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THE CORRESPONDENCE

M. TULLIUS CICERO

DUBLIN UNIVERSITY PRESS SERIES.

THE CORRESrONDENCE

M. TULLIUS CICERO,

ARRANGED ACCORDING TO ITS CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER;

WITH

A REVISION OF THE TEXT, A COMMENTARY,

AND

INTRODUCTORY ESSAYS.

TiY

ROBERT YELVERTON TYRRELL, Litt.D.,

Fellow and Public Orator, Trinity College, Dublin,
Hon. Litt. D. Cantab., D.C.L. Oxon., LL. D. Edin., D.Lit. Q. Univ. ;

LOUIS CLAUDE PURSER, Litt.D.,

Fellow and Professor of Latin, Trinity College, Dublin.

VOL. VL

DUBLIN: HODGES, FIGGIS, & CO. (Ltd.), GRAFTON-STREET.
LONDON : LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., PATERNOSTER-ROW.

Printed at the

By Ponsonby a Weldriok.

PEEFACE.

In bringing out the sixth volume, which completes the Cotire-
SPONDENCE OF CiCERO, WO wish again to thank our readers and
reviewers for kindly encouragement and valuable suggestions.
"We expect that the volume containing the Index will appear
within a year. The task undertaken twenty years ago will
then have been accomplished. Indeed, something more will have
been attempted. For it was no part of the original design to
include the Letters of Brutus, which we then believed to be
spurious, but which we are now convinced are genuine.

We are aware that twenty years is a long time to spend on
an edition, even of such a massive, difficult, and important body
of literature as the Correspondence of Cicero. Doubtless, we
might have done the work as well, or better, in half the time, had
we devoted to it our whole leisure and attention. There were
difficulties in the way of our doing so, into which we need not
enter here. We did not use despatch. We took our time. And
it was fortunate that we did so :

' Our indiscretion sometimes serves us well.'

If we had finished the edition in ten years from its inception, we
should have missed that flood of light which in the last decade
the labours and genius of many Continental scholars — especially
0. E. Schmidt, Grurlitt, and Lehmann, — have thrown on the text,

vi PREFACE.

the history of the mss, and the chronological sequence of the
Letters. The readers of the fifth and sixth volumes will see into
what a rich inheritance we have come through the slowness of our
progress.

We see with satisfaction that many of our views have com-
mended themselves to the learned editor of the Letters to Atticus,
in the TeuLuer Series. We are especially pleased to find that /^/j
oKOfihiv — our correction of the ms MIA2K0PA0Y — has ousted
the time-honoured n'laafm ^pvoq in Att. xiii. 42 (681).

Subjoined is the Table of new readings in this Volume.

PREFACE.

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CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION :—

I. Cicero at the Head oe the Statr,
II. Cicero's Correspondents, ^ .

1. L. MUNATITJS PLANC0S, .

2. Decimus JuNros Brutus,

3. C. ASINIUS POLLIO,

4. p. COIINELIUS LeNTCTLUS SriNTHRR

5. Gaius Furnius, .

6. C. Cassius Longinus, .

7. Marcus Junius Brutus,

III. The Correspondence with M, Brutus,
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF CICERO.
FRAGMENTA EPISTOLARUM, ....
ADDENDA TO THE COMMENTARY, .

ADNOTATIO CRITICA,

LIST OF EDITIONS AND ABBREVIATIONS, .
ORDER OF LETTERS

xin

Ixviii

Ixxv

Ixxx

Ixxxviii

xci

xcvii

cxi
1
291
314
317
338
341

CORRirrENDA

[When the line only is {^ivon the reference is to the text , a = first column of notes,
b = second column of notes.]

Page. Line.

9, 18, add ' priiicnter ^ before ' te '.

4, omit comma, after 'quia.'

4 12, for ' omils* read 'omit'.

a 1, add ' 2' before ' liberalitatem '.

20, for 'non potuisses ' read ' fieri non potuisset '.

8, for ' videsur ' read 'videtur'.

4, for ' quantus' r«««f 'quantas'.

6, for ^ tit ' read ' ut'.

8, omit 'in' before 'belli'.

b 8, after ' vel ' add ' as is done hy II Pal ' .

b 2, omit comma after 'vetustas^,

92, 10, for ' Actae ' rerti 'Acta'.

127, a 10, for ' potientia^ read *patientia\

137, Ij /<"■ 'legiones' read ' legionum '.

153, b 3 (from end), after ' 15 ' add ' (§§ 3-11) '.

179, b 5, /(?»• 'viii.' read ' viiii.'

185, a 1, for ' certainly ' re«^ 'probably'.

192, a 16, for ' DolaheWa. ^ read ' Trebonius '.

198, b 2, for ' Lepidus ' r«a<? ' Lentulus '.

215, b 6, for ' S Hani ^ read 'SuUanis'.

219, a 18, a/<er ' follow ' «^(^ a comma.

226, b 2, for 'Ecee^ read ' Ecce '.

231, b 5, for '2' read '12'.

236, 9, for 'june 8' read ' june 18 '.

238, b I, add '3' before 'ut\

255, 11, fof 'evit^ read 'erat'.

260, b 15, for 'motives' read ' motions'.

261 a 1, for ' vicerimiis^ read ' viceraiiiHS \

267, a 1, for '827' read '833'.

INTRODUCTION.

I.— CICEEO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE.

During the montli of August, 710 (44), Antony had been com-
pelled to act with a considerable degree of circumspection. Even
his soldiers did not appear to be loyal to him ; and the name of
Caesar and the temperate and liberal behaviour of the youth who
had inherited that name compelled him to make overtures to the
Senate. Accordingly, he summoned a meeting for September 1st,
and for that meeting Cicero, at the request of Brutus, returned
to Rome. Cicero never travelled with much rapidity if he could
help it; on the present occasion he traversed the 240 miles of
road from Velia in about fourteen days, and reached the city
on the 31st of August. He did not appear in the Senate on
September 1st; he said he was too fatigued by his journey.
This was probably, in a measure, the real reason of his absence,
though Antony tliought it was a mere excuse; and, with his
accustomed violence of language, threatened that he would ' pull
his house about his ears ' if he did not come.* Cicero knew that
he needed to speak with circumspection ; and accordingly did not
deem it advisable to appear until he was fully rested. He knew,
too, that his patience would be sorely tried at that meeting ; for a
proposal was to be made that to all public thanksgivings a day

* Phil. V. 19, Sue nisi venirein Kal. Sept. etiam fabros se missiirum et domum meani
disturbaturum esse dixit. This, perhaps, may not have heen meant in a strictly literal
sense ; all Antony may have wished to express hy his violent words was that he would
make Cicero declare himself in some way or other. We feel sure that the charges of
drunkenness wliich Cicero made against Antony were not all inventions : and that the
real hatred which he felt for Cicero came out when, owing to excesses, his nerves were
not fully under control.

VOL. VI. c

xiv INTRODUCTION.

in honour of Caesar should be added. An inexpiable violation
of religion would be perpetrated if public thanksgivings were
celebrated in honour of a dead man ;* and the genuinely con-
servative and Roman sensibilities of Cicero might have justly
resented, with considerable violence, an attempt to make a god
of the tyrant. So Cicero wisely did not attend the meeting.

Next (lay, however, the Senate met under the presidency
of Dolabella, and Antony did not appear. At this meeting Cicero
delivered the First Philippic. f The subject was tlie general state
of politics. Beginning his survey of recent events from the 17th
of March, when, in the Temple of Tellus, he ' laid the foundations
of peace ' by proposing amnesty, he contrasts tlie constitutional
procedure of Antony up to the 1st of Jime and his highly un-
constitutional and tyrannical behaviour after that date. Seeing
the great strength of Antony (Cicero goes on to say), he despaired
of any improvement in affairs until the new consuls entered upon
office in January. Accordingly he left Home, but was induced
by Brutus to return. Having returned then to take his part in
the administration of his country, he at once declared that he was
of opinion that, for the sake of peace, Caesar's acta should be held
as valid — that is, his genuine acta, not the multifarious measures
which had been recently published as such. His acta were
especially his laws, such, for example, as the law which limited
the tenure of the provinces ; yet Antony, while pretending to
uphold Caesar's acta, nullified his laws. Cicero deprecates the
auger of the consuls, and makes what he calls a fair proposal
to Antony (§ 27).

' If I say a word of insult against his life or character, in that case I
will not protest against his bitterest animosit}-. But if, after my custom,
I express freely my opinion in political matters, I beg him to feel no
anger ; or, if that is impossible, to let Ids anger be such as citizen should
feel against citizen. Let him use arms in self-defence; but let those
arms do no hurt to statesmen who say what they think as regards public
matters.'

* Phil. i. 13, An me eensetis, patres conscripti, quod vos inviti secuti estis, decreturum
fuisse, tit parentalia cum supplicationihus miscerentur ? id inexpiahiles religiones in
rem p. inducer entur ? tit dccerncrentur supplicationes mortuo ? This law does not appear
to have been carried, cp. Phil. ii. 110.

t For the name Philippics cp. note to 837, 4, and Mayor on Phil, ii., p. liii.

CICERO AT TEE HEAD OF THE STATE. xv

He further ai^peals to Dolabella and Antony to tread the path
of true glory, as they did iu the weeks succeeding the death of
Caesar, and to guide the State so that the citizens may be glad
that they are alive. The universality of the applause given to
the tyrannicides at the games is proof that the voice of genuine
public opinion is in their favour. He thanks the Senate for
listening to him; he expresses satisfaction at having had an oppor-
tunity of clearly setting forth his opinions; and in conclusion
assures the Senate that he will devote all his remaining energies
to the service of his country. ' Of years and glory I have had
■enough ; any addition thereto will be devoted not to myself, but
to 3'ou and to tlie State.'*

This exceedingly temperate and statesmanlike speech irritated
Antony beyond measure. The violent man of action could not
tolerate the free, though measured, speech of the man of ideas,
who was on intimate terms with Brutus and Oassius, was kindly
disposed to Octavian, and, to all intents and purposes, hostile to
himself. He renounced friendship with Cicero, and challenged
him to come to the Senate on the 19th. Meanwhile he took the
utmost pains, with the help of large potations of wine, to elaborate
a harangue which was to crush Cicero when the meeting took
place.f

Cicero very properly did not appear at that meeting. He
knew the hostility of the soldiers towards anyone who sympa-
thized with the tyrannicides, and justly considered that his life
would be in danger if he replied at once to Antony. J Besides
Cicero was not brave enough to speak with effectiveness to a
violently hostile and turbvdent audience, as was shown by his
collapse in Milo's case. Moreover, the nature of Antony's speech
quite justified his absence. For, besides holding up Cicero's whole

* Phil. i. fin, Mihi fere satis est quod vixi vel ad aetatem vel ad gloriam : hue si
■quid accesserit non tarn mihi guam vobis reique puhlicae accesserit.

t 825, 4; 790, 1, ' The gladiator wants a massacre, and thought to commence it with
me on the 19th of September. On that day he came well prepared after having studied
his speech for many days in the villa of Metellus : yet what " study " can there be in
the midst of debauchery and wine-bibbing. Accordingly all considered him, as I said
to you before, in his usual style to be disgorging, not delivering, a speech {vomere iMie
■suo, non dicere).^

X Phil. ii. 42 ; v. 19 ; 790, 1 ; 825, 4.

c 2

xvi INTRODUCTION.

political career to contempt, lie dwelt especially on the fact that
he was the real originator of the idea of assassinating Caesar.
He did this in order that the veterans might be roused against
Cicero.* Though false in a literal sense, yet, perhaps, in a deeper
sense, this charge was not without foundation ; for it is quite
certain that tlie ^vritings of Cicero from 708 to 710 (46 to 44)
tended, in large measure, to inculcate hostility to the tyrant, and
to keep alive the flame of loyalty to the republic. So Antony's
speech was unanswered at the time. During the rest of the month
the state of affairs seemed to Cicero desperate [pcrdifis rebus).
He appears to have been in serious alarm at the course events
were taking; and when writing to Cassius, after speaking of the
want of vigour and resolution to resist Antony which most of the
senators displayed, he urges him and Brutus to return at once
and restore the Senate to its rightful position. f

The republicans were terrified, and Antony had it all his own
way. Military law prevailed at Rome ; the proceedings there
were those of a camp not of a State. + Antony erected a statue
to Caesar on the Rostra, with the subscription parenti optime
MERiTO ; and in a speech delivered at a meeting to which he was
introduced by T. Caunutius on October 2nd, he roundly declared
that the tyrannicides and Cicero were traitors and assassins.
Shortly after this, about October 5, occurred the attempt of
Octavian upon the life of Antony.

' The populace consider it to be a fabrication of Antony's in order that
he may lay violent hands on the young man's money ; the men of sense
and position believe in its reality and approve of it ; in short we have
much to hope from him ; there is nothing which he is not thought likely
to do to win praise and honour. But our dear friend Antony perceives
that he is so hated that, though he arrested assassins at his house, he does
not venture to bring the matter forward. '§

* Cp. 790, 1 ; 791, 2 ; Phil. ii. 25, Antony acted dishonourably by reading, in the
course of his speech, a private letter which he had received from Cicero in reference to
Sext. Clodius, viz. Alt. xiv. 13 b (717).

t 790, 2, 3; 791, 2.

J 792, 3, habes formani rei p. si in castris potest esse res puhUea.

§ Cp. note to 792, 2. The populace formed a very plausible, even if not correct^
view of the advantage which Antony would gain by this fabrication. Money was

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE. xvii

Obviously Antony was becoming more and more irritated and
violent at the opposition which was being directed against him ;
and when he finally left Rome on October 9, to take command
of the four legions at Brundisiura, he practically declared war
against the State, and threatened that he would remain at the
city with his army after his consulship had expired, and would
enter and leave it at his pleasure.* Soon after this, about the
middle of October, Cicero left Rome, and, until the 9th of Decem-
ber, remained either in Campania or Arpinum. It was about this
time that lie wrote, among other works,! the Be Officiis, dedicating
it to his son Marcus, who was at the time studying, or rather
idling, at the University of Athens.

The j'oung Octavian saw the position of affairs clearly.
Antony had opposed him at every turn, J and resistance was

then, if ever, the sinews of war ; and if Octavian was not able to give large donations
to his soldiers, he would not be able to carry on any opposition. It is a little amusing
to hear Cicero accusing Antony of M'inning over soldiers by money (792, 2), as he
knew that Octavian did the same. * Octavian gained over the veterans at Capua and
Casilinum; and no wonder, for he gave them 500 denarii a-piece' (797, 1). But
Cicero did not consider that gift a bribe or a squandering of money ; it was an invest-
ment for the safety of the State (Phil. iii. 3). Appian (B.C. iii. 39) gives a strange
account of the hysterical way in which Octavian was said to have conducted himself
when accused of the attempted murder. Appian's remarks on the whole transaction
are not without interest. The people (he says) did not know what to make of it.
Some thought it was a 'got-up' thing {inrSKpiaiu) between the two to delude their
enemies. Others, that Antony wanted to get a larger body-guard, and to alienate the
veterans from Octavian. Appian himself is in doubt whether Antony was lying
{(TVKo(pavTu>v), or really believed that Octavian was plotting against him, or had heard
that Octavian had sent men into his camp, and interpreted attacks on his policy as
attacks on his life. The wiser heads knew that it was all to Octavian's advantage
that Antony should live.

* Phil. iii. 27 ; v. 21. f Cp. 794,3 ; 799, 3, 4.

\. Antony had hindered the passing of the curiate law, which was necessary for the
adoption of Octavian into the family of Caesar. Also, when Octavian had proposed to
introduce the golden throne and crown, Antony had opposed him. Afterwards, when
Octavian set up a brazen statue of Caesar with the comet above his head, and there was a
strong exhibition of public feeling on his behalf, Antony had even used violent^^measures
towards him (Dio Cass. xlv. 5). Again, when the people wished to elect Octavian
tribunus suffectus, he issued a consular edict that young Caesar should not take any
illegal step, or he (Antony) would use against him the full extent of his power ; and
finally, when the people still seemed Ukely to elect him, Antony declared, that the
-election should not take place, and that the tribunes already in office^ were quite
sufficient (.\pp. iii. 31). Compare also Veil. ii. 60, C. Caesar hiveuis cotidianis Antoni
j)debatur insidiis, and Plutarch Ant. 16.

xviii INTltOD UCTION.

imperative. But resistance required legions, and legions re-
quired money.* By virtue of his official position as consul,
Antony liad tlie teclmical command of tlie legions already in tho
service of tlie State. So Octavian was compelled to turn to Caesar's
veterans, who had been settled in Campania, but wlio were, as
Koman soldiers of the last century of the Republic always were,
ill-suited to the hard and dull work of agriculture, and were on
the look-out for some more exciting business. "When the lieir of
their old general sent emissaries among them to sound their views
and to disseminate programmes of his policy,t and when he
offered them 2000 sesterces a man, the veterans gathered round
him ; and to the amazement of Cicero, about November 12, before
Antony returned from Brundisium, he appeared at the gates of
Rome with 10,000 men. if

But Octavian was not by any means inclined to act without
legal right, or by virtue of the mere brute force of soldiery. He
wanted to act through the Senate, and have all the prestige and
influence of that great name to support his cause when he came
to an open rupture with Antony. But he did not delude himself
into the belief that the Senate would be devoted to him ; § yet
the Senate still stood the shadow of a mighty name, though much
of its power was gone. Accordingly Octavian entered into com-
munication with Cicero, who was obviously the one man to lead
the Senate. He asked for a secret meeting, which Cicero scouted
as a 'childish' {puert'k) project; as if the meeting of two such
important men could be kept secret. He asked Cicero's advice
as to the proper course to adopt against Antony, and Cicero

* Plut. Brut. 23, ■^Stj 5e ruiv jxiv ws Kaicrapa, rlev Se &js 'Aprdvtou SucrraiJ.evuii'y
wvlwv Se Toiv ffTpaTOireSciJV fijcnrep inrh KrjpvKt irpoaTidefiiviev t<S irKiov SiSoVti.

+ App. iii. 31, Siapp'iTTTeiv atpavuis I3il3\ia.

X On November 3 or 4, Octavian was at Teanum (799, 6-9). If we suppose that
lie marched leisurely, and visited the colonies of veterans on the march (Nic. Dam. 31),
he probably did not travel more than fifteen miles a-day. It is 120 miles from Teanum
to Rome: so that we may suppose he reached the city about November 12. He
delivered the speech at the meeting on the 13th or 14th. That speech was in
Cicero's hands when he wrote 807, probably at Arpinum. The date of this letter
was accordingly not earlier than the 17th.

§ App. iii. 48, i^€\oye'iTO avro7s (his soldiers) ttjv fiov\T]v ovk evuoia -n-phs auThi>-
a.TcoK\iveiv fj.a.\\ov fi 'Avruviov Shi Kol crTpaTicis airopia. Cp. Dio Cass. xlv. 11. '

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE. xix

advised his going to Rome (797). \ Octavian also urged that Cicero
should return to Rome, in order that he and the Senate might
avail themselves of ' his*^advice.' The ghosts of the old times
must have risen before Cicero's mind when now, as then, the
Caesar was vigorous, but Cicero temporized (798, iJIe iirget, ego
auteni GKi^nTOfiai).

' I cannot trust his j'ears ; I do not know his intentions ; I must have
Pansa's co-operation (cp. 809, 1); I fear the strength of Antony ; and I
do not wish to leave the sea. On the other hand, I am afraid some deed
of derring-do may be performed in my absence.'

Every day letters came from Octavian urging Cicero to be a
second time the saviour of society, and at all events to come to
Rome without delay (799, 6).

' My feelings are those of the Trojans when challenged by Ajax —

Willing to wound and yet afraid to strike.

Octavian has acted, and continues to act, with the greatest vigour.* He
will come to Home with great forces ; but he is a mere boy. He thinks
that the Senate will at once meet ; but who will come or venture to offend
Antony ? He may help us on January 1st; or the contest may be decided
before that. The country-towns are enthiisiastic for the lad. The acceuil
and encouragement wliich greeted him were marvellous. Coiild you ever
have expected it? Accordingly I shall go to Rome sooner than 1 intended^
When 1 have made up my mind I shall write.'

A little more than a week previously Cicero had agreed with
Atticus that he would not engage in the contest either in van or
rear, but only sympathize with the cause. f

Many of the distinguished senators, even those who had little
sympathy with Brutus and Cassius (for instance Hirtius), were
already disgusted at the overbearing violence of Antony (cp.
787, 1), and were not sorry to see some hope now that a check

* By degrees the great merits of Octavian, 'braver than any young man, wiser
than any of his elders' (Dio xlv. 5), won Cicero's honest admiration ; and hence there
is a fine ring in the panegyric on his actions, which Cicero delivered in December
after Antony was driven from Rome (cp. Phil. iii. 3 ff. ; iv. 2 ; also the elaborate com-
parison of the youthful exploits of Pompey and Octavian in Phil. v. 43 ff.). If we
may believe Plutarch (Cic. 45), the relation between the two was so close that Octavian
called Cicero ' father.'

t 794, 1, Adsentior tibi ut nee duces simus nee agmen cogamus ; faveamus tamen.

XX INTRODUCTION.

would be put to bis career of mere force. All tbis Cicero knew,
and cannot but bave considered tbat be would bold a very bigb
position as leader of tbe Senate witb tbe army of Octavian ready
to do bis bidding; and, above all, tbat be would bave a most
excellent revenge on Antony.* But still be could not wbolly
remove tlie uncomfortable feeling tbat alliance witb tbe beir of
tbe monarcli was not only dangerous,t but, in a measure, an act
of treacbery to bis principles; and, bowever mucb Octavian
declared tbat be would act tbrougb tbe Senate, and protested
tbrougb Oppius tbat be bad no designs against tbe tyrannicides,
and as evidence of tbese sentiments stated tbat be would make
no opposition to tbe appointment of bis special enemy Casca to tbe
tribunate (807, 3), Cicero could not in bis beart of bearts feel very
confideut.+ But it was a cboice of evils ; and it is certain tbat
tbere was no otber course open but to accept tbe support of
Octavian, wbo promised tbat be would act in all respects tbrougb
tbe Senate, and wbo migbt prove (Cicero tbougbt) a docile pupil
(cp. 844, 1) ; in any case if be sbowed inclination to play tbe
monarcb after crusbing Antony, be could be crasbed in turn by
Brutus and Cassius. Tbe great tbing for tbe moment was to free
tbemselves from tbe truculent marauder, Antony. Tbe future
was uncertain ; and Cicero tbougbt tbat tbe probabilities were
tbat, once Antony was removed, everytbing would return to its
wonted calm ; tbe Senate would recover its former prestige and
power ; and Octavian, a young man, would be satisfied witb tbe
laudations and panegyrics bestowed on bim by bis elders, and
removed from all effective interference by tbe liberal passing of
complimentary decrees in bis bonour. Cicero did not really, at

* Plut. Cic. 45, Tu Se Trpbs 'AvTiivLov fxlaos KtK^pcova irpSirov, elra. t] (pvcris r/TTwu
ovffa TL/xrjs irpoaeTrolrjO'e Kalcapt vo/jii^oPTa TrpoffXajx^aveiv rrj TroAjreia ti}V eKeivov
Svva/j.iv ; also Dio xlv. 15.

t Cp. 805, 1, 'If Octavian becomes powerful the acts of the tyrant will be more
firmly established than they were in the Temple of Tellus, and that will be detrimental
to Binitus.'

X Cp. 807, 5-6 : tbe case he considers hopeless, and to such cases Hippocrates said
no treatment should be applied. . . . But he must plunge into tbe flames ; for it is less
disgraceful to fall fighting in defence of the State than as an individual ; cp. also
745, 2 -written in June, ' Octavian has a good disposition "if it only wears'" {iav
Sta/xiivp).

CICERO AT THE HEAB OF THE STATE. xxi

this time, fear the danger of rearing the lion's whelp in the State ;
his repugnance to join with Octavian was mainly an affair of
sentiment and principle.*

A comic scene in this serious drama is enacted by young
Quintus. He had been 'Antony's right-hand man, save the
mark ' {Antoiiii dexfel/a), and hoped to get from him what he had
failed to get from Caesar. f But later he declared that he could
not tolerate Antony, and was determined to transfer his valuable
services to Brutus and Cassius ; he added, that Antony has asked
him to nominate him dictator, and to seize some strong position
in order to secure his tyranny, but that he had refused lest he
should offend his father, with whom he appears, however, to have
quarrelled. He now professed a desire to live with his father.
Quintus was delighted ; Marcus was amazed. ' Did you ever,' he
asks Atticus, ' see a more thorough-going vapourer ' [certiorem
nehuloneni) ?+ Mixed up with this lunatic conduct [alucinari) of
young Uuintus is some project of marriage on his part with
a lady — a widow of no great charms of person — the details of
which affair we cannot clearly understand. But, at any rate,
young Quintus became a reformed character, appears to have
read his uncle's treatise on Moral Duties, and was reconciled with
Brutus. Cicero assured Atticus that he had sown his wild oats,
and cast off all his old evils ways. But, true son of his father, he
was still as foolishly violent as ever. With the enthusiasm of a

* 807. 3, lurat ' ita sibi jmrentis honores consequi liceaV et simiil dextram intcndit ad
statuam. MrjSe awBeinv vir6 ye towvtov. This is taken from the last letter to Atticus
which we possess. Cicero shortly afterwards returned to Eome, and the correspon-
dence ceased for a time. No doubt, Cicero wrote many more letters to Atticus, but it
is probable, asGurlitt (Jahrb. 1894, p. 209-224) suggests that Tiro was not allowed by
Augustus to publish any of the later letters which were written to his confidential
friend. They doubtless reflected too candidly on that portion of the great Emperor's
life on which he must have looked with least complacency. The loss to us is irre-
parable. The only correspondent with whom Cicero is in the least intimate during the
next six months is Cornificius ; but Cicero is very far from unlocking his heart to him
with the same key as he did to his tried and trusty friend. That he was the lifelong
friend of Cicero is the best title which Atticus has to our notice. As a man he was
careful and shrewd, but nothing more ; there was never anything grand or noble in
his character. He was the quintessence of prudent mediocrity.

t Att. xiv. 20, 5 (727) ; 17, 3 (724).

X Alt. XV. 21 (753) ; or read cerriiiorem, ' crack-brained,' 29, 2 (768).

xxii INTE 01) UCTION.

renegade, added to tlie violence of his tomporaraent, lie wanted to
do some great thing; and accordingly proposed to arraign the out-
going quaestors, and through them Antony, of embezzling public
moneys.* Antony attacked 3'oung Quintus in a public edict, 'not
knowing,' says Cicero (Phil. iii. 17), * tliat attack from Antony is
praise.' "We do not hear anytliing further of misconduct or
treachery on the part of young Quintus, and he died honourably
during tlie proscriptions endeavouring to save his father's life.

When Oetavian reached Rome, about the middle of November,
he commissioned Ti. Cannutius to state to the Senate his views
and his loyal sentiments. Cannutius did so, and delivered a
violent invective against Antony. Contrasted witli the brilliant
and divine eloquence of Cicero, it was, says Velleiiis, as the
snarling of an angry dog.f Presently Oetavian entered the city
and set forth his policy himself, punctuated by the solemn, but
ominous, asseveration : 'so may I be permitted to obtain the honours
of my father.'J But he could not wholly trust his soldiers to
resist Antony,§ who was now in full march from Bruudisium
with one legion. So he retired to Arretium, and there proceeded
to establish liis authority with the veterans and to raise new levies,
at the same time entering into negotiations with Decimus Brutus. ||

* 805, 4. Note the obscure way in which Cicero speaks of this project, Avi tin
pronepos scribit ad patris mei nepotem se ex Nonis Us, qnibus tws mayna ffessimus, aedem
Opis explicaturum, idque ad popidmn. The quaestors vacated office on December 5th.

t Veil. 2, 64, Haec sunt tempora quibus M. Tullius continiiis actionibus aeternas
Antonii memoriae iiutssit notas; sed hie fulgentissimo et caelcsti ore, at iribtmus
Catmutius continua rabie lacerabat Antonium.

X 807, 3 ; App. iii. 41.

§ ' The soldiers,' says Appian (iii. 42), ' considering that they had come to reconcile
Antony and Oetavian, or at any rate simply to guard Caesar and protect him against
murder, were annoyed at this speech against Antony, who had been their general and
their consul.' Oetavian yielded. He allowed those who wished to depart to do so ;
but they soon retiiriied, remembering the hardships of an agriciiltural life and the lavish
promises of Oetavian. Appian also notices the charm of Octavian's manner (del
XP'i/xcA'os is TO eireiyuvra iis itaTpiKols (piXots ixaKKov ^ arpariuirais). Like Julius he
gained and held his power jSi'a Kai (piAavdpoowla, cp. ii. 151.

II Dio xlv. 14 gives reasons why Oetavian at this time entered into any negotia-
tions with the murderer of his father. (1) Oetavian could not face either Decimus or
Antony single-handed ; and if he tried to do so, they might unite their forces to crush
him ; (2) the contest with Antony Avas imminent ; (3) Decimus would be quite easy to
get rid of after Antony was crushed.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE. xxiii

Things looked very favourable for Antony ; but lie proved his
own enemy. He scourged some soldiers at Suessa whom he had
imprisoned, probably owing to a mutinous spirit which they dis-
played after the emissaries of Octavian had tampered with them :*
and when the legions in Brundisium became disorderly, — owing to
the promises of Octavian, and the regard in which they had held
him when both he and they were at Apollonia,t but ehiefl^^ owing
to the comparatively small donation which they had received from
Antony, only 400 sesterces, — he executed a number of centurions
and soldiers+ in order to enforce discipline. Antony had the
virtues and vices of a military man, and he would never tolerate
anything like disobedience or mutiny. But the time had gone
by for such rigour : it was out-of-date ;§ and the result was that
when Antony hurried off to Rome with the Legio Alaudarum,
ordering the other legions to follow him, the Martian legion,
and shortly after the Fourth, deserted him, and joined Octavian.

