataka Kakkataj 267 

B 44 Latuvajataka Latukikaj 357 

B 45 Sechhajataka 

B 46 Udajataka 

B 47 Migajatakam 

B 48 Isimigo jataka 

B 49 Chhadamtiya jatakam 

B 50 Sujato gahuto jataka 

B 51 Yambiamano avayesi 

B 52 Yavamajhakiyamjatakam 

B 53 Isisimgiya jatakam 

B 54 Kmarajatakam 

B 55 Vitura-Punakiya jatakam 

B 56 usu(karo) Janako raja 
Sivala devi 

B 57 Maghadeviya jataka 

B 58 Bhisaharamy a jatakam 

B 59 Mugaphakiy a jatakam 

B 60 Kadanki 

B 61 Vijapi vijadharo 

Dubhiyamakkataj 1 74 

Dabbhapupphaj 400 
Ruruj 482 
Nigrodharmgaj 12 
Chhaddantaj 514 
Sujataj 352 
Andabhutaj 62 

Amaradevipanha 112 
(Mahaummaggaj 546) 

Alambusaj 523 

Takkanyaj 481 (Epi- 

Vidhurapanditaj 545 
Mahajanakaj 539 

Makhadevaj 9 
Bhisaj 488 
Mugapakkhaj 538 

Kandanj 341 (in 
Kunalaj 536) 

Samuggaj 436 

Cunningham, StBh , p 69 
Subhuti, ^5A , p 77 f 
Subhuti, StBh , p 52 f 

Gunnmgham-Subhuti, StBh , 
p 58 f 

Rhys Davids, (Buddhist Birth 
Stones] I, p Gil 

Hultzsch, ZDMG XL, p 61. 
Hultzsch, IA XXI, p 226 
Cunningham, StBh , p 75 
Cunningham, StBh , p 61 fF, 
Cunningham, StBh , p 76 f. 
Subhuti, StBh , p 65 ff 

Mmayeff, Recherches sur le 
JBouddhisme, p 148 ff. 

Mmayeff-Subhuti, StBh , p 64 f. 
Hultzsch, IA XXI, p 226 

Cunningham, StBh , p 79 if. 
Cunningham, StBh , p 95 

Cunningham, StBh , p. 78 f 
Hultzsch, IA , XXI, p 226 

Cunningham, StBh , p 58 f. ; 
Oldenburg, JAOS XVIII, 
p 190 f 

Barua-Smha, BI , p 86 f , 

Bania-Sinha,5/,p 89 f. 



B 1 (794), PLATES XVI, XXIX 

ON the mnei face of the same pillar as Nos A 58, B 2 and B 3 3 now in the Indian 
Museum, Calcutta(P 5) The inscription is engraved on the same side as No A 58 Edited 
by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 111, StBh (1879),p 20, 138, No 82, andPl XXII and 
LV, Hultzsch, ZDMG Vol XL (18S6), p 70, No 92, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 234, 
No 92, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 65 ff , No 174; Barua, Bark , Vol II (1934), p 58 f , 
Vol III (1937), PI LV and LVI (60), Luders, Bhanh (1941), p 10 


Kupiro yakho 


The Yaksha Kupira (Kube)a) 

The figures on the corner Pillar on the North- Western quadrant of the stone-railing 
(P 5) are labelled as Kupiro yakho (B 1), Chada yakhi (B 2), Ajakalako yakho (B 3) and the 
figures on the corner pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant (P 1) as Virudako yakho (B 4), 
Gamgito yakho (B 5) , Chakavako nagaraja (B 6) . As Kupira (Kubera) and Virudaka ( Vn udhaka) 
are the guardians of the Northern and Southern region respectively we can assume with 
certainty that on the lost corner pillars of both the other quadrants Virupakkha and 
Dhatarattha, the guardians of the West and East, were represented, each one with two 
companions Vogel, Indian Serpent-lore, p 212, is of the opinion that the names of the four 
world-guardians do not occur in the older Pah texts, but they are given in the Mahasamaya- 
sutta (D II, 258) and in the Atanatiyasutta (D III, 197 ff.) in accordance with their fixed 
distribution in the four directions Of the above named companions of Kuvera and 
Virulhaka three viz Chakkavaka, Gamgita and Chamda are not yet ascertained in literature 
They seem to have been local deities venerated in the region of Bharhut The Yaksha 
labelled Supavaso yakho (B 7) who is represented on the pillar of the South-Eastern 
quadrant evidently belongs to the same class too 

The corner pillar on which our inscription appears has three figures, one female and 
two male ones, each on one side of the pillar The figure labelled Kupiro yakho is to the 
left of the figure of Chandra (B 2) Kubera is represented standing with folded hands on a 
dwarf, who supports himself on his feet and hands This is in accordance with his ordinary epithet 
naravdhana ' As recognised by Cunningham, he owes his position on the northern side of the 
Stupa to the guardianship of the North which is attributed to him in Buddhist as well as in 

1 Barua, Barh II , p 58, points out that Kuvera has been designated as ndnvahana 'one having a 
woman for his vehicle ' in the SnA (p 370), where, however, no more is mentioned than that he 
mounted a ndnvahana for his journey to the upasika Nandamata Naravahana certainly only means that 
his vehicle consists of human beings as it is the case in the Atanatiyas (D III, 200) where the Uttara- 
kurus, whose sovereign Kuvera is, are referred to as using men and women, young boys and maidens 
as vahana 



Brahmamcal kteiature, cf D II, 257 f , III, 202, Mm III, 309 13, Lahtav 218, 9, 390, 
19 Mahdm p 230 In all these passages he is called the lord of the Yakshas The spelling 
of his name in the inscription with p instead of b (surd instead of sonant) has parallels m 
such forms as Eiapata- and Vitura- 


ON the middle face of the same pillar as A 58, B 1 and B 3, now m the Indian Museum, 
Calcutta (P 5) Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 111, StBh (1879), p 20, 138, 
No 81, and PI XXII and LV, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 70, No 91, and 
P1,L4 Vol XXI (1892), p 234, No 91, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 72, No 182, Baiua, 
Bark Vol II (1934), p 70, and Vol III (1937), PI LVI (73), Luders, Shark (1941), p, 11 


Chad a -yakhi 


The Yakshi Chad a (Chandia) 

This female figure is standing under a Naga tree (Mesua feriea) 1 on a sheep or tarn 
with the hmdpart of a fish This probably characterizes her as a water-goddess With her 
right hand she grasps a bough of the tree over her head, while her left hand and hei left 
leg are thiown around the trunk of the tree 

B 3 (795) , PLATES XVI, XXIX 

ON the outei face of the same pillar as Nos A 58, B 1 and B 2, now m the Indian 
museum, Calcutta (P 5) Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 111, StBh (1879), p. 20; 
138, No 83, and PI LV, Hultzsch %DMG Vol. XL (1886), p 70, No 93, and PL; IA. 
Vol XXI (1892), p 234, No 93, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 67 f , No 175, Barua, Bark 
Vol II (1934), p 59 ff, and Vol III (1937), PI LVII (61), Luders, Bharh (1941), p 13 fl 


Ajakalako yakho 

The Yaksha Ajakalaka 

The figure to which the label is attached stands opposite to the figure of Kubera (B 1). 
He has the bud of a lotus in his right hand which rests on his chest, while his left hand hangs 
by his side holding some undefined object between the thumb and the forefinger The figuie 
stands on a monster with the body of a fish, but with human hands thrust into its mouth; 
thus according to the description of Anderson Cat I, p 24 Barua 1 c II, p 61, says that 
the animal has the tail of a Makara and the forefeet of a lion or of a tiger The picture is 
not clear enough to allow us to decide the question 

A Yaksha Ajakalaka is not known from other sources In the Mahdm p 231, 236 
two Yakshas, Kala and Upakala, are mentioned, but they certainly have no connection. 

'According to King quoted by Anderson, Cat p 23 


with Ajakalaka Barua-Smha have identified Ajakalaka with the Yaksha Ajakalapaka who 
m Ud I, 7 is said to have had his dwelling at the Ajakalapaka chaitya in Pava In a dark 
rainy night he tried to frighten the Buddha by uttering horrid cries, but only with the effect 
that the Buddha pronounced an udana Although it would be quite appropriate that a 
Yaksha of the demoniac class should be associated with Kubera, it is difficult to account 
for the difference of the final member of the names Hultzsch had carried back Ajakalaka 
to Sk. Adyakdlaka, an explanation not very satisfactory in itself, and not made more reliable 
by the remarks made by Barua and Sinha in its support, for I, at least, take it as most im- 
probable that a local Yaksha should be " a terrible embodiment of the ruthless unborn Time, 
destroying living beings, whose essence is immortality " Besides the form Ajakalapaka which 
according to Barua and Sinha is just a side form of Ajakalaka cannot be brought into 
agreement with this explanation The Commentary to the Ud offers two explanations: 
Ajakalapaka is either 'some one making a bundle of goats' because the Yaksha accepts gifts 
only together with a tied up group of goats, or Ajakalapaka 'some one who makes men bleat 
like goats', because people, when offering gifts shout like goats in order to satisfy him (so hra 
yakkho aje kaldpetvd bandhanena ajakotthdsena saddhim bahm paticchati no annathd \ tasmd Ajakaldpako 
ti pannqyittha \ keci pana ajake mya satte Idpettti Ajakaldpako ti I tassa kira sattd bahm upanetvd yadd 
ajasaddam katvd bahm upaharanti tadd so tussati \ tasma Ajakaldpako ti vuccatlti \ ) Although I am of 
the opinion that the first part of the name is a word for goat, I think the explanations of the 
commentary are unacceptable. If both names have to be connected, which I think probable, 
it is nearest to take kdlaka and kaldpaka as noun formations to the causative of a root kal 
that could as well form kdlayati and kaldpayati Perhaps this kdlayati or kaldpayati had the 
same meaning as Sk kdlayati to make some one run before oneself ', ' to persecute ', ( to- 
scare away ', c drive off 51 

B 4 (736), PLATES XVI, XXX 

ON the middle face of the same pillar as Nos A 95, B 5 3 and B 6, now in the Indian 
Museum, Calcutta (P 1). Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p ll\ 9 StBh (1879), p 20, 
134, No 25, and PI LIII; Hultzsch, %DMG Vol. XL (1886), p 65, No 43, and PI , IA 
Vol XXI (1892), p 230, No. 43; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 65, No 172, Barua, Barh , 
Vol II (1934), p 57 f and Vol III (1937), PI LV and LVII (58); Luders, Bhdrh (1941), 
p 10 


Virudako yakho 


The Yaksha Virudaka (Virudhakd) 

The pillar P 1 shows three male figures, each on one side Our inscription refers to 
the middle figure, the right and left arm of which is united with the arm of the adjoining figure 

'The explanation given above is the one offered by Luders, Bharh , p 14f. Earlier in his manu- 
script he had suggested the following derivation "May we assume that Ajakalaka is a corruption of 
Ajagalaka and that Ajakalapaka is a corruption of Ajagalapaka or Ajagalavaka, galaka and galapaka 
being derived from the causative of gal ' to devour ', which may be gdleti or galdpeh ? That Ajakalapaka 
contains aja, the word for goat, appears from the commentary However, it cannot be denied that 
ajagara c devourer of goats ', which in Pali sometimes, e.g J. 427, 2, is corrupted into ajakara, would 
seem to be a more suitable name than * causing goats to be devoured', and so my suggestion must be 
taken for what it is worth " For an explanation as ajaka-lapaka cf. M A Mehendale, S K Belvalkar 
Felicitation Volume, p 13 


(B 5, B 6 respy ) , an armlet m the shape of a tnratna encircles the common arm The Yaksha 
is standing on rocks with caves tenanted by wild beasts and birds of prey Attitude and 
dress are represented in the usual type of the Yaksha images 

Virudhaka, P Virulha or Viriilhaka, the chief of the Kumbhandas, is with the 
Buddhists always the guardian of the Southern quarter; cf eg. D. II, 257 f , III, 198; 
Mm. Ill, 307, 13; LaLitav 217, 20, 389, 1; Mahdm 228 (cf 752) Accordingly, as recognized 
already by Cunningham, his image is sculptured on the corner pillar of the South gate of 
the Stupa In the inscription he is still called a Yaksha, while m later times he has become 
a Naga king. In the Mahdm p 247 the four Lokapalas are inserted in the list of the 

B 5 (737) , PLATES XVI, XXX 

ON the same pillar as Nos A 95, B 4, and B 6, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(P 1) Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 111, StBh (1879), p 20, 134, No 26, and 
PI XXI and LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG. Vol XL (1886), p. 65, No 44, and PI , IA Vol XXI 
(1892), p 230, No 44, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 68, No. 176,Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), 
p 61, and Vol III (1937), PI LVII (62), Luders, Bhdrh (1941), p 10 f 


Gamgito yakho 

The Yaksha Gamgita 

The figure, which according to the label represents the Yaksha Gamgita, is on the left 
side of the figure of Virudhaka and opposite to the figure of the Naga Chakravaka The 
Yaksha is standing in the typical attitude of the Yaksha images with one foot on an elephant 
and the other on a tree This is sufficient to show that he is not a water spirit, and that 
the attempt of Barua-Smha 1 to connect his name, which is otherwise unknown, with the nver 
Ganges is futile 

B 6 (735), PLATES XVI, XXX 

ON the inner face of the same pillar as Nos A 95, B 4 and B 5, now in the Indian 
Museum, Calcutta (P 1) Edited by Cunningham, PASS. 1874, p 111; StBh (1879), p 26, 
133, No 24, and PI XXI and LIII, Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL (1886), p 65, No 42, and 

1 The phonetic identification of Gamgita with Sk Gangeya proposed by them is obviously im- 
possible, and their other observations on Gangeya are also incorrect According to them the Mvp. 
mentions a snake-king Gangeya, 'one belonging to the Ganges or Gangetic region', but in the said text 
nothing of that kind occurs In the hsts of Nagarajas therein (167, 77-80) Ganga Nagar , Smdhur 
Nagar , Sita Nagar , Pakshur Nagar , are mentioned where Pakshur obviously is a mistake for Vakshur 
(Oxus) The same line, only with the reversing of the last two names, is also found in the Mahdm 
p 247 The water deities naturally represent the four wellknown worldstreams flowing in different 
directions, and when they are called here Nagarajas, that corresponds to the later view seeing Nagas in 
all water deities and even in Varuna Barua further deduces from the representation of Gamgita. 
' There must have been a distinct Buddhist Discourse, the Gangeya-Sutta, giving an account of the demi- 
god, as well as of the circumstances that led to his conversion to Buddhism This Sutta must have 
contained a description of the terrors caused by him before he was tamed by the Buddha' Such out- 
bursts of imagination, unrestricted by any critical outlook, unfortunately occur frequently m 
Barua's work 


PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 230, No 42, Barua-Smha, BI. (1926), p 72, No 181, Barua, 
Barh, Vol II (1934), p 68, and Vol III (1937), PI LXII (70), Ludm,Bharh. (1941), p 10 f 

Chakavako nagaraja 

Chakavaka (Chakravdka), the king of the Nagas 

The figure on the right of the middle figure (B 4) is determined by the inscription 
given above A naga of the name of Chakravaka is not known from other sources In attitude 
and dress he does not differ from the ordinary type of the Yaksha figures, but he is distin- 
guished from them by a five-headed cobra surmounting his turban He is standing on rocks 
with caves from which some wild beasts are looking out, right above a lotus-lake inhabited 
by water-fowl, a crocodile and a tortoise This lake is apparently the abode of the Naga 

B 7 (726) , PLATES XVI, XXXI 

ON an intermediate pillar, probably of the South-Eastern quadrant, 1 now in the 
Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 10) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 20, 133, No 15, 
and PI LIII, Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL (1886), p 64, No 34, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), 
p 230, No 34, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 70, No. 178; Barua, Barh Vol. II, p 63, and 
Vol III (1937), PL LVIII (64), Luders, Bharh (1941), p 11 f 


Supavaso yakho 


The Yaksha Supavasa (Supravnsha} 

The image to which the label refers resembles in attitude and dress the Yaksha figures 
described under Nos B 1, B 3, B 4, and B 5 The Yaksha is standing on the back of an 
elephant carrying a garland in his trunk 

The Yaksha is not known from other sources. His name probably goes back to 
Supravnsha, as suggested by Hultzsch As the reading of the label is quite distinct, I cannot 
agree with Barua-Smha who propose to correct it to Supavaso, merely because a lay-sister 
bearing the name of Suppavasa is mentioned in A 1,26. I refrain from discussing their 
further fantastic explanation of the name 

B 8 (770), PLATES XVI, XXXI 

ON an intermediate pillar of the South-Western quadrant, now in the Indian 
Museum, Calcutta (P 16) Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 111, StBh (1879), 
p 20, 22, 136, No 59, and PI XXIII and LIV, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 68, 
No 73, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 233, No 73, Barua-Sinha, BI. (1926), p 73 f , 

1 Cunningham's remark on p 20 that the pillar belonged to the West is probably a mistake On 
the other face of the pillar a female figure, called a Lotus-nymph by Barua, is to be seen, standing on a 
lotus-cluster, cf Barua, Barh , Vol I, p 19, and Vol. II, 75 


No 186,Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 73 f and Vol III (1937), PI LXV (78), Luders, 
JBharh (1941) p 16 ff 


Sirima devata 

The goddess Sirima (Snmatl) 

The goddess is represented standing on a rail like the Yakha Suchiloma (B 9) re- 
presented on the opposite side of the pillar The artist did not, as usual with other deities ? 
-characterize both these figures by a vdhana The goddess carries m her right hand, which is 
damaged, the same object, probably a chamari, as the goddess figured in the centre of 
Cunningham's PI XXI 

Amidst the solitary figures at Bharhut some smaller deities are found the names of 
which occur in the canonical literature, and which therefore have their proper home 
probably in Eastern India So our goddess as also the Yakha Suchiloma (B 9) are probably 
figures from the old Buddhist literature Sirima as a woman's name occurs in the 
JMidanakatha (J 1, 34, 26, 41, 3), and also in the donor inscription No A 48 It is the 
feminine form of Sirima which appears as the name of a man above in No A 110 It corres- 
ponds to P Smmati, Sk Srimati as remarked long ago by Hultzsch In the Vv I, 16, we 
are told that there was a beautiful courtesan at Rajagaha, called Sirima, who on account 
of her devotion to the Buddha was reborn as a goddess [ But the Sirima represented on the 
Bharhut pillar shares probably only the name with this goddess In the Mm. and in the 
Lahtav. there is a travelling-benediction pronounced by the Buddha for the merchants 
Trapusha and Bhallika The text, preserved in two only slightly different versions, contains 
a list of divine maids (devakumanka} who, in groups of eight, guard the four quarters The 
first two guardians of the Western region are called Lakshmivatf and Srlmati in the Mvu. 
(Ill, 307, 8), and Snyamati and Yasamati in the Lahtav (389, 7), where Sriyamati is only an 
attempt to sanskritise Smmati in accordance with the metre This devakumanka Smmatv 
having her seat in the West, is undoubtedly identical with our Smma devata and her statue 
has probably been, not without reason, assigned to a pillar of the South- West quadrant to 
protect that side of the Stupa Of course she too has nothing to do with the deity Sri (Sin)- 
Sin appears in the Jatakas in allegorical poems as personification of good luck, thus in the 
Sirikalakannij (382) by the side of Kali, the personification of bad luck. Here she is the 
daughter of Dhatarattha, the regent of the East, whereas the father of Kali, Virupakkha, is 
the regent of the West In the Sudhabhojanaj (535) Sin, Good Luck, Asa, Hope, Saddha, 
Devotion, and Hirl, Modesty, are the daughters of Sakka They show themselves i 
different directions, and here also (G 44) the East is assigned to Sin 

It is completely false when Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p 217, compares the Sirim^ 
of Bharhut with the Diana of Ephesus for he sees a token of fertility in her developed breasts- 
If the artist gave well-developed breasts, thin waist, and broad hips to the statue, he did nc* 
give them as special tokens of fertility, but he intended only to accomplish the ideal of the 
female body as it has been described to us again and again in Indian poetry .3 

an Mz/ HCr S 35cT S ^ atlength m DhA > Vo1 In p 104 ff ' 308 ff and V A > P- 74 ff > and alluded tc 

a the retinue of Skanda 


B 9 (771); PLATES XVI, XXXI 

ON the opposite side of the same pillar as B 8, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(P 16) Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 111 Cunningham's reading was 
corrected by Childers, Academy Vol VI (1874), p 586, edited again by Cunningham, StBh 
(1879), p 20, 136, No 60, and PI XXII and LIV, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol. XL (1886), 
p 68, No 74, and PI , IA Vol XXI ^1892), p 233, No 74, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), 
p. 69 f , No. 177, Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), p 61 f , and Vol III (1937\ PI LVIII (63), 
Luders, Bharh (1941) p 12 f 


Suchilomo yakho 

The Yaksha Suchiloma (Suchiloman) 

According to a Sutta which is found in the Sn p 47 ff and again in the S I, 207 f , 
the Yaksha Suchiloma lived at Gaya in the Tamhta-mancha 1 in the company of the Yaksha 
Khara When the Buddha dwelt at that place, Suchiloma behaved haughtily and rudely 
towards him, but the Buddha calmly answered his question about the origin of passion and 
ill-will In both commentaries on the texts the Yaksha is said to owe his name to the quality 
of the hair of his body which was like needles, thus proving that the original name was 
Suchiloma Similarly the Yaksha whose taming by the Bodhisattva is told in J 55 is called 
Silesaloma, because everything stuck fast upon the hair of his body. In the label, Suchilomo 9 
of course, may be an inaccurate spelling for Suckilomo, but it is remarkable that there is 
nothing in the image to indicate that bodily peculiarity, the Yaksha being represented as an 
ordinary well-dressed man who, with folded hands, stands on a rail Probably this concep- 
tion of the Yaksha is influenced, as Barua remarks, by the later legend occurring in the SnA. } 
where it is said that Suchiloma and Khara by the advice of the Buddha became friendly, 
"gold-coloured and decked with heavenly ornaments " It is perhaps for the same reason 
that the name Suchiloma is frequently changed in the manuscripts to Suchiloma (Sk suchiloman) , 
* White-haired ' 

In later times Suchiloma was metamorphosed into a serpent In the snake-spell of the 
Bower MS p 224 he is called Suchiloma, in that of the Mdham p 221 Suchiroman 

B 10 (790) , PLATES XVI, XXXII 

ON the same pillar as No A 39, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 31). The 
inscription is engraved by another hand than No A 39 Edited by Cunningham, PASB 
1874, p III 9 StBh (1879), p 20, 137, No 78 and PI XXIII and LIV, Hultzsch, %DMG 
Vol XL (1886), p 70, No 89, and PI , IA. Vol XXI (1892), p 234, No 89, Barua-Sinha, 
BI. (1926), 72, No 183; Barua, Barh Vol. II (1934), p 71, and Vol III (1937), PI LXIV 
(74), Luders, Bharh (1941), p 12 

1 Barua 5 s supposition (Barh , III, p 55) that the rail beneath the figure of Suchiloma is representing 
the Tamkitamancha is quite Tunbehevable According to the commentary the Tarnkitamancha consisted 
of a stone-plate put on four stones The explanation of the word given in AO , XV, p 101, seems to 
me doubtful. 


yakhim Sudasana 1 

The Yakshini Sudasana (Sudarsana) 

The label refers to a female figure raising her right hand and standing on a makwa* 
Sudarsana occurs as the name of a Yaksha in the Mahdm p 231, also of a Nagaraja,, 
ibid 246 (cp B 37), but Sudarsana does not seem to be known m Buddhist literature. In 
the Mbh 13 3 2, 4 ff , Sudarsana is the daughter of king Duryodhana of Mahishmati and the 
river goddess (devanadi) Narmada She was so beautiful that Agni fell in love with her and 
married her I am inclined to identify the Sudarsana of the Epic with the Yakshini represen- 
ted m the sculpture The daughter of a river goddess and wife of a god may well have been 
called a Yakshini m the language of this time, and her vahana, the makaia, seems to- 
mdicate that she was the child of a river and perhaps a river goddess herself, just as her 
daughter-in-law Oghavati, of whom it is said in the Mbh that half of her became a river 
(ibid V 168) Her descent from the river Narmada and the king of Mahishmati shows 
that she has been a local deity of Central India She could therefore be very well known 
and adored in Bharhut also 

B 11 (717), PLATES XVI, XXXII 

ON the same pillar as No A 71, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 17) The 
inscription is engraved in continuation of No A 71 Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, 
p. lll.StBh p 22, 132, No 6, and PI XXIII and LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), 
p 63, No 26 (second part), and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 229, No 26 (second part); 
Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 73, No 184, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 71 f and Vol III 
(1937), PI LXIV (75); Luders, Bhdrh (1941), p 15 f 

Chulakoka devata 

The goddess Chulakoka (Little Kokd) 

The goddess is represented standing on an elephant under an Asoka tree in full 
flower a With her right hand she grasps a branch above her head, while her left arm and 
her left leg embrace the stem of the tree which is entwined also by the elephant's tusk The 
goddess has a counterpart m the goddess Mahakoka represented on a pillar at Pataora 
(No B 12) Barua-Smha boldly translate Koka by hunter-goddess, but there is absolutely 
nothing m the outward appearance of the goddess nor m her name to warrant this meaning 
ML koka denotes the wolf, the chakravdka and a certain insect Lexicographers give it also 
the meaning of frog and date-tree and quote it as a surname of Vishnu As a personal 
name it occurs already m the S Br and Koka is perhaps the name of a river But koka 
Has nowhere the meaning of dog,a as supposed by Barua-Smha, and the fact that in the 

first akshara has an z-sign and an w-sign 

tL^Tlll\^ Barua - SlI *a can declare that it may be a date-palm 
J, Vol V p 273? note L 2 ^ ^ **** ^ ^ W lf ' Was ^own long ago b/Cowelland Rouse, 


DhA (III, 31-34) a hunter, who has a pack of hounds with him, bears the name of Koka 
cannot possibly prove that the goddess Koka had anything to do with hunting. I have no 
doubt that Koka is an abbreviated name and that Mahakoka and Chulakoka are identical 
with the goddesses (devata) Kokanada and Chulla-Kokanada, the daughters of the ram-god 
Pajjunna, who in S I, 29 ff are said to have recited some Gathas before the Buddha, when 
he was residing in the Kutagarasala at Vesall r In the labels, the names are used in a 
shortened form as Bhima for Bhlmasena As Koka is another name of Chakravaka both 
goddesses owe their names probably to their voice resembling that of a chakravdka z 

B 12 (811), PLATES XVI, XXXII 

ON a pillai, no\\ at Pataora 3 Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 22, note 4; 
139, No 98, and PI LV; Hultzsch, DMG. Vol XL (1886), p 60, IA Vol. XXI (1892), 
p 229, note 27, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 73, No. 185, Barua, Barh Vol. II (1934), p 72, 
Luders, Bhath (1941), p 15 f 

Mahakoka devata 4 


The goddess Mahakoka (Great Koka}. 
With regard to the goddess see the remarks on No. B 11. 

'This identification is also suggested by S Paranavitana, Artibus Asiae, Vol XVI (1953),p 177, 
who translates Kokanada and Chulla-Kodanada as ' Lily ' and * Little Lily '. 

2 A female figure very similar to that of Chulakoka is represented on a pillar shown by Barua, 
Barh , III, PI LXV (76) She stands on a bridled horse winding her left hand and left leg round the 
stem of a tree while she gi asps a branch hanging above her with her right hand A label is missing 
Barua 1 c II, p 72, is of the opinion that we should be fully justified to take her as Majjhimakoka, the 
middle hunter-goddess, and to see in her the tutelary deity of the middle class of hunters ranging the 
forest on horse-back, whereas Chullakoka is the tutelary goddess of the special class of hunters ranging 
the wood on the back of elephants, and Mahakoka is a goddess of the general class of hunters. I am 
afraid such a pecuhai addition to mythology will not find much approval 

3 Perhaps, as Barua (Barh , II, p 72) supposes, this is the pillar figured in Cunningham, StBh , 
PI XX, and Barua, Barh , PI XXIII (19), where a woman is represented grasping with her right hand 
the twig of an Asoka tree in full bloom, but there is no inscription visible in the photograph She 
resembles the figure designated as Chulakoka but the workmanship is much cruder than that of the 

4 From Cunningham's eye-copy 



B 13 (779), PLATES V, XXXIII 

ON the same pillar as No A 29, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 8) The inscrip- 
tion is engraved over a medallion, directly below the donative inscription No A 29, but 
m a different hand Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 115, StBh (1879), p 46; 
113; 137, No 68, and PI XXIX and LIV; Hultzsch, %DMG Vol. XL (1886), p 69, No 81 
(second part), IA. Vol. XXI (1892), p 234, No 81 (second part), Ramaprasad Chanda, 
MASI No I (1919), p 19, and PI V, No 4, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 39, No 135, Barua, 
Bark Vol II (1934), p. 1 f, and Vol III (1937), PI XXXV (26), Luders, Shark (1941), 
p 26 ff 

bhagavato Vipasmo bodhi 

The Bodhi tree of the holy Vipasi ( Vipasyin] 

On different pillars of the railing the Bodhi trees of five predecessors of the historical 
Buddha are depicted (Cunningham, PI XXIX and XXX) The Bodhi tree of Sikhm who 
is the second in the well-known row of the seven Buddhas is missing But we may almost 
certainly assume that the relief which represented the tree of Sikhm has been destroyed or 
deported All the five available reliefs have labels which do not leave any doubt about then 
identification The addition of sdlo after bodhi in the inscription B 14 makes it certain that 
bodhi is used in all the reliefs in the sense of Bodhi tree as it is frequently done in Pah and 
Sanskrit literature ' 

The repiesentation in all the five sculptures is stereotyped On both sides of the 
stone seat, which rises above the Bodhi tree, a person is shown kneeling These kneeling 
figures are sometimes two women (B 16, B 17), sometimes two men (B 13), sometimes a man 
and a woman (B 14, B 15) Some other people stand behind them, normally two as in 
B 14-17 In all these four reliefs, one person is depicted on both sides of the tree, offering 
garlands or strewing flowers, and the arrangement is always such that a man stands behind 
a kneeling woman, and a woman behind a kneeling man In our relief (B 13), however, nine 
men, five on the left and four on the right side of the tree the trunk of which is decorated 
with a broad band are represented offering garlands or bouquets, or showing their venera- 
tion. These persons are meant as human worshippers which suggests that the sculpture 
illustrates, not the enhghtenment of the Buddha, but the worship of the Bodhi tree (see B 14). 

The names of the five Buddhas occurring in the different labels are the same as in 
Pah. But of the Bodhi trees only the four of the last Buddhas depicted in the reliefs 
correspond exactly to the statements m the Mahapadanasutta (D II 4), in the Bv and in 
the Nidanakatha (J I 41 ff.), according to which the Sala (Shorea robusta) belongs to 

1 Gf B 14, f n. 2, p. 84 


Vessabhu, the Sirisha (Acacia sinssa) to Kakusandha, the Udumbara (Ficus glomerata) 
to Konagamana, the Nyagrodha (Ficus indica) to Kassapa These texts however mention 
that the Bodhi tree of Vipassi is the Patali tree (Bignonia suaveolens), and, as pointed out 
by Anderson, 1 it is a special feature of our medallion that the tree represented is not the 
Patali, as assumed by Cunningham, but undoubtedly the Asoka tree (Saraca Indica) A 
comparison of our tree with the unmistakable representation of the Asoka tree embraced by 
a female deity with a leg (as in B 11) does not leave any doubt regarding the identity of the 

The divergence is surprising, but it would be wrong to attribute it to a mere mistake of 
the sculptor He evidently followed another tradition, for the same tree reappears in Sanchi 
There on six architraves of the four gates of Stupa I the seven last Buddhas are symbolized 
by their Bodhi trees or their stupas In two cases, on the reverse of the uppermost archi- 
trave of the eastern gate (I) and on the obverse of the middle architrave of the northern 
gate (II), the seven Bodhi trees are represented one beside the other On the four other 
architraves, trees and stupas alternate In two cases, on the reverse of the uppermost 
architrave of the southern gate (III) and on the obverse of the uppermost architrave of the 
western gate (IV) the arrangement is tree, stupa, tree, stupa, tree, stupa, tree In the 
remaining two cases, on the obverse of the uppermost architrave of the eastern gate (V) as 
well as on that of the northern gate (VI), the succession from the left to the right 2 is stupa, 
stupa, tree, stupa, tree, stupa, stupa As far as I can judge from the photographs of the 
architraves the first tree to the left in (I) is an Asvattha, the last to the right an Asoka, in 
(II) the first tree on the left is an Asoka, the last to the right, which seems to be much weather- 
beaten, can be an Asvattha Now probably as the traditional succession of the Buddhas 
is followed in the arrangement, running once from the left to the right and at another time 
from the right to the left, and, as the Asvattha or the Pippala (Ficus rehgiosa) is assigned 
in the whole Buddhist literature of all times to Bakyamum, 3 we may assume with certainty 
that the Asoka tree is the tree of Buddha Vipasyin as far as these sculptures are concerned 
Of the rest of the architraves, I have only photographs of (IV) and (V) at my disposal which 
-are sufficiently clear to confirm the above result In (IV), the first tree to the left is 
probably an Asoka, the last to the right is certainly an Asvattha In (V) the tree to the 
left is an Asvattha, the tree to the right an Asoka In (IV) and (V) therefore apparently 
the fiist and the seventh Buddha are represented by their Bodhi trees, the other Buddhas 
by stupas The assignment of the Asoka tree to Vipassin can also be confirmed by literary 
evidence In the Maham it is said of Vipasyin: asokam asntyajmo Vipasyi (1 c p 227) 


INSCRIPTION on the same pillar as No. A 38, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 12). 
The inscription is engraved below a medallion Edited by Cunningham, StBh. (1879), 
p 132, No 3, and PI XXIX and LIII, Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL (1886), p 63, No. 24, 
and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 229, No 24, Barua-Smha, BL (1926), p 40, No 137, 

1 Cat , I, p 30 

2 Left 01 right has to be understood from the spectator's point of view 

3 Block's statement (ASIAR , 1908-9, p 139, f n 2) that the Nidanakatha and other Pali sources 
call the tree a mgrodha rests on a misunderstanding of the passage in the Nidanakatha J , I, 68 f The 
Nyagrodha under which the Bodhisattva was sitting, when Sujata was bringing the milk-nee to him, 
does not have anything to do with the Bodhi tree In the Nidanakatha, the Asvattha is expressly 
mentioned as the Bodhi tree of Sakyamum, see J , I, 34 fF and J t I, 15 assattharukkhamule 


Barua, Barh. Vol II (1934), p 2 f , and Vol III (1937), PI XXXV (28), Luders, Bharh 
(1941), p 26 ff 

bhagavato Vesabhuna 1 bodhi salo 

The Bodhi tree of the holy Vesabhu (Visvabhu), a Sala tree 

The medallion represents a Sala tree (Shorea robusta) hung with garlands, with a seat 
decorated with flowers in front of it On the top of the seat, under an umbrella, there is a 
chakra surmounted by a tnsula Two worshippers are kneeling on each side of the seat, a 
man to the left and a woman to the right Behind the man there is a woman holding a 
garland and behind the woman a man scattering small objects, probably flowers, from a 
small bowl which he holds in his left hand 

The Sala tree is mentioned in Pah (D II, 4, J I. 42) and in the Mahdm p 227 as 
the tree under which VisVabhu obtained enlightenment The addition of salo in the inscri- 
ption makes it certain that bodhi is used here in the sense of Bodhi tree as is frequently done 
in Pah and Sanskrit literature 8 , and the presence of human worshippers in the relief affords 
additional proof that the sculpture illustrates, not the enlightenment of the Buddha, as 
supposed by Bloch 3 , but the worship of the Bodhi tree as a pdnbhogika chaitya The name of 
the Buddha is the same as m Pali (Vessabhu). In Sanskrit it appears as Visvabhu, the nomina- 
tive Visvabhuk (Mvp. 2, 8, Maham p 227) 4 is, of course, due to wrong Sanskntisation 


ON a pillai of the North- Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(M 7) The inscription is engraved over a medallion Edited by Cunningham, PASS. 
1874, p 115, StBh (1879), p 46, 114, 137, No 72, and PI XXIX and LIV, Hultzsch, 
%DMG Vol XL (1886), p 69, No 84, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 234, No 84, Rama- 
prasad Chanda, MASI No I (1919), p 20, and PI V, No 17, Barua-Smha, BL (1926), 
p 40, No 138, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 3, and Vol III (1937), PI XXXVI (29); 
Luders, Bharh (1941), p 26 ff 


bhagavato Kakusadhasa bodhi 

The Bodhi tree of the holy Kakusadha (Kakutsandha) 

1 The last akshara is really na, but na is certainly only an eiror foi no, the e-sien beine by mistake 
elongated to the right 

<u-ff *S f agam i bod ^amlpam J , 479, 1, bodhi tassa bhagavato assattho ti pamichchati J , Nid G. 79, J, I, 
A jjr.' ' bodhmule SnA > 32 > 391 > tesu vassayassa rukkhassa mule chatumaggananasamkhatam bodhim 

buddha pativyjhanti so so bodhi ti vuchchhati DA , 416, bodhiya mule Mvu , 1, 3, bodhimule,yavad rajna bodhau 
tatasahasram dattam Dwy 393 , Srimkshah pippalo 'svattho budhair bodhif cha kathyate Hal , 2, 41 , bodhih pippale 
Hem An, 2, 240 

Hemadn I, 136, 22, 137, 2 E Burnouf, Introduction a VHistoire du Buddhisme Indien, I (Paris, 1844), 
p 77, Note 2, p 388, Note 1 v ' 

*ASI Ann Rep , 1908-9, p 139, Note 1 , see the remarks below under No B 23 
But the instrumental Visvabhuva, ibid , p 249 Vihabhnt, the form of the name adopted by Baiua 
is wholly unfounded 


The lower part of the medallion has been broken off, but enough remains to show that 
it was of the common type described under Nos B 13, B 14, B 16, and B 17 In the middle 
is a Sirisha tree (Acacia sinssa) in full blossom In front of it is a seat on each side of which 
a worshipper is kneeling, a woman on the left and a man on the right Two persons are 
standing on each side of the tree, a woman holding a garland on the right and on the left 
a man throwing flowers from a cup which he carries in his left hand The literary sources 
agree with the sculpture in assigning the Sirisha tree to Kakusandha (D. II, 4; J I, 42, 
Maham p 227) 

The Pah form of the Buddha's name is Kakusandha (D II, 2 ff , M I, 333 if , Th 1187 f 
and J 1, 42 ff , 94) As the name seems to be a compound of kakud and samdha, we should 
expect rather Kakussandha In Sanskrit the name appears regularly in the strange form 
Krakuchchhanda (Mm I, 294; 318,11, 265; III, 240 f, 243, late; 5, 281, 283, Divy 333; 
Mvp 2, 9, Maham p 227, 250, Hem Abh 236) * The form Krakutsanda occurs only 
Mm I, 2 and as variant reading Mvp 2, 9 


ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(M 5) The inscription is engraved over a medallion Edited by Cunningham, PASB 
1874, p U5,StBh (1879), p 114, 132, No 11, and PI XXIX and LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG 
Vol XL (1886), p 64, No 30, and PI ; IA Vol XXI (1892), p 229, No 30; Ramaprasad 
Chanda, MASI No I (1919), p 19, and PI V, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 40 f , No 139, 
Bama,flrA Vol II (1934), p 4, and Vol III (1937), PI XXXVI (30), Luders, JBharh. 
(1941), p 26 ff 

bhagavato Konagamenasa 2 bedhi 3 

The Bodhi tree of the holy Konagamana 

The medallion over which the inscription is engraved is of the same type as the 
medallion described under Nos B 13, B 14, B 15, and B 17 In the centre there is an Udum- 
bara tree (Ficus glomerata) hung with garlands. In front of it is a seat formed of a slab 
supported by two pillars On each side of it a woman kneels kissing the seat, while a man, 
stands on either side of the tree, the one on the left offering a garland, the other holding 
in his left hand a bowl filled with some round objects, probably flowers, which he scatters 
with his right hand. 

In conformity with the representation in the relief Konagamana' s Bodhi tree is every- 
where stated to be the Udumbara tree (D II, 4; J I, 43, Maham p 227) 

Konagamenasa in the inscription is apparently a clerical error for Kondgamanasa just 
as bedhi for bodhi In Pali the form of the name varies between Konagamana and 

'Gf E Burnouf, Introduction, I, p 225, p 414 

2 Read Kondgamanasa, 

3 Read bodhi. The engraver has forgotten to add the vowel-stroke to the right (A hori- 
zontal stroke to the left of dhi could be seen in the rubbing This may not have anything to do 
with the missing right-hand vowel stroke of bo ) 


Konagamana (D I, 2 ff , J I, 42 if , 94), while in the inscription on the pillar of Nigali Sagar 
it is written Konakamana In Sanskrit literature it is distorted to Konakamuni (Mvu II, 
265, III, 240 f , 243, Mahdm p. 227) and, under the influence of popular etymology, to 
Kanakamuni (Mm I, 294, 318, Lahtav 5, Dwy 333; Dharmasamgraha VI, Mvp. 2, 10; 
Mahdm p 250) Kanakamuni, ' Gold-Sage ', further gave rise to Kanakahvaya (Lahtav 
281, 283) and Kanchana (Hem Abh 236) 


ON the same pillar as No. A 40, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (M 7) The 
inscription is engraved over a medallion below No A 40, but by a different hand Edited 
by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 115, StBh. (1879), p 45; 114; 135, No. 49, and PI XXX 
and LIV, Hultzsch, %DMG. Vol XL (1886), p 67, No 64 (second part), and PI , IA 
Vol XXI (1892), p 232, No 64 (second part) , Barua-Smha, El (1926),p 41, No 140; Barua, 
Bath Vol II (1934), p 4, and Vol III (1937), PI XXXVI(31),Luders, ^/z (1941),p. 26 ff. 

bhagavato Kasapasa bodhi 

The Bodhi tree of the holy Kasapa (Kasyapa) 

The medallion to which the label belongs is of the same type as the medallions 
described under Nos B 13-16 The middle is occupied by a tree which by its leaves and 
berries is characterized as a Nyagrodha tree (Ficus indica), though the pendent roots are 
omitted, perhaps, as suggested by Cunningham, to make room for the many garlands hung 
up on the twigs In front of the tree is a seat On each side of it a woman is represented 
embracing the trunk of the tree, the one on the left kneeling and the other on the right 
sitting on a morha and turning the back to the spectator. On each side of the tree a man 
stands carrying a garland 

The sculpture agrees with the literary tradition m representing the Banian tree as 
Kasyapa's Bodhi tree, see D II, 4 3 J I, 43, Mahdm p. 227. 




ON the left outer face of the same pillar as No A 59, now in the Indian Museum, Cal- 
cutta (P 3) The inscription is engraved on the right hand pilaster of the middle relief 
Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 113, 137, No 66, and PI XVI and LI V, 
Hoernle, IA Vol XI(1882),p 27 ff , No 23 , Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL(1886),p 69,No 80, 
and PI \IA Vol XXI (1892), p 233, No 80 , Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 53 f, No. 152, 
Barua, Bath Vol II (1934), p 14 ff, and Vol III (1937), PI XLI (37), Luders, Bhdrh 
(1941), p 170 ff 

Mahasarnavikaya Arahaguto devaputo vokato 1 bhagavato 2 sasani 3 patisamdhi 


Descended fiom ( the hall of) the Great Assembly the angel Arahaguta 
(Ai hadgupta) apprises the Holy One of (his future) reincarnation 

The interpretation of the inscription is to be based on the sculpture The centre of the 
relief is occupied by a seat surmounted by a parasol from which pendants hang down The 
surface of the seat is decorated with ornamental bands and covered with flowers and 
panchanguhkas On the foot-rest before the seat two foot-prints are seen, placed side by side 
and each marked with a wheel A large crowd has gathered round the seat With the 
exception of one person kneeling before the seat and touching the right foot-print, all are 
standing with their hands joined in devotion Two figures in the left lower corner are 
represented with wings, thus showing that the assembly consists not of men, but of gods. 
The kneeling figure undoubtedly is the devaputra Arhadgupta of the label Barua and Smha 
give a translation 4 of the label which disregards the most elementary rules of grammar, and 
further they give an explanation of the sculpture which is quite opposed to it They inter- 
pret the sculpture as the visit of Arhadgupta to the palace of Suddhodana for paying homage 
to the newly born Boddhisattva and predicting the inception of the Law of the Divine 
teacher A glance at the plate is sufficient to show the impossibility of this explanation. The 
older one of Hoernle is also untenable Hoernle reads dhokato instead of vokato and takes it as a 
present participle of a verb *dhokkati ( to greet respectfully ' which he infers from Hindi dhok 
or dhok c obedient ', ' greeting ' The two last words which he reads sasatt pahsamdhi(m) 
may mean, according to him, that Arahaguta praises the re-incarnation of the Buddha and 
in his opinion the relief refers to the ' great assembly ' in the Mahavana near Kapila- 

1 The v of vokato differs from the v of devaputo and Bhagavato by showing no vertical But all other 
readings suggested for the akshara are out of question 

a As pointed out by Hultzsch, the left half of the o-sign of to is very short, but the reading 
to is practically certain 

3 Read sdsati. 

4 " In the great assembly (of the gods) the future mauguiation of the law of the Divine 
Master is being announced by the Angel Arhadgupta, the protector of the Arhats 


\atthu which the Mahasamayasutta (D II, 253 ff j deals with This text nai rates how th 
gods approach fiom all the worlds m order to see the Buddha and the monks and how the 
Buddha takes this as an opportunity to announce the names of all these gods to the 
monks In my opinion this explanation of Hoernle is quite impossible on account of the 
fact that the scene represented in the relief does not take place in the Mahavana but m 
heaven Nothing hints at a forest Even the throne does not stand under a tree It is only 
surmounted by an umbrella If, however, the scene of the event is in heaven then the 
Tushita heaven only can be meant m which the Bodhisattva dwells before his being born mthe 
\vorld 1 Accordingly also the patisamdhi of the label can only refer to his future incarnation 
It is furthei impossible that the patisamdhi is being praised, for sasati cannot at all mean 
' praise ' sasati is used m the sense of ' to inculcate ', ' to inform ', ' to instruct something ' 
sdsam is certainly a scribe's mistake for sasati, Atahaguto devaputo . sasati patisamdhi(m) 
therefore can only mean, 'the devaputa Aiahaguta proclaims the future incarnation'. 
The genitive bhagavato can be connected with patisamdhi(m) , but with the verb wati as well" 
for verbs m the meaning of ' to say' or ' to inform' are construed m Sanskrit and in Praknt 
\ery commonly with the genitive Now we read in the Nidanakatha (J I 48) that the 
goddesses of all ten thousand Chakkavalas having heard of the Buddhahalahala came 
together according to a fixed mle in some Chakkavala and that from there they went to 

*1 , * ttVa m the TuShlta heaven and announ 'ed to him that the time had arrived for 
me a uddha for the welfaie of the world (taddpana mbbdpi td ekachakkauh 

U ^d^&&^ atia5Sa Smtlkam qmM S V ^ kdl mdU ' a Buddhatt ^ a 

r iff* +Q Tr/^ A v-t J-i rt 4- 1 1 

A j u c LCUVC -fiTanaSTUta as thp sneaker rt tVio n.r\A& ^,-,,-1 j r-r , i 

S "" "& me oucctACi UI me fiOQS and. COimprl Rhnan-nntn oc olork 

j-l.,, -~,_]_ f ji i - 1 S W1J ** ij -*-i v. ^iiiic V_.L fJilu'-'uuCiiU aS aiSO 

Vokl tn ! W rds f^ ests ~^ **<* Then we can translate the whole as above 
_ __ ? P - a / 1S ^. be " ad " Okkamto and coriesponds to Sk vyavahantah as Pah rfta, 
, ci ^ gabbhe wkkantito dukkham (dwa), Tlierag 709 From the term we may 

Ta a den habltant f ne . f the Celestlal abodes above the Tushlta 
a ive 01 mahasamaya'^' mahdsamaya, Sk mahdsamaja, 
Assembiv oi the foH^ m tViA -H-*-i,i ^c ^.u o - , 11 

It is nrnhshK t^ K * i i 6 e ol the ^utra mentioned above 

probabh to be taken as the name of the s M , where the great assembly took place 

t-on AKsmnf ** ^^^ f the Scul P tules th the literary 

P 11 ffHn Ze H ff " / 110t memi ned m the Mm > and ll told m the 
culp uf s ^ n V"f p- d ; ffe ! ent form Here agn the narrow relationship between the 

name do 3 not occur a u"" 11 V^ 1 * Whether the P*^ty of Arahaguta, whose 
Aether I; Ta been addTd m Th ?TT ^ ^^ ln ^ <W -dmon or 
Arahaguta appeals oncef i 3n trad " 1On Cann0t be decldcd In Bh5rhut ' 


panvmg the Bodhi am wh m" ^f * (J I W> J ff } nK ' Speaks f oddesses 
Arahaguto daputo nC f the %Ures ls mail d " 1 b> t he ae as 

O-^' the same pillar as NVi A 75 
____ ^ N A ?3 ' n W ln th * Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 7) Edited 

TTT ~ 



by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 112; StBh (1879), p 83, 138, No. 89, and PI XXVIII 
and LV;Rhys Davids, Buddhist Birth &0?zar(1880),p CIII;Hultzsch, DMG. Vol XL (1886), 
p 71, No 98, and PI , Burgess, ASSI , Vol I (1887), p. 65, note 3, Hultzsch, IA Vol XXI 
(1892), p 235, No 98, Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI No I (1919), p 20, and PI V, 
Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 52 f No 151, Barua, Bmh Vol II (1934), p 11 ff., and Vol III 
(1937), PI XXVI (35),Luders, Bhath (1941), p 45-52 

bhagavato ukramti 1 

The conception of the Holy one 

In the sculpture Maya is represented sleeping on her bed She is lying in full diess 
on her right side with her right hand under her head A lamp on an ornamental stand 
is burning at the foot of the bed, while a water-vessel is placed at the othei end Two women 
seated on cushions are in attendance, one having a chdmcui, the other raising her hands as if 
in astonishment A third woman is sitting on the opposite side with her hands joined m 
the attitude of devotion In the upper part of the medallion a big six-tusked elephant with 
an ornamental cloth on the top of his head is seen flying down through the air 

The question is whether the descent of the Bodhisattva in the shape of an elephant 
was meant by the artist only as a dream of the mother or as a reality The legend has been 
treated in details by Windisch, Buddhas Geburt, p 1 53 ff The texts of the Pali canon do not yet 
know it, it is mentioned neither in the Achchhariyabbhutadhammas of M (123) nor 
in the Mahapadanas of D (14) In M III, 120 it is only said shortly sato sampajdno 
Bodhisatto Tusitd kdyd chamtvd mdtu kuchchhim okkami, so also in D II, 12 of Vipassm with the 
addition ay am ettha dhammatd In the original text of Asvaghosha's Buddhach I, 3 the Bodhi- 
sattva is clearly indicated as a fruit of the conjugal intercourse of Suddhodana and Maya 
In the following verse the entering of the elephant is mentioned quite shortly as a dream of 
Maya. In the Nidanakatha, J I 50, 2 ff as well, it is only said at first that the Bodhisattva 
took his rebirth in the womb of the queen. Later on in a sort of appendix the entering of 
the elephant as a dream is narrated in greater extent than anywhere else It is peculiar 
that the description ends with the words* " So he took his rebirth under the constellation 
Uttarashadha " (evam uttat as alhanakkhattena patisandhim ganhi) 

In the story m the Mvu II, 8, 16 ff as well as in the identical narration of the concep- 
tion of the Buddha Dipamkara in I, 205, 2 ff in general a dream is told, but in the verses I, 
207, 8 ff , II, 11, 19, ff it is said that the Buddha having taken the form of an elephant, 

1 Although the meaning of ukramti is undoubtedly 'conception', it is difficult to account 
for the form of the word [Cf above p VI, ^2 (II) ] The term used for conception in 
Mvu , II, 17, 11, Lahtav 76, 7, is garbhavakranti, and avakram is generally used for the Buddha's 
entering into the womb of his mother Mvu II, 8, 19 f , 9, 6, 20, 10, 6,11, 21, 12,2, 
6, 16, 20, Lahtav, 55, 5 Hult7sch therefore read okramti m the inscription, but the first 
letter, as he remaiks himself, is distinctly u Unless we will assume a mistake of the engraver, it 
"will be impossible to trace ukramti back to avakranti, there being no evidence that ava ever became u in 
any dialect The prefix u can go back only to upa, as taught by Hemachandra in his grammar I, 173 
The examples quoted by him from the Prakrit can be parallelled by forms of uhad and uhas in Pah 
(Beobachtungen uber die Sprache des buddhistischen Urkanons, 1954, 110) I am therefore of opinion that 
ukramti represents Sk upakranti, and in support of this view I may refer to the ancient verse in Mvu , 
II, 8, 18 and Lahtav , 55, 8, where the ordinary kukshim avakrantah is replaced by udaram upagatah 


like a \\hite cloud, entered the womb of his mother pdndaiavaidhakambho bhamtva 
shaddanto mdtub kukshismim okrdnto In the following verse I, 207, 11 f, II, 12, 1 f 

the queen nariates this to her husband as a fact (rajavara pdndaro me gajardjd kukshim okrdnto) t 
but immediate!} afterwards the king speaks to the astrologers of a dream (mpinasmim asya 
sarm bhandtha bhutam phalavipakam) As an actual event, the entering of the elephant in the 
womb of the mother is furthermore spoken of m the praise song of Namatideva in I, 98, 
12: May ay d deny ah kukshismim pravisishu sa kumudasadnso vaw gajampavdm, as well as in the 
Gatha II, 298, 6 

Tushite bhavane divya otantvd himasamo ndgo bhamtva shadmshdno 
idjno agramahishim pmvishto kukshim tato tnsdhasm piakampe lokadhdtu 
Wmdisch thought it possible to add to these passages another one In Mvu II, 8, 
1 6 f it is said of the dream of Maya 

atha supmam janani jinasya tasmim kshane pasyati vai avip dkaphalam \\ 
himarajatambho me shadmshdno sucharanachdrubhujo suraktatirsho \ 
udaram upagato gajapradhdno lahtagatih anavadyagdtmmndhih \\ 
The stanza occurs again in the Lahtav 55, 6 ff 

Mdyddevi sukhasayanaprasuptd imam svapnam apasyat \ 
himarajatambhas cha shadmshanah suchamnachdmbhuj ah swaktaw \hah \ 
udaram upagato gajapradhdno lahtagahr dndhavajragdtiamndhh 1 \\ 

The Lahtav account is similar in general to that of the Mm The vision of the elephant 
B taken as a dream But in the introductory sentence (55, 3) the lemark is found that the 
Bodhisattva entered the womb of the mother as a young white elephant (pdnduw ga^to 
bhtoa) As \Vmdisch menUons, this is hinted at already in the Prachalaparivarta 39, 6 ff. 
There the Bodhisattva m the Tushita heaven asks the assembly of gods m which form he should 
enter the mother s womb The gods make different propositions, and aftei wards Ugratejas, 

L Bthm R g ^ T hG qUCStl0n Wlth the Statement that acc -d-g to ^e texts of 

the Brahmins a Bodhisattva has to enter the womb of the mother m the form of a 

h ln the sculpture The reality of the 

fi onl of the 

be ^erpreted otherwise than as an expression of 
One could object against this view by saying that in the old 

scools ^ the t d ltlon m the ^ Qf 

56,14 ff, 57, 11 ff)- P n thei Verse ln wh]ch the q^en narrates her dream (LaliW 

sucharana suvibhaktah shadvishano mahdtmd \ 

fdar^ 2 " ldhasamdhl Wrakalpas surupah. 

The stanza in PushpitaJa m^eToleth^^ ^ a J ietm * rmus hva (or srwotha) \\ 

story of Dipamkara's conception Mvu I 205 2^ ^ introductory remark leappeau also in the 
and Wmdisch wished to conclude therefrom tLt , re ' towever > Wltn the variant se^asyah forme, 
Maya, but a story, that means the histor^cation rftS^ nglna " y ln the sta ^a not the words of 
scripts. It has been added to the text bv S^rt , ^ eam But se does not sta ^d in the manu- 

else than a false conjecture for me as we can now t e f pressly stated b ^ him on p 537 So it is nothing 
Lahtav^ w STa -te on account of mama m the recast stanza of the 

^^^^t^^j^^^^^^ with her hand against the leg of the bed 
of the descending elephant This explanation seems to bein g Balanced under the pressure 
M Krarnrisch who takes the maid to be dozing at mght ^ im P lobable as the one suggested by 


Indian art the person of the Buddha is not represented, not only in his last existence on earth- 
but also in the immediately preceding period of his stay in the Tushita heaven. That is- 
proved by the relief in the middle of the so called Ajatasatru pillar (Cunningham PI XVI) 
But it is doubtful whether this practice has been followed in our particular case, for here the 
Bodhisattva does not appear in human form but in the disguise of an animal Another 
consideration is perhaps still more weighty The representations in Bharhut follow the stand- 
point of the Hinayana The Hinayana, however, accepted the dream as a prophecy of the 
birth of a future Buddha, but not the supernatural immaculate conception This is still 
maintained with all emphasis in the Sakish (Khotanese) poem of instruction 14, 54-56, and 
Asvaghosha adheres to this standpoint In the Nidanakatha a hint at the historification of 
the dream is to be found, but only in the appendix mentioned above on p 89 In the 
popular belief, however, the historification was apparently already made a fact in the 3rd 
cent B c At the end of the sixth edict of Asoka in Dhauli we find seto, the white 
one ', which refers to the figure of an elephant, and on the rock of Kalsl we find 
gajatame, ' the best elephant ' under the figure of an elephant. On the rock of Girnar 
too, an elephant must have been carved out once For below the thirteenth edict 
we find (sa)rvasveto hash sarvalokasukhdharo ndma " the completely white elephant named 
' the bnnger of happiness to the whole world ' " These inscriptions do not leave any 
doubt that the carvings of the elephant referred to the Buddha, or to speak more 
exactly to the Bodhisattva In this case it seems only possible to relate the representations 
to the person of the Buddha, and not to a dream prophesying the birth of a Buddha 

Under these circumstances it seems to me more probable that the representation of 
the conception was intended as a reality If one likes to consider the gesture of the female 
attendant as meaningless it would indeed be possible to make the following suggestion the 
relief, as the inscription says, depicts the entering of the Bhagavat, but the artist did not know 
how to express it m some way other than by representing a dream which, at least according 
to the stories in the Mvu and the Lahtav , took place at the same time as the conception 1 
That seems to be the view of Foucher, who sees (L'art Greco -bouddhique I, 291 if) just in such 
representations the basis of the historification of the original dream An altogether sure 
decision of the question is scarcely possible 

In some other point, I believe, I am more justified in deviating from Foucher. The 
queen in the relief lies on her right side 3 , as she does also in the relief of Sauchi 3 , in a relief 
in Amaravati 4 and on the frieze of Boro-Budur 5 , whereas in the art of Gandhara she 
is depicted always as lying on her left side Foucher 6 is of the opinion that this is due to an 
inadvertency or unskilfulness of the old artists But this reproach is not justified if it can 
be proved that at their time the dogma of the entering of the Bodhisattva into the right side 
of the mother did not exist at all. Indeed in the Mvu. as well as in the Lahtav. it is stated 
that the Bodhisattva was conceived in the right side of the mother's womb (mdtur dakshme 
kukshdv upapannah, Lahtav 60, 16), that after entering he remained in the right side of the 
mother's womb (dakshine parsve paryankam dbhunjitvd tishthati> Mm II, 16, 12, also 1,213, 8; 
abhyantaragatas cha bodhisattvo Mdyddevydh kukshau dakshine p drive paryankam dbhujya mshanno 

'The possibility of this explanation has already been thought of by Oldenbeig, DMG , LII, p 642 
2 How Cunningham, p 84, can say " The position leaves her right side exposed " I do not under- 

3 Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship, PL XXXIII, Foucher, Beginnings of Buddhist Art, PI IX, 2. 
4 Burgess, Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jagayyapeta, PI XXVIII, 1, Foucher 1 c PI III 
5 Pleyte, Buddha-Legende, fig 13 
6 See also Beginnings of Buddhist Art, explanation of PI III, A 1 


'bhut Lahtav. 59, 22 f.) Therefore it is said also m the Lahtav 55 that he descended into the 
right kukski' dakshinqyam(sic) kukshav avakrdmad auakrdntas cha sa dakshindvacharo 'bhun najatu 
vdmdvacharah. The entering into the right kuksht and the stay of the embryo there is quite 
in accordance with the Indian belief that a male child develops always in the right kukshi 1 
A clear hint at the supernatural entering into the right side of the mother occurs only in the 
Nidanakatha (J. I, 50, 22 f), where it is said that Maya dreamt that the elephant was 
walking three times from right to left around her bed and went into her womb having hit 
her right side matusayanam tikkhattum padakkhmam katva dakkhinapassam tdletvd* kuchchhm 
pavitthasadiso ahosi. The author of the stanza in the Mm (I, 203, 1 f ) certainly did not know 
of an entering from the right side. He says expressly that the queen lay down on her 
aright side* 

sa dam dakshmena pdrsvena pannydse sariravaram \ 
kusumalatd va drumavaram sayanam panvelhyd$ayitd z II 

The old artists therefore did not have any reason to represent the queen lying on hei 
left side, the less so as this position would have been totally improper for her. According 
to the Buddhistic view, as it is handed down in A. II, 244 f 4 , the human beings devoted to 
sensual pleasures sleep lying on their left side This position called kdmabhogiseyya is 
opposed to the position styled sihaseyya which owes its name to the belief that the lion 
takes such position while sleeping In the sihaseyya the person lies on the right side, placing 
one leg upon the other. This is the position taken by the Buddha while lying down; thus 
D II, 134, 137. atha kho bhagavd dakkhmena passena sihaseyyam kappesi pdde pddam achchhddhaya^ 
found shortened also in J. I, 119, 10 f , 330, 27 f ; DhA I, 357 etc The sihaseyya is also 
prescribed for the monk (A. IV, 87), especially in the middle watch of the night (A I, 114, 
II, 40) Therefore strictly speaking just the artists of Gandhara are guilty of a mistake when 
representing Maya in kdmabhogiseyya. 

Cunningham says that the artist tries to depict the tusks of the elephant by some 
strokes as consisting of three teeth on either side He may be right in this respect, though I 
cannot find anything of it in the photograph The relief here conforms with what is said 
in the Mvu and the Lahtav. (shadvzshana, Mm. I, 205, 3; II, 8, 17, Lahtav 55, 7, 56, 14, 
shaddanta, Mvu. I, 207, 8, II, 11, 19, shaddanta, Lahtav 39, 17, 55, 3) Neither Asvaghosha 
nor the Nidanakatha mention this attribute. The decoration of the head of the elephant 
has been added by the sculptor on his own In the Mvu and the Lahtav it is only mentioned 
that he was red-headed (suraktasirsha, Mvu. I, 205, 3, II, 8, 17, Lahtav 39, 17, 55, 7, 
indragopakasiras, Lahtav. 55, 3). That the elephant was carrying a white lotus in its trunk is 
a speciality of the Nidanakatha. In the relief the elephant does not carry a lotus 


ON a gateway pillar, now at Pataora Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 143, 
No 3, and PI XX and LVI, Hultzsch, ZDMG Vol XI (1886), p 60, IA. Vol. XXI (1892), 
p 233, note 52, Barua-Sinha, BL (1926), p. 54, No 153, Barua, Barh Vol. II (1934), p 

'See the literature given by Windisch Ic, p 19 

a The Singhalese manuscript C s reads, however, phaletvd 'having split' which is possibly the right 

3 Senart reads in the first line pannyase, the manuscripts, however, read samnyase The original 
reading of the first half of the verse was probably sa ddmm dakkhmena passena sammydsi salilavalam. In 
the second half of the stanza stood, as shown by the metre, originally dumavalam The meaning is not 
changed by these readings 

*Cf DA., 574 f 


17 ff, and Vol III (1937), PI XXIII (18), Luders, Bhdrh (1941), p 172 

Arahaguto devaputo 1 

The angel Arahaguta (Arhadgupta) 

The subject of the sculpture of which only the left half is preserved is the abhinishkramana- 
of the Bodhisattva. In the upper portion the Bodhisattva, who is indicated by his foot- 
prints, is stepping out of the palace, watched by two female deities In the middle portion 
the horse Kanthaka is seen being led along the city-wall by Chhanna, while two gods are 
looking on with their hands reverentially joined and a third is waving a chauri A parasol 
and two chauris over the horse show that the Bodhisattva is sitting on it In the lower portion 
the horse appears again on its way outside the city, accompanied by several gods rendering- 
homage or giving vent to their delight One of them is bearing a drum, while the one on the 
left who stands with his hands joined in devotion, seems to be the leader of the host, as he 
is designated by the label We have met him already in the relief descnbed under 
No B 18, where he appears as the speaker of the gods exhorting the Bodhisattva to incarnate 
himself Buddhist literature seems to ignore his name 


ON the left outer face of the same pillar as No A 59, now in the Indian Museum,. 
Calcutta (P 3) The inscription is engraved on the uppermost relief on the roof of a building 
First published by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 112, with correction by Childers-de 
Zoysa, Academy, Vol VII (1875), p 454 Edited again by Cunningham, StBh (1879),. 
p 109, 136 f., No. 64, and PI XVI and LIV, Hoernle, 14. Vol XI (1882), p 29 ff, No. 
25 a, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 68, No 78, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 233, 
No 78, Huber, BEFEO Vol XIV, No 1 (1914), p 14 ff , Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 54 ff 
Nos 155 and 156, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 19 ff, and Vol. Ill (1937), PI XLII (39). 


1 Sudhamma devasabha 

2 bhagavato chudamaho 


The hall of the gods Sudhamma (Sudharmd) 
The festival of the hair-lock of the Holy One 

[B 21 and B 22 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 
See the remarks under No B 22 


ON the left outer face of the same pillar as No A 59, now in the Indian Museum, 
Calcutta (P 3) The inscription is engraved on the same relief as No B 21, on the roof of 
another building Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 113, StBh (1879), p 109; 137,, 

'From the photograph of Cunningham's Plate XX 


No 65, and PI XVI and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol XI (1882), p 29 ff , No 25<% Hultzsch, 
ZDMG Vol XL (1886), p 69, No 79, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 233, No 79, 
Barua-Smha, SI (1926), p 54 if, No 154, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 19 ff , and 
Vol III (1937), PI XLII (39) 


1 Vejayamto pa- 

2 sade 1 

The Vejayamta (Vaijayanta) palace 

[B 21 and B 22 refer to one and the same sculpture] 

In the Nidanakatha of the Jataka (I, 64 f ) it is told that the Bodhisattva, when he had 
left his native to\\n, cut off with his own sword his hair together with the head-dress and cast 
it to the sky Sakka received it in a golden casket and deposited it m the Chulamamchetiya 
m the Tavatimsa heaven As pointed out by Huber 2 , the same story, with slight variations, 
is found in the Mm (II, 165 f ), in the Lahtav (p 225), and in the Chinese translation of 
the Abhimshkramanasutra and the Vinaya of the Mulasarvastivadins In these latter texts 
it is added that on the anniversary of the event the Thirty-three gods celebrate the festival 
of the hair-lock This festival is represented m the sculpture In the left upper 
corner there is a building surrounded by a railing It has a pinnacled dome roof and an 
arched gateway which affords a view of the hair-lock and the head-dress m the interior 
They are hing in a bowl placed on a throne and surmounted by a parasol decorated with 
pendants On each side a god stands According to the label the edifice is the hall of the 
gods Sudharma, which is frequently mentioned in Buddhist texts 3 as the hall of the Thirty- 
three gods presided over by Indra and is well known also in epic and classical Sanskut 
literature A late legend of its origin is told m the Kulavakajataka ( J , Vol I, 204) 

The adjoining building m the right upper corner is a three-stoned palace, again 
surrounded by a railing In each of the arched doors opening on the balconies of the second 
and third storeys the head of some person is seen, while on the .lower floor Indra is standing 
with four female attendants around him He is looking down at the scene below, where 
four Apsaras are dancing to the music of a band of four male and three female musicians. 
Among the instruments they are playing on a small drum to be beaten with a stick, a large 
drum played upon with the hand, and two vlnas can be distinguished. One of the females 
seems to be clapping her hands, while the two others maybe singing. Vayayanta, the name 
thV BnS t? ^ "V I 1 *'' aPPllGd t0 aH S rtS f thln ^ s belon ln to In ^ra It occurs in 

\ T T* "^ " ** ^ f hlS P alaCe > and * is kno als m 
M t0 have the Vaia ^ built 

,i o 

7 Vo I 9oTt ' aCC rdmg t0 ^ ^ end referred to in the Kulkajataka 

( J , \ oi 1, 203) it rose spontaneously from the ground 

the outer face Q ~ 

*- a clencal error for do 


Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29) Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p. 115, StBh 
(1879), p 45, 115; 120, 127 3 134, No 28, and PI XIII, XXX and LIV; Hoernle, IA 
Vol X (1881), p. 255 f , No 11, and PI , Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 65, No. 46, 
and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 231, No 46; Cunningham, Mahdbodht (1892), PI III 
(Plate only), Bloch, ASIAR. 1908-9 (1912), p 139, notes 1 and 2, and fig. 2 on p 145, 
JBarua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 41, No 141, and p 56, No 158, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), 
p 5 ff, and Vol III (1937), p 1 and PI. XXXVII (32), Luders, Bhdrh (1941), p 29 ff 


1 bhagavato Sakamunmo 

2 bodho 

The building round the Bodhi tree of the holy Sakamum (Sdkyamum) 

The sculpture represents a Pippala or Asvattha tree (Ficus rehgiosa) bearing berries. 
Two small umbrellas are visible on the top of it and streamers hang down from its branches. 
In front of the trunk, which is decorated with an ornamental band and some foliage, the 
seat, or vajrdsana, stands, consisting of a slab and four supporting pilasters It is strewn with 
flowers and surmounted by two tnratnas The tree is surrounded by a pillared hall, the sides 
of which are represented in the peculiar Indian perspective as slanting upwards The hall 
has an upper storey with a balcony fenced in by a railing. Four arched doors, two on the 
front side and one on each wing, open on the balcony An umbrella is raised before each 
door, and the two lateral doors are ornamented with a female statue on either side The 
roof is crowned by three pinnacles on the front side On the right of the building is a detached 
pillar with a bell-shaped capital bearing the figure of an elephant carrying a garland in its 
trunk The shaft of the pillar is prolonged downwards into the middle panel, and at the 
foot of it there is a stout male figure holding some round object on his head This person 
is quite different from the gods represented in the middle relief and certainly has no connec- 
tion with them, but appears to be a deity of the nether world who acts as the tutelary deity 
and bearer 1 of the pillar 

On either side of the seat a worshipper is kneeling, a man to the left and a woman to 
the right Behind the woman a man stands with folded hands, and to the left of the kneeling 
man there is a woman holding what seems to be a bunch of flowers in her upraised left hand 
while with her right she is throwing flowers on the seat In the upper portion of the relief 
divine beings are represented worshipping the tree On either side of it, in the air, is a winged 
human figure with the hind limbs, the claws and the tail of a bird 2 One is throwing flowers 
from a bowl which he carries in his left hand, while the other is offering a garland Below 

'Luders mentions that the figure is represented with a coiled pad of cloth intended as a support 
(P chumbata] on the head. It seems however more probable that the object which the figure carries 
on its head is a pot, used for offerings by the visitors to the temple, which is similar to the one borne 
on the head by some of the Mathura statues known as c porteurs de vase ', cf J Ph. Vogel, La Sculpture 
de Mathura, Pans 1930, Ars Astatica, XV, PI XLIX and L In this case the figure does not have any- 
thing to do with the pillar in front of which it stands 

2 I shall not go into the question whether these beings are to be called Gandharvas or Kinnaras 
3arua, Barh , III, p 57, calls them Vidyadharas and remarks " They must be Vidyadharas, for we read 
in the J Nidanakatha (Fausboll, J , I) Vijjddhard gandhamdlddihatthd mahapunsassa santikam Bodhirukkham 
agamimsu " Should this be right it would be of importance for the history of the evolution of the 
conception of the Vidyadhara, which I have treated in DMG , XGIII, p 89 ff But the quoted passage 
.seems to be an invention of Barua, at least I am sure that it does not occur in the Nidanakatha 


those KmnaraSj on either side of the tree, two men of much larger size than the rest of 
the figures stand, and therefore are certainly meant to be gods They are represented in the 
conventional attitude of delight, waving their garments with their right hands and touching 
their lips with their left hands either in astonishment or to sound a whistle 

The building round the Bodhi tree is found once more in a relief on a cross-bar (No. 55) 
reproduced by Cunningham on PI XXXI, 3 It shows three gates which do not appear 
in our relief, but in other respects it does not differ very much, if it is borne in mind that the 
roof here is opened, as it were, in order to reveal the tree. Even the pillar with the elephant 1 
appears here again 2 At Sanchi there is an image of the building resembling even more 
closely that of the pillar relief on the southern gateway in the scene of Asoka's visit to the 
Bodhi tree In all these cases the building evidently represents the hypaethral temple erected 
by Asoka round the Bodhi tree This temple, it is true, appears instead of the tree with the 
plain seat also m a relief on the western gateway at Sanchi, which clearly illustrates the 
temptation of the Bodhisattva Here on one side Mara's hosts are retreating, while on the 
other side the gods are celebrating the victory of the Bodhisattva But in the Bharhut reliefs 
there is absolutely nothing to indicate that the sculptors wanted to represent anything but 
the sanctuary of the Bodhi tree and its worship by divine and human beings The visit of 
the holy sites is recommended in the Mahapanmbbanasutta (D II, 140) as apt to cause 
religious emotions and a similar effect was apparently expected from looking at their images 
The relief is thus an exact counterpart of the two adjoining upper reliefs (Cunningham PL 
XIII, side and inner face) where the panmrvana is alluded to by some Stupa and the dharma- 
chakrapravartana by the Dharmasala of King Prasenajit at Sravast! (see B 38, B 39) This 
is decisive for the interpretation of the inscription It is impossible for me to follow Bloch 
1 c note 1 who translates it c the attainment of supreme wisdom by the holy Sakyamuni '. 
Bodha cannot be used here in the sense of enlightenment, but must denote either the Bodhi 
tree or the building erected around it It may be pointed out in favour of the latter alterna- 
tive that the label is engraved on the roof of the building just as the names of the Sudhamma 
sabha (B 21) and the Vejayanta palace (B 22) are written on the roofs of the buildings to 
which they refer, and secondly that the term used for the tree in Nos B 14 etc. is bodhi, not 

Sakyamum is the designation of the Buddha already in the Pali Canon 3 and m the 
Asoka inscription on the Rummmdei pillar The asvattha tree has been, as far as I know, 
everywhere and at all times the acknowledged Bodhi tree of the last Buddha Bloch's state- 
ment that the author of the Nidanakatha and other Pali writers call the tree a nigrodha tree 
is due to a misunderstanding of J I, 68 f The nigrodha tree under which the Bodhisattva 
was sitting when Sujata offered him the milk rice has nothing to do with the Bodhi tree The 
Nidanakatha shares the common view regarding the nature of the Bodhi tree as appears from 
such passages as J I, 15. assattharukkamvle abhzsambujjfussati, I, 16. bodhi tassa bhagavato 
assattho ti pavuchchati 

'Both. Cunningham, p 121, and Anderson, Cat Vol I, p 57, assert that the figure is an elephant. 
In the plate it is not quite distinct 

a l agree with Barua, Barh , II, p. 32 f, that the Bodhi tree is an Asvattha, not a Sirisha, as 
Cunningham, StBh } p 115, assumes I, however, do not see any reason why the tree here depicted 
should be_that AsVattha which was planted according to the Pachchupannavatthu of the Kalmgabodhij. 
(479) by Ananda before the gate of the Jetavana The elephant pillar by the side of the Bodhi temple 
in both the reliefs speaks decisively m favour of the fact that the same building is meant in both cases. 
It is in no way astonishing that the artists followed more or less their fancy and that their repiesenta- 
tions differed from each other in details 

3 D II, 274 



ON the railing above the middle panel of the outer face of the same pillar as No A 62, 
now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29). The inscription is engraved on the first and 
second posts from the right Edited by Cunnrngham, StBh (1879), p 134, No 29 5 and 
PL XIII, XIV and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol. X(1881), p 256 f , No 12a, and PI , Hultzsch, 
ZDMG Vol XL (1S86), p 65, No 4-7, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p. 231, No. 47; 
Cunningham, Mahdbodhi (1892), PI III (PI only), Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 44 ff., 
No 142, Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), p 8 f , and Vol III (1937), p 1 ff and PI. XXXVIII 
(33); Luders, Bhdrh (1941), p 52 ff 


1 purathima(m d)isa : Sudha- 

2 vasa de[v]a 


In the eastern quarter the Sudhavasa (Suddhavasa} gods 

[B 24-26 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 

In view of the fact that we find in the following two inscriptions utaram disa (B 25) and 
dakhinam disa (B 26), the restored reading purathimam disa may be called certain The use of 
the accusative is the same as in Gatha 9 of the Mahasamayasutta (D. II, 258, 4 f a ), where 
punmam disam, uttaram disam are found by the side ofdakkmena, pachchhimena. The Suddhavasa 
gods are mentioned already in the D II, 50; 253 f In the later classification of the gods 
they are the inhabitants of the five highest Rupadhatu heavens 

Further remarks on the sculpture are found under No B 26 


ON the railing above the middle panel of the Northern face of the same pillar as 
No A 62 now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29). The Inscription is engraved on 
the second and third posts from left. Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 134, No 30, 
and PI XIII, XIV and LIV, Hoernle, IA. Vol X (1881), p, 256 f , No 12b, and PI ; 
Hultzsch, ZDMG Vol XL (1886), p 65, No 48, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 231, 
No 48, Cunningham, Mahdbodhi (1892), PI III (PI only), Barua-Smha, BI (1926), 
p. 45 ff , No 144, Barua, Barh. Vol II (1934), p. 8 f , and Vol. Ill (1937), p 1 ff. and PI 
XXXVIII (33), Luders, Bhdrh (1941), p 53 ff 


1 utaram disa [t]mi 8 sa- 

2 vaganisisa 4 

1 The anusvara and the da have been destroyed by a deep cut 

s punmam disam Dhatarattho dakkhmena Virulhako \ 
pachchhimena Virupakkho Kuvero uttaram disam \\ 
chattdro te mahdrdjd samantd chaturo disa I 
dadallamand atthamsu vane kdpilavatthave Ik 

3 With the exception of Cunningham who read turn, all editors read tim, but as the letter is almost 
completely destroyed, the ti can by no means be called certain 

4 All editors agree in reading the second akshara of the line ta, but if the letter is compared with the 
ta m the first line, there can be little doubt that it is ga After sd the surface of the stone has been 
damaged. Hoernle supplied m, which cannot be right as, with the exception of the torana inscription, no 
na occurs in the Bharhut inscriptions On the other hand, Hultzsch and Barua-Sinha may be right in 
supplying m, although m that case we have to assume that the supposed na was separated from sd by an 
unusually large gap However, I consider it far more probable that the inscription ended with sa and 
that the apparent traces of letters are mere fissures in the stone, Cunningham also, in his eye-copy as 
well as in his transcript, gives no letter after sd. 


In the northern quarter the three (classes of) Savagamsisas (Sarvagannsamsas?} 

[B 24 26 refer to one and the same sculpture.] 

I am unable to offer a translation that would satisfy myself All interpretations of the 
inscription published hitherto are based on the reading la instead of ga in the line 2 Hoernle 
and Hultzsch transcribe the text uttaram disa tmi savatam sisam Hoernle rendered it * to 
the northern (or upper) side (are) three heads turned towards each other', while Hultzsch's 
tentative translation runs . e in the northern direction, [three covered] heads ' Hultzsch 
understood savatam as Sk samvntam, Hoernle traced it back to an adjective samvattani^ un- 
known elsewhere, but both translations are equally unsatisfactory as no three heads are seen 
in the sculpture, neither e turned towards each other * nor e covered ' Hoernle's attempt to 
refer the inscription to the relief in the lower panel is of course only a makeshift that need 
not be discussed Barua and Sinha divide savatamsisam into savata-msisdm and boldly equating 
savatamsisa with Sk sarvatramfrita or sarvdtmammta translate the inscription: c on the northern, 
side three classes of all pervading (Rupabrahmas) ', which, apart from other reasons, 
cannot be accepted as msisa cannot possibly represent mmta Probably, as remarked already 
above, the true reading is utaram disa tim savagamsisd, and as timni is used in the Prakrits with 
nouns of all three genders and Sk abhisamsati, asamsah becomes abhisimsati, dsimsati in Pali, 
we may perhaps translate the inscription into Sk uttarasyam dih tray ah sarmgannsamsah? 
' in the northern quarter the three (classes of) Sarvaganrsamsas ', i e of the gods whose kind- 
ness extends to all beings However I am ready to admit that this explanation of the name 
can by no means be called certain. But although the meaning of the name remains doubt- 
ful, we shall see later on that the three Savagamsisas correspond to the gods of the eleven lower 
Rupabrahmalokas of the later cosmographical system, see the remarks on No B 26 


ON the railing below the middle panel of the outer face of the same pillar as No A 62> 
now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta ( P 29) The inscription is engraved on the second and 
third posts from the right Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 134, No 31, and 
PL XIV and LIV; Hoernle, IA Vol X (1881), p 257, No 13, and PI , Hultzsch, 
ZDMG Vol XL (1886), p 65, No 49, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 231, No 49, 
Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 45 ff, No 145, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 8 f , and 
Vol III (1937), p 1 ff and PI XXXVIII (33), Luders, Shark (1941), 53 ff 


1 dakhinam disa chha Ka- 

2 mavacharasahasam 

In the southern quarter the six thousand Kamavacharas. 

[B 24-26 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 

The inscription, which was strangely misunderstood by Hoernle, was correctly trans- 
lated by Hultzsch In the later classification of the gods the Kamavacharas are identical 
with the gods of the six Devalokas as opposed to the twenty Brahmalokas 

l Bharh p 53 Luders translates sarvaganrsamsyah 


The twenty gods represented in the sculpture are arranged in two rows, one above 
the other, each row being again divided into two groups of five figures To make the 
division quite clear, trees are placed between and at the end of each group The figures, 
which according to the labels are representatives of the Suddhavasa gods (B 24), the three 
Savaganisisas (B 25), and the six thousand Kamavacharas (B 26), do not differ from each 
other in their outward appearance, all standing with their hands reverentially joined and 
carrying their dupattas over their right arms Greater individuality is exhibited only by the 
group of the left lower corner, the label of which unfortunately is missing owing to the 
breaking off of the stone Here four gods are represented in exactly the same attitude as 
the gods of the other three groups, but the first figure on the right has wings and the two figures 
on the left are characterized as Nagas 1 by their snake-hoods The winged figure is probably 
a Suparna 2 The fifth figure is seated on a rock, supporting his cheek with his left hand 
and scratching the ground with a stick This is the typical attitude of the mourning Mara > 
as is shown below (B 77), and I have no doubt that here also the figure is meant for Mara 
who is mourning, while all other gods celebrate some happy event in the Buddha's career. 
We do not know the name of the last group, but we may be sure that it was assigned to the 
Western quarter 

In my opinion the position of the relief below the panel showing the Bodhi tree as well 
as the attitude of the figures shows clearly that the gods are represented as paying attention, 
not to the tree, but to the dance of the Apsaras in the lower relief 3 This is of importance, 
for understanding the distribution of the quarters among the different classes of deities 

The quarters are evidently allotted to the gods according to their rank In the Buddhist 
cosmological system the Suddhavasikas are the inhabitants of the five higher Rupabrahma 
worlds As the inhabitants of the still higher Arupabrahmalokas do not have any corpo- 
rahty at all, the guddhavasikas are the highest gods that could be depicted Among the 
quarters, the East was at all times looked upon as the most prominent quarter, and it is there- 
fore duly assigned to them According to the system the Kamavacharas, on the other hand 
are the gods of the six Devalokas standing at the end of the heavens Therefore we should 
expect that the Western region is assigned to them Instead of that the Southern quarter has 
been reserved for the Kamavachara gods This, however, becomes understandable at once, 
when we realize that in the relief Nagas appear in the western region, probably also- 
Suparnas These beings can at the best be called derm-gods and stand beneath the real ^gods; 
therefore the last legion, the dighannandmavhayand disd as it is called in J 535, 58, is ngMlu y 
attributed to them Lastly the Savaganisisas, even if their name remains unexplained, can 
only correspond to the gods of the eleven lower Rupabrahmalokas of the later system bo 
they stand beneath the Suddhavasikas, but higher than the Kamavacharas, and hence it 
is quite understandable that the Northern region, which generally enjoys precedence over 

'The snake-hoods aie indistinct m the Plate, but Anderson, Cat Vol I, p 72, expressly states that 

the two figures are Nagas , r A.T- n f Q 1 ir^rna<; of Devas 

Thf Nidanakatlfa, JI, 75, 2 ff narrates how ^^*X^*J**^^^ 
and of Brahma(gods) (but not Vidyadharas which Barua Bark III, F 2 adds out 01 nis 7, 

celebrate the enlightenment of the Bodhisattva at the Bodhi tree According to the Mvu ,^ 
the same beings 4 the Nagas, Suvarnas, Devas and Brahrnakayika, ' ^^^f^rf deities 
sattva after the conception It is indeed quite probable that in the relief these four classes 

are represented WndWaldschmidt (Buddhistische Kunstin Indien I, p 70) 

3 Coomaraswamy (JRAS 1928, p M4 i J ana vvaiascuuuu v ^ *v ff0 A s ^th a relief above 

on the contrary assume some connection between our ^^l^^^ ^he^amtam that the- 
(see B 23) depicting the building around the Bodhi tree of the holy Sakyamum Iney mam 
gods represented venerate the Buddha after he reached the enlightenment 


the Southern one 5 is attributed to them. The distribution of the gods to the regions is accor- 
dingly as follows 

tim Savaganisisa 

[Mara, Nagas, Supannas]- 

Sudhavasa deva 

chha Kamavacharasahasani 

Now the statements regarding the regions given in our inscriptions can hardly refer 
to the habitations of the gods in the cosmos According to the Buddhist view the heavens 
of the gods lie above and not at the side of each other The arrangement of the gods 
can only have been made in respect of the places which they occupy as spectators of the dance 
of the Apsaras In the theatre of the classical Sanskrit period also the seats of the spectators 
are divided according to the different castes and marked by pillars in different colours 
(Bhamta 2 S 48 ff ) An amphitheatre, differing from the later theatre, has to be thought 
of in our case as the spectators stand in all the four different quarters Already in DMG. 
XCV, p 264 ff , I have shown that this was the oldest form of the auditorium for the specta- 
tors to assemble and that it, as long as the representations consisted of mimic dances and 
not of real dramatic performances, served its purpose completely 


ON the railing of the lowest relief of the outer face of the same pillar as No A 62, now 
in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29) The inscription is engraved on the fourth and 
fifth pillars of the railing from the left Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 29, 134, 
No 32, and PI XV and LIV; Hoernle, IA Vol X (1881), p 257 f , No 14, and PI , 
Hultzsch, Z&MG Vol XL (1886), p 66, No 50, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 231, 
No 50, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 47 ff , No 146, Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), p. 9 ff, 
and Vol III (1937), p 1 ff and PI XXXIX (34), Luders, Shark (1941), p 57 ff It 
is referred to by Levi, Theatre indien (1890), Appendice, p 47. 


1 sadikasammadam 

2 turam devanam 


The music of the gods accompanied by ( ? ) a mimic dance 
[B 27-31 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 

For the interpretation of the label we must turn to the sculpture 1 On the left side 
of the panel there is a group of eight female musicians seated under a tree Two are clapping 

'For Barua's explanation of this and the preceding relief one may refer to his book (Barh., 
Vol II, p 8 ff , Vol III, p. 1 ff ). So much only may be mentioned that in the middle relief (B 26) 
he at first saw the assembly held by the gods in the Tushita heaven in order to exhort the Bodhisattva 
to take his rebirth on the earth. The lower relief, representing according to him a ' forecast ' of the 
birth of the Bodhisattva, expresses the great rejoicings of the deities Later on, when T. N. Ramachandran 
had told him the right explanation of the figure of Mara he declared that the middle relief was showing 
the gods having come to congratulate the Buddha on his victory over Mara Then the lower relief is also 
brought m connection with the same According to the Lahtav 321, 7 f as well as according to the 
Nidanakatha (J I, 79, 8 ff ) the daughters of Mara in the form of women of different ages try to entice 
the Buddha Some approach him as maidens, others as women, who have given birth to children 
once or twice, others as women even more advanced in age. The female dancers in the relief are said 
to represent these daughters of Mara in their different stages of age and the dancing boy should perhaps 
hint at the fact that mothers also are amongst them A refutation of these views is superfluous. 


their hands 1 , two are playing on the the seven-stringed vma with a plectrum., two are 
drummers, one beating a small drum with a stick, while another is beating a larger one with, 
her fingers, and only the instruments played by the two females m the middle of the circle 
cannot be made out with certainty 2 The right half of the panel is filled by four female 
dancers, arranged in two pairs, one before the other They are called Apsaras in sepa- 
rate labels and special names are given to them Between the two, named Alambusa and 
Misakesi, a child is dancing too, and it will be noticed that Alambusa Is distinguished from 
the rest of the dancers by wearing a turban which ordinarily appears only as the head-dress 
of men This shows that the performance of the Apsaras is a mimic dance in which Alambusa, 
evidently the chief actress, plays the part of a man 

As recognised by Hoernle, turam is an inaccurate spelling for turam, which according to 
Hemachandra 2, 63 is the regular Prakrit equivalent of Sk. turyam, and refers to the music 
of the heavenly orchestra Hoernle was probably right also in connecting sadika with Sk 
sattaka, the name of one of the Uparupakas Instead of sattaka the commentator of the 
Karpuramanjari constantly writes sdtaka*, and as we find ndtikd by the side of ndtaka, it is 
quite possible that by the side of sdtaka there existed a feminine form sdtikd, which in Prakrit 
became sadika Sddikasammadam may be inaccurate spelling for sddikdsammadam, or it may 
be a compound in which the final vowel of the first member has been shortened as frequently 
in Prakrit In the Sahityadarpana (542) It Is said that the sattaka is similar to the ndtikd, but 
entirely written m Prakrit and without pravesakas and vishkambhakas The acts are called 
javamkd and the rasa prevailing is adbhuta According to another classification of dramatic 
performances 4 the sattaka belongs to the desindtyas, because the music and the dances employed 
in it are not of the higher or Marga class, but local varieties used in different parts of the 
country According to the Ndtakal. 2156 f. in sattaka, because women are predominant, the 
king himself talks like a woman: sattake stripradhanatvad rupakasydnurodhatah \ nnpah strivat 
pathet The only sattaka that has been made known to us is Rajas"ekhara's Karpuramanjari 5 Of 
course, the sadika of the relief Is not identical with the later sattaka., but from what we are 
told about the language, the music and the dances of the sattaka or sdtaka it becomes very- 
probable that it originally was the name of a mimic dance performed by women, which in 
later times developed into a real drama Sammada is taken by all translators as an adjective 
meaning c gay, gladdening, joyous ', although the word occurs elsewhere only as a noun. 
I cannot offer a better explanation Perhaps, sammada, originally, as indicated by the sam~, 
' gladdening together with something else ', was used as a technical term of the NatyaSastra 
In the sense of e accompanied by 5 

'The clapping of hands is apparently the pamtdlasadda (to be so read with the comm } which is 
mentioned in D II, 147, besides bhensadda, muttingas , vinas , gitas., sammas A different expression for the 
clapping of hands seems to be pdmsvara, P. pdmssara, which occurs several times as a musical entertain- 
ment (D. I, 6, III, 183, J 535, 15, 537, 111, Mm. II, 52, 15). The man clapping the hands is 
panisvanka (Mvu III, 113, 3), pdmssara (J 545, 60) Later on, it seems, one did not know of the exact 
meaning of the word Buddhaghosa explains DA 84, pamssaram by kamsatdlam pdmtdlan ti ft vadanti, 
DA 587 pamtalasaddo by pdmtdlachaturassaammanatdlasaddo \ kutabhensaddo ti pi vadanti The pdmssare 
in J. 545, 60 is explained in the commentary by pdmppahdrena gdyante The clapping of the hands 
accordingly seems to have accompanied singing. 

2 With the one, the instrument is invisible as she turns the back to the spectator The other is 
perhaps using cymbals (P. samma, Sk. iamya] 

3 Levi, Theatre mdien, Appendice, p 30. Sdtaka is quoted in the Petersburg Dictionary with the 
meaning of ndtakabheda from the Sabdakalpadruma, but the passage cannot be verified. 

4 Levi, ibid, p 5 f 

5 Three more sattakas have been published in recent years by A N Upadhye, cf his edition of 
Visvesvara's Simgdramamjari, Journal of the University of Poona, Humanities Section, No. 13, pp 33-76 


I am going to show below In the discussion of No B 39, pp. 1 13-118 that the three upper 
reliefs of the Pasenaji-pillar refer to the bodhi (cf B 23), ibepanmrvana and the dharmachafaa- 
_prauartana (cf B 39} by representing their sites and their worship by gods and men. We 
should expect to find an allusion also to the fourth incident generally associated with them, 
the jdtt As in the upper row there was no room for a fourth panel, any scene referring to the 
jdti had to be placed beneath one of the other three reliefs Now the dance of the Apsaras 
represented below the bodhi relief is certainly meant to celebrate some happy event in the 
life of the Buddha, as among all the gods who watch it Mara alone is filled with grief and 
sorrow The dance is a mimical performance in which a child takes part and the chief 
actress appears in the guise of a man Taking all things together, there can be little doubt, 
1 think, that the play acted by the heavenly ballet is the nativity of the Bodhisattva, in which 
Suddhodana and the infant Bodhisattva himself come on the stage 1 Probably miracle-plays 
of this sort were customary at Buddhist festivals and therefore ascribed also to the inhabi- 
tants of the heavenly worlds. By associating the relief with the festival celebrating the birth 
of the Bodhisattva, the figure of the mourning Mara mentioned m the remarks on B 26 
finds its full explanation AsVaghosha also does not forget to mention this fact in his 
narration of the birth of the Bodhisattva After having spoken of the music of joy of the 
gods m the sky, he goes on to say Kamadeva alone did not feel joy when the highest 
amongst the liberated of the world was born 2 So the relief, as it seems to me, fits in very 
well with the row of pictures on the pillar. 

B 28 (744); PLATE XVIII 

ON the lowest relief of the outer face of the same pillar as No A 62, now in the Indian 
Museum, Calcutta (P 29) The inscription is engraved on the right-hand pillar forming 
the border of the relief Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 115, StBh. (1879), p 29, 
134, No 33, and PI XV and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol X (1881), p 258, No. 15a, and PI, 
Hultzsch, ZDMG Vol XL (1886), p 66, No 51, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 231, 
No 51, Barua-Sinha, SI (1926), p 48 fif, No 148, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 9 ff, 
and Vol III (1937), p 1 ff and PI XXXIX (34), Luders, Bharh (1941), p 57. 

Misakosi 3 achhara 

The Apsaras Misakosi (Mtsiakesi} 

[B 27-31 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 
See the remarks on No B 31 

B 29 (745), PLATE XVIII 
ON the lowest relief of the outer face of the same pillar as No A 62, now in the Indian 

'This explanation of the relief ingenious as it is will possibly not convince the general reader 
The heavenly ballet may be only celehiating the attainment of the bodhi symbolised by the building 
round the Bodhi tree which is depicted in the upper relief of the pillar (B 23) That the lower reliefs 
may have some connection with the upper one is indicated by the fact that the shaft of the pillar 
standing to the right of the building round the Bodhi tree is prolonged downwards into the middle 
panel, as mentioned on p 95. Besides, the memorial of the Buddha's preaching in SravastI (B 39), 
taken by Luders as referring to the dharmachakrapravartana. (see p 117), is not a memorial of the first 
preaching of the law, representations of which are generally associated with those of the bodhi and the 
panmrvana Ed 

* Buddhachanta, I 27 See Weller's edition of the Tibetan text 

3 Read Misdkesi. 


Museum, Calcutta (P 29) Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 115, StBh (1879), 
p 29; 134, No 34, and PI XV and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol X (1881), p 258, No 15 d, 

Huitzsch, ZDMG. voi XL (isse), p 66, NO 52, IA Voi xxi (1892), p 231, NO 52, 

Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 49 f, No 150, Barua, Bark , Vol II (1934), p 9 ff, and Vol. 
Ill (1937), p. 1 ff and PI XXXIX (34), Luders, Shark (1941), p 57 

Sabhad[a] r achhara 

The Apsaras Sabhada (Sambkadra] 

[B 27-31 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 
See the remarks on No B 31 

B 30 (746) , PLATE XVIII 

ON the lowest relief of the outer face of the same pillar as No A 62, now in the Indian 
Museum, Calcutta (P 29) Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 115, StBh (1879), 
p 29; 134, No 35, and PI XV and LIV, Hoernle, IA. Vol. X (1881), p 258, No 15 c, and 
PI , Huitzsch, ZDMG Vol XL (1886), p 66, No. 53, IA Vol XXI (1892), p. 231, No 53, 
Barua-Smha, BI. (1926), p 49 f , No 149, Barua, Bath Vol II (1934), p. 9 ff , and Vol III 
(1937), p 1 ff and PL XXXIX (34), Luders, Shark. (1941), p 57 


1 Padum[a]vat[i] 

2 achhara 

The Apsaras Padumavati (Padmdvati) 

[B 27-31 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 
See the remarks on No B 31 


ON the lowest relief of the outer face of the same pillar as No A 62, now in the Indian 
Museum, Calcutta (P 29) Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 115, StBh (1879), p 29, 
134, No 36, and PI XV and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol X(1881),p 258, No 15 b, and PI , 

Huitzsch, ZDMG voi XL (isse), P . 66, NO 54, IA Voi xxi (1892), p 231, NO 54, 

Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 48 ff , No 147; Barua, Bath Vol II (1934), p 9 ff , and Vol 
III (1937), p Iff and PI XXXIX (34), Luders, Bhaih (1941), p. 57. 


1 Alam- 

2 busa achhara 

The Apsaras Alambusa (Alambushd) 

1 The first akshara is distinctly sa, not su, as read by Cunningham, Hoernle and Barua-Smha. 


[B 27-31 refer to one and the same sculpture.] 

As rightly pointed out by Barua-Sinha, it is not by mere chance that Alambusa and 
Missakesi B 28 are placed foremost in the sculpture They seem to have enjoyed greater 
esteem with the Buddhists than the rest of the heavenly nymphs Their names are coupled 
in a list of Apsaras occurring in Vv 2, 1, 10 f ; 4, 12, 26, and they are heading the list of the 
eight Apsaras residing in the Western quarter in Mvu III, 308, 8 , Lahtav 390, 5 Alambusa 
has gained special renown by the seduction of the great ascetic Isisinga, for which, according 
to the Alambusajataka (523), she was selected by Sakka from amongst her numerous compani- 
ons Alambusha and MisrakesI are frequently mentioned also in the Epics and the Puranas, 

Padmavat! occurs as the name of one of the eight Apsaras assigned to the Northern 
quarter in Mm III, 309, 8 and Lahtav 391, 3 The name is not found in Pali texts nor is an 
Apsaras of that name known in the Brahmanical literature Barua-Sinha are inclined to 
identify her with Pundanka who appears in the Epics and the Puranas and is mentioned also 
in the list of the Vv , but the Lahtav clearly differentiates the two, naming Pundanka among 
the Apsaras of the Western quarter. 