The fortune of the struggle seemed once again to have
changed. Antony had issued an edict calling a meeting of the
Senate for November 24, and, according to Cicero, had threatened
death to his enemies, the tribunes, L. Cassius, D. Carfulenus, and
Ti. Cannutius, if they appeared ; while declaring, at the same
time, that he would regard any senator who failed to be present as
liaving conspired against his life.|| He entered the city ostenta-
tiously in regular military array, ^ and postponed the meeting to
the 28th. Cicero says he did so because he was drunk ; but, from
another passage, it would appear that he considered it necessary to

* Cp. App. iii. 43.

t Cp. App. iii. 31, 39, 40, 43 ; Nic. Dam. 31.

X Cicero says three hundred (Phil. iii. 10), an obvious exaggeration. It was further
stated that the executions M'ere carried out in the presence of Antony's wife, Fulvia^
Phil. xiii. 18 ; cp. iii. 4.

§ Cp. Tac. Hist. i. 18 of the niggardliness and severity of Galla, Nocitit antiquus
rigor et nimia severitas cui ia?n pares non sumus.

II Phil. iii. 19, 23.

11 Phil. xiii. 19 dextra sinistra : cp. App. iii. 45 eo-t/cj Se es ttjv -kSkiv (To^apSis ttjv
HfV Xhriv TTph Tov &(TTeos ffrparoTreSevaas , tovs 8' a/i(^' aurhv e^oop vire^bicrfxivovs koI
T^jv oiKiav vvKTocpuXaKovvras fv6-n-\ovs' (Tvi>dT}/j.aTa re avroTs e'SiSoro koI at (pvXaKol irapk
fxepos ^crav ws iv aTparoirehcfi. That this was a grave scandal is noticed in iii. 52 ;
cp. Phil. V. 17 Tlmis M. Antonius in hac tirbe post urbem conditam palum sectim hahuit
armatos.

xxiv INTIWDUCTION.

go to Tibur and to confirm tlie loyalty of the soldiers who were
qnartered there.* lleturning for tlio meeting of the Senate, he
appeared, no one knew whence {jycv GaJlonim cuniculum Phil,
iii. 20). Many distingnislied senators attended the meeting, and
one consular brought a Avritten motion that Octavian be declared
an enem3^t But the news had just arrived tliat the Fourth, as
Well as the Martian legion, had deserted. Antony hastily carried
throug]i+ a resolution that a public thanksgiving bo solemnized
in honour of Lepidus for having successfully conducted nego-
tiations for peace with Sext. Pompeius ; and also, in an evening
sitting, he passed a number of decrees, concerning which Cicero
says the registration formalities took less time than the drafting.^
At the same meeting the lot, according to a marvellously provi-
dential fitness of things, assigned in nearly every case to Antony's
supporters just those very provinces which each wished to obtain :||
and, by a remarkable dispensation, Macedonia fell to the lot of
his brother Gaius Antouius. Afterwards, on the night of the

* Phil. xiii. 19 ibi pestifera ilia Tibiiri contio. Appian (iii. 46) said that almost the
■whole Senate, and the greater part of the kniglits, and the most i-espectable portion of
the people went out to Tibur and took an oath of loyalty to Antony; so that he wonders
who were those who vilified Antony when Oclavian held an assembly. Presently
Octavian sends a message to the Senate which they received favourably; so that Appian
is again (ch. 47) led to wonder who were those who escorted Antony. We cannot
believe the statement put into the mouth of Piso (ch. 58) that Cicero delivered many
panegyrics on the policy and virtues of Antony.

t Phil. v. 23.

% Phil. iii. 24 et fugere festinans scnatus consuUum de supplicalione per discessionem
fecit cum id faction esset antea nunquam. Mommsen (St. P. iii. 984, 4) says it was
considered unseemly to decide important questions by mere discessio. He quotes Tac.
Ann. vi. 12, where Tiberius blames the Senate for passing, in that way, a decree about
the Sibylline books. It is certain that important matters required a debate, and it was
improper to dispense with one in such cases (cp. Dio xli. 2). But, in the present
instance, and in that mentioned by Tacitus, it is possible that it was the fact that the
affairs were connected with reliffioii, which made the perfunctory method of decision
unseemly.

§ Phil. xiii. 19 coqtte ipso die innumerabilia senatus consulta fecit : quae quidem omnia
citius delata quam scripta sunt : cp. iii. 24. Laws and decrees were posted up for some
time before being deposited in the aerarium : cp. Tac. Ann. iii. 51. In Phil. xiii. 19
we have a brilliantly rapid narrative of Antony's movements during this hasty visit
to Pome and its neighbourhood.

II Piiil. iii. 24 : divina vera opportunitas ut, quae cuique apta esset, ea cuique
obveniret.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE. xxv

28th,* Antony hastened from Eome, first to Tibur, then to Alba
Fucentia, where the Martian legion was encamped. f Failing-
to recover its allegiance he marched rapidly to Ariminum, wliere
he hoped to join the forces advancing leisurely from Brundi-
sium under the leadership of his brother Lucius, and, in virtue
of his consular power, to occupy a position in Cisalpine Graul
before the end of the year, so as to have a firm footing there
when his formal rule over that province should legally begin
on January 1st. J Notwithstanding that the accounts which we
have of Antony's actions at this time come from an opponent,
it is quite plain that in the difficulties which so suddenly beset him
he acted witli promptitude, vigour, and courage.

Now that Antony no longer threatened the city, the more con-
stitutional part of the Senate, with the military support of Octavian
and the two legions which had recently joined their side, might
take the offensive. Cicero returned to Rome on December 9th ;§
and for the next seven months he was the statesman who led the
republic. Immediately after the departure, or flight, of Antony
from Eome, Cicero published the Second Philippic. He had issued
a few copies for private circulation in October ; and we have
interesting accounts of corrections made, and of questions asked
by Atticus on certain passages. || The publication of this eloquent
tirade was a challenge to Antony to combat a outrnnce, a combat
in which an impartial spectator who knew the spirit of the times
might safely say that the worst cause would be victorious.lf

* Cp. Ep. ad Caes. iun. ii. 9 (Nonius 538) Antonius demens ante lucem paliidatiis.

t Phil. iii. 6.

X Phil. iii. 1 ; v. 24. Antony had three of the Macedonian legions, and one
legion of veterans, App. iii. 46.

§ See Introd. note to 809. Cicero's money affairs seem to have required attention
at this time : they were somewhat straitened, as Dolabella had not repaid TuUia's
dowry, cp. 807, 5.

II Cp. 794, 1 ; 799, 1-3. The minute care with which Cicero elaborated his
sentences may be well seen from § 2 of this letter, lUnd etiam malo ' indignis-
simnm est hunc vivere'' quam ^ quid indignius' (Phil. ii. 86) ; yet this latter has
remained in our manuscripts. As it was obscure who the Anagnini were in § 103
Cicero added their names.

II Cp. Dio xlvi. 32, 1 (of the state of affairs in February 711 (43)) ot Se 5?; irAcious
oire Kol reus arpareiais afxa koX rats elacftopais 0apou/j.evot, f'Suo-xep""''"' '*^"^ y-aXicrO' otl
aSr}\ov fiiv rjv oirorepos aiiraiv /cpari^crei, irp657]\ov Be otl t^ viKr^travri SouXevcrovai.

xxvi INTRODUCTION.

Antony was romoveJ, but certain constitutional difTicuUies pre-
vented any active steps being taken. Of the consuls, Dolabolla
had left Rome in the autumn, probably in September or October,
and Antony liad just fled. The praetor urbanns, C. Antonius,
had gone in response to the will of Providence* to administer the
province of Macedonia. So there was no one to take the initiative
in any political measure, and, what was the chief point, there was
no consul to raise levies for tlie senatorial party. f It was neces-
sary to wait for the kalends of January, when liirtius and Pansa
would become consuls ; notliing definite or final could be enacted
until tlien. Meanwhile the most important consideration was to
secure proper protection for the Senate, so that a really free debate
on the general position of affairs might be held at the beginning
of the new year. Though the constitutionalists had a majority in
the Senate, still the party which favoured Antony, — composed of
creatures of Julius Caesar and Antony, and headed by Fufius
Calenus, who had ever been an enemy of Cicero, and whom Cicero
had no wish to conciliate+ — was very considerable. To take mea-
sures for this security a meeting of the Senate was summoned by
the tribune M. Serviiius for December 20. Shortly before this
meeting, a manifesto from D. Brutus was published in the city,
wbich declared that he would hold his province at the disposition
of the Senate, but would not surrender it to Antony. This was
not legal : the lex de penmitatioiie provincinnim which gave Cisalpine
Gaul to Antony had been duly passed ; but the constitutionalists
did not hesitate to approve of the action of D, Brutus. At the
meeting on the 20th Cicero delivered the Thii-d Philippic to a
full house,§ moving that measures be taken for the security of the
Senate on January 1st, that the action of D. Brutus be com-
mended, that the other provincial governors be directed to keep
their provinces until the Senate should send successors, and that

* Cp. p. xxiy. t App. iii. 47.

\ Att. xi. 8, 2 (422) Fujius est illie mihi inimicissimiis : xv. 4, 1 (734) x. Kal. hora
viii. fere a Q. Fujio vcnit tabellarius. Nescio quid ah eo litteridarum, uli me sihi resti-
tuerem : sane insulse, ut solet, nisi forte quae non ames omnia v'ulentur insuhe fieri.
Scripsi ita ut te probaturum exislimo. Calenus was father-in-law of Pansa,. and at his
house Antony's wife and children were now staying.

§ Cp. 812, 3; 813, 3. Neither of the consuls designate was present. Hirtius
appears to have been ill (813, 2).

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE, xxvii

the new consuls should, as soon as possible, see tliat the honours
already voted to Octavian and the two legions whicli had joined
the Republic should be conferred. These motions were carried.
Passing from the Senate to the people, Cicero delivered the Fourth
Philippic to an enthusiastic crowd. He spoke of the measures
passed by the Senate, and said that they amounted to a declaration
of war against Antony.

On the 19th Cicero wrote (811) to D. Brutus, and urged him
to continue to act with the same spirit which he had hitherto
displayed, and to regard the real will of the Senate as if it was
their formally expressed opinion — for the free expression of
sentiment was hindered by intimidation. This shows the un-
certainty which Cicero felt as to the staunchness of the chief
constitutional body through which he had to work, as well as the
considerable power which the Antonians still possessed. It is a
confirmatory evidence of the widespread sympathy with Antony
which (according to Appian) was shown by the Senate on the
occasion of his recent entry into the capital. On the next day
Cicero wrote again (812) to Decimus, referring with modesty to
the manner in which he had that day supported his interests.*
During tlie following months Cicero considered that this was the
day on which he laid the foundation of the revived State (817, 2
fundamenta vei p. ieci: cp. Phil. v. 30), and on whicli he inspired
the people with the hope that they would recover their liberty
(819, 2) ; adding, naively, that it was by enthusiasm, rather than
by arguments [magia cniiini quam iiigenii viribus), that he obtained
this great success; 'and from this day I have never ceased,
not merely to think, but to act, in defence of the State ' (819, 2 ;
cp. 817, 2). Before the end of the year, Cicero wrote to
Cornificius (813) to inform him of the events of the 20th, and
to urge him to maintain his province and his dignity. Cicero
had taken on his shoulders the entire burden of the State, and
bore it for the next seven months with a fervid energy and
courage which almost bordered on fanaticism. The effort made by
him and his party was the last blaze in the dying embers of the

* Cicero repeatedly (e.g. 817, 1 ; 838 4) refers his correspondents for details of his
actions on their behalf to the letters of their other friends. It was no doubt considered
becoming to do so.

xxviii INTRODUCTION.

Republic, wliicli were soon to be burnt out and dead ; but for tlie
time, at least, tlie hearts of the patriots were warmed and ennobled
by his glowing eloquence and his passionate conviction.

Not merely did Cicero lead affairs in the city ; he attempted
also to guide all tlie provincial governors. We have a large
portion of the extensive correspondence wOiich he carried on with
Lepidus, Plancus, Decimus Brutus, Marcus Brutus, Cassius,
Cornificius, and others. The letters written by Cicero in the
course of this correspondence are tlie high-water mark of Latin
prose. Nothing could be more finished. But as regards contents,
we think of what Cicero himself says, that the sole weapons which
he had against tlie arms of Antony were — words. As M. Jullien
(in his charming monograph Le fondafeur de Li/on, pp. 43-45)
has justly said, these letters do not discuss what the interests of
the State demand, but what is the duty of the individual;
questions of principle are substituted for questions of policy,
' appeals are not made to his interests, but to his conscience ;
everywhere the phantom of virtue.' But if Cicero does preach,
especially to Plancus, he does not, as so often elsewhere, do so
in a vain-glorious strain and urge Plancus to look to him as
the example to follow. ' It is not the great Cicero, full of honours
and renown who speaks; it is an old man who has nothing more
to expect from life (787, 1 ; 879, 2), who is just nearing its end,
and points out the road to one who is about to enter on it ; it is
the friend who loves Plancus like a son, and whose fatherly affec-
tion is perhaps injudicious because it is so warm, perhaps exacting
because it is so whole-hearted.' In this correspondence, and
nowhere else, do we find such a combination of noble sentiments,
chastened eloquence, and perfect taste, qualities which are indica-
tive of the Roman gmvitas at its very best.

The first of January at length arrived, and Hirtius and Pansa
became consuls. In neither of them had Cicero much confidence ;*
and the out-spoken Quintus (815) roundly declares

' I have the fullest knowledge of them that they have all the lust and
slothfulness of a womanish nature. Unless the helm is taken from their

* Cp. Att. XV. 22 (755) ; yet lie seems to have been ready to take advice from
Pansa, cp. 798.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE. xxix

hands the State will suffer shipwreck. You would not believe what I knew
about their conduct in the Gallic campaigns. Unless some strong stand
is made, they will certainly be attracted by that rebel Antony owing to
their participation in his vices.'

Yet they appear to have acted, during their consulship, witli
loyalty to the State.* It was they who presided at the cele-
brated meeting ou January 1st ; and they first called on Fiifius
Calenus to deliver his opinion. Though Calenus was an ad-
lierent of Antony and an enemy of Cicero, he was not destitute
of moderation. He proposed that, prior to taking any hostile
steps against Antony, an embassy should be sent to him directing
him to abstain from invading Cisalpine Gaul ; and in this view
he was supported by L. Piso. Cicero replied in the Fiftb
Philippic, which was not a moderate speech at all, but a violent
invective, to all intents and purposes a call to arms.f "War, he
protested, must be declared. The whole history of Antony's acts,
and the action of the Senate on December 20, imperatively demand
that he be declared a public enemy. But the most striking por-
tion of this excited speecli is the laudation of young Octavian,
and the solemn pledge which Cicero gives that he will be loyal to
the State (§§ 50, 51).

' I intimately know the young man's every feeling. Nothing is dearer
to him than the Free State, nothing has more weight with him than your
influence, nothing is more desired by him than the good opinion of
virtuous men, nothing more delightful to him than true glory. "Wherefore,
so far from your having any right to be afraid of him, you should rather
expect from him greater and nobler services ; nor should you feel any fear,
in the ease of one who has gone to free D. Brutus from being besieged,
that any memory of private affliction shall remain and have greater
weight with him than the safety of the State. I venture even to pledge
my word, senators, to you, and to the Roman people, and to the State —
and assuredly were the case different I should not venture to do so, as no
force compels me, and in such an important matter I dread being thought
dangerously rash — I promise, I undertake, I pledge my word that Gaius

* Cicero, in a letter of February 2, calls them egregios consules (818, 1 ; op. 851),
though he thought that neither of them showed any great ability (846, 4).

t Appian (iii. 56), in a speech put into the mouth of Piso, emphasizes the personal
element which entered into Cicero's policy, KiKipwva. 5e Kal tls avu/xaAiav il4arr,<Jiv rt
iX^pa.

VOL. VI.

XXX INTRODUCTION.

Caesar will always be as loyal a citizen as he is to-day, and as our
most fervent wishes and prayers desire.'*

Cicero had determined to make up his mind definitely as to
Octaviau's cliaracter wlien lie saw how the young man acted in
respect of Casca's tribunate (807, 3). That action appears to have
wholly satisfied Cicero ; accordingly, now impelled b}'- the con-
sciousness of the unquestionable services wliich Octaviaii had ren-
dered to the State in opposing Antony, by his own naturally
warm appreciation for young men of promise, and his generally
enthusiastic temperament, and worked up by the eloquence of the
long speech which he was bringing to a close, he threw off all the
doubt and distrust which he had formerly entertained ; and by
this solemn declaration persuaded himself and a considerable
portion of the Senate that the tyrant's heir would be the consti-
tutional guardian and support of the Free State. f

With such views of Octavian and his loyalty Cicero had moved
(§§ 45-47) that he be granted pro-praetorian authority, and
senatorial rank among the praetorii. Next day the Senate went
further and decreed that he be made a senator; and at the same
time by another decree granted him the ornamenta consitlaria,
and, consequently, permission to vote among the consulars; and
apparently by a third decree allowed him to hold quaestorian rank
as far as standing for magistracies was concerned. + To these

* The exact degree of loyalty felt by Octavian at this time may be gathered from
a naiTative related by Appian (iii. 48). He refused the rods and axes, and the title of
propraetor, when offered by his army ; he said he would leave such grants to the
Senate. "When the soldiers expressed dissatisfaction at this excuse, he replied that the
Senate would perhaps give him these honours lest he should take them ; and forthwith
he proceeded to give another extravagant largess of 2000 sesterces to each soldier. It
is questionable if the Senate thought the loyalty of Octavian so certain as Cicero
stated it was. Indeed Cicero's language seems to indicate distrust on the part of the
Senate. Their policy was not simple trust in Octavian, but rather an intention to
embroil Octavian and Antony, as they were afraid that these two commanders of
armies and friends of Julius Caesar might combine and avenge the murder.

t He afterwards acknowledged his error : 915, 3. Octavian appears to have deluded
Cicero into the btlief that he intended to be guided solelj' by his advice, and even went
80 far as to call him ' Father' (Plut. Cic. 45).

X This is what Dio xlvi. 29 refers to by rb ^ovXeveiv iv roh T€Ta/j.i€VK6<Ti. This
privilege allowed him to stand for magistracies ten j-ears sooner than was generally
permitted.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF TEE STATE. sxxi

liononrs liis step-father Philippus added an equestrian statue.*
The Senate farther appointed Octavian in company with the
consuls to carry on the war against Antony. f

The debate on the question of war against Antony was
continued on the 2ud, and Cicero would have had a decided
majority if the tribune Salvius had not adjourned the debate,
in this matter alone acting against Cicero. + On the 3rd Cicero's
proposals of rewards and honours to D. Brutus, Octavian, and the
soldiers were adopted. But during the night of the 3rd and 4th,
the earnest exertions of the family and friends of Antony pre-
vailed so far that a compromise was adopted, and it was enacted
that ambassadors be sent, not to negotiate, but to peremptorily order
Antony to raise the siege of Mutina, to leave Cisalpine Gaul,
to remain 200 miles away from E-ome, and to put himself at the
disposal of the Senate : in case of disobedience, war was to be
declared.§ Meanwhile the consuls were commissioned to prepare
for this exigency. To Hirtius, not yet recovered from his illness,
the duty was allotted of marcliiug forth to the support of Octavian,
while Pansa was entrusted with the task of looking after affairs
in the city. Levies were set on foot throughout Italy, which
Cicero says were responded to with alacrity.

Sulpicius, Piso, and Philippus were appointed ambassadors.

* 914, 7 ; App. iii. 61 ; Dio xlvi. 29. This honour, says Yelleius (ii. 61), had
been granted only to three Eoman citizens within the last 300 years, to Sulla, Pompey,
and Caesar.

t Cp. Liv. Epist. 118, C. Caesari propraetoris imperhtm a senatti datum est cum
consularibus ornamentis, adiectumque ut senator esset : Mon. Ancyr. i. 1-7, Annos unde-
viginti natus exercitum privato consilio et privata iinpensa comparavi per quern rem
publicam dominatione factionis oppressam in lihertatem vindicavi. Ob quae senatus
decretis honorificis in ordinem suum me adlegit C. Pansa A. Rirtio constilibus, con-
sularem locum simicl dans sententiae ferendae et imperium mihi dedit. Res publica ne
quid detrimenti caperet, me pro praetore simul cum consulibtis providere iussit, with
Mommsen's notes ; cp. also St. R. i. 442-3, notes.

X App. iii. 50 ; iv. 17.

§ According to App. iii. 61 Cicero was ordered to draw up the mandate, and his
drafting was botli aggressive ((^lAoj/ei/ccos) and false ; he was driven on not so much
from personal hostility as by fate. The Deity, it appears, was bringing about a change
in the State through a period of confusion {tov Saifj-oviov ra koivo, is /xerafioA^v
ivoxAovuTos), and devising ill to Cicero himself. Appian is very bitter against Cicero's
policy at this period. In the next chapter he speaks of the extravagance {rh aWSKOTov)
of the mandate.

xxxii INTllOD UCTION.

At the same meeting the agrarian law of L. Antonius was
rescinded on tlio motion of L. Caesar. The feeling of tlie Senate
was still stifliciently hostile to Antony. Cicero was accordingly
justified in stating to the people, in the Sixth Philippic (which he
delivered at a meeting held hy the tribune P. Ap})uleius on the
afternoon of the 4th), that the decree of the Senate was no doubt
to be regretted inasmuch as any delay was inexpedient, but that,
as Antony would most certainly not obey the mandate of the
Senate, war was inevitable (^ 19).

' The crisis has come; it is a struggle for freedom. You must conquer,
Romans, or b}- some means escape from slavery. Other nations can submit
to slavery, but freedom is the inalienable possession of the Roman people.'

The appointment of the embassy seems to have exhausted the
vigour of the constitutional l)arty in the Senate. They again became
slack in their zeal, though the friends of Antony did not cease to
exert themselves. Further, during the absence of the ambassadors
in the month of January, while the levies were being raised with
great success, there appeared evidence of what may be called an
anti-Caesarian reaction among a large number of senators. Of this
we find only indirect evidence in Cicero ; but Dio Cassius tells us
that a decree was passed to rebuild the Curia Hostilia, though the
site of that building had been assigned to a temple erected by
Julius Caesar to Felicitas ; and the supplies allotted for the pay
of the Luperci Juliaui were cancelled.* Such resolutions were
evidence of a jealous feeling towards Octavian, and served as a
warning to that keen-sighted observer that he should not trust
the good faith of the Senate longer than he was himself able to
prove necessary for their interests. f It further showed that, in
their small-mindedness, they cared to gratify their petty spite
rather than adopt the generous and energetic com'se which was
the only one possible to secure their ultimate safety. Cicero felt
this deeply ; and, on the motion about the supplies for the Luperci,
delivered the Seventh Philippic, extra quaestionem, urging tlie Senate
to devote their attention to the real exigencies of the situation,
to maintain their attitude of hostility to Antony, and to listen to
no compromise which he might offer. That was the only course

* Dio xlv. 17 ; Phil. xiii. 31 ; cp. vii. 1. t Cp. App. iii. 48, 64 ; Dio xlvi. 34.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE, xxxiii

(he said) which was consistent with their former motions, and
compatible with their safety, their freedom and their honour.

During the embassy Sulpicius died, and some weeks later
Cicero delivered a panegyric on him in the Ninth Philippic.
This is really not a Philippic at all, but a warm' encomium on a
personal friend, a man of great attainments and high character,
who in extreme ill-health had put himself at the service of the
State, and had virtually given his life for his country. The other
two ambassadors returned, and

' Their conduct (writes Cicero to Cassius, 818, 1) has been as disgrace-
ful and scandalous as could be. Despatched to bear definite orders to
Antony according to a decree of the Senate, when he refused to obey any
single requirement, they actually turn round and bring back to us demands
which cannot possibly be tolerated. Accordingly there is a general Hocking
to me for aid ; and now in a matter which concerns the safety of the State
I have become a Friend of the People [popalares sumtis).'

Antony's ' intolerable demands ' were —

(1) Pewards for his veterans ;

(2) Confirmation of his own enactments {e.g. Lex iudiciaria) ,

of those based on Caesar's acta, and especially of the Lex
Agraria of his brother Lucius ;

(3) An engagement that no account be taken of the money s

which he had drawn from the State Treasury ;

(4) The grant of Grallia Comata with six legions until the end

of 715 (39), when Brutus and Cassius would, after their
consulship in 713 (41), and subsequent provincial ad-
ministration for two years, descend into a private station.

Antony refused to admit the ambassadors to an interview with
Decimus Brutus, and, to add to his insults, sent one of his boon
companions, a low creature called Cotyla, to urge his demands-
It' the conditions which he offered were granted, he agreed to
give up Cisalpine (jaul, and, perhaps, also Macedonia, to which
he certainly appears to have had some claim.*

* Cp. Phil. xi. 27. According to Appian (iii. 63) Antony declared further that the
hostility of the Senate shown in the mandate simply because he and Dolabella held
fast to what had been regularly given to them by the people, absolved him from the
promise of amnestj' of which he never really approved ; and, he added, that he would,
•on this account, prosecute the war against Decimus, and thereby avenge the murder

xxxiv INTRODUCTION.

The Senate also considered that these demands were intolerable^
and on Fehrnary 2nd a state of war was declared. It was decreed
that the sa<ia bo assumed on the 4th, and the Ultimate Decree
passed.* Cicero subsequently acknowledged that these demands,
thougli shameless, might have been granted,! but at the present
time he was absolutely uncompromising ; he would not tolerate
even a certain mildness of language recommended by L. Caesar,
who urged that Antony should be called adversarius, and not
/losti's, and that the state of hostility should be called tu)iiultH><,
and not helium. Indeed he strangely argued that tlie former
is tlie more severe word.+ On the first day of the debate tliis
motion of L. Caesar was carried owing to a considerable degree
of confusion in the proceedings ; but the next day Cicero spoke
against it in the Eighth Philippic. He urged that no measure
but declared war was advisable or even possible ; that war indeed
had begun by an attack of Hirtius on Claterna, and a battle in
the neighbourhood ; that anyone except Cotyla, who repaired ta
Antony, should be considered as an enemy ; and that pardon
should be granted to all soldiers who left Antony before the
Ides of March. § We are told that the loyalists gave 4 per cent,
of their property, and the Senate further gave three sesterces on
every tile in their houses; also a large number of festivals were sus-
pended in order to save money. || The laws of Antony, and those-
based on forgeries of memoranda, which purported to be Caesar's,
were annulled, and Antony was declared an embezzler of public
moneys.^ Measures were also taken under certain laws of Pansa,
passed in the Comitia centuriata, to secure that the genuine acta
of Caesar should be maintained, and that the salutary laws of
Antony, such as tliat which assigned land to the veterans, and
possibly that which abolished the dictatorship, should remain

of Caesar, and purify the Senate whicli -was stained with the crime through Cicero's
support of Decimus (5ia KiKepoova AfK/j.q> ^orjOovvra).

* Phil. viii. 6 ; Dio xlvi. 31. Even Cicero himself appeared in the sar/um, though
in such a crisis consulars were accustomed to retain the toffci (§ 32) : cp. xii. 17 ; Ep^
ad Caes. lun. i. frag. 16 (Non. 538, 20).

tPhil.xii.il. + Phil. viii. 3. § Phil. viii. 33.

II Dio xlvi. 31 ; Ep. ad Caes. lun. i. frag. 5 (Xon. 268).

f Phil. xii. 12.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE, xxxv

valid,* Side by side witli these laws were some foolish attempts
to continue the anti-Caesarian reaction, such as a promise to the
people of Massilia that the privileges of which they had been
deprived by Caesar should be restored to them ;t and some talk of
annulling the Lex Hirtia which had restricted the Jus Honorum
of certain Pompeians. Cicero sums up the feelings of the principal
actors in the situation in a letter to Trebonius (819, 3) : —

* We have a strong Senate ; but of the consulars, some are timid, some
disloyal. "We have sustained a severe loss in Servius. Lucius Caesar is
most loyal, but as being Antony's uncle does not propose any vigorous
motions. The consuls are excellent, D. Brutus noble, the boy Caesar
excellent : I hope he will complete the good coiirse he has begun.'

Cicero then says how essential he was in preventing Antony from
proceeding to downright tyranny. A little later he wrote a
cheerful letter to Paetus (820) urging him not to forego society,
but adding

' do not think that, because I write in a sportive strain, I have given
up all regard for the Stale. Believe me, my dear Paetus, all my con-
cern, all my care, night and daj', is that my fellow-citizens may live in
safety and freedom. I omit no opportunity for admonition, action, watch-
fulness ; in short I feel my resolution so firm that I think, if I must lay
down my life in this task and at this post, that my end will have been a
glorious one.'

We must now say a few words about Marcus Brutus. After
leaving Italy he had repaired to Athens and, in the intervals
of attending philosophical lectures, had made preparations for
war. Among many young men studying at Athens, who joined
him, was young Cicero. The governor of Macedonia, Hortensius
Hortalus, put himself at the service of Brutus, and Vatinius,
governor of lUyricum, surrendered his forces to him. The

* See 0. E. Schmidt, Letzten Kampfe, p. 699 ; Phil. x. 17 ; xiii. 31 ; op. v. 10.

t From Att. xiv. 14, 6 (719), we learn that after Caesar's death Massilia had
applied for a restitution of the privileges of which Caesar liad deprived them ; and that
Atticus had supported their cause. But the grant does not appear to have been con-
firmed; for Caelius and the Antonians persisted in attacking Massilia in the Senate
(Phil. viii. 18), and the constitutionalists could not do more than ^>-o;Hi«e restitution
(Phil. xiii. 32).

XXX vi I NTH OD UCTION.

quaestor of Asia, M. Ai^puloiTis, and tlie quaestor of Syria,
Antistius Vetus, who were returning to Home witli large supplies
of money, put tliem into his hands : so that C. Antonius, who had
been appointed, at the end of November, governor of Macedonia
(an appointment cancelled on December 20), was quite over-
matched by the forces which Brutus was able to bring against
him, and was compelled to shut himself up in Apollonia * Wlien
news of these actions of Brutus reached Home, about the end of
February or beginning of March, Calenus proposed that Brutus
should be deprived of his command, as he had no right to
Macedonia, and as it was certain that, if honours were bestowed
on one of Caesar's murderers, the veterans would be gravely
offended. In answer Cicero delivered his Tenth Pliilippic in
support of his motion that Brutus sliould continue to protect
Illyria, Macedonia, and Greece, and should keep his army as
near as possible to Italy ; at the same time permission was
given him to raise money and order supplies. Cicero answers the
objections of Calenus by virtually admitting that Brutus had
acted in violation of the strict letter of the law, but maintaining
that he had, nevertheless, acted according to the opinion of the-
Senate and in furtherance of the best interests of the State. It
is to the State that all the armies ultimately and really belong.
But the most striking feature in the speech is Cicero's protest
against undue submission to the veterans, t

* What the plague is the meaning of this practice of always opposing
the name of the veterans to most righteous actions ? While welcoming
their valour as I do, yet if they are overbearing I cannot tolerate their
^viiie {fast id iu)n) . . . In short — for at length in the name of truth and self-
respect I must speak out [erumjjat eniin aliquando vera et me diyna vox) —

* Phil. X. 11—14; Phit. Erut. 24. Young Cicero in tliis campaign received the
surrender of L. I'iso who was in coiuniand of a legion, and won a victory over
C. Antonius himself, who attempted to force a pass at Byllis. Mr. Strachan-Davidson
(Cicero, p. 390) speaks with much feeling of the pride which Cicero must have felt in
his son's exploits on behalf of the State. ' It was a proud moment for the father when
he had to announce to tlie Senate, amongst other good news from the East, "The
legion which was commanded by L. Piso, one of the lieutenants of Antonius, has gone
over to my son Cicero and placed itself at his disposal." ' Phil. x. 13 ; cp. 837, 5 ;
and vol. v., p. Ixii. C. Antonius ultimately surrendered to Brutus,
t Phil. X. 18.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE, xxxvii

if the minds of tliis House are to be directed by the nod of the veterans,
and all our deeds and words are to be regulated by their will and pleasure,
we should pray for death, which E,oman citizens have always preferred to
slavery.'

The whole speecli is pitched in a very high key and is instinct
with eloquent and noble, though unfortunately impracticable,
aspirations. It is little wonder that the Senate, under the spell
of Cicero's eloquence, assented to his proposal.

Presently there arrived the news of the murder of Trebonius
by Dolabella. Dolabella liad left Rome in October to take up
the government of Syria, had spent about two months in the
Grecian peninsula, and advanced with one legion into Asia early
in 7-11 (43). Here he was excluded from Smyrna by Trebonius ;
but, after an ostensible reconciliation and departure, he returned
suddenly, broke into the town and murdered Trebonius. On
receipt of the news Dolabella was promptly declared a public
enemy, and thus virtually deposed from his government of Syria.
To whom was it to be given ? In the Eleventh Philippic, Cicero
urged that Cassius should be appointed to that pi'ovince with a
mains hiiperium in Asia and Bithynia, and should be commissioned
to carry on the war against Dolabella.*

This proposal was rejected, though similar authority had been
granted to Brutus. We think the reason for this diversity of
treatment was that the Senate disapproved and feared the violent
and untrustworthy character of Cassius. Some of the family
of Cassius, too, objected to Cicero's motion. f Brutus seems also
to have thought that the jealousy of the Caesarian party would
be excited by publishing an account of the successes of Cassius. +
The proposal finally adopted was that of Calenus supported by
Pansa, that tlie consuls, after finishing the war in North Italy,

* This speech becomes a Philippic from the fact that Cicero, in expressing his
burning indignation against Dolabella, urged his hearers to remember that such
a fate as befel Trebonius was the fate which all true citizens might expect from
Dolabella' s friend and colleague, Antony. It must have been a bitter blow to Cicero
that the man whom Tulha bad loved had now become a rebel and a murderer.
'Indeed life is of little value to me now,' says Cicero in a subsequent speech (Phil.
xii. 21), 'especially as Dolabella lias made death a blessing for which I must
piay.'

t 823. t 840. 5.

xxxviii INTRODUCTION.

slionld draw lots for Asia and Sj'ria. Tlioy naturally did not
wish to forego the administration of such wealthy provinces.
After the Senate broke up, Cicero delivered, at a meeting held
by the tribune M. Servilius, a thundering speech, 'straining my
voice to fill the whole extent of the forum, and amidst louder and
more unanimous applause than I can remember.'* He declared
frankly that Cassius, if he was not formally granted the province
of Sj-ria, wonld take it on his own responsibility.

Cassius meanwhile, supported by Lentulus, proquaestor of
Asia, with money, and by his brother L. Cassius with ships, had
betaken himself to Syria. There, ' that Caecilius Bassus fellow,'t
who had been in rebellion since 709 (45), was besieged in Apamea
by L. Statins Murcus, governor of Syria, with three legions, and
Q. ]\[arciiis Crispns, governor of Bitliynia, with three more.
These commanders handed over their forces to Cassius. Bassus
was soon compelled by his own soldiers to surrender ; and when,
shortly afterwards, a legate of Dolabella, A. Allienus, who was
marching throngh Syria with four legions from Egypt to join
forces with his general, went over to Cassius, the latter had no
less than twelve legions at his disposal. + The account of these
events Cassius wrote to Cicero in a letter (822), dated March 7th,
from Tarichea, a town on the south of the lake of Gralilee. News
of his success, however, had reached Eome previously in an official
letter from Lentulus, which arrived on April 9th (839, 3).

Towards the end of February, affairs in North Italy stood
thus. Octavian§ had advanced to Forum Cornelii, and Hirtius
to Claterna : but Antony held a strong position at Bononia, and
kept Mutiua closely invested. In these circumstances the friends

* 823, 1, tanta coutentionc quantum forum est, tanto clamorc conscusitque popuU tit
nihil Kuquam simile viclerim .' § 2 promisi enim et proj)e conjirmari te non exspectasse nee
exspectaturum deereta nostra, sed te ipsum tuo more rem p. dcfenstirum. This Philippic
is unfoi-tunately lost.

^ Fam. xii. 18, I (G70) iste nescio qui Caecilius Bassus.

X Aj.p. iii. 77-8 ; Dio Cass, xlvii. 26-28. Cassius obtained 2 legions from Bassus,
3 from Mui'cus, 3 from Crispus, and 4 from Allienus.

§ "We hear that on January 7th Octavian was at Spoletium, and there heard that
he had been appointed pro-praetor and septemvir epulo : cp. Praenestine Calendar
C. I. L. i-, p. 231, Imp. Caesar Augustus Hirtio et Pansa cos. vii. vir epul. ereatus est :
Phil. xi. 20 ; C. I. L. x. 8375, 9 (Feriale Cumanum) vii Idus lanuar. eo die Caesar
primum fasces sumpsit. Supplicatio Jovi Sempiterno. In the sacrifice which he offered

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE, xxxix

of D. Brutus were seriously alarmed for liis safety, and feared
that, if Antony succeeded in takiug Mutiua, Deeimus would
share the fate of Trebonius. The supporters of Antony, Piso and
Caleuus, accordingl}', thought this was a favourable time to move
for another embassy to be sent to Antony. In this they were
successful by the aid of Pansa ; and without protest at the time
from Cicero, five ambassadors, representing the different parties
in the Senate, Servilius Isauricus, L. Caesar, Piso, Calenus, and
Cicero himself were appointed. But a night's reflection convinced
Cicero of the inexpediency and futility of such a proceeding ; and
in the Twelfth Philippic he frankly confessed his error and urged
his objections to the proposed embassy. The enthusiasm of the
people, he said, would evaporate ; Antony would certainly not
moderate his proposals ; he would be intolerable if he returned
to Rome ; and lastly the enmity between himself and Antony
had become too bitter to admit of his taking part in any such
embassy. Again Cicero's eloquence and arguments influenced the
Senate, and the proposal of Piso and Calenus dropped.

On the 19th of March the Senate paid Cicero a graceful
compliment, which he thus describes in a letter to Cornificius
(825) —

' On th.e Quinquatrus I pleaded your cause in a full Senate with the
goddess of the feast propitious {non invita 3Iinervu) ; for on that day the
Senate decreed that my statue of Minerva, the guardian of the city, which
had been thrown down hy a storm, should he set up again.'

This whole letter is interesting, especially tlie words with which it
concludes, and which give the keynote of all Cicero's exhortations
to his friends at the time.

' There is one ship for all good men and true, and we are doing our
best to keep her course straight. Heaven grant that her voyage may

as magistrate of the Eoman State, the victims were so favourable (each of six victims
having a double liver !) that the day was afterwards celebrated as a specially fortunate
onem his life : op. C. I. L. xii. 4333, 23 (the Lex Arae Narbonensis) vii qiioque Idus
lamiar. qua die primiini imperium orbis terrarwn auspicatus est: Plin. H. N. xi. 190
Diro Augnsto Spoleii sacrificanti primo potestatis suae die sex victimarum iocinera
rcplicata intrinsecus ab ima fihra reperta sunt : responsitmque duplicaturum intra
annum imperium. Octavian had at this time five legions at his disposal, two of
Veterans, the Martian, and the Foxuth, two of evocati and recruits combined, and one
of recruits (App. iii. 47).

xl INTRODUCTION.

be favourable! But whatever storms arise, our pilot's skill will certainly
not be wautiui;- ; and what more can virtue promise ? Po you raise and
lift Tip your heart, and hold to the thought that all your glory is bound up
in the fortunes of the State.'

Soon after tlie middle of March, letters arrived from Lepidus,
governor of Narboueusis and Hither Spain, advocating peace
■with Antony,* His sj'mpathies were with Antony ever since
the murder of Caesar ; and he was under special obligations to
him not only for the dignity of Pontifex Maximus, but also for
the thanksgiving which Antony had decreed in his honour on
November 28th. But Lepidus possessed a considerable army ;
and the well-known instability of his character — homo ventosissimus
is what D. Brutus calls him (847, 1) — suggested hopes that he
could be dissociated from Antony ; though in all his speeches
and letters he appears to have declared tliat he was acting in
concert with him (824-, 4). Actuated by such hopes, Cicero had
carried, among the votes of honours to D. Brutus and Octavian,
on January 3, a motion that a gilded equestrian statue should be
erected in honour of Lepidus as a reward for his services in
negotiating with Sextus Pompeius.f For this Lepidus had never
even thanked the Senate. Now, when he wrote advocating peace,
Cicero replied in a decidedly curt letter (827), censuring his
neglect in not thanking the Senate, reminding him that peace
Avith slavery was unendurable, and advising him not to mix
himself in these negotiations.^ Yet when Servilius proposed a
courteous answer, thanking Lepidus, but saying that the question
of peace should be left to the Senate who would entertain it when
Antony laid down his arms — Cicero supported the motion in the
Tliirteenth Philippic, dilating, with much praise of Lepidus, on
the blessings of a real peace, but pointing out that peace with
such a character as Antony was impossible. The greater part of
the speech, however, is devoted to a vote of thanks to Sextus
Pompeius for his loyal promises, and to a criticism, sentence by
sentence, of a letter addressed by Antony to Hirtius and Octavian.

* Phil. xiii. 7 ; 49. t Phil. v. 40-41.

% 827, 2 Itaqve sapientius meo quidem iudicio fades si te in islam pacificationeni non
interpones quae neqice senatid neque poptdo nee cuiquam bono probalur.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE. xH

Very different was an official letter (833) received early in
April from L. Munatius Plancus, governor of Transalpine Gaul.
He had shortly before advocated peace, and been gravely rebuked
by Cicero, wlio earnestly urged liira to dissociate himself from his
former Caesarian allies, and to embrace the side which defended
the authority of the Senate and the liberty of the people, remind-
ing him that then only has true peace been obtained when
all fear of slavery has been removed (826, 2-3). Now Plancus
writes stating that he was entirely at tlie disposal of the Senate,
and that his apparent vacillation hitlierto was due to a desire to
abstain from an over-hasty declaration of liis policy (a fault whicli
had brought serious trouble on Decimus Brutus), and meanwhile to
convince both his army and the surrounding states* that it was
more advisable to hope for moderate rewards from the legitimate
authorities than to trust tlie extravagant promises of Antony..
He wished also to discover the sentiments of the other provincial
governors, so that all might act with one accord in defence of
liberty; and he desired to strengthen his own army sufficiently
so that his open declaration of loyalty to the Senate should carry
with it a weight and authority which it would not otherwise
possess. ' From this you can see that during all this long time
there has been no slumbering in ray devotion to tlie maintenance
of the vital interests of the State' (83.3, 5).t

This decided expression of devotion, after his long vacillation
which caused even Antony to speak of him as a sharer in his
designs,+ led Cicero to propose very complimentary votes in his

* Plancus appears to have been singularly successful in gaining the hearty co-
operation of the native Gauls to his rule, by a combination of military skill, justice,
and general discretion (789, 1 ; op. 833, 1 ; 897, 2 ; 907, 1). But still he felt that he
must be very Avatchful in respect of them, lest they should take Korae's difficulty for
their opportunity [lie inter aliena vitia hae gentes nostra mala suam putent occasionem,
808, 4).

t "What was the real cause of this sudden alteration of the views of Plancus, who
up to this had maintained a consistent reserve, and had expressed no decided opinion
against Antony? It was, as M. JuUien (p. 51) acutely sees, the demand of Antony to
be given Gallia Comata (cp. above, p. xxxiii) in exchange for Cisalpine Gaul (Phil. viii.
27). Plancxis had been, as the saying is, ' sitting on the hedge ' ; but now that one of
the parties interferes vitally with his interests, he takes a side ; and in this able and
audacious letter he does not apologise for his vacillation, but actually makes a merit of
it, and declares that he was acting all along in the interests of the State.

X Phil. xiii. 44.

xlii INTRODUCTION.

honour. Mucli opposition was causod to tliese votes, not merely
by religious scrui)les, urged by tlie praetor urbanus M. Cornutus,
who adjourned the meeting on April 7th, but especially by the
violent hostility of P. Servilius, — an uncompromising republican
of the Catouian stamp, who did not approve of granting such
extravagant honours to a man who merely did his duty — and of
the tribune, P. Titius. On the 8th, notwithstanding a decided
expression of dissent on the part of the Senate from the motion
of Servilius, Titius vetoed Cicero's proposal. Next day Cicero
delivered a violent invective — perhaps another lost Philippic* —
against Servilius, who came prepared to ' outstare the liglitning '
[lovi ipsi iniquus), and his henchman Titius, and carried his point.
A main cause of the defeat of Servilius was the receipt, during the
sitting, of a letter from Lentulus, pro-quaestor of Asia, relating
the successes of Cassius in Syria. f

Pansa left Rome for North Italy on March 20th ; and during
the latter part of March, and beginning of April, there was daily
expectation that a decisive engagement would soon be fought.
Cicero severely censures the long delay in bringing matters to a
crisis (836, 1). Hirtius and Octavian were besieging Bononia,
which was held by Antony's forces.J They had been waiting for
Pansa, and so fought no pitched battle, though they engaged the
enemy in many skirmishes. When Pansa arrived at Bononia
towards the middle of April, Antony's position at Mutina was
very much endangered. He advanced eastwards, along the
Aemilian road, against Pansa, and met him on April 15th, § at
Forum G-alloriim, where, after defeating Pansa, he was in turn

* That there were originally more than fourteen Philippics may he gathered from
Arusianus Messius (Keil's Gramm. Lat. vii. 467, 17) Bisceptata lis est, Cic. Phil. xvii.
non est ilia clisseiisio disceptata bello, cp. 15 ; alsoSchol. Boh., p. 286, quamvis
et in Fhilippicis mnlionem Veniidinm dixerit — neither of %vhich passages appears in
our extant Philippics.

t 838, 2-4; 839, 3.

X Antony had two Macedonian legions, the Alauda which had been all along
in Italy, one of evocati, and two of recruits ; that is, six in all. Pansa brought with
him four legions of recruits, and had left one at Eorae. Octavian, as we have seen
had five legions. We are not sure what forces Hirtius had.

§ On the day before April 14th there seems to have been some kind of engagement
between the forces of Antony and Octavian : cp. the Feriale Cumanum (C. I. L. x.

CICERO AT TUE HEAD OF THE STATE. xliii

defeated by Hirtius. A report of this battle was sent to Cicero
by Galba (841), one of the officers in the army of Pansa. The
battle with the forces of Pansa was divided into three parts, one
on the raised Aemilian road, and one on each side of it.* Gralba
narrowly escaped with his life, and Pansa received grievous
wounds. Octavian did good service in defending the camp against
an attack of L. Antonius. All these commanders were saluted as
imperatores by their soldiers. t A week later, on the 21st, + the
generals fought a battle with Antony, under the walls of Mutina.
We have no special details of the battle, but there is some
evidence that D. Brutus made an effective sally. § Antony
was utterly defeated, and fled. On the side of the Republicans
Pontius Aquila,|| a legate of Decimus, and Hirtius were killed. A
few days later Pansa died at Bonouia, from wounds received at

8375, 1. 14), xviii. K, Mai eo die Caesar primuni vicit. Supplicatio Victoriae Augnstae ;
also Ovid, Fast. iv. 627, hac Mutinensia Caesar Grandine militia contiidit anna sua :
cp. Mommsen, in Hermes xvii. (1S82), p. 636, who supposes that the attack on the
camp lasted two days.

* One of the most interesting points in reference to tliis battle is the amazement
which the recruits are said to have displayed at the stern silence and order with which
the veterans fought (App. iii. 68). Mr. Strachan-Davidson (Cicero 412-3) has valuable
remarks on the important effect which training had on the Italian temperament, and
the slight account in which veterans held recruits.

t Cp. Feriale Cumanum, 1. 15, xrii. K. Mai eo die Caesar primum iinperator
appellatus est. Supplicatio Felicitati Imperii; Phil. xiv. 18 ; Dio Cass. xlvi. 37-38.

+ The usual date assigned to the Battle of Mutina is April 27th. Lange (R. A. iii.
533-4), in passing, declared that the date was wrong, but gave no reasons. The
excellent and careful examination of the question by E. Schelle (Beitrage zur
Geschichte des Todeskampfes der rom. Republik, pp. 10-17) has proved the date to be
the 21st. The events then all fit together, like a dissected map. Among his arguments
are — (1) 854, written on May 5th, from Dertona, presupposes knowledge of the debate
at Rome, which took place on the arrival of the news of the Battle of Mutina. Dertona
is nearl}' 400 miles from Rome, a distance which a messenger would take eight days to
compass; therefore the debate must have been held about the 26th. (2) 852, 1,
relates that on the 27th a discussion was held at Rome in reference to the pursuit of the
Antonians, who had been declared enemies the day before. This declaration was not
made until the news of the Battle of Mutina arrived : cp. 846, 4. Scbelle's whole
paper is well worth reading. 0. E. Schmidt, in Jahrb. (1892), p. 326 fF., adds some
further confirmatory proofs, especially one in reference to the march of Ventidius : cp.
p. 1. below. ^

§ Cp. note to 857, 1 ; 886, 1.

II He had driven Munatius Plancus Bursa (not to be confounded with the Governor •
of Transalpine Gaul) out of PoUentia (Phil. xi. 14 ; Dio xlvi. 38).

xliv INTRODUCTION.

the Battle of Forum Gallorum. A suspicion, which, however,
rested ou no suificieiit grounds, attributed his death to poison,
administered by his physician Glyco, at the instance of Octavian.*
Cicero speaks cohlly of the dead consuls — * Wo have lost the two
consuls, good men, but no more. liirtius fell in the moment of
victorj^ after having won a great battle a few days before : for
Pansa had taken to flight after receiving a wound which he could
not bear up against.' It was naturally regarded as of evil omen
that both the consuls should have perished.

"While affairs were in the utmost uncertainty, on April 13th,
letters from M. Brutus and his prisoner, 0. Antonius, were deli-
vered at Rome by Pilius Celer, the father-iu-law of Atticus (842,
3-4). The letter from Antonius bore the inscription * Antonius
pi'oconsul.' So the rebel prisoner was allowed by the patriot
Brutus to bear one of the highest titles of the State. Letters
arrived too from ' Dolabella Imperator'; but the friends of Dola-
bella had not the impudence of Pilius, and did not deliver them.
The letters of M. Brutus spoke very gently of the conduct of
Antonius. The senate were naturally disconcerted. It looked
like treachery. What were Cicero and the other patriot friends
of Brutus to do ? Cicero asks Brutus himself that question —

' Declare them false ? But perhaps you would acknowledge them.
Allow that they were genuine ? Then they would he unAvorthy of your
high position.'

Labeo declared them a forgery : they had not the seal of Brutus,
w^ere undated, and were unaccompanied by any private letters to
the friends of Brutus. Cicero continues : —

' From these arguments Labeo wished to infer that the letters were
forgeries ; and if you would know, he won credence for his theory.'

The letters were, of course, genuine. Brutus was trying to make
friends with the Antonians. His real friends saved his honour by
an audacious falsehood ; and the defeat of Antony, which speedily
followed, was a sufficient reason for Brutus to acquiesce in the
course which had been taken for him, and to say nothing more
about the letters.

* Cp. note to 867, 2, and Tac. .^nn. i. 10.

CICERO AT TEE HEAD OF TEE STATE. xlv

About the 17th, news arrived in Eome that Antony had gained
a victory, and was marching on the city. Then followed three
days of grave anxiety for Cicero and the constitutionalists (844,2).
Pansa was reported to have been slain, and tlie Antonians spread
a rumour that Cicero intended to assume the consulship thereby
vacant. When the rumour began to gain credence, and excite-
ment was rising, on the 20th Cicero's good friend, the tribune
Appuleius, called a meeting, and showed that such rumours were
unfounded and absurd. A few hours later authentic news of the
Battle of Forum Grallorum arrived, whereupon the people made
a demonstration in Cicero's honour, which, as he says himself,
' amply rewarded (if true and real merit claims any reward) my
days and nights of labour on their behalf.' He was carried to the
Capitol ' almost in triumph ' * by the enthusiastic crowd, and
again to the Rostra, applauded and congratulated, and unani-
mously acknowledged by the people as tlieir saviour. *That,'
says Cicero, ' is, in my opinion, a legitimate and real triumph
when an unanimous state recognizes the merits of those who have
done her signal service.' f

On the 21st a meeting of the senate was held, and P. Servilius
proposed that the sagum be laid aside, and the toga be resumed ;
and that a public thanksgiving be held in honour of the victory.
Cicero, though he must have been wrought into a great state of
excitement by the apparent success of his policy, in the Four-
teenth Philippic deprecated the adoption of the garb of peace
until the siege of Mutina was raised ; but he warmly supported
the proposal of Servilius, that a public thanksgiving should be
held in honour of the generals, and voted that it should extend to
fifty days. ' Servilius,' he said, ' by moving for a thanksgiving,
has implicitly proved Antony and his followers to be enemies ; for
a thanksgiving has never been voted in the case of a war between
citizens.' He renewed his promises to the soldiers; proposed that a
monument be erected in honour of the fallen ; and, after the high
Roman fashion, spoke weighty and solemn words on the shortness
of life and the eternity of glory. + This speech, the last public
utterance which we have of Cicero's, is in his highest strain, and is

* Phil. xiv. 12. t 844, 2; Phil. xiv. 12, 13. J Phil. xiv. 22, 32.

VOL. VI. e

xlvi INTRODUCTION. /

in every respect worthy of tlie orator who delivered it, of the
language he spoke, and of the Roman nanae.

News of the Battle of Mutina, which/was fought on the 21st,
reached Home about the evening of the 2/5th, and on the following
day Antony and his party were formally declared public enemies.
At the same time, at the instance of C^eero, extravagant honours
were voted to D. Brutus, though not without opposition (854, 1).
It was decreed that a thanksgiving of fifty days be held in his
honour : that he should have a triumph, and — a most unusual
grant in the case of a mortal man — tliat, as his birthday was the
day on which the Battle of Mutina was fought, his name should
be inserted in the Calendar ' as an 6,'verlasting memorial of a most
welcome victory.' * To the consuls were voted statues and a
public funeral, to the soldiers payment of the promised donative,
and it was determined that Ocf.avian should enter the city in
ovation, t

For this ' squandering ' + of honours Cicero was severely criti-
cised by Brutus, and especially censured for the distinctions which
were given to Octavian. Brutus considered that Cicero's conduct
in this respect was much more ill-judged than the clemency which
he himself showed to C. Autonius (857, 2). We may be well-
assured that there were many in the Senate who entertained the
same short-sighted and small-minded views, and who thought
that they need not any longer pay heed to Octavian. Not to
speak of the contrast between the triumph of Decimus and the
ovation of Octavian — the facts that Decimus was officially com-
missioned to take command of the consular armies, and to pursue
Antony ; that Sext. Pompeius was appointed to take command of
the fleet; and that Cassius had been ordered to pursue Dolabella, to

* 9U, 8 : cp. App. iii. 74 ; Dio Cass. xlvi. 39, 40 ; Veil. ii. 62, 4. Dio says a
sixty days' thanksgiving was voted.

t 914, 9 ; Veil. ii. 62, 5, and Appian iii. 74 are in error when they say no mention
was made of Octavian at all. Appian waxes very indignant at the extravagant conduct
of Cicero in his hostility to Antony — ' such frenzy and lack of dignity did he display '
{Toaovros ?iv olarpos auT<f Kar^ ^ AvTooviov Kal aireipoKa\la).

J Cp. 914, 3, umtm reprehendebas quod i>i honoribus decernendis essem nimius et
tanquam prodigiis. This is almost the sole topic of 864 and 865. These letters are
generally regarded as forgeries ; but the arguments tending that way are not con-
clusive : see notes.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE. xlvii

liold the province of Syria, and to have a mains imjjerium in the
other provinces east of Greece — all liigh honours bestowed on the
murderers of Caesar — must have clearly shown Octavian the
course in which the Senate was proceeding to direct its policy, and
must have warned him of the ' shelving,' if nothing worse, which
awaited him if he did not act iu self-defence, with judgment,
energy, and decision.*

An opportunity to exhibit that energy and decision was given
by a paltry attempt of the Senate to communicate the resolution
which had been passed to the soldiers of Octavian without his
knowledge.! His soldiers, he knew, were thoroughly loyal to
him, and brooked ill that he and they should be put in an inferior
position to the soldiers of Decimus, He accordingly demanded
a triumph for himself. Meanwhile he remained inactive, and
took no measures to pursue Antony, or hinder Ventidius, the
trusty lieutenant of Antony, from marching across country to join
him; nay, he even treated stragglers of the enemy with the
greatest consideration, enrolling some in his army, sending away
those who wished to join their general's forces, and in many ways
making it plain that he was not by any means to be regarded as
an implacable enemy of Antony's.:}: Decimus Brutus, writing
from Dertona, on May 5th, says (854, 4) : —

'If Caesar had heeded me. and crossed the Appennines, I should
have reduced Antony to such straits, that he would have perished of

* There is a story, in Appian, iii. 75-6, that Pansa, on his death-bed, told Octavian
that the Senate hoped that, when he and Antony quarrelled, they would be able to get
the better of the survivor, and then, crushing the whole Caesarian party, would succeed
in resuscitating that of Pompey. ' This,' he said, ' was their main policy' (rJSe ydp
4aTiv avTo'ts ttjs ypu/xrjs rb Ke(pd\aiov). Pansa says further, that he and Hii-tius were
Caesarians at heart, but concealed their real sentiments until some restraint was put
upon Antony, who was so aggressive and insolent {4irnro\d^ovTa vnepoxpia). We read
in the same author (iii. 65) that, in the early part of the year, Hirtius divided his
recruits with Octavian, and, under orders from the Senate, asked Octavian to give him
some of his tried soldiers — a request which Octavian did not feel himself able to
refuse.

t Cp. Veil. ii. 62, 5, Caesaris adeo nulla habita mentio, ut legati, qui ad exercitum
eiiis missi erant, iuberentur summoto eomUites alloqui. Nonfuit tarn ingratus exercitus,
quam fuerat senatus ; nam cum earn inittriam dissimulando Caesar ferret, negavere
milites sine imperatore stio ulla se audiiuros mandata.

% App. iii. 80.

xlviii INTRODUCTION.

hunger, and not by the sword ; but Caesar cannot be obedient himself,
nor secure the obedience of his army, both most disastrous conditions of
things.'