The name of the fourth Apsaras which clearly is Sabhadd in the label, has hitherto been 
read or corrected to Subhada. Barua-Sinha have identified the name with Subhaddd, which 
occurs as the name of an Apsaras in the passage of the Vv quoted above The printed text, 
it is true, has Subhaddd, but all manuscripts, both Simhalese and Burmese, read Sambhadda 
or Sambhadda (S a once Samsaddd)^ which exactly agrees with the form of the name in the 
label, the anusvdra being frequently omitted in the inscriptions of this time An Apsaras 
of the name of Subhadrd has never existed 


ON a pillar, now in the Allahabad Municipal Museum (Ac/2914), inscribed above 
the inscription No B 49a Edited by Kala, BkV (1951), pp. 31 f, PI 26, Sircar, EL> 
Vol.XXXIII (1959/60), p. 59 


Muchilido nagaraja 

Muchilida (Muchdimda 1 ) , the king of the Nagas 

The wording of the label is similar to the text of the inscriptions No B 6 (Chakavako- 
nagardjd] and No. B 36 (Erapato ndgarajd). It refers to the picture of a five-headed snake 
surrounding and sheltering a stone-seat standing underneath a tree The Buddha is sym- 
bolized as sitting upon the seat by two footprints cut into the footstool, each of them 
ornamented by a wheel The sculpture depicts a well-known event taking place in 
Urubilva (Pah Uruvela) under the Bodm-tree, in one of the first weeks after the Enlighten- 
ment of the Buddha 2 . When there was a great storm and shower of rain, the king of the 
Nagas protected the Buddha by winding his coils seven times round the Buddha's body 
and spreading his hooded canopy over the Buddha's head. The episode is very often 
represented in Buddhist sculpture, from Bharhut, SaSchi, Amaravati etc onwards up to 
modern times 

1 Pah Muchahnda (Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pah-Proper Names, Vol II, pp. 638 f ) , Muchilmda 
is common in Buddhist Sanskrit texts, see Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary s v 

2 A comparative edition of the Sanskrit text is to be found in E Waldschmidt, Das Catuspansat- 
sufra, Teil II, Berlin 1957, pp gS-lOl. 



ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(P 14) Edited by Cunningham, PASB. 1874, p 115 f, Childers, Academy Vol VI (1874), 
p 586, 612, with a further note by Childers-de Zoysa, Academy Vol VII (1875), p 454 f , 
Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 84; 133, No 20, and PI XXVIII, LIII and LVII, Hultzsch, 
ZDMG, Vol XL (ISSS), p 64, No 38, and PI ; IA Vol XXI (1892), p 230, No 38 
A correction was made by Bloch, JBAS Vol LXVII, Part I (1898), p. 285, and the inscrip- 
tion was edited again by Ramaprasad Chanda, MASI , No I (1919), p 20, No 16, and 
PL V; and by Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 59 if, No 161, Barua, Bark. Vol. II (1934), 
p 27 ff, and Vol III (1937), PI XLV (45), Luders, Shark (1941), p 168 ff 

Jetavana Anadhapediko deti kotisamthatena keta 1 


Anadhapedika (Andthapindihd) presents the Jetavana, having bought it for a layer of 

[B 32-34 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 

The story of Anathapmdika's presentation of the Jetavana to the Samgha occurs in 
the Chullav. 6, 4, 9 ff , 6, 9, 1 f , and in the Nidanakatha of the J Vol I, p 92 f. 

In the Chullavagga we are told that prince Jeta reluctantly sold his park to Anatha- 
pindika for a layer of crores Anathapmdika had the money brought out m carts and 
ordered the ground to be covered with pieces laid side by side Only a small spot close by the 
gateway remained uncovered, and here Jeta himself erected a kotthaka, while Anathapindika 
built viharas and all sorts of buildings required for the residence of the monks Latei on, 
when he had entertained the Buddha and his retinue at his own house, he asked the Buddha 
what he should do \\ ith regard to the Jetavana, and was advised by the Buddha to dedicate 
it e to the Samgha of the four quarters, whether now present or hereafter to arrive ' Anatha- 
pindika did so, and the Buddha praised the gift of viharas in some Gathas 

The account in the Nidanakatha is more explicit, although prince Jeta is here ignored 
altogether Anathapindika is simply said to have purchased the Jetavana for a layer of 
eighteen crores and to have erected a large number of buildings, among which the Gandhakut! 
for the Dasabala is expressly mentioned. After the completion of the buildings Anatha- 
pindika arranges a sumptuous inaugural ceremony Together with 500 setthis and accom- 
panied by his son, his two daughters and his wife, each followed by a retinue of 500 persons, 
he receives the Buddha who has come for that purpose from Rajagaha The account of the 
conversation between Anathapindika and the Buddha, the transfer of the drama to the Samgha 
and the praise of the Buddha is almost literally the same as in the Chullavagga, but it is 
added that the merchant poured water from a golden bhimkara on the hand of the Buddha 

The representation of the sculpture is more in keeping with the later version In the 
right half of the medallion Anathapindika is standing by the side of a bullock cart with the 
yoke tilted up in the air and two bullocks unyoked lying beside it A labourer is engaged m 
unloading coins from the cart, while another is carrying a load of coins on his back to the 
spot where they are to be spread Two other seated labourers are covering the ground 

'The reading is distinctly keta, not keto as assumed by Barua-Smha. 


with the coins which by their square form and the symbols they bear are shown to be punch- 
marked kahapanas. In the centre Anathapindika is seen again, pouring out the water of 
donation from a bhimkam on the hand of the unseen Buddha On the opposite side six well- 
dressed male persons stand, the foremost among them with his hands reverentially joined, 
while another is waving his garment and a third one expresses his approval in the typical 
fashion by whistling They are probably the setthis whom Anathapindika has invited to take 
part in the inauguration festival The most conspicuous person may be prince Jeta, al- 
though he is not mentioned in the Nidanakatha, but it is not quite impossible that he is meant 
again for Anathapindika and that the scene represents the reception of the Buddha by the 
merchant at the head of his followers 

Besides, the medallion shows two buildings on the left side, which according to separate 
labels (B 33, B 34) are the Kosambakuti and the Gandhakuti In the left lower part at the 
side of the Kosambakuti a mango tree loaded with fruit is to be seen The block at the foot 
of the tree can scarcely represent anything but a stone seat, and the railing depicted in 
front of it is certainly meant as a fence for the tree 1 It seems to me scarcely probable that 
this mango tree which has got such a prominent place in the sculpture is only representing 
the mango trees which were spared when, according to a modern version of the legend, the 
trees in the park were cut down 2 I should rather believe that Cunningham 3 was right 
when he identified it with the Gandamba tree in the legend of the great miracle of Sravasti, 
which the Buddha by his supernatural power made grow up from the kernel of a mango 
fruit before the eyes of a large crowd at Sravasti This indeed does not exactly agree with 
the statement of the text according to which the miracle took place in 'front of the gate of 
Sravasti 4 ' or 'between the Jetavana and Sravasti' 5 Now we are told by Huan-tsang that 
60 or 70 feet to the east of the Sangharama founded at the site of the old Jetavana there was 
a Vihara nearly 60 feet high containing a seated Buddha Statue Here the Tathagata once 
had a discussion with the Tirthikas 6 This Vihara, built at the place of the discussion, is 
already mentioned by Fa-hien Giving particulars, he says that it lay outside the Eastern gate 
of the Jetavana, at a distance of 70 feet in the Northern direction and to the Western side of 
the street 7 I fully agree with the opinion of Foucher 8 that the Vihara marked the place 
of the victory of the Buddha over the Tirthikas on the occasion of the great miracle Accor- 
dingly at least in the 4th century the miracle was already localized in the immediate vicinity 
of the Jetavana A stotra on the eight great chaityas, translated by Fa-t'ien in about 1 000 
A D , expressly called the Jetavana the locality of the Mahapratiharya 9 All this makes it, 
I think, very probable that the artist added the mango tree when representing the Jetavana 
The anachronism of which he made himself guilty while doing so may have scarcely disturbed 
him The wish to show the famous tree in his picture must have overcome the possible 
scruples regarding the historical truth Below, in the treatment of the inscription B 39, 
I am going to explain that m the rest the Bharhut relief, when depicting the miracle of 

1 1 cannot understand how Barua, Barh. II, p 30, is able to explain it as a basement of a new edifice. 

a Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p 218, states that the trees in the park, with the exception 
of the sandal and the mango trees, were cut down. In the older texts nothing is said of it In the 
Jetavana relief on the railing of Buddha-Gaya four different trees are depicted in order to hint at the 
garden, but m any case no mango tree is to be seen See Bachhofer, Fruhmdische Plastik, PI 42 

*StBh p 87. 

4 cf Sarabhamiga-jataka (No 483) , J IV, 264 

5 Diyy. p 155. 

6 Beal, II, p. 10. 

7 Legge, p 59 f 

8 Beginnings of Buddhist Art., p 183 f 

9 S L6vi, Actes du dixieme Congres international des onentahstes, P II, p 190 


Sravasti, represents an older version of the legend than the one found in the Pali commen- 
taries On the other hand exactly here the close connection with the tradition of the Theras 
is evident if the version in the text of the Mulasarvastivadins is held against it. 

The wording of the label closely agrees with the text of the Pali scriptures atha kho 
Andthapindiko gahapati sakatehi hirannam mbbdhdpetvd Jetavanam kotisantharam santhardpesi 
(Chullav], Jetavanam kotisanthdrena atthdrasahirannakotihi kimtvd navakammam patthdpesi ; imam 
Jetavanavihdram dgatdndgatassa chdtuddisassaBuddhapamukhassa samghassa dammiti adasi (Nidanak ) 
Anadhapediko, which is defective writing for Anadhapemdiko, is the form of the name in 
the eastern language of the Canon The form ketd was correctly explained by Bloch as 
gerund going back to *krayitvd=Sk kritvd, P kinitvd 


ON the run of the medallion on the same pillar as No B 32, now in the Indian Museum,, 
Calcutta (P 14) Edited by Cunningham, PASB. 1874, p 116, StBh. (1879), p. 85, 133, 
No 21, and PI XXVIII, LIII, and LVII, Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL (1886), p. 65, No 39, 
and PI ; IA. Vol XXI (1892), p 230, No 39 Hultzsch's translation was corrected by Bloch, 
JBAS Vol LXVII, Part I (1898), p 286, and the inscription was edited again by Barua- 
Smha,5/ (1926), p 59 f., No 163, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 27 ff, and Vol. Ill (1937), 
PL XLV (45) 


Kosabakfujti 1 


The cottage of the Kosabas (Kausdmbas] 

[B 32-34 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 

As to the meaning of the term see the remarks on No B 34 


ON the rim of the medallion on the same pillar as No B 32, now in the Indian Museum,. 
Calcutta (P 14) Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 116, StBh (1879), p 85, 133, 
No. 22, and PI XXVIII, LIII, and LVII; Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 65, No 40, 
and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 230, No 40, Barua-Smha, BL (1926), p. 59, No 162; 
Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 27 if, and Vol III (1937), PI XLV (45) 

gadhakuti 2 
The perfume cottage 
[B 32-34 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 

'Hultzsch and Barua-Smha read Kosa\m\ ba-, but there is no anusvara. Cunningham's eye-copy 
also shows no anusvara. 

2 Hultzsch and Barua-Smha read ga\m\dha-, but there is no anusvara In Cunningham's eye-copy 
no anusvara is visible either 


The sculpture definitely proves that gandhakuti and Kosambakuti were not rooms or 
apartments, but one-stoned buildings of moderate size The gandhakuti seems to have been 
the larger structure It has an oblong roof with two pinnacles, while the roof of the 
Kosambakuti is round and bears but one pinnacle In all other respects the two buildings 
are much alike The open arched gate affords the view of a seat decorated with floral 

Neither of the kutis seems to be mentioned in the earlier Buddhist literature It is 

only in the later texts that the terms turn up In the Nidanakatha it is said that Anatha- 

pindika had it erected in the midst of the Jetavana In the commentary on Sn 456 aeiho 

applied to the Buddha is explained as meaning * without longing ' (ageho), since * houseless' 

would not suit, the Buddha having various dwelling-houses in the Jetavana such as the Maha- 

gandhakuti, the Karerimandalamala, the Kosambakuti, the Ghandanamala etc The 

gandhakuti at the Jetavana is mentioned also in J II, 416 in the story of the wicked pabbdjikd 

Sundariwho tells the people that she goes to the Buddha: ahaih hi tena ekagandhakuhyam vasdm, 

' for I live with him m the same gandhakuti 3 In Divy 46, 5 ff it is stated that the earth 

quaked when the Buddha entered the gandhakuti at the Jetavana Gandhakuti, however, is 

not the special name of the building at the Jetavana, but a generic term for the pnvate 

residence of a Buddha in a mhdra The gandhakuti in the Jivikambavana at Rajagaha is 

mentioned m J I, 117, 14, 119, 8 10 22 TheBuddhas of the past ages had their gandhakutis 

just as Sakyamum In the Dh A IV, 203 ff there is a story of a householder building 

a magnificent gandhakuti for the Buddha Vipassi The gandhakuti of the Buddha Kasyapa 

in the Rishipatana at Benaies is mentioned in Am II, 40 In Dwy 333, 4 f a gandhakuti 

is assigned to each of the last seven Buddhas In the Mvp 279,1 gandhakuti is the first in a 

list of monastic buildings From such terms as surabhigandhavasitam gandhakutim (J 1, 119, 

10), surabhigandhakuti (J I, 119, 22, 330, 27) it appears that it owed its name to the scent 

of perfumes which filled it 1 

Kosambakuti, on the other hand, seems to be a proper name Barua-Sinha's derivation 
vfKosamba from Kausumbha is linguistically impossible and unsmted as to meaning, kusumbha, 
safflower, as far as I know, having never been used as a perfume Kosambakuti can represent 
only Sk Kausdmbakuti, and the cottage probably owed its name to the fact that it was built 
by some natives from Kamambi In two Mathura inscriptions (Museum Nos 121 and 2740) it 
is stated that some persons set up a Bodhisattva image m their own chaityakuti Similarly the 
^osambakuti would seem to be the Mi of the fCosambas As pointed out by Barua-Sinha, 
Buddhaghosa says SA (Vol I, p 308) that the Kosambakutikd was on the border of the 
Jetavana (Jetavanassa pachchante) This statement is m conflict with the passage quoted 
above from the commentary of the Sn , and seems to be contradicted also by epigraphical 

tTe t n n\ /I mSCnP T N 918 in my LlSt > dated ln the rei n of Kanishka, records that 
the monk Bala set up a Bodhisatrva, an umbrella and a post at Sravasti on the walk of the 
noK one at the Kosambakuti (Savastiye bhagavato chamkame Kosambakutiye] It is true, the 

retonlVT' men T Cd m the "*****> but the chamkama of the Buddha may 
reasonably be assumed to have been within its confines 2 , the same site may be inferred for 

m S0me "^ptions, eg. in the Kanhen 

, i m the ext a S 7 ' V > P ^ States * at W ** ** 

meant - Snarly the^xpreslon ^Lw* the posiUon of the inscription shows, the great Chaitya is 


^^^ r ^ - men.oned among the 


the Kosambakuti Unfortunately the sculpture does not settle the question As shown in 
the treatment of B 33 the Gandamba tree is also represented, though it was not in the 
Jetavana but only in its vicinity At any rate the Kosambakuti appears to have been in 
existence from the middle of the first century B c to the middle of the first century A D 

B 35 (805), PLATES XIX, XL 

ON a pillar, formerly at Batanmara, v now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited 
by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 88, 138, No 92, and PI XXVIII and LV, Hultzsch, 
ZDMG Vol XL (1886), p 71, No 99, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 235, No 99; 
Barua-SInha, BI (1926), p 61, No 164, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 55 f , and Vol III 
(1937), PI LIV (56), Luders, Bharh (1941), p 164 




The Idasala (Indratala) cave 

The story to which the sculpture refers is the Sakkapanhasuttanta, No 2 1 of the D, 
(II, 263 ff) 1 . When the Buddha has retired for meditation to the Indasala cave on Mount 
Vediyaka in the vicinity of Rajagaha 2 , Sakka feels a desire to pay him a visit together with 
the Tavatimsa gods, but fearing that he might not meet with a good reception, he sends the 
Gandharva Pafichasikha m advance to put the Buddha in a favourable mood Panchasikha 
takes his vind and sings before the Buddha a love-song embellished with complimentary 
allusions to the Buddha When Sakka sees that the Buddha is pleased with the song, he 
asks Pafichasikha to announce his arrival to the Buddha With the permission of the 
Buddha, Sakka and the other gods enter the cave, and in the ensuing conversation between 
the Buddha and Sakka the Buddha answers several questions addressed to him by the god 

The medallion has been injured by cutting away both sides when the pillar was set up 
as an architrave in one of the cenotaphs at Batanmara, but the middle portion and the ins- 
cription are in a good state of preservation The sculpture represents the cave, in the centre of 
which a seat decorated with floral designs and surmounted by an umbrella indicates the 
presence of the Buddha Nine gods are seated cross-legged around It, the one facing the seat 
being probably meant to be Sakka On the left, outside the cave, Panchasikha stands playing 
the vina t unfortunately the right half of the figure has been cut off. Above the cave, rocks 
on which two monkeys are seated, a tree, and holes from which the heads of some animals 
are coming out represent the mountain on which the Indasalaguha was situated 

The name of the cave is the same as in the Pah texts and Indasalaguha was also the form 
of the name in the Dirghagama of the Dharmaguptas, while in the texts of the other schools 
Indrasailaguha is the current form 3 As remarked by Barua-Sinha (p 125), Indasalaguha 
is an upamdhdpannatti, c a name derived from an object standing at close proximity', because 

1 Cf E Waldschmidt, Bruchstucke buddhistischer Sutras aus dem zentralasiatischen Sanskntkanon, Leipzig^ 
1932, S 58-113 (Das SakrapraSna-sutra) 

a On the localisation of the cave according to Buddhaghosa and in respect to the description of the 
Chinese pilgrims see Barua-Sinha pp 125-127, Nundo Lai Dey, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient 
and Mediaeval India, 2nd ed London 1927, p 79, Bimala Churn Law, Geography of Early Buddhism, 
London, 1932, p 42; Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol I, p 313 (further references). 

3 Waldschmidt 1 c , p 61, note 


the Indasala tree, as mentioned by Buddhaghosa (DA Vol III, p 697), marked the entrance 
of the cave In the commentary on J 455, 1 sallaki, the mcense-tree (Boswelha thunfera} 
us explained by indasalarukkha, and it is not impossible that the tree represented above the 
ca\e in the medallion is meant to be an incense-tree 

B 36 (752) , PLATES XIX, XXXIX 

ON the railing below the middle panel of the Inner face of the same pillar as No A 62 
now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29) The inscription is engraved on the fourth 
post from the right Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 134, No 41, and PI. XIV, 
XV, and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol X (1881), p 258 f , No 16b, and PI , Hultzsch,' 
ZDMG Vol XL (1S86), p 67, No 59, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 232, No. 59, 
Barua-Smha, BL (1926), p 71 f , No 179, Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), p. 64 ff, and Vol III 
(1937), PI LXI(69),Luders,5AarA (1941), p 165 ff 


Erapato [na]garaja 

The Naga king Erapata (Erapattra) 

[B 36 and 37 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 
See the remarks on No. B 37 

B 37 (753), PLATES XIX, XXXIX 

ON the middle relief of the inner face of the same pillar as No A 62, now m the Indian 
Museum, Calcutta (P 29) Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 115, with notes by 
Childers,Aa^,VolVI(1874),p 586, Beal, ibid p 612, Fergusson, ibid p. 637, Childers- 

97 i?f ;T b l Vo1 VH (1875) ' P 351 Edfted agam ^ Gunnmgham, StBh (1879), p 11, 
27, 135 No 42, and PI XIV and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol X (1881), p 258, No 16a, and 
PI Hultzsch, ZDMG Vd XL(1886),p 67, No 60 and PI ; IA Vol XXI (1892), p 232, 

^ rf aP N Sa in Ch r daj f^ 7 N l (1919) ' P 2 ' and P1 V > Barua-Sinha,*/ 

T P , i ?n ^ Bark ' VGl H (1934) > P 64 ff > and V OL HI (1937), PI LXI 
,Luders,^arA (1941), p 165 ff ; 


1 Erapato nagaraja 

2 bhagavato vadate 


The Naga king Erapata (Erapattra} worships the Holy One 
[B 36 and 37 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 

g ^ ^ ffere ^ TT VerS10ns of the le ^nd of the Naga king as found in the 
( Ij 384 ' ! ff) ' m theDul vaMntheFo-pen-hmg.tsi-kinr 
one has to concur with Waldschmidt^ that the Bharhut rehef 

1 Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, p 46 f 
'Beal, Rom Leg, p, 276 ff 

4P a }^ n Tmn Ch g's Travels, I, p 242 f 
*Buddh Kunst m Indien, I, p 76 


agrees best with the Pali version According to it the Naga has met with his existence by his 
bad conduct in a previous birth At the time of the Buddha Kassapa, when he was 
a young monk, he broke a leaf of an eraka tree by inadvertence, and failing to confess his 
offence, he has been reborn m the Ganga as a huge serpent king called Erakapatta He is 
anxiously awaiting the appearance of the next Buddha, and to ascertain when this happy 
event will take place, he teaches his daughter a Gatha containing questions which 
nobody but a Buddha can answer Every fortnight he makes her dance on his hood and 
sing that Gatha, and as he has promised both his daughter and his wealth to the man 
who will be able to answer the questions, many men try to win the maiden during the long 
Interval between the two Buddhas, but in vain When the Buddha, sitting under one of 
seven Sirisha trees not far from Benares, beholds the young Brahmin Uttara, who has made 
up his mind to compete for the prize, he teaches him the right answers The Naga king 
realizes that a new Buddha has arisen in the world Filled with joy, he lashes the waters 
with his tail so that the banks of the river are washed away. He is then conducted by Uttara 
to the Buddha who comforts him by a sermon 

The relief shows three different stages of the story In the upper part Erapatta 
emerges from the Ganga as a five-headed snake. His daughter stands on. his hood, 
and on her left side the young Brahman Uttara rises from the water Her gesture indicates 
that she is talking to him, and he is offering her a lotus-flower In the right corner below, 
separated from the river by a strip of land, there is another sheet of water which is probably 
meant to represent the inundation caused by the Naga Here Erapatta is seen on his way 
to the Buddha This time he is in human form, but carrying a five-headed snake over his 
head-dress He is followed by two females who are characterized as Naga girls by a single 
headed snake on their heads The left side of the relief is filled by the last scene where 
Erapatta, again in human form, is kneeling before the invisible Buddha sitting on a 
stone seat beneath a tree which may be a Sirisha tree 1 Five more trees are figured on the 
banks of the Ganga and the water-sheet. They probably represent the rest of the trees men- 
tioned in the text, although their numbers do not exactly agiee 

All persons and events mentioned in the Pah text, which m the other versions partly do 
not occur at all, are represented in the relief, foi instance, the young Brahmin Uttara, the 
daughter standing on the head of the Naga, the Sirisha trees and probably even the inunda- 
tion caused by the Naga The material deviations are very small Instead of the seven 
irisha trees only six are depicted and nothing is said in the Pali texts 3 of the two Naga 
girls accompanying the Naga king on his way to the Buddha The only real difference lies 
in the name of the Naga, Erapata m the label of the relief, Erakapatta m the commentary But 
this too is of no importance I fully agree with Vogel, Indian Serpent Lore, p 207 ff, 
when he explains the different forms of the name of the Naga king as resulting from the sense- 
suggesting distortions of Airdvata, Airavata occurs as an epithet of the Sarpa Dhritarashtra 
already in the AV 8, 10, 29 and in the Panchavimsabrahmana 25, 15, 3. The Naga Airavata 
is also often mentioned in the epic 3 An old secondary form of the name is Airavana which 
appears m Pah as Erdvana or Eravana In the Mahasamayasutta (D II, 258) the Mahanaga 
Eravana 4 is mentioned m the list of Nagas In the Dhammikasutta of the Sn the upasaka 

1 The characteristic features of the Sirisha tree are better brought out in the medallion descnbed 
under No B 15 

* I cannot understand how Barua, Baih II, p. 68, is able to assert that the representation agrees in 
the latter point with the narration of the Mm There (384, 1 f ) it is only said, exactly as in the DhA , 
that Elapatra offeis his daughter and a rich treasure as reward for the solution of the question. 

3 Mbh 1,3, 139 ff, 174, 31,5,14,58,25,43 Hanv 1, 3, 112,6,27 

4 Text Erdvano, but DA 688 Erdvano 


Dhammika praises the Buddha on account of his wisdom which has been acknowledge^ 
also by the demi-gods and such divine beings as Eravana and Kuvera (V. 379). 

dgachchhi te santike ndgardja 
Erdvano nama jino ti sutvd I 
so pi tayd mantayitvajjhagamd 
sddhu ti sutvdna patltarupo II 

The author of the SnA totally misunderstood the stanza He takes the nagatam 
Eravana as India's elephant of which he gives a fanciful description The reading of the 
stanza leaves no doubt that the Naga king of the legend is meant by Eravana: " The Naga 
king Eravana came to thee when he heard that a Jina has come into existence 1 . He also 
came m order to have consultation 2 with thee and when he had heard (thee) he was 
pleased, (saying) well' " Audvana occurs somewhat often m Buddhist Sanskrit texts 
Mvp 168, 45 , Mahdm p 247, in the serpent chaim (Bower MS p 224; Mahdm, p. 221): 
maitn me Dhntardshtreshu maitn Airdvaneshu 3 cha I 
Vimpdksheshu me maitn Knshjia-Gautamakeshu cha II 
In Pali the stanza runs (A II, 72, Chullav 5,6, J 203, 1) . 

Virupakkhehi me mettam mettam Erdpathehi me \ 
Chhabydpnttehi me mettam* kanhd-Gotamakehi cha II 

It is scarcely to be doubted that Erdpatha here is onlv the corresponding form of Mutts 
or perhaps Eldvana of the eastern language 

_ But the matter does not rest only with this transformation of Elavata. Later the 
unmtelhgible name, was changed into *Eld P atta ' leaf of cardamom >, and *Ela P atta wh 
Ac shortening of the final syllable of the first member of the compound Both the forms 

*1. ^ name reads Eld P atra ln the Brahmanical^, Elapatra in the 
1 l Xpkm ^ namC ' a St ry has then be - Dented by the 
f " t0 ^ VC bCen " ^ m ^ f rmer birth - h Committed the B 
n ove h 7" ***** W ^^ m hlS ^ ****** has * 

'(** thou art) the Jma 

v i hat in later times 

384 1 ff s ' - 61 4 ( s m the manuscrmh Y J?u Cn as two dl fferent Nagas. 

384, l ff ; Mh ,i p 222; 24? manuscnpts, m the text we find Elapatra) , Mm. Ill, 383, 19, 

no ' 242 ' 

a compound h W the no al shortenmg of the final syll able of the first membet 


eahetva navaya vegasa gachchhamanaya pi na munchi erakapattam chhijitvd gatam] As he did not 
confess his crime he is reboin as a Naga king Erakapatta It is therefore evident that even 
in the name of the Naga there exists no difference between the label and the Pah text 
Erakapatta is nothing else but the younger foim coming out of Erapatta 

B 38 (750) , PLATES XIX, XXXIX 

ON the uppermost relief of the inner face of the same pillar as No A 62, now m the 
Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29) The inscription is engraved on the roof of a building 
Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 115, StBh (1879), p 11, 90, 110, 134, No 39, 
and PI XIII and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol X (1881), p 255, No lOa, and PI , Hultzsch, 
ZDMG Vol XL (1886), p 66, No 57, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 232, No 57; 
Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 57 f , No 159, p 64, No 169 

bhagavato dhamachakam 

The Wheel of the Doctrine of the Holy One 

[B 38 and 39 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 
See the remarks on No B 39 

B 39 (751), PLATES XIX, XXXIX 

ON the uppeimost relief of the inner face of the same pillar as No A 62, now in the 
Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29) Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 115, StBh. 
(1879), p 90, 111, 134, No 40, and PI XIII and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol X (1881), p 255, 
No lOb, and PI , Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL (1886), p 66, No 58, and PI ; IA Vol XXI 
(1892), p 232, No 58, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 64, No 168, Barua, Barh Vol II 
(1934), p 46 ff, and Vol III (1937), PI L (52), Luders, Bharh (1941), p 62 ff 


1 raja Pasenaji 

2 Kosalo 

King Pasenaji (Prasenajit], the Kosala (Kausala) 

[B 38 and 39 refei to one and the same sculpture ] 

The relief bearing this and the preceding inscription shows a two-storeyed edifice 
resembling the building round the Bodhi tree described above No B 23 In the centre oi 
the lower storey there is a large wheel with a parasol over it and a garland hanging over its 
nave It is flanked on each side by a well-dressed man in devotional attitude Below, at the 
right-hand corner, there emerges from the gateway of a palace a chariot of which only the 
heads of the two horses and of the driver are visible On the left appears a chariot drawn by 
four richly caparisoned horses A king has taken his place in it together with his charioteer, 
who is holding the reins, and two attendants, one carrying a parasol and the other waving a 
In front of the chariot two men, apparently running, and before them two horsemen 



are seen 

auc ~c from behind The sculptor evidently wanted to represent the pradakshind of the 
edifice, and he has therefore continued the royal procession on the right, where two men 
mounted on elephants are moving in the opposite direction. 

As the ro>al personage in the procession is called King Prasenajit of Kosala in the label, 
Foucher' uas of the opinion that the sculpture refers to the great miracle of Sravasti But 
his view can hardly be upheld As shown below in detail, the typical representation of the 
miracle is quite different in the Buddhist art of Bharhut and SaflchI Moreover, there is 
nothing in the sculpture to indicate that subject. 

The legend of the great miracle of Sravasti is narrated in the Pachchuppannavatthu 
of the Sarabhamigajataka (483; IV, 263, 7 ff ), in the DM (HI, 199 ff), in the Pratiharyasutra 
of the Dwy (p 143 ff), and in Asvaghosha's Buddhach (20, 54 f) 2 Foucher followed 
the history of the representation in art in an instructive treatment 3 which needs some additions 
onlv as far as the sculptures of Bharhut and Safichi are concerned 

In the Pah literature, the miracle, as Foucher remarks, is often called the double 
miracle under the Gandamba tree 4 So the miraculous creation of the mango tree 
forms here an introduction to the narration of the yamakapatihdnya In the Jataka the 
Buddha has the announcement made, that after seven days he would perform a miracle 
which \vould destroy the Tirthikas under the Gandamba tree before the gate of Savatthi 
The Tirthikas and the vast crowd of men come to Savatthi to be witnesses 
of the miracle King Pasenadi offers to erect a pavilion (mandapa) for the great spectacle 
but the Buddha refuses, adding that god Sakka will construct a pavilion of jewels twelve 
yojanas long for the purpose To prove the Buddha a liar, the Tirthikas cause all the mango 
trees in the vicinity of Savatthi to be cut down In the morning of the great day, Ganda, 
the gardener of the king, gives a mango fruit of unusually big size to the Buddha The 
master eats it and orders the gardener to plant the kernel into the earth Instantly a vast 
mango tree beset with flowers and ripe fruit shoots up In the evening Sakka makes 
Vissakamma build a pavilion of jewels The gods from their ten thousand chakkavalas 
come together Then suddenly it is said in a very short manner sattha titthiyamaddanam 
asddhdranam sdvakehiyamakapdhhdnyam katvd bahuno janassa pasannabhdvam natvd oruyha Buddhdsane 
msinno dhammam desesi \ msatipdnakoiiyo amatapdnam ptvimsu, " When the master had made the 
yamakapaiihdnya, which destroys the Tirthikas and which cannot be carried out by pupils, and 
when he knew that many people were disposed to believe in him, he descended, sat down on the 
seat of the Buddha and preached the Dharma Two hundred millions of beings drank the 
drink of immortality " At the first sight it might appear that the author could have under- 
stood the miraculous creation of the mango tree and the erection of the pavilion out of jewels 
as the k double miracle ' The remark, however, that the Buddha " descended " after having 
performed the miracle shows that the Buddha did the yamakapatihanya, when standing m 
the air, and the same is clearly seen from the DhA where the narration is much more exten- 
sn e and contains many details which can be omitted here The basic elements of the story 
are the same as m the Jataka Regarding the locality in Savatthi, where the miracle takes 

1 Beginnings of Buddhist Art, p. 178 ff 
MO XV, p 98 

^ S 7 7 X r, J XIII) P- 43 ff > Beginnings of Buddhist Ait, p 147 ff 


place, nothing more specific is said The offer of Pasenadi, to erect a pavilion for the- 
Buddha is also found here as well as the refusal of the offer by the Buddha 
with a reference to the expected help of Sakka, but we do not hear anything fuither 
about the building of the pavilion On the other hand it is narrated that the Tirthikas 
build a pavilion for themselves and that Sakka destroys it before the miracle takes place. 
The miracle 1 consists in the Buddha's creating a ratanachafikama in the air and while walking 
up and down on it he sends forth flames of fire and streams of water from the different parts of 
his body He also makes his double appear before him with whom he exchanges question 
and answer Two hundred million living beings are converted by the instruction which he 
gives in the meantime 

The Pratmaryasutra of the Divy is swollen to a great extent by lengthy repetitions 
and inserted episodes I here restrict myself to hint at several points which, as it appears 
to me, are of importance for the evolution of the legend The offer of Prasenajit to erect a 
pavilion for the miracle (prdtihdryamandapa) is here accepted by the Buddha The pavilion 
is erected between the town of Sravasti and the Jetavana At the same place the adherents 
of the six Tirthikas build a pavilion for every one of them 

The miracle of the mango has here totally disappeared from the narrative, not, how- 
ever, the person of the gardener Gandaka, whose former history on the contrary is told at 
great length His real name is Kala and he is the brother of Prasenajit His hands and 
feet were cut off by the king's command on account of an alleged offence in the harem, but 
by the order of the Buddha his body was restored by Ananda with the help of satyaknyd, 
and he had become a follower of the Buddha since that time Now he has attained the 
andgdmiphala and is in possession of supernatural powers On account of that he is able to 
fetch a Karmkara tree from the Uttarakaurava-dvipa which he plants in front of the pavilion 
of the Buddha, whereas another gardener (ardmika), named Ratnaka or Rambhaka, who 
apparently enjoys similar powers, plants an Asoka tree from the Gandhamadana behind 
the pavilion 

After a number of smaller miracles the Buddha, asked by Prasenajit, first performs 
the wonder of fire and water, afterwards, being asked a second time by the king in the 
presence of all gods, he shows a miracle by multiplying his appearance which extends in a 
chain up to the highest of the Rupabrahma worlds. PaHchika, the general of the Yakshas, 
destroys the pavilion of the Tirthikas by a storm At the end, the Buddha creates another 
representation of a Buddha with whom he holds conversation and preaches the Dharma so 
that many hundreds of thousands attain the different stages of holiness 

In the Buddhach the miracle is treated very shortly in two stanzas It is only said that 
the Buddha, when he dwells in Sravasti, accepts the demand of the Tirthikas to show his 
miraculous strength and defeats them by his manifold magic powers Probably Asvaghosha 
restricted himself here, because he had already narrated the performance of the miracles in 
details before in the story of Buddha's stay in Kapilavastu (19, 12-15). Here the wonder of 
fire and water, as well as that of multiplication is mentioned but mixed with all sorts of other 
miracles the Buddha touches the carnage of the sun with his hand, goes on the path of the 
wind, dives into the earth as if it were water, walks on the surface of the water as on land 
and goes through a rock 

The comparison shows that the Pali- version of the legend, even if it was fixed later, 
is on the whole undoubtedly the older one regarding the contents The wonderful creation 
of the Gandamba tree must have once formed the beginning of the story. The appearance 

'The description has been taken pdhto i e from Patisambhidamagga I, 125 f 


of the gardener Gandaka and the totally unmotivated planting of the Karnikara and of 
the Asoka tree by the two gardeners in the Divy are only understandable as reminiscences 
of the original miracle of the mango tree On the contrary the erection of the pavilion for 
the Buddha by Prasenajit as described in the Dwy. 9 is apparently older than the building of 
the pavilion of jewels by Visvakarman, which latter is not even rightly narrated in the DhA 
In the original version nothing could have been said of a pavilion The miracle of the 
mango tree, which has the only purpose to create the tree under which the Buddha intends 
to perform the yamakaprdtihdrya, becomes indeed quite superfluous by the erection of the 
pavilion. Consequently the mango tree does not play any role in the Pah tales of the 
performance of the miracle. 

The original legend therefore runs as follows The Buddha announces that he would 
perform a miracle under the Gandamba tree in Sravasti in order to triumph over the 
Tirthikas The Tirthikas therefore cause all the mango trees in the vicinity of Sravastl to 
be cut down The Buddha, however, orders the kernel of a mango to be planted in the 
earth, out of which a big mango tree immediately grows up. He takes his seat under this 
mango tree and from there he raises himself up in the air to perform the yamakapratiharya 
It seems, the yamakapratiharya^ " the double miracle " was originally understood only as the 
sending forth of fire and water This wonder stands at the top of all the wonders in all the 
sources with the exception of the Buddhach The multiplication of the appearance seems to 
be a later addition. The collections of Foucher (p. 155 f) show that the miracle of the fire 
and water was gradually also added to other legends and even transferred to persons other 
than the Buddha 1 On account of that it was bound to lose its reputation, and so it is under- 
standable that one felt the need to intensify the wonder of Sravasti to make it a really " great " 
prdtiharya Apparently the doubling of the appearance was first added as it is told in the 
Patisambhidamagga and in the DhA The designation yamakapratiharya also suited this 
doubling, even if understood in a somewhat different sense than what the expression 
originally conveyed Gradually one went still further out of the doubling of the figure, its 
multiplication up to a Buddhapiridi developed, of which the Divy tells In this text a trace 
of the older doubling also has been retained when at the end we suddenly hear of the crea- 
tion of the double with whom the Buddha converses Lastly, as Foucher (p 1 58) remarks, 
the wonder of fire and water has been completely displaced by the wonder of duplicating. 
According to the description in the As"okavadana 2 the miracle of Sravastf consists only of the 
creation of the row of Buddhas, reaching up to the heaven of the Akanishtha gods 

This reconstruction of the original legend, gained purely from literary sources, is also 
in conforrrutv with the sculptures in Bharhut and Sanchi On the front side of the left 
pillar of the northern gate in Sanchi a relief is found which is described by Sir John Marshall 3 
as follows: " In centre, a mango tree with the throne of the Buddha in front Round the 
Buddha is a circle of his followers bringing garlands to the tree or in attitudes of adoration ". 
Sir John Marshall then hints at the great miracle of Sravasti as the probable subject of the 
relief He remarks, however, that it contains no definite indication of the miracle I do 
not believe that this circumstance goes against the explanation of the relief As the Buddha 
is not being represented, the doubling or the multiplication of his person, even though 
the legend should have contained it, could not have been represented in the picture But 
the depicting of the miracle of fire and water was also bound to cause difficulties under the 

1 Cf E. Waldschmidt, Wundertatige Monche in der ostturkistamschen Hlnayana-Kunst, Ostasiatische 
Zeitschnft, Neue Folge VI, pp 3-9 

2 Divy 401, Przylush, Legends d 3 Afoka, p. 265. 

3 Guide to Sanchi, p 58 


given circumstances, and its avoidance would be quite understandable 

Marshall's identification is justified by a relief in Bharhut which, has already been 
taken note of by Waldschmidt 1 On the corner pillar of the angular entrance at the 
Western gate, three reliefs, one below the other, are carved at the right side Due to the 
conformity in style and equality of execution, they must have been made by the same artist 
and stand m some internal connection (cf Cunningham's PI XVII). The middle relief 
shows the wellknown ladder in Sankasya The upper relief depicts the gathering of gods 
listening to a sermon of Buddha whose presence is hinted at by a tree and a throne The two 
reliefs therefore refer to Buddha's preaching of law in the Trayastnrnsa heaven and his descent 
from there The lower relief shows the same subject as the relief in Saflchi mentioned 
above a mango tree with a stone seat in front of it It is worshipped by a number of standing 
persons altogether twenty or is being saluted in the wellknown fashion by waving of clothes 
and touching of mouth Undoubtedly the miracle of Sravasti is meant, which imme- 
diately preceded the ascent of the Buddha into the heaven of the Trayastrimsa gods. Thus 
the miracle of the mango alone is represented here also; nothing is to be seen of the miracle 
of fire and water 2 

Thus we observe that the typical representation of the miracle of Sravasti in the art of 
Bharhut and Sanchi is quite different from what we see in our relief There is nothing in the 
sculpture to indicate that subject In my opinion the panel has to be interpreted in connec- 
tion with the two adjoining panels of the pillar Apparently the sculptor intended to allude 
to the three great events in the life of the Buddha, the sambo dhi, the panmrvana and the 
dharmachakrapraoartana., by representing the buildings erected on the sites where they had taken 
place and their worship by divine and human beings Just as the Bodhi temple is meant to 
remind of the enlightenment of the Buddha and the Stupa of his death, the Dharmas'ala* 
is a memorial to his preaching* Like the Bodhi temple and the Stupa with the lion-pillar 

1 Buddh Kunst in Indien, p. 78 

2 A parallel is given by the story of the visit of the Buddha to Kapilavastu which is connected 
with \heyamakaprdtihdrya In the reliefs in Sanchl depicting the visit (Northern gate, right pillar, front 
side, 3rd "panel, Eastern gate, right pillar, inner side, 2nd panel) only a chankama is represented in the air 
on which one has to imagine the Buddha walking The chankama is made through magic by the 
Buddha for himself, according to DhA (III, 163), in order to break the insolence of his relatives In 
the Mvu (III, 114,7 ff) it is told more preciselv that the Buddha creates the place for walking in the air so 
that he may not be required to stand up before the Sakyas coming to visit him In the Nidanakatha 
(J I, 88, 17 ff) the chankama is not expressly mentioned Here we are told that the Buddha in order 
to force his relatives to worship him against their will raised himself into the air and performed a patihanya 
similar to the yamakapdtihdnya under the Gandamba tree In the Mvu the Buddha standing in the 
air performs \hzyamakaprdtihary dm Two of them are narrated in particular, viz the wonder of the fire 
and water and, provided the text has been rightly handed down, the creation of the figure of a bull 
sometimes in this, sometimes in the other region It is remarkable that here also the wonder of fire and 
water is mentioned in the first place Further on the legend, that blind Mahaprajapati regains her 
evesight by the water streaming out on the occasion of the miracle, is combined with the foregoing. The 
different miracles attributed to the Buddha on this occasion in the Buddhach are already mentioned 
above (p. 115) One gains the impression that the legend originally mentioned only a place of walking, 
created by magic in the air by the Buddha, in order to raise himself above the Sakyas, The 
yamakaprdtihdrya seems to have been added to it from the legend having its origin in Sravasti The 
sculptures at Sanchi in any case suit with this interpretation, even though they cannot be looked 
upon as proofs. The yamakaprdtihdrya, even when it may have been a part of the legend at the time of 
the production of our reliefs, could not be shown on account of the fact that any personal representation 
of the Buddha was avoided m sculptures 

3 Cunningham, StBh. p 90 f, 1 19, wanted to connect the edifice with the dharmasdld or, as he calls 
it, the punyasdld of Prasenajit Barua, Barh II, p. 48, takes the relief to be an illustration of the Dhamma- 
chetiya-Sutta (M. II, 118 ff) which, according to my opinion, is unfounded In any case, the opinion 
of Barua that the two figures at the side of the wheel represent the king twice, once to the left as wor- 
shipping, and once to the right as retreating, is erroneous 

*Cf note 1 on p 102 


the Dharmasala is to be taken as a historical building, which, as Huan-tsang tells us 1 , 
was erected by king Prasenajit for the Buddha in the city of Sravasti To leave no doubt 
about the identity of the building the sculptor added the pradakshind procession of the king, 8 
which at the same time illustrates the worship of the place by men, while the two large 
figures inside the building are gods revering the wheel like the two gods revering the tree in 
the corresponding relief of the Bodhi 

B 40 (774), PLATES XIX, XXXIX 

ON the left outer face of the same pillar as No A 59, now in the Indian Museum, 
Calcutta (P 3) The inscription is engraved on the lowest relief Edited by Cunningham, 
PASS 1874, p 112, StBh. (1879), p 90, 136, No 63, and PI XVI and LIV, Hoernle, IA. 
Vol XI (1882), p 27, No. 22, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 68, No 77, and PI , 
IA. Vol XXI (1892), p 233, No 77, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 63 f , No 167; Barua, 
Bark Vol II (1934), p 42 ff, and Vol. Ill (1937), PI XLIX (51), Luders, Bkark (1941), 
p 164 

A[ja]tasat[u] 3 bhagavato vamdate 

Ajatasatu (Ajatasatru) worships the Holy One 

The story represented m the sculpture is related in the Samanflaphalasutta (D 1 , 47 ff ) 
In a beautiful moonlit night King Ajatasattu of Magadha, on the advice of the physician 
Jivaka, makes up his mind to pay a visit to the Buddha He orders Jivaka to get his 
state-elephant ready, together with five-hundred she-elephants for his women and sets forth in 
royal pomp from the city of Rajagaha to Jivaka's Mango Grove, where the Buddha is staying 
Arriving at the entrance of the grove, the king dismounts and walks on foot to the door of the 
hall in which the lamps are burning Buddha, who is sitting there amidst the monks, is 
pointed out to the king by Jivaka The king bows to the Holy One and, having taken his seat 
aside, asks him about the advantage to be derived from the life of a recluse When the 
Buddha has answered his questions, the king takes the vow of a lay-disciple and confesses 
the great sin of his life, the murder of his father 

The sculpture conforms to the story in every detail In the lower part the king is seen 
sitting on his state-elephant with a female attendant bearing the parasol behind him To his 
right there are two more elephants mounted by two women They have much smaller tusks 
than the elephant of the king, apparently to show that they are she-elephants 

1 Beal, Vol II, p 2 

2 The particulars have been explained by Foucher m the description of his PI XXVIII He 
mentions that of the carriage coming forth from the gate in the right lower side of the picture, nothing 
more is to be seen than the heads of both the horses and of the charioteer This has to be rectified The 
feet of the horses are quite clearly to be seen in the photograph of the lower relief The artist has 
gone beyond here as well as in the Bodha-rehef (B 23) of the same pillar, the rail forming the frame for 
his representation It is impossible that this two-horsed carnage is identical with the four-horsed carriage 
of the king The artist apparently added a second carnage to the carriage of the king and introduced 
two pedestrians, two nders on horse-back, and two elephants in order to indicate the procession 
I am not quite sure, whether the door is meant to be the gate of the royal palace or of the town. 
It could also mean the entrance gate to the district of the sanctuary 

3 The w-sign is indicated only by a very slight elongation of the right bar of the ta Hultzsch 
read Ajdtasata 


as stated in the text In the right corner another elephant with large tusks is 
kneeling, the female-mahout sitting far back near the tail This is the elephant of Jivaka, 
who has dismounted and is talking to the king as indicated by his raised right hand Two 
trees laden with mangoes show that the scene is Jivaka's Mango Grove The seat of the 
Buddha is in the upper right corner below a parasol with pendants hanging down from it 
The presence of the Buddha is symbolized by his foot-prints on the foot-rest The king 
is kneeling before the seat, while Jivaka and four women are standing behind him with 
their hands reverentially folded. A burning swing-lamp indicates that the visit takes place 
at night 



B 41 (700) , PLATES XIX, XL 

ON a coping-stone, now in the Allahabad Municipal Museum (Ac/2925) Formerly only 
a drawing and a photograph of a fragment published by Cunningham were available. 
Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 111, Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 69,131, 
No 11, and PI XXVII and LIII; Hultzsch, IA Vol XXI (1892), p 239, No. 158; Barua- 
Smha,57 (1926), p 81, No 192, Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), p. 90, and Vol III (1937), 
PI LXXI (91), Luders, Shark (1941), p 133, Kala, BhV (1951), pp 28 f , PI 35, Sircai 
El, Vol XXXIII (1959/60), No 6, pp. 59 f 


hamsajatakam 2 


The Jataka of the mallard 

The Jataka was identified by Cunningham with the Nachchajataka, No. 32 of the Pali 
collection, which contains the well-known story of the Golden Mallard, the king of the birds, 
who allows his daughter to choose a husband after her own heart from amongst his subjects 
Her choice falls on the peacock, who overjoyed begins to dance and in doing so exposes him- 
self Shocked at this indelicacy, the king of birds refuses him his daughter The sculpture 
is fragmentary The lower half and portions of both sides are broken off, but enough remains 
to show that it represented a mallard and to the right of it a peacock with outspread tail. 
If the fragment, a photograph of which has been published together with the drawing, formed 
part of the sculpture, some more mallards are represented in the lower left corner showing 
their back to the exposed peacock 

B 42 (695) 3 ; PLATES XIX, XLI 

ON a coping-stone (No. II), now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by 
Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 115, StBh (1879), p 77 f , 130, No 6, and PI XLVII and 
LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 61, No. 7 and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), 
p 227, No 7, Jataka translated . under Cowell, Vol III (1897), PI only, Barua-Sinha, 
BI (1926), p 88, No 207, Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), p 1 25 f , Luders, Shark. (1941), p 134. 

bidalajatara 4 kukutajataka 

The Jataka of the cat (also called) jataka of the cock 

'A label containing the word jataka appears also in the fragmentary inscription B 80 
3 Cunningham's eye-copy has hamsajataka The editors would prefer to translate hamsa by 'wild 
gander ' 

3 Luders' treatment of this inscription (B 42) has been lost 
*ra may be a clerical error for ka 


To the left of the relief there is a tree, on a branch of which a cock is sitting high above 
the ground To the right, underneath the tree, a cat of a comparatively big size squats. She 
looks up to the cock on the tree and is obviously talking to him The relief has already been 
identified by Subhuti with the Kukkutajataka (J. 383) of the Pali collection, giving the fable 
of the cat which used to catch the cocks by different stratagems in order to devour them 
Now the Bodhisattva is born as a cock and the cat realizes that it will be difficult to get 
hold of that especially intelligent bird. The cat therefore decides to offer herself as his 
wife She approaches the cock when he sits on a tree, flatters him, and tries to persuade him 
to take her as his wife. The cock, however, suspects some treachery, refuses her proposal, 
and keeps himself away from danger. Just the event of the conversation between the cock 
and the cat is represented in our relief 

Bidala corresponds to sk bidala (cf Pdmm, 6 2 72), whereas Pali texts use bildra or 
bilala ' 

The relief bears two labels according to the main characters in the story, whereas 
for the Pali Jataka, as mentioned above, only the title kukkutaj ataka is used 


ON a coping stone, now m the Allahabad Municipal Museum (Ac/2910) Edited by 
Kala, BhV (1951) pp 32 f , PI 7; Sircar, El, Vol XXXIII (1959/60), p 60, No 7; an 
illustration of the coping stone is also given by Stella Kramrisch, The Art of India through 
the Ages, (1954), PL 15. 

gajaj ataka 2 saso jatake 3 

The Jataka of the elephant The hare m the Jataka (?) 