After having been released from Mutina, D. Brutus did not
pursue Antony at once. This was plainly made a ground of
censure,* and Brutus feels it necessary to defend himself (859,

' I could not, ray dear Cicero, pursue Antony at once, for the following
reasons : — I had neither cavalry, nor pack-animals. I did not know that
Hirtius, I did not know that Aquila, had fallen. I could not feel
confidence in Caesar until I met him, and talked with him. Thus the
first day after mj' release passed. The next morning I was summoned to
Bononia, to see Pansa. On the way information reached me that he was
dead. I hastened back to the wreckage of my forces {ad mens copiohis) — for
so I must call them : they are grievously thinned, and in miserable plight
from want of all necessaries.! Antony got two days start of me, and
marched much further each day in his flight, than I did in pursuit ; for
he went in disorder, I in regular marching arraj'. Wherever he went he
opened slave-jails, and carried the country-folk along with him. He
never halted until he reached Vada.'

Decimus, on the 22nd, appears to have had an imsatisfactory
interchange of messages with Octavian. According to Appian
(iii. 73), he solicited an interview, protesting that he had been mad
to join the conspiracy against Julius Caesar [on Sai/xoviov avrbv
i[i\aip£v). Octavian rejected the offer with rudeness and threats.
' I did not come,* he said, ' to rescue Decimus, but to fight against
Antony. No scruple forbids reconciliation with /lim; but it is not
in the nature of things that I should look upon the face, or listen
to the words, of Decimus. Let him remain safe as long as the
government at home thinks fit.' Whereupon Decimus stood at
the other side of the river (Scultenna), read aloud the decree
investing him with Cisalpine Gaul, and forbade Octavian to cross
the river, or pursue Antony. He proudly declared that he was
quite able to do that himself. He seems to have calculated that
the Martian and Fourth legions would join him, in obedience to

* 863, 2 : cp. 897, 2, where Cicero attributes the futility of the \ictory at Mutina
to the ' many faults ' of Brutus.

+ Cp. App. iii. 81, AeK/uLcp 5' 6 apxaios arparhs ivocrei TrtfXTr\d/j.ei/os eK \i/j.ov Kal Ta%
yacTTtpas Kareppriyi'vi'TO, '6 re yeoiTTpaTevTOS a.yvjJ.va(rTos en ^y.

CICERO AT TEE HEAD OF THE STATE. xlix

the order of the senate ; but in that he was disappointed (875, 1 ;
886, 2). Nor did Octavian give him a single legion of Pansa's
army (877, 4). Like so many of Appian's narratives, this story,
though probably a complete fabrication, and certainly representing
Octavian as expressing himself with very uncharacteristic im-
petuosity, doubtless represents the real feelings of the two men.
We may fairly regard the conduct of Octavian at this time, in
allowing Antony to escape, as indicating the turning-point in his
attitude towards the senatorial party.

Antony determined not to continue the contest about Mutina.
Appian (iii. 72) considers that he should have done so, and that the
gods blinded him when they disposed him to retreat. But Appian
gives good reasons why he did retreat. He feared that Octavian,
if he remained where he was, would surround him. His cavalry
being useless, he would suffer a defeat ; and in that case, Lepidus
aud Plancus would scorn him ;*' while, by retiring, he would be
able to unite with Yentidius, and afterwards with Lepidus and
Plancus. Accordingly, he left Mutina on April 22nd, with what
remained of his six legions, marched south into Etruria, gathered
together every man he could, and struck across country westwards
towards Yada Sabatia, a coast-town, about thirty miles west of
Genoa. He wanted to be near Lepidus, whom he knew how to
influence. This was one of the occasions on which Antony showed
in the highest degree his promptitude in action and his other
soldier-like qualities. Shakespeare, in some energetic verses, has
represented Octavius Caesar, when Antony in his later days was
sunk in luxury and weakness, as calling to mind the recollection
of these, his days of privation and strength : —

* Antony,
Leave thy lascivious wassails. When thou once
Wast beaten from Modena, where thou slew'st
Hirtiiis and Pansa, consuls, at thy heel
Did famine follow ; whom thou fought' st against,
Though daintily brought np, with patience more
Than savages could suffer : thou didst drink
The stale of horses, and the gilded puddle

* Cp. 847, 2, Plancum qnoque conjirmelis oro, quern spero, pulso Antonio, rei p. noK
■defutiirum ; App. iii. 72, inrepS^^Tai /xe AeiriSos Kal TlXdyKos TirTwfxevov,

1 INTRODUCTION.

Which beasts would cougli at : thy palate then did deigu

The roughest berry on the rudest hedge :

Yea, like the stag, when snow the pasture sheets,

The barks of trees thou browsed'st ; on the Alps

It is reported thou didst eat strange flesh,

Wliich some did die to look on : and all this—

It wounds thine honour that I speak it now —

Was borne so like a soldier, that thy cheek

So much as lank'd not.'*

And he was ably seconded by bis lieutenant, Ventidius. This
competent subordinate was probably atFaventia during the battles
about Mutina, and now made a most brilliant and rapid marcb
across the Appennines, with three legions, joining Antony at Vada
about May 3rd or 4th. f Thus joined, they proceeded across the
Maritime Alps to the south of the province, where Lepidus lay
near Forum Yoconii, and encamped at Forum Julii, about twenty-
four Roman miles distant. In the passage of the Alps not only was
Antony not hindered by Culleo, the lieutenant of Lepidus, but
that officer actually deserted to him. J When Antony arrived at

* Antony and Cleopatra, i. 4, 56 ff. : cp. Plut. Ant. 17, from whom these details
are taken.

t Ventidius, one of the stock examples of the successful man — from car-driver
(mulio) to triiimphator — was a devoted follower of Antony. He did not go with him to
Gaul in December, 710 (44), but remained (perhaps collecting soldiers) in Apulia, or
Campania. At the beginning of March, 711 (43), he appears to have been at Ancona
(Phil. xii. 23, delivered March 8th). He had three veteran legions (890, 4) ; but he
failed to prevent Pansa from reaching Mutina, for the latter went by the Via Cassia,
which joins the Via Aemilia at Bononia, and not by the Via Flaminia. On seeing that
Pansa had eluded him, Ventidius appears to have marched up the Via Aemilia as far as
Faventia, where he was posted when the Battle of Mutina was fought, on April 21st.
From Faventia to Vada is at least 200 Eoman miles ; therefore Ventidius marched
about seventeen miles a-day on an average, which was very good marching across
mountains {trntis jippenninum itinere facto difficiUimo, 854,3). Caesar's march along
the high road, from Corfinium to Brundisium, about 320 miles, in sixteen days, was
considered a great feat. See a fine article by 0. E. Schmidt on Ventidius, in
Philologus (1892), pp. 198-213. (We have an interesting glimpse of Ventidius, the
prudent subordinate, in Shakespeare, Ant. and Cleop. iii. 1.) If we suppose that the
Battle of Mutina was fought on April 27th, we have the absurd result, that Ventidius
marched across the mountains at the rate of thirty-five miles a-day, for six consecutive
days. That Ventidius had joined Antony at Vada on May 3rd, is proved from 854,
3, written from Dertona, about eighty miles from Vada, on the 5tb.

% 869, 2 ; App. iii. 83.

CICERO AT THE EEAD OF THE STATE. li

Forum JuHi, Lepidus moved up closer to him, to the river Argen-
teus, and the soldiers of the two commanders began to hold inter-
course with one another.* One of his officers, Silanus (son of the
notorious Servilia, mother of M. Brutus), had fought on the side
of Antony at Forum Grallorum and Mutina ; but Lepidus, who
was utterly averse from any kind of effort, did not think that it
was incumbent on him to do anything more than refuse to give
Silanus any command. Still Lepidus was apparently loyal to the
State, and was earnestly supported in that course by his lieutenant
Laterensis. Lepidus continued to appear to co-operate with Plan-
cus, who would seem at this time to have been much more staunch
in his allegiance, and, if we may judge from his letters, to have
been very solicitous to retain Lepidus in his loyalty ; but he was
sore perplexed ; he feared both disaffection in the army of
Lepidus, and treachery in their general — the ulcerous place was
but skinned and filmed, as he expresses it.f

The disappointment of Cicero at the escape of Antony is
shown especially in his correspondence with Plancus. Cicero
reminds him that a foe's final destruction is as sweet as his first
repulse, and urges him to leave not a spark of this most horrible
war alive. ' Whoever crushes Antony will be the finisher of the
war. Homer, remember, does not style Ajax or Achilles but
Ulysses as the "city-taker."' Vigorous action is what is re-
quired. Plancus should not refer any matters to the Senate
where his proposals will meet with opposition. No, he must be
self-reliant. ' Be your own Senate : follow where the interests
of the State lead you, and see that we hear of the accomplishment
of some signal success before we think of its possibility.'!

Plancus had crossed to Phone on the 26th of April (845 ;
855, 1), and received news of the Battle of Mutina a few days
later, while still in the territory of the Allobroges. He wrote to
Cicero, almost assuming that Lepidus would join with Antony.
His view in brief is this (848, 2) — ' If Antony has no forces to

* 869, 1 ; 872, 1. Antony appears to have sent messengers to Pollio and Plancus
also, to solicit their assistance (855, 1).

t 870, 3, sed non possum non exhorrescere, si quid intra cut em snbest
vulneris, quod prints nocere potest quam scii'i eurarique possit.

X 881, 2 ; cp. 853, 1 ; 858, 2 ; 879, 2 ; 884, 3.

lii INTRODUCTION,

speak of, I shall be easily able to hold my own against liira and
Lepidus ; but if he has any troops with him, especially if he
secures the Teutli Legion, I thiuk I shall be able to avert disaster
if forces are sent me from Rome. Meanwhile I am doing all I
can to keep Lepidus loj^al.'* When he lieard tliat Antony, his
brother Lucius with a force of cavalry, and Ventidius had arrived
in the south of the province, he crossed the Isara on May 12th,
and had marched two days' journey south, when lie received a
notification from Lepidus that he was to come no nearer, as he
could finish the business by himself (861, 2 se jiosse per se conficere
negotium). Plancus retired to the Isara ; but on the 18th again
marched south (861, 2),

' as I thought I could not detract aught from the glory of that paltry
{ieiuni) creature (i.e. Lepidus), and in order that I might be in the
neighbourhood, so as to be able to bring assistance with rapidity, if any
difficulty should arise.'

Lepidus still continued to pretend to be loyal, and wrote both
to Plancus, proposing concerted action,! and to Cicero, assuring
him of his devotion to the State (869 ; 876) ; yet on the 29th he
joined forces with Antony, after making some pretence of being
coerced into taking this step. The forces thus united now
amounted to ten full, and six fragmentary, legions. Lepidus had
seven (among them the Tenth), Ventidius three, and Antony the
six fragmentary ones. In his official letter (885) to the Senate,
Lepidus says : —

' The whole army, in continuance of its practice of preserving the
Roman citizens, and maintaining a general peace, mutinied, and compelled
me to support the cause of the lives and civil rights of such a number of
Roman citizens. 'J

* Plancus continued to ask urgently for reinforcements, 861, 6.

t 870, 2 ; 872, 3. He sent his trusty freedman, Apella, as a hostage and token of
his loyalty ; and also sent some officers to negotiate with him ; hut these Plancus
refused to receive (895, 5).

X 885, 1, where see note. This was the usual plea for deserting the State: cp.
861, 4. The rather ridiculous story told in Plut. Ant. 18 represents Lepidus as being
more loyal. It is certain that a large poilion of the army of J^epidus had been for a
long time disaffected and alienated from the Senate (860, 3 ; 870, 2). VeUeius, ii. 63,
gives thefollowing account of the affair — Inter im Antoniiis, fuga transgressus Alpes, prima

CICERO AT THE READ OF THE STATE. liii

The really loyal Laterensis killed himself before the whole
army.* Plancus retreated hastily to Cularo (GrenoLIe), on the
Isara, where we find him on June 4th (895, 3). There about a
week later, apparently on the 12th, he was joined by Decimus
Brutus.

After his meeting with Octavian, on the 22nd, Decimus pro-
ceeded, on the 23rd, towards Bouonia, hoping to see Pansa.
Hearing on the journey that Pansa was dead, Brutus returned to
Mutina, and started next day, along the Aemilian road, to Regium
Lepidi. He reached that town on the 25th, but found his army
so ill and weakened, after their long privations in Mutina,t and
so badly off for supplies and transport, that he had to delay there
some days, probably till about the 29th. He wrote to Cicero
(847), urging that the home government should send messages to
that ' weather- cock' {liomlnem ventosissimiim) Lepidus, to Asinius
Pollio, and to Plancus, urging them to continue loyal to the
State, and not to have any dealings with Antony. On the 30th
he was at Parma (849), and on May 5th at Dertona (854). On
the 6th he wrote from the borders of Aquae Statiellae, and on the
10th from Pollentia (859). He had succeeded in getting posses-
sion of that town just before a detachment of Antony's troops,
under Trebellius, arrived before it. On this success he appears
to have laid considerable weight : it would seem that he did not
expect that Antony would cross the Alps. But when he saw that
such was Antony's intention, he felt sure that Lepidus was in
communication with him. Accordingly he struck up north to join
Plancus. On the 21st he wrote from Vercellae (875), and on the
24th and 25th from Eporedia (877, 878). He appears to have
had some slight hopes of the loyalty of Lepidus, and stated that
he would not leave Italy unless it was absolutely imperative for
him to do so. From Eporedia he advanced to Vitricium, from
which place he appears to have written 892, after having heard of

2}er colloquia repiihits a M. Zepido, qui pontifex maximus in C. Caesaris locum farto
creaius decreta sibi Hispatna adhuc in Gallia morabatur, mox saepius in conspectuin
veniens militum {cum et Lepido omnis impcratoresforent melioreset muliis Autonius, duiii
erat sobrius) per avcrsa castroruin pioruto lallo a militibus receptus est.

* Dio Cass. xlvi. 51, 3.

t Cp. p. xlviii above.

liv INTRODUCTION.

tlie iiiiion of Anton}' find Lepidus ; and crossing the Graian Alps,
joined Plancus at Cularo about tlio 12tli.*

Moanwliile, the Senate were somewhat perplexed as to the
manner in which they should treat Ootavian, and also as to the
effective method of fulfilling their promises to the soldiers. Cicero
proposed the bestowal of some additional honour on the young
man (886, 1), of which we are not further informed.! As early
as April, Cicero, while acknowledging the marvellous manliness of
nature in Octavian, had begun to feel doubts as to his power to
guide him (844, 1) ; and he appears to have angered Octavian
grievously by a terse and alliterative expression or 'jingle' [cauti-
Icnaiit) as to the policy which should be adopted with regard to him
— a policy of 'lauding, applauding, discarding. 'J Octavian said he
would see that he wasn't ' discarded.' As regards the soldiers the
Senate appointed a Commission of Ten (which included Cicero) to
distribute lands to them, but emphasised its lack of appreciation
of the feelings of the soldiers by putting neither Octavian nor
Decimus on the Commission ; so that we are not surprised to learn
that the soldiers were ' mightily indignant. '§

* Cp. note to 900.

t It was not the grant of the ornament a consular ia, and a seat and vote in the
Senate among the consulares, as Dio says (xlvi. 46, 3) : cp. p. xxx above.

\ 877, 1, laudanchun adolescentem, ornandum, tollendimi. The sentence is, in a
measure, untranslateable, and the alliteration cannot be wholly maintained, as English
has not a dissyllabic termination for any part of the verb. But, as fur as meaning goes,
the translation given is nearly adequate : tollere adolescentem used absolutely cannot
mean anything else but ' shelving,' or 'removing,' or * making away with' the young
man: it cannot mean ' raise to honour' without some additional words (e.g. tergeminis
tollere honoribus, Hor. Od. i. 1, 8), any more than 'to raise ' with us can have such a
meaning without an addition. Velleius, however, would seem to hold that tollere
could be used absoluttdy in this sense of 'honouring,' ii. 62, 6, Cicero insiio amore
Tompeianarum partium Caesarem laudandum et tollendum cetisebat cum aliud diceret
allied intellegi vellet, as well as ' making away with.' If it could have that meaning,
'lauding, applauding, and rewarding' (get his reward), woiild tlien go somewhat near
the actual meaning.

§ maxime indignari, 877, 1. In this letter, §§ 2, 4, it is interesting to note the
solicitude which Decimus expresses for Cicero — ' I would have you be careful, and on
the M'atch against treachery ; for I do not regard or prize anything more higlily than
your life. I write for love of you, and desire for peace, which cannot exist without
you.' He advocates a policy of conciliation towards the veterans as far as possible.
Besides this commission to distribute lands, there would appear to have been another

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE, Iv

To face the united forces of Lepidus and Antony, the Senate
had no armies immediately available except those of Plancus and
D. Brutus.* They ordered Titus Sextius, governor of Numidia,
to send two legions, and to put the remaining legion which he had
under the command of Cornificius, governor of Africa. They
recalled Asinius Pollio from Further Spain. Pollio professed him-
self loyal to the Senate ; 'I do not wish,' he says, ' to fail in aiding
or to survive the Republic' (890, 5). But his forces were small, only
three legions, and were being influenced by extravagant promises
on the part of Antony ; and it was exceedingly difficult for him to
make his way into Italy by land if Lepidus and Antony opposed
him (890, 2; 896, 4). But not only did the Senate want forces;
it was also in the most grievous straits for money. Benevolences
were no longer forthcoming : there was an ill-response to a
property-tax of one per cent. — the first which had been raised
since the Battle of Pydna — and the most shameless statements
of property were made by the wealthy. f The amount raised was
comparatively trifling. Cicero says that it was scarcely sufiicient
to pay the bounties of two legions. What money was available
had been voted to D. Brutus on June 6th. J The Treasury was
bankrupt ; and there were greedy legionaries everywhere clamour-
ing for rewards; even Plancus had repeatedly urged that his
soldiers, too, should receive something, so that they might not be
influenced by the extravagant promises of Antony. There was no
way to get money but by spoliation. The Triumvirs afterwards
saw this ; and their need of money was the main cause of the
proscriptions.

commission appointed to inquire into the public acts of Antony, which Appian (iii. 82,
85, 86) says was a preliminary step towards the reversal of Caesar's decrees. But
perhaps Appian has confused this commission with the other, which he does not men-
tion ; and Caesar's decrees seem to have been dealt with as the Senate wished by the
laws of Pansa, passed in February : cp. p. xxsiv above.

* Plancus appears to have had three veteran legions, and one of recruits, which he
declares M'as the finest of them all {vel luculentissinia ex omnibus). In 833, 6. he
speaks of five legions ; but in 860, 3, only of four. D. Brutus had one veteran legion,
one of soldiers who had served for two years, and eight of recruits : cp. 916, 3.

t Cp. 915, 5, written on July 27th.

J Decimus had spent all his own large fortune, and had induced many of his
friends to lend him considerable sums. 'I cannot,' he says (854, 5), *if I had all
^ arro's ti-easures, meet the expenses which I have to incur.

Ivi lyrii OB UCTION.

Towards the end of Maj'', Cicero wroto sadly to Decimus
(886, 1, 3) : —

'My efforts, dear Brutus, are paralysed [plane icnn, lirule^ fritjeo): for
the Senate was my instrumeut, aud it is now shattered. So great a liope
of assured victory did your glorious sally from Mutina, and tlie fiij^ht of
Antony with broken forces arouse, that the spirits of all at once became
supine, and all tliose passionate efforts of mine seemed as of one that beateth
the air {tanquam a-Kia/jLaxiat) . . . You have written to me that you are in
receipt of letters from Plancus stating that Antony has not been received
by Lepidus. If this is so, our whole course is easier ; but if not, it is a
serious matter. The end of it has no terrors for me : it is you who will
have to play the part. I can do no more than I have done. However, as
it is my hope, so it is my desire, tliat I may see you, of all men, in the
greatest and most illustrious position.'

The news of the juncture of Antony and Lepidus must have
reached Rome about June 8th, and caused sore perplexity. The
party led by Cicero were still for energetic measures and for
declaring Lepidus an enemy at once. But besides the Antonian
party in the Senate, Lepidus had an important friend in his
brother-in-law Marcus Brutus. Dio Cassius (xlvi. 50) says that
the reply of the Senate to Lepidus was an order to co-operate
Avith Plancus in settling at Lugudunum the colonists of Vienna
(Vienne) who had been expelled by the Allobroges. This was
afterwards effected by Plancus.* Octavian, according to Appian
(iii. 85), was ordered to conduct the war against Antony, along
with Decimus Brutus — in Appiau's judgment a most unseemly
order {/naX cnrpiTrwg) ; but his legions, the Fourth and the Martian,
refused positively to join Decimus. The Senate had repeatedly
passed decrees that M. Brutus, Cassius, aud Sext. Pompeius should

* The subsequent outlawry of Lepidus precluded his taking any p;irt in the
foundation. The first steps were taken by Plancus about August. No account of this
business is found in Cicero's Correspondence. The colonists planted in Lugudunum
appear to have been the Roman colonists planted by Caesar at Vienne, probably about
709 (45), who were driven out by the native Allobroges early in 711 (43). Tbe fact
that tbe Allobroges seem to have been loyal to the senatorial commanders (900, 4),
induced tbe Senate to acquiesce in their recovery of Vienne, and to look elsewhere for
lands on which to plant the expelled Romans (cp. E. Jullien, Ze fondateur de Lyon
chap. iv. and p. Ixxi below).

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE. Ivii

return, but these decrees had been vetoed.* Finally, on June 30,
tlie Senate summoned up courage to pass a decree declaring
Lepidus a public enemy, and confiscating his property. This was
of course very proper : but they ought to have taken more decided
steps to enforce this decree and to inflict punishment on the enemies
of the State. Yet they could do nothing but pass decrees. f It
would seem that they trusted to Decimus and Plancus on the one
liand, and to Octavian on tlie other, and fancied that tliey
would attack Lepidus and Antony from both sides, while Pollio
might lend assistance by an assault from the rear. But all
these hopes were bitterly disappointed.

During the whole of July, Plancus and Decimus did not stir.
The fact was, they could not trust their soldiers. No reward had
been given by the Senate to their legions, and the most extrava-
gant promises had been made them by Antony.J The forces, too,
of Plancus and Decimus consisted so largely of recruits that thej'
feared to risk a battle ; and further, notwithstanding urgent
appeals from Plancus, Octavian did not proceed to his assistance.
The blame for the whole position, according to Plancus, rested with
Octavian. While professing much regard for the young man, he
adds (916, 6) :—

*biit — and what I write, I write rather in sorrow than in anger — that
Antony is alive to-day, that Lepidus has joined him, that they have an
army far from contemptible, that they ai-e full of hopes and dariug — all
this is due to Caesar.'

Antony and Lepidus also did not stir. They knew that it was
only a matter of time to draw over to themselves the armies of
Plancus and Decimus. Marcus Brutus most unaccountably did
not make any reply to the urgent appeals from the Senate to
return to Italy. § Cicero also wrote to Cassius urging him to

* Cp. 897, 1, senatus auctoritate. Appian (iii. 85) says the Ciceronian party sent
secretly {Kpixpa) to M. Bnitiis, urging his return.

1" Dio Cass. xlvi. 50, 5, acrOsveaTaTayap -^Sri to, ^ri(piaiJ.aTaTrphs robs ras Svi/d/xeis
t^ovras ijyero.

X See above, p. Iv.

§ 897, 1 ; 909, 2. Though Brutus made no motion to help Cicero and his party in the
city who were in sore need, he wrote very urgently to him, appealing to their mutual
friendship and his own constant kindness to Ciceio, that no severe measirres be taken

Iviii INTRODUCTION.

i-etiirn.* In Jn\y Cicero appears to have expected the arrival of
Brutus almost immcdiatoly.t But uoue of all these commandors
made any move. The young man who was to be * discarded/ but
who declared that lie would take care he should not be so treated,
was the first to make a decided step. He sent an embassy of
400 of his soldiers and centurions to Home to demand for themselves
the promised rewards and the consulship for their general. +

This was not the first the Senate had heard of a demand by a
boy of eighteen years for an office which it was not customary to
hold before the ripe age of forty-three. The State had remained
for some months without consuls, not merely owing to the techni-
cal dilhculties as to the proper means of electing them — now that
it was no longer possible to have recourse to a dictator, nor feasible
to appoint an interrex§ — but also to the keen canvass (854, 2).
The high position of Cicero, and his well-known desire for office,
pointed him out as a likely aspirant ; and M. Brutus, as early as
May, heard a rumour that he was actually elected. In the same
letter Brutus had expressed fears that Octaviau, if made consul,
would never afterwards submit to play a subordinate part (866, 4).
In the later historians — there is no hint in Cicero — we hear of a
proposal of Octavian that he and Cicero should be the new consuls.]!

against the children of Lepidus ; and praying that their kinship with Brutus (his
sister was married to Lepidus) might outweigh the fact that they were the children of
Lepidus. It is characteristic of the irritable arrogance of Brutus that he says he
cannot, and ought not, to he expected to write at greater length owing to his
anxiety and vexation (908, 1—2). Though in theory approving of the execution of
the law in all its strictness on the children of the traitor, in reality Cicero used his
influence for their preservation (914, 11, 12; 915, 6). Perhaps 914, 12 was a
specially private letter to Brutus, while §§ 3 to 11 were rather of the nature of a
document which he wished to be made public.

* 898, 2 ; 904, 2 ; 910, 2-4.

t 910, 4 : cp. 913, 2; 914, 12.

X App. iii. 87.

§ See note to 852, 4.

II Appian (iii. 82) says that when Octavian made this proposal to Cicero, the latter,
owing to his love of office (Sia <pi\apxiay), advised the Senate to make a friend of
Octavian as he had an army, and to give him as colleague a judicious elderly statesman
{rwv TLva TTpecrfivTepcav ^/xtppova). But the Senate laughed at Cicero for his love of
office ; and the relations of the tyrannicides opposed the candidature of Octavian ; for,
they knew he would, if elected, avenge the murder of Caesar : cp. Dio Cass. xlvi. 42, 2 ;
Plut. Cic. 45 fin.

CICERO AT THE READ OF TEE STATE. lix

Whatever the truth of this may be, it is certain that Octaviau had
set himself to obtain the consulship before the year was out, so
that he might have, as counterbalance to his youth, in addition to
his strong military forces, a strong constitutional position which
would enable him to act on equal terms either as friend or foe
with the other commanders who were his seniors and at the head
of considerable armies. Moreover he had many supporters among
the people at Rome, though none in the Senate (897, 3). Cicero
earnestly dissuaded him from his aspirations and disclosed in the
Senate ' the source of these most criminal designs.'* In this letter
Cicero says that he never saw the Senate better ; not a single
senator, or magistrate, or private member was found to urge
Octavian's claim. But still the State was agitated;

' for we are flouted, my dear Brutus, as well by the supercilious demands
[deliciis) of the soldiers as by the extravag-auce of the general. Each one
claims to have influence in the State proportional to the forces under
his command. No weight is attached to reason, moderation, statute law,
custom, duty; none to the expressed judgment, the deliberate opinion of
the citizens ; none to respect for after ages.'f

Even in July, Cicero was not hopeless that he would be able to
influence Octavian, though he acknowledges that he must bring
up all his engines to his aid in this matter (915, 4). It would
appear that the Senate compromised the matter by allowing him
to stand for the praetorship.+ Probably it was on receipt of this
offer that Octavian, after delivering a fine indignant speech, sent
the embassy of centurions and soldiers. §

But the Senate refused this embassy their demand of the
consulship for Octavian, and said nothing decisive about the
money. II The embassy made a third demand that the vote

* 897, 3, scelerdtissimoruni consiliorHni fontes, op. note.

t Plancus speaks of the pressing demands of Octavian for the consulship as 'fatuous'
(insulsa cum efflagitatione, 916, 6).

I Dio xlvi. 41,3.

§ App. iii. 86-87 ; Suet. Aug. 26.

II The centurions urged as precedents for the grant of consulship before the legal
age the cases of Scipio, Pompey, and Dolabella (App. iii. 88). A story is told that
one of the centurions, on leaving the Senate, grasped his sword and said, ' If yoii will not
give Caesar the consulship, this will.' To which Cicero replied sarcastically, ' If you
press your demand iu this way, he will obtain it ' [av ovrws irapaKaXrjre, Ai7i|/€Tat
aiiTTiv). And this, says Dio, caused Cicero's death (xlvi. 43, 4).

Ix INTRODUCTION.

declaring Antony au enemy should be repealed. This should
have opened the eyes of the Senate to the fact tliat Octavian
and Antony were already iu concert, and shown them that sub-
mission alone was possible. On the return of tlie soldiers, early
iu August, Octavian promptly crossed the Hubicon and with eiglit
legions, and their cavalry and auxiliaries, marched down on
Rome.*

Tlie last full letter written by Cicero wliicli is extant is
addressed to M. Brutus, and bears date July 27. It was written
just before the crisis. The history of the events which occurred
during August must be gathered from Appian wlio follows
authorities bitterly hostile to Cicero and his policy. According
to him, messengers from the Senate met Octavian with money to
pay the donatives, but were frightened away by his orders, as he
feared that they might cause disaffection iu his army. Ou their
arrival in the city, a panic ensued, and ' as happens in times of alarm
everyone blamed his fellow,' and the various slights which they
had put on Octavian stood out in all their glaring folly. Cicero,
who was up to that time prominent (o? riiog avToXq iTreTroAo^tv),
did not even appear. In their alarm the Senate granted, in
increased measure, all Octavian's demands, and sent ambassadors
to apprise him of the grant. But speedily a reaction ensued, and
Cicero again appeared. The Senate became conscious of their
unmanly panic ; they reflected that they should not permit mere
military rule without a struggle ; that it was their duty to urge
Octavian to act within the laws, in the event of his refusal to
hold out until assistance came, and in tlie last resort to fight to
the death like the Romans of old rather than submit to a slavery
which was essentially irremediable {avh)9ev aSi6p6(t)Tov).f

At this moment the two legions arrived from Africa. It
seemed as if some slight hope was still remaining for the cause
of freedom. Pansa had left one legion of recruits ; and the Senate
proceeded to dispose those three legions for the guardianship of
the city. Their hope that the Caesariaus would support them, as
their Caesar had transgressed the laws, proved futile ; and the

* Dio xlvi. 43 ; App. iii. 88.

t App. iii. 90. This reads very like a Ciceronian STjeech.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE. Ixi

discovery tliat Caesar's mother and sister, important hostages,
were not to be found, served to create a new alarm. Octavian
occupied the portions of the city beyond the Quirinal without
any trouble, the populace flocked to him, the three legions
deserted to him. The praetor urbanus, Cornutus, a staunch
republican, killed himself; the rest made their peace with the
victor. Through Octavian's friends Cicero procured an interview
and laid strong claim to indulgence because he had proposed in
the Senate that Octavian should be made consul. Octavian replied
with a scofP, that he was the last of his friends to come and see
him.*

That same night a rumour spread that the Fourth and the
Martian legions had renounced allegiance to Octavian on the
ground that they had been misinformed of their commander's
intention and led against the Senate under a misapprehension.
The Praetors and the Senate ' without the slightest difficulty '
[TTafxirav araXanroJpwg) believed the report. A hasty concourse of
the Senate gathered in the Senate-house, Cicero welcoming them
at the door. The report was soon discovered to be false, and
Cicero disappeared in a litter.

Put this way, Cicero's conduct in the crisis appears contemp-
tible. But even granting the truth of Appian's statements (a very
large admission), we must remember that it is the duty of a leader
to incur no needless danger and to be at his post when he can be
of any service. Because he spoke fair to a marauder when in
grievous danger, he was hardly bound to remain neutral when
there appeared a hope of making an effective resistance to that
marauder. Much allowance, too, must be made for the terrific
excitement of the crisis in which was consummated the dissolution
of the Roman Republic. Still Cicero must have known that his
failure was complete. Pollio had gone over to Antony, and by
Pollio's aid a reconciliation was effected between Antony and
Plancus. Cicero's earnest efforts to keep these self-seekers loyal
had all miscarried, and his passionate zeal for the Republic had not
avei'ted ruin and disaster ; he had no more hopes left to be dis-
appointed, and he departed for ever from the city which he had failed

* App. iii. 92, 6 5€ roaovTOi^ air^Kpivaro i-KiaKtlimtav on tu>v (p'lAwv avT<f rtAevralos

VOL. VI. f

Ixii INTRODUCTION.

to save. Wo liarJly liear of liiiu botweou the final entry of Octavian
in tho middlo of August and the closing scene. Just one fragment
of a letter remains addressed by the old and defeated statesman to
tho 3^oung and victorious soldier shortly after his election to the
consulsliip. ' I fool a twofold joy at your grant of leave of absence
to me and Philippus : it betokens pardon for tlie past, and in-
dulgence for the future.'* Taking the position of affairs into
account, there is nothing moi'O affecting in the whole corre-
spondence. Cicero retired to Tusculum. He was hardly yet
prepared to meet tlie bitterness of death ; and death or submission
with the best grace possible were the sole alternatives.

"We need not dwell on the election of Octavian to the con-
sulship on August 19, and the fatal meeting of the triumvirs near
Bononia in November, wlien the proscriptions were arranged.
There is something horrible about these murders ; they were so
cold-blooded and business-like. They were committed partly to
rid the triumvirs of troublesome enemies, but mainly to get money.
Cicero was among the first sacrificed to the hatred of Antony, and
at the same time his brother Quintus and young Quintus perished
together. The closing scene has been painted once for all by
Plutarch (Cic. 47-48) :—

' During the progress of these events (i.e. the arranging for the pro-
scriptions), Cicero was in his country seat at Tusculum, and his brother
Quintus with him. On learning of the proscriptions they determined to go
to Astura, where Cicero had a villa on the sea-coast, and from thence to sail
to Macedonia, to Brutus ; for already a report was gaining ground that he
was in a strong position. They were carried in litters, worn out with
distress, and duiing the journey they frequently stopped, and bring-
ing their litters close together, they bewailed their misfortunes to one
another. Q,uiutus was especially distressed, and he began to reflect on
his destitute condition ; for he said he had brought notbing from home,
and Marcus too had but a scanty supply of money for the journey.
Accordingly, he considered that it was best that Mai'cus should escape
before him, and that he would hasten after, when he had got some
supplies from home. This they decided was the best course. So after
embracing one another, with tears they separated. Not many days after-

* Ad Caes. lun. i. frag, lo, quod inihi et Fhilippo vacatwnem das, bis gaudeo : nam
et praeteritis ignoscis et concedis J'utura.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE. Ixiii

wards Quiutus was betrayed by bis servants to tbose who were in quest of
them, and was killed along with his son.*

'Cicero, when he arrived at Astura, and found a boat, at once
embarked, and, with a favourable wind, sailed along the coast as far as
Circeii. But when the sailors wished to put out to sea straightway from
that place, whether it was that he feared the sea,t or did not yet wholly
give up all trust in Caesar, he disembarked, and proceeded by land about
a hundred stadia towards Rome. But againbecoming distracted (aAvcov), and
changing his mind, he returned to the sea-coast at Astura. There he passed
the night in terrible and desperate reflections : he thought even of going
into Caesar's house secretly, and slaying himself on the hearth, so as to
bring a curse (aAao-ropa) on it. But fear of torture diverted him from this
course. Forming other wild and distracted [iTaxivrpoira) plans, he allowed
his servants to carry him by sea to Caieta, where he had a villa, and a
pleasant retreat during the heat of summer, when the Etesian winds blow
deliciously. The village had a temple of Apollo a little above the sea.
From thence came a flock of crows, which settled, screaming, on Cicero's
boat, as it was coming to land. Sitting on each side of the yard-arm,
some kept cawing, others phicked at the ends of the ropes ; aud all on
board considered it an omen of ill. However, Cicero landed, and going to
his villa, lay down to take some rest. Then the greater part of the crows
sat on the window, screaming noisily, and one perched on the bed where
Cicero lay covered up, and tried littte by little, with its beak, to draw the
coverlet from his face. "When Cicero's servants saw this, they reproached
themselves for waiting to see their master slain ; the lower animals, they
said, were helping and caring for him in his undeserved troubles, yet they
themselves were doing nothing for his protection. J Then partly by
entreaties, and partly by force, they succeeded in taking him and convey-
ing him in a litter towards the sea.

' But now the murderers were at hand — a centurion named Herennius,
and a tribune Popillius (whom Cicero had defended when charged with
parricide), with attendant soldiers. Finding the door locked, they broke
it open. When they did not find Cicero there, and those who were in the
house said they did not know where he was, it is stated that a young man
to whom Cicero had given a liberal education in literature and science, a
freedman of his brother Q,uintus, called Philologus,§ told the tribune that

* Father and son each begged to be killed before the other. The murderers killed
them both at the same moment (App. iv. 20).

t ovK epepe tt?;' a7]5iav rov kXvSuvos, App. iv. 19.

X The devotion of his slaves to the gentle and humane Marcus may be contrasted
with the hatred which those of Quintus felt for their irascible master, a hatred so great
that they betrayed him to the assassins.

§ Appian (iv. 19), who reproduces several of the details of Cicero's death, says that
the person who pointed cut the road to the murderers was a shoemaker, a client of

£2

bciv INTRODUCTION.

the litter was beiiif^ carried by rough woodland paths to the sea.
The tribune then took a few men with him, and hastened to the end of
the wood. When Herennius came running along tlic path, Cicero saw
him, and ordered his servants to lay the litter down on the ground.
Then, as was his wont, grasping his chin with his left hand, he looked
tixedly on the assassins. "When they saw him, all dishevelled and
unkempt, his face haggard from anxiety, most of them covered their faces
while Herennius slew him. He stretched his neck out of the litter, and
was thus slain, in his 64th year. Herennius cut off his head, and, at the-
order of Antony, the hands which wrote the Philippics. AVhen these
were brought to Rome, Antony happened to be holding an election of
magistrates, and when he heard and saw what was done, he cried aloud
that the main object of the proscriptions had been attained.* He ordered
Cicero's head and hands to be fixed above the rostra — a sight at which
the Romans shuddered, for they seemed to see there, not the face of
Cicero, but the image of Antony's soul.'

He bore none of his misfortunes as a man should except his
death. So judged the fair-minded Livj.f Lack of steadfastness
in the face of danger, lack of patience in the day of misfortune —
these were the capital defects in Cicero's character. Everyone
has his faults, says Seneca ; Cato lacked moderation, Cicero firm-
ness.* Tliis was a characteristic possessed by the Republican
heroes of the Empire whom Tacitus delighted to honour ; so we
are not surprised that in his historical works he only once mentions
Cicero, whose literary style he disliked, and whose weakness
he probably despised.^ But every man has the faults of his
qualities ; and we could not have the liveliness, brightness, quick
sympathy, and delightfully mercurial temperament of Cicero

Clodius. Plutarch (Cic. 49) states that Philologus was said to have been given over to
Pomponia, the wife of Quintus, M'ho tortured him, compelling him to cut off [portions
of his flesh, roast them, and eat them. But Plutarch adds that Tiro is silent about the
treachery of Philologus.

* Cp. Yell. ii. 64, 4, Trihiuiil^Cannuti'i] sanguine commissa proscr'qjtio, Ciccro7iis velut
satiato Antonio paene finita.

f Livy cxx., quoted by Senec. Suas. v. 22, omnium adversorum nihil id viro
dignum erat tnlit praeter mortem. The whole section is, as Seueca says, a funeral
oration (€7rtTa</>iov) on Cicero.

J Controv. ii. 4, 4, Nemo sine vitio est : in Gatone moderatio, in Cicerone constantia
. . . desideratw. See also the elaborate criticism of Pollio on Cicero given below,
p. Ixxxvi, in the sketch of Pollio.

§ Ann. iv. 34, 7, where his ' Cato' is mentioned.

CICERO AT TEE HEAD OF THE STATE. Ixv

witliout at the same time the timidity and instability which must
accompany such highly- strung nerves, and such a delicately con-
stituted organism. Yet it was only physical danger before which
Cicero quailed. He had no lack of moral courage when he saw
his way clearly. But his quick intellect, his capacity of seeing
every side of a question, which, with his great powers of language,
made him such an eminent advocate, made him at the same time
a most severe critic of the conduct of others, and rendered his
adoption of any course of action a perplexing and painful pro-
cess. In the struggle between Caesar and Pompey, his judg-
ment and his heart were divided one against the other : how
then could the whole man act any strong part ? But once Cicero
saw his way clearly, he exhibited as much strength as can be
demanded of human nature.* And he always tried to direct his
conduct by principles, and principles which tended to the greater
glory of his country. Vulgar selfishness was never one of his
faults, however much he may have been enthralled by fame, that last
infirmity of noble mind. He had a real love of excellence no
matter who exhibited it ; and he was rich in that most beautiful
gift that is given to man, perfect freedom from jealousy. f
Cicero was perpetually boastful and vain, but it was a harmless
vanityj : he was occasionally ungrateful, for example to Caesar —

* Quintil. xii. 1, 17, Parum fords videtur quihusdam quibus optime respondit ipse
t!0)i se timidum in suscipiendis sed in providendis periculis ; quod probavit morte qiioque
ipse quam praestantissimo suscepit animo.

t Plat. Cic. 24, Kaiirep ovrus aKparq) (piXoTi/mia ffvvwv a.Trr)\\aKTO rov (pQoveiv
kripois a.<p9ov(cTaTos tcv iv T<f rous irph avrov Kal rovs KaO' aurhv &vSpas iyKoofiid^etv.

X Cp. Mr. Straclian-Davidson, ' Cicero,' pp. 192 ff. ' Cicero's vanity is essentially
<of the innocuous and peacock-like kind.' Dio Cassius (xxxviii. 12) draws a very
exaggerated picture of Cicero's faults. He notices that Cicero made many enemies by
the pungency of his witticisms (cp. Phil. ii. 89; Macrob. Sat. ii. 3, 7) ; and, as it is in
accordance with human nature to feel indignation at injuries more strongly than
gratitude for favours, Cicero was moi'e feared than loved. ' He also made most bitter
enemies by always trying to eclipse the chief men in the State, and by adopting
towards all alike a freedom of speech which was unmeasured and wearisome (t^
TrappTjaia rrphs irduras ofMoius aKparcp Kcd KaraKopii xP'^f^^vos) ', and he strove to gain the
reputation of being able to understand and say what no one else could, thus aiming at
the semblance rather than the reality of excellence. On this account, and because he
used to boast himself above all men, and consider no one his equal, but, both in his
■speeches alike and in his conduct, used to despise everyone and consider no one good
enough for him {kuI l(ToSiaiTos ovSevl r]^iov eJvai), he became offensive and disagreeable

Ixvi INTROD UCTION.

but Caesar was in his eyes a tyrant and traitor to the constitution r
lie was once mean, in liis conduct towards Publilia. On the other
liaud, his strong affection for his family and friends shows the
warm tenderness of his heart ; and witli those of them who wore
unruly and violent, ho was temperate and forbearing, though often
sorely tried. But we need not proceed to estimate his merits
further. ' lie was a great and noteworthy man,' saidLivy, 'and it
would require a Cicero to praise him.'* We have not a Cicero to
call on : but wo may not unfitly conclude a long study of Cicero's
career by quoting from a historian, who combines rich eloquence witli
deep feeling and insight, a mature and well-considered judgment
on Cicero's character and on the real significance of his life and his
work (Merivale, History of the Romans under the Empire, iii. 212,
ed. lSt)5).

' But •while Cicero stands justly charged with many grave infirmities
of temper and defects of jirinciple ; while we remark with a sigh the
vanity, the inconstancy, and the ingratitude he so often manifested ; while
we lament his ignoble subserviences and his ferocious resentments, the
high standard by which we claim to judge him is in
itself the fullest acknowledgment of his transcendent
merit. For, undoubtedly, had he not placed himself on a higher moral
level than the statesmen and sages of his day, we should pass over many
of his weaknesses in silence, and allow his pretensions to our esteem to
pass abnost unchallenged. But we demand a nearer approach to the per-
fection of human wisdom and virtue in one who sought to approve himself
the greatest of their teachers. Nor need we scruple to admit that the
judgment of the ancients on Cicero was, for the most part, unfavourable.
The moralists of antiquity required in their heroes virtues with which we
can readily dispense ; and they, too, had less sympathy with many qualities
which a truer religion and a wider experience have taught us to love and
admire. Nor were they capable, from their position, of estimating the
silent effects upon human happiness of the lessons which Cicero enforced.

((poprtKSs T€ Hal eiraxdrjs), and from these causes he was regarded even by those of his
own party with jealousy and hatred.' Such feeling of superiority on Cicero's part does
not appear in his correspondence, and did not exist. The miserable nobility felt their
inferiority to the brilliant parvenu, and regarded as offensive and intolerable a man
with noble thoughts and aspirations, or, indeed, anyone who possessed a mind not
absolutely paltry and contemptible : op. Tlut. Cic. 24.

* Livy 1. c. vi?- tnagnus ac memorabilis fitit et in cuius laiides exseqiiendas Cicerone
laudatore opus fuerit.

CICERO AT THE HEAD OF THE STATE. Ixvii

After all the severe judgments we are compelled to pass on his conduct,
we must acknowledge that there remains a residue of what is amiable in
his character, and noble in his teaching, beyond all ancient ex-
ample. Cicero lived and died in faith. He has made converts
to the belief in virtue, and had disciples in the wisdom
of love. There have been dark periods in the history
of man, when the feeble ray of religious instruction
paled before the torch of his generous philanthropy.
The praise which the great critic pronounced upon his excellence in oratory
may be justly extended to the qualities of his heart, and even in our
enlightened days it may be held no mean advance in virtue to venerate
the master of Roman philosophy.' *

* Qmntil. X. 1, 112 ille se profeeisse sciat, eui Cicero valdeplacehit. Cp. St. Augustin,
Confessions iii. 4, 7 ICieeronis) emits linguam fere omnes mirantur, pectus non ita — the
celebrated passage in which he attributes the first step in bis conversion to reading the
Hortoisius of Cicero.

Ixviii INTRODUCTION.

II.— CICERO'S CORIIESPONDENTS.

1. L. MuNATius Plancus*

EviiRYTHiNG is Said to come to the man who cau wait : and
though this maxim does not generally come true, it came true
in the case of riancus. He was a good waiter. But he had other
qualities, too, useful for the man who wants to get on. He was a
consummate 'artist in flattery,' to use Seneca's description of him. f
A secondary person himself, he was able to flatter tlie great men
who guided the destinies of the world. As long as fortune stood
by them, he was their faithful servant : but when she shook her
wings, he followed her and became the earnest servant of his
former enemies. Destitute of principle, absorbed in one idea
of being successful, he changed from one party to another with
no scruple or pang whatever — constitutionally a traitor [morho
proditor).X

L. Munatius Plancus was born about 667 (87). His father
was a friend of Cicero's (789, 2). We hear of three of his
brothers, Munatius Plancus Bursa, one of Cicero's bitterest
enemies ; Gaius, who was adopted by a rich Roman, L. Plotius,
and of whom a touching story is told ;§ and Gnaeus who led, in

* In this sketch we have had the advantage of M. Eniil Jullien's treatise Le fon-
dateur de Lyon (Paris, 1892). He traces, in 215 pages, the career of Plancus with much
learning, judgment, and discrimination. His aiTangement is admirable, and his style
lucid and flowing.

t N. Q. iv. praef. 5, Flancus [adulationis) artifex ante Villeium maximiis.

X So Yelleius (83, 1) describes him. Velleius was an enemy, and wrote when the
children of Plancus were in disgrace : but the expression is hardly too strong.

§ Pliny, H. N. xiii. 25, mentions, with severity, that he was the first Roman who
introduced the use of perfumes, and thinks that the sin of the proscriptions was wholly
expiated by the fact that they visited him with death {quo dedecore lota absoluta pro-
scriptio est). The judgment is severe. Hear the other side. Gaius was proscribed on
account of his wealth : doubtless Lucius was compelled to consent to his death, but he
gave him timely notice that he was proscribed so that he was able to escape. His
pursuers after some time discovered where he was concealed — Pliny says by the odour

L. MUNATIUS PL ANGUS. Ixix

711 (43), a colony to Butbrotum.* Lucius was one of Caesar's
legati in Gaul in 700 (54), and in 705 (49) was with C. Fabius in
command of Caesar's forces at Ilerda.f In tbe African war, 708
(46), be wrote to Cousidius, tbe commander of Hadrumetum,
urging bim to play tbe traitor.+ During tbe winter of tbat year,
wben Caesar went to Spain, Plancus was one of tbe eigbt prefects
of tbe city, appointed to administer tbe State, at tbe bead of wbicb
was tbat ponderous nonentity, Lepidus. Plancus appears to bave
bad tlie administration of tbe finances ; and, in the course of bis
work in this department, was very nearly compelled to sell up
Antony, who was reluctant to pay for Pompey's bouse, wbicb be
bad bought in tbe sale of confiscated goods. § Tbe first letter,
which is extant, from Cicero to Plancus was written about this
time. It has reference to tbe property of a deceased Pompeian,
one Antistius, wbicb be left to Ateius Capito, but which was
adjudged the property of the State because Antistius was a
Pompeian. Cicero asks Plancus to use bis influence with Caesar
to secure tbe estate for Capito. We do not know tbe result. ||
As finance ofiicial, Plancus was also director of tbe mint and
coined many gold pieces of wbicb we bave not a few remaining.*!!
Caesar next made Plancus Septemvir Epulo, and promised bim the
consulship for 712 (42) ; meanwhile he was to administer Grallia
Comata [i.e., all Gaul except Narbonensis) .

of the perfumes. They tortured, his slaves to find out from them the exact spot where
their master was hidden, but no tortures could wring from them an answer. He, how-
ever, witnessed from concealment their suiferings and constancy, and voluntarily gave
himself up to the executioners (Val. Max. vi. 8, 5).

* Att. xvi. 16 A, B (767, 777).

+ Caes. B. G. v. 2-t ; B.C. i. 40.

+ Bell. Afr. 4 : Plancus asked Caesar to allow him to endeavour to bring Considius
to his senses {perduci ad sanitatem).

§ Cie. Phil. ii. 78.

II Fam. xiii. 29 (457). M. Jullien thinks it probable that Cicero gained his request
— (1) because Caesar was inclined to conciliate Cicero, (2) because the con-esiwndence
of Cicero with Plancus, when it reappears, reads as if the intimacy of the two had
ripened.

II They bear an image of Victory "nith the inscription c. caesar dic. tee. and on the
reverse L. planc. pk. (or praef.) vrb. M. Babelon (Monnaies de la i-epublique, ii.
239) thinks that tbe figure of Alctory is a portrait of Calpurnia, M'ife of Caesar. If so,
she was the first Roman lady who had her image on coins.

Ixx J^''TIi OD UCTI ON.

Plancus was still in Rome on the Ides of March. lie took
part in the debate on the 17th in favour of amnesty, but soon left
for his province. Here he assumed tlie title of proconsul, and, by
a judicious and conciliatory administration, won the hearts of the
provincials. We constantly hear of their loyalty and devotion to
liim,* and he soon got together a large body of cavalry and five
legions. During the summer he founded a colony at Raurica,
now Augst, near Basle, and made war on the Celtic llaeti. These
he conquered, and assumed the title of imperator ; later, at the end
of 711 (43), he celebrated a triumph in honour of the victory.
The correspondence of Cicero and Plancus, which is found in the
Tenth Book ad Familiares, opens about the middle of September
710 (44), when Cicero was smarting under the treatment which
he had received from Antony. He begins the series of letters
addressed to the provincial governors, exhorting them to loyalty,
by a letter to Plancus of whom he entertained a high opinion.
Plancus frequently replied, and we have twelve of the letters of
Plancus still extant. The cultivated style of these letters has
deservedly excited the admiration of all scholars. Scaliger
says tliat he considers nothing could be more finished than they
are, notliing more refined, nothing more elegant or better rounded,
and that without any trace of affectation or feeble imitation.
They show, he thinks, how admirably Plancus caught tlie style of
his master.f Certainly Plancus is the best stjdist of all Cicero's
correspondents, and sliows himself, in this respect also, rarely
gifted in powers of adaptation.

We have attempted, in the previous chapter, to treat of the
position of Plancus in the troubled year from September 710 (44) to
September 711 (43) ; and we have seen him at first a lukewarm
supporter of the Senate ; afterwards, when Antony cast covetous
eyes on Gaul, their vigorous supporter, attempting to draw
Lepidus over to their side, and acting in concert with Decimus
Brutus ; and lastly, when Antony and Lex>idus had united their

* 833, 6; 836, 1 ; 897, 2; 907, 1.

t Animad. ad Eusebii Chronicon, p. 168, quoted by M. Jullien, p. 43, 'Quantum
vero Plancus sub tali magistro (i.e. Cicerone) profeceiit ostendunt epistolae eius ad
ipsum magistrum quibus ego iudico nihil absolutius esse, nihil castius, elegantius,
rotundius, sine ulla putiditate et cacozelia.'

L. MUNATIUS PL ANGUS. Ixxi

forces, and three months later Octaviau had taken possession o£
Home and crushed the republican party, a deserter from that cause
and an active member of the dominant party. With the natural
feelings of a renegade, he vigorously opposed the side he deserted.
But before September 711 (43), a decree of the Senate had
been passed, probably in June, that certain Roman soldiers, who
had been located at Yienne by Caesar, probably in 709 (45), but who
had been driven out by the native population of the tribe of the
Allobroges early in 710 (44), should be established in a new colony
by Lepidus and Plancus.* Caesar had planted in colonies in the
Narbonese considerable masses of soldiers who had served together
and were thus used to act in concert — generally men of the same
legion, t and Vienne was one of these foundations. The Senate
did not dispossess the Allobroges who had driven out the Roman
soldiers, because, tlie factions of the city having penetrated into
the provincial towns,* the veterans (as always) were Caesarians,
and accordingly the Allobroges professed, and indeed exhibited
(855, 1 : 900, 4), loyalty to the Grovernment. The Senate, however,
in order to maintain the dignity of the Republic, and also to con-
ciliate the veterans, ordered that new lands should be assigned
them. Plancus executed the commission, and the flourishing
colony of Lugudunum was the result. §

* "W^liy was Lepidus chosen to co-operate with Plancus when he had joined force?
with Antony previously on May 29 ? The fact was the Senate, during June, were at
their wits' end to know how to treat Lepidus. They did not support Cicero cordially,
as his policy, especially with regard to Octavian, looked hke a failure. Lepidus had a
considerable party supporting him in the Senate, and it was knosvn that Marcus Brutus
would not favour any strong measures which might be taken against him. The chief aim
of the Senate Avas to gain time to keep Lepidus from immediately marching into Italy.
Accordingly they gave him orders to join with Plancus in founding the colony.
Vienne was in Narbonese, and the new colony was to be founded in the territory of
Plancus. But Lepidus did not participate in the honours of the foundation ; the
colony always regarded Plancus alone as the foimder. Possibly the first formal acts
of the foundation took place betM'een June 30, when Lepidus was outlawed,
and August or September when the sentence of outlawry w^as annulled. Or
we may suppose that Lepidus did not take any part in the ceremony, though
he had the right to do so, and accordingly could not be regarded as the founder.
But it is better to consider that the formal ceremony took place early in August. No
mention is made of it in the last letter from Plancus, dated July 28 (916).

t Thus the veterans of the X. legion were settled at Narbonne ; those of the VIII.
at Forum Julii, &c.

% Cp. the factions at Pompeii, Cic. SuU. 60, 61. § See Jullien, chap. 4.

Ixxii INTRODUCTION.

"While the horrors of the proscriptions were everj^where, and his
brother was either dead or flying for his life, Plancus, on December
29th, celebrated a triumpli ex GaJUa* in commemoration of which
ho placed in the Capitol a picture by a great artist Nicomachus,
representing victory raising his chariot aloft. f Three days later
riancus entered on the consulship for the year 712 (42). Horace
was then a hot-blooded young spark of 22, not ready to submit to
any insult (llor. Od. iii., 14, 27, Non crjo hoc ferrem calidus iiwenta
Consule Planco). During his consulship Plancus carried a praise-
worthy law which mitigated the proscriptions and allowed many
of tlioso who were condemned, but had escaped, to return. He
showed mucli judgment and adroitness in quelling a military
emciife by summarily executing some slaves who had joined with the
soldiers in plundering^ ; and probably to this time is to be assigned
his division of lauds at Beneventum. In the Perusian war lie stood
by Fulvia, and performed the only meritorious military achievement
of that party ; he cut to pieces a legion of Octaviau. When the cata-
strophe came, he escaped with Fulvia to the East. He was received
with much favour by Antony, and returned with him to Italy.
During the journey, with characteristic caution, he advised Antony
not to trust himself to Ahenobarbus, who had been persuaded by
Pollio to put his fleet at the disposal of Antony. Antony, with
equally characteristic generosity and recklessness, declared it
better to die by treachery than live after showing himself a
coward ; and he was rewarded for his courage,§ It was during
the time of these events that Plancus is supposed to have governed
Asia ; but, as we have seen, he was otherwise occupied, so that it
is best to infer that the Plancus who governed Asia was one of
his brothers, perhaps Cicero's old enemy. Bursa.

Plancus returned to the East with Antony where he showed
his versatility by becoming one of the chief authorities on the
cuisine of Antony's court. |1 He was judge of the celebrated bet

* Fast. Triumph, in C. I. L. i', p. 179 ; cp. Yell. ii. 67, 4, Be germanis non de Gallis
duo triumphant consuks (Lipidus and Plancus), a satirical verse sung by the soldiers at
their triumph. Lepidus allowed his brother PauUus to he proscribed.

t Plin. H. X. XXXV. 108. + App. iv. 35, 37, 45. § App. v. 33, 55.

II Cp. Schol. on Hor. Sat. ii. 2, 49 Ciconianun Rufus iste conditor Hie est duobus
eleganlior Flancis.

L. MUNATIUS FL ANGUS. Ixxiii

made by Cleopatra that she would drink 10,000 sesterces at a
draught ; and the triumphator is said to have publicly danced a
pantomime called Griaucus.* But he also did more serious
work. His excellent literary style was used in the composition, or,
at all events, the correction, of Antony's speeches and edicts. We
know what a very poor stylist Antony was. Generous and un-
suspicious, Antony reposed the utmost confidence in Plancus, and
even entrusted him with his seal, which was tantamount to giving
him entire power to act on his behalf.