The wording and distribution of this inscription is very peculiar. The first part is 
inscribed at the top of a panel showing two people of rank standing in a court-yard formed 
~by three cottages. One of the cottages is placed in the longitudinal direction right in 
front of the spectator, the two others on either side of the first Dr Kala gives the follow- 
ing detailed description of the panel "In the space between these cottages are two richly 
attired persons engaged m conversation. The figure on the left side holds an animal (hare) 
in his right hand while the left one is raised above the breast. The right side figure hears 
the discourse of the other with rapt attention. One more animal is noticeable in the scene 
The front cottage is thatched with grass and reeds and has a gabled roof The walls of 
the house appear to have been made of wood. There is a sliding door and a star shaped 
window on each of its sides. The two side cottages have vaulted roofs supported by wooden 
heams The cottage in the right has three finials A disc ornament is also carved near 
these " 

The second part of the label (viz jatake) is engraved at the top of a different panel, 

1 See Luders, Beobachtungen uber die Sprache des buddhistischen Urkanons, Abhandlungen der deutschen 
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin, 1953, 35 

s gajd is probably a mistake for gqja. 

3 The reading of Dr Kala isjataka The stroke of the -e is, however, quite clearly written, jatake 
can only be a loc sg , or has to be regarded as a mistake forjatakam 


further to the right, of which the left part only has been preserved The relievo depicts a 
domed hut of the type used by hermits Behind the dome of the hut the tops of two tiees 
are visible Judged by some remnants to the right of the hut, it looks as if the hermit had 
been sitting on a mat before the door of the hut 

Dr Kala informs us that Barua was of the opinion that the label on the left is com 
pleted by the wordjdtake on the right, and that the inscription should be read as gajajatda 
sasajdtaka, to be understood like bidalajataka kukutaj ataka of B 42, giving two names for the 
same story This interpretation raises some difficulties the Sasaj ataka the tale of the hare 
jumping into the burning fire in order to offer his roasted flesh to a hermit is well known 
and represented several times in early Indian sculpture 1 Dr. Kala himself was able to 
publish the up to now oldest illustration of the Jataka, found on the fragment of a Bharhut 
pillar, recently recovered and at present in the Allahabad Museum 2 According to the pait 
of the scenery left in our relievo, it is not impossible, that the panel to the right (labelled 
jdtake) is again illustrating the Sasaj ataka In this case the word saso would belong to the 
panel to the right, whereas the relief to the left ought to be a picture of the j ataka of the 
elephant An elephant, however, is not to be seen in the relievo, and the animal in the 
hand of one of the two men in conversation with each other looks similar to the hare in the 
representation of the Sasaj ataka on the fragment of the pillar published by Dr. Kala This fact 
is in favour of looking at the word saso as part of the label of the left panel As yet we do not 
see a possibility to solve the problem The propositions made by Dr Barua and Dr Sircar 
to connect the illustration with Jataka 345 (gajakumbhaj ataka} 3 or Jataka 322 (daddabhaj ataka} 
are by no means convincing There is nothing in the stories which would suit the picture 

B 43 (724) ; PLATES XIX, XL 

ON a pillar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(M 2) Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 115, StBh (1879), p 52; 133, No 13, 
and PL XXV and LIII; Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 64, No 32, IA. Vol XXI 
(1892), p. 230, No. 32, Barua-Smha, / (1926), p 85, No 199, Barua, Barh Vol 11(1934), 
p. 112 f , and Vol III (1937), PI LXXIX (107), Liiders, Bharh. (1941) p 133 The sculp- 
ture is reproduced in the English translation of the Jataka by Cowell and others, Vol II. 




The Jataka of the elephant 

With the help of Subhuti, the sculpture to which the label belongs was identified by 
Cunningham with the Kakkataj ataka, No 267 of the Pali collection In that Jataka the 
Bodhisattva is a big elephant living with his mate in the Himalaya near a lake infected by 

1 For illustrations of the Jataka in Central- Asian painting see A von Le Goq(und E Waldschmidt); 
Die buddhistische Spatantike, Vol VI, pp 57-58 

*BhV pp. 25 f 

3 Referring to Barua's article in J U P. H S , Vol XIX, p. 48, Dr Bay Nath Pun of Lucknou 
University says that the sculpture can only relate to the Gajakumbhaj ataka "which describes the pre' 
vious birth of the Buddha as a minister of the King of Benaras who took a tortoise and a hare giving tc 
the slothful king an object lesson of how the indolent came to misery. The tortoise is symbolised b) 
his laziness and the hare by his activity, though the popular version is just the reverse " [India in tk 
Time ofPatanjali, Bombay 1957, p 233] Unfortunately the hare does not occur m the Pah text 


a huge crab which used to catch and kill the elephants sporting in the water When the crab 
has seized the Bodhisattva's feet with its claws, the Bodhisattva is unable to pull the monster 
out of the water He feels that the crab is drawing him down and roars for help. While 
the other elephants run off, his mate turns towards the crab and coaxes it with flattering words 
so that it loosens its grasp. Then the elephant tramples it to death 

In the medallion the elephant is represented stepping out of the water, while the crab 
clings to his right hind-foot Two elephants, one of whom may be intended as the mate of 
the Bodhisattva, are visible in the background In the water some aquatic bird is swallowing 
a fish, while four more fish are swimming about. 

As the elephant is the hero of the story, Nagajataka seems to be a more appropriate 
title of the Jataka than Kakkatajataka 

B 44 (825) , PLATES XX, XL 

ON a rail-bar of the South-Eastern quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta 
(CB 59) Edited by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p U2t,StBh (1879), p 58 f, 139, No 11, 
and PI XXVI and LV, Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL (1886), p 72, No 109, and PI ; 
IA Vol XXI (1892), p 236, No 109, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 88, No 206, Barua, Barh 
Vol II (1934), p 123 f, and Vol III (1937), PI LXXXII (117),Luders, Bharh (1941), p 133. 


latuvajataka 1 


The quail Jataka 

The subject of the medallion was identified by Cunningham with the Latukikaj'ataka, 
No 357 of the Pah collection, 55 where the Bodhisattva appears as the leader of a large herd 
of elephants A quail, that has her nest with her unfledged brood on the feeding-ground 
of the elephants, implores him not to trample on the young birds The Bodhisattva and his 
herd cautiously pass by without injuring the birds, but a solitary rogue elephant who comes 
after them crushes the nest in spite of the entreaties of the quail The quail alights on a tree 
and threatens to take her revenge which she accomplishes with the help of a crow, a blue fly, 
and a frog The crow pecks out the eyes of the elephant, the fly drops its eggs into the empty 
sockets, and when the elephant, blind and maddened by pain, is seeking for water to drmk r 
the frog deludes him by his cioakmg to a precipice He tumbles down and is killed In 
the medallion the different stages of the story are represented . the elephant trampling down 
the nest with the young birds; the quail on the tree; the crow pecking out the eyes of the 
elephant, the fly laying its eggs in the wounds , and, at the top, the frog and the elephant falling 
headlong down the rocks The elephant on the right, who is followed by a smaller elephant, 
seems to be meant for the Bodhisattva and his herd 

B 45 (704); PLATES XX, XL 

ON a coping-stone, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (A 108) Edited by 
Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 115, Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 76, 131, No 15, and 

J The ka which is distinct in Cunningham's and Hultzsch's reproductions is nearly effaced in. 
the impression before me 

8 A similar story is found in the Panchatantra (ed Kielhorn), I, 15. 


PI XLVIandLII^Hoernle,^ Vol X (1881), p 119, No 4, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL 
1836), p 62, No, 15, and PI; U Vol XXI (1892), p 228, No 15, Barua-Smha, K, 
1926 : , p 83 f , No 196, Barua, Shark Vol II (1934), p 100 f , and Vol. Ill (1937), 

PI LXXVI (99), Luders, Shark (1941), p 151 f, 174. 




The Jataka of the student, 

The sculpture to \\hich the label belongs was identified by Rhys Davids with the 
Dubhr>amakkatajatakaj No 174 of the Pah Jataka book, see Buddhist Birth Stones, Vol I, 
p CII In the Jataka the Bodhisattva is a brahmin m a village of Kasi One day, wan 
dering along a load, he comes to a place where a trough is put up which people use to fill 
\\ ith \\ ater from a deep well in the neighbourhood for the use of animals The brahmin 
draws water for himself, drinks it and washes his hands and feet, when a monkey approaches 
him begging for water The brahmin fills the empty trough and gives the monkey to drink 
and then lies down under a tree to take rest When the monkey has quenched his thirst, 
he pulls a monkey-grimace to frighten his benefactor, and when the Bodhisattva upbraids 
him, he soils him The sculpture undoubtedly represents the Jataka, but it differs from it 
an details On the left side stands a young man wearing plain dress and his hair cropped with 
the exception of a knot over the forehead He is pouring out water into the hands of a 
monkey from a vessel, while a similar vessel, apparently wrapped round with cords, stands 
in front of him On the right the same man is represented carrying a pole (mhahgika) with 
two \\ater-vessek under a tree on which a monkey is seated, maliciously looking down 
the man In the outermost right corner is another tree 

The sculpture clearly represents two stages of the story, on the left the gift of water 
the monkey, on the right the mocking of the monkey It is of little consequence that in the 
relief there is no well from which the man has drawn the water and that he is not lying under 
the tree, when the monkey makes faces at him The version of the story followed by the 
sculptor apparently related that the man was fetching water, when he met the thirsty monkey 
on the road, and that, after having given him something to drink, he was derided by the 




f n the ther hand > Jt is of importance for the inter 

mSCtl n that > J ud S in from ^ dress, the man represented in the sculpture 

and rf 


look bke an ascetic - He has the appearance 
' 219 > 193 > 182 > ^ *er ^-books, may 

> H 
s Derivation of the word from a fUu* m the sense of water- 

it as equivalent 

a S P CClal ^ It denotes a monk 
as te * C Ot have been * * this sense in the 

is t a r dhist monk in sans r 

is said there to mean a tyro who has just begun his studies 

form ^L. thC SfiCh! mSOTptl0n {l ' 5t No 57 ) ** correspondmg word for 'student' occrn, 


(prathamakalpika), which perfectly agrees with the result arrived at from an examination of the 
sculpture It should be noted that the difference between the sculpture and the Jataka 
extends, not to the Gathas, but only to the prose narrative which in many cases has been 
proved to deviate from the original tale 

B 46 (703) , PLATES, XX, XLII 

ON a coping stone, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (A 102) Edited by 
Cunningham, PASS 1874, p. 115, Cunningham, StBh (1879) p 75, 131, No 14, and 
PI XLVI and LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 61, No 14, and PI ; Warren, 
Two Bas-Rehefs of the Stupa of Bhaihut (1890), p 14 ff , Hultzsch, IA Vol XXI (1892), 
p 228, No 14, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 89, No 208, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), 
p 127 ff, and Vol III (1937), PI LXXXIII (121), Luders, Shark (1941), p 153 


The Jataka of the otters 

The sculpture to which the label belongs was first identified by Hultzsch with the 
Dabbhapupphajataka, No 400 of the Pali Jataka book It is the humorous story of two 
otters who, having caught a large rohita fish by united effort, begin to quarrel about the 
division of their prey They ask a jackal to make an equal division of the fish. 
The jackal awards the tail to one of the otters, the head to the other and takes 
the middle portion for himself as arbiter's fee and brings it to his wife who has mani- 
fested a longing for fresh fish The Bodhisattva is said to have been a tree-spirit at that time 
who witnessed the event 

The sculpture shows two otters and a jackal between them on the rocky bank of a river 
in which two fish are visible The tail and the head of a fish are lying on the ground before 
the otters On the right the jackal is seen trotting off with the middle portion of the fish in 
his mouth On the left before two trees an ascetic is seated with a water-vessel and a basket 
filled up to the top before him It appears that the sculptor did not know the version of the 
story as it is given in the prose account of the Pali Jataka and that in the version known to 
him the part played by the tree-spirit was assigned to an ascetic living by the river bank 
Probably in the mouth of this ascetic the last Gatha containing the moral was originally put * 

B 47 (730) ; PLATES XIII, XLI 

ON the same pillar as No A 98, and immediately below that inscription, now in the 
Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 14) Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 111, StBh 
(1879), p 51 f , 133, No 19, and PI XXV and LIII, Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL (1886), 
p 64, No 37 (second part), and PI ; IA Vol XXI (1892), p 226, 230, No 37 (second 
part), Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 91, No 212; Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 136 ff, and 
Vol III (1937), PI LXXXV (126), Luders, Bhdrh (1941), p 133 

1 The a-sign of jd is quite distinct 

8 The author of the prose apparently forgot the purpose of the presence of the tree-spirit and calls- 
the last stanza an Abhisambuddhagdthd In the Tibetan version of the story (Schiefner, Tib Tales, 
p 332 ff) which is very much deteriorated, the witness of the event has totally disappeared 





The Jataka of the deer 

The sculpture to which the label belongs has been identified by Hultzsch 2 with the 
Rurujataka, No 482 of the Pali collection The story belongs to the class of tales of the 
virtuous animals and the ungrateful men A young spendthrift casts himself into the Ganges 
to drown himself, but is saved by the Bodhisattva, who at that time was a gold-coloured 
rum deer. He carries him on his back out of the water and sets him after some days on the 
road to Benares, asking him at the same time not to disclose his haunt The queen of 
Benares has dreamt of a golden deer and longs to see it After being informed by the 
brahmins that there are really golden deer, the king offers a large reward to anybody who 
will bring him news of such a creature Instigated by his greediness, the wretched young 
fellow shows the king and his followers the way to the dwelling place of the deer The king 
is ready to discharge an arrow, when the deer addresses him and reveals the perfidy of the 
traitor At the request of the deer the king pardons the wretch and grants a boon of 
inviolability to all creatures 

In the medallion three stages of the story are represented In the lower part the deer 
is seen swimming in the stream with the man on his back. A doe drinking from the watei 
serves no other purpose but to fill a blank space In the centre of the upper part, where 
three trees indicate that the scene is in a forest, the large deer is quietly lying on the ground, 
while four female deer are running away in fear of the king who has pulled his bow and is 
on the point of shooting his arrow at the deer which is pointed out to him by the traitor 
standing by his side In front of the deer the king appears once more, attended by two men, 
probably the treacherous young man and a servant The attitude of the king, who stands with 
his hands folded in devotion, shows that here he is represented as conversing with the deer 
and paying his respects to him for his magnanimous behaviour 

In agreement with the Gathas, where the deer is called a rum deer, the title of the 
Pah Jataka is Ruiujataka, while in the label it is called migaj ataka I do not know which 
species of the deer family was denoted by ruru 3 , the animal represented in the sculpture is 
certainly neither an antelope nor a gazelle, but, as shown by the antlers, a stag, probably a 

B 48 (698), PLATES XX, XLVII 

ON coping-stone No IV, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by 
Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 115; Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 75, 131, No 9, and 
PI XLIII and LIII, Hoernle, I A Vol X (1881), p 118, Note 2, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol 
XL (1886), p 61, No 10, and PI , IA. Vol XXI (1892), p 228, No 10; Barua-Sinha, 
JBI (1926), p 80, No 190, Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), p 85 ff, and Vol. Ill (1937), 
PI LXX (SB}, Luders, Shark (1941), p 134 

1 The sign for the anusvdra has not come out on the estampage, but it can be clearly seen in the 

a Again by Huber, BEFEO Tome IV (1904), p. 1093 

3 In Vaij 66, 27 it is said to be a large black buck (mahdn knshnasarah], but no such animal 
exists in India 


isimigo jataka 

The Jataka of the rz/y^-antelope. 

The sculpture illustrates the Nigrodharmgajataka, No 12 of the Pali collection, one 
of the most famous birth stories and frequently told or alluded to 1 m Buddhist literature 
In the Pah commentary it is located near Benares In the Mm , where the story is related 
at great length (I, 359 ff) the scene is the well-known Isipatana Migadaya or Rishipatana 
Mngadava, and Huan-tsang m his descnption of Benares tells us that there was a stupa 
in the park to commemorate the event The Chinese pilgrim's account enabled Gunning- 
ham to identify the Jataka 2 , but he misunderstood the details of the sculpture and mis- 
interpreted the inscription The legend as told in Pah consists of two parts In the first part 
we are told that the Bodhisattva was born as the leader of a large herd of antelopes by the 
name of Nigrodha, while an equally large herd belonged to another antelope king called 
Sakha The king of Benares was passionately fond of hunting, and to stop the excessive 
slaughter of the deer, the two leaders agreed with the king to send one animal every day, 
alternately from one and the other herd, to the execution block to be killed by the cook One 
day, the story goes on, the lot falls on a pregnant doe of Sakha's herd In vain she implores 
her leader to pass her over until she has brought forth her child, but when she turns for help 
to the Bodhisattva, the great Being at once goes himself to the place of execution The cook 
is highly astonished to see the king of the deer He informs the king, who is deeply affected 
by the magnanimity of the Bodhisattva and at his request grants immumtv not only to the 
deer, but to all living creatures Cunningham thought that the relief represented the 
interview between the king and the Bodhisattva, which leads to the agreement about the 
daily offering of one antelope, but the man standing before the antelope carries an axe on 
his left shoulder and therefore can be only the cook who has come to kill the antelope The 
animal itself is standing with its forefeet placed on what seems to be a log of wood wrapped 
lound with cords, which is perhaps meant for the block of execution, the gandikd or dhamma- 
gandikd spoken of in the Pali text As indicated by a tree behind the antelope the scene is 
not the kitchen of the royal palace, but some place in the deer park The antelope is 
called isimigo in the inscription Cunningham took the name as an abbreviation of 
Isipatanamigo 5 and translated it by Rishi-deer His explanation, although accepted by 
Hultzsch and Barua-Sinha, appears to me extremely improbable, and I am convinced that 
isimiga goes back to nsyamrga In Pali, it is true, nsya has become issa as proved by issammiga 
(J V, 416), issamiga (J V, 431), issasinga (J V, 425), and therefore isimiga may be consi- 
dered as belonging to another dialect, but in Pali we have also Isisinga, the name of the hero 
of the Alambusaj (No 523) and the Nahmkaj (No 52 6), which undoubtedly represents Risya- 
Jnnga, and even in J V, 431 one of the Burmese manuscripts reads isimigassa From the 
Gatha m J V, 425, where women are called issasmgam ivavatta, it appears that nsya designates 
the black buck (Antelope cervicapra) with screwshaped horns On the other hand, the 
antelope of the relief seems to have short straight horns, and it cannot be denied that, 

l DhA II, 148, Mil p 203 

2 Strangely enough, his identification was rejected by Hoernle and Oldenberg, JAOS Vol XVIII, 

3 Cunningham wrote isipattanamiga 


with its slight hunchback, it has more the appearance of a nilgai (Boselaphus tragocamelus) 
than of a black buck But even if the animal of the inscription should not be a risya, this 
could hardly be used as an argument against the proposed translation of isimigo, as we may 
reasonably assume that in such minutiae the sculptor followed his own taste 

The grammatically incorrect use of the nominative isimigo in the title of the Jataka 
has a parallel in Sujato gahuto jataka in No B 50 

B 49 (785), PLATES VI, XLI 

ON the same pillar of the North-Western quadrant as No A 32, now m the Indian 
Museum, Calcutta (M 9) The inscription is engraved over a medallion, directly below 
the donative inscription No A 32, but probably in a different hand Edited by Cunningham, 
PASB 1874, p 115; StBh (1879), p 61 ff , 137, No 74 and PI XXVI and LIV; Hultzsch, 
ZDMG Vol XL (ISSS), p 70, No 85 (second part), and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 234, 
No 85 (second part), Ramaprasad Ghanda, MASI No I (1919), p 19, No 5, and PI V, 
Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 93, No 217, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 141 f , and Vol III 
(1937), PI LXXXVII (128), Liiders, Bharh (1941), p 155 ff 

chhadamtiya jatakarh 

The Jataka relating to the six-tusked elephant 

The sculpture to which the label refers was identified by Cunningham with the 
Chhaddantajataka, No 514 of the Pah Jataka book The prose tale is a later and much em 
bellished version of the Jataka, which is sometimes even at variance with the Gathas The chief 
points of the story as warranted by the Gathas are as follows The Bodhisattva is born as 
a white elephant with six tusks, who lives as a leader of a large herd under a banyan tree near 
Mount Suvannapassa He has two mates, Sabbabhadda and another whose name was 
perhaps Subhadda 1 The Bodhisattva pays more attention to Sabbabhadda In the prose 
story, for instance, it is told that one day he presents her a large lotus flower which another 
elephant had offered him Subhadda, out of jealousy, starves herself to death and dies 
with the wish to be reborn as the consort of the king of Benares in order to wreak vengeance 
on the Bodhisattva When she has become queen, she pretends to have a craving for the 
tusks of the white elephant and despatches a hunter to the place where he lives Attired in 
the yellow robe of a monk, the hunter hides in a pit and discharges an arrow at the elephant, 
Although sorely wounded, the Bodhisattva, out of reverence for the hunter's religious 
dress, does not harm him, and when he is informed that the hunter has come for his tusks, he 
summons him to saw them off himself before he dies The queen on receiving the tusks and 
Hearing of the death of hei former mate is filled with remorse and dies of a broken heart 

On tiie right side of the medallion the six-tusked elephant is seen standing under a 
banyan tree accompanied by a female elephant who by a lotus flower on her front is charac 
tenzed as the beloved Sabbabhadda, while another female elephant appearing in the back- 
ground is appaientlv the jealous Subhadda On the left the elephant wrth an arrow stuck 

of the c ^ Ghullasubi >adda, but m G 17,34 the name 

the GatMs 

name in her birth as queen of Benares 


in his navel, is kneeling to let the hunter cut off his tusks with a large saw On the right 
of the hunter his bow and an arrow are lying on the ground 

Foucher wrote a special study 1 on the Chhaddantaj (514) and pointed out the numer- 
ous deviations to be found between the Gathas and the prose account Leaving aside the 
prose account of the story, the Bharhut relief seems to deviate only in two points from the 
tale as It can be deduced from the Gathas the Gathas 25 ff. tell how the elephant, struck 
by the arrow, rushes at the hunter to kill him, but retreats when he sees the reddish 
garment of the hunter which is otherwise worn by the Rishis, for, someone who bears the 
characteristic marks of the Arhats, should not be killed by the pious 

vadhissam etan ti pardmasanto 

kdsdvam addakkhi dhajam isinam \ 

dukkhena phuttass' udapddi sannd 

cuahaddhajo sabbhi avajjhaiupo \\~ 

In the relief, however, the hunter does not wear the garments of a monk, but the usual 
lower garment and a turban Now in fact the hunter, according to the Atthavannana, puts 
on yellow garments in order to deceive the elephant and the same thing is told in the Jataka 
version as it is found in the Kalpanamanditika and in the prose of J 221 Nothing, however, 
of it is said in G 23, where the preparations made by the hunter in order to kill the elephant 
are described The disguise in itself is quite supeifluous, as the hunter hides himself in a pit 
covered by planks in order to shoot from there his arrow at the passing elephant 3 Obviously 
the composer of the Gathas., when he used the word kasdva, thought of the usual dress of the 
hunter, which is also a red-yellow garment as can be seen from other passages For instance, 
according to the legend, the Boddmsattva when he thought of leaving the worldly life 
exchanged his garments first with the kashaya of the hunter In the verse Mvu II, 195, 
6 f it is said tatrddrakshid aranyasmim lubdhakam kdshayaprdvntam., he requested him imau 
kasikau gnhnitva dehi kdshdyam tvam mama According to the Mvu prose, however, he 
is not a usual hunter but one created by the Suddhavasa gods In the Buddhach 6 60 ff , 
and in the Lahtav 226, 1 ff , 238, 1 ff, where the kashaya has already changed to several 
kdshdya-g&rme'n.ts, it is likewise said that the hunter was a god who had taken the form of a 
hunter 4 It could therefore appear, that the hunter had equipped himself with the 
kashaya for this special purpose 5 AsVaghosha describes the kashaya as the dress suited for the 

1 Melanges Syluain Levi> p. 231 ff , Beginnings oj Buddhist Art, p 185 ff 

2 The next two Gathas (26 and 27) with which the elephant is alleged to have addressed the hunter, 
aie certainly later additions From the words samappito puthusallena ndgo adutthachitto luddakam ajjhabhasi 
in G. 28 it can be clearly seen that the elephant has not spoken to the hunter before Both these Gathas 
belong to the Buddhist lyric poetry and as such they are found m the Dh 9, 10 Later on, 
piobably a story modelled on the Ghhaddantaj was invented and m fact there is such a Jataka, which 
-was taken up as J 221 m the collection, from where it found its way into DhA (1, 80 f.) Whether 
the verses 967 to 970 in the Th, refer to this Jataka or to the already interpolated Chhaddantaj. is not 
easy to decide If one would relate them to the J 221 one must suppose that originally the narrative 
ran more in conformity with the story of the Chhaddantaj than the one handed down in the Atthavan- 
nana, for the Theragathas speak of a six-tusked elephant that was wounded, while in the J 221 the 
elephant is not described as six-tusked and escapes the missile of the hunter Finally, however, it is 
still more probable that the verses from the Th refer to the Chhaddantaj But they themselves are 
perhaps only a later insertion, for there they completely fall away from the context Besides, I would 
like to point out that the grammatical commentary on the Gathas 18-27 has the character of Atthakatha, 
for the interspersed bhikkhave 48 13, 50 8 makes it probable that the giamrnatical commentary and the 
prose narration come from the same author 

3 In the relief the hunter has struck the elephant from below as the arrow is planted in its belly 

4 This, remark is lacking m the Divy 391, where it is said that the Bodhisattva received kdshdyam 
vastram from the hunter for his kasika garments , however only a short reference is made to the story. 

5 Subsequently this legend has been further developed in this respect In the Nidanakatha 
G 273 (p 65) the full equipment of a Buddhist monk which a Mahabrahman, the former Ghatikara, 
provides, appears in the place of the kashaya of the hunter 


forest (vanyam vdsah) although he makes the hunter say that when he goes hunting he is 
accustomed to put on kdshdya in order to produce from a distance trust in the mind of the 
deer (at ad anena visvasya mngdn mhanmi) In the piose of the Chandakmnaraj (IV, 283, 16) 
it is also mentioned, without giving any special cause, that the king of Benares when he 
went hunting put on two kasayani, and it is not necessary to imagine the kdshdya of the 
hunter as the robe of a Buddhist monk The kashaya which, according to the piose 
of the Jatakas, is worn by the executioner 1 , and according to the Asvaldyana Gnhyta 
1, 19, 11 by the young brahmin students, will have been scarcely different from the kdskfyn 
of the hunter Therefore in this respect it is not necessary to suppose that the sculptor of 
Bharhut has deviated from the story as it is given by the Gathas 

The matter seems to be different with regard to the second deviation on which Foucher 
lays much stress In the lehef the hunter cuts the teeth of the elephant with a saw, exactly 
as on the medallion from Amaravati, on a fresco at Ajanta, and a freeze from Gandhara 
According to the Gathas he uses a khura for this purpose In G 31 the elephant says to 
the hunter utthehi tvam ludda khmam gahetvd dante ime chhinda purd mar arm, and accordingly 
in the narrative Gatha 32 we read utthdya so luddo khuram gahetva chhetvana dantam gajuttamassa 
In the piose the instrument used is a kakacha, a saw (V, 52, 12 f ), and accordingly in the 
grammatical commentary of G 31 khuram is also explained by kakackam Fouchei is of the 
opinion that the commentator goes too far when he wants us to believe that knives are saws, 
' autrement dit que les vessies sont des lanternes '. Now indeed I am also inclined to see 
in the commentator a man who generally is not very much worried by scruples, whether in 
linguistic or in material questions Nevertheless some doubts may have come to him, as per- 
haps also to others, whether it is possible to cut elephant-teeth with a razorthis undoubtedly B 
the meaning of Mara In this case, however, I believe that he is not to be blamed for he 
merelv became the victim of a corruption of the text In other cases in the Gathas where 
we hear of the cutting of elephant's tusks the instrument used is called khara In J 545, 
10 it is said achchhechchhi kamkham vichikichchhitdm chundo yathd nagadantam kharena, c you have 
cut off doubts and hesitations like a chunda 2 an elephant tooth with the khara 9 In J 231, 1 
Asitabhu says to her husband who has faithlessly left her that her love for him has vanished 
so yam appatisandhiko kharachchhnnam* va Hiukam 'it is not again to be joined together as an 
elephant-tooth* cut by a khara > The commentator explains khara m both places as katofo 
saw and although the word is missing in Sanskrit we do not have any reason to doubt the 
correctness of his explanation, particularly because the Abhidhanappadipika 967 also give. 
the meaning saw ' for khara Therefore the supposition lies at hand that also in the Chhad- 
dantaj Uuramb** been corrupted from kharam, which is more rare, and m fact the Burmese 

"r I - h T ^ aU PlaCCS n aCC Unt f thls I ^ q^ *e that even accor- 
rr^^ USCd by the hunter was a saw well as in the other 

osr T,l ? r d that ^ ^ S therefore do * -^ct, as Foucher 

supposes, a version of the story older than the Bharhut relief 

yiHTSTsTng, i 

b> ^*S^^^^ Thecommentary explamsthe word 

for in the list of craftsmen m M/ W Cf ' dlfference bet wee n the chundas and the dantakam 
kappakas (barbers), and nakafakas (bath aS^^J^T^ the /^^ ^ placed between tk 
wannalaras (goldsmiths), samaras (d^S? cL M L^ ** P* mSlikSras (^ land " mata )' 
\veen the chammakaras (leather-workers) ^T. M - ? u G ther ' where as the dantakdras appear bet- 
*** (rope-maker,) WthefoStt^^ <* ^ one S1 de and the n^ 

Preston for turner and the same S%^^^.^ ls P r T ob ^ the general ex- 

W \ have to read ^tead t *faS chLnam J ' ' 5 2 certaml y designates a turner, 

the meanmg of the word reruka accoroig to the commentary 


B 50 (694-) % PLATES XX, XLI 

ON a coping-stone, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Edited by Cunningham, 
StBk (1879), p 76 f., 130, No. 5, and PI XLVII and LIII; Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL(1886), 
p 61, No 6, and PI ; IA Vol XXI (1892), p 227, No 6, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 87, 
No 203;Barua, Bark. Vol II (1934), p 120 f and Vol III (1937), PI. XIII (114) , Luders, 
Bhdrh (1941), p. 134 


Sujato gahuto j[a]taka 

The Jataka (entitled) * the mad Sujata ' (SujataY 

On the left side of the relief a humped bull is resting on the ground with the forepart 
of the body raised. To the right, in front of the bull, a boy with long hair combed back is 
shown in crouching position With his right hand he holds a bunch of grass up to the bull and 
is apparently trying to feed it A man with a turban stands behind him holding his left arm 
and hand across his breast while his right hand is just to be seen above the head of the boy 

Cunningham already rightly identified this scene as representing the Sujatajataka 
(352) According to the story a landlord in Benares became so much afflicted with sorrow 
at his father's death, that he did not leave the memorial where his father's bodily remains 
were deposited, neglecting his business, forgetting bathing and eating and always lamenting 
bitterly. His son Sujata, who according to the Samodhdna is Buddha in one of his former 
births, cures the grief of his father in an ingenious manner He goes outside the city where 
a dead ox 3 is lying and offers grass and water to the animal asking it repeatedly to eat and 
drink People passing by wonder at it and go to tell the father that his son apparently had 
become mad Now the father forgets his sorrow, goes to his son and reproaches him for his 
senseless behaviour But the son points out that the bull lying before him is still having a 
head, feet and tail, so that there is much more hope to see it stand alive once again than 
the dead grand-father, whose body has totally vanished, but for whom the father continues 
to grieve m total neglect of all his duties Thus the father realizes the foolishness of his 
lamentations and is cured of his sorrow 

Cunningham hesitatingly proposed to translate the inscription " Birth as Sujata the 
Bull-mviter ", taking gahuto as a compound-word, made out of go or gav a bull, and huto from 
the root hve to call, invite, or summon Barua-Sinha call this translation ' quite reasonable \ 
but take gohuto as a compound corresponding to Sk gobhnt or Pali gobhato, gobhatako which 
according to them means a cow-server or cow-feeder Hultzsch on the other hand refuses 
to see in gahuto a compound-word and takes it as Sk gnhitah ' caught, seized, surprised, or 
understood ' He is followed by Liiders who in his List translates gahuta as c mad ' This 
explanation would correspond to the word ummattako occurring in the Pah Jataka 

B 51 (810), PLATES XX, XLII 

ON a pillar, now at Pataora. Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 65 ff , 139, 
No 97, and PI XXVI and LV, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol. XL (1886), p 76, No 155; IA 

1 The treatment of this inscription does not occur in the remnants of Luders' manuscript 

2 We give the translation according to the one appearing m Luders' List, which seems to us more 
probable than the explanation of Barua-Sinha referred to below. 

3 In the relief, however, the bull does not lie on the earth like a dead animal, but, as already 
mentioned, has the forepart of his body raised Its attitude is like that of a ruminating animal 


Vol XXI (1892), p 239, No 157, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 81 f , No 193, Barua, Bark 
Yol 11(1934), p 94f 3 andVol III (1937), PI LXXIV (95a) , Liiders, Bh&rh (1941), p 174 

yam bramano avayesi jatakarh 1 

The Jataka c because the brahmana played ' 

The Jataka, to which the label refers, was identified by Subhuti as the Andabhuta- 
jataka, No 62 of the Pali Jataka book It is one of the numerous Jatakas illustrating the 
cunningness of women The Bodhisattva is a king of Benares, who, when playing at 
dice with his purohita, used to smg a ditty which states that all women do something wrong 
when they get an opportunity On account of the truth of this saying he always wins the 
game, and the purohita is threatened by utter ruin In order to break the spell he buys a 
girl before she has been born and brings her up in his house without ever allowing her to 
look at a man except himself When she has grown up, the purohita begins to play again 
with the king Whenever the king sings his ditty, the purohita adds * excepting my girl ', 
and thereby wins, while the king loses To seduce the girl, the king then, in a most artful 
way, has a scamp smuggled into the purohita's house, where they enjoy themselves to their 
liearts ' content Before the lover takes leave, the couple plays a trick on the brahmin The 
girl tells him that she should like to dance and asks him to play the vind for her, but blind- 
folded, her modesty forbidding her to dance while he is looking on The purohita consents, 
and when she has danced awhile, she asks him to allow her to hit him once on the head 
When the purohita has granted her request, she makes a sign to her lover who is hidden in 
the chamber, and he deals his unsuspecting rival a terrible blow When after that the king 
and the brahmin continue their game, the usual exception of the girl made by the brahmin 
has lost its power and he loses again Being informed by the king of the cause of his bad luck, 
he charges the girl with her misdemeanour, but she proves her innocence by a new trick 
perpetrated with the assistance of her lover 

A portion of each side of the medallion which bears the inscription has been cut away 
when the pillar was set up as a beam in a cenotaph outside the village of Pataora. Fortunately 
the inscription and enough of the sculpture has been preserved to render the identification 
certain In the lower half of the medallion the brahmin is sitting, blindfolded and playing 
the vina, while the girl is standing before him stretching out her right hand An arm with a 
closed fist appearing between her and the brahmin shows that the lover is concealed behind 
her On the right the girl seems to have been represented once more in a dancing attitude 
The upper storey of a house with two windows, a balcony and a pinnacled roof, represented 
in the upper half of the medallion, indicate that the scene is the house of the brahmin For 
two reasons the label is of considerable importance for the history of Buddhist literature 
The words yam bramano avqyest, corresponding to yam brdhmano avadesi m the Pah text, are the 
first Pada of the only Gatha of the Jataka, and the label proves that the mode of using the 
first line (pratlka) of the first Gatha as the title of the Jataka, which has been preserved in the 
Pah Jataka, had not yet gone out of fashion in the second century B c , although the later 
custom of calling a Jataka after the hero or some incident of the story was already quite 

1 From Cunningham's eye-copy and photograph Cunningham bumano, Hultzsch bram[h]ano fa 
is found in B 31, bra m B 66, the symbols do not show much difference I can discover no subscript ha 
in the photograph Cunningham's eye-copy gives jdtakam, but the 70 seems to have no a-sign. 


common Secondly the form avqyesi, which stands for avayesi, confirms the view that the 
original text of the Gathas was composed in the dialect of Eastern India, where intervocalic 
d had been replaced byjy 1, if this is the right reading, is probably only a faulty 
spelling for bramhano, cf Bramhadevo in No B 66, Kanhilasa in No A 63, 

B 52 (769) , PLATES XX, XLIII 

ON the same pillar as No A 66, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 2) Edited 
by Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 111, StBh (1879), p 53 , 136, No 58, and PI XXV and 
LIV,Hultzsch, ZDMG Vol XL(1886),p 68, No 72, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 233, 
No 72,Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 101, No 221a, Barua, Barh Vol 11(1934), p 15811, 
and Vol III (1937), PI XCII (137), Luders, Bharh (1941), p. 133 

yavamajhakiyarh jatakam 

The Jataka relating to the market-towns 

Whereas Cunningham imagined to have discovered the scene represented in the 
sculpture in the famous story of Upakosa and her lovers told in the Brihatkatharnafljari and 
the Kathasantsagara, Andersen in the Index to the Jataka, p XV, pointed out that the 
medallion illustrated an older v ersion of that story which forms an episode of the Mahaum- 
maggajataka, No 546 of the Pali collection 2 The Jataka deals with the adventures of the 
Bodhisattva in his existence as the sage Mahosadha, councillor of king Vedeha The four 
envious ministers of the king attempt to supplant him They steal some ornaments from 
the royal treasury and send them secretly to Amara, the wife of the sage Amara, who is 
almost as clever as her husband, keeps an accurate account of these dealings When the 
ministers accuse Mahosadha of having stolen the ornaments, the sage escapes in disguise. 
Amara invites the four ministers to come to her home When they arrive, she has them 
shaved, thrown into the dung-pit and finally put into rush-baskets Then taking the orna- 
ments with her, she has the baskets carried to the royal palace, and there in the presence 
of the king she reveals the truth 

In the medallion the king is represented sitting on his throne, attended by a female 
chauri-bearer and surrounded by six of his courtteis On the right, Amara stands 
accompanied by a female servant With her right hand she points at two baskets the lids of 
which have been taken off, exposing the shaven heads of the ministers, while a third basket is 
being uncovered by a servant and a fourth still unopened is just arriving, being carried on 
a pole by two servants 

The divergence of the fable from the Jataka book with regard to the title of the Jataka 
can be sufficiently accounted for from the Pah text itself The Mahaummaggajataka is clearly 
composed of two parts, the first treating of Mahosadha's marvellous cleverness by which 
he solves numerous questions and triumphs over the attempts of the four ministers to destroy 
him, and the second, of his victory over a hostile king by means of a wonderful tunnel The 
pratika e panchdlo sabbasenaya ' (J VI, p 329) which serves as the title of the Jataka in its 

1 Cf H Luders, Beobachtungen uber die Sprache des buddhistischen Urkanons, edited by E Waldschmidt, 
Berlin 1954, 115 

"Barua's interpretation of the sculpture is so palpably wrong that it is unnecessary to discuss it. 


present form consists of the first words of the first Gatha of the second part of the Jata? 
(1 c p 396) It shows that the first part of the story having the words ' mamsam gono * as 
pratika originally formed an independent Jataka, which in later times, after the redaction of t" 
Jataka collection, was combined with the Ummaggajataka having the pratika ' panchz 
sabbasendya ' It is apparently the story of Mahosadha's cleverness, now forming the fir 
part of the Jataka, which is called yavamajhakiyamjatakam in the inscription, the name referrir , 
to the four market- towns at the four gates of Mithila 1 , the scene of Mahosadha's vario^ 
adventures, cf Gatha 41 esa maggo yavamajjhakassa ' (1 c p 365, 25) 

B 53 (802), PLATES XX, XLII 

ON a pillar, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 7) Edited by Cunmnghai: 
StBh (1879), p 64f,andPl XXVI;Hultzsch,/4 Vol XXI (1892), p 239, No. 156, Barua- 
Smha,5/ (1926), p 93f,No 218,Bania,5arA Vol II (1934), p 145 ff, and Vol 111(1937 
PI LXXXVIII (131); Lud&cs, Shark, (1941), p 133 

Isis [im]g[iya] j [a] ta(ka) [m] 

The Jataka relating to Isisimga (Risyasringa)- 

Cunningham assisted by MinayefFand Subhuti identified the scene to which the label 
belongs as the introductory story of the Alambusajataka, No 523 of the Pah' collection 
which is briefly referred to also in the Naknikajataka, No 526 The Bodhisattva is born 
as a brahmin, who, when he has reached the proper age, retires to the forest A doe ir 
the brahmin's privy place eats the grass and drinks the water mingled with his semen an~ 
becomes pregnant. When she has given birth to a boy, the brahmin brings him up anr 
instructs him in the practice of meditation This boy is Isisimga, whose love-affairs are tlu 
subject of the Jataka. 

In the upper part of the medallion the hermit is seen squatting and attending to the 
sacred fire The scene seems to be intended to represent the life of the brahmin in the 
hermitage which is further indicated by a hut, a vessel with a lid and two vessels filled with 
food and suspended in nets from a piece of wood In the lower right corner the conception 
is represented in a most naturalistic manner In the centre the hermit is taking up the 
boy who has just been brought forth by the doe The dress of the hermit is quite different 
from that of the ordinary ascetics appearing in the sculptures He wears his hair coiled up in 
braids, has a long beard, a girdle and a kind of kilt apparently made of bark or kusa grass 
around his loins and the sacred thread over his left shoulder He is thus clearly characterized 
as a brahmanical vanaprastha^ which is in keeping with the Jataka tale 

B 54 (701); PLATES XX, XLIII 

ON a coping-stone, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (A 112) Edited by Cunningham, 
PASS 1874, p 111; Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 69 f , 131, No 12, and PI XXVI! 
and LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 61, No 12, and PI ; Warren, Two Bos-Relief. 

'Cf Oldenberg, ?DMG. Vol LII (1898), p 643. 

2 Cf Luders,Z>z* Sage von Rsyafrnga (Gott Nachr Phil Hist Kl 1897, pp. 87-135, especially p. 133, 
ihd. 1901, pp 28-56), reprinted in Philologica Indica, Gottmgen 1940, pp. 1-43, pp. 47-73, especially p. 41 


of the Stupa of Bhaihut (1890), p 8 ff , Hultzsch, IA Vol XXI (1892), p 226, 228, No 12, 
Earua-Smha, BI (1926), p 91, No 211, Barua, Bath Vol II (1934), p. 135 f, and Vol III 
(1937), PI II (3) and LXXXIV (125)', Luders, Bharh (1941), pp 91-112 




The Kmnarajataka 

The low er half of the sculpture to which the inscription belongs has been broken off, 
"but enough remains to show that it represented a well-dressed man seated in an arm-chair 2 , 
together with a man and a woman, who by their kilts made of leaves are characterised as 
kinnaras, standing on his left Whether the kinnaras have been lepresented with bird-legs 
cannot be said as the lower part of the relief is broken away. 

Cunningham, Rhys Davids 3 , and Grunwedel 4 identified the sculpture with the 
Chandakinnarajataka, No. 485 of the Pali Collection. It is the story of a king who m the 
Himalaya meets a kmnara couple, falls in love with the kmnari and shoots her husband, 
but leaves her, when she, enraged, rejects his love-suit Sakka, moved by her lamentations, 
revives the husband 

Vogel found a representation of the Jataka m the Gandhara sculp tui e 5 published by 
Foucher, Mem cone I'Asie Onentale, Tome III, p. 23 f , and PI IV, 4,5 The sculpture follows 
closely the text as it appears in the Gathas of the Jataka At first (I) 6 we see the kmnara- 
couple diverting itself, the man plays the harp, and the woman dances to its music In the 
second scene (2) they continue their play, but now they are watched by the king, who is con- 
cealed behind a tree The king rides the horse with the bow at his back In the next scene 
(3) we see the king standing behind a rock having the bow bent and aiming at the man who 
still plays on his harp, while his wife is dancing A tree separates this picture from the 
following scene (4) Here the man, shot to death, lies on the ground and the harp is seen in 
front of him The woman sits lamenting at his side The king has taken her by her hand 
to take her away In the next scene (5) he still holds her by the hand She, em aged, re- 
jects him The scenes, which may have followed, are lost The representations on Burmese 
tiles are more simple On a tile from the Mangalachetiya m Pagan', the archer has jubt 
charged the arrow which can be seen flying m the air The kinnara sits befoie him, with 
the arrow in his breast, his lamenting wife at his side On another tile from the Pagoda of 
Petleik 8 three is a man who directs his bent bow against the kmnara standing at the side of 

'Photograph, earlier in Cunningham's work, only a sketch had been given 

2 A man sitting m a similar chair is found in the relief from Gaya in Cunningham's Mahdbodhi, 
PI IV, Barua, Gay a and Buddha-Goya, Vol II, fig 63 Barua, p 109, has probably rightly seen m this 
relief the representation of the Sujataj (306) 

3 Buddhist Birth-Stones, Vol I, p CII 

4 Buddhist Studien, p 92 

5 It is kept in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, a replica in the British Museum Jitendra Nath 
Banerjee, without knowing the article of Foucher, published the relief anew and identified it with the 
same Jataka in IHQ X, p 344 ff 

6 1 do not know why Foucher takes the first two scenes in reversed order The repetition of the 
kinnara couple thereby becomes ununderstandable and the succession of the scenes m the whole frieze 
is disturbed 

7 Grunwedel, Buddh Studien, fig 69, Foucher, Ic p 32 } fig 5 a 

8 Foucher, 1 c PI IV, 6 


his \vife From the heaven Sakka descends to make good the calamity brought about by 
the man 

Warren 1 rejected, in my opinion rightly, the identification of the relief from Bharhut 
with the Chandakmnaraj mentioned above, as there does not exist the slightest similarity 
between the two In the Jataka, the king shoots the kmnara in a mountain range or m a 
forest, here, however, the kinnara and his wife stand m front of the king who sits comfortably 
in an arm-chair Warren himself wanted to explain the relief as a representation of the 
Bhallatiyajataka (504) The Bhallatiyaj , different from the bulk of the Jatakas, is a 
complete, small epic poem which in its prose does not offer anything beyond the statements 
about the persons engaged in dialogue, exactly as it happens in the Mahabharala The 
contents are as follows 

Bhallatiya, king of Benares, sees, when hunting on the Gandhamadana mountain, 
a kmnaia couple, which embraces each other weeping and lamenting. On his question the 
kinnari tells him as the cause of their grief that they had been separated for one night by a 
swollen river 697 years ago This moving story is inserted into another one, which is narra- 
ted by a person called samana, as becomes clear from the last three Gathas This samam 
adds the admonition, apparently addressed to a married couple, to avoid quarrel and fight, 
He therefore receives the thanks of one of them, whether of the husband or of the wife cannot 
be decided from the Gathas According to the prose narration the samana is the Buddha 
himself who, with the help of the story, reconciled king Pasenadi and his wife Mallika 
after they have had a matrimonial quarrel Later on the queen expressed her thanks to 

Oldenberg 3 , though hesitatingly, followed the identification of Warren Foucher 
also first joined him and explained as Bhallatiyajataka 3 two reliefs from the Boro-Budur, 
where a king is depicted in a scenery of rocks having a conversation with a kinnara couple, 
whereas Griinwedel, 1 c , considered the same as representing the Chandakmnarajataka 
Since the Gandhara frieze mentioned above was discovered, Foucher became inclined 
to the view that in Bharhut as well as on the Boro-Budur the Chandakmnarajataka was 
depicted ' si grande est la routine de 1'art bouddhique ' 4 I cannot believe m the 
correctness of this view The oldest illustration of the Chandakmnarajataka is given in 
the Gandhara fneze If this was the traditional one, then we should expect that the re* 
presentations in Bharhut and on the Boro-Budur were similar to it, but this is not the case 
and it does not convince me that the Javanese artist should have suppressed the essential 
episode, the murder of the kinnara, as violating the sentiment, and that he should have 
depicted instead of it the king m conversation with the kinnara couple, although the story 
does not give any occasion for such a talk The attitude of the figures -the kmnara-couple 
speaking, the king worshipping the two with hands joined together-seems to me to speak 
decisively m favour of the interpretation of the Javanese reliefs as Bhallatiyajataka 

W,- K t i r ^ X ^^ WUh HultZSCh Wh PP sed the identification of the 

Bharhut relief not only with the Chandakmnarajataka but also with the Bhallatiyajataka, 
for the reason that the king sitting m his arm-chair can impossibly represent the king hunting 
m the mountains as told m the Bhallatiyajataka Foucher as well declares, that this reason 

. 8 ff 

Jzan had alread ^ refe - d * ^ p lates from 


tu-JDuaur. andrapen tnf IIP T/W T **,J T> n 7 , j.i-cnay iciciicu LU LJ.J.C uiai 

Affc, fflS^b Sm ? t 7f lkmkmde ^ld>cMnduV, 1, p 577 F ff. 

3 J. VlilV^ J.iij If / J 


ought to be decisive if one were to trust the sketch of Cunningham. That this sketch does 
not deserve suspicion is proved by the publication of the photograph So today possibly 
Foucher also would consent to the identification of the relief proposed by Hultzsch with the 
kmnara-episode, the last tale in a series of stories narrated to the former Purohita of king 
Erahmadatta of Benares by his pupil and present Purohita Takkariya in the Takkanyajataka 
(481) J 

The tale is quite clear in its course, although the text is badly preserved and the Gathas 
therefore give great difficulties in details A hunter catches a kinnara-couple in the Himavat 
and brings it to the king in Benares to whom such beings are quite unknown When 
he hears from the hunter that kinnaras are clever in dancing and singing, he commands 
them to show their art In fear of making an error and saying something false the pair 
remains silent Enraged the king orders (G 7) 

" They are not gods, and also not Gandharvas They are animals brought 2 to me for 
the sake of profit This one may be roasted for supper, the other one, however, may be 
roasted for breakfast 3 " 

Now the kinnari regards it timely to speak. She says (G 8) 

" A hundred thousand of bad speeches do not weigh as much as one piece of good 
speech Fearing calamity from bad speech, the kinnaras are silent, not out of stupidity 4 ". 

The king, pleased with the kinnari, answers (G 9) : 

" The one who spoke to me, should be set free and be taken to the Himavat-range But 
the other one is to be delivered to the kitchen and roasted in the early morning for breakfast ". 

Now the kmnara also feels urged to open his mouth (GG 10-12) 

" The cattle depend on the god of ram, these beings on the cattle On you, oh great 
king, I depend , on me, my wife depends 5 One of us when released, could only go into 
the mountains, after having known that the other one is dead 6 " 

" Censure in fact cannot be easily avoided 7 The men with whom one has to manage, 
are different, oh king The thing for what the one receives praise, for that the other meets 
with a censurer " 

*IA XXI, p m,JRAS (1912), p 407 

2 Instead of migd ime atthavasabhata ime, which is also metrically incorrect, miga ime atthavasabhata 
me is to be read In the grammatical commentary later on the two last words have been explained in 
conformity with the contents of the story, but the me is attested by mama atthavasabhata ime ti attham 
pachchdsimsantena luddendnitattd atthavasena mama dbhatd 

3 In the fourth pada the Simhalese rnss give ekan cha puna pdtardse pachantu, the Burmese ekan cha 
nam puna pdtardse pachantu The original reading was probably ekam puna pdtardse pachantu. 

4 Dubbhdsitam samkamdno kileso tasmd tunhi kimpunsd na balya. The third pada cannot be right, the 
explanation of the commentator, who seems to take kdeso as verbum finitum, is without value. I should 
suppose dubbhdsitd samkamdnd kilesam It is to be noted that kilesa apparently has not been used in the 
Buddhistic sense. 

5 The edition reads according to the Burmese mss ndtho 'ham bhdnydya cha, but C s mama ndthd mama 
bhanyd mama ndthd, whereas C k has only mama bhanyd The commentary, according to the Simhalese 
mss Tza.<h-mamandthdtimamapanabhanydmamandthdaham assd patittho Here, corresponding to the tvam- 
ndthe in the third pada, mamandthd stands clearly instead of mamndthd, and the pada originally read mamndthd 
bhanyd mama or mamndthd mama bhanyd., where bhanyd is the representative of the original eastern form 

6 The two last padas read m the text and the commentary without any variant dmnnam annataram 
natvd mutto gachchheyya pabbatam, which is not^understandable to me The commentary explains amhdkam 
dmnnam antare eko ekam matam natvd sayam matanaio mutto pachchhd Htmavantam gachchheyya \ jlvamdnd pana 
mayam annamannam najahdma I tasmd sa che si imam Himavantam pesetukdmo pathamam mam mdretvd pachchhd 
pesehiti annataram is perhaps an attempt to rectify annatamam distorted from original annam matam I 
have translated accordingly, but I am by no means sure to have found the right meaning 

7 na ve mndd supanvajjayd che, with the reading supanvajjayetha in the Burmese manuscripts The che 
is ununderstandable, and passed over in the commentary 


"Everyone is without understanding for somebody who understands (the matter) 
differently than how he does Everybody has understanding for the man who yields t& 
(one's own) understanding All beings understand (things) m their own way, each one for 
himself Whose understanding shall I follow under these circumstances 1 ? " 

The king thereupon releases the kinnara too and the story ends with a Gatha, wrongly 
attributed to the king m the prose account (G 13) 

" The kinnara together with his wife stood silent Because he spoke, fearing danger 
for himself, he became free, safe and sound Speech, indeed, brings profit to men " 

Nobody can deny that the relief is m best conformity with this narration Only the 
label seems to go against this identification, as indeed the story of the kmnaras in the form 
as it is handed down, is in reality no Jataka but only cited in a Jataka as an example Now 
it is quite possible that the story was originally an independent Jataka In any case, how- 
ever, it must have been taken into the Takkariyaj befoie the final redaction of the Jataka- 
collection was made, for the Takkaiiyaj with its 13 Gathas is rightly inserted in the Terasam- 
pata I theiefore should like to believe that Kinnarajataka is only another name for the 
Takkariyaj The nomenclature appears justified from two points of view The narration 
of the kmnaras is not only the most important part of the Jataka in regard to its size it 
comprehends more than half of all the Gathas but in respect to its essence as well, the 
whole little poem teaches nothing but worldly wisdom in an unbuddhist manner, and 
ends with the chmax in the last words vdchd ku 9 erf atthavatinaranam c speech, indeed, brings 
profit to men ' 


The Takkanyajataka, due to various reasons, is one of the most interesting in the 
Pah collection According to the prose narration the contents are as follows King Brahma- 
datta of Benares has a Purohita possessing yellow eyes and protruding teeth 2 The wife of 
the Purohita has illicit relations with another brahmin of the same appearance The 
Purohita resolves to get rid of his rival by a stratagem He goes to the king and tells him 
that the Southern gate of his town is badly fortified and is inauspicious One ought to build 
a new one made out of auspicious timber and fix it after offering a sacrifice to the tutelary 
deities of the town under an auspicious constellation The king consents The Purohita 
has the new gate made, the old one pulled down, and announces to the king that on the 
following day there would be a favourable date to offer the sacrifice and to erect the gate 
He further adds that one ought to sacrifice and bury underneath the gate a brahmin posses- 
sing yellow eyes and protruding teeth. When the Purohita returns to his house, he is not 
able to keep silent, being full of joy over the success of his stratagem and tells his wife that 
he would sacrifice her lover the next morning. The wife in a hurry warns her lover, who 
thereupon runs away from the town together with all the other brahmins having yellow eyes 
and protruding teeth When on the morning of the offering-day no other suitable brahmin 
is to be found the king commands to kill the Purohita and give his office of Purohita to his 
pupil Takkanya The old Purohita is brought to Takkanya in fetters who explains to him 
in a series of stories, the bad results of untimely speaking and saves him afterwards from 
death by pretending that the favourable constellation has not arrived He lets the day pass 
At night he allows his teacher to escape unnoticed and performs the sacrifice with a dead ram 

1 The text and the commentary of the Gatha aie distorted in many ways In the first pada certainly 
parachitte has to be read instead of jbarachitto corresponding to chittavasamhi in the second pada In the 
last pada we have to read either kass'idha chittassa vasena vatte or kass'idha chittassa vase mi vatte 

S AO XVI, p 131 if 


The gentle conclusion of the story has obviously been added only when the small poem 
containing nothing specific Buddhistic was made a Jataka. In the Jataka the role of the 
Bodhisattva could only be attributed to Takkanya By this fact, however, the sacrificing 
of the Purohita by Takkanya became excluded The narrator even avoids to speak of the 
killing of the sacrificial animal used instead of the Purohita He makes Takkariya sacrifice 
a * dead 5 ram (matam elakam) 

The word Takkariya assigned as a name to the pupil of the Purohita appears in the first 
two Gathas In G 1 the Purohita laments 

aham eva dubbhdsitam bhdsi bdlo 

bheko v^aranne ahim avhaydno \ 

Takkdriye sobbham imam patdmi 

nakit* eva sddhu ativelabhdni u 

" I myself as a fool have spoken bad words like the frog in a forest, who calls the 
serpent to the spot Takkanya 1 , I fall down in this pit Indeed, it is not good to speak at 
improper time " 2 

Takkanya answers 1 

pappoti machcho ativelabhdni 

evam vadham sokapanddavan cha 1 
attdnamyeva garahdsi ettha 
dchera yan tarn mkhananh sobbhe ' ' 

" So the man, who speaks at improper time, experiences death, as well as grief and 
lamentation You ought to blame yourself in this case 3 , oh teacher, if they bury you in the 

The form Takkdriye, for which the Simhalese manuscripts read Takkdnyo in the text 
as well as in the commentary, offers difficulties The commentator had undoubtedly the 
reading Takkdriye before his eyes, as he explains the word as feminine tassa Takkdnydti 
itthilingam ndma This explanation is -of course impossible I cannot follow Hertel 4 either, 
when he expresses the view that the person addressed was originally a female, perhaps the 
wife of the Purohita From the stanza of the response it is apparent that the Purohita is 
the teacher of Takkariya Takkariya therefore must have been his pupil The right explana- 
tion of the form, as I think, has been given by Geiger (Pah Gr , p 81) He takes it as a 
' Magadhism ' and quotes as a parallel Bhesike which appears in D I, 225 f as a vocative 
of the name Bhesika 

The name Takkariya is somewhat striking A gotra of this name is not known Inscrip- 
tions from the middle ages, however, mention on different occasions a place Tarkan or 
Tarkarika, instead of which sometimes Takkarika is written. It is a centre of Vedic studies 
from where many families of brahmins went to the East and South 5 . The place was 
situated in MadhyadeSa in the vicinity of Sravasti That means a region which fell certainlv 
into the mental horizon of the author of the Gatha 

We therefore may suppose that Tarkari was a settlement of brahmins many centuries 
before it appears in the inscriptions mentioned, the inhabitants of which called themselves 
with pride Tarkarikas or Takkanyas 

1 1 take this as a vocative, see below. 

2 This is apparently the sense of the last pada, although it is expressed in a somewhat round about 

3 Perhaps we have to read in accordance with the Simhalese manuscripts etto 'therefore', although 
the commentator explains the word by etasmim kdrane. 

*ZDMG LX, p 735 

5 The references are collected and discussed by N G. Majumdar, IA XLVIII, p 208 ff 


If the Jataka were to contain only the first two Gathas, the prose narration would not 
offer any difficulty except in the concluding portion But doubts about its originality are 
raised when one examines the stories put into the mouth of Takkanya They are clearly 
divided into two groups At the beginning there are four short stories of men acting as 
foolishly as the Purohita. Each story contains a Gatha ending with the words ay am pi attho 
bahu tadiso va ( also this case is highly similar ' Next follows the long and very different 
story of the king and the kinnara-couple, already known to us, containing not less than seven 

The contents of the first four stories are as follows 

1 The courtesan Kali in Benares has a brother named Tundila who spends the money 
she gave him on women, drinks, and games One day after losing everything, he comes, 
dressed only in loin-cloth, to his sister and begs money of her She refuses to aid him 
Just when he stands weeping before the door, the son of a rich merchant comes to visit the 
courtesan He asks Tundila the cause of his grief and when he does not succeed in making the 
courtesan have pity on her brother, he gives Tundila his own clothes and himself puts on the 
garments usually given to the visitors in the house of the courtesan for the night The next 
morning, when he wants to leave, these garments are taken away by female servants so that 
he has to move on the street naked and mocked at by the people The Gatha runs as follows. 

kirn etf aham Tundilam anupuchchhe 

kaneyyasam bhataram Kdlikaya 1 \ 

naggo tf aham vatthayugan chajino 

ayampi attho bahu tadiso va H 

" Why should I have inquired after Tundila, the younger brother of Kalika p Now I 
am naked and depnved of both garments Also this case is highly similar ' 

2 A Kuhnka-bird tnes to separate two fighting rams, as it fears that they will kill 
each other. When they do not listen to its words, it flies between the fighting ones and 
gets crushed by the heads of the clashing animals The Gatha reads 

yo yujjhamdnanam ayujjhamdno 
mendantaram achchupati kulimko I 
so pimsito mendasirehi tattha 
ayampi attho bahu tadiso va Ji 

" The Kuhnka which, without fighting, flew 2 between the contending rams was 
crushed there by the heads of the rams. Also this case is highly similar " 

3 Cowherds from Benares wish to get fruits from a palm-tree 3 They make one of 
them climb up the tree and throw the fruits down At the very moment a black serpent 
crawls up the trunk of the tree Four of the men standing below hold a cloth at four 
corners and ask their companion to spring down on it He does so, but comes down with 
such force that the four are not able to stand upright but strike their heads against each 
other, so that all come to death The Gatha reads' 

chaturo jand potthakam aggahesum 
ekan cha posam anwakkhamana I 
sab be va te bhmnasird sayimsu 
ayampi attho bahu tadiso va H 

'The edition reads anupuchcheyyam kareyya sam bhataram Kahk a yam, the emendation according to 
CPD, I, p 201 

2 achchupati is explained in the CPD as metrical haplology for achchupapati from achch-upa-patati. 
Differently, but not convincing, Kern, Toev I, p 61. 

3 Read Baranasivasmo va gopalaka phahtam talarukkham disva 


" Four men took a cloth, and while saving one man, they all lay down with their heads 
broken Also this case is highly similar " 

4 Thieves have stolen a goat and concealed it in a bamboo thicket When they 
arrive on the next day in order to slaughter the animal, they find that they have forgotten 
to bring a knife with them They free the goat It jumps around happily, and when it 
strikes out with the legs, a knife appears, which a maker of wickerwork has concealed 
there in the bamboo thicket Immediately the thieves take it and slaughter the goat 
The Gatha reads 

ajdyathd ve ^ugumbasmim baddhd 
avekkhipanti asitf ajjhaganchhi ' 
ten* eva tassd galak' dvakantam 
ay am pi attho bahu tddiso va U 

<c When 1 the goat, bound in the bamboo thicket, found the knife, while striking out 2 
(with the leg), its throat was cut with it Also this case is highly similar " 

At the first look, perhaps, the similarity of these stories with the narration of the 
Purohita, stated in the refrain of the Gathas, seems to consist only in the fact that all cases 
deal with a calamity brought about by oneself One is instantly reminded of the stanza 
spoken by Damanaka in the Tantrakhyayika (I, 54), when he brings Sarhjivaka to his master 
Pingalaka and thereby loses his influence on the lion * 

jambuko huduyuddhena vayam chdshddhabhutmd I 
dutikd tantravdyena trayo 'narthds svqyam kntdh II 

" The jackal by the fight of rams, and we by Ashadhabhuti, the female-messenger 
by the weaver, these three are made unhappy by themselves " 

Here also three completely different tales are bound together by the thought that in all 
cases the calamity is due to one's own actions The first story even has a parallel in the second 
story of the Jataka A jackal sees two rams fighting. It throws itself between the two in 
order to lick the blood which drops from their foreheads and thus meets with death between 
the heads of the fighting animals. But there is some important difference between these 
two narrations The jackal is driven by its thirst for blood between the rams, the Kuhnka, 
however, by the wish to save them from calamity The wish to help others is also the motive 
of action for the son of the merchant and the four men in the third tale Only in the story 
of the goat and the knife it seems to be missing It also does not appear in the numerous 
other versions of the tale 3 However, I am convinced that in the original prose narration 
the finding of the knife was not a matter of chance but that the idea of the story was as 
follows Thieves once had stolen a goat in order to eat it and had hidden it in a bamboo 
thicket When they intended to salughter the goat, the knife was lost in the thicket 
In order to help them the goat took part in the search, found the knife, and so brought death 
to itself Only in this way the narration fits into the context It is quite possible that the 
author thereby brought a new characteristic into the old story of the goat and the knife 
(ajdknpaniyam*), but he changed somewhat also the second story to suit his purpose Cer- 
tainly the Kuhnka here took the place of the jackal secondarily, for whereas the intreference 

l yathais striking Do we have to T 

a Andersen, %DMG LXVI, p 145, thinks of deriving avekkhipani from ^avaskipatiavakshipati, 
which seems to be too bold 

3 The whole literature is mentioned m Edgerton's instructive article " The Goat and the Knife* 
An Automatic Solution of an Old Crux", JAOS. LIX, p. 366 ff 

4 For the compound cf KaSika to Pdmm V, 3, 106 



of the jackal is motivated by its natural greed, the Kulmka really has no reason to interfere \ 
-with the fight of the rams. ' , 

To this may be added that the purpose of the story of the kinnara told by the ' 
pupil at the end is clearly to show that a word spoken at the right time brings profit We 
should therefore expect that the preceding examples show that untimely speech leads to 
calamity, in the same way as in the second Gatha Takkanya expressly refers the Purohitato 
the fact that a man when he speaks at the improper time experiences death, calamity, 
and grief Instead of this, cases are mentioned in which the intention to help others leads 
to disaster Now the Purohita brought himself to calamity by untimely speaking, however in 
no way did he speak with good intention In the present prose account the examples cited 
do not fit into the main narration. If it were narrated that he spoke an untimely word to 
help others and thereby nearly brought himself to death, then it would be understandable 
that the pupil told him other cases " highly similar " of well-meant but untimely interference 
in the affairs of others, and gave at the end an example of talking at the right time 

In fact a story, corresponding to these requirements, is widely spread in later literature 
We know of it, thanks to Hertel, who in %DMG LX, p 778 ff , Panchatantra p 140, collected 
the different versions of the tale and compared it with the Jataka 

In the PaSchatantra translation of Dubois 1 (1) Damanaka narrates the following in ordei 
to show that it is dangerous to tell the truth to kings King Darma-Dahla of Oudjyny 
(Ujjavmi) gets a big tank dug out, but it is not possible to fill it with water, as all the water 
flows out into a deep cavity by some unnoticeable gap A mum instructs him that this is a 
consequence of some magic which would end only when a Rajaputra or a mum is sacrificed, 
The king immediately orders to kill the mum, to whom he owes the advice, and to throw his 
body into the tank. The body by chance fills up the gap, so that the tank gets filled and can 
be used to fertilize the land all around 

^ Another version is preserved in the story No 25 of the Tantrakhyana (2) 2 The 
opening stanza says 

hitam na vakyam ahtam? na vakyam 

hitahitam yady ubhayam na vakyam I 

Kurwthako* nama Kalmgaraja 

httopadesi mvaram pramshtah II 

" One shall not speak something profitable nor something unprofitable, nor shall one 
speak, when something is both, profitable and unprofitable A king of Kalmga, Kurunthaka 
by name, entered the gap in the earth, because he had given good advice " 

In the tale belonging thereto it is narrated that the king Kurunthaka of Kalmga once 
rides out for hunting His horse runs away with him and carries him to a village, where 
suddenly a gap m the earth has appeared which the people cannot fill in by any means 
The king tells them that it can be filled if a man bearing lucky marks can be offered m 
sacrifice As he himself is the only man of this kind he is thrown into the earth gap. 
asre J r? ; * Pa5ch ^y^ a varttika(3) 5 , instead of the king, a skull-bearing 

ascetic named Korantaka appears The opening stanza reads here. 

hitam na vachyam ahitam na vachyam 

hitdhitam nawa cha bhashaniyam I 

1 Pantcha-Tanha, p 34. 

_ _ 3 \J *"t-i-O *t*.^\. LJ i y J. _ JriCIiPl t/l Ytrn ffftwi-f-n n w O 1 C\ 

3 TJ J 1 1 _ r ****. i- \_M.I) j, Wlbv/mtlrLiflfsfQ jj j I /% 

4 la L Karunthako. 

5 Hertel, Panchatantra, p 139 f 


Korantako ndma kapdlayogi 
hitopadesena bilam ptaoishtah H 

The story is according to Hertel In the town Kanyapura Patana, king Kanakasekhara 
rules He gets a tank dug out near the town in which, however, no water can be retained, 
although he makes it laid out with stone, with glass and with tin one after the other A 
visiting ascetic who beais the 32 lucky marks on his body, confirms the view of the minister 
that a hostile demon (vyamtara) is responsible for the disaster, and informs the king, when 
asked, that it is necessary to kill a man, bearing the 32 lucky marks on his body He adds 
that this man should be buried in a hole underneath the tank, and that a chapel should be 
erected at the place The king orders his minister to find out such a man As no one 
besides the ascetic is to be found the minister orders to kill the ascetic himself in conse- 
quence of his advice 

This version is in conformity with the 114th tale in Hemavijaya's Katharatnakara (4) 1 
Only the names are different The inhabitants of the village Purana have constructed a tank 
in which the water does not remain When all other means do not help, the people turn to 
a great yogin, named Suranatha, who advises them to bury in the tank a man possessing the 
32 lucky marks on his body As Suranatha himself bears the marks he becomes the 
victim of his own advice 

The opening stanza of the PaRchakhyanavarttika with the variants tu for cha in b, 
Herandako ndma kapalabhikshur in c, and hitopadesdch cha in d, recurs in the recension of the 
Southern textus simphcior of the Paftchatantra (5) a But the story here deviates The king 
in order to have a field irrigated gets a dam put across a river The liver, however, runs 
out through a gap in the earth A mum named Herandaka informs the king that the gap 
can be filled if a king or a mum throws himself into it The king is ready to sacrifice 
himself but the mum declares that the king should not die, therefore he would throw himself 
into the gap 

In this form the story appears still often in South India Hertel, Panchatantra, p 68, 
mentions that it forms the first tale in the collection ' Folklore of the Telugus * by G R 
Subramiah Pantulu (6) 3 The monk here bears the name Erunda Benfey, Pantschatantra 
I, p. 108, hinted at the fact that it reappears m the legendary history of the Ghola kingdom (7) 
The nvei there is the Kaveri The tale is mentioned shortly by Wilson, Mackenzie Collection 
I, p 183 4 According to it the king was named Kanaka, the mum sacrificing himself Eranda 

There still remains a great number of stories showing a relationship more or less 
apparent with the stories mentioned above Already Benfey, Pantschatantra II, p. 529, has 
utilized a legend told by Huan-tsang in great details (8) 5 . It is connected with a monastery 
lying on a big river more than a hundred h to the south-east of the capital of Khotan. 
This river, used by the inhabitants to irrigate their fields, suddenly ceases to flow The king 
on the advice of an ascetic, brings an offering to the Naga in the river, whereupon a woman 
emerges from the water and tells the king that the river has dried up because the Naga, 
her husband, died. He should give her one of his great ministers as husband A high 
official, after donating a monastery, declares that he is ready to sacrifice himself for the benefit 
of all On a white horse he rides into the river and is drowned After a short while the 
horse emerges with a drum of sandalwood on its back The drum contains a letter 

1 In the translation of Hertel, Vol. II, p 25 f 

'Hertel, DMG LX, p 779, LXI, p 34 

3 1 do not have access to the book. 

4 Cf H H Wilson, Mackenzie Collection, II, p GGLXVI 

5 Beal, Si-yu-h II, p 319 ff 


reporting to the king the success of the sacrifice When the drum is suspended in the south- 
east of the town, the river again begins to flow Huan-tsang adds that at his time the drum 
had disappeared since a long time, and of the monastery only ruins were to be seen 

Benfey, Pantschatantra I, p 109, has already referred to the eighth story of the Vikrama- 
charita (9). In the Southern recension, placed at the top by Edgerton in his edition 1 , it is 
narrated that a merchant in Kashmir has a tank dug out to erect therein a temple dedicated 
to Vishnu lying on the water But the water let into the tank always flows away A heavenly 
voice announces that the water would remain only if the tank is sprinkled with the blood 
from the throat of a man, carrying the 32 lucky marks on his body The merchant in vain 
promises 100 loads of gold as a reward to a man who offers himself for sacrifice When 
king Vikrama has heard of the happening, he resolves to give his life for the sake of the people 
He goes there and begins to cut his throat At this moment a deity holds him back and 
allows him to choose a boon The king desires that the tank may be filled, which then imme- 
diately happens There are deviations in the other recensions of the work of which I may 
only mention that in the metrical recension the mei chant offers as a reward seven golden 
statues, whereas in the shorter and in the Jain recensions, only one statue, made out of ten 
loads of gold, is promised 

The motif of the golden statue recurs in a tale of the SamyaktvakaumudI (10)* 
The gate of the city VaraSakti during its construction by king Sudharma falls down thrice. 
His minister advises the king to sprinkle it with the blood of a man, killed by the ruler him- 
self, in order to make the gate firm. This plan is not liked by the pious king, on the advice 
of another high official, however, he has a man made out of gold and jewels and promises 
that he would give it in reward besides ten million gold pieces, to the man willing to give 
his son as offering A brahmin couple offers the youngest of their seven sons, but the king 
cannot make up his mind to perform the sacrifice, and the deities of the city, satisfied also 
with the courage shown by the youngster, allow the building of the gate to proceed steadily 

Similarly the sacrifice actually does not take place in the tale of Amrabhata, narrated 
in a somewhat unclear manner in Merutunga's Prabandhacmntamam, p 220 f 3 (11) 
Amrabhata has a temple built in Bhrgupura When a ditch is being dug the walls collapse, 
on account of the vicinity of the Narmada, and begin to bury the workmen At this moment 
Amrabhata, together with his wife and children, jumps into the pit. By this action he re- 
moves the obstacle and still comes out alive __ 

Hertel (%DMG LX, p 781) has in this connection further refeired to the tale of Arum 
PaSchalya in the Mbh I, 3, 19 ff (12) Arum on the advice of his teacher Ayoda Dhaumya 
fills in a hole in an irrigated field by creeping inside, and receives the blessings of his teacher 
for his obedience 

Lastly Hertel (ibid p 780) has mentioned as a parallel the well-known Roman tale 
of the formation of the lacus Curtius found in Livius VII, 6(13) 

Let us now review the first seven tales connected with each other by their contents and 
partly also by formal characteristics It is quite understandable that the names Kurunthaka r 
Korantaka, Herandaka in the opening stanza of Nos 2, 3, 5, and Erunda in No 6, Eranda 
in No 7, all go back to one and the same form In all cases it is the name of the man, who 
meets with death Except in No 2 this man is everywhere a religious mendicant, in Nos 3 
and 5 he is called more exactly a skull-carrying ascetic Only in No 2, where he bears the 

*HOS XXVI, p 92 ff , XXVII, p 84 ff , cf also XXVI, p LXXX f 

2 Weber, SPAW 1889, p 741 f 

3 p. 136 in the translation of Tawney 


same name as the ascetic in other cases he is supposed to be the king of Kahnga I have no 
doubt that the Kahhgaraja in the stanza replaced the original kapdlayogl (No 3) or kapdla- 
bhikshuh (No 5) Now, as it is highly improbable that the villagers kill their own king, 
the popular motif of the horse running away to a distant place has been brought into it 
So it can be supposed that the king comes to a place where he is not known 

The narrations Nos 1-4 oppose in one point the Southern ones, Nos 5-7, which are 
closely related to each other. In Nos 1-4, the ascetic or the king brings himself to calamity 
against his own will, in Nos 5-7, however, he chooses death willingly Hertel is of the 
opinion that the motif of self-sacrifice done willingly is the original, because in the opening 
stanza of Nos 2, 3, 5, it is mentioned that the ascetic or the king entered the gap (vivaiam or 
bilam pravishtah] and was not made to enter it (praoehtah) To me, however, it seems that 
piavishtah, if required by the context of the story, can be understood also as an enforced 
entering into the earth-hole This m fact is the case in Nos 2 and 3. Now the stanza 
shows as clearly as possible that * silence is gold ' is the moral of the story The ascetic or the 
king brings death upon himself because in giving an advice he does not show regard to 
it He, who offers himself willingly as sacrifice, does not come to death by good advice 
(hitopadesena) but due to generosity Hertel, in his opinion that the tale originally has been 
an example of generous self-sacrifice, finds the proof m the stories of Livius (No 13), in the 
Mbh (No 12), and in the Vikramacharita (No 9) But the Roman story cannot decide 
anything in this question and the story of Arum is far different m contents It indeed does 
not praise generosity but obedience of the pupil to his Guru The tale of Vikrama, however, 
is, as most of the stones in the Vikramacharita, an example for the generosity (auddrya) of 
the king 1 In the same way Amrabhata in the story of the Prabandhachmtamam acts out 
of generosity and possibly the narration in Nos 5-7 has been changed under the influence 
of this and the other related stories. The author of the stanza, however, in my opinion, 
cannot have thought of the self-sacrifice of the ascetic as it is incompatible with the 
plain wording of the stanza 

The narration of the ascetic who met with death by giving good advice is in conformity 
in nearly all points with the original version of the prose narration of the Takkariyaj to which 
we arrived by the examination of the Gathas It was not on account of his talkativeness, 
but because he spoke to help others, that the teacher of Takkariya found death The un- 
truthfulness of his wife, the jealousy for the rival, the teacher's intention to get rid of him, 
all this is apparently later addition of the author of the prose It is not backed by the 
Gathas Whether in the original narration the teacher was the Purohita of the king is not 
to be found out from the Gathas In any case, however, he was, as is shown by the vocative 
dchera in G 2, a member of the priestly class as well as the hero in the later stories It is 
possible that the matter in which he gave his advice was about the building of a city gate 
In No 10 also a sacrifice of a human being for securing the construction of a city gate occurs 
If one compares the expressions sobbham imam patdmi in G. \^yan tarn mkhananti sobbhe, with 
the expressions vivaram pravishtah, bilam pramshtah in the stanzas of Nos 2, 3, 5, it does not 
seem unreasonable that the poet of the Gathas had m view a person's being pushed down in 
an earth-hole, may it be a simple gap in the earth as in No 2 or, as in Nos 1, 3-7, an opening 
in a tank or a river On the other hand the yellow eyes and the protruding teeth of the 
Purohita in the Jataka story may be old and more original than the lucky bodily marks 

'By the side of it m the different recensions we are also told of his helpfulness, his heroism and his 



ascribed to the person sacrificed in Nos 2-4 Just the demoniac appearance makes the maa 
suitable to be offered to some deity 1 

B 55 (786), PLATES XX, XLIII 

ON the left outer face of the return corner pillar of the northern gate, now in the 
Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 28) The inscription is engraved on the roof of a building 
in the lower relief Edited by Cunningham, PASB 1874, p 112, StBh (1879), p 79 ff, 
137, No 75, and PI XVIII and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol XI (1882), p 31 f , No 26, 
Hultzsch, ZDMG Vol XL (1886), p 70, No 86, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 234, 
No 86,Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 94 if, No 220, Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), p 155 ff, 
and Vol III (1937), PI XCI (136), Luders, Bark (1941), p 133, Luders, Das Vidhura 
panditajataka, %DMG XGIX (1949), pp 103-130, esp p 115 



The Jataka which treats of Vitura ( Vidura) and Punaka (Purnaka) , 
The Jataka represented on the pillar bears m the Pali collection the title of Vidhma- 
panditajataka (No 545) Vidhura is the name of the Bodhisattva, when born as the 
kattar* of the Kuru kingDhananjaya in Indapatta Vimala the wife of the Naga king Varuna, 
ha\ing heard of his virtues desires to listen to his discourses on the law In order to induce 
the king to bring him to the Naga world, she pretends to have a sick woman's longing foi his 
heart The Naga king instructs his daughter Irandati to seek for a husband who will be able 
to fetch the sage When the Yaksha Punnaka 3 sees Irandati dancing on a mountain in the 
Himalaya, he falls in love with her He rides on his aerial horse to the Kuru king and challen- 
ges him to play at dice, risking Vidhura as the king's stake, his own stake being the most 
precious jewel The Yaksha wins the game and carries off Vidhura, making him hold 
on to the tail of his horse When they arrive on the summit of Mount Kalagin 4 , Punnaka 

^ Compare the use of such a man m the concluding ceremony of the Asvamedha , AO XVI, p H2f 

, liie meaning of the word kattar is given m the Pali Dictionary as ' an officer of the king, the 

king s messenger Cowell translates ' minister >, Dutoit ' helper ', Francis (V, 1 13 f ) m addressing a 

person my Ancient But the kattar of the Gathas has undoubtedly the same meaning as Sk kshattn 

The :old form khatta, is still retained mD 1, 112, 128, and probably khattar was changed to kattar only m 

beyion wheie the meaning of the expression was no more clear, and where the word was taken as 

maker from to or perhaps as ' cutter ' from hit Kshattn derived from kshad ' to carve, to slaughter, 

tc .prepare dishes , originally meant ' the carvei of meat, the seiver, the distnbutoi of food m a noble 

' Pmmka m the eastern languagej 

I S??? taul Kala g', where Puimaka intends to till Vidhura (G 196) lies m the vicinity of 
SLT re P d ^^H P 01 ) b ^ Kalapabbata, and is certainly identical wrth 
' D "" 

a a aapaata, an is certainy ientica w 

The home of^ttnf' ?% ?- & ^ D "v" 6 ' at Islglk ' ^ Rlslu S m of Ae Sk trcte, near Rajagal,a 
with tSriohues P anHfn , C ? ^ "* ""^ P art of Indla as ls * be seen from his famitanty 

n , e seen rom is a 

S r CS Of th % east , The wonderful jewel, which Punnaka intends to use 
r^. &C sumrrut of the Vepulla (G 36 ff), one of the five mountains surround 
^^^t^^^^^ 1 P^ fa '' IXi G ^mngham, ASR Vol 1, 

jewel on Ae mount T-*', ' S SS P robabl y back to ^ name r the mountain Thus the 
Luders, lap 113 J OWeS US Ongm * ^ local tradltlon of R ajagaha (for details 

that .toSo" 1 ^ and PUn ? aka haS * h me m eastern Indla 1S also sho fa y the faC ' 
appear Iu GJtha! 2 3T "S ^fT? ' angUa | e ; In the GathaS n ? Peculiarities of this language 

etamed * " 


tries to kill the sage He holds the sage with his head downwards over a precipice, when 
Vidhura succeeds in rousing his curiosity by promising him to inform him about the qualities 
of a good man The Yaksha is converted by the discourse of the sage He declares himself 
ready to take him back to Indapatta, but Vidhura insists on being led to the Naga world. 
When they have arrived there, Vidhura is kindly received by the Naga king and his wife, 
who take delight in conversing with him. Punnaka gets Irandati, presents his jewel to- 
Vidhura and brings him back to Indapatta 

Most of the scenes of the sculpture were already correctly explained by Cunningham. 
In the upper relief Punnaka and Irandati are seen talking to each other in a rocky landscape 
The rest of the rehef is filled by the palace of the Naga king In the arched door of the upper 
storey appears the head of a woman, probably Irandati Below, the Naga king and his wife 
are seated on a chair The Naga king, who is distinguished by a five-headed snake over 
his head, while his wife has only one snake, is addressing two men who are standing before 
him, one behind the other, with their hands reverentially joined The scene undoubtedly 
represents the return of Punnaka in company with Vidhura to the Naga's palace It thus 
appears that the sculptor has united in the upper relief all scenes connected with the Naga 
world without paying attention to the chronological order of the events Under these cir- 
cumstances I think it quite probable that the man who is represented entering by a gateway 
in the left lower corner of the relief is again Punnaka, but this time entering the Naga 
palace after his meeting with Irandati 

The lower relief, which unfortunately is incomplete, is taken up by the gambling- 
scene in the palace of Dhanaftjaya in Indapatta In the courtyard a man is seated on 
a cushioned chair By the horse standing on his left and the large square jewel on his chest 
he is characterized as Punnaka He was probably represented in the act of gambling with 
the Kuru king, but the figure of his partner is lost From the windows and arched recesses 
in the upper storey of the palace several women are looking out. In the gateway on the 
left of the relief stands a man who appears to be meant for Vidhura as he wears- 
round his neck the broad collar which is the distinguishing mark of the sage in the 
middle relief 

In the left lower corner of the middle relief the Yaksha is seen starting on his aerial 
journey with Vidhura holding on to the tail of the horse In the upper portion rocks and 
trees indicate that the scene is the summit of Kalagiri On the right, Punnaka is suspending 
Vidhura by the heels with head downwards over a precipice, on the left the two appear once 
more standing side by side Punnaka, whose figure is half destroyed, has raised his left 
hand as if speaking to the sage There remains the group in the lower right corner Here 
Punnaka is seen on horseback with Vidhura apparently sitting behind him and clinging to- 
his chest According to the text of the Jataka the two are riding in this way to the palace 
of the Naga king after the conversion of Punnaka, whereas on the homeward journey the 
Yaksha grants Vidhura the more honourable seat in front 1 . It seems therefore that the 
sculptor inserted the group as the connective link between the events on the Kalagiri and the 
arrival in the Naga world represented in the upper relief 

The hero of the story is identical with the Vidura of the Mahabharata 2 . The reason 

1 See Gathas 238 and 294 

2 The identity of the sage Vidhura with the Vidura of the epic is shown by Luders, 1 c. p. 115 ff 
by demonstrating that both held the same office, had the same family-relations (p. 124), and that both 
were acting in the same way (p 126) 



the name has been transformed into Vidhura m the Pah text is not known Tfc 
dling Vitura m the label has a parallel in Kup.a m No B 1 The name of the Ya sha 
occurs also m the Buddhistic Sanskrit literature In the Maham. 9 pp 235 f , Purnaka, 
mentioned as one of the four mahdyakshasendpatis who guard the eastern quarter and as one 
of the four dharmabhratns of the maharaja Vaisravana 2 

B 56 (709) , PLATES XXI, XLV 

ON a coping-stone, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (A 81) Edited by Cunning 
ham, PASS. 1874, p 113, Beal, Academy Vol VI (1874),p 612, Cunningham, StBh. (1879), 
p 95, 131, No 20, and PI XLIV and LIII, Hoernle, Li. Vol X (1881), p 119, No 2, 
Hultzsch, ZDMG Vol XL (1886), p 62, No 20, and PL, IA Vol XXI (1892), p 228, 
No 2Q,JRAS 1912, p 404 f; Barua-Smha, SI (1926), p. 94, No 219, Barua, Bah, 
Vol. II (1934), p 153 f, and Vol III (1937), PI LXXXIX (135). Luders, Shark. (1941), 
p 134. 

u[su](karo) Janak[o] raj [a] Sivala dev! 3 

The arrow-maker King Janaka Queen Sivala (Slvali). 

The labels enabled Cunningham to connect the relief in a general way with the 

Mahajanakajataka (No 539), but it was only when the text of the Jataka had become avail- 

able that the scene could be identified with an episode in the second part of the story King 

Janaka has turned ascetic and is wandering through the country followed by his queen In 

\ am he tries to persuade her to leave him When they have reached the city of Thuna, 

Janaka comes on his begging tour to the house of an arrow-maker who is engaged in his work. 

Closing one eye, he is looking with the other to ascertain if the shaft of the arrow is straight 

To the king the use of only one eye by the arrow-maker is a new proof for his conviction that 

a second person is a hindrance for attaining one's goal and he urges once more upon his 

wife the necessity of leaving him alone The sculpture is an exact representation of the story, 

The name of the queen in the Gathas and in the commentary is Sivali, which occurs 
as a female name also in J. I, 34, 9, 40, 9. It has a parallel m Swali, the name of a Thera 
frequently mentioned in Buddhist literature. Sivala in the label is therefore probably a clerical 
error for Sivali, though it may stand for Sivala or even Sivala (Sk Sivala), which is the name 
of an upasika in the Amaravati inscription List No 1268. 

1 Perhaps the name has been equalized with the name of another person called Vidhura who, in 
association with Sanjiva, forms the pair of main disciples of the arhat Kakusandha (see D. 2, 4, M 1, 
333 the stanza 1, 337 -Theragatha 1187 ff; S. XV, 20, 5 (printed Sajiva), Nidanakatha, J. 1, 42, 26 
.read Vidhuro instead of Vidhuro, as m O O) The Mahdmddnasutra, however, the Sk. text corres- 

P n S% i. J ' 7/? ads Vldura as the name of one of ^ mam disciples of the Buddha Krakasunda, 
see W aldschmidt Mahdvadanasutra p 76 So Vidura seems to be the original form of the names of both 

a m as lt: appears m G * 3 ' 5 ' 6 of the Jataka 1S 


y,w , 

panpalajantt It tadyatha Dirghah Sunetrah Purnakah Kapilas cha 

p 236 Vaismvanasya maharajasya dharmabhratrinam namdm Sdtdgmr Haimavatah Purnaka^hadirako^h. 
the ratL;?,, r 'L 1 ? ^ , to be a A gUre m ^ local storles of Eastern India Also the poet of 

' W ,/^ "fT*? to ^ himSClf a Pers n fr m ^ and so 
last akshara is distinctly w, not m as read by aU previous editors 


B 57 (691), PLATES XXI, XLII 

ON a coping stone, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham, 
PASS 1874, p 111,5^ (1879), p 78 f., 130, No 2, and PI XLVIII and LIII, Hoernle, 
IA. Vol X (1881), p 119 f , No 5, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 60, No. 3 and 
PI; 1A Vol XXI (1892), p 227, No 3 , Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 78ff,No 189, Barua, 
Bark Vol II (1934), p 82 ff, and Vol III (1937), PI LXX (87), Luders, Shark (1941), 
p 153 

Maghadeviyaj ataka T 

The J ataka concerning Maghadeva 

The story of King Makhadeva of Videha, as he is called in Pali, who, when his barber 
showed him the first grey hair from his head 3 , renounced his throne and became a hermit, 
is told in Sutta 83 of the M The story was converted into a Jataka, the Makhadevaj ataka,. 
No 9 of the Pah collection, which is briefly repeated in the beginning of the Nirmjataka 
(No 541). The sculpture agrees exactly with the Jataka. In the centre the king is seated 
in an arm-chair, with his hair hanging loosely on his shoulders The barber presents him the 
hair which he has pulled out and the king accepts it with his right hand and turns his head 
sideways to inspect it A stand in the foreground carries the utensils of the barber, the- 
shaving-basin and the brush. On the left of the king there is a person with folded hands 
in respectful attitude He is apparently Maghadeva 3 s eldest son, to whom the king addresses 
the Gatha announcing his retirement from the world 3 

The name of the king has elicited much comment In the Simhalese manuscripts it 
is generally Makkadeva, whereas the Burmese manuscripts have Magghadeva and Magghadeva 
But, as pointed out by Barua-Smha, the Suttanta of the Majjhimanikaya is referred to in the 
Chullamddesa, p 80, as Maghddevasuttanta(sic], and in the Mahavyutpatti 180, 31 we find 
Mahddeva This is apparently meant for the name of the Videha king as it is followed by~ 
Nemi, the name of one of his successors In the Sutanojataka (No 398) Makhadeva is also 
the name of a Yaksha, or rather of the fig tree m which he dwells Here the Burmese 
manuscripts read Maghadeva In the SnA , p 352, Maghadeva occurs as the name of an ancient 
king Hoernle takes Makhadeva as the original form, while Barua-Smha think that it goes 
without saying that Makhadeva and Maghadeva are Prakrit forms of Mahddeva I am, on the 
contrary, convinced that the original form from which all others are distorted is Maghadeva* 
Maghadeva belongs to that class of names that are formed by adding deva to the name of a 
constellation, cf from the Brahmi inscriptions Pusadevd (821== A 120), Pothadeva (205), Ha- 
ggudeva (29), Phagudeva (780=A 30), Phagudevd (870=A 75),Bharanideva (874=A 100), 
Sonadevd (177; 178) 

1 Barua-Smha ~jdlaka[m], but the anusvara is very uncertain 

2 For grey hair as messengers of death cf. R. Morris, JPTS 1885, p 62 ff 

3 In the prose tale of the Jataka the king informs first his son of his intention and then, in the Gatha, 
his ministers, but in the original tale the Gatha was probably addressed to his son and the ministers did 
not appear at all, just as they are not mentioned in the Sutta. The representation of the Jataka appa- 
rently follows the original version, for at the side of the king and the barber, in the medallion, only a 
man, elegantly clad, appears in respectful attitude. 

4 The Siamese printed edition reads Maghadeva throughout. 


B 58 (706), PLATES XXI, XLVII 

ON a coping-stone, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (A 52). Edited by 
Cunningham, PASS 1874, p. 112, StBh (1879), p 79, 131, No 17, and PI XLVIII and 
LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 62, No 17, and PI ; Li. Vol. XXI (1892), 
p 226, 228, No 17, Barua-Smha, El (1926), p 92, No 213; Barua, Barh Vol. 11(1934), 
p 139 f , and Vol III (1937), PI LXXXVI (127); Luders, Shark (1941), p 135. 

bhisaharamya jatakafm] 

The Jataka relating to the stealing of the lotus-stalks 

The Jataka to which the label belongs was identified by Hultzsch with the Bhisajataka 
Tso 488 in the Pali collection It contains an ancient legend referred to already in the 
Aitareyabrakmana 1 and told twice in the Mahdbhdrata*, which by the Buddhists was turned into 
a Jataka In the Pah' story the Bodhisattva is a wealthy brahmin who, together with his six 
younger brothers, his sister, a male and a female slave and a friend, has renounced the house 
holder's life and dwells as ascetic in the Himavat near a lotus-lake The six brothers, the 
slave and the friend take turns to fetch lotus-stalks for food He, whose turn it is, deposits 
the stalks he has gathered, divided into eleven portions, on a flat stone The others then 
come up and each takes his allotted portion and eats it m his own place. By this mode of 
life they gain time for practising their austerities By the power of their virtues Sakka's world 
trembles, and the god resolves to find out whether they are really free from wordly desires or 
not On three successive days he causes the Bodhisattva's share to disappear. When 
the Bodhisattva accuses his companions of having stolen his lotus-stalks, they, each in his turn, 
clear themselves of the charge by swearing an oath in which they invoke temporal blessings 
on the thief Three other beings who live near the hermitage, a tree-spirit, an elephant, and 
a monkey join the ascetics in the swearing, but with the difference that they hold out a 
miserable life for themselves in case they should have been the thieves Then Sakka who 
invisibly attended the scene manifests himself, confesses what he has done, and returns the 
lotus-stalks The Bodhisattva forgives him 

On the coping-stone an ascetic is seen seated in front of his hut on a stone on which 
a skin is spread A well-dressed man carrying a bundle of lotus-stalks approaches him from 
the right Around him are a woman wearing an ascetic's dress, an elephant and a monkey 

Till S OI U g AT, SCUlptUrC apparen ^ re P s the Burning of the lotus- 

.talks by Sakka Of the witnesses of the scene the sculptor has shown only three-a female 

lnel P tt ^ ^T ^ ^Y 1 ^ ^ depW and the ^y- He has certainly 
done so not because he followed a different version of the story, but because he found it 
impossible to cram all thirteen into the narrow compass of the rehef. 