In 718 (36) Plancus was governor of Syria ; and during his
administration of that province, he received the title of imperator
for some trifling successes. He is said to have plundered the
province — a stock charge, wliich may, or may not, be true ; and to
have forfeited the good opinion of Antony for so doing — which is
absurd. His real ground of quarrel with Antony was that Antony
was gradually surrendering himself more and more, body and soul,
to Cleopatra. Of this Plancus seriously disapproved, witli the result
that he became hateful to Cleopatra ;t and when, finally, Cleopatra,
in her endeavour to provoke a contest between tlie rulers of the
East and West, urged Antony to divorce Octavia — then it was
that Plancus felt tliat the crisis had come, and he had to choose
between Rome and Egypt. He escaped with his nephew Titius to
Eome in the middle of 722 (32), and was soon followed by many
more of those who had previously been staunch friends of Antony.

Plancus now surpassed himself in meanness. As Antony's
private secretary he knew of Antony's will, and had even been a
witness to it. He knew how damaging some of the clauses in it
might be to Antony, and urged that it should be published, Plan-
cus knew that it had been lodged, as wills often were, with tlie
Vestals. They refused to give it up. Caesar took it. Antony's
recognition of Caesarion as son of Julius, and his grant of extra-
vagant gifts to his own sons by Cleopatra, excited deej) indig-
nation.+ Plancus related in the Senate the dotage deeds of the
love-sick Antony, with such meanness and in such detail that a
senator said, ' Antony must have committed a vast number of in-
famous acts the day before your departure,' indicating sarcastically

* Plin. H. N. ix. 12 ; Yell. ii. 83. t Hut. Ant. 58. + Dio Cass. 1, 3.

Ixxiv INTRODUCTION.

that of course otherwise tlie rigidly rigliteoiis Plancus would have
left him loug before.*

In the war which he had thus contributed to excite, Plancus
doubtless took part, but we do not hear iu wliat capacity. After
the victory at Actium he retired into private life. There does
not appear to have been any place for him iu tlie administration
of the State. In melancholy mood, he thought of retiring to Greece,
whither so many of those had repaired who were discontented
with the state of politics at Rome. Horace urges him not to leave
Italy, but to repair to the shade of his Tibur, and drown his sor-
rows with mellow wine. The noble language and the ignoble
thought of that celebrated ode (i. 7) are familiar to all. Plancus did
not go to Grreece ; but he did not take to drink either. He applied
his versatile talent to oratory, and attained some measure of success.f
After beiug a friend of PoUio, he quarrelled with him. PoUio
wrote an invective which, in somewhat cowardly style, he did not
intend to publish until Plancus was dead. It got out, however.
' Only shadows fight against the dead,' said Plancus, a sarcasm
which did grievous damage to the reputation of Pollio.+

Yet Plancus appears a few times more in the field of public
life after the battle of Actium. In 727 (27) he proposed, with
much adroitness, that the title of Augustus should be bestowed on
Octavian. Augustus did not wish to be regarded as a god at
Home, yet this title raised him perceptibly above the level of man.^
Plancus rebuilt the temple of Saturn certainly after 719 (35), per-
haps after the battle of Actium, when so many other buildings were

^" Veil. ii. 83, 3, Maud absurde Copoiiius . . . cum recens transfuga multa ac nefanda
Tlancus absenti Antonio in senatu dicer et, \Multa,'' inquit, ' inehercules fecit Antonius
pridie quam tu ilium relinqueres.''

t In Seneca Cont. i. 8, 15, we should read summus aniator Latronis for summus
declamator Latronis : but St. Jerome speaks of Plancus as orator insignis.

X Plia. H. N. praef. 31, Nee Plancus illepide, cum diceretur Asinius PoUio orationes
in eum parare quae ab ipso aut liberis post mortem Planci ederentur, ne respondere posset :
cum mortals non nisi larvas luctari ; quo dicto sic repercussit illas ut apud
eriiditos nil impudentius iudicetur.

§ Suet. Aug. 7, non tantum novo sed etiam awpliore cognomine, quod loca quoque
religiosa et in quibus augurato quid consecratur aiigusta dicantur. Cp. Ovid Fast.
609 ff.

DECIMVS JUNIUS BRUTUS. Ixxv

erected at Rome.* lu 731 (23) Plaiicus was censor with Aemi-
lius Paullus, but they could not agree. They were the last censors
who were ordinary citizens, and henceforth the great office may be
said to have been abolished. f The date of the death of Plancus
is not known. The inscription on his tomb — probably composed
by himself, as there is no notice of the length of time he lived —
is preserved at Graeta (C. I. L. x. 6087). L. 3lHiiatii(.s L. f. L. n.
L. 2}t'on[epos) Plancus cos. cens. imp. iter [uni) vnvir e2mlon[um)
triii»ip{/u(tor) ex Raetis aedem Saturni fecit de manibiih) agros divisit
in Italia Benccenti in Gallia colon ias deduxit Lugudannni et Rauricam.
The tomb is now called the Torre d'Orlando, and is the chief
object of interest at Graeta. It * consists of a huge circular struc-
ture of travertine blocks, resembling that of Caecilia Metella at
Rome. Round the top runs a frieze with warlike emblems. A more
magnificent site for such a monument cannot well be conceived. '+
To Plancus, in his life, and death, and memory, Fortune has been a
faithful mistress.

He had three children — Munatius Plancus, with whom Horace
was on friendly terms (Epist. i. 3, 31), and who seems to have been
consul in 767 (13)§ ; a daughter, little known (Tac. Ann. ii.
75) ; and the notorious Plancina. The good fortune of the father
deserted the children.

2. Decimus Junius Brutus.

On the reading of Caesar's will, says Appian, a painful effect
was caused when Decimus Brutus, who had been a prominent
member of the conspiracy, was found to be one of Caesar's second
heirs.ll

* The inscriptiou on the temple was (C. I. L. vi. 1316) L. Plancus L. f. cos. imp.
U{erum) f{ecit) de manib{iis). Plancus was saluted imperator for the second time in
719 (35).

t Claudius, Vespasian, and Domitian renewed the office, but retained it in their own
hands.

X Badeker, Southern Italy, p. 18.

§ He was roughly handled by the soldiers of Germanicus when he was sent to them
by the Senate (Tac. Ann. i. 39).

II ■'^PP- !!• 1'13, olKTia-Tov Se i(pa.ur\ (laKiaTa avro'ts on run/ ai'dpo(p6yaiv AeKfj.os 6

Ixx vi INTR 01) UCTION.

Ilmnan nature cannot, and slionld not, condone ingratitude :
it is llio unpardonable sin. Caesar liad a strong regard for
Decimus : lie treated him as one of his family ; and not only was
Decimus base enough to join in the conspirac}^ but he even made
use of the ' dear, dear love ' wliich he professed to have for Caesar
to urge him to come to the Senate on tlie fatal Ides.* We must
approve of the conduct of Ootavian in refusing to have any friendly
relations at any time with Decimus, and forbear to censure
Antony, whose besetting sin was certainly not ingratitude, for
insisting that he should pay with his life a just punishment for
his treachery. The very rank and file of the soldiers singled
out Decimus for especial hostility. f

Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus was son of the Decimus
Junius Brutus who distinguished himself in opposing Saturninus
and subsequently was consul in 677 (77), and the brilliant but
notorious Sempronia.+ He was adopted by Aulus Postumius
Albinus, consul in 655 (99), and from him obtained the additional
cognomen of Albinus. He was young in 698 (56), when we
first hear of him as being appointed by Caesar to be admiral of the
fleet. In this position he acted with success against the Yeneti.
He doubtless continued to serve in Gaul under Caesar, but he
is not mentioned again till 702 (52), when he took part in the
camj)aign against YercingetorixJ Returning to Rome in 704 (50)
he married Paulla Yaleria,|| but soon went back to Caesar. Once
more, in 705 (49), Caesar put him in command of the fleet which
was besieging Massilia; and again Decimus, acting under the
auspices of a commanding mind, fulfilled the duties of his position
with skill and success. He gained a victory in a battle, and
ultimately the town surrendered.1I Next year he was appointed

BpoCros iv Tols SevTepois K\ripov6fjiois eyfypanTO irals . . . i(p^ ^ 5?; KOl /aaWov crvverap-
affaovTO, KaX dfivhi' Kal ade/xiffrov TjyovvTO Kal a4k/j.ov eTriBovXevaai Kaicrapt, iraiSa
ahrcp yeypa/JL/xevov eivai.

* Plut. Caes. 64.

"{■ Phil. X. 15. £tsi est eniin Brutonvn commune factum et laudis societas aeqna,
Decimo tamen iratioret erant it, qui id factum dolebant, quo minim ah eo rem iUam
dieehant fieri debuisse.

I Cic. Rabir. 21 : Bmt. 175: Sallust Cat. 2.5, 40.
§ Caes. B. G. iii. 11, 14 ; vii. 9, 87.

II Fam. viii. 7 (243). f Caes. B. C. i. 36, 56-58 : ii. 3, 5, 6, 22.

DECIMUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. Ixsvii

"by Caesar to the Governorship of Transalpine Gaul ; and a year or
two afterwards lie successfully put down a revolt of the Bellovaci,
one of the most warlike of the Belgic tribes.* Meritorious as
these actions were, they were not in themselves tlie ground for
the special favour with which Caesar always regarded Decimus,
and which was shown in a striking manner by his choosing liim
along with Antony and Octavian to accompany him in his chariot
on his return from Spain to Italy in 709 (45) f : no, Caesar had a
real affection for him. He was promised the praetorship for
710 (44), and subsequently the government of Cisalpine Gaul; and
he was to hold the consulship in 712 (42).

The motives which urged Decimus to join the conspiracy can
only be conjectured. Possibly he was jealous of the great favour
shown by Caesar to Octavian and Antony. We have seen that,
along with Octavian, these two were especial favourites of Caesar.
Shakespeare represents Decimus (or Decius as he calls him) as
being the first to suggest that Caesar be not tlie only victim —

Dec. Shall no man else be toiiched but only Caesar ?
Cass. Decius, well lu-gecl : I think it is not meet

Mark Antony, so well beloved of Caesar,

Should outlive Caesar. J

It was Decimus, to whom was assigned the duty of keeping
Antony in conversation while the murder was being perpetrated. §
Decimus is said to have hesitated about joining the conspiracy
when first solicited by Cassius and Labeo ; but when he understood
that Marcus Brutus was at the head of it, he promised him his
hearty co-operation. ||

After the murder of Caesar, Decimus was able to lend some
assistance to his fellow-conspirators, as he had at his disposal a band
of gladiators, whom he had collected for a show whicli was shortly
to be given. Further, Decimus, as Governor of Cisalpine Gaul,
liad a considerable military force under his command, though it
had, as Appian says (ii. 124), lost much of its spirit, owing to the
severe labour it had recently undergone. He could, therefore, have

* Liv. Epit. 114. tPlut. Ant. 11. J Jul. Caes. ii. 1, 155.

§ Phit. Caes- 66. || Plut. Brut. 12.

VOL. VI. S

Ixxviii INTRODUCTION.

played a considerable part in public afYairs immediately after the
Ides if ho had been a man of large views or even one of resolute
courage. But in a letter written to M. Brutus and Cassius on
the morning of March ]7th, we find him feeble, despondent, and
irresolute at the first decided opposition on tlie part of Antony.
That vigorous man, who, until the days of Cleopatra, always rose
to the occasion, declared that he, as consul, would not allow
Decimus to take his province, and that Decimus had better leave
the city on account of the violent state of indignation which the
people felt towards the tj^rannicides. In his perplexity Decimus
thinks of asking for a Jcijatio Uhera, is uncertain whether it will
be granted, fears sentence of exile even if it is granted, pro-
poses retirement to llhodes or Mitylene, contemplates even the
possibility of having recourse to the last refuge for human ills.
He tliinks that the only safety for the conspirators lay with Sextus
Pompeius or Caecilius Bassus, the enemies of their country.
Finally, after a talk with Hirtius, he, with a certain note of
querulousness, determines to ask the consul to allow him to remain
at Rome under police protection.* This letter is in tlie highest
degree characteristic. It shows the irresolution, faint-liearted-
ness, and peevishness which marked the man even to his last
moments. As long as he had some master-mind on whom he
could rely for support and guidance, he was able and efficient ;
but thrown on his own resources he was most miserably wanting. f
Within a fortnight, Decimus left for his province. Cicero, at
Puteoli on April 26, heard that he had joined his army in
Cisalpine Graul.+ There, during the summer, lie set his legions to
the task of harrj^ing the Inalpini and other Alpine tribes. The
soldiers were probably not unwilling to engage in such warfare,
and they became more attached to their commander and better
disciplined. As the result of these raids, Decimus appealed for the
honour of a triumph. § But meanwhile Antony had succeeded in
having Cisalpine Gaul transferred to him : he did not, however,

* Fam. xi. 1 (700).

+ Cp. Plut. Brut. 12, TOP erepov Bpovrov eTri'/cArjcrii' ' Pi.K^'ivov, &\K<iis /j.fv ovk uvra
pfKTTjv ovSe BappaKiov.
X Att. xiv. 13, 2 (718).
§ Fam. xi. 4 (796).

DECIMUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. Ixxix

make any effort to take it until the next year. The siege of
Mutina that followed, the sally of Decimus, the defeat of Antony,
the relief of the town, the delay of Decimus to pursue Antony, his
futile march in pursuit, and liis final junction with Plancus in
Gaul about the middle of June, have been related in detail in
the previous chapter (pp. xliii-liv), and need not be repeated here.
When Octavian was elected consul with Pedius on August 18,
711 (4:3), Decimus was one of the first to be deprived of his com-
mand and sentenced to death, while Antony and Lepidus were
virtually rehabilitated, though the sentence of outlawry was not
formally rescinded until some time afterwai-ds. PoUio, marching
up from Spain, had joined Antony, and used his influence to draw
Plancus over to the same side. Decimus was thus left unsupported.
He made an attempt to work his way round through tlie territory
of the Helvetii, and the Rhaetian and Carnic Alps to tlie East.
But his soldiers, mostly recruits, would not face the difficulties of
the journey : besides Decimus had spent nearly all his money* ;
and soldiers who would support a cause without very reasonable
hope of being paid for it were not very numerous in those days.
They deserted by degrees, in ever increasing numbers — the recruits
to Octavian, the veterans to Antony f — until his army of ten
legions was reduced to three hundred cavalry, and finally to ten
horsemen. He disguised himself as a Celt, but was taken by
brigands. He knew their chief Camilus, and had done him good
service on a previous occasion. Camilus pretended to return the
kindness, but sent to acquaint Antony that Decimus was his
prisoner.^ It was treachery to a benefactor; but Decimus was
the last person who could with justice condemn such treatment.
Even Antony was moved at the changes of fortune, but sent back
an order for the head of Decimus. The story goes that at the last
moment Decimus showed most un-Roman weakness. A friend,

* Strabo. iv. 7, p. 205, says that D. Brutus, ' when flying from Mutina,' was
compelled by the Salassi, who lived about Eporedia, to pay a drachma a man for per-
mission to pass. This probably refers to his march up to join Plancus.

t Appian (iii. 97) says that Decimus voluntarily allowed them to depart, and gave
ihem what money he still possessed. "

+ Liv. Epit. 120 ; Veil. ii. 64.

IxNx INTRODUCTION.

Ilclvins Blasio killed himself to give liis general cournge.* " Stretch
out your neck," said the executioner. " Upon my life, I will do
so," answered Decimus, paltering before the inevitable : and
posteritj' remembered the death of the traitor as a subject not for
pity, but for a jest and a laugh. f

3. C. AsiNius Poi.Lio.

Tlie elder brother of C. Asinius Pollio possessed some little
sleight of hand, and used that gift to steal napkins when he went
out to dinner. Catullus assured him that the practice was a silly
and ugly one, not at all amusing ; and that his brother Pollio
would tell him so, for * that boy, with his clear idea of what is
eharm and wit,' J considers his brother deserving of a good trounc-
ing for his vulgarity.

At the time Catullus wrote this poem, young Pollio was about
16, having been born in 678 (76). He appears to have studied
rhetoric diligently, and when only 22 he had the courage to attack
C. Cato, a creature of the triumvirs, who played a considerable part
in politics about the time of the second consulship of Pompey and
Crassus.§ Cato was acquitted, but Pollio accomplished his purpose
of making ' his mark ' among the rising pleaders of the day. For
his prosecution of Cato did not mean that Pollio was an ardent
republican : he probably at that time had no politics. Four years

* Dio Cass. xlvi. 53. Another story of a loyal friend to Decimus is told in Val.
Max. iv. 7, 6 ; but it may be only a different account of the story told by Dio.

t App. iii. 97, 98 ; Dio I.e. ; Senec. Epist. 82, 12, Brutus qui cum periturtis
mortis moras quaereret ad exonerandum ventrem secessit et evocatus ad mortem iussusque
praebere cerricem ' Fraebeho ' inquit ' ita rivam.' Qtiae dementia est f tig ere cum retro ire
non possis. Brutus did not remember that Caesar had said, as they sat together at
dinner on the day before the Ides, that the best death was the quickest (App. ii. 115).

X Catull. 12,9, leporiim disertuspuer et facetiarum. So we should read with Ellis and
the Mss ;:not <f i^b7««, with Passerat. The meaning of <fis«-<«w is 'clear,' 'lucid,' with the
genitive 'clear in respect of,' like the genit. found after such words as doctits, peritus.
For Pollio's wit op. Quintil. vi. 3, 110, de FoUione Asinio seriis iocisqne pariter
necvmmodato dictum est esse eum omnium hominum.

§ Fam. i. 2,4 (96); 5 a. 2 (99), op. Q. Fr. i. 2, 15 (53), adolescens nullius consilii
ud tamen civis Momanus et Cato,

a ASimUS POLLIO. Ixxxl

later we find him with Caesar, and in 705 (49) he crossed the
Rubicon with his general.* Caesar sent him with Curio to Sicily
and Africa, and Pollio did good service, after the disastrous fight
at Ruspina in which Curio lost his life, in gathering together the
remnants of the army.f After this he crossed with Caesar to
Greece, and fought at Pharsalia. Viewing the slain of the sena-
torial party after the battle, Caesar said to Pollio (Suet. Caes.
30) : — ' They tvould have it so : after all my services I, Graius
Caesar, should have been condemned if I had not called the army
to my assistance.'

Returning to Rome, Pollio was tribune for 707 (47), and opposed
tlie foolish socialistic proceedings of Dolabella. But the trumpet
again sounded, and Pollio crossed again to Africa, where we hear
that, by bringing timely aid on one occasion, he and Caesar pre-
vented a really serious disaster-^ Next year he wrote to Cicero
from Spain.§ He fought at Munda, and appears to have returned
home with Caesar, and to have been appointed praetor. || But he
was speedily despatched back again to Spain to keep in check
Sext. Pompeius, who had begun once more to collect forces.
Yeileius says that his campaign was ' most glorious ' ; but Dio
Cassius says that he was defeated, and only escaped ruin by the
reconciliation effected by Lepidus between Sextus and the govern-
ment after the death of Caesar. Dio (xlv. 10) tells a story that
Pollio fled from the field, and in order to escape notice threw away
his cloak, and disappeared for a time ; that a distinguished cavalry
officer named Pollio was reported among the slain; and that a
combination of these two facts led both armies to consider that the
commander-in-chief had fallen, the result being that the Romans
surrendered.

After the death of Caesar, Pollio still continued to govern
Purther Spain with three legions, having his residence at Cor-
duba. In the three letters (824, 890, 896) which he wrote to
Cicero in the first half of 711 (43), he professed adherence to the
government ; ' there is no danger which I shall avoid or shrink
from or refuse in defence of liberty ' ; but he adduces many

* riut. Caes. 32. t App. ii. 40, 45, 4G. % Pint. Ant. 9 ; Caes. 52.

§ Att. xii. 38 a. 2 (581). || Veil. ii. 73.

Ixxxii INTRODUCTION.

reasons for his inking' no decisive steps in tlio war against Antony.
The consuls had sent him no instructions, ncitlier liad Cicero;
Lepidus was acting in concert with Antony, and blocked the
way against any march from Spain into Italy : his own legions
were being influenced by lavish promises on the part of Antony.
Still he declared that he would remain loyal to the govern-
ment and would not surrender his province to anyone except tlie
governor appointed from Home. He professed determined enmity
to anything like despotic power, and a resolution not to survive the
free state. At the same time he expressed himself most desirous of
peace, and full of longing for the pleasajit and cultivated society of
his friends in the capital. On the 8th of Jul}' he started to march
to the scene of conflict : but it was a long way from Corduba ; and
when he arrived at the Rhone, Octavian was master of Rome, and
Antony master of 20 legions. Pollio is not to be censured for
having joined the stronger side. He was cordially received, and
negotiated so effectively with Plancus, that he too was absorbed in
the Antonian multitude.

In 712 (42) Pollio was appointed governor of Transpadane Gaul
by Anton}', and succeeded in saving Yirgil's farm at Andes from
confiscation. Next year 713 (41) L. Antonius and Fulvia raised
the insurrection against Octavian, which culminated at Perusia.
Pollio again temporized. He was ostensibly on the side of the
revolt ; but, like Ventidius and Plancus, was very uncertain as to
the view Marcus Antonius would take of his brother's action.
Accordingly he did not advance to the assistance of Lucius
Antonius further than Ravenna. There he remained until the
event was decided. He was pardoned by Octavian : but a more
trust}' governor, Alfenus Yarns was appointed to Transpadane Graul.
Next year 714 (40) Pollio took part with Cocceius and Maecenas
in negotiating the Treaty of Brundisium. Returning to Rome
with the reconciled masters of East and West, he was rewarded
with the consulship for a portion of the year. It was in the hopes of
a return of tranquillity and order which were inspired by this
reconciliation that Yirgil wrote the famous Fourth Eclogue, the
Pollio.*

* Cp. Eel. 4, 11, Tvqtie adeo deeus hoc aeii, te constile inihit, Follio, ei incipient magni
procedere menses.

C. ASINIUS POLLIO. Ixxxiii

Pollio still remained Antony's lieutenant, and next year was
sent by liim against the Partliians in Dalmatia.* Pollio conducted
the expedition with success, took their town of Salonae, and return-
ing to Rome celebrated his Dalmatian triumph, f He had now
fulfilled all that was fairly to be demanded from him of service to
the State ; and he was at liberty to retire from active political ser-
vice, and devote himself to the more congenial pursuits of poetry,
history, and oratory. He often spoke in the Senate and in the
Courts ; but his public life was over. In 722 (32) when Caesar
marched against Antony, he asked Pollio to accompany him.
Pollio pleaded in excuse ' my services to Antony are greater, but
his kindness to me better known : accordingly, I shall withdraw
myself from the struggle between you and fall a prey to the
victor.'+ He died about 4 a.d., aged 80, in his villa at Tusculum.

Roman literature and art owed much to Pollio. Not only was
he patron of Horace and Yirgil, but he established the first public
library at Rome, and made a large collection of works of art to
which he admitted the public.§ The practice of reciting literary
works which was so common under the Empire was introduced by
Pollio. II But besides this, Pollio was distinguished as a poet, an
historian, an orator, and a critic.^ Of his poetry we have only the
biassed and official opinions of Horace and Virgil.** One half line
of Pollio remains, quoted by Charisius (i. p. 100, 24 K.) —

"Veneris antistita Cupra,

* Scodra, in lllyricum, was the limit whicli divided the territories of the two
greater triumvirs, Lepidus having to content himself with Africa.

t Dio xlviii. 41 ; Hor. Od. ii. 1, 15, Cui laurus aeiernos honores Belmatico peperit
tritimpho ; cp. the fine lines in Virg. Eel. 8, 8-13, a poem also addressed to Pollio.
Pollio called his son, born in this year, Saloninus, in honour of his own achievement
in this war.

X Veil. ii. 86, 3, discrimini vestro me subtraham et ero praeda victoris.

§ Plin. H. N. XXXV. 10, xxxvi. 33.

II Seneca Controv. iv. praef. 2, Pollio Asinius nunquam admissa vmltitudine decla-
mavit ; nee illi ambifio hi studiis defiiit : primus eniin omnium. Eomanorum advocatis
hominibus scripta sua reeitavit.

II We hear that Pollio, great worker as he was, never did anything, never even read
a letter, after the tenth hour : cp. Senec. De Tranquill. Animi, 17.

** Hor. Od. ii. 1, 10 (for tragedies which were apparently acted), Panllum severae
Musa tragoediae Desif theatris. Cp. Sat, i. 10, 42, Pollio regum Facta canit pede ter

Ixxxi V INTROD UCTION.

but witliout having somethiug more tliau tliis, we refuse to recon-
struct tlio poet. In his historical work on the civil wars from the
consulship of Metellus to the year 712 (42), he exliibited much
independence, and generally a sincere love of truth. Ho spoke
rationally of the numbers slain on the senatorial side at Pharsalia,
and in higli terms of Brutus and Cassius.* The history of Pollio
was much used by Plutarch and Appian, and is by some scliolars
supposed to be the original authority from which a rlietor com-
posed Brut, i. 16, 17(864, 865). Pollio affected the use of archaic
words ; and Ateius, the grammarian, warned him against the ob-
scure and extravagant style of Sallust, advising him to use no
other than the ordinary, common, and recognised terms to express
his ideas. t Both in style and method Pollio served as a model for
some of the great writers of the Empire : ' and it is to me quite
certain,' says Scbraalz (Ueber den Spracligebrauch des Asinius
Pollio, p. 6), ' that Pollio, in other respects too (besides Book vii.
of the Hist. Nat.), was the model of Pliny ; and if we had Pollio's
Histories as well as Pliny's work on Germany, a regular connexion
between Pollio, Plinj', and Tacitus would be established, a con-
nexion in respect not merely of contents, but also of systematic
continuance of the opposition which Pollio inaugurated to the
prevailing literary style of his day.'

Pollio was exceptionally, even unduly, careful in his composi-
tion; yet, though vigorous, it was often rough and unfinished, 'so
dry and hard he is,' says Tacitus in one place. He was fond
of introducing quotations from the older writers, Accius and
Pacuvius. Quintiliau says that, " notwithstanding his carefulness,
judgment, and vigour, he was so far from the brightness and
charm of Cicero, that he seems to belong to a previous generation."+

percusso, where it is possible that Fata should be read ; see Palmer ad loc : Yirg.
Eel. 3, 86 ; 8, 10, Sola SopJiocleo tua carmina cligna cothitrno. He also aj^pears tu
have ■written erotic poems: Plin. Ep. v. 3, 5.

* App. ii. 82 ; Tac. Ann. iv. 34.

t Suet. Gramm. 10.

X Tac. Dial. 21, adeo durus et siccus est : Qiiintil. x. 1, 113, Mtdta in Asinio Pollione
inventio, sitmina diligentia, adeo ut qtiibusdain etiam nimia videatur, et consilii et animi
satis ; a nitore et iucunditate Ciceronis ita longe abest, iit videri possit saectilo prior :
cp. i. 8, 11 ; X. 2, 25; 17 tristes ac ieiuni Tollionem aemulantur. Tacitus (Dial. 25)
characterises the chief orators as follows: — Adstrictior Calvus, numerosior Follio

a ASIWIUS POLLIO. Ixxxv

Seneca, the philosopher (Epist. 100, 7), di-aws a poiuted contrast
between the two : —

* Read Cicero : his style is uniform ; it marches along slowly and softly
■without sinking to elieminacy. Uut Pollio's, on the contrary, is rugged
and jerky {salehrosa et exsiliens), and, just where you least expect it, sure
to fail you. Finally, aU Cicero's periods come to a regular conclusion
{(lesinnnt), Pollio's to a sudden collapse {cadunt), with the exception of a
very few passages which are composed according to a definite rule and an
uniform model.'

Pollio was one of the most influential, if not the most
influential, of the opponents of the Ciceronian style ; but his
aggressive and arrogant nature* was irritated to the last degree
by the increasing favour accorded to the lucidity and charm of
Cicero's language and style of oratory ; and in his irritation he
transcended all bounds of fair criticism, actually descending to
downright dishonesty. He passed for the most hostile of all the
ancients to the renown of Cicerof ; but that was no excuse for liis
publishing in his speech for Lamia — for they who heard the
speech declare that he did not utter the words — such a gross and
scandalous lie as that

' Cicero was quite ready to disown the speeches which he had delivered
with all his heart and soul against Antony ; to publish many times as
many speeches of a contrary tenour ; and even himself to deliver them in
public to a meeting.'

On condition that Antony should spare his life, Pollio added
many more degrading charges, but so absurd were they tliat
nobody believed them. He did not, however, venture to insert
such statements in his histories. + We happily have the judgment

Asinius, splendidior Caesar, amarior Caelius, gravior Brutus, veliemenlior et 2}^e>iior et
valentior Cicero. If the mss did not forbid, we should wish (with Meiser and Gudeman) to
read nervosior Asinius. His style was eminently ' muscular.' Valerius Maximus (viii.
13 ext. 4) speaks of Pollio as nervosae vivaciiatis ('longevity') hand parvum exemplnm.

* Seneca Controv. iv. praef. 4, Follionem contumacem natura : op. Tae. Ann. i. 12,
Asinii ferociam. We read that the cross-grained historian Timagenes who attacked
the whole imperial family, after Augustus renounced friendship with him, hved at
Pollio's house : cp. Senec. De Ira iii. 23.

t Seneca Suas. 6, 14, infestissimus famae Ciceronis permansit.

X Senec. Suas. 6, 14-15. The whole of this sixth Suasoria is on the subject,
' Deliberat Cicero an Antonium deprecetur.''

Ixxxvi INTRODUCTION.

preserved which Pollio, as a historian, passed on Cicero. He
tliought fit indeed to contrast the courage shown by Verres in the
face of death with the pusillanimity of Cicero — of which by the
way there is no evidence ; but, ' liowevor nnwilling,' as Seneca
says, he finally sums up Cicero's character in these words : —

* "When so many and such important works of Cicero are destined to live for
all time, to speak of his genius and industrj- is superfluous. Nature and
Fortune alike were kind to him ; he had a handsome face, and up to old
age he always enjoyed good health. Moreover it was his good fortune to
live during a long period of peace, in all the arts of which he was a master.
For when trials were conducted with the strictness of ancient times a
great crop of criminals sprang up, w^hom, when they were accused, he by his
advocacy restored to freedom. He was most fortunate in the conditions
under which he stood for the consulship, and, in the conduct of it, the gods
were very bountiful to him owing to his judgment and energy. I would faiu
that he could have borne prosperity with greater moderation, and adversity
with greater firmness. For when either fortune fell to his lot, he thought
no change was possible: hence the storms of unpopularity rose violently
around him, and his enemies were emboldened to attack him with greater
confidence, for he courted hostilities with greater spirit than he faced
them. But since no human being is of absolute virtue, our judgment of a
man must be on the side on which his life and character show the greater
balance : and I would never call the end he met with pitiable had he not
himself thought that death was such a calamity.'

The praise, such as it is, is niggardly and grudging; and we
refuse to assent to Seneca's criticism when he saj^s : —

' I can assure you there is no passage in Pollio's Histories more eloquent
than the one I have quoted : he seems to me there, not only to have praised
Cicero, but to have rivalled Cicero.'

Both language and manner are entirely un-Ciceronian. When
Cicero praised, he praised with the whole of his warm and enthu-
siastic heart,

Pollio was a severe critic* : he was also a hard, unfeeling man.
He considered it a thing to boast of that he took his dinner as
usual on the day his son died. His hostility to the memory of
Cicero warped his moral sense, and even over-mastered his temper
so completely, that, according to a well-known story, he became

* Man}' examples are to be foimd in Seneca the Rhetorician : see Kiessling's Index.

C. ASINIDS POLLIO. Ixxxvii

quite boorish in his manners when praise was rendered to his
former friend. An indifferent poet, one Sextilius Ena, recited a
poem on Cicero in Messalla's house. When some applause
greeted the verse

Deflendus Cicero Latiaeqxie silentia linguae,

Pollio, who was one of the guests, started up and said : — ' Of
course, Messalla, you may allow what you think fit in your own
house. I certainly will not listen to that man who considers me
unable to speak,'* and forthwith left the room. He had tlie bad
taste to declare in his speech for the heirs of Urbinia that the very
fact that the opposing counsel was Labienus was a positive argument
that his opponents' case was a bad one.f The severity of his
criticism was notorious, and he was very ready to censm-e others for
faults, of which he was equally guilty himself. J Thus he censured
Sallust for using strange words, an error to which he himself was
signally prone§ ; and it was Pollio who accused Livy of " Pata-
vinity," which, to judge from the context of the passage in
Quintilian, must have had reference to the introduction of strange
words, li

Yet Pollio was a very considerable personality, with strong
opinions, which he liked to express strongly ; and he exercised no
small influence on oratory, history, and literature, as we may

* Senec. Suas. 6, 27-

t Quintil. iv. 1, 11. The cause of his hatred to Labienus may have been that he
said, ' The old gentleman (Pollio) has won a triumph, but he never has had the courage
to publish any of his theses' : cp. Senec. Controv. iv., praef. 2, tile triumphalis senex
OKpoda-eis suas nunquam poptilo commisit.

X Senec. Controv. iv. praef. § 3, illud strictum eiies et asperum et niinis iratum in
censendo (so Jahn rightly for mcendio) indicium adeo cessabat ut in multis ilU venia opus
esset quae ab ipso vix inipetrabatur.

§ Suet. Gramm. 10 : cp. Gell. x. 26, where it is said that Pollio criticised Sallust
for using transgressos of soldiers who crossed the Straits of Gibraltar, as transgredi
should be used only in the case of walking.

II Talking of foreign words which had come into the language Quintilian i. 5, 26,
says : — Tacco do Tuscis et Sabinis et Fraenestinis quoque : nam ut eornm sermone utentem
Vettium LhciUus insectatur, quen' admodum Follio reprehendit in Livio Fatavinitateni,
licet omnia Italica pro Romanis habeam ; cp. viii. 1, 3. Livy appears to have pre-
viously made some remarks about those orators qui verba andqua et sordida cotisectantur
et orationis obscttritatem severitatem pntani (Senec. Controv. ix. 25, 26), and Pollio
probably did not fail to see and feel their reference.

Ixxxviii INTRODUCTION.

judge from the frequent quotations from his works in Seneca and
Quiutilian. It was well tliat beside the Ciceronian exuberance
auotlier more terse and less ornate style should have come into
vogue even if it did lead at times to dulness and hardness. Wliere
personal interests were not involved, Pollio was as solicitous for the
accuracy of the thing said as for the adequacy of the manner in
which it was said. And thus his influence was twofold. It made
itself felt, as we have seen, in the productions of two of the greatest
Homau writers of the Empire — in the encyclopaedic and accurate,
but ill-digested, erudition of Pliny, and in the epigrammatic and
mature wisdom of ' the philosophic historian whose writings will
instruct the last generations of mankind,' Tacitus.

4. P. CoKNKLius Lentulus Spinther.

This Lentulus Spinther was the son of the Lentulus to whom
Cicero owed his restoration from exile,* and. to whom he wrote
most of the letters of Fam. i. He was educated for public life,
principally in rhetoric. f When 16 years of age, in 697 (57), he
was elected augur.J Cicero was present at the inaugural banquet
given by the elder Lentulus on this occasion, and was not the
better for it. § In 698 (56), when the tribune C. Cato proposed
that the elder Lentulus, who was governing Cilicia, should be
deprived of his imperiiim, the younger Lentulus, in order to
excite pity, put on mourning.li In 707 (47) he was at Alexandria,
and in 709 (45) at Eome, when he divorced his profligate wife

* Sest. 144, /'. Lodulum cuius ego ]}(dre»i dcum ac parentem furtunae ei nonnnis
■mel.

t Fam. i. 7, 11 (114) ; 9, 23, 24 (153).

X This was in violation of a law that two members of the same gens should not belong
to the College ; and Faustus Sulla, one of the Cornelian gens, was already a member.
In order to obviate this difficulty, Lentulus was adopted by Manlius Torquatus into the
Manlian gens (Dio Cass, xxxix. 17) ; but he did not in after-life make any use of his
adoptive name.

§ Fam. vii. 26, 2 (94).

II Q. Fr. ii. 3, 1 (102) ; Sest. 144.

p. CORNELIUS LENTULUS SPINTHER. Ixxxix

Metella.* After Caesar's murder Lentulus was one of those who,
though they had uo part in the deed, j^et tried to gain credit for
being participators in it.f On April 21, he had an interview with
Cicero. + He was appointed Proquaestor of Trehonius in Asia by the
influence of M. and L. Antonius (883, 7), and undertook the adminis-
tration of that province after the murder of Trebonius by Dohibella.
His services to the State in that capacity, his pursuit of Dolabella,
and his support of Cassius are related by him in an official letter to
the Senate and Magistrates (882), and in a private letter to Cicero
(883). What Lentulus wanted was to be confirmed in the govern-
ment of Asia, until Hirtius and Pansa, to whom the province had
been assigned, could find time to take it up. Lentulus would
appear to have certainly made as much of his services as they
deserved (cp. especially 883, 6) ; for they are not mentioned by
Cassius (822), nor by Brutus (837), nor by Dio Cassius (xlvii. 26).
Yet there is no need to deny that he performed the duties wliich
were expected from an ordinary official witli tolerable efficiency.
Later we find him holding a command against Rhodes — which
must have pleased him, as he had a grudge against the Rhodians —
and directing operations at Myra in Lycia.§ Plutarch says that,
as he was one of those who claimed to have participated in the
murder of Caesar, he was put to death by Antony and Octavian.
This is very probable, as in any case of amnesty to their opponents
they always expressly excepted the murderers of Caesar. ||

Lentulus appears to have been a man who aspired to play a
considerable part in public affairs, but did not succeed in rising-
above mediocrity. His literary style is very good, and betokens
a careful and finished training.^

* Att. xii. 52, 2 (599) ; xiii. 7, 1 (619). She committed adultery with the son of
the actor iEsopus, Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 239 : cp. Att. xi. 15, 3 (430), JUius ^sopi me
excruciat; and apparently with Dolabella, xi. 23, 3 (437).

tPlut. Caes. 67 : cp. 883, 6. % Att. xiv. 11, fin. (714).

§ App. iv. 72, 82 : cp. 882, 2-4.

II Caes. 67. The coin with the legend, avgvstvs divi f., Eeverse lentvlys
spiNTHER, with augural emblems, should not be referred to this Lentulus, but probably
belongs to his son. The coins which Lentulus himself struck under the rule of Brutus
and Cassius have on them leibertas: cp. Babelon i. 427 f. It is hardly likely that a
man who claimed to be a murderer of Caesar, and who made such a parade of opposi-
tion to his successors, would have been pardoned.

H See Dr. Albrecht Kohler, Ueber die Sprache der Briefe des F. Cornelius Lentuhis
Spinther, Niirnberg, 1890.

xo INTRODUCTION.

5. Gaius Furnius.

Gaius Furnius was probably born about G72 (82), as liis
normal 3'ear for standing for the praetorsbip was 712 (42) : cp.
880 (2). We first bear of him in 704 (50), when he was tribune.
When Cicero went to Cilicia, Furnius undertook to oppose the
prolongation of Cicero's tenure of the governorship beyond the
year. Ho seems to have fulfilled his promise, tliough Cicero did
not approve of a proviso that the governors of Cilicia and Syria
should not leave their provinces if the Parthians assumed
a hostile attitude before July.* He also aided Caelius in his
efforts to obtain a sup2)licatio for Cicero. Furnius was a sensible,
but not a rabid, opponent of Caesar.f When the Civil War
broke out he appeared on Caesar's side, and carried some letters
between Caesar and Cicero.* We hear nothing more about him
until 710 (44), when we find him on the staff of Plancus (787, 4),
in Gaul. He carried letters from Plancus to Rome at the end of

710 (44), and afterwards conducted negotiations on behalf of Plancus
with Lepidus. Cicero wrote two letters to Furnius (880, 907) in

711 (43), dissuading him from returning to Rome to canvass for
the praetorsliip. Furnius was anxious to come, lest, if he remained
in Gaul, he should ' continue to risk his life and be a fool.'^ He
joined Antony along with Plancus, and stood faithfully by L.
Antouius at Perusia, and was one of those who were besieged
in that town. He was sent to negotiate terms of capitulation with
Octavian, and had a private interview with him.|| In 715 (39) he
was still in the service of Antony, and was sent by him to Libya
to bring thence forces to the East for the Parthian War. As
Governor of Asia for Antony in 719 (35), he suffered some defeats
from Sextus Pompeius. When that able man was reduced to
extremities, he wished to negotiate a surrender with Furnius, whom
he trusted, rather than with Titius, whom Antony had sent with a

* Att. V. 2, 1 (185) : 18, 3 (218); Fam. xv. 14, 1 (241) ; Att. vi. 1, 11 (252).
t Fam. viii. 11, 3 (267) ; 10, 3 (226).
+ Att. is. 6, 6 (360) ; 11 a. 1, (266).

§ 907, 1, ne diutius cum periculo faUius sis. The foUj', doubtless, was letting slip
his chance of the praetorship.
II App. V. 40.

C. CAS SI us LONGINUS. xci

large army to effect bis capture.* Furnius refused to receive the
surrender, and finally Sextus had to yield to Titius, by whom he
was put to death.

After the battle of Aclium Furnius was pardoned by Octavian
at the intercession of bis son,t and was promised the consulship.
But be never held that office, owing to the number of claimants who
had to be satisfied. In 725 (29), however, be was given the rank
of consularis. Plutarch speaks of Furnius as a man of great repu-
tation and the ablest speaker at E.ome.+ He was certainly a
capable, sensible, and upright man. Whether he was the
" candide Furni" addressed by Horace in Sat. i. 10, d>Q, or not, we
cannot say.

6. C. CaSSIUS LONGINUS.

Many small-minded historians have misrepresented the
motives of Cassius in joining the conspiracy against Caesar.
According to them, being a passionate man, he was inflamed with
resentment for some trifling personal injury,§ — perhaps because
Caesar gave the urban praetorship to Brutus, though he acknow-
ledged that Cassius had the better claim, or because Caesar seized
some lions wbich Cassius had prepared for his aedilician show.

'But thej- are wrong,' says Plutarch (Brut. 9): 'for from the very
beginning of his life Cassius felt hatred and hostility towards the whole
class of tyrants, as he showed when he was still a boy and went to the
same school as Faustus, the son of Sulla. Among the boys Faustus ■R'as
boasting of and glorifying the despotic power of his father, when Cassius

* App. V. 140, ^}^iwa€v is \6yovs iKQitv ^ovpvlui, (piAcfi re Mayvovye yevri/xivcji Kal
a^iiiaei irpovxovTi rSiv aKKwv Kcd ^epatoTepcp rhv rpSirov.

t Seneca (Benef. ii. 25) notices a charming reply of young Furnius to the Emperor
when he granted the pardon : ' You have done me but one wrong, Caesar ; you have
made it impossible for me to show my gratitude either in life or death ' {ka?tc unam,
Caesar, habeo iniuriam tuam ; effeeisti ut virerem et morerer ingratus). It was probably
this young Furnius who conducted the war against the Asturians and Cantabrians in
732 (22) : cp. Dio Cass. liv. 5.

J Ant. 58, '6s ?iv a^twixaros neydAov koI SeivoraTos eiVeiJ' Pwfxaicci'.

§ Plut. Brut. 8, Kao-crtos ayrjp Ou^oetSrjs Kal /xaWov I5ia fjucroKalaap ^ Kolv^ fxicro-
Tupavvos.

xcii INTRODUCTION.

rose up and struck him with his fist. When the guardians and relations
of Faustus wished to follow the matter up and punish him, Pompey
prevented them ; and, confronting the boj's with one another, investigated
the matter. Then the story goes that Cassius said, " Come, Faustus, dare
to repeat before Pompey here those words at which T was provoked, that I
may break your mouth again ('/va ffov iraKiv iyio avvTpi\\iw rh a-TS/xa)." That
was the the kind of man Cassius was.'

Born some years before Brutus, he first appears prominently
as quaestor of Crassus in the East ; and there he displayed tliat
somid judgment in military matters whicli always characterized
hira.* He recommended Crassus not to cross the Euphrates and
leave tlie river ; and again, when the battle came on, and he was
in command of one of tlie wings, he advised that the line should
be extended, and tlie wings strengthened by the cavalry. In
both matters his advice was disregarded, with disastrous results.
With much skill he led the defeated army back to Carrhae. There
the soldiers offered him the chief command, but he refused it.
Distrusting the guides who proposed to conduct the retreating
army, he managed to escape with 500 horsemen into Syria, where
he collected the remnants of the Roman forces, and prepared to
defend the province against the Parthians. The judgment, skill
and caution which he displayed on that occasion are worthy of
every praise. f

Next year he drove back a small force of Parthians, who,
however, returned in greater force in 703 (51) under Osaces.
Cassius threw himself into Antioch. The Parthians failed to take
the town, and retreated in the beginning of autumn. Cassius
followed, and inflicted a severe defeat on them at the river Orontes,
Osaces dying of his wounds. + Cicero, who was in Cilieia, at this
time wrote to congratulate him for ' the great exj)loits he had
performed.' Writing to Atticus, Cicero appears to consider that
liis own approach contributed in a marked degree to the defeat of
Osaces; and to Appius Claudius he hints that the Parthians were

* Plutarch notices that Cassius was hot-tempered and rather too fond of sarcastic
jokes among his acquaintances; cp. Brut. 29, opyrj Se rpaxw, irphs Se rovs avvr)d(is
vypSTfpov ('inclined to') t^ jiXoicf Kixl ((>i\uaKwirT7]v.

t Plut. Crass. 22 ff.

X Dio Cass. xl. 28, 29.

C. CA8SIUS L0NGINU8. xciii

nothing but Bedouins dressed up in Partliian costume — a rumour
which seems to liave prevailed in Rome at this time.* There was
probably not much truth in tliis ; for Cassius was a true Roman in
liis military capacity, and no charlatan like Bibnlus. But he was
also a true Roman in his plundering of provincials, and in amass-
ing money any way and every way. He would appear to have
used his official position to make a ' corner ' in Syrian merchandise,
and thereby to have earned the nickname of Caryota, ' the Date.'f
He returned home in 704 (50), and was succeeded by Bibulus. He
seems to have anticipated accusation for extortion ; but the civil
war broke out, and more important matters required attention. +

During the next year Cassius commanded the fleet of Pompey,
destroyed several of the enemy's ships off Messana, and ravaged
the coast of Italy, On receiving news of the defeat at Pharsalia,
he sailed to the East. In the Hellespont he fell in with Caesar,
and though he had superior numbers, surrendered. Was it
treachery ? At any rate Caesar made him one of his legates. It is
uncertain whether he served in the Alexandrian War. He certainly
took part in the campaign against Pharnaees. During 708, 709
(46, 45), he remained in the south of Italy, chiefly at Brundisium,
and carried on a pleasant correspondence with Cicero, in the course
of which the two friends wrote much to one another on certain
elementary principles of the Epicurean philosophy, which they
treat in a rather superficial style. § Cassius did not take any active
part in Caesar's later campaigns, as he did not wish to stand
in arms against his old friends : for the Pompeian party were his
old friends, and Caesar was his old enemy. Many a time during
those long months of enforced idleness, the passionate and am-
bitious soul of Cassius must have writhed at seeing Caesar advanc-
ing from victory to victory, until he bestrode the world like a
Colossus ; he must have found the fault in himself that he was an

* Fam. XV. 14, 3 (241) pio reriim magnitudine : Att. v. 20, 3 (228) ; Fam. iii. 8,
10 (222) ; viii. 10, 3 (226).

t Aurel. Victor 83, 3, Deinde quod coemptia Sijriacis mercihus foedissime negotiavetur
Caryota cognominatus est.

X Cp. Fam. XV. 14, 4 (241), si quae sunt oncra tttoriim, perhaps, refers to an attack
on Gaius as well as on Quintus Cassius.

§ Fam. XV. 16-19 (530, 631, 541, 542). In Att. xiii. 22, 2 (635) Me hear that
Cassius wrote to Cicero about the death of Marcellus.

VOL. VI. h

xciv IN TROD UGTION.

luulerling; roflooted that men at some times are masters of their
fnte ; and remembered, like a true Roman, how in the olden days
an ancient lioman

would have brooked

Tir eternal devil to keep his state in lloTne

As ciisily as a king.

And Caesar was but mortal. Thus began the fire of the conspiracy
in the master-mind, and it found discontent and disappointed
ambition everywhere to feed its flame.

Cassius was much mistrusted by Caesar. Shakespeare, follow-
ing Plutarch,* makes Caesar say (Jul. Caes. i. 2, 200] : —

I do not know the man I should avoid

So soon as the spare Cassius. He reads much ;

He is a great observer, and he looks

Quite through the deeds of men.

Yet Caesar made him praetor peregrinus : and when he said that
Cassius deserved the more honourable office of the urban praetor-
ship, he probably meant that to be a graceful solace for the trifling
frustration of his desires. Yet Cassius worked hard to organize
the conspiracy, and infused into the mass of selfishness wiiich
formed it the fire of his own passionate nature. When the deed
was being done he is reported to have cried to an unnerved com-
rade— ' Strike, strike, even through me.'f

He was no statesman. His passion blinded his vision beyond
the moment when his enemy should lie before him. And he was no
match for the combined courage and cunning of Antony. When-
ever Antony crossed his path Cassius was sure to lose his cause,
just as the better cunning of Antony was sure to ' faint under the
chance' of Octavius.+ In June, Antony succeeded in having
Cassius and Brutus appointed commissioners of corn, and thus
removed them from Italy. Cicero gives us a lively account of a
meeting he had at Antium with Brutus and Cassius, at which
several ladies, Servilia, Tertulla, Porcia, were present. Cicero
advised Brutus and Cassius to accept the commissionership and

* Brut. 8 ; Caes. 62 ; Ant. 11.

■}• Aurel. Victor 83, 5, vel per me, inquit,feri.

X Cp. Plut. Ant. 33 ; Shakespeare, Ant. and Cleop. ii. 3, 20 £f.

a CASSIUS LONQINUS. xcv

make a virtue of necessity. Cassius, ' with flashing eyes, you
would fancy he was breathing out fire and slaugliter,'* declared
he would not go. Cicero, however, tells Atticus that he thinks
he will go : and go he did, but not, however, as a corn-
commissioner to Sicily, but as a military commander to Syria,
the scene of his old victories, which province had been promised
to him by Caesar. Antony had succeeded in having that pro-
vince legally granted to Dolabella by the people, but Cassius
hastened to secure it first. Here he collected a large army (see
above, p. xxxviii) : and when Dolabella came to take up the
government of Syria, Cassius blockaded him iu Laodicaa, wliere
he was reduced to such extremities that he killed himself,t and
thus the murder of Trebonius was avenged. Cassius was prepar-
ing to march against Cleopatra— the Egyptian treasures were
tempting, and Cassius had an ' itching palm '—when he was re-
called to Asia Minor by Brutus. He left his brother in command
in Syria, and joined Brutus at Smyrna. They arranged to plunder
Asia Minor, which was favourably disposed to the Caesarians.
Cassius took Rhodes by the help of traitors within the walls, and
exacted 8500 talents from the inhabitants. Ten years' tribute in
advance was demanded from the towns of Asia Minor. Brutus,
* the honourable man,' practised such extortion in Lycia that the
Xanthians, as long before in the Persian invasion, buried them-
selves in the ashes of their town. Yet Brutus was very severe
about the peculation of public money by an inferior ; and he
nearly quarrelled at Sardis with Cassius, who wished that indul-
gence should be shown to one L. Bella who was guilty of em-
bezzling public funds. :|: Wlien they had crossed over to Sestos,
some of the soldiers who had been Caesar's veterans expressed
unwillingness to serve against his nephew. Cassius made a speech
in justification of the war they were waging against him, and by
the help of lavish bribes succeeded in confirming the veterans in
their obedience.§ "When Brutus and Cassius occupied a strong po-
sition on the hills at Philippi, Cassius wished that no engagement
fihould be commenced ;|| as the difficulty which the triumvirs would

* Alt. XV. 11, 1 (744), /ojViiws sane oculis, Cassius, — Martem spirare dieeres.
t Cp. 882, 883, 891, 901 ; Dio Cass, xlvii. 30.
X Plut. Brut. 28-35. § App. iv. 89 ff.

II App. iv. 133 declares tliat Cassius thought of the war, and the -war only, like a

xcTi IXTRODrCTIOX.

experience in getting provisions would soon break up their army.
Cassius wished also to draw the war over into Asia ; but Brutus
overruled him. When the battle came on, Cassius on the left wing
was defeated bj Antony, and retired to a hill. Brutus, who had
defeated Octavian and the left wing of the enemy's army, sent a
body of troops under Titinius to discover how Cassius had fared.
Cassius, who was short-sighted,* thought that they were the enemy,
and mistook the cries of joy from his own soldiers for signs that
they had been taken prisoners. He retired to his tent, and called
his freedman Pindarus, whom he had with him, even in the
Parthian war eleven years before, to do him the last service if it
should be needed. The time was come now ; and wrapping his
cloak round his head he bared his neck to the blow. Pindarus
did the last service and disappeared. Brutus soon arrived and
mourned with bitter grief over his friend, ' Thou last of all the
Eomans, fare thee well ' — intimating, says Plutarch, that Eome
would never produce another such great spirit. f

Perhaps Eome never did in after ages produce a man who
united such military skill and courage with unrelenting hostility
to the monarchy : Corbulo, for example, who bears some similarity to
Cassius, was an obedient servant, even unto death, to the contemp-
tible Nero. Cassius was an ancient Eoman also in the fact that
he had all the narrow ideas and passionate selfishness of the aris-
tocrats of the old regime. But the old order was changing,
yielding plac-e to new ; and the old order made its last staud
on the field at Philippi. Thus the men of after ages who
looked back to the times of the Eepublic as the times when
Eome was really Eome, had good reason to echo the lament
of Brutus ; and, some of them, even at the risk of their lives, were
found to pay honour to Cassius as the ' last of the Eomans.' :^

gifiK«tnr ; vhcreas Brarns. as being HbenJly edoeated and eag<a for leazmng, Hked to
see and Yteai about ererything v^herever be •weai. Concentzation of pnrpoee was eer-
tainly a characteristic of Cassias.

* Pint- Brat. 43.

t Plot. Bnit. 44, rf€m,fmn.i€ms eirxoTMr toAfm. Vufmimw r^v K^Uvi^r, ms aim en ry
TO.Vet T-qXix*«T«v ^itmrijucrms iyye^ev^mi Swraftewwm.

X Tac Ann, ir. 34, Crewmtimt CitimM pntulmtwrj am* me twm frimuat mmdiU erimiiK,
qutd eJitit an— Kim lmmdmt»fme M. BnU C. Cmssimm JfonciiarifM itltimmm

MARCUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. xcvii

7. Marcus Junius Brutus,

General opinion regards Marcus Brutus as an ' honourable
man,' who, from the highest motives of Eoman patriotism, slew
his benefactor when that benefactor raised himself above the level
of a citizen, and who died a martyr to the cause of republican
freedom. It may be well to sketch briefly the career of Brutus and .
examine how far the general opinion is j ustiflable.

Eumour or scandal asserted in the generation which succeeded
the death of Brutus — for there is no account in the contemporary
Nicolaus of Damascus — that he was the son of Caesar. There is
no question at all that Cato's sister Servilia, the wife of Marcus
Brutus, who was lieutenant of Lepidus in his attack on the Sullan
constitution, was the mother of Brutus and was passionately in love
with Caesar.* Neither is there any difficulty as to the age of Caesar
when Brutus was born. Velleius (ii. 72) says explicitly that
Brutus was 37 years of age at his death ;t therefore he was born in
675 (79), when Caesar was 21. This definite statement must be
considered as outweighing the indefinite remark of Cicero (Brut.
324) that Hortensius began to speak ten years before Brutus was
born, which would fix the birth of Brutus to 669 (85), when
Caesar was only 15 ; and there are independent reasons for sup-
posing that the number given by Cicero is erroneous.^ Schmidt
points out that both the friends and the enemies of Brutus were
interested in spreading this rumour ; the friends as thereby exalt-
ing the patriotism of their hero, who sacrificed natural affection for
his country ; and his enemies, as deepening the guilt of one who
added parricide to ingratitude. This fact that there was every

* See the story in Plut. Brut. 5, who says : iyvuKei yap, us %oiKe, v^avias Sip in
T7JV 'S.ip^iKiav iizifxavelffav avT<f : cp. Appian, ii. 112.

t Cp. Livy, Epit. 124, annorum erat circiter XL.

X Cic. Brut. 324, Annis ante decern causas agere coepit quam tu es natus. Nipperdey
(Rhein. Mus. xix. 291) -wishes to read sedecim for decern, in order to bring Cicero into
■accord with Yelleius. He argues that the order in which the orators are named in the
JJicdogue on Orators is that of date of birth ; and if this is so, Brutus was born after
Calvus. But Calvus seems to have been born about the same time as Curio, i.e. 672
(82), and after Caelius, 669 (So) ; cp. Brut. 279, 272. Accordingly Brutus was born
after 672 (82).

xcviii INTli OD UCTION.

reason for the invention of the story makes us hesitate to accept
it ; and Caesar's regard for Brutus can be adequately explained by
tlie influence of Servilia, whose favour witli Caesar remained so
considerable even to the last,* that all kinds of stories arose as to
the methods which she adopted to retain it.f The matter still
remains uncertain.

But it is certain tliat Servilia's relations with Caesar were of
material assistance to young Brutus when we first hear of liim.
During Caesar's consulship, the informer Yettius accused him of
plotting with others to murder Pompey, but Yettius withdrew his
name, apparently, as Cicero suggests, at the direction of Caesar and
by the influence of Servilia. + Shortly afterwards, perhaps in con-
sequence of this affair, Brutus left for Greece, where he appears to
liave been wlien, in 697 (57), he was summoned by his uncle
Cato to help him in the unpleasant duty of confiscating the pro-
pert}^ of the King of Cyprus. Brutus, ' though youug and a
student, and considering the business dishonourable and unsuitable
to himself,'§ answered the summons : and there invested his
money (as we might say) in ' Cappadocians ' and ' Cyprians,'
lending, at the most exorbitant interest, large sums to the insolvent
King of Cappadocia (already over head and ears in debt to Pompey),
and to the towns of Cyprus. In those regions Brutus remained
during the Governorship of Cilicia and Cyprus by Appius Claudius,
finding it probably more profitable to watch over his investments
there under a congenial governor than to accept the position of
quaestor in Gaul offered him by Caesar. Brutus appears to have
conducted his monetary affairs with astuteness, and probably
within the bounds of legality, for he was not mentioned in the case

* Cp. Alt. xiv. 21, 3 (728), mulla vwoaSxoiKa. Pontii Keapolilanum a niaire fi/rau-
uoctonl possideri.

t Cp. Suet. Jul. 50, and vol. iii., p. xxrii.