B 59 (807); PLATES XXL XLII 

30, 10 f 

93, , ff . 94, , ff Cf Chafer, W Vol LXIV , p . 65 ff> ^ _ ff _ 


Bark Vol. II, (1934), p 152 f, and Vol III (1937), PI XC (134), Ludeis, Shark (1941), 
p 159 ff 

mugaphak[iya] j [a]tak[am] J 

The Jataka relating to the dumb and paralysed (cripple) 

The Jataka to which the label refers was identified already by Cunningham 2 as the 
Mugapakkhajataka, No 538 of the Pah collection, although he could not avail himself of the 
text S von Oldenburg 3 was the first to be able to compare the sculptural and the literary 
representations of the story In the Jataka it is told that the Bodhisattva is born as the much 
desired only son of the king of Benares, Temiya by name One day, when he is one month 
old, they bring him to the king who is sitting in the court of justice The king fondly em- 
braces his son, places him on his lap and plays with him, while at the same time he passes 
a sentence of death on four robbers The Bodhisattva is terrified, and his fear increases, 
when, recollecting his foimer births, he remembers that once he has been a king who had to 
suffer thousands of years in hell for the deeds he had perpetrated in that position. In 
order to avoid becoming king again, he follows the advice of a goddess to pretend that he 
is deaf and dumb and unable to move his limbs, and although various means are tried to find 
out his true mental condition, he succeeds in living as a seeming idiot for sixteen years. At last 
the king orders his charioteer to carry him on a chariot to the forest and bury him there 
When the charioteer is digging the grave, the prince suddenly opens his mouth, revealing 
his true condition and declaring his resolution to take the ascetic vow. The king, informed 
by the charioteer of what has happened in the forest, proceeds with a large retinue to the 
dwelling-place of his son, but his endeavours to lead him back to a worldly life are in vain. 
On the contrary, the discourses of the young ascetic make such an impression on the king 
that he also, followed by his wives and the citizens of the town, embraces the religious life 

The sculpture represents three different stages of the story In the upper left corner 
the king appears seated cross-legged on a round chair with the young prince on his lap and 
two attendants behind him Above this group there is the upper storey of a house with a 
oalcony and a pinnacled roof, supported by two posts, evidently meant for the sabhd in which 
the king is sitting In the foreground there is the chariot with four horses, from which the 
prince, who is represented to the right of it, has descended On his left side the charioteer 
is seen digging the grave with a hoe 4 In the right upper corner the prince in the attire 
of an ascetic, seated cross-legged between two trees, is conversing with the king who, attended 
oy four of his courtiers, stands with folded hands before him 

S von Oldenburg was of the opinion that the scene could be explained in two ways the 
sculpture represents either the king who visits his son, who has become an ascetic, or the prince 

1 The third akshara is distinctly pha as recognized by Cunningham The horizontal stroke of the 
4-sign of h is preserved The fifth akshara was read so. by Cunningham Although it is much damaged, 
it is practically certain that it wasjtf The a-sign of ja and the anusvara of kam, though not quite 
distinct, are very probable 

2 p 58 

*JAOS XVIII, p 190 f 

4 Barua, Barh II, p 152 has totally misunderstood the representation According to him the king 
sits in the chariot with a grown-up boy held up m his hands In the scene below, Barua explains the 
prince as the charioteer, and the charioteer, working with a hoe, as a departing ascetic Anderson, 
Cat I, p 118 f, however, has already described everything correctly 


who sees the ascetic in order to become his pupil, as it is narrated In the Tibetan version of the 
tale. I think the second explanation is out of question The story in the Kanjur, translated 
by Schiefner,' is a strongly modified version of the Jataka. For our purpose it is unnecessary 
to enter into discussion of all the deviations In any case the characteristic episode of the 
king's sitting in the court, which is proved by Gathas 37 and 38 to be an old component of the 
story, is missing in the Tibetan version The place of the charioteer who has to kill the 
prince has been taken by the executioner. This is apparently a secondary alteration, for in 
opposition to it here also the prince, in a stanza corresponding to G 3 of the Pali, puts the 
question to the charioteer as to why he is digging the grave In the Tibetan version further- 
more the conversation between the king and his son does not take place in the forest to which 
the prince has retired The prince, on the contrary, returns from the spot, where he was to 
be buried, to the king's palace and from there he goes to the forest with the consent of the king, 
where he leads the life of an ascetic under the guidance of a Rishi As the relief agrees in. 
the first two points exactly with the older version attested by the Gathas and has nothing m 
common with the Tibetan narration it is impossible to presume that the artist followed the 
Tibetan version in the third scene Also there is not the slightest ground to show why this 
scene could not be explained in the sense of the Pali Gathas S von Oldenburg mentions the 
fact that m the Burmese Temiyajataka the king visits the prince not in the forest but in a 
monastery as going against such possibility But I cannot regard this objection as valid 
The Burmese Temiyajataka, 2 which by the way has been composed only in 1787, is an 
adaptation of the Pah Jataka which generally very closely follows the original When the 
author speaks of a monastery instead of an dsrama he is probably no more aware of his 
deviating from his text than when he renders pabbajati always ' to become Rahan ' I take 
it as quite possible or even probable that the original narration of the Jataka followed by 
the artist was more simple than the one now handed down to us in the prose Such feature? 
as the construction of the dsrama by Vissakamma, the conversion of the king with his family, 
of all his subjects, and of two other kings may have been added later on 3 The Gathas do- 
not contain anything of it, nor, on the other hand, anything which is opposed to the 
sculptural representation. 

In this case, quite exceptionally, the title borne by the Jataka in the Simhalese tradi- 
tion and by the label is essentially the same As the reading is distinctly mugaphakiya, not 
mugapahya, it is unnecessary to discuss the absurd explanations given for mugapaka* The 
Pah term mugapakkha has a parallel in mugapakkhika in G 254- of the Nidanakatha, where it 
is said that the Bodhisattvas are never mugapakkhika In the Jataka the compound n&ga- 
pakkha occurs only in G 55 In G 4; 5, 33, 38; 54 pakkha is used by the side of muga, which 
shows that pakkha in mugapakkhika cannot represent Sk paksha as suggested in the PD , where- 
mugapakkhika is rendered by * leading to deafness (sic) ', while Rhys Davids translated it 
c classed among the dumb \ In the commentary of the Jataka (12, 26) pakkho is explained by 
plthasappl 'one who crawls with the use of some support' (lit chair), which is used also instead 
of pakkho in the prose tale (4, 15) A more accurate explanation of pakkha is furnished by 
G 33 

naham asandhitd pakkho na badhiro asotatd 
naham ajivhatd mugo md mam mugam adhdrayi 

1 Tibetan Tales, p. 247 ff. 

'Tp^slated by R F St Andrew St John, JRAS 1893, p 357 ff 

Kavntht hpZtal; + S GSe l ddl Q 10n l^ aS Perhaps found m the stor y of Vissakamma's constructing the 
Kavit^a-herimtage, told in the Sarabhangajataka See Luders, Bharh , pp. 1 12-1 19, especially p 1& 
dumb but ripe' or 'where wisdom ripes in silence', Barua-Smha BI p. 97, Barua larA.H,P 152 ' 


* I am not pakkha, because I have no joints, I am not deaf, because I have no ear, I am not 
dumb, because I have no tongue. Do not think that I am dumb 5 . It appears that pakkha 
denotes a person who is unable to move, who is paralysed The termphaka (phakka) used m 
the inscription must be a synonym of pakkha, and this is confirmed by the Mop (271, 121), 
where phakkah occurs in a list of bodily defects, preceded by andhalah.jatyandhah, kundah, and 
followed by panguk etc Probably phakka is the correct form which was changed into pakkha 
in Pali under the influence of the common term pakkhdhata, ' struck on one side ', c paralysed * 

B 60 (748), PLATES XXI, XLIV 

INSCRIPTION of the middle panel of the middle face of the same pillar as No A 62, now 
in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 134, 
No 37, and PI XIV and LIV, Hoernle,L4 Vol X(1881),p 259, No 18, and PI , Hultzsch, 
%DMG Vol XL (1886), p 66, No 55, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 231, No. 55; 
Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 86 f , No 202, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 117 f , and 
Vol III (1937), PI XXII (112), Luders, %DMG Vol XGIII (1939), p 100 ff , Luders, 
Shark (1941), p 19 f 




Kadariki (Kandanh) 

Barua and Sinha have identified Kadanki with the hero of the Kandarijataka (341) 
which afterwards was embodied in the Kunalajataka (536; Vol V, p 437 f) He is a king 
of Benares who is extraordinarily good looking Nevertheless his wife falls in love with a 
hideous cripple In one of her nightly visits to her lover the queen loses one of her ear- 
ornaments The king, who has secretly followed her, picks it up and by this article 
is able to prove her misdemeanour He gives order to behead her, but PaSchalachanda, 
his wise purohita, detains him from acting rashly He persuades the king to undertake a 
journey through the whole of India in his company in order to become acquainted with 
women's ways, and the experiences they gather during their travels are sufficient to convince 
the king of the innate immorality of womankind, so that after his return he pardons his wife 
and has her only turned out of the palace The king of this Jataka, which is the prototype 
of the introductory story of the Arabian Nights, is called Kandan in the Atthavannana, 
while the queen appears there under the strange name of Kinnara Barua and Sinha there- 
fore explained the Kadanki of the inscription as combined from Kadan and Ki, an abbrevia- 
tion of Kinnara I have shown 1 that the name Kandan in the prose tale owes its origin 
to a wrong division of the words Kandanhnnardnam in G 21 into Kandan and Kmnaranam 
instead of Kandankm naranam The real name of the king therefore was Kandanki, exactly 
as in the inscription, while the queen was not named at all in the original story tfarua- 
Smha's identification is thus established beyond doubt, and it is only surprising that m me 
relief there is nothing to indicate the somewhat strained relations between the couple 
bng and the queen stand side by side to all appearance in perfect harmony, the ^queen 
having put her right hand on the shoulder of her husband The question as to wha the 
two persons hold in their hands has not been solved Anderson (Cat I, p by; menn 
that the woman m her left hand carries a bird that has lost its head, while the man hoias m 

XCIII, p. 101 ff. 


his left hand a flower-spike and in the right hand, which hangs by his side, a small round 
object Barua (Bark II, p 117) maintains that the bird in the hand of the woman is a 
pigeon or a dove and that the man does not hold a flower but a hawk on his breast He 
points out that according to the Day p 300 the pigeon is the symbol of raga and further 
asks whether the attributes should not mean that the king like a hawk swooped down upon 
the turtle-heart of the queen given away to another man The pictures accessible to me do 
not allow to judge the value of the different interpretations The hawk in Barua's explana- 
tion may owe its existence more to the wish for an ingenious comment than to the observation 
of what is really represented Perhaps the object in the king's hand, interpreted as hawk, 
is the lost ear-ornament of the queen which as corpus delicti plays such an important part 
in the story If Barua is right that the queen has only one ear-decoration it is not to be 
verified from the pictures it would show that the artist represents the loss of one ear-ring 
in exact comformity with the Jataka text 

B 61 (749), PLATES XXI, XLIV 

INSCRIPTION on the lowest panel of the middle face of the same pillar as No A 62, now 
in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29) Edited by Cunningham StBh (1879), p 134, 
No 38, and PI XV and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol XI (1882), p 26 f., No 21, with an addi- 
tional remark by Beal, ibid p 146, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 66, No 56, and 
PI, 14 Vol XXI (1892), p 231, No 56, Barua-Smha, BL (1926), p 89f,No 209, Barua, 
Bark Vol II (1934), p 132 f , and Vol III (1937), PI XXII (123); Liiders, %DMG Vol 
XCIII (1939), p 98 ff , Luders, Shark (1941), p 19 f 


1 Vijapi 1 

2 vijadharo 

The Vidyadhara Vijapi (Vijalpin p ) 

The panel shows the figures of a man and a woman, both well-dressed. The man is 
standing and engaged in winding (or unwinding) his turban The female figure on his 
right is seated on a stone and holding some flowers in her raised right hand. The back- 
ground is filled with rocks, and in the right corner there is a strange object lying before a tree 
It is of oblong shape, placed aslant, with a head-piece in the centre flanked on each side by 
a smaller protuberance. It seems to be wrapped up crosswise with cords, just as another 
oblong object of smaller size, which is half covered by the larger one. Barua and Smha 
have identified the two persons of the relief with the Vidyadhara and the wife of the Danava 
who are the chief actors in the Samuggajataka (436) a . The Jataka is the oldest version 
of a tale that has found its way into the introductory story of the Arabian Nights A Danava 
has captured a beautiful girl and has made her his wife. In order to keep her safe, he puts 
her in a box which he swallows One day he wishes to take a bath He goes to a tank, 
throws up the box and lets the girl bathe first He then bids her to enjoy the open air and 
himself walks off to the tank At this moment a Vidyadhara comes flying through the air 
The woman invites him by signs to descend and places him in the box, into which she slips 

1 This is the reading of Hultzsch Cunningham read vajapi, Hoernle vijati. The first akshara is 
clearly m, the second almost certainly ja, although the form of the letter differs from them of the second 
line The third akshara can be read only pi The word is engraved by another hand than mjadharo 

'Seal's identification of the two figures with Sumedha and his wife is out of question. 


herself when the Danava returns The demon swallows the box again without examining 
it, and it is only by an ascetic gifted with supernatural sight that he is informed of what has 
happened He throws up the box, and as soon as he has opened it, the Vidyadhara 
muttering a spell flies up into the air According to the Atthavannana the faithless wife is- 
turned away by the Danava 

I think that Barua-Sinha's identification may be accepted In that case the strange 
object mentioned above may be suitably explained as being an attempt to represent the box 
opened with its lid lying in front of it Barua's suggestion that it represents the armour ano! 
dagger of the Vidyadhara is not convincing The locky landscape also would be appro- 
priate to the situation Perhaps the sculptor has represented the Vidyadhara as arranging- 
his dress before entering the box Barua-Sinha's explanation gams in probability if we 
remember that the upper panel shows a couple, the female partner of which is regarded as the 
type of an adulterous wife It would therefore seem to be quite likely that the sculptor 
should have chosen a similar couple also for the lower panel 

The meaning of vijapi remains doubtful Hoernle's reading mjati is impossible, and 
even limjapi were taken as a clerical error for vtjati, the meaning of the word would not become 
much clearer, as mjati cannot easily be explained as a derivation from vijatayati in the sense 
of ' unravelling * or * unwinding the head-dress ' Hultzsch took Vijapi as the name of 
the Vidyadhara which he traced back to Sk Vijaym t but there are considerable phonetic 
difficulties implied in this derivation In my article in the DMG I have discussed Sk 
Vidyamn, Vidyavid or even Vidyajalpin as possible Sanskrit equivalents of the name, but the most 
probable original form would seem to be Vijalpin, which would have a parallel in Vijalpd s the 
name of a malignant spirit mentioned in the Markandeyapurana 51, 50 ff However, it cannot 
be denied that none of these explanations of vijapi is quite satisfactory and convincing 

B 62 (881) % PLATES XXI, XLIII 

ON a rail-bar, since 1959 in the Bharat Kala Bhavan, Banaras The inscription n 
incised above No. A 104- First edited by Cunningham StBh (1879), p 142, No 66, 
and PI XXXIV and LVI, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 76, No 156, IA Vol XXI 
(1892), p 239, No 159, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 61, No 165; Luders, Bharh (1941), 
pp 73-79 

1 Luders' treatment of this inscription (B 62) has been lost But we find a detailed note by him 
on the story of Timitimmgila in his book Bharh 1 c , of which the text below is an English translation 
Luders begins stating, that the original of the medallion depicted in Cunningham's book PI XXXIV,2 
was lying buried under the walls of the palace at Uchahara Cunningham had excavated it for a short 
while and took its impression from which was prepared the sketch published by him Of the inscription,, 
which it bore, only Cunningham's eye-copy was available up to 1959 when the stone was recovered. 
An inked impression received in September 1959 from Rai Knshnadasji, Curator of the Bharat Kala 
Bhavan, is read by Dr. D G Sircar, Government Epigraphist, Ootacamund, in an article prepared, 
for EL, Vol XXXIII (1959/60), as follows timitimi[m]gilakuchhimhd [Vas]u[g]ut[o] m[o}chito Mah[a\- 
dev[e]nam Regarding the eye-copy Dr. Sircar says, that it "is defective since the mark between the 
aksharas ti and mz, represented in it as a clear ra, does not appear to be a letter at all on the impres- 
sion It is too close to mi considering the space between any two other letters of the record We have 
also to note that the said vertical mark actually continues beyond the proper upper end of the- 
supposed ra. The mark is again not as deep as the incision of the letters of the record ^ The last 
word was read as Mahddevanam on the basis of the same eye-copy and the genitive plural in it was 
regarded by Cunningham as used in the instrumental sense Hultzsch regarded devanam as a mistake 
for deoena There is, however, no d-mdtrd attached to v in the word On the other hand it exhibits 
a damaged e-matrd " Dr Sircar is also of the opinion that the anusvara-like mark with na in. 
Mahddevanam might be due to a flaw in the stone The reading of Dr Sircar is in complete confor- 
mity with the reconstruction given by Luders 




tiramitimigilakuchhimha Vasuguto machito Mahadevanam 
(Umitimimgilakuchchhimha Vasugutto mochito Mahadevena) 


Vasuguta ( rescued by Mahadeva from the belly of the sea-monster 
{timitimimgila) , 

Ghavannes 1 identified the scene represented with a story in the Tsa-p'i-yu-kmg. 
Joucher 2 showed the story also to be m the Divyavadana and the Mahavastu and it appears, 
as Barua and Sinha 3 have noted, as well in Kshemendra's Bodhisattvavadanakalpalata 

The Chinese version is the shortest and the most simple Five hundred merchants 
start on a sea-voyage The ship comes near a giant fish which swallows the waves together 
with all living animals contained m them With an irresistible force the ship also is drawn 
into the throat of the gigantic fish In vain the merchants pray to the different gods, whom 
they worship Then the captain of the boat (sa-po=sdrthavdha) says to them that he knows 
of a great god called Buddha They should pray to him in place of other gods There- 
upon all the merchants together shout ' namo Buddhdya ' In this way the fish learns that a 
Buddha has again appeared m the world It realizes that it would be improper to do any 
harm to the living beings It therefore shuts the mouth so that the water begins to flow back 
and the ship is saved The fish really has been a monk in its former birth The name of 
the Buddha reminds it of its former existence and this led it to the decision to spare the 
life of the beings 

In the Diyy the story forms an introduction to the Dharmaruchyavadana (228, 21 ff) 
The monk Dharmaruchi was a giant fish in his former birth The story points in essence to 
only one variation Here the Buddha himself joins in the action to some extent. As the 
merchants, on the advice of some upasaka, shout * namo Buddhdya ', the Buddha, who 
stays in the Jetavana, hears the call with his divine ear and arranges that the giant fish, 
Timmgila or Timitimmgila, also hears it The reference to Timmgila's formerly being 
a monk is missing in the story itself But in the second part of the Avadana, where the 
different former existences of Dharmaruchi are narrated in details, it is described that he was 
a monk in the time of the Buddha Dipamkara as well as m the time of the Buddha Kraku- 
chchhanda And at the end of this story it is mentioned of him that on hearing the word 
Buddha in later times he would remember his former births 

It is unnecessary to narrate in detail the story in the Bodhisattvavadanakalpalata, because 
the Dharmaruchyavadana (No 89) is only a metrical version of the Avadana in the Diuj, 
having the same title and keeping close to the original 

In the Mm (I, 244, 19 ff ) the story of the giant fish is likewise connected with the 
Dharmaruchi legend, but it shows a few peculiar features The head of the five hundred 
merchants here bears the name Thapakarni or Sthapakarnika 4 At the moment when 
the merchants call the different gods, the venerable Purnaka observes it He flies up from 
the Tundaturika mountain and appears m the air above the ship The merchants cry 
"Bhagavan, Bhagavan, we take refuge with you'' But the Sthavira answers them that 

l Contes I, p XII, II, p, 51 if. 

2 Mimoires concernant VAsie Onentale, T III n 8 

3 BI p 61 f. ' F 

4 Variations Thapakarmka, Sthapakarnika, Sthapakandika. 


he is not the Bhagavat, but only a sravaka They all should cry with one voice c nam& 
Buddhasya \ ' They do it When Timitimingila hears the name of the Buddha it remembers 
that at a time, lying indefinitely back, when it was the brahmin Meghadatta, it had heard 
of Buddha Dipamkara from his friend Megha 1 The further continuation of the story is- 
the same as in the other versions When the gigantic fish starves itself to death, it is reborn as 

The version of the M vu is influenced, as already observed by Senart, by a similar story 
known from the Purnavadana in the Divy (24, 9 ff) The rich merchant Bhava m 
Surparaka has four sons Bhavila, Bhavatrata, Bhavanandin and Puma The first three > 
born of a wife of equal rank, aie fond of adorning themselves richly When the father 
reproaches them for their extravagance, they do away with the jewels they wear as ear-decora- 
tion, and put on m succession an ear-decoration made of wood, of stava*, and tin, with the vow 
not to wear again the ear-decoration of precious stones as long as they have not earned 100,000 
pieces of gold Since that time they are called Darukarnm, Stavakarmn and Trapukarmn. 
Purna, born of a slave girl married by the merchant, remains a bachelor, enters the Buddhist 
order, and lives as a monk m the country of the Sronaparantakas Later on Darukarnm 
goes on an expedition with a party of other merchants in order to bring the Gosirsha-sandal- 
wood The Yaksha Mahesvara, to whom the forest of sandal trees belongs, raises a storm. 
The merchants in their distress appeal to all the gods Darukarnm alone does not take part 
m the general excitement When asked he explains to his companions that he is remem- 
bering with repentance his brother Purna, who had warned him against the sea-voyage 
On hearing this, the merchants shout with one voice: < Adoration to the venerable Purna '! 
A goddess informs Purna that his brother is remembering him in distress Purna meditates 
and appears sitting crosslegged in the air above the ship The storm ends Mahesvara asks 
Purna about the explanation of the miracle, and when he is informed in the course of the 
conversation that a Buddha has appeared in the world he keeps quiet The merchants 
are able to return home to Surparaka with their load of sandal There Purna builds the 
palace of sandalwood, called the Chandanamala, for the Buddha Furthermore it is narrated 
how the Buddha, journeying through the air, visits 'Surparaka and is received solemnly m 
that palace by the king and his four brothers Asvaghosha must have known ^ version of 
the Avadana in which Stavakarmn, and not Darukarnm, was mentioned as the head ot me 
merchants, and also he, and not Purna, as the one responsible for the building of the palace 
of sandalwood In the Buddhachanta21, 22 f it is said m the list of the conversions by &e 
Buddha, according to Johnston's translation Then He went by His magic powers to he 
city of Surparaka and in due course instructed the merchant Stavakarmn', who, on tang 
instructed, became so faithful that he started to build for the Best of seers a sandalwood 
Vihara, which was ever odorous and touched the sky From this version ^of the ^ Purna 
vadana obviously u taken the name Thapakarm or Sthapakarmka, as well as 
intervention of Purnaka in the story of Timitimingila of the Mvu 

In the medallion one sees the g!ant fish into whose throat the ship ' 
persons is sliding in Other fish, shown with ^^^ 
is attracting the ship Above, the ship* appears a second time, as 

1* the ^, Meghadatta appears wr* the ^narne ^^ 

a The meaning of stava is not known Bumouf may be ngm : w ^ ^ 

"According to Johnston, AO XV, p 291 Tib aw f^ r ^^ wou ld like to explain as ropes 

*The artist, however, depicted only one boat ^^^Jj^to has already remarked, 

with rins for keein the boat in the state of balance i roduced 


e artist, owever, epice jto as ar 

th rings for keeping the boat in the state of balance ^j^]i ^Sy reproduced 
124, rudders It Is doubtful whether the details m the sketch are exactly p 


in safety So far the depiction agrees with the literary tradition But the inscription 
near it shows that a new version of the legend is intended here. Cunningham (p 142) 
Tead it Tiranuti Migila Kuckimha Vasu Guto Machito Mahadevanam. According to his eye 
copy on PI LVI, it reads tirami timigilakuchhimha Vasuguto mdchito Mahadevanam. Hultzsch' 
restored it to tiramhi timimgilakuchhimhd Vasuguto mocito Mahddevena " Vasuguta 
(Vasugupta) rescued to the shore by Mahadeva from the belly of the sea-monster " I do 
not believe that the restoration of tirami to tiramhi is correct. As the encounter with the giant 
iish takes place in the high sea, far from the shore, it cannot properly be spoken of as a rescue 
' to the shore ' Besides it seems doubtful to me whether the locative tiramhi could be used 
In connection with mochito in the accepted sense Further on the locative of the -a stem 
in the language of the inscriptions does not elsewhere show the pronominal ending, but 
always ends in -e raje A 1, susdne B 64, Abode B 69, Nadode B 70, Nadode pavate B 73, B 74, 
Nadodapdde B 76, Himavate B 79 I am therefore convinced that Cunningham in his eye- 
copy has not overlooked the c h\ inscribed below in * mhi ', but that he erroneously took some 
stroke behind the first ti as standing for the akshara ra I am also convinced that in the 
beginning of the inscription we have to read timitimimgilakuchhimhd* 

Whatsoever we may think about it, the hero of the story m this version is in any case 
called Vasugupta, and the saviour from the calamity is named Mahadeva. In the first 
instance one may suppose that Mahadeva is the name of some personality corresponding to 
Purnaka in the version of the Mvu But the Mahadeva mentioned here is clearly the same 
person, who in a different inscription (B 81) to which we have to refer later on, receives 
the attribute ' bhagavat ' Thus it must be the name of the Buddha 3 . The designation 
of Buddha as ' the great god 5 does not occur, as far as I know, elsewhere in the Buddhist 
literature The Mvp. 1,16, only gives ' devatideva ' which appears for instance in the Dvy. 
391, 4 In our inscription Mahadeva is chosen perhaps under the influence of the text which 
the sculptor was going to follow In any case, as already mentioned,, the expression is used 
in the Chinese version of the story m order to show the Buddha's foremost rank at the head 
of the other gods When the merchants appeal to the other gods in vain, the sdrthavaha (in 
Chavannes' translation) says ' I know one great god who is called Buddha '. 

1 %DMG XL, p 76 

&,?& *%rssZsL** - have not been writt - mlght 

Hutesch nghtly remarks " Mahadeva probably refers to the Mahasatta or Bodhasatta ". 


B 63 (692) 2 ; PLATES XXI, XLII 

ON a coping-stone, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p 97, 130, No 3, and PI XLVIII and LIII, Hoernle, IA Vol X 
(1881), p 120, No 6, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 60, No 4, and PI , IA 
Vol XXI (1892), p 227, No 4, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p. 84, No 198, Barua, Barh. 
Vol II (1934), p 108 f and Vol. Ill (1937), PI LXXVIII (104), Luders, Shark (1941), p 3. 

Dighatapasi sise anusasati 

Dighatapasi (Dirghatapasmri) instructs his pupils 3 . 

The relief is a vivid representation of the contents of the inscription On a raised 
platform to the left an ascetic is seen sitting cross-legged. He no doubt is the teacher Dighata- 
pasi of the inscription and his upraised right hand shows that he is just instructing his pupils 
sitting before him on the ground, four of whom are represented to the right side of the relief 
The presence of a tree in the back-ground shows that the preaching is going on in the open 
air Underneath the tree a pot and some other utensil, probably belonging to the ascetic, 
are to be seen The teacher is characterized as an ascetic by the abundant matted hair 
fastened in a knot Similarly the four pupils do not wear a turban as the other worldly men 
normally do, but have their long hair rolled into a knot Only one pupil who is to be seen 
from behind in the middle of the relief lets his hair fall loose on his back 4 This fact induced 
Barua to infer that this pupil is a female one, whereas in the opinion of Cunningham all the 
four pupils are females. Cunningham was led to this opinion by his reading isise in the 
inscription which he interpreted as female Rishis * We do not see any necessity to believe 
that any one of the four pupils is a female one, and the form sise (ace pi. masc ) makes it 
probable that all of them are male ones 

Cunningham already took Dighatapasi as a proper name and identified the ascetic with 
Dighatapassi, a Nigantha and follower of Nataputta, mentioned in the Upahsutta (56) 
of the M (I 371 ff.). The sutta tells that Dighatapassi once visited the Buddha at Nalanda, 
and had a discussion with him He gave a report of this to Nataputta which resulted into 
a discussion between the Buddha and Upali and the subsequent conversion of the latter 
There is no connection between this story and the representation in the relief So Barua 
rejected to see in the ascetic the Jama recluse Dighatapassi and translated the inscription 
4 The venerable ascetic instructs his pupils' taking Dighatapasi as an epithet instead of a proper 

'The fragmentary inscription No. B 81 probably also belongs to this group. 
3 Luders' treatment of this inscription (B 63) has not been recovered. 

3 This is the translation of the inscription by Luders in his List. 

4 Barua says that the three pupils to the right hold * two small stick-like things' in their hands This 
can only be said of one of them who is depicted the lowest of the three, the two others do not seem to 
hold sticks The middle one has his right hand and fore-finger raised, as if he is pointing out something 
and the third one is talking to the ascetic emphasizing his words with both of his uplifted hands. 


name 1 It seems, however, unbelievable that digha can mean ' venerable ', and it is moie 
probable that the explanation in MA HI, 52 is correct where it is said ' Dtghatopam ft 
dtghattd evam laddhanamo ', that Dlghatapassi received his name on account of his long 
stature Luders takes the word as a proper name m his List and further asserts in Shark. 
p 3, n 4, that Dighatapasi cannot mean < the venerable ascetic ' but is apparently a pioper 


B 64 (697) , PLATES XXI, XLVI 

ON a coping-stone, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (A 23) Edited by Cunning- 
ham, 6YA (1879), p 96, 130, No 8, and PI XLVII and LIU, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol 
XL (1886), p 61, No 9, and PI , IA Vol XXI (1892), p 228, No 9, Barua-Smha, 
SI (1926), p 83, No 195, Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), p. 97 f and Vol. Ill (1937), 
PI LXXV(97), Luders, Shark (1941), p 3 

Asada vadhu susane sigalaSati 

The young woman Asada (Ashddhd) The announcement to the jackals on the burial-ground- 

The sculpture shows a woman seated on a tree to which she clings with both hands. 
She is evidently addressing three jackals sitting below under another tree In the foreground 
a man is lying either sleeping or dead, but as according to the inscription the scene is a burial- 
ground, he is probably meant for a corpse 

Cunningham's suggestion that the sculpture refers to the story of the origin of the Koliyas 
as told in SnA , p 354 ff , cannot be accepted The scene of that story is not a burial-ground, 
but a forest The name of the leprous princess is not Asalha, but Piya, and she does not 
live on a tree, but in a pit The man lying on the ground cannot be king Rama, who does 
not appear in that situation in the story, and there are no jackals connected with the legend 
Barua-Sinha think that the label may perhaps be taken to refer to a scene of a Jataka- 
episode similar to one of the Asilakkhanajataka (No 126) It is unnecessary to enter into 
the details of that Jataka, as the similarity is very small. The scene of the Jataka story, 
it is true, is a burial-ground, but neither the sitting of the woman on the tree nor the presence 
of the jackals agrees with it 

As long as the story represented in the relief has not been identified, the meaning of the 
last two words of the inscription cannot be established with certainty. As nati can hardly 
be a verbal expression, the words seem to form a compound Hultzsch was inclined to take 
sigalanati as a clerical error for sigdle natt=Sk mgdldri jndtri, who has observed the jackals '. 
But this is extremely improbable, since the term sigdle nati could only mean ' the habitual 
observer of the jackals ', which, of course, is out of question Barua-Sinha translate. The 
woman ^hadha, the jackals m a funeral ground, (her) kinsmen >, taking nati as the equi- 
valent of Sk jnatt I agree with Barua-Sinha in dividing the label into two parts, which is 
supported by the fact that Asada vadhu is separated by a blank from the rest of the inscrip- 
tion, but I would prefer to derive ft* from Sk jnapti and to refer sigalanati to some 
announcement made by the woman to the jackals 3 

wth the Mulaparivavajataka (245) 
^half of the man 


Asada is Sk Ashadha, with the usual inaccurate spelling of d instead of dh 9 and an 
abbreviation of some name such as Asalhamittd The name belongs to the large class of 
personal names the first part of which is formed by the name of an asterism, why it should 
be taken to mean ' the buxom ', as suggested by Barua-Sinha, I am unable to see 

B 65 (702); PLATES XXI, XLV 

ON a coping-stone, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (A 114) Edited by 
Cunningham, PASS 1874, p 112, Cunningham, SiBh (1879), p. 93 f ; 131, No. 13, and 

pi LIII, Huitzsch, ZDMG. Voi XL (isse), p ei, NO 13, and PI , IA vol. xxi (1892), 

p. 228, No 13,Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 58 f; 101, No 160, Barua, Bark Vol 11(1934), 
p 99 ff, and Vol. Ill (1937), PI LXXV (98 and 98 a); Luders, Shark (1941), p 6 


The assembly of the Jatilas (ascetics wearing matted hair) 

The sculpture to which the label belongs is a fragment It shows on the left a tree 
among wells, on the right a recess with a short-haired man of whom only half of the head 
and upper part of the body is preserved Cunningham's identification of the sculpture with 
the conversion of Uruvela Kassapa and his two brothers is very improbable Barua has 
tried to complete the fragment by the photograph of a lost fragment which bears the figure 
of an elephant 1 , and in his search for a suitable subject of the sculpture he has hit on the 
Indasamanagottajataka (No 161) or the Mittamittajataka (No 197) both of which contain 
the story of a tdpasa who was killed by his pet elephant But this identification cannot be 
accepted as a glance at the figure 98a on plate LXXV in Barua's book will be sufficient 
to show that the two fragments do not go together 

B 66 (788) , PLATES XXII, XLIV 

ON the right outer face of the same pillar as No. B 55, now in the Indian Museum, 
Calcutta (P 28) Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 137, No 76, and PI XIX and 
LIV; Huitzsch, %DMG. Vol XL (1886), p 70, No 87, and PI , IA. Vol XXI (1892), 
p 234, No 87,Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 56, No 157, Barua, Bark Vol. II (1934), p 23 ff, 
and Vol. Ill (1937), PI XXII (17d) and XLIII (41); Luders, Shark (1941), p. 7. 

Bramhadevo manavako 

The young Brahmin Bramhadeva (Brahmadeva) 

The story represented in the sculpture is not known The preserved portion of the 
relief is divided into three compartments. In the upper compartment there is a large building 
surrounded by a railing In the windows and the arched recesses behind the balcony of 
the upper storey the faces of a number of women are visible From the gateway in the left 

1 According to Barua there are visible at the feet of the elephant some burning fire altars. I am not 
able to recognize anything of it in the photographic reproduction. 


corner issues a man mounted on an elephant On the right four well-dressed men are 
standing in a line The foremost figure of the four holds a small object in his left hand, 
while his right hand is uplifted As the man on the elephant also has his right hand raised, 
they are apparently talking together The three men on the left of the speaker seem to bring 
presents, each holding a tray, the first filled with small round objects, perhaps pearls, 
the second with square coins, and the third with necklaces. 

In the middle compartment the four men appear again in a line, but this time mounted 
on elephants decorated with bells hanging down before their foreheads The first in the row 
from the right is holding up a tray with coins, while the third, who seems to be the most 
prominent person, is distinguished by a parasol and a chaun carried by an attendant whose 
head is visible in the background Before the line of elephants another elephant is kneeling. 
He is held down with the ankusa by a man of whom only the head is seen, the body ban* 
hidden behind a tree which belongs to the lower scene This is evidently the same man 
.vho m the first scene is riding on the elephant, and from the label it appears that he is the 
voung Brahmin Bramhadeva 

is seeJlt'lTA^TTf ' **?** "** ** "^ P rti n is P reserved > Bramhadeva 
is een once more kneelmg before a throne placed under a tree and surmounted by a parasol 

vath pendants hanging down on both sides, while behind him the four men are stand 
again m a lm 4 their hands jQmed m ^^ ^^ th ~^ e " s ^f 

Bodhi tree of the tetoncal Buddha, but I doubt very much that tba u correct as it doe not 
show distinctly the_ characteristically pointed leaves of the Ficus 

he head of a person is stt 


. -i - "'"* ^iy Barua is of opinion 

concluding part of Siddhartha's battle with Mara, the congia- 
ika deities with Subrahma at the head'. This interpretation 
it it were not based on the palpably wrong translation 

g.67 (710), P LATES VYTT YTT/ 

~yy Beal^ 

94f, 3 21 an XLvndLn H' 

No. 3; Hultzsch, y) MG Vo l XL flfififi, K *ll' emle ' IA Vo1 X P 

P 229, No 21, fitua-Smha 57 (S Vsfr' v' 21 ' ^ P ' ' U ' V ' XXI 
P 95 ff, and Vol HI (1937)' R LxSlIf^ T' ^ 194 ' Bama ' Bak Vo1 " 

I /;, LXXIII (96); Luders, 5Aarf. (1941), p 88 f. 


Part I, p 58 


The rock of miracles and portents (or miraculous portents) 

The meaning of the inscription can hardly be definitely established as long as the 
subject of the relief has not been identified The sculpture represents a game in which on 
either side two persons take part A gammg-board containing 36 squares is drawn on the 
flat surface of a rock, which splits into two, engulfing the two men on the right and perhaps 
also the tree under which they are sitting Of the two men on the left, one is raising his 
right hand which indicates that he is speaking, while the other is seated crosslegged Before 
him lies a small square object which looks like a punch-marked corn, but may be a stone used 
for the game Six similar pieces are lying to his left In the background there is a square 
block ornamented with three-forked symbols 

Regarding the text of the inscription, Hoernle is in doubt whether sila stands for sila 
(Sk. ila) or for silam (Sk silam} The scuplture leaves little doubt that it is the word for rock 
(sila) } this has been assumed by Hultzsch Hoernle's suggestion to refer chitupdda to the 
gaming board and to explain it either as chatushpdda or chitrapada certainly misses the mark 
The mistakes of the sculptor which Hoernle has to assume are quite improbable and I do 
not understand how far these two expressions could suitably designate the gaming board 
Ctnttuppada literally ' arising out of a thought ', ' wish ', ' intention ' is a word used often in 
Pali; in connection with sila, however, it does not yield any meaning But uppada is in 
Pali also a normal representative of Sk utpdta 1 ' abnormal phenomenon ' and thus it is most 
probable that chitupadasila represents Sk chitrotpdtahld e A rock of wonders and of abnormal 
phenomena ' or * a rock where miracles and portents happen ' would seem to be quite an 
appropriate name for a rock which suddenly splits 2 The strange block with three-forked 
symbols has its counterparts in the sculptures described under Nos B 73 and B 74 which 
represent scenes on mount Nadoda It is therefore not unlikely that the gambling scene also- 
has to be localized on that mountain very rich in miracles This suggestion is however 
uncertain as long as the story has not been found in literature Certainly the relief does 
not illustrate the Littaj (91) as Barua thinks There is not the slightest similarity between 
the Jataka and the sculpture, and that the label cannot be translated as ' the gambler fond 
of the square-board game ' needs scarcely be mentioned 

1 Usually it appears in connection with supma and lakkhana, D. I, 9, 4, Sn 360, J 87, 1, 546, 216; 

A/fll 178 nrn O<=i 

8 This explanation is already given by Hultzsch, LA. Vol XXI ( 1 ^'?'_ ?. ' ? te H 
translates Cte ## Jta ^ A/ff, ' the rock where miraculous portents happen . H 
wmarlrc " Th*- Pali /.ft/frffl reDresents both uttada and u^ato 



B 68 (699) , PLATES XXII, XLVII 

ON a coping-stone, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (A 29) Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh. (1879), p 94; 131, No 10, and PI XLIII, 4 and LIII; Hoernle 1A Vol. X, 
(1881), p 118f,No l;Hultzsch,DM? Vol XL(1886),p 61, No 11, and PI, 14 
Vol. XXI (1892), p 228, No 1 1 ; Barua, PASS New Ser Vol XIX (1924), pp 350-352, and 
PI XV 3 2; Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 85 f, No. 200; Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p. 113 f, 
and Vol. Ill (1937), PI LXXX (108), Luders, Shark (1941), p 21 ff 

migasamadakam chetaya 1 

The Chaitya where the animals of the forest hold their siesta. 

The name of the chaitya is not known from other sources and as both miga and samadaka 
are ambiguous terms, the label has to be interpreted from the sculpture to which it is attached 
Unfortunately the scene represented in the panel is not perfectly clear The centre of the 
relief is formed by a tree with a stone seat in front of it Six antelopes, three males and three 
females, are lying around it They seem to be black bucks (Antelope cervicapra), though the 
horns are rather short On the proper right side two wild animals are visible, the one 
facing the spectator, the other turned to the right and characterized by a mane as a lion 
The antelope in the foreground is lying with its head resting on the ground. Hoernle there- 
fore was of the opinion that the sculptor wanted to represent the antelope as having been 
crushed under the platform of the chaitya and, following a suggestion of Tawney, translated 
the inscription f the deer-crushing chaitya ' (mngasammardakam chaityam] An antelope in 
exactly the same attitude as in our relief is found in the relief on Cunningham's Plate 
XLIII, 8, and there it is undoubtedly a dead animal bewailed by the ascetic as told in the 
Migapotakajataka (No 372) Nevertheless I think it more probable that in our relief the 
antelope is simply meant as sleeping, no stones being visible to indicate that it was killed by 
them, and as the presence of the two lions also is left unaccounted for by Hoernle 5 s interpreta- 
tion, it does not carry conviction 

Cunningham translated the inscription 2 { Deer and Lions eating together Chetiya ', 
and the derivation of samadaka from sam-adis accepted also by Barua-Smha who offer quite a 
number of optional renderings such as ' the chaitya on an animal feeding-ground ', or 'on a 
grazing ground of the deer ', or e where the deer are devoured ', etc But the antelopes in 
the relief neither graze nor are they being devoured, and m my opinion it is extremely 
unlikely that samadaka should have any connection with the root ad; nor can I follow Barua, 
when he asserts that the sculpture refers to the Vyagghajataka (No 272) There it is related 
how a forest is infested by tigers or, as the commentator erroneously says, by a lion and a 
tiger They kill animals of all kinds and for fear of them nobody dares enter the forest 

1 Read chefayam. 

2 He read samadika or samadaka, 


When the stench of the carcasses, left by them on the spot, becomes intolerable, a foolish 
tree-spirit, without heeding the warnings of another tree-spirit, drives the wild animals 
away, but only with the result that the villagers, no longer kept back by the fear of the tigers, 
come and hew down the trees and till the land In vain the tree-spirit tries to bring back 
the tigers I fail to see the slightest resemblance between this story and the scene of our 
relief where nothing of the tree-deities is to be seen and where certainly the antelopes are 
not represented as being frightened or even killed by the lions. 

Hultzsch took migasamadaka as migasammadaka and rendered it by ' the chaitya which 
gladdens the antelopes ' Hultzsch's derivation of samadaka is probably correct, but I think 
that the meaning of the word has to be modified a little In Pali bhattasammada is a common 
term denoting * after-dinner nap, siesta " Migasammada then would mean either e the 
siesta of the antelopes' or e the siesta of the wild animals ' and there would be no difficulty in 
explaining the name of the chaitya as being formed by adding the suffix -ka to sammada. The 
siesta of the antelopes would seem to be well illustrated by the sculpture But peace and 
quietness apparently prevails also between the antelopes and the lions of the relief, and so 
we may assume that the term miga is used here in the wider sense and that the chaitya owed 
its name to the miraculous event that all animals of the forest held there their siesta without 
doing harm to one another 2 

B 69 (693) , 3 PLATES XXII, XLII 

ON a coping-stone, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Edited by Cunningham^ 
StBh (1879), p 94, 130, No 4, and PI XL VIII and LIU, Hoernle, 1A Vol X (1881), 
p 120, No 7, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 61, No 5, and PI , 14 Vol XXI (1892), 
p 227, No 5, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 90 f , No 210, Ramaprasad Chanda, MASL 
(1927), No 30, p 5, and PI I,Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 133 ff and Vol. Ill (1937), 
PI LXXXIV (124a) , Luders, Bharh (1941), p 23 ff 


Abode chatiyam 
The Chaitya on the A(m)boda (the mango-mountain) 

The relief shows a tree which, judging from the leaves, can be a mango tree It has 1 
a stone seat in front of it Some rocks in the right corner from which a brook flows down 
suggest that the place of the scene is on a mountain Two elephants are approaching the 
stone seat, the bigger one of the animals bears a bundle of lotus fibres in its trunk, apparently 
intending to deposit it on or before the stone seat The smaller animal sprays itself with, 
water from the brook Because in the relief treated under B 68 the tree with a stone seat is 
called chetqya (for chetiya] it can be taken as absolutely certain that chatiyam here is a scribe's 

'Sec D II, 195, SI,7,J VI, 57 II, 63,14 

a A verv similar representation is found in the relief on Cunningham's PI XLIV, 8. Here six: 
stags (Rusa axis), three of them male and three female, he or stand round the tree with a stone seat 
underneath it. But here the lions are missing Tlie wish to identify the sculptures as Jatakas at all costs 
led Barua to see in the latter relief a representation of the Tipallatthamigajataka (16). Apart front 
the unacceptable interpretation of the particulars, the identification with the Jataka is quite impossible 
on account of the fact that the chaitya figuring m the centre of the picture remains altogether un- 

3 Luders 5 treatment of this inscription (B 69) is missing in the manuscript. What follows below is- 
based on his remarks 1 c., pp. 23-25 


mistake for chetiyam The explanation of chdtiyam as loc sg of P chdti c pot, vessel ' given by 
Barua and Sinha is linguistically impossible, apart from the fact that in the relief no vessel 
of any kind is represented Likewise I cannot agree with Barua-Smha's identification of the 
relief with the Matiposakaj (455) In the Jataka it is narrated that the Bodhisattva was 
once reborn as an elephant He was captured to serve the king of Kasi as state elephant, 
but was released by the same king when the latter heard that the elephant had to nourish 
his blind mother left behind in the forest When the Bodhisattva had returned to his 
mother he sprinkled her with water from a lotus pond. Now we find in the relief indeed two 
elephants and also a brook which could perhaps take the place of the lotus pond, but it is 
not depicted how the one elephant besprinkles the other This besprinkling is an essential 
part of the story It is not only to be seen from the fact that it is expressly mentioned in the 
Gathas, it has also led to a further development of the legend The Mvu where the 
Jataka occurs (Vol III, p 130 ff) and the Fo-pen-hmg-tsi-kmg (Beal, Rom Leg, p 366 ff) 
narrate that the elephant's mother regained her eye-sight by the besprinkling, in the 
same way as the blind Mahaprajapati regained the power to see when the water at the 
mahdprdtihdrya m Kapilavastu streamed down on her Besides it is expressly stated in 
G 4 ff of the Jataka that the noble elephant lived with his mother on the mountain 
Ghandorana In the prose narration is added that, after the death of his mother, he went 
into the hermitage Karandaka. There the king erected a stone image of the elephant, and 
men from all India used to assemble at the spot every year to celebrate the festival of the 
elephant In the Mvu. the mountain on which the elephant and his mother stayed is called 
Chandagiri, a hill in front of the Himavat These particulars are not in conformity with the 
inscription which says that the Chaitya was on the Aboda Hoernle' took Aboda as equivalent 
of Sk Arbuda, the old name of the famous mountain Abu, but it is not probable that the u 
in Arbuda should have become o On the other hand the landscape represented shows de- 
cisively that Aboda is the name of a mountain This is confirmed by the form of the name 
No less than six times in the Bharhut inscriptions the name Nadoda is found, twice with 
the addition pavata, and a mountain Rikshoda is mentioned as the birth place of brahmins 
in the Kasika on Pan, 4, 3, 91. Rikshodah parvato 'bhijana eshdm brdhmandndm Arkshodd 
brdhmanah Whatever the second part 2 of the name may be, its composition with nada 'reed* and 
nksha e bear 5 makes it almost certain that Aboda contains the word dmra ' mango ' Abode 
accordingly is written in the normal fashion for ambode The Ghaitya on the Amboda, the 
mango-mountain, was probably a sanctuary of local importance In the relief its veneration 
by elephants carrying offerings is represented, cf similar reliefs on Cunningham's PI XXX 
J2 (B 70-72) and XL VI 6 

*IA X, p 120 

2 1 am of the opinion that_these names of mountains, like Himavat etc , are formed with the 
suffix-vat Rikshavat, Nadavat, Amravat were transferred in Prakrit to the a-flexion and with the 
softening of t to d and with contraction of ova to o became Achchhoda, Nadoda and Amboda. Rikshoda 
is a result of incomplete Sanskriusation The correct Sanskrit form Rikshavat is attested in the Epics 
and in the works of Kahdasa 



B 70 (755), PLATES XXII, XLVI 

TOGETHER with Nos B 71 and B 72 on the lowermost relief of the inner face of the same 
pillar as No A 62, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29) Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh. (1879), p 45, 115, 135, No 44, and PI XV, XXX and LIV, Hoernle, IA 
Vol XI (1882), p 25 f , No 19 a^Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 67, No 62, and 
PI ; IA Vol XXI (1892), p 232, No 62, Barua-Smha, El (1926), p 92, No 215, Barua, 
Bark Vol II (1934), p 165 ff, and Vol III (1937), PI XCIV (142), Luders, Shark 
(1941), p 84 


1 Bahuhathiko nigodho 

2 Nadode 

The banyan tree Bahuhathika (Bahuhastika, of many elephants) 3 on (Mount) Nadoda 

See the remarks on No B 72 

[B 70, B 71 and B 72 refer to one and the same sculpture] 

B 71 (754), PLATE XXII 

TOGETHER with Nos B 70 and B 72 on the lowermost relief of the inner face of the same 
pillar as No A 62, now m the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29) The inscription is en- 
graved on one of the pillars of the railing below the sculpture Edited by Cunningham, 
StBh (1879), p 115, 135, No 43, and PI XV, XXX and LIV, Hoernle, IA, Vol XI (1882), 
p. 26, No 20, Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL (1886), p 67, No 61, and PL, IA Vol. XXI 
(1892), p 232, No 61 , Barua-Smha, SI (1926), p 92, No 214; Barua, Barh Vol 11(1934), 
p 165 ff, and Vol. Ill (1937), PI XCIV (142), Luders, Bharh (1941), p 84 


(The banyan tree) Bahuhathika (Bahuhastika, of many elephants) 

See the remarks on No. B 72 

[B 71, B 70 and B 72 refer to one and the same sculpture ] 

B 72 (756) , PLATES XXII, XLVI 

TOGETHER with Nos. B 70 and B 71 on the lowermost relief of the inner face of the 
same pillar as No A 62, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (P 29) Edited by Cunmng- 

'There is an inscription classified under Group 9 (Fragmentary Inscriptions) probably lefernng 
to some legend connected with the Himavat mountains (see B 79) 

a Hultzsch, IA. 1 c , note 42 " Bahavo hastmoyatm sah, where many elephants (are 
Of. also B 81 


ham, StBh (1879), p 135, No 45, and PI XV, XXX and LIV, Hoernle, IA Vol XI 
(1882), p 25 f , No 19b, Hultzsch, %DMG Vol XL (1886), p 67, No 63, and PI , IA 
Vol. XXI (1892), p 232, No. 63, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 92 f , No 216, Barua, Barh 
Vol II (1934), p 165 fF, and Vol. Ill (1937), PL XCIV (142), Luders,/M (1941), p 84 


1 Susupalo Kodayo 

2 Veduko a- 

3 ramako 



Susupala (Sis'updla), the Kodaya (Kodiya) The park-keeper Veduka 

[B 72, B 70 and B 71 refer to one and the same sculpture.] 

This relief, which according to the inscription B 70 represents some story connected 
with a nyagrodha tree on mountain Nadoda, is in its centre filled by a big banyan tree, with 
a seat in front of it, decorated with an ornamental band and strewn with flowers. On either 
side three elephants, one of which is a very young animal, are bowing down or offering 
garlands. On the right are the figures of two men, both badly damaged One who is 
standing with his hands joined in devotion has lost his head; of the other almost nothing 
but the turban is preserved The background is formed on the right by rocks, on the left 
by a slab or bench covered with flowers above which there appears a strange conglomeration 
which Hoernle, misled by his erroneous reading Vetiko instead of Vedtiko, took to be an egg- 
plant It indeed seems to be a tree or plant, but I do not dare to determine its exact nature 

The relief bears no less than three inscriptions viz B 70, B 71 and B 72 Underneath 
the stone seat, on the decorative rail forming the basis of the relief, we find B 71 and on the 
stone-seat itself B 70 which gives a fuller version of B 71 The third inscription (B 72) is 
in the right upper corner above and at the side of the damaged head of one of the two human 
worshippers near the tree. According to these inscriptions the nyagrodha tree represented 
in the sculpture is found on the mountain Nadoda and carries the name Bahuhatthika. 
" by the side of which are many elephants ", which corresponds to the scene depicted 

The worship of Chaityas by elephants was apparently a favourite theme associated with 
different localities Both Fa-hien 1 and Huan-tsang 2 tell us that a herd of wild elephants 
offered worship to the Stupa of Ramagrama 3 by presenting flowers and sprinkling water on 
the ground This legend is perhaps represented on the lower architrave of the eastern gate 
of Sanchi where elephants oifer flowers and fruits to a Stupa In the treatment of B 69 
we have come across the worship of a tree with a stone seat underneath on mountain Amboda. 
What kind of tree is meant there cannot be fixed with certainty In the relief on the coping- 
stone shown on Cunningham's PI XL VI 6 it is again a nyagrodha tree worshipped by three 
elephants which lay down branches of trees in a bowl placed on a stone seat 

As regards the two persons who appear as lookers on of the scene, Veduka is certainly 
the same person who in the relief B 73 is represented as milking a tattered cloth on mountain 
Nadoda In our inscription (B 72) he is called ardmako, apparently an imperfect spelling 
for drdmakoj while in Pali and Buddhist Sanskrit, the usual form isdrdmika As it appears from. 

1 Transl by Legge, p 69 

"Transl by Beal, Vol II, p 26 fF. 

3 Cunningham thought that the sculpture represented that legend, but, apart from the fact that the 
object of the worship is not a Stupa, but a tree, the label expressly states that the scene is Nadoda which, 
as proved by the inscriptions Nos B 73 and B 74, was some mountain 


Mahdv. VI, 15, \\Chullav. VI, 21, 3 the dramikas were park-keepers and sometimes servants 
of the Samgha, without being monks It is more difficult to account for the epithet of Susu- 
pala. Hoernle was of the opinion that Koddya might be connected with Sk Kaundinya, 
P. Kodanna, which is phonetically impossible Barua-Sinha's derivation of Kodaya from 
Kodr-raja or Kotta-raja, ' the ruler of a fort ' need not be discussed I am sure that 
Hultzsch was right in taking Kodayo as a clerical error for Kodiyo, * belonging to the Kodya 
or Kohya tribe ' 

The legend represented in the relief remains unknown for the time being 1 But 
the inscription B 81 allows with high probability to identify the saint to whom the Chaitya 


ON a coping-stone, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (A 54). Edited by 
Cunningham, StBh. (1879), p. 98, 131, No 18, and PL XLVIII and LIII, Hoernle, IA. 
Vol. X (1881), p 120 f , No 8, Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL (1886), p. 62, No 18, and 
PI ; IA Vol XXI (1892), p 228, No 18, Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 98 f , No 223; Barua, 
Barh. Vol. II (1934), p. 169, and Vol. Ill (1937), PI XCV (144), Luders, Bharh. (1941), 
p 80 ff 

V[e]duko 2 katha dohati Nadode pavate 

Veduka milks the tattered garment on Mount Nadoda 3 

On the left side of the relief a man is seen squatting on the ground With both hands 
he holds the two ends of a somewhat peculiar object, which is suspended from a tree. He 
is evidently c milking ' them into a small basin held between his knees. The sculptor has 
even represented the stream of liquid gushing out The right half of the relief is occupied 
by four square blocks of different size Their upper side is slightly concave and covered 
with symbols which, being three-forked, differ from the ordinary panchanguhkas 

In Bharhut quite a number of representations is found, the scene of which is the moun- 
tain Nadoda 4 , which seems to have been in the vicinity of Bharhut and connected with 
several local legends. R P Chanda (MASI No. 30, p 6) identified it with a chain of hills 
called Naro, six miles to the north of Bharhut. The identification is attractive, even if phone- 
tically it is not completely free from doubt, for then we should expect to get at least Nalo 

Veduka is undoubtedly identical with the gardener Veduka mentioned in No B 72 in 

1 Barua hints at the Mahavamjaj (493), whereas in his list the relief is directly identified with the 
said Jataka How this is possible, I am at a loss to understand The only similarity between the 
sculpture and the Jataka is the circumstance that in both of them a nyagrodha appears. 

2 The first akshara was read va by Cunningham Hoernle and Buhler adopted this reading, while 
Hultzsch read ve. The 6-sign, although partially coinciding with the framing line of the label, becomes 
almost certain by the occurrence of Veduko in No B 72 

3 It is unnecessary to discuss Hoernle's translation of the inscription as it is based on an 
interpretation which nobody will uphold now Nor can I follow the confused speculations of Barua-Sinha 
which culminate in the invention of a Jataka Their identifications of Veduka with Vadika, the hero of 
Avadana 6 in the Av (I, p 28 ff) and at the same time with Vajtka, a supposed surname of Sakka, and 
of Nadoda with Narada, or Nadoda pavata with Mrada and Parvata are absolutely unfounded. 

" 4 The name of the mountain is at times directly mentioned in the labels and at times 
it is to be inferred. As regards the explanation of the word Nadoda I refer to my remarks 
on No. B 69. 


a relief which illustrates an event on Mount Nadoda The only word in the inscription which, 
presents any difficulty is katha, which may denote either the object which is milked or the 
substance which is milked from it. Hultzsch states that Buhler wanted to explain it as 
kvdtha 'decoction '. According to Panim 3, 1, 140, besides kvatha there existed in the same 
meaning also kvatha, and we may agree that katha may stand for kvatham and, if necessary, 
also for kvatham But the sense so obtained is hardly satisfactory Hultzsch proposed to 
take katha as a graphical or dialectal variant of katha (kashtha) ' wood * I am ready to 
admit that owing to the negligence of a mason, who forgot to put the dot in the centre of the 
letter, a tha may occasionally appear as tha, but the superfluous addition of a dot in writing 
katha for katha, as Hultzsch's suggestion implies, is highly improbable, and the derivation of 
katha (with dental th=kattha] from kashtha is phonetically impossible Moreover the milking 
of a piece of wood would not agree with the sculpture There can be little doubt that the 
thing (katha) which Veduka is milking is an object hanging down from the tree which is cer- 
tainly neither a piece of wood nor a bhisti's mashak as suggested by Hoernle What it is 
meant for will be understood at once, if we remember that the anusvara is frequently not 
written in these inscriptions and that therefore katha may be an imperfect spelling for 
kamtham kantha is the garment of a religious mendicant patched together with hundreds of rags ; 
cf Bhartrihan 3, 19 vastram cha jirnasatakhandamayi cha kantha, 3, 74 jirnd kantha tatah fam; 
3 86 rathyakshiwvmrnajirnavasanaihsampraptakanthasakhah,^, 101 kaupinamSatakhandajarjarataram 
kantha punas tadrisi, Santis 4, 20 dhntajaratkanthalavasya In Sdntis 4, 4 the garment of a forest 
recluse is said to be pieced up with withered leaves jirnapalasasamhatikntam 1 kantham vasano 
vane. Mahdv 8, 12 we are told that Ananda made garments from rags (chhmnakd} having 
the appearance of fields of rice in Magadha (Magadhakhetta) with their manifold boundaries 
Exactly in the same way the artist has represented the kantha 

The story of Veduka's milking has not yet been identified It belongs to the circle of 
legends gathered round Mount Nadoda which form the subject also of the sculptures referred 
to under Nos B 70, B 72, B 74, B 75, B 76, B 81 


ON a coping-stone, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (A 56). Edited by 
Cunningham StBh (1879), p 98, 131, No 19, and PI XLVIII and LIII, Hoernle, IA 
y? 1 ' X , (1 ^ T )j P no ' N 9 ' Hult2SCh ' Z DMG Vol XL (1886), p. 62, No 19, and PI ; 
V 1 nnS? ( R P 228}N 19 > Barua ' Sinha >^ (1M6), p 97, No 222 , Barua, Barh 
Vol II (1934), p 162rT,andVol III (1937), PI XCI (140); Luders, Bharh (1941), p 82 rT 

jabu Nadode pavate 

The rose-apple tree on Mount Nadoda 

one hSdrn? ^ - T *** " * ^ fiom which two human hands emerge, 

resemb t 

Sow from a th tea - p0 ; j ; P n f ^ ht hand f a -ttmg on a morha, or wicker stool 

" J f f T ^ ** f thC Jetavana and oth - sculptures that 



'Vanant reading sirnapdasapattramchitam 


the man by the deity residing m the jambu tree. Another man is walking away carrying a 
small vessel which he apparently has filled at the tree. According to Anderson, Cat Vol I, 
p. 97, there is on the right a block of stone exactly like those of the relief described under 
No. B 73 

The same scene, with slight modifications, occurs in a relief at Buddha-Gaya reproduced 
in Cunningham's Mahabodhi, Plate VIII, No 4 Here the man who receives the water of 
donation and the bowl with food from the tree-spirit is standing by the side of a rribrha and a 
bench, and the man walking off is missing, but the block of stone appears here also in the 
background. Bloch 1 referred the scene of the Buddha-Gaya sculpture to the feeding of the 
Bodhisattva by Sujata I am unable to discover the slightest resemblance between the 
relief and that story 2 . 

Barua-Smha translate jabu by e the rose-apple trees ', which is not in keeping with the 
sculpture where only a single tree is represented But I see no reason whyjabu should be taken 
as a plural form, jambu being the regular nom sing of the feminine base, both in Pali 3 
and Prakrit I quite agree with Barua-Smha in rejecting Hoernle's suggestion that the jambu 
tree of the relief is the tree on Mount Meru from which Jambudmpa derives its name On the 
other hand I fail to see how it should possibly be connected with the jambu trees mentioned 
among other trees in Gatha 584 of the Vessantarajataka or with the Sambulajataka (519), 
as suggested by those two scholars R P Chanda 4 and Coomaraswamy 5 see in the relief 
the representation of a legend narrated in the DhA. I, 203 ff There we are told that five 
hundred ascetics on their way from the Himalaya to Kosambi come to a great nyagrodha 
tree m a forest The goddess of the tree gives them food and water to drink and to bathe 
At the request of the oldest of the group of ascetics she comes out of the tree and informs the 
ascetics that she had gained great power for having fasted unto death m a former life as a 
workmaid of Anathapindika Now the relief corresponds to the story as far as the miraculous 
feeding by the tree-goddess is concerned But I am very doubtful whether just this story is 
illustrated The tree m the relief is a jambu tree, in the story, however, it is a nyagrodha 
That speaks against the identification, as well as the circumstance that the men being fed 
and offered a drink in the relief are not ascetics Hoernle's 6 explanation of the Bharhut relief 
is quite mistaken, and Barua himself withdrew the curious explanation he gave (BI p 97 f 
and Bark II, p 162 ff) later on in Bark III, p. 4 ' The story of the jambu tree represen- 
ted in the relief is one of the Nadoda legends which have not yet been discovered in literary 
sources , cf the remarks on No. B 73 

B 75 (711 AND 901); PLATE XXIII 

FRAGMENTARY inscription on a coping-stone, now lost Edited by Cunningham, StBk 
(1879), p 131, No 22, and PI LIII The inscription appears to be identical with the frag- 
ment published by Cunningham, ibid p 143, No 18, and PI LVI. It was edited again by 
Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 86, No 201 , Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), p 115, Luders, Bharh 
(1941), p 89 f 

staTements P are wlong m details Sujata feeds the Bodhisattva after he gave up the penance- 
and not the Buddha after he gamed the Bodhi. 
3 Kachchajana 2, 1, 34 
*MASL No. 30, p 5 ff 
1928, p. 393 

cgig 'the* label Barua-Smha say that all former editors read,^ The : nght reachng^ 
however has already been given by Hultzsch, &MG. XL, p 62 and m my List No 708 



Dusito gin dada.ii Na 
Dusita presents the mountain Na(doda ? ). 

Cunningham (StBh p 131, No 22) gives an inscription found on a piece of a coping- 
stone which is now lost He reads it Dusito-gin dadati According to his eye-copy on 
PI LIII, it is to be read as dusitogmda datt; after these letters still a vertical stroke is visible 
which can be a remnant of na Between da and dati his sketch shows a lacuna which has to 
~b& explained Like all labels of the 'coping-stone the inscription must have been engraved 
on the lowest step of the pyramids above the reliefs. If an inscription runs over several steps 
the result naturally is that gaps sometimes appear in the middle of a word, e.g. in the inscription 
B 63 dighatapasisi seanusdsati or in the inscription B 73 vedukokathado hatinadodapa vate. On the 
step of the pyramids there is room for six letters Also it is certain that nothing precedes 
dusito which must be the first word of the inscription. 

Amongst the fragments of inscriptions now lost Cunningham gives one which he reads 
on p 143, No. 18 dusito-gin datina According to his eye-copy on PI LVI it runs dusitogmda 
tina It seems to be clear that Cunningham gives the same inscription erroneously twice 
and that we have to restore it as Dusito girl dadati na Dusito is probably a personal name, and 
the first three words are defective writing for Dusito ginm dadati c Dusita presents the 
mountain '. Barua and Sinha take the following na as negation and connect the inscription 
with G 1 of the Suchchajaj. (320) in which we hear of the not-giving of a mountain 2 
This is highly improbable The negative particle na would have to stand before the verb 3 . 
It is much more probable that the concluding part of the inscription is lost, and I have already 
proposed in my List of Brahmi inscriptions No. 711 to restore the na to Nadodam As the 
scene represented has been lost and as particulars of the legends referring to mount Nadoda 
are not known for the time being, this restoration can only be called a possibility 

E 76 (781 AND 791)*; PLATE XXIII 

ON a pillar of the North- Western quadrant Original lost. Edited by Cunningham 
StBh (1879), p 137, No 70, and PL LIV, Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL (1886), p 59 f , 
U Vol XXI (1892), p 232, note 43; Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 87, No. 204; Barua, 
Barh Vol II (1934), p 121, Luders, Shark (1941), p 87 f 

[Na]dodapade dhenachhako 5 

1 From Cunningham's eye-copies on plates LIII and LVI In the copy on plate LIII na is only 
partly kgible, in the copy on plate LVI the second da has been omitted Restore perhaps Nadoda or 

a Suchckajam vata na chchaji vachaya adadam ginm \ 
hm hi toss* achajantassa vachaya adada pabbatam I J 
The second line is obviously spoiled 

3 What Barua and Sinha remark for the explanation of dusito can be passed over in silence. 

4 Cunningham's inscription No 70 (List 981) appears to be identical with his inscription No. 79 
(List 791), mentioned amongst the three inscriptions found on displaced pillars It is very improbable, 
that there should have existed two labels with the same text 

5 From Cunningham's eye-copies Plate LIV No. 70 and 79 Cunningham read Dodapapechena chaw 
in No 70, and nadoda pade chena chhako in No 79 The first akshara, which has been omitted m No. 70, 
is marked as damaged in No 79. The right half of the cross-bar of ko is wanting in No. 70 Hultzsch 
followed Cunningham in reading chmachhako^ but the first dkshara can only be dhe 


The dhenachhaka ( p ) at the foot of (Mount) Nadoda 

Barua-Sinha boldly identify dhenachhako with dhonasakho which in J 353, 4 seems to be 
a name of the banyan tree The meaning of dhonasdkha is obscure. Instead of dhona- the 
Ceylonese manuscripts read also JJOTWZ- and dona-., the Burmese manuscripts constantly vena-, 
and I should consider it not quite improbable that the original reading was ponasakhoSk 
pravanasdkhah, ' with sloping branches ' But even granting that dhena- of the inscription 
is a misreading for dhona-, or that dhona- of the Pah text is a corruption of dhena-, it 
seems to me impossbile that -chhako should be the equivalent of P -sakho, Sk -sakhah As 
we know from the inscriptions Nos B 73 and B 74 several things producing miracles such as 
a jambu tree granting food and a tattered cloth that could be milked, existed on Mount 
Nadoda, and one might be tempted to take dhenachhako as a misreading for dhenuchhako, 
which may represent dhenutsakah, the * cow-well 5 , i e a well which yielded milk like a cow r 
but in the absence of the sculpture all conjectures are practically futile 




ON coping-stone No II, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta (A 21) Edited by Gunning- 
ham, StBh (1879), p 94; 130, No. 7, and PI XLVII and LIII, Hultzsch, %DMG 
Vol XL (1886), p 61, No 8, and PI, IA Vol XXI (1892), p 227, No 8, Barua, 
PASB NewSer.Vol XIX (1924), pp 354-356, and PI XV, fig 4,Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), 
p 88, No 205; Barua, Barh. Vol. II (1934), p 121 ff, and Vol III (1937), PI LXXXI (116) 
JBarua's explanation of the sculpture was criticized by Vogel, JRAS 1927, p 595, Note 2, 
Luders, Shark (1941), p 35 ff. 

Dadanikamo chakama 

The walk Dadanikama (Dndhamshkrama of Strong Exertion) 

Cunningham's explanation of Dadanikama need not be discussed Hultzsch doubtfully 
rendered it by Sk Dandamshkrama^axuabyDndhamskkrama, referring to the term dadhamkkama, 
an epithet of the solitary monk in Sn 68, which in the corresponding passage of the Mm. 
(I, 357) is replaced by dndhavikrama As in the Bharhut inscriptions the anusvara is generally 
omitted and dha is written as da } phonetically both explanations would seem to be equally 
good, but Barua's is certainly the more plausible one But his translation of the inscription 
"* the walk wherefrom the egress is difficult ' is impossible, as dadha cannot have the meaning 
* difficult ' Pah dadhamkkama means e of strong exertion ' and if dadanikama in the label 
is the same word, it must have the same meaning, although at first sight it is a little difficult 
to conceive how in that case it could be the designation of a chankama, a terraced walk. 
Perhaps the sculpture will help us to understand the term 

The centre of the relief is occupied by the chankama decked with panchanguhkas and 
flowers In front are two colossal heads of demons with a large hand between them Between 
these heads and the chankama lies a bundle of fagots, apparently burning On the left side 
of the bundle a snake is visible, and a lizard on the right side of it In the background just 
above the chankama four lions appear (of three of these only the heads can be seen) On 
the right side stands a well-dressed man with folded hands followed by four men dressed in 
the same fashion In the left corner a man sits on the ground with his head leaning on his 
left hand. In his right hand he holds a small stick pointed to the ground 

Barua has identified the sculpture with the Uragajataka, No 354 of the Pali collection. 
The Jataka belongs to the class of the stories intended to drive away the grief (sokdpanodana) 
The Bodhisattva is born as a brahmin who lives together with his wife, his son, his daughter, 
his daughter-in-law and a female servant. One day he is working on his field together with 
his son When the son is burning some rubbish, he is bitten by a poisonous snake and dies 
The brahmin is unmoved He sends for his family and the servant. When they have 
arrived, they burn the body, but not a single tear is shed by any one On account of their 
virtue Sakka's throne manifests signs of heat He resolves to reward their equanimity by 


filling their house with the seven treasures, after having uttered the lion's roar. Standing 
by the side of the funeral pyre he asks by turns the Bodhisattva and the four females why 
they do not weep and is highly pleased with their answers which all tend to show the futility 
of grief According to Barua the burning fagots in the sculpture represent the heap of 
rubbish burnt by the brahmin's son and at the same time his funeral pyre The snake is the 
snake that has caused his death and what I take to be a lizard is declared to be the corpse of 
the youth The person sitting in the proper right corner is supposed to be Sakka, while the 
four hons are said to symbolize his lion's roar The persons standing on the left side are 
identified with the brahmin and the four female members of his family, and the chankama 
which Barua, following a remark by Cunningham, takes to be an altar 'is designed as a 
protection of fire against the wind and signifies symbolically a dividing line between the 
living and the dead '. 

Vogel has already remarked that this interpretation of the sculpture is impossible. 
Apart from the fact that the heads of the demons are ignored, that the explanation of the 
chankama is certainly wrong and that the symbolization of Sakka's lion's roar is highly im- 
probable, the five standing persons cannot represent the brahmin and the four female 
members of his household as all of them are clearly characterized by their turbans as male 
persons 1 . Nor can the seated figure be Sakka A man in the same attitude is found in 
the relief on PI XXXVII, (cf B26), fig on the left, and it cannot be doubted that there 
Mara is represented as mourning, while all the other gods are rejoicing at the birth of the 
Bodhisattva The attitude is quite in keeping with the description of Mara in literary sour- 
ces after his defeat by the Buddha. ' Then ', it is said in the S, I, 124, ' Mara, the Evil one, 
went away from that place and sat down on the earth with crossed legs, not very far from, 
the Holy one, silent, discontented, with his shoulders falling and his face bent down, down-cast, 
bewildered, scratching the earth with a piece ofwood' (atha kho Mdro pdpimd tamhd thdnd apa- 
kkamma Bhagavato avidurepathaviyampallankena msidi tunhibhuto mankubhuto pattakkhandho adhomukho 
pajjhdyanto appatibhdno katthena bhumim vihkhanto] The same description is found in the 
Lahtav and the Mm with the only difference that in the Mvu an arrow (kdnda) takes 
the place of the piece of wood (kdshtha) Mvu II, 283 Mdro ca pdplmdm duhkhi daurmana- 
syajdto antahsalyapanddghajdto ekamante pradhydye kdndena bhumim vihkhanto, II, 349* Mdras 
ca dmmano dsi kdndena hkhate mahim \jito 'smi devadevena bdkyasimhena tdpind, III, 281 Mdro 
paplmam Bhagavato amdure sammshanno abhushi duhkhi durmano vipratisdn kdndena bhumim 
vilikhanto Lahtav 378. atha khalu Mdrah pdpiydn . ekdnte prakrdmya sthito *bhut \ duhkhi 
durmand vipratisdri adhomukhah kdshthena mahim vihkhan vishayam me 'tikrdnta iti 

In the Nidanakatha (J I, 78) Mara is spoken of as sitting at the corner of a road and 
meditating on the sixteen points in which he is not equal to the Buddha by drawing lines on 
the sand until his three daughters arrive and enquire after the cause of his grief In the 
Mara- and BhJkkhunisamyutta of the S (IV, V) it is regularly stated that Mara is plunged 
into grief whenever one of his many attacks on the Buddha or some monk or some men has 
turned out unsuccessful The representation of the mourning Mara apparently was con- 
ventional, and we may be sure that in our sculpture also the dejected person drawing figures 
on the ground was at once rightly understood as Mara by every Buddhist We may further 
assume that the cause of his depression apparent in the relief is the fact that he has failed to 
subdue some saint meditating on the chankama The saint, of course, does not appear in 
the relief, as neither the Buddha nor Buddhist clericals are ever represented in the sculptures 

'There is not the slightest evidence that the figure wearing a turban in the rehef PI. XLVIII, II is 
.a female as asserted by Barua 


of this time But the means by which Mara tried to inspire him with fear, stupefaction and 
horripilation and to disturb him in his concentration 1 , as it is often said in the Suttas, appear 
to be indicated by the lions, the demons and probably also by the burning fagot, the snake 
and the lizard Similai phantoms are mentioned in the accounts of Mara's combat against 
the Buddha in the Nidanakatha, the Mvu , the Lahtao and Asvaghosha's Buddhach Here 
also we read of monsters with tongues drawn out or with spike-like ears, of lions and lion- 
faced demons, of poisonous snakes and demons spitting out serpents, of showers of live embers 
and blazing straw And just as the gods came to praise the Buddha, when Mara was van- 
quished, so here five gods, probably Sakka and the four Lokapalas, have come to offer their 
congratulations We do not know the name of the saint whose victory over Mara is com- 
memorated in the sculpture, but it may be easily imagined that the chankama where he had 
gained the upper hand was called after the strong exertion he had displayed on that occasion 
We know from the Chinese pilgrims that many chankamas of Buddhas and Arhats of the past 
were shown in their time in India, Evidently the Dadhamkkama chankama as well as the 
Tikotika chankama (B 78) belonged to this class of time-honoured monuments 

Chankama probably has been at first the designation of a levelled and cleaned spot on 
which the monks walked up and down m meditation The word is taken thus, for instance, 
by Rhys Davids and Oldenberg m the translation of Mahav 5, 1, 13 if (SBE XVII, p 7) 
But certainly already in the canonical texts the chankama is also a place for walking built 
with great care In the Mm 3, 5, 6 f chankama is mentioned in the list of constructions 
which a layman erects on behalf of the order, and from the statements in the Chullav 5, 14, 2 
it appears that the chankama was a raised promenade place, lined with bricks, stones, or wood 
and furnished with staircases and railings Chankamas of this kind are mentioned apparently 
also m the Suttas, as here we read often about stepping on the chankama and of descending- 
from the chankama' vihara mkkhamma chankamam abbhutthdsiD 1, 105 , chankama orohitvapannatte 
dsane msidi Sn I, 212 Also the huts of leaves for ascetics were furnished with raised prome- 
nade places. In J II, 273 we are told that the king allows an ascetic to live in his park 
' pannasdlam karetva chankamam mdpetvd'. In J V, 132 is described how Jotipala steps forth 
from the hut in his hermitage built by Sakka, how he mounts on the place for promenade 
and enters into meditation while walking up and down, pannasdlato mkkhamitvd chankamam 
druyha katipayavdre apardparam chahkami The erection of such chankamas for the use of monks 
is also testified by the inscriptions. The Kanhen inscription No 998 of my List mentions 
the donation of a cave, a water cistern, a number of benches to sit on, a chair (pidha) 
and a walk (chankama) . 

Such chankamas^ however, have also been erected as memorials on such places where the 
Buddha or his predecessors were supposed to have walked up and down Huan-tsang (Beal 
II, p 48; Watters II, p 52) reports that on the site of Rishipatana a chankama of four Buddhas 
of former times was shown. It was about 50 steps long and seven feet high and consisted 
of dark blue stones. On it a statue of the Tathagata was standing 2 In I-tsing s s Kiu-fa- 
kao-seng-chuan (Chavannes, Rehgieux Emments, p. 96) it is mentioned that m Nalanda a 
chankama of the Buddha existed It was about 2 ells broad, 14 or 15 ells long and more than 
2 ells high It was decorated with lotus flowers made out of white lime in order to mark the 
steps of the Buddha According to the inscriptions Nos 918, 919 and 925 of my List there 
was m Baranasi and in Sravastl as well a chankama of the Buddha on which the monk Bala 

*S I, 129. bhayam chhambhitattam lomahamsam uppddetukamo samddhimhd chavetukdmo 

3 As Huan-tsang mentions (Beal I, p 183, Watters I, p. 311), steps of the former four Buddhas were 

also shown in the neighbourhood of Mathura Probably also in this case *the steps' are to be regarded 

as chankamas 


erected a statue of a Bodhisattva in the first years of Kanishka's reign According to the 
legend of the Nidanakatha (J I, 77 f) the Buddha, after his enlightenment, built for him- 
self, between the Bodhi tree and the Ammisachetiya, a chankama of jewels running from west 
to east on which he walked up and down for a period of seven days 1 The place was known 
as Ratanachankamachetiya Fa-hien (Legge p 88 f ) mentions this Ghaitya in his descrip- 
tion of Gaya Huan-tsang (Beal II, p 122, Watters II, p 119 f) says that in later times 
a wall of bricks, more than three feet high, was erected at the walk This wall has been 
preserved till today Cunningham (Mahdbodhi, p. 8 ff) has found on the northern side of 
the Bodhi-temple a plain wall of bricks, 53 feet long, 3 feet six inches broad, and somewhat 
more than three feet high On each side were the fragments of 11 bases meant for the 
fixing of octagonal pillars So the brick construction once must have been roofed. 

Cunningham recognized such a chankama with a roof in the relief depicted on 
PI. XXXI 4 of StBh. and PI V 1 of his book Mahdbodhi (cf ibid p 9 f ) The relief shows an 
open hall, supported by octagonal pillars It has an upper storey on the balcony of which three 
arched doors lead. A roof crowned by pinnacles vaults above the whole construction. 
Through the entire length of the building a block of stone is extended, decorated on the surface 
with flowers and in front with panchanguhkas The long block is divided in four parts by the 
pillars standing in front Cunningham, StBh , p 121, once assumed that here the seats of four 
Buddhas were represented But this division of the block is only apparent. St Kramnsch 
wants to see in the relief, as Barua writes in Barh II, p 25, a representation of the ratana- 
chankama which the Buddha built for himself Against this view speaks the fact that the 
presence of the Buddha is not hinted at by his steps as we should expect. Cunningham 
indeed was of the opinion that the flowers on the surface of the chankama were meant to 
indicate the places touched by the feet of the Buddha Therefore, according to him, they 
are arranged in two rows to mark the steps on the right and the left side I am not able to 
discover anything of such a regular arrangement Besides, the flowers are intermingled with 
twigs These flowers and twigs are apparently tokens of worship offered by the devotees 
here as well as on the stone seats under the Bodhi trees On the front side of these stone seats, 
just as on our chankama, the panchanguhkas sometimes appear Therefore I am of the opinion 
that not the chankama of the Buddha but a chankamachetiya, built as a memorial on the scene 
of the event, is represented The building depicted should by the way be more rightly 
called a chankamasdla This expression, besides chankama^is to be found in the list of buildings 
for the order in the Mahav 3, 5, 6 f It is used according to the Chullav 5, 14, 2 to designate 
a hall for walking, protected against heat and cold, which apparently means that it is provided 
with a roof. In any case, however, more simple, raised, but not roofed chankamas were built 
as chaityas, and representations of two such chankamas are preserved at Bharhut 


INSCRIPTION on a pillar of the South- Western quadrant, now in the Indian Museum, 
Calcutta (M 10). Edited by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 25 f , 83, 135 f , No 54 and PI 
XXVIII and LIV; Hultzsch, DMG Vol XL (1886), p 68, No. 68, and PI \1A Vol XXI 
(1892), p 233, No 68, Barua-Smha, BI (1926), p 99, No 224, Barua, Barh Vol 11(1934), 
p 76 ff , and Vol III (1937), PI LXIX (83), Luders, Shark (1941), p 35 

Tikotiko chakamo 

1 Also when visiting Kapilavastu, the Buddha creates by magic a chankama in the air on which he 
performs the yamakapatihdnya. See the relief on the Northern gate of the Stupa of Sanchi 


The walk Tikotika (triangular). 

In the left corner of the medallion is a chankama of triangular form decorated with floral 
designs The recess m the middle is filled by a three-headed serpent Near the chankama 
are two trees and a water-trough In the lower left quarter are two lions and the whole 
of the right half is occupied by a herd of seven elephants in the attitude of feeding, drinking 
and throwing their trunks backwards Cunningham took the sculpture as a representation 
of the Nagaloka It is unnecessary to discuss this assumption which is based on perfectly 
impossible explanations of tikotiko* and chakamo Barua-Smha's attempt to interpret the 
bas-relief by a Jataka invented for the occasion has been refuted already by Vogel, JRAS 
1927, p. 594 ff Barua's later suggestion that the medallion represents the lake near Benares 
in which the Buddha used to wash his clothes is incompatible with the clear meaning of the 
label I quite agree with him that, like the dadamkama walk, the triangular walk also 
is some monument associated with some legend which is not known to us 


occurs in J HI, 8 5 } 8,1329/5. Y Ml JUSt ln con * ectlon 




B 79 (884) ', PLATE XXIII 

AIL inscription, now in the Indian Museum, Calcutta First edited by Hultzsch, 
ZDMG Vol XL (1886), p 75, No 153, and PI ; Hultzsch, IA Vol. XXI (1892), 
p 239, No 153; Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), p 33, No 117 

[da] Himavate i 

on the Himavata (Himavat) 

According to Barua-Smha it is doubtful whether this inscription is <a votive or a Jataka 
label ' The only readable word Himavate reminds one of the stories connected with moun- 
tain Nadoda treated under B 73 ff Some remarkable event which took place on the Himalaya 
may have been depicted on the lost relief to which this inscription originally belonged 

B 80 (897)% PLATE XXIII 

FIRST edited by Cunningham, StBh (1897), p. 143, No 14, and PI LVI, Barua-Sinha, 
BI. (1926), p 80f,No 191, Barua, Bark Vol II (1934), p 89 f ; Luders, Shark (1941), 
p 5 f . 



The Jataka of niya 

The inscription records the name of some Jataka Barua restores the label to Bhoja- 
janfya-Jatakam, the title of the J 23 in the Pah collection After having found out that the 
Bhojajanryajataka relates the tale of a thorough-bred Sindh horse, he connects the label 
with a small fragment of the coping-stone (Cunningham, StBh PI XLV, 1 , Barua, Barh Vol 
III (1937), PI LXXI, 90) where at the left corner the head and the forefoot of a horse are 
visible, and gives the Bhojajaniyajataka as identified in his list of identified reliefs But,, 
according to Luders, the restoration of the inscription as proposed by Barua is quite 
arbitrary The n in niya is fragmentary and -lya at the end of titles of the Jatakas in the 
Bharhut labels is common It is found in about one-third of the total number of cases 3 Se- 
this identification is nothing more than an unfounded supposition 

1 The treatment of Luders of this inscription has not been recovered 

1 The treatment of Luders of this inscription has been lost The reading is according to the eye-copy 
of Cunningham 

3 E g Maghadeviya, Bhisaharamya, Ghhadamtiya, Isisimgiya, Viturapunakiya, Mugapnakiya,, 




B 81 (902)% PLATE XXIII 

EDITED by Cunningham, StBh (1879), p 143, No 19, and PI. LVI, Hultzsch, DMG. 
Vol XL, p 76, note 2, IA Vol XXI (1892), p 239, No. 160; Barua-Sinha, BI (1926), 
p. 78, No 188, Ramaprasad Ghanda, MASI (1927), No 30, p. 6; Luders, Shark. (1941), 
p 86 f 


1 (Ba)huhathika asana 

2 (bhaga)vato Mahadevasa 8 

The seat Bahuhathika (* where there are many elephants ') of the holy Mahadeva. 

This fragmentary inscription, of which only an eye-copy by Cunningham is known, 
stood on a sculpture the whereabouts of which are not known. The restoration at the beginning 
of each line can be regarded as certain. 

Cunningham remarks that the relief depicted a throne (asana) with a number of human 
hands (bahuhathika} on the front side Bahuhathika, however, certainly does not refer to the 
hands, which are nothing else than the normal paftchanguhkas. It must have the same 
meaning as bahuhathika of B 70 and B 71 where we found it as the name of the holy nyagrodha 
tree on mountain Nadoda, and it is likely that the seat and the tree represent the same locality. 
Cunningham indeed does not say anything of a tree; but from his silence it cannot be con- 
cluded that a tree has not been present on the relief as stone seats usually are not depicted 
without a tree standing behind. Cunningham really did not intend to give a full description 
of the sculpture He was only interested in the explanation of the word asana and bahuhathika, 
Bhagavat Mahadeva to whom the stone seat is here ascribed can scarcely be someone else 
than the historical Buddha 3 who according to B 62 was qualified by this epithet There- 
fore, if the identification of Bahuhathika asana with Bahuhathiko nigodho is right, the person of 
the Buddha must have played also a role in the legends located on mountain Nadoda, 

B 82 (903 a) 4 ; PLATES XXIII, XL VII 

FRAGMENTARY inscription Cunningham, StBh (1879), PI XXXV, 2, Barua-Sinha, 
SI (1926), p 99, No. 225, Barua, Barh Vol II (1934), p 171 and Vol III (19371 PI 
XCVI (147), Luders, Bharh (1941), p. 40, f n. 1 ^ 

[ra]ma 5 

^ Barua-Smha read the inscription as hman(i) and doubtfully restore it to Mmam-chamkamo 
the snowy resort ". It is quite unintelligible how tins restoration could be made. The 

on has 

Is indeed apphed also to lower demese 
Buddtes Towever, at seems to have ben 

Ins re m ^Tc. trCatment f *" 

5 From the photograph in StBh. 


the manuscnpt. Our explanaton is based 

n0t be 

the attribute bhagawt 

N " 85 f my ^ by "* 
The text gxven below based on 


reading is very uncertain on the photograph only ma can be made out clearly , and the 
medallion represents evidently two men engaged in a wrestling match The explanation as 
chankama has been given up by Barua later on, and replaced by another one, not less queer. 
In Bath II, p. 171, he explains the medallion as showing two men lying on the ground 
embracing each other, placing neck upon neck, and intertwining their upper legs The 
background is filled with a number of lotus flowers According to Barua these are snow- 
flakes which signify that the men are sleeping on a snowy ground and embracing each other 
as a means of putting off the cold. 'The scene, as it is, betrays only a decorative purpose ', 
I think it unecessary to add any comments 








687 A 1 

724 B 43 

761 A 74 

798 A 25 

834 A 93 

870 A 75 

688 A 2 

725 A 21 

762 A 61 

799 A 46 

835 A 31 

871 A 116 

689 A 129 

726 B 7 

763 A 8 

800 A 73 

836 A 49 

872 A 117 

690 A 70 

727 A 94 

764 A 52 

801 B 19 

837 A 19 

873 A 103 

691 B 57 

728 A 22 

765 B 78 

802 B 53 

838 A 18 

874 A 100 

692 B 63 

729 A 98 

766 A 65 

803 A 124 

839 A 20 

875 A 121 

693 B 69 

730 B 47 

767 A 6 

804 A 54 

840 A 76 

876 A 47 

694 B 50 

731 B 32 

768 A 66 

805 B 35 

841 A 77 

877 A 36 

695 B 42 

732 B 33 

769 B 52 

806 A 43 

842 A 67 

878 A 48 

696 B 77 

733 B 34 

770 B 8 

806a A 44 

843 A 109 

879 A 104 

697 B 64 

734 A 95 

771 B 9 

807 B 59 

844 A 108 

880 A 112 

698 B 48 

735 B 6 

772 A 80 

808 A 26 

845 A 96 

881 B 62 

-699 B 68 

736 B 4 

773 A 59 

809 A 7 

846 A 105 

882 A 4 

700 B 41 

737 B 5 

774 B 40 

810 B 51 

846a A 111 

883 A 99 

701 B 54 

738 A 62 

775 B 21 

811 B 12 

847 A 101 

884 B 79 

702 B 65 

739 B 23 

776 B 22 

812 A 17 

848 A 88 

885 A 35 

703 B 46 

740 B 24 

777 B 18 

813 A 33 

849 A 110 

886 A 69 

704 B 45 

741 B 25 

778 A 29 

814 B 20 

850 A 64 

887 A 126 

705 A 5 

742 B 26 

779 B 13 

815 A 78 

851 A 79 

888 A 131 

706 B 58 

743 B 27 

780 A 30 

816 A 15 

852 A 45 

889 A 128 

707 B 73 

744 B 28 

781 B 76 

817 A 37 

853 A 90 

890 A 132 

708 B 74 

745 B 29 

782 A 16 

818 A 13 

854 A 115 

891 A 9 

709 B 56 
710 B 67 
711 B 75 
712 A 34 
713 A 38 
714 B 14 
715 A 68 
716 A 71 
717 B 11 
718 A 42 
719 A 14 
720 A 12 
721 A 50 
722 B 16 
723 A 24 

746 B 30 
747 B 31 
748 B 60 
749 B 61 
750 B 38 
751 B 39 
752 B 36 
753 B 37 
754 B 71 
755 B 70 
756 B 72 
757 A 136 
758 A 123 
759 A 40 
760 B 17 


783 B 15 
784 A 32 
785 B 49 
786 B 55 
787 A 60 
788 B 66 
789 A 39 
790 B 10 
791 B 76 
792 A 58 
793 B 2 
794 B 1 
795 B 3 
796 A 27 
797 A 51 

819 A 11 
820 A 10 
821 A 120 
822 A 114 
823 A 118 
824 A 81 
825 B 44 
826 A 119 
827 A 102 
828 A 84 
829 A 85 
830 A 86 
831 A 72 
832 A 89 
833 A 63 


855 A 92 
856 A 56 
857 A 55 
858 A 41 
859 A 53 
860 A 28 
861 A 23 
862 A 122 
863 A 91 
864 A 82 
865 A 83 
866 A 106 
867 A 57 
868 A 87 
869 A 3 

892 A 130 
893 A 113 
894 A 134 
895 A 107 
896 A 135 
897 B 80 
898 A 97 
899 A 125 
900 A 133 
901 B 75 
902 B 81 
903 A 127 
903a B 82 


A =Anguttaramkaya, ed Morris, Hardy, PTS 

Am. =Amarakosa, ed Chmtamam Shastri Thatte, Bombay 1882 

AO. =Acta Orientaha 

ASIAR = Archaeological Survey of India Annual Reports 
ASIM = Archaeological Survey of India. Memoirs 
ASR. ^Archaeological Survey Reports 
ASSI = Archaeological Survey of Southern India 
ASWI = Archaeological Survey of Western India 
Avj. =Avadana^ataka, ed Speyer 

Barh, =Barua, Benimadhab, Barhut. Books I-HI 
(I Stone as a Story-Teller, 
1 1 Jataka-scenes, 

III Aspects of life and Art ) Indian Research Institute's Publications 

Art Series Nos 1-3 Calcutta 1934-1937 

=see Barh. and BI 

-BezzenbergersBeitrage: Beitrage zur Kunde der indogermanischen bprachen, 

Gottmgen 1877-1906 

=Bulletm de 1'ficole Fran9aise d 5 Extreme-Orient. Hanoi ^ ^ 

=Luders, Hemnch, Bharhut und die buddhistische Literatur Leipzig 1941 

(Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, XXVI, 3) 
=Kala Satish Chandra, Bharhut Vedika, Municipal Museum, Allahabad 1951 
= Barua, Benimadhab, and Smha, Kumar Gangananda, Barhut Inscriptions, edited 

and translated with critical notes Calcutta 1926 
=Buddhachanta, ed Coweil, ed Johnston 

















Indian Museum, Pt 1 5 Calcutta 1883 
=Chullavagga, ed Oldenberg 
== Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum 
^Critical Pali Dictionary 


(C y 

Norman, PTS A/r n iv r PTS 

Atthasalin! (Commentary to Dhammasangam), ed. Muller, 

Divyavadana, ed Cowell-Neil 

E P igraphia Indica rrpadl8dia ft) der Wissenschaften m Gottmge 

Nachnchten der Akademie (Geseiiscnaitj oc 
Halayudha Abhidhanaratnamala, ed Auirecnt 

An =Anekarthasamgraha 




Hem Abh. = Abhidhanachintamani 
HOS =Harward Oriental Series 
I A = Indian Antiquary 

= Indian Historical Quarterly 

=Jataka, ed Fausboll 

^Journal Asiatique 

=Journal of the American Oriental Society 

=Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society 

=Journal of the Pali Text Society 

^Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta 

=Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 

=Lalitavistara, ed Lefmann 

=Majjhimanikaya, ed Trenckner, PTS 

^Cunningham, A , Mahabodm, or the Great Buddhist Temple at Buddhagaya, 
London, 1892 

=Mahamayuri, ed. S von Oldenburg 

=Mahavagga, ed Oldenberg 

^Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India 


=Milindapaflha, ed Trenckner 

=Mahavyutpatti, ed Minayeff 

=Mahavastu, ed Senart 


= Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta 

=Childers, Pah Dictionary 

=Pali Text Society 

=The Pali Text Society's Pali-English Dictionary 

^Samyuttanikaya, ed. Feer, PTS 

=Saratthappakasini (Comm. to the Samyuttanikaya), ed. Woodward, PTS 

=Santis"ataka, ed. K. Schonfeld, Leipzig 1910 

=Sacred Books of the East, ed M. Muller 

=Satapatha-Brahmana, ed Weber 

= Sanskrit 

=Suttanipata, ed Andersen-Smith, PTS 

=Paramatthajotika (Comm to Suttanipata), ed. H. Smith, PTS 

^Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 

Cunningham, A , The Stupa of Bharhut: A Buddhist Monument Ornamented 

with Numerous Sculptures Illustrative of Buddhist Legend and History in the 

Third Century B.C , London 1879 
Suttavibhanga, ed Oldenberg 
Theragatha, ed. Oldenberg, PTS 

H Kn Ker Al T eV w Selen ? P '' Woordenboek van Alders; 2 pte (Verhandelingen 

^ te Amsterdam N>R> XV][j 4-5)j Amsterdam 1916 



















S Br. 














=Udana, ed Stemthal, PTS 
=Vaijayanti, ed. Oppert 1893 
=Visuddhimagga, ed. Rhys Davids, PTS 
=Vimanavatthu, ed E.R. Gooneratne, PTS 


VvA =Vimanavatthu-Atthakatha, ed Hardy, PTS 

= Wiener Zeitschnft fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes 
=Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 
=Zeitschnft fur Indologie und Irarustik 


Agirakhitasa Bhojakatakasa suchi danam A 23 (861) 

Ajakalako yakho B 3 (795) 

Ajatasatu bhagavato vamdate B 40 (774) 

Atimutasa danam A 81 (824) 

Abode chatiyam B 69 (693) 

aya-Apikinakasa danam A 67 (842) 

aya-Isidinasa bhanakasa danam A 62 (738) 

aya-Gorakhitasa thabo danam A 68 (715) 

aya-Chulasa sutamtikasa Bhogavadhamyasa danam A 51 (797) 

aya-Jatasa petakino suchi danam A 56 (856) 

aya-Namda . . A 69 (886) 

aya-Nagadevasa danam A 70 (690) 

aya-Pamthakasa tharhbho danam A 71 (716) 

aya-Punavasuno suchi danam A 72 (831) 

Arahaguto devaputo B 20 (814) 

Alambusa achhara B 31 (747) 

Avasika A 126 (887) 

Avisanasa danam A 82 (864) 

Avisanasa danam A 83 (865) 

Asada vadhu susane sigalaSati B 64 (697) 

Asitamasaya Valamitasa danam A 36 (877) 

Idasalaguha B 35 (805) 
Isanasa dana A 84 (828) 
Isanasa dana A 85 (829) 
Isidatasa danam A 86 (830) 
'isirmgo jataka B 48 (698) 
Isirakhitasa danam A 88 (848) 
Islrakhitasa suchi danam A 87 (868) 
Isisimgiya jata(ka)m B 53 (802) 
Ujhikaye dana A 114 (822) 
utararh disa tini savagamsisa B 25 (741) 
udajataka B 46 (703) 
usu ( Janako raja Sivala devi B 56 (709) 

Erapato nagaraja B 36 (752) 

Erapato nagaraja bhagavato vadate B 37 (753) 

Kachulaya bhariyaya danam A 115 (854) 

Kadariki B 60 (748) 
Kanhilasa bhanakasa danam A 63 (833) 
Karahakata aya-Bhutakasa thabho danam A 8 (763) 
Karahakata Utaragidhikasa thabho danam A 7 (809) 
Karahakata-nigamasa dana A 5 (705) 
Karahakata Sarmkasa dana thabho A 6 (767) 
Kakamdiya Somaya bhichhuniya danam A 37 (817) 


kinarajatakam B 54 (701) 

Kupiro yakho B 1 (794) 

Kodaya yakhiya danam A 116 (871) 

Kosabakuti B 33 (732) 

Kosabeyekaya bhikhuniya Venuvagimiyaya Dhamarakhitaya danam A 52 (764) 

Ko . dalakiye yo dana tanachakamaparirepo A 127 (903) 

Gamgito yakho B 5 (737) 

gajajataka saso jatake B 42a 

gadhakuti B 34 (733) 

Gagamitasa suchi danam A 89 (832) 

Golaya Pankiniya danam A 49 (836) 

Gosalasa danam A 90a (853) 

Ghosaye danam A 117 (872) 

Ghakavako nagaraja B 6 (735) 

Ghada yakhi B 2 (793) 

Ghamda. . A 128 (889) 

cmtupadasila B 67 (710) 

Chudathilikaya Kujaraya danam A 10 (820) 

Chudathilikaya Nagadevaya bhukuniyi (danam) A 11 (819) 

Ghulakoka devata B 11 (717) 

Chuladhakasa Punkaya bhatudesakasa danam A 17 (812) 

Ghulanasa danam A 91 (863) 

Ghekulana Saghamitasa thabho danam A 40 (759) 

chhadamtiya jatakam B 49 (785) 

jatilasabha B 65 (702) 

jabu Nadode pavate B 74 (708) 

Jethabhadrasa danam A 92 (855) 

Jetavana Anadhapedlko deti kotisamthatena keta B 32 (731) 

Tikotiko chakamo B 78 (765) 

timitimi[m3gilakuchhimha [Vas]u[g]ut[o] m[o]chito Mah[a]dev[e]nam 

tiramitimigilakuchhimha Vasuguto machito Mahadevanam B 62 (881) 

Tis[a]ya Benakatikaya dan[a] A 49a 

Tosalasa mata A 90b (853) 

dakhinam disa chha Kamavacharasahasani B 26 (742) 

Dadanikamo chakama B 77 (696) 

Dabhinikaya Mahamukhisa dhitu Badhikaya bhichhuniya danam A 42 

Dighatapasi sise anusasati B 63 (692) 

Dusito girl dadati Na . B 75 (711 and 901) 

Devarakhitasa danam A 93 (834) 

Dhanabhutisa rajano putasa kamarasa Vadhapalasa danam A 3 (869) 

Dhamaguta-matu Pusadevaya danam A 120 (821) 

Dhamagutasa danam thabho A 94 (727) 

(Dha)marakhitaya dana suchi A 118 (823) 

Dhamarakhitasa danam A 95 (734) 

Dhutasa suchi dano A 96 (845) 

[Na]garakhitasa cha matu cha Kamuchukaye danam A 54b 


Nadodapade dhenachhako A 76 (781 and 791) 

Nadaginno bhanakasa Selapurakasa thabho danam A 54 (804) 

Nadutaraya dana suchi A 119 (826) 

Namdagirmo da(nam) A 97 (898) 

I^amdmagarikaya Idadevaya danam A 45 (852) 

Tiagajataka B 43 (724) 

Nagaye bhichhumye danam A 74 (761) 

Nasika Gorakhitiya thabho danam Vasukasa bhanyaya 46 A (799) 

Padelakasa Pusakasa suchi danam A 47 (876) 

Padumavati achhara B 30 (746) 

Parakatikaya Sinmaya danam A 48 (878) 

Patahputa Kodiyaniya Sakatadevaya danam A 15 (816) 

Patahputa Nagasenaya Kodiyaniya danam A 14 (719) 

Patahputa Mahidasenasa danam A 13 (818) 

purathima(m d)isa Sudhavasa deva B 24 (740) 

Purikaya Idadevaya danam A 19 (837) 

Punkaya dayakana danam A 16 (782) 

Punkaya Setaka-matu danam A 18 (838) 

Punkaya Samaya danam A 20 (839) 

Pusadataye Nagankaya bhichhumye A 43 (806) 

Pusadataye Nagarikaye bhikhumye A 44 (806a) 

Pusasa thambho danam A 98 (729) 

Phagudevaye bhichhumye danam A 75 (870) 

Bahadato Jahiranatuno Isirakhitaputasa Anamdasa thabho A 50 (721) 

(Ba)huhathika asana (bhaga)vato Mahadevasa B 81 (902) 

Eahuhathiko B 71 (754) 

Bahuhathiko nigodho Nadode B 70 (755) 

bidalajatara kukutajataka B 42 (695) 

Bibikanadikata Budhino gahapatino danam A 21 (725) 

JBibikanadikata Suladhasa asavarikasa danam A 22 (728) 

Budharakhitasa pamcha-nekayikasa danam A 57 (867) 

Budharakhitasa rupakarakasa danam A 55 (857) 

Budharakhitaye danam bhichhumye A 76 (840) 

Bodhigutasa danam A 99 (883) 

Bramhadevo manavako B 66 (788) 

hhagavato ukramti B 19 (801) 

bhagavato Kakusadhasa bodhi B 15 (783) 

"bhagavato Kasapasa bodhi B 17 (760) 

bhagavato Konagamenasa bedhi B 16 (722) 

bhagavato dhamachakam B 38 (750) 

bhagavato Vipasino bodhi B 13 (779) 

bhagavato Vesabhuna bodhi salo B 14 (714) 

bhagavato Sakamumno bodho B 23 (739) 

bhadata-Kanakasa bhanakasa thabho danam Chikulamyasa A 39 (789) 

bhadata-Devasenasa danam A 64 (850) 

bhadata-Budharakmtasa satupadanasa danam thabho A 58 (792) 

ttiadata-Mahilasa thabho danam A 65 (766) 


bhadata-Samakasa thabho danam A 66 (768) 

bhadata-Samikasa Therakutryasa danam A 41 (858) 

bhadatasa aya-Isipahtasa bhanakasa navakamikasa danam A 59 (773) 

bhadamta-Valakasa bhanakasa danam thabho A 61 (762) 

bhadamtasa aya-Bhutarakhitasa Khujatidukiyasa danam A 38 (713) 

bhisaharaniya jatakam B 58 (706) 

Bhutaye bhichhuniye danam A 77 (841) 

Bhojakatakaya Diganagaye bmchhuniya danam A 24 (723) 

Maghadeviyajataka B 57 (691) 

Mahakoka devata B 12 (811) 

Maharasa amtevasino aya-Samakasa thabho danam A 73 (800) 

Mahasamayikaya Arahaguto devaputo vokato Bhagavato sasam patisamdhi B 18 (777) 

migajatakam B 47 (730) 

migasamadakam chetaya B 68 (699) 

Mitadevaye danam A 121 (875) 

Mitasa suchi danam A 101 (847) 

Misakosi achhara B 28 (744) 

mugaphakiya jatakam B 59 (807) 

Muchilido nagaraja B 3 la 

Mudasa danam A 102 (827) 

Moragirami Jatamitasa danam A 26 (808) 

Moragirima Ghatila-matu danam A 28 (860) 

Moragirimha Nagilaya bhikhuniya danam thabha A 29 (778) 

Moragirimha Thupadasasa danam thabha A 25 (798) 

Moragirimha Pusaya danam thabha A 27 (796) 

yam bramano avayesi jatakam B 51 (810) 

yakhini Sudasana B 10 (790) 

Yakhilasa suchi dana A 105 (846) 

Yamitasa sa A 103 (873) 

y a vamajhakiy am jatakam B 52 (769) 

raja Pasenaji Kosalo B 39 (751) 

latuvajataka B 44 (825) 

Vijapi vijadharo B 61 (749) 

Vljitakasa suchi danam A 104 (879) 

Vitura-Punakiyajatakam B 55 (786) 

Virudako yakho B 4 (736) 

Vejayamto pasade B 22 (776) 

Veduko katha dohati Nadode pavate B 15 (M/) 

Vedisa Ayamaya danam A 33 (813) 

Vedisa Anuradhaya danam A 32 (784) ^ 

Vedisa Ghapadevaya Revatimitabhanyaya pathamathabho danam ( ) 

Vedisa Phagudevasa danam A 30 (780) 
Vedisa Vasithiya Velimitaya A 35 (885) 
Vedisato Bhutarakhitasa danam A 31 (835) 
Saganaraja Agaraju toranam A 2 (688) 
Sagharakhitasa matSpituna athaya danam A 108 
Saghilasa danam suchi d A 109 (843) 


(Sam)ghami(tasa danam) A 107 (895) 

Samghamitasa bodhichakasa danam A 106 (866) 

Satika . A 132 (890) 

Sapaguta>-e bhichhumye danam A 78 (815) 

Sabhada achhara B 29 (745) 

Samanaya bhikhuniya Chudathflikaya danam A 12 (720) 

Samidataya danam A 122 (862) 

sadikasariimadam turarh devanam B 27 (743) 

Sirimasa danam A 110 (849) 

Sinma devata B 8 (770) 

Sirisapada Isirakhitaya danam A 53 (859) 

Sihasa suchi danam A 1 1 1 (846a) 

Suganam raje rano Gagiputasa Visadevasa pautena Gotiputasa Agarajusa putena Vachhi- 

putena Dhanabhutma karitam toranam silakammamto cha upamno A 1 (687) 
Suchilomo yakho B 9 (771) 
Sujato gahuto jataka A 50 (694) 

Sudharnma devasabha bhagavato chudamaho B 21 (775) 
Supavaso yakho B 7 (726) 
Susupalo Kodayo Veduko aramako B 72 (756) 
sechhajataka B 45 (704) 

Senya putasa Bharanidevasa danam A 100 (874) 
JSonaya danam thabha A 123 (758) 

Jiamsajatakam B 41 (700) 


kaya bhichhumya danam A 79 (851) 
kasa danam atana cha kata A 112 (880) 

kasa rano bhayaye Nagarakhitaye danam A 4 (882) 
girino bhanakasa bhatu . A 54a 
. tarasa A 113 (893) 

tu rajano adhirajaka ya ta. . .A 130 (892) 

to bhikhuniya thabho danam A 80 (772) 
da Himavate i . . B 79 (884) 

myajataka B 80 (897) 
pachasa na A 133 (900) 
Mahada A 131 (888) 

mikasa danam A 60 (787) 
yaya danam A 125 (899) 
Yasika A 136 (757) 

yasinisa yani A 134 (894) 

rakatayaya A 9 (891) 
rama .B 82 (903a) 

sakaya thabha danam A 124 (803) 
. sa Kusu A 135 (896) 

[sira]kh[i]tasa thabho danam A 87a 
tena torana cha . kata A 129 (689) 


7, II; 12, d; 24, c 

6, I, 

Agaraju. . . (Aihgarajju- or Agarajju-<Angaradyut-) A 2. See Agarajusa below 6, IV, 13; 24a. 

Agirakhitasa (Aggirakkhita-<Agmrakshita-) A 23. 13, I; 24, d; 37, d 

achhard (achchhara-<apsaras-) B 28, B 30, B 31. 13; 34, f, I 

Ajakdlako (Ajakalaka-<Ajakalaka-) B 3. 

A[jd]tasat\u\ (Ajatasattu-<Ajataatru-) B 40 15, 30, I 

athdyd (attha-<artha~) A 108. 14; 25, IV 

atand (atta-<atman-) A 112 6, I; 24, e, 34, b, II 

Atimutasa (Atimutta-<Atimukta-) A 81. 18, d, 37, d 

adhimjaka.. (adhirajaka-<adhirajaka-) A 130 

Anamdasa (Anamda-<Ananda-) A 50. 6, IV; 24, d 

Anddhapediko (Anadhapeddika-?<Anathapindika-) B 32 

Anurddhdya (Anuradha-<Anuradha-) A 32. 26, IV 

anusdsati (anusasa-<anuVas-) B 63 37, a, I 

amtevdsino (amtevasi(n)-<antevasm-) A 73. 24, d; 34, d, II 

Apikmakasa see under aya-Apikmakasa below. 

Abode (Amboda-<Amravat-) B 69 2, II; 6, I; 12, d; 16; 24, e 

aya-Apikmakasa (ayya-Apikinnaka-? <arya-Apigirnaka-?) A 67 aya 

aya-Isidmasa (ayya-Isidmna-<arya-Rishidatta-) A 62. 

aya-Isipdlitasa (ayya-IsipaHta-<arya-RishipaUta-) A 59, 

aya-Gorakhitasa (ayya-Gorakkhita-<arya-Gorakshita-) A 68 

aya-Chulasa (ayya-Chulla-<arya-Kshulla or -Kshudra-) A 51 

aya-Jdtasa (ayya-Jata-<arya-Jata-) A 56 

aya-Namda (ayya-Namda-<arya-Nanda-) A 69 

aya-Ndgadevasa (ayya-Nagadeva-<arya-Nagadeva-) A 70. 

aya-Pamthakasa (ayya-Pamthaka-<arya-Panthaka-) A 71 24, 

,aya-Punavasuno (ayya-Punavasu-<arya-Punarvasu-) A 72. 

aya-Bhutakasa (ayya-Bhutaka-<arya-Bhutaka-) A 8 

aya-Bhntdrakhii\a\sa (ay y a-Bhutarakkhita-<arya-Bhutarakshita-) A ^ 

aya-Sdmakasa (ayya-Samaka-<arya-yamaka-) A 73 W, d 

Ayamdyd (Ayyama-<Aryama-) A 33 

Arahaguto (Arahagutta-<Arhadgupta-) B 18, B 20 23; 37, d 

ardmako (aramaka-<aramika-) B 72. 6, IV 

Alambusd (Alambusa-<Alambusha) B 31 15; 24, e; 26, I 

avayesi (vada-<V^d-) B 51. 6, IV, 12, d, 37, b 

Avdsikd (Avasika-<Avasika-?) A 126 

Amsanasa (Avisanna-<Avishanna-^ A 82, A 83. ^24 , c 37, d 

Asadd (Asadha-< Ashadha) B 64 ft IV 12, c 15; 26 I 
asavdnkdsa (assavarika-<asvavaraka-) A U $ o, *, * > 

words are first given 

the nominal stem or the verbal base of each word 
the never written double consonants, ^^^ 
Sanskrit equivalent in each case comes at the end. 

length of vowels The 
to the m 'The Language above 


Asitamasaya (Asitamasa- ?) A 36 26, III 

Agarajusa A 1. See Agaraju above 5, /, , IV, 13, 24, a, 34, e, I 

dsana(m] (asana-). See (Ba)huhathika-asana(m) B 81 below 

Idadevdya (Imdadeva-<Indradeva-) A 19, A 45 6, II, 7, I, 20, d, 26, IV 

Idasdlaguha (Iriidasalaguha-<Indrasalaguha-) B 35 6, III, 20, d, 26, I 

Isdnasa (Isana-<Isana-) A 84a, A 85b 8, VI 

Isidatasa (Isidatta-<Rishidatta-) A 86 /, II, 18, a, 37, d 

Isidinasa see under aya-Isidmasa above 37, d 

Isipdhtasa see under aya-Isipdhtasa above 1, II, 37, d 

isimigo (isImiga-<Rishyamriga-) B 48 5, ///. 

Isirakhita- (Islrakkhita-<RishirakshitI-) 1, II, 13, I 

Isirakhitasa A 87, A 88 

Isirakhitoya A 53 

Isimkhitaputasa (Isirakkhitaputta-<Rishirakshitaputra-) A 50 
Isis\im\g\iyd\ (Isisimg!ya-<Rishyasrmgiya-) B 53 1, II, 5, III, 24, a 

Ujhikdye (Ujjhika-<Ujjhika-) A 114 6, II, 18, a 

Utaragidhikasa (Uttaragiddhika- ? <Uttaragridliyaka-' ;) ) A 7 

utaram (uttara <uttara-) B 25 26, II 

udajdtaka (uddajataka-<udrajataka-) B 46 

upamno (uppamna <Cutpanna ) A 1 18, f, 24, d, 37, d 

u\su~\(kard) (usukara-<ishukara-) B 56 7, IV 

ukramti (ukramti-<upakranti-) B 19 2, II; 6, I, 20, a, 24, d, 28, I 
Erapato (Erapatta-<Erapatra-) B 36, B 37 

Kakusadhasa (Kakussamdha-<Kakutsandha-) B 15 24, d 
Kachula\ja] (Kamchula-<Karichula- ? ) A 115 
Kadanki (Kamdariki-<Kandarikin-) B 60 24, c, 27, I 
kata (kata-<krta-) A 112, A 129 1, I, 25, II, 37, d 
katha (kamtha-<kantha-) B 73 6, III, 24, d, 26, II 
Kanakasa see under bhadata-Kanakasa below 
Kanhilasa (Kanhila-<Krishnila-) A 63 1, I; 24, c 
kamdrasa (kumara-<kumara- ? ) A3 9 
Kamuchukaye (Kamuchuka-) A 54b. 
kammamto see under silakammamto below 

Karahakata A 6, A 7, A 8 6, III, 25, V 

Karahakata-mgamasa (-mgama-<-mgama-) A 5 

Kasapasa (ICassapa-<Ka.tysipz-) B 17. 6, I, 19, d, 25, VI 

Kakamdiya (Kakamdi~<Kakandi-) A 37 8, II; 24, d 

Kdmdvacharasahasam (Kamavacharasahassa-<Kamavacharasahasra-) B 26, 20, g; 25 y 

IX, 36 

kdritam (karita-<karita-) A 1 25, II, 37, d 
kinarajdtakam (kiihnarajataka~<kmnarajataka-) B 54 24, d 
kukutajdtaka (kukkutajataka-<kukkutajataka-) B 42 18, a 
kuchhimha see under timigalakuchhimha below 13, II, 28, // 
Kujardyd (Kumjara-<Kunjara-) A 10 6, II, 24,b 3 26, IV 
kuti see under Kosabakuti, gadhakuti below 
Kupiro (Kupira-<Kubera-) B 1 4, I, 12, e, 25, I 


keta (ketta<krayitva) B 32. 2, I, 21, a, 37, c. 

kotisamthatena (kotisamthata-<kotisamstrita-?) B 32 25, III, 37, d 

JKoddya (Kodiya-<Kodya-) A 116. 

Koddyo (Kodiya-<Kodya-) B 72 

Kodiydmyd (Kodiyani-<Kodyani-) A 14, A 15. 8, II, 29, III 

Kondgamenasa (Konagamana-) B 16. 

Kosabak\u\ti (Kosambakuti-<Kaus"ambakuti~) B 33 24, e 3 28, I 

Kosabeyekaya (Kosambeyika-<Kauambeyika-) A 52. 7, II ' 3 24, e 

Kosalo (Kosala-<Kaus"ala-) B 39 5, // 

Ko daldkiye A 127 29, III 

Khujatidukiyasa (Khujjatimdukiya-<Kubjatinduka-?) A 38 

Gamgito (Gamgita-<Gangita-) B 5 24, a 

gajdjdtaka (gajajataka-<gajajataka-) B 42a 5, IL 

gadhakuti (gamdhakuti-<gandhakuti-) B 34 24, d; 28, I. 

gahapatino (gahapati-<gnhapati-) A 21 /, I, 27, V 

gahuto (gahuta-<grihita- ? ) B 50 37, d. 

Gdgamitasa (Gamgamitta-<Gangamitra-?) A 89 5, L 

Gdgiputasa (Gagiputta-<Gargiputra-) A 1. 5, I, 8, IV, 18, b. 

giri (giri-<gin-) B 75 27, II 

guha see under Idasdlaguha above. 

Gotiputasa (Gottiputta-<Gaupt!putra-) A 1 3, II, 8, IV. 

Gorakhitasa see under aya-Gorakhitasa above 13, I; 37, d 

Gorakhtiya (Gorakkhita-<Gorakshita-) A 46 

Golaya (Goia-<Gola-) A 49 

Gosdlasa (Gosala-<Go^ala-) A 90a See Tosdlasa below. 

Ghdhla-matu (Ghatila-matu-<Ghatila-matri-) A 28 33, L 
Ghosaye (Ghosa-<Ghosha-) A 117 6, 11, 15, 26, IV. 

cha (cha<cha) A 1, A 54b, A 112, A 129 (?) 
chakam see under dhamachakam below 
chakama- (chamkama-<chankrama-) 20, a 

chakama B 77 25, I 

-chakama- see under tanachakamapanrepo below 

chakamo B 78 25, I 

Chakavdko (Ghakkavaka-<Chakravaka-) B 6 20, a 
Chadd (Chamda-< Chandra-) B 2 20, d, 26, I 

Chamdd A 128. 20, d. 

chdtiyarh see under chetaya below 3, I, 19, a 
Chdpadevdyd (Chapadeva-<Chapadeva-) A 34. . 
Chikulamyasa (Chikulaniya-) A 39 

Chitupadasila (Chittoppadasila-<Chitrotpatasila-) B 67. 6, III, IS, /; 26, I 
Chudathlhkayd (Chuddathilika-) A 10, A 11, A 12. 
Chulakokd (Chullakoka-<Kshudrakoka-) B 11 13, II, 20, d, 26, L 
Chuladhakasa (Chulla- ?) A 17 
Chulanasa (Ghullana-) A 91 20, d 
Chulasa see under aya-Chulasa above 20, d 
chuddmaho (chudamaha-<chudamaha~) B 21 
Chekulana A 40. 6, HI 



chetaya (chetiya-<chaitya-) B 68 7, /// 
chdtiyam (chetiya-) B 69 

chha (chha<shat-) B 26. 13, 11, 36 

chhadamtiya (chhaddamtiya-<shad-dantiya-) B 49 8, V, &, a 

jalilasabhd (jatilasabha-<jatilasabha-) B 65 

jataka see under jatakam below 6, IV 

jatakam see under jatakam below 6, IV 

jatara see under jatakam below 12, a 

Janak[o] (Janaka- <Janaka-) B 56 

jabu (jambu-<jambu-) B 74 24, e, 31, I 

Ja[hira]natuno (Jahlra-nattu-< ? -naptn-) A 50 1, HI, 18, d, 32, I 

Jatasa see under aya-Jatasa above 37, d 

jatakam (jataka- <jataka-) B 49, B 52, B 53, B 59, also cf kinaraj dtakam B 54, migajdtakam 

B 47 25, II 

jataka B 48, jatakam B 51 forjdtakam, also cf bhisaharaniya-jataka\m\, Maghadeviyajataka, 
Vitura-Punahya-jatakam, sechhajataka 

jatara for jatakam see under bidalajatara below 12, a 

jataka B 42, B 50, B 80, also cf udajdtaka B 46, kukutajataka B 42, ndgajdtaka B 43, 

latuvajataka B 44, hamsajataka B 41 

jStefo (for jatakam?) B 42a 55, F77 
Jatamitasa (Jatamitta-<Jitamitra- ? ) A 26 

Jethabhadrasa (Jetthabhadra-<Jyeshthabhadra-) A 92 75, <:, 26>, ^ 
Jetavana (Jetavana-<Jetavana-) B 32 25, II 

natt see under sigdlanati below 

tanachakamapan[repo\ (thanachamkamapanrepa-<sthanachankramaparirepa-) A 127. 
6, IV, 12, c, 14 

tikotiko (tikotika-<tnkotika-) B 78 20, c 
(t)im (ti-<tri-) B 25 36 

timitimimgilakuchhimha (timimgilakuchchhi-<timingilakukshi-) B 62 7, ///, 24, a, 28, IL 

Tis[d]yd (Tisa-<Tishya-) A 49a 

turam (tura-<tur>^a-) B 27 10, I 3 25, II 

toranam (torana-<torana-) A 2 12, c 3 25, II 

torana A 129 25, II 

toranam A 1 12, c 
Tosalasa mistake for Gosdlasa, see above 

thabha- (thambha-<stambha-) 18, d, 24, e 

thabha A 25, A 27, A 29, A 123, A 124. 25, VIII 

thabho A 6, A 7, A 8, A 39, A 40, A 46, A 50, A 54, A 58, A 61, A 65, A 66, A 68, 
A 73, A 80, A 87a, A 94, also cf pathamathabho A 34 25, I 

thambho A 71, A 98 24, e, 25, I 

Thupaddsdsa (Thupadasa-<Stupadasa-) A 25 J, /, 10, III, 18, d; 25, VI 
Therdk[u\tiyasa (Therakutiya-<Sthavirakutika-) A 41 
dakhmam (dakkhina-<dakshina-) B 26 6, III, 13, I, 26, II 
Dadamkamo (Dadanikkama-<Dridhanishkrama-) B 77 12, a, 12, c, 20, a 
dadati (dada^ydl^) B 75 37, a, 1 
dana see under ddnam belo\\ 6, IV 


Dabhimkdya (Dabbhinika-<Darbhimka-) A 42 
ddna- (dana-<dana-) 

ddna A 5, A 6, A 84a, A 85b, A 105, A 114, A 118, A 119, 25, II 
ddnam (A 3), A 4, A 7, A 8, A 10, (A 11), A 12, A 13, A 15, A 16, A 17, A 18, A 19, 
A 20, A 21, A 22, A 23, A 24, A 25, A 26, A 27, A 28, A 29, A 30, A 31, A 32, 
A 33, A 34, A 36, A 37, A 38, A 39, A 40, A 41, A 42, A 45, A 46, A 47, 
A 48, A 49, A 51, A 52, A 53, A 54, A 54b, A 55, A 56, A 57, A 58, [A 60], A 61, 
A 62, A 63, A 64, A 65, A 66, A 67, A 68, A 70, A 71, A 72, A 73, A 74, A 75, 
A 76, A 77, A 78, A 79, A 80, A 82, A 83, A 86, A 87, A 87a, A 88, A 89, A 90a, 
A 91, A 92, [A 93], A 94, A 95, A 97, A 98, A 99, A 100, A 101, A 102, A 104, 
A 106, A 108, A 109, A 110, A 111, A 112, A 115, A 116, A 117, A 120, A 121, 
A 122, A 123, A 124, A 125 25, II 
danam, dana for ddnam A 81, A 127 6", JV 
ddna for ddna or ddnam A 49a 5, II, 25, IX 
ddno for ddnam A 96 25, I 

ddyakana (dayaka-<dayaka-) A 16 6, ///, 25, XI 
Dlganagay\e\ (Dimnaga~<Dinnaga-) A 24 6 9 II 

Dighatapasi (Dighatapassi-<Dirghatapasvin-) B 63 8, I, 8, III, 18, b, 21, c, 64, a, 1. 
disa (disa-<di&-) B 25, B 26 6, HI, 26, // 

(d)tsa B 24 

Dusito (Dusita-<Dushita- ?) B 75. 10, III, 37, d 
deti (de< Vda-J B 32, also cf dadati above 37, a, I 
deva- (deva-<deva-) 

de[v]d B 24 25, VIII 
devdnam B 27 , HI, 25, XI 
devatd (devata-<devata-) B 11 26, I 

devata B 8, B 12 6, III, 26, I 
devaputo (devaputta-<devaputra-) B 18, B 20 
Devarakhitasa (Devarakkhita-<Devarakshita-) A 93 ^, 
devasabhd (devasabha-<devasabha-) B 21 
Devasenasa see under bhadata-Devasenasa below 
devt (devi-<devi-)_B 56 29, I 
dohati (doha<Vduh-) B 73, 37, a, I 
Dhanabhuti- (Dhanabhuti-<Dhanabhuti-) 
Dhanabhiitina A 1 6, HI, 27, III 

Dhanabhutisa A 3 27, V t , 2 A e - 

Dhamaguta-rmtu (Dhammagutta-matu-<Dharmagupta-matn-) A 120 IS, *, a, 

OQ 1 i?7 fj 

Dhamasutasa (Dhammagutta-<Dharm a gupta-) A 94 18, d 24 e 37 
dhamachakam (dhammachakka-<dharmachakra-) B i38 \ \20, , 24 , U, 
( Dha}marakhaya (Dhammarakkhita^Dharmaraksluta-) A 118 13, I, 24, 

Dhamdrakhitdyd A 52 5, II T ~. 

Dhamarakhitasa (Dhammarakkhita^Dharmaraks^ta-) A 95 13, I, #, 

dhitu (dhitu-<duhitri-) A 42 

Dhutasa (Dhutta-<Dhiirta-) A 96 10, I, W,* 

dhenachhako (dhenuchchhaka-<dhenutsaka- - 1 ) V /D $ 

\Nd\garakhitasa (cf Mgarakhitdye below) A 54b 


Mgankqya (Naganka-<Na g arika-) A 43 6, II, 26, IV See ndgankdye below 

Jfadoda- (Nadoda-<Nadavat- ? ) 
JVa(dodam) B 75 
JVadode B 70, B 73, B 74. 5, F7/ 

[_Na]dodapade (Nadodapada-<Nadavat(?)-pada~) B 76 

Tza/MTZfl see under Ja[him~\natuno above 1, III, 18, d 

Nadutaraya (Namduttara-<Nandottara-) A 119 4, III, 6, II, 24, d, 26 IV 

Namda see under aya-Namda above 24, d. 

\_Na\mdagmno (Namdagin-<Nandagin-) A 97 24, d, 27, V 

Nadaginno A 54 24, d, 27, V 
Na[m]d[i]nagankaya (Namdinaganka-<Nandmaganka-) A 45 6, II, 24, d 

navakamikasa (navakammika-<navakarmika-) A 59, A 60(?) 24, e 

ndgajdtaka (nagajataka-<nagajataka-) B 43 
JVagadevasa see under qya-Nagadevasa above 
Ndgadevdyd (Nagadeva-<Nagadeva-) All 6, II, 26, IV 
Ndgaye (Naga-<Naga-) A 74 6, II, 26, IV 

Nagarakhitaye (Nagarakkhita-<Nagarakshita-) A 4. 6, II, 13, I; 26, IV, 37 d 
ndgardjd (nagaraja-<nagaraja-) B 6, B 37 34, b, I 
ndgaraja B 31 a 34, b, I 
[nd]garajd B 36 6, IV 

nagankaye (naganka-<nagarika-) A 44 See Nagankaya above. 6, II; 26 IV 
Nagasenaya (Nagasena-<Nagasena~) A 14 6, II, 26, IV ' 

Ndgildyd (Nagila-<Nagila-) A 29. 6, II 
JVdsika (Nasika-<Nasika-) A 46 6, III, 25, V, 
mgamasa see under Karahakata-mgamasa above. 
mgodho (mggodha-<nyagrodha-) B 70. 5, III, 20, b, 24, d 

Pa[m\chanekdyikasa (Pamchanekayika~<PaHchanaikayika-) A 57 5, / ; 24, b. 

patisamdhi (patisarhdhi-<pratisandhi-) B 18 14, 24, d, 27, II 

pathamathabho (pathamathambha-<prathamastambha-) A 34 14 

Padelakasa (Padelaka-) A 47. 

Pamthakasa see under aya-Pamthakasa above 24, d 

Padum[d]vat[i] (PadumavatI-<Padmavati-) B 30 5, ///, 24, e, 29 I 

[Pd]rakat[i]kaya (Parakatika-) A 48. ' 

pan[repo\ see under tanachakamapan[repo] above 

pavate (pawata-<parvata-) B 73, B 74 25, VII 

Pasenaji (Pasenaji-<Prasenajit~) B 39 16, ' 34, c, I 
Pdtahputd (Pataliputta-<Pataliputra~) A 13, A \4, A 15 

fade see under Nadodapade above 

Pdnkimyd (Parikini-) A 49 29, III 

pdsdde (pasada-<prasada~) B 22 20, e, 25 I 

pitu- see under m[a\tdpituna below 

puta- (putta-<putra-) 20, c 

putasa A 3, A 100, also cf Gdgiputa-, Got lp uta~, devaputa- above; Vdchhiputa- below. 

putena A 1. 12, c; 25, III 

Punahya- see under Vitum-Punakiya-jatakam below. 10, I, 24, c 
Pundvasuno see under aya-Pundvasuno above 5, /, 21, b, 30, II 
purathima(ni) (puratthima^<*purastima-) B 24 ' 26, II 


Punk a- (Purika- < Punka-) 

Punkaya A 17 6", II, 26, III. 

Punkayd A 19 6, II, 26, III 

Punkaya A 16 6,11, 26, III 

Purikctyd A 18, A 20 6, II, 26, III 
Pusakasa (Pussaka-<Pushyaka-) A 47 19, d. 

Pusadataye (Pussadatta-<Pushyadatta-) A 43, A 44 6, II, 26, IV: 37, d 
Pusadevaya (Pussadeva-<Pushyadeva-) A 120. 6, II, 26, IV 
Pusasa (Pussa-<Pushya-) A 98 
Pusaya (Pussa-<Pushya-) A 27 6, II 
petakino (petaki(n)- <paitakin~) A 56 34, d, II 
pautena (potta-<pautra-) A 1 3, III; 12, c 3 25, III 

Phagudevasa (Phaggudeva-<Phalgudeva-) A 30 18, b 
Phagudevdye (Phaggudeva-<Phalgudeva-) A 75 6, II, 18, b 

Badhikaya (Baddhika-<Baddhika- ?) A 42 6, II 

Baha[da]to (Bahada-) A 50. 25, V 

(Ba)huhathika-dsana(m} B 81. (See Bahuhathiko) 

Bahuhathiko (Bahuhatthika- <Bahuhastika-) B 70, B 71 18, d 

bidalajatara (bidalajataka-<bidalajataka-) B 42 6, IV 

Bibikanadikala (Bimbikanadikata-) A 21. 6, IV, 24, e 

Bzbikanadikata see Bibi- A 22. 6, IV, 7, / 

Budharakhitasa (Buddharakkhita-<Buddharakshita-) A 55, A 57, also cf bhadata-Budhara- 

khitasa below 13, I 

Budharakhitaye (Buddharakkhita-<Buddharakshita-) A 76 13, I 
Budhino (Buddhi(n)-<Buddhi-) A 21 18, a; 27, V 
bedhi see under bodhi below 
Bendkatikdya (Beuakatika-) A 49a 26, IV 
bodhi (bodhi-<bodhi-) B 13, B 14, B 15, B 17 27, 1 

bedhi for bodhi B 16 

\Bodhigu}tasa (Bodhigutta-<Bodhigupta-) A 99 
bodhichakasa (bodhichakka-<bodhichakra~) A 106 20, a 
bodho (bodha-<bodha-) B 23. 

bramano (bramh.ana-<brahmana-) B 51 6, I, 12, c; 12, d 3 20, f> 24, e 
Bramhadevo (Bramhadeva-<Brahmadeva-) B 66. 20, f; 24, e 
bhagavato (bhagavat-<bhagavat-) B 13, B 14, B 15, B 16, B 17, B 18, B 19, B 21, B 23, B 37, 

B 38, B40, B81 (?) 16, 34, a, I 
bhatudesakasa (bhattuddesaka-<bhaktoddesaka-) A 17 
bhadata-Kanakasa (bhadamta-Kanaka-<bhadanta-Kanaka-) A 39 24, d 
bhadata-Devasenasa (bhadamta-Devasena-<bhadanta-Devasena-) A 64 24, d 
bhadata-Budharakhitasa (bhadamta-Buddharakkhita-<bhadanta-Buddharakshita-) A 58. 

24, d 

bhadata-Mahilasa (bhadamta-Mahi(pa?)la-<bhadanta-Malii(pa?)la-) A 65 24, d 
bhadata-Samakasa (bhadamta-Samaka-<bhadanta-yamaka-) A 66 24, d 
bhadata-Samikasa (bhadamta-Samika-<bhadanta-Svamika~) A 41 24, d 
bhadatasa (bhadamta-<bhadanta~) A 59 24, d 

bhadamta-Valakasa (bhadamta-Valaka-<bhadanta-Balaka-) A 61 24, d 
bhadamtdsa (bhadamta-<bhadanta~) A 38 5, I, 24, d 3 25, VI 


bhanakasa see under bkdnakasa below 6, IV, 12, c 

bhayaye (bhayya-<bharya-) A 4, ft /, ft U, 19, b, 26, IV, also cf. bhdnya- below. 

Uatu (bhatu-<bhratn-) 54a 32, I 

bhanakasa (bhanaka-<bhanaka) A 54, A 54a, A 59, A 62, A 63 12, c. 

bhanakasa A 39, A 61 12, c 

Mdramdevasa- (Bharamdeva-<Bharanideva-) A 100 5, II, 8, IV. 
bhdnyd- (bhanya-<bharya-), 19, b; also cf bhayaye above 

bhdnyaya A 46 26, IV 

bhdnydya A 115, also cf Revatimitabhdnydya below 6, II, 26, IV 
bhikhuni- (bhikkhum-<bhikshuni-) , 13, I, also cf bhzchhuni- below. 

bhihhumya A 52. 29, HL 

bhihhumyd A 12, A 29, A 80 8, II, 29, III 

bhikhumye A 44 #, II; 29, /// 

bhikhumyi A 11 29, ///. 
bhichhum- (bhichchhum-<bhikshun!-) , 7J?, //; also cf bhtkhuni- above 

bhichhumya A 24, A 37, A 42, A 79 6, II, 8, II, 29, HI 

bhichhumye A 43, A 74, A 75, A 76, A 77, A 78 8, II, 29, HI 
bhisaharamya-jataka[m\ (bhisaharaniya-jataka-<bisaharaniya-jataka-) B 58 12, e. 
jBhutakasa see under aya-Bhutakasa above 10, III, 37, d 
Bhutaye (Bhuta-<Bhuta-) A 77 6, II, 37, d 

Bhutarakhitasa (Bhutarakkhita-<Bhutarakshita-) A 31 70, HI, 13, I, 37, d 
JShutdrakhit[d]sa see under aya-Bhutdrakhit\a\sa above 5, II , 10, III , 25, VI > 37, d. 
-Bhogavadhamyasa (Bhogavaddhamya-<Bhogavardhaniya-) A 51 8, V 3 14 
Hhojakatakasa (Bhojakataka-) A 23 
Bhojakatakdya (Bhojakataka-) A 24. 6, II 

Maghddemyajataka (Maghadeviyajataka-<Maghadeviyajataka-) B 57 8, V 
matu see under Ghdtila-matu, Dhamaguta-matu above, Setaka-mdtu below. 

mdta A 90b mistake for matu ? 6, IV, 33, I 

Mahakoka (Mahakoka-<Mahakoka-) B 12 6, HI, 6, IV, 26, I 
Mahamukhisa (Mahamukhi(n)-<Mahamiikhin-) A 42 6, IV, 34, d, II 
Maharasa (Mahira- ? <Mihira- ? ) A 73 
Mahddeva- (Mahadeva-<Mahadeva-) 

Mahddevasa B 81 25, VI 

Mahddevenam B 62. 

Mahdsdmdyikdya (Mahasamayika-<Mahasamajika-) B 18 12, b, 26, V 
Mahilasa see under bhadata-Mahilasa above 

Mahidasenasa (Mahimdasena-<Mahendrasena-) A 13 7, I, 20, d 
mdta see under matu above 33, I 

m\S]tdpituna (matapitu-<matapitn-) A 108 1, III, 12, c, 32, II. 
matu (matu-<matri-) A 54b. 33 \ I 
mdnavako (manavaka-<manavaka-) B 66 
migajdtakam (migajataka-<mngajataka-) B 47 7, // 

migasamadakam (migasammadaka-<mngasammadaka-) B 68 7, II t 24, e. 
Mttadevdye (Mittadeva-<MItradeva-) A 121 
Mitasa (Mitta-<Mitra-) A 101 20, c; 25, VI 
Muakosi (MissakesI-<Mi^rake^I-) B 28 4, II, 20, g, 29, I 
mngaphak[iya} (mugaphakkiya-<mukaphakkika-) B 59* ' 10, III, 12, a. 


Muchihdo (Muchilimda-<Muchilinda-) B 3 la. 24, d. 
Mudasa (Mumda-<Munda-) A 102. 24, c. 
mochito (mochita-<mochita-) B 62. 4, IV; 37, d. 
Mor agin- (Moragiri-<Mayuragiri-) 

Moragirami A 26. 7, III, 25, VIL 

Moragmmha A 25, A 27, A 28, A 29 24, e; 27, IV. 

yam (ya-<yad-) B 51 35 
yakhi- (yakkhi-<yakshi-) 

yakhi B 2 8, III, 13, I, 29, I 
yakhiya A 116 8, II, 29, III 

yakhim (yakkhim-<yakshinl-) B 10. 8, III, 13, I, 29, I. 
Takhilasa (Yakkhila-<Yakshila- ?) A 105 13, I 
yakho (yakkha-<yaksha-) B 1, B 3, B 4, B 5, B 7, B 9. 13, I; 25, I. 
Tami[ta]sa sa .A 103. 
yavamajhakiyam (yavamajjhakiya-<yavamadhyakiya-) B 52 8, V; 13; 25, IL 

jo (ya-<yad-) A 127 35. 
raja see under raje below. 6, I. 
rajano see under rdjd below. 
raje (rajja-<rajya-) A 1. 19, a, 25, VIL 

raja for raje (?) A 2 19, a. 
rano see under raja below. 
raja (raja(n)-<rajan-) 

rajano A 130 34, b, III. 

rajano A3 34, b, III. 

raja B 39, B 56, 34, b, I; also cf ndgaraja B 6, B 37, [nd]garajd B 36. 

rano A 1. 6, I, 24, b, 34, b, III. 

rano A 4 5, /, 24, b, 34, b, III. 
mpakdrasa (rupakara-<rupakara-) A 55. 10, III. 
Revatimitabhdnyaya (RevatimittabharIya-<Revatimitrabharya-) A 34 8, IV, 26, IV 

laiuvajataka (latuvajataka-<latvajataka-) B 44. 21, a. 

vadate (vamda-<V^and-) B 37 24, d; 37, a, II 

vamdate B 40 24, d, 37, a, II 
vadhu (vadhu-<vadhu-) B 64 31, I 
Valakasa see under bhadamta-Valakasa above. 
Valamitasa (Valamitta-<Balamitra-) A 36. 
Vasukasa (Vasuka-<Vasuka-) A 46 

Vasuguto (Vasugutta-<Vasugupta-) B 62. 18, d; 37, d 
Vachhiputena (Vachhiputta-<VatsIputra-) A 1 5, I, 8, IV, 12, c, 13, 25, III. 
Vadhapalasa (Vadhapala-<Vyadhapala-) A 3 
Vasithiya (Vasitthi-<Vasishthi-) A 35 8, II, 18, c, 29, III. 
vijadharo (vijjadhara-<vidyadhara-) B 61 5, IV, 13 
Vijapi (Vijappi(n)-<Vijalpm-) B 61 18, e } 34, d, I 
Vijitakasa (Vijitaka-<Vijitaka-) A 104. 
Vitura-Punakiya-jatakam (Vitura-Punnakiya-jataka-<Vidura-Pur n akIya-jataka-) B 55 

12, d 
Vipasmo (Vipassi(n)-<Vipa^yin-) B 13 16, 34, d, II 


Vimdako (Virudaka-<Virudhaka-) B 4 10, HI, 12, c, 37, d 

Visadevasa (Vissadeva-<Visvadeva-) A 1 21, c, 25, VI 

Vejayamto (Vejayattita-<Vayayanta-) B 22 3, I, 24, d 

Veduko (Veduka-<Veduka- ?) B 72, B 73 

Vedisa see under Vedisa below 3, I 

Vedisa (Vedisa-<Vaidis"a-) A 30, A 32, A 34, A 35, 25, V. 

Vedisa A 33 25, V 

VedtsdtoASl 25, V 

Venuvagimiydya (Venuvagamiya-<Venukagramika-) A 52 6", V , 12, a 
Vehmi[tdyd] (Vellimitta-<Vellimitra-) A 35 

Vesabhund (Vessabhu-<Visvabhu-) B 14 7, II, 10, II, 12, c, 21, c, 30, II 
vokato (vokkamta-<vyavakranta-) B 18. 2, II, 6, I, 19, c, 24, d, 37, d 

Sakatadevdyd (Sakatadeva-<Sakatadeva-) A 15 26, IV 

Sakamunmo (Sakkamuni-<Sakyamuni-) B 23 19, a, 27, V 

Sag ana (Sumga-<Sunga~) A 2; also cf Suganam below 6, III, 9, 24, a, 25, XI 

Saghamitasa (Samghamitta-<Sanghamitra-) A 40 24, a 

Sagharakhitasa (Samgharakkhita-<Sangharakshita-) A 108 13, I, 24, a 

Saghilasa (Samghila-<Sanghila-) A 109 

Sa[m]ghamitosa A 106 24, a 

(Sam)ghami(tasa} A 107 24, a 

satupaddnasa (sattuppadana-<srishtotpadana-) A 58 12, c, 18, c 

Satika (Satika-<Svatika-) A 132 

samthatena see under kotisamthatena above 37, d 

Sapagutaye (Sappagutta-<Sarpagupta-) A 78 6, II, 18, e; 37, d 

Sabhad[a] (Sambhadda-<Sambhadra-) B 29 20, d, 24, e 

sabhd see under jatilasabhd, devasabhd above 

Samakasa see under bhadata-Samakasa above , IV; 7, III 

samadakarh see under migasamadakam above 24, e 

Samandyd (Samana-<Sramana-) A 12 6, II, 12, c, 20, g, 6, IV 

Samikasa (Samika-<Svarmka-) A 6, also cf. bhadata-Samikasa above 6, IV, 21, c. 

Samidatdya (Samidatta-<Svamidatta-) A 122 6, IV 

sammadam see under sddikasammadam below 24, e. 

Sauagamsisa (Sawaganisisa-<Sarvaganrisamsas- ?) B 25 

saso (sasa-<sasa-) B 42a 

sahasdm see under Kdmdvacharasahasdm above 20, g, 36 

sddikasammadam (sadikasammada-<satikasammada-) B27 S^/ 19 r 94. P 

0-1 i n-7 , J " **i ^ ~, J. , J., I 3 <t^ C 

bamakasa see under aya-Samakasa above 19, d 

Sdmaya (Sama-<Syama-) A 20 6", H 3 26, IV 

sdlo (sala-<sala-) B 14 

sdsani (sasa-<v / ^as-) B 18 for sdsati, 37 3 a , I 

sigdlanati (sigalaSatti-<srigalajaapti-) B 64 ;, If } 24, b, 28 I 

Smmasa (Suima-<Srimat-) A 110 8, V 3 16 20 e * 24 n T 

w J J 3^oJ ATj t*j J. 

Smmd B 8 8, V, 16; 20, g 

Smmdyd A 48 6, II } 20, g 

Sinsapada (Sirisapadda-<Sinshapadra-) A 53. 8, VI 
sila see under chitupddasda above 
stldkammamto (silakammamta-<silakarmanta-) A 1 15 24, d 24 e 


Simla (Slvala-) B 56. 6, III, 26, I 

sise (sissa-<sishya-) B 63 15, 19, d, 25, X. 

Sihasa (Siha-<Simha-) A 111. 

Suganam (Sumga-<uiiga-) A 1, also cf Sagdna above. 6, III; 24, a; 25, XL 

suchi (suchi-<suchi-) A 23, A 47, A 56, A 72, A 87, A 89, A 96, A 101, A 104, A 105, 
A 109, A 111, A 118, A 119. 10, HI, 28, I. 

Suchtlomo (Suchiloma-<Suchiloman-) B 9 16, 34, b, I. 

Sujato (Sujata-<Sujata) B 50 6, IV, 37, d. 

Sutamtikasa (suttamtika-<sutrantika-) A 51. 6, I; 10, I, 24, d 

Sudasana (Sudassana-<Sudarsana-) B 10 6, III, 22 '; 26, I. 
Sudharhma (Sudhamma-<Sudharma-) B 21. 24, e. 
Sudhavasa (Suddhavasa-<Siiddhavasa-) B 24. 18, a. 

Supavaso (Suppavasa~<Supravrisha-) B 7. 7, I 3 20, e. 

Suladhasa (Suladdha-<Sulabdha-) A 22 18, d, 37, d. 

susane (susana-<smaSana-) B 64. 5, IV, 24, e. 

Susupdlo (Susupala-<Si5upala-) B 72 7, IV. 

sechhajataka (sechchhajataka-<aikshajataka-) B 45. 13, II. 

Setaka-mdtu (Settaka-matu-<lreshthaka-matri-) A 18. 12, c; 18, c; 33, L 

Seriya (SerI-<Srt-) A 100. 7, //; 20, g. 

Selapurakasa (Selapuraka-<^ailapuraka-) A 54. 

Sonayd (Sona-<ravana-) A 123. 2, II, 6, II. 

Somaya (Soma-<Soma-) A 37 

hamsaj dtakam (hamsajataka-<hamsajataka-) B 41. 

Himavate (Himavata-<Himavat-) B 79. 34, a, II. 

kaya A 79. The nun's name is missing 
. kasa A 4, A 112. 
. . . girino A 54a 
. tarasa .A 113, 

to A 80. The place-name is missing 25, V. 
[d] A 109. Perhaps ddnam? 

. \n\iyajdtaka B 80. 
pachas a na A 133 
Mahd\da\ A 131 
. . yata A 130. 
. . yaya A 125 Perhaps Ayaya^ 
yasika. . .A 136. 

yasimsa yam A 134. 
rakatayaya A 9 
\rd\ma B 82. 

sakaya A 124 
sdkusu A 135. 

. . ,\_sira\kh\i\tasa,{ sirakhita-< , sirakshita-) A 87a 
hena. A 129. 





List No 125 

List No125 


REG No 3977E'36-M03 % 6O 











A 12 

A 13 

'a \ wf *-\ * *V' 

A 14 

A 15 

A 18 


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A 20 

A 21 

A 22 

A 23 

A 24 

REQ No 3977E'36-lt0360 




A 29 


REG No 3977E'36-HQ360 




A 32 

A 34 

A 38 

A 39 

A 39 same line as above 

No 3977E'36-lf03 60 





A 42 

A 45 

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A 51 

A 53 

A 55 

A 56 

A 57 

A 57 

REG No 3977 E'36-110362 



A 58 



A 59 

A 65 

A 64 

A/^> #* 


L O 


A 67 

A 68 



A 70 


n->** *"-'* 

* I * 

* *M 

A 71 

'WW5F. rff." i/W*^ \ 
^ ^ s&i ^iJwa *, % *r * * . 

A 72 

A 73 




A 74 

A 75 

* . . ~** * 9 * J ~ 8L A 



REG No 3977 E'36-H03 n 62 







t 4 




t ( 








A 93 

A 95 

A 94 

A 96 

A 98 


A 99 * 


REG No 3977 E'36-1103 60 




A 102 

A 112 

A 108 

REG No 3977 E'36 M03'62 







^ t 

i i 










B 9 


REG No 3977 E'36 t 03'62 






B 15 

B 19 

REG No 3977 E'36-1103 60 







REG No 3977 E'36-1103 62 





















B 50 


B 53 




B 66 



B 70 

B 69 

B 72 

B 71 

B 73 

NO 3977 E'36-1103'62 






r * 

f 4- 


B 75, B 76, B 80, B 81, A 2, A3, A 7 from eye-copy 


REG No 3977 E'36 1(03'62. 





r r 



A 78 

A 63 

A 89 

A 104 

A 124 

A 113 

A 115 

A 69 

A 107 

A 97 

A 103 


RE6 No 3977 E'36-110360 


VOL ii PT ii 


A 134 

A 126 

A 129 


A 131 


A 127 


PLATE xxvi 

A 132 


REG NO 3977 E'36-1I03 1 60 

A 130 






A 34 

REQ No 3977E'36-H03'6i 






A 1A 

A 44 

A 54a 





B 1 

A 58 

REG No 3977 E'36 -1,103 62 





OD i 











- PT. II 





t i 











REG No 3977 E'36-1,103'62 





REG No 3977 E J6-I103 62 

B 18 

A 59 





B 19 

REG No 3977 E'36-1103'61 







REG No 3977E'36-1,103'62 





B 27-31 

RFC Nn 3977 E 36 110367 






REG No 3977 E'36-U036l 







B31a AA9a 

B 36-39 

A 62 

R Er No 3977 E 36-1103 62 





B 41 



B A3 


A 119 


REG. No 3977 E 36 1103 62 






B47 A 98 

B 49 A 32 


B A2 







B 53 

B 59 

B 57 

B 63 

B 69 












B60 B61 

B 66 


REG No 3977 E-36-U036I 



B 65 



B 70-72 

/ L 

A 12 

REG No 3977E36-II0361 

VOL. ii PT. ii 



B A8 





A 36 

REQ No 3977E'36-1,103'63 



U -