X Att. ii. 24, 3 (51), Frimiim Caepionem de oratione sua siistnlii, quern in se?ia(ic
acerrime nomhiarai, tit apparerei noctem et noctiirnam deprecationem inter cessisse. In
formal language Brutus Avas called Q. Caepio Brutus, as having been adopted by his
uncle, Q. Servilius Caepio : cp. Phil. x. 25.

§ Plut. Brut. 3, Kol 6\ci>s tt^v rotavTTjv iTrt/j,i\eLav Kal SioiKrjcnv, are 5?; Vfos Kal
<rxo^aarT}s, ovk f\tv6(piov ovS' eavTov ■Koiovfx.evos. For a year or two he appears to
have studied in Greece ; cp. Aurel. Victor, 82, i, Athenis p/iilosophiam, Ehodi elo~
quentiam didicit.

MARCUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. xcix

for extortion directed against Appius Claudius.* He had returned
to Rome before Cicero went to Cilicia, and doubtless expected
that the parvenu governor (even though he was an ex-consul)
would not venture to hesitate about enforcing such contracts as
Roman nobles had made with subjects. When he found that
Cicero was hesitating in the matter, he wrote in an arrogant
cle hunt en bus manner, which Cicero justly resented. f The
history of the relations of Cicero and Brutus in these affairs has
been related in vol. iii., pp. xxviii-xxxii. Business is business ;
but it is perhaps pressing business claims a little too far when
debtors are starved to death. J To an Antouius or a Dola-
bella such miglit be only a regrettable incident ; but we should
have expected from the philosophic Brutus that he would have
instantly dismissed agents whose zeal carried them to such lengths.
But Brutus, besides being a philosopher, was a Roman, and
Romans had very strong views about business ; and the Salami-
nians were provincials. But perhaps we must not bo excessively
indignant when we remember that excellent people of the present
day cheerfully invest their money in companies who work their
employes, men and women, fourteen hours a-day with results
at which even dividend drawers are sometimes disconcerted.§

* Cp. Aurel. Vict. 82, 3, Quaestor in Galliam projicisci <Caesari> noliiit quoclis bonig
omnihus displicehat. Cum Appio Claudio in Cilicia fuit et cum Hie repetundariun ciccusa-
retur ipse ne verba quidem itifamatus est. It is probable tbat the -writer is stating what
was the fact ; but we must always be on our guard against him when we find such a
statement as the following, in his Life of Cicero, § 3, Aedilis C. Verrem repetundarum
damnavif, praetor Ciliciam latrociniis liberavit, consul coniuratos capite punivit ; and in
his Life of Antony, § 2, Augusttim perjidiose tractavit, a quo ajmd Mutinam victus, Fer-
usiae fatne domitus in Galliam fug it. Ibi Lepidum sibi collegam adiunxit.

t Att. vi. 3, 7 (264) ; vi. 7, 1 (270). + Att. vi. 1, 6 (252).

§ About this time Cicero, writing to Appius Claudius, father-in-law of Brutus,
speaks of him warmly as ' long since the first of the younger men ; soon, I trust, to
be first of the state,' Fam. iii. 11, 3 (265). Such official judgments of Cicero's must
not be taken as his cool and deliberate opinions. Similarly, when he says of Brutus,
in the Orator, ' "Who was ever more respected than you, or more genial (dulcior) ? '
we should not regard this as more than the merest compliment. So too, in Brut. 330,
Cicero speaks of his ' most delightful ' {stiavissimis) letters, and in a rather formal com-
munication to Dolabella, shortly after the death of Caesar, fam. ix. 14, 5 (722), he
delivers quite a panegyric on Brutus, semper amavi, tit scis, M. Brutiim propter eius
summum ingenitim, suaiissimos mores, singularem probitatem et constantiam. For the
difference between the ofiicial and real opinions of Cicero on public men, contrast what
he says about Piso in Plane. 12 and Att. i. 13, 2 (19).

0 INTIiODUCriON.

Wlien Cicero left his province iu tlie middle of 704(50) Brutus
appears to have at once hastened thither, along witli the new
governor, Sestius, in order to see how liis demands could most
effectively he realized, lie had to he recalled hy his uncle Cato
to take his place in the Porapeian army.*

During tlie spring of 706 (48) Cicero, writing from Pompey's
camp, relates that Brutus was acting with great vigour, adding
that prudence forhids him to say more.f But Brutus does not
appear to have considered that liis loyalty need he proof against
defeat. Accordingly, after the battle of Pharsalia, he escaped by
night to Lavissa, and from that place wrote to Caesar, who, as
Plutarch says, was deliglited that he was alive. Caesar ordered
liim to come to him, acquitted him of all blame, and even showed
him especial honour. + Brutus repaid this by informing Caesar
whither Pompey liadfled.§ Loyalty appears to have been a virtue
unknown to Brutus. Dante was right to put him in the very
jaws of Satan (Inferno, Canto xxxiv.).

"We hear nothing more of Brutus until tlie late summer of 47.
About that time he defended Deiotarus before Caesar, at Nicaea,
in a vigorous speech. It was on this occasion that Caesar made
the celebrated criticism on Brutus — qiiidquid viilt valde vult.\\

About the same time he wrote to Cicero, apparently informing
him tliat he need not fear a continuance of Caesar's displeasure.
The letter was, no doubt, written iu a tone different from the
usual cold and superior manner of Brutus. In the Brutus Cicero
describes, with an emphasis all his own, the delight which this

* Aurel. Yict. 82, 5, Civili hello a Catone ex Cilicia retr actus rompeiicm secidu.i est.

t Att. xi. 4, 2 (413), Brutus amicus <tuus> in causa versatnr acriter. Hactenus ftdt
quod caute a me scribi posset. "We have added tuus : cp. Alt. vi. 1, 25 (252).

+ Schmidt (Grenzboten, p. 367) justly says that Caesar showed as much regard for
the old nobility as Napoleon did for the ancicnne noblesse.

§ Plutarch, Brut. 6.

II The speech appeared to Tacitus to have had little enduring merit and no real
vigour; cp. Dial, de Orat. 21, nisi forte quisquam .... BriUi pro Deiotaro rege
ccto'osque eiusdem lenlitudinis ac teporis libros legit. Yet the speech vi'as certainly
vigorous and outspoken, t'rt/t/e vehementer eum visum et lib ere dicere, Att. xiv. 1,
2 (703). Cicero, Bi-ut. 21, saj^s that he heard that the defence of Deiotarus had been
conducted by Brutus oniatissime and copiosissime, terms which it is surprising to find
applied to the oratory of Bmtus, and which it is impossible to regard as anything
more than expressions of effusive politeness.

MARCUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. ci

letter afforded him. * I seemed once more to be recalled to the
light of day from a long-continued disorder of my whole constitu-
tion.' But we must not lay too much stress on such language in
a work dedicated to Brutus, and written hy Cicero, especially
when we read in the next clause an equally effusive statement
tliat the gift of the Annah of Atticus was beyond anything pleas-
ing and appropriate, and roused him from his prostrate condition.*

During the two years which followed, Brutus in public life
acted as one of Caesar's ministers, and at the same time was on
friendly relations with Cicero and others of the republican party.
It is not at all necessary, or even desirable, that a politician should
have no private friendsliip with these who hold opposite views as
to the administration of the State. Accordingly we find ourselves
unable to accept the original and ingenious theory of Prof. 0.
E. Schmidtjt that the letter addressed by Brutus to Caesar in 47
was written at Caesar's orders, and that Brutus, as ' decoy-duck,'
had been entrusted with the task of drawing over the moderate
republicans to acquiescence in Caesar's rule. We think that a
person like Brutus, who, with all his respectability and ancient
name, was so stiff, so dogged, and so ungracious, was not by any
means suited for a duty which required much finesse, flexibility of
mind, aud attractiveness of manner.

We have positive evidence that Caesar never put any restric-
tions on his followers in respect of their clioice of friends. In the
celebrated letter of Matins to Cicero, which is instinct with loyalty
and truth, Matius says, Fam. xi. 28, 7 (785) : —

Caesar numquam interpellavit quin quibus vellem atq[ue etiam quos
ipse non diligebat tamen eis uterer.

And, no doubt, Caesar left as much freedom to Brutus as he did to
Matius. That Caesar was generous to literary men, even to those

* Cic. Brut. 12, Me istis scito litteris ex dinturna perturbatione totlus valetudinis
tamquam ad aspiciendam liiceni esse revocatmn . . . 13. An milii poluit esse aut gratior
tilla salutatio aut ad hoc tempus aptior quain illlus libri quo me hie adfaius quasi iacentem
fxcitavit ? cp. § 330.

t M. Junius Brutus, in ' Verhaiidlungen der 40 Pliilologenversammlung,' Gorlitz,
1889, pp. 165-185. It is to this work that reference is principiilly made. ' Ein falscher
Freiheitsheld des Altcrtliunis,' in Grenzboten, 1889, Nos. 8, 9, pp. 362-369, 407-414.
* Der Brief wechsel des M. Tullius Cicero,' Leipz. 1893. The services of Schmidt, as

cii INritODUCTlON.

who attacked liim with uunioasurtHl vinilence, is proved from his
treatment of Catulhis (cp. Suet. Jul. 73). Though Caesar was not
as great in 55 as lie was in 45, yet even at the former date he was
a ver}^ influential personage ; he was, as Calvus, who gave the
note to Catullus, said, the ma gnus quern metuunt omnes. Much
more, therefore, would he abstain from interfering with the
private friendships of his friend Brutus ; and the connexion of
Brutus with Cicero and other republicans was mainly one of social
and literary intercourse, not one of united political action.

During the two years which followed Cicero's return to Rome
in November, 47, he devoted himself vigorously to literary work,
confining himself chiefly to the subject-matter, oratorical theory
or philosophy as the case might be ; but occasionally, in order to
soothe his conscience, he let drop a word or two to show that, though
he did not resist, yet he did not sympathise with, tlie Caesarian
regime. First, he composed the Brutus, then a panegyric on Cato,
after that the Orator. The first and third were dedicated to
Marcus Brutu?, wdio at this time held the governorship of Cisalpine
Gaul, a post which he filled with conspicuous success (Pint. Brut.
6). Sclimidt is of opinion that Brutus asked Cicero to write some-
thing in favour of the new government, and that Cicero did so in
the Brutus ; but, far from being favourable to Caesar's party, that
treatise exhibited sympathy with the ruined republic. For in-
stance, it declares that Hortensius was happy in dying before the
republic fell (§§ 4, 5), and that Marcellus was living a noble life in
exile (250), &c. ; cp. §§ 53, 266, 273, 331*.

Brutus then gave Cicero a second chance of writing a Caesarian
pamphlet, when he suggested an essay oa Cato. But this Cato,
when it appeared, was no less republican and anti-monarchical
than the Brutus. We can hardly imagine, however, that Brutus,
if a Caesarian agent, after his previous failure in the Brutus, would
not have asked to see the Cato before it was published ; and when
he had seen the lines on which it was written, would not have used

regards the chronology and elucidation of Cicero's epistles, cannot be over-estimated,
and many of his eniendations are admirable. It is disconcerting to find oneself at
variance with any of his opinions on a historical point. On the subject of ' M. Brutus
as Caesarian ' a fuller discussion than we have given here will be found in Hermathena
ix. (1896), pp. 369-384.

* For these passages we are indebted to Schmidt.

MARCUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. ciii

his influence to ensure that it should not be given to tlie world.
In connexion with these two works, Schmidt excellently refers
(p. 174, note 4) to a fragment of a letter from Cicero to Brutus,
quoted by Quintilian (v. 10, 9) : —

Veritus fortasse ne nos in Catonem nostrum transferremus illim (sc.
from the £?-Htus) mali quid, etsi argumentum simile non erat.

Brutus rightly thought it more politic that Cicero should avoid
needless attacks on the Caesarian party. Cicero himself thought
so too ; a little before he had said to Paetus : ' The work for me
to do is not foolishly to say any rash word or do any rash deed
against the dominant party.'*

Cicero had no reason to dread Caesar's wrath : there were
really no grounds to fear that he would ' in boorish fashion make
his retort with the sword. 'f Not only was Caesar wdse enough
to know that considerable latitude in such circumstances was
advisable, and that the moderate republicans might discharge
their republican sympathies in that way, and so be less dangerous
in the sphere of politics ; but we must also remember that Caesar
was no ordinary Caesarian, and ' that he still cherished at heart the
magnificent dream of a free commonwealth, although he was
unable to transfer it either to his adversaries or to his adherents '
(Mommsen, E. H. iv. 321). Caesar determined to answer the
republican Cafos with the pen, and not with the sword. As a sort
of an outline sketch (TrpoTrXaafxa) of what Caesar's work would be
like, Hirtius, in the spring of 709 (45), wrote an invective against
Cato, with much praise of Cicero (Att. xii. 40, 1 (584)) ; and some
time later Caesar, notwithstanding all his duties, wrote two Aiiti-
Cafos (Tac. Ann. iv. 34 ; Juv. vi. 338). In these works he praised
Cicero's life and eloquence as most resembling those of Pericles and
Theramenes.J

* Fam. ix. 16, 5 (472).

t Cp. Fam. XY. 19, 4 (542), Vercor ne nos riisiice gladio velit avTifjLVKTr]picrai.

X Cp. Plut. Cic. 39. The praise is high. The judgment on Theramenes as a
politician containtd in the Constitution of Athens, c. 28, is that a diversity of opinion
exists ahout him, the forms of government at his time heing suhject to much con-
fusion ; * yet he seems to writers who are not superficial to have been a man who did
not (the charge commonly brought against him) destroy everj- form of government, but

civ INTRODUCTION.

In a letter to Balbus Caesar appears to liave spoken much about
the Caios of Cicero and Lrutus ; and witli some irony declared
tliat while, from a frequent perusal of the former, he had obtained
a more flowing style {copioniorem factioti), after reading tlie work of
Brutus, he considered himself an eloquent man {diserfi(ui). The
language of Brutus was certainly, as a rule, heavy and cold.*

Caesar was large-minded enough to bear with even Brutus
•when ho wrote a panegyric on his uncle Cato, just as he did not
resent his words of eulogy on Marcellus (see Seuec. Helv. 9. 4) . He
appears to ignore the subject-matter of the Catos of Cicero and
Brutus, and to criticise only the stjde. But the Caio of Brutus
was a poor work. Not only was it full of errors, but in an un-
gracious, i)altry, and jealous manner, he tried to mhiimize the
merits of Cicero in the Catiliuarian conspiracy. f

About June, 709 (45), Brutus divorced his wife Claudia, daughter
of Appius Claudius, to whom he had been married for many years.
He does not appear to have had any fault to find with her, and he
incurred some censure for the divorce.^ His reason was that he
wanted to marrj^ Cato's daughter, Porcia, widow of Bibulus.
This was an event which might well have disquieted Caesar;
but he, perhaps, reflected that it was merely a love match, as it
probably was, though it was, in our opinion, also fraught with
most imj)ortaut results. We cannot help thinking that Porcia,
who was a woman of strong natural affection, devoted to her
husband, and full of high spirit and sound judgment,§ influenced
Brutus so far that tlie anti-monarchical energy and vehemence
of Cassius, when they came to operate on his weaker companion,
found a disposition not wholly averse from his projects.

In June, shortly after the marriage, Cicero left his Tusculanum,
and went to Arpiuum, plainly to avoid Brutus, who was con-

rather one wlio f uithered every form within the limits of legality, thinking that he
could take his part as a citizen under any of them (and this is the duty of a good
citizen), hut not tolerating, rather condemning, forms of government when they ran
counter to law.' <

* Att. xiii. 46, 2 (663) : cp. Att. xv. 1 B., 2 (731).

t Cp. Att. xii. 21, 1 (557). J Att. xiii. 9, 2 (623) : cp. 10, 3 (624).

§ Plut. Brut. 13 : <pi\6(TTopyos S' tj UopKia Kai',<pi,\ay5pos ovcra koI fj-effrrj <ppov7)ixa,ros

VOVV ^XOVTOS.

MARCUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. cv

stantlj visiting him.* Cicero admired Brutus in many ways and
at a distance ; lie could tolerate his company for a short time ; but
continued personal intercourse "with such a rigid, persistent, un-
gracious man was a burdenf ; and he expresses that feeling in the
most courteous way possible to Atticus, who was a close friend of
Brutus. We cannot think, with Schmidt (p. 176, Briefwechsel,
pp. 322-4), that Cicero was afraid that Brutus was suspected of
hatching republican schemes because he had just mai-ried Cato's
daughter, and that he (Cicero) might compromise himself with
the Caesarians if he should be observed to have frequent interviews
with the supposed conspirator. But Caesar does not appear to have
had any suspicion of Brutus at this time : the kind of caution which
Schmidt attributes to Cicero was not characteristic of Cicero : and
it is hard to believe that in a private letter to Atticus he would
not have expressed himself more explicitly.

When Caesar returned from Spain, Brutus communicated to
Atticus — apparently in a letter written early in August, Att.
xiii. 40, 1 (660) — his belief that Caesar was intending to return to
the policy of the Optimates, probably because Caesar had stated
that, instead of the praefedi tirbis, the ordinary magistrates would
be appointed. The hope which arose when Marcellus was pardoned,
but which had been speedily dispelled, now only very slightly
moved even the impulsive Cicero+ : —

* So Brutus announces the conversion of Caesar to the cause of the
Optimates. Three cheers ! But where will he find them ? Unless,
indeed, he hangs himself (and goes to join them in the other world). But
what is Brutus himself going to do ? (Is he going to oppose Caesar ?) You
say 'it is idle to expect it.' "Where, then, do j^ou leave that chef d' ceuvre
of yours, the family tree which exhibits the ancestors of Brutus as far

* Att. xiii. 11, 1 (625) : Ne magnum onus observantiae Briito nosti-o imponerem. . . .
Hoc autem tempore cum ille me cotidie videre vellet, ego ad ilium ire non possem, privabatur
omni delectatione Tiisculani.

t Cp. Att. xii. 29. 1 (565) of a previous occasion : Nee ego Brutum vito nee tamen
ah eo levationem ullam expecto, sed erant causae cur hoc tempore istic esse nollem, quae si
manebuni, quaerenda erit excusatio apiid Brutum et, ut nunc est, mansurae videntur.

X Itane nuntiKt Brutus ilium ad boyios viros ? EvayyeAia. Sed tibi eos ? Nisi forte
se suspendit. Hie autem? Tu 'futilum est.' [The i^iss give utfuUum est. Schmidt
admirably suggests futilitm. We have ventured to alter ut into tu.'] JJhi igitur
^iXoTe'xJ'rj/Ua illud tuum, quod vidi in Farthenone, Ahalam et Brutum ? Sed quid facial ?

cvi INTRODUCTION.

back as Ahala the tyrannicide and Brutus the first consul, and whicli I have
seen in tlie room which Brutus calls his Partheuon? (i. e., do you not at
all take into account the effect of faniilj' tradition on Brutus ?) But after
all what can lie do ? '

Tliis would lead us to suppose that Cicero tliought it
possible tliat Brutus might be so far influenced by liis ancestors
as to dissociate himself from the monarchy ; and that he sym-
pathized with such a project, but reflected that Brutus could
do but little, as there was no Optimate party existing. Still
the passage is a proof that the restoration of the republic was a
consummation towards which Cicero (and, accordingly, perhaps
others) thought tliat Brutus migJit contribute. Yet Brutus still
continued to act openly as a Caesarian, and, as we have seen, was
made urban praetor for 44. But tlie real contradiction of liis life
was now beginning. Up to tliis, wlierever his sympathies may
have lain, he had acted loyally for Caesar ; now his action becomes
twofold, openly for the monarchy, secretly against it.

For the conspiracy was already afoot. We read that, in the
summer of 45, Trebonius met Antony at Narbo, and sounded him
on tlie subject.* The full details of the conspiracy are not known,
but the special jealousy of a number of Caesar's lieutenants, who
did not think that they had received sufficient rewards, doubtless
formed the basis; and the grave dissatisfaction whicli appeared to
have been widely felt at many of Caesar's recent acts of despotism,
caused them to think that the main body of the people were hostile
to Caesar, and that, once he was removed, the machine of government
would return to its ordinary working. The ancient name of Brutus,
honourable in the histoi-y of freedom, and the abnormally high re-
putation for respectability and learning which attaclied to him made
him an admirable figure-head for the conspiracy. Originally with
republican sympathies where his own interest was not concerned,
having those sympathies quickened by Porcia, stimulated by
Cassius, and excited by various anonymous appeals that he should,
like his ancestors, save his country, the stiff and ungracious
student, who was educated beyond his powers in all sorts of fan-
tastic Greek notions about the virtue of tyrannicides, was driven

* Cic. rhil. ii. 34 ; Plut. Ant. 13.

MARCUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. cvii

into the position of nominal leader of the plot. And there may
have been the additional reason, ingeniously suggested by Schmidt
(pp. 177-178), that, as Caesar had in the autumn of 45 adopted
Octavian, all hopes that Brutus would be Caesar's heir had
vanished ; and to a man who had received great favours from
Caesar, and who was deficient in generosity and loyalty, as was
Brutus, such a motive need not have been without its influence.*
Still the fact that Marcus Brutus was not made even a second
heir in Caesar's will, while Decimus Brutus was nominated as such,
makes us hesitate to adopt this suggestion ; yet there is certainly
evidence, as Schmidt points out (though it does not appear until
long after the BrutuS' legend had been developed) that it was
surmised by the friends of Brutus that he would be Caesar's heir,
or at any rate the first man in Rome after Caesar : op. Plutarch,
Brut. 8 :—

' When certain people denounced Brutus and bid Caesar be on his
guard against him, touching his body with his hand, Caesar said : ' What ?
Do you think that Brutus cannot wait until this frail body {aapKiov) shall
pass away ? ' implying that no one else had a right to his plenitude of
power after him except Brutus. And it does seem tliat Brutus would have
been assuredly the first man in the city if he had waited but a short time
until Caesar sank to a secondary place, and if he had allowed Caesar's
glory to fade and the renown of his actions to wither away.'

It is difficult to take this view of the matter. Rather it would
seem that Caesar, with his profound insight into cliaracter, saw the
great qualities of Octavian, and the absence of anything really
great in Brutus ; accordingly, he designated the former as his
successor, while he considered that he had already bestowed suffi-
ciently ample favours on the latter.f No further reasons than
these are necessary to account for the fact that Brutus joined the
conspiracy, or for the prominent part he took in it.

The deed of blood once done, it was the duty of Brutus to take

* We should like to know what attitude Servilia took up towards the conspiracy.
We fancy one of disapproval. She was certainly not friendly to Porcia, cp. Att. xiii.
22, 4 (635) ; and she may have retained much of her passion for Caesar. But, as she
appears to have never wearied in the interests of her son — cp. Att. xv. 10 (743) ; 11,
2 (744) ; 17, 2 (749) ; Brut, i, 18, 1 (915)— she certainly kept silence.

t See vol. v., p. xxxii.

oviii I NT HOD UCTION.

the first place in the government. He was quite unfitted for tlie
task ; but for tlie next two years he was Tinquestionably regarded
as the cliief man in the Republic — it was to him in the last resort
that tlie State alwaj^s looked. It would be superfluous to tell over
again the story of how Brutus and Cassius were out-manoeuvred by
Antony and finally compelled to leave for the East. Brutus pro-
fessed himself willing to go as it conduced to peace, but he really
went to prepare war. We have already traced in full (cp. p. xxxv ff .)
his actions np to the consulship of Octavian, and recorded the
vacillation, hardly short of disloyalty, which characterized his
attitude towards C. Antonius and Lepidus, and his persistent dis-
regard of Cicero's urgent appeals for help. The bitter manner in
which he criticised Cicero's conduct towards Octavian may, per-
haps, be considered justified by the result ; but it is none the less
proof of the ungraciousness of the style of Brutus. His perpetual
cry of Peace, Peace, when peace was impossible,* shows his inability
to grasp the situation. Even his panegyrists allow that he felt
some shame at having deserted Cicero ;t but at length he saw that
war was inevitable. Then he acted like the most ordinary general ;
he plundered and pillaged the provincials to such an extent that
the people of Xanthvis in Lycia, ' inflamed with a passion for
death,' burned their city and themselves sooner than fall into his
hands. + Just before the battle of Philippi he promised his soldiers
the plunder of Thessalonica and Sparta. Even Plutarch expresses
himself with severity on these actions of his hero.§ When no hope
was left, Brutus died with Eoman courage ; and in his dying

* Cp. 842, 1, liecenli illo tempore tu omnia ad pacem, quae oratione co)iJici non
poterat, ego omxia ad libertatem, quae sine pace nulla est, pacem ipsam bello atque armis
ejfici posse arbitrabar. Brutus certainly did desire peace, just as he desired, in the case
of tlie conspiracy, to shed as little blood as possible. This must be put to his credit in
some measure. But he would have done better for his party, and caused less general
misery, if he had let Antony fall as well as Caesar, and had vigorously prepared
military defence after the deed was done: cp. Att. xiv. 2, 3 (704), Habes igitur
<pa\dKpCi>iJia inimicissimum otii, id est Bruti.

i" Plut. Brut. 28, BpoOros Se rris KiKtpwvos reXevrris rfi alTia (pyicrXv ajVxi^J'ea'Oai
lx.a.\Kov ^ T^J Travel avva^y^lv, iyKaKelv Se rots eirl Pw/x-qs <pi\ots' SovAeveiv yap avTcii'
alria fjiciWov ^ tuv rvpavvovvrwv /col KapTipelv opSivras koL napevras a ;U7j5' aKovuv
avTo7s aviKrhv ■/]v — remarks both unfeeling and unjust.

I Plut. Brut. 31, epoiTi davdrov.

§ Brut. 46, TovTO t<^ BpovTou P'lM fiivov eveffrt tuv iyKXrjiiidTcvv avairoK6y7]rov.

MARCUS JUNIUS BRUTUS. cix

breath declared his renunciation of all belief in the virtue which he
fancied he had sincerely followed,

Poor Virtue — a mere name, yet as the truth

I ever served thee ; yet thou 'rt Fortune's slave.*

This shows the smallness of the depth to which philosophy had
sunk in that superficial and arid mind. It was not virtue that was
a name, but Brutus's conception of virtue that was a sliam. ' He
seems to have been,' says Mr. Long, ' one of those who deceive
themselves into a belief of their own virtues, because they are
free from other people's vices.' Brutus was a man of cold feel-
ings, temperate fancies.f He did not pass a tumultuous youth,
like so many of his contemporaries^ ; nor a vigorous, bracing,
active life : instead, he devoted himself to study, and loaded his
memory, if not his mind, with the maxims of philosophy. But
they remained only maxims, and did not become part and parcel
of his nature. Of noble birth, well educated, austere and cold-
hearted, persistent and obstinate when he took an idea into his
head, and one who made considerable parade of principle in un-
essentials,§ he was the very model of Roman respectability ; and
it is to this respectability he owed his influence. || But he was

* Dion Cass, xlvii. 49, /col ava^oriaas tovto St; to 'HpaKXfiov (' this exclamation of
Hercules') —

Si TArjfiov apiTT], \6yos ap' ^<t6\ iyco 5e ere
0)5 epyov ijcTKovW ffv 5' 6.p' eSovAeves Tvxri-

It is not known from what poet these lines come : cp. Nauck, p. 910. Plutarch, the
panegyrist of Brutus, relates (c. 52) that, when bidding farewell to those who were
around him, he gave his hand to each quite cheerfully, and declared that he felt
great pleasure that none of his friends had ever deceived him. This is quite the most
attractive story that is told of Brutus.

t Hence the dulness and want of vigour in his oratory: see above, p. civ. 'In
Latin oratory,' says Plutarch, ' he was adequately trained for speeches and altercations ;
hut in Greek he practised the sententious Laconic style of brevity which appears
sometimes in his letters.' He gives some examples (Brut. 2).

+ Yet he did not escape calumnious strokes : cp. Aurel. Yict. 82, 2, Cytherida
mimam cum Antonio et Gallo poeta amavit.

§ Cp. Plut. Brut, 35.

II According to Plutarch (Brut. 29), Brutus was ' extraordinarily mild and high-
minded, and unmoved by anger, pleasure, or love of aggrandizement {irXeove^iav),
keeping his judgment straight and unbending in defence of justice and honour ; but

VOL. VI. 1

ex INTRODUCTION.

nothing but respectaLle. He was destitute of practical wisdom of
the highest kind, he was an incompetent general, and when com-
pelled to take tlie helm of state in wild times he ran his ship
straight upon the rocks. But we think of him cliiefly in connexion
with Cicero, the unemotional in connexion with tlie impulsive, the
austere in connexion with the tolerant, tlio rigid in connexion with
the gracious. Ungraciousness, lack of charm characterized his
whole being. A story is told that at a banquet Brutus,

' wisliiug- to encourage his followers, called for a larger cup, and taking it,
without any apparent relevancy he chanted forth the line

Stern Fate and Leto's son have laid me low.

Further, they relate that when he was going forth to the last hattle, at
Philippi, he gave as the watch word to liis soldiers " Apollo." Wherefore
they think that his utterance of that verse was an omen of his misfortune.'*

And perhaps in a deeper sense we may consider liow true it
was that the lack of that power and influence which belongs to
the Apolline nature, to what is briglit and gracious and charming,
rendered the aims and aspirations of Brutus, with all that they
had to further them, disappointed, nugatory, and futile.

what chiefly contributed towards winning him popularity and renown was confidence
in his principles (^ rris irpoaipeffeus ttio-tis).' This is the idealized representation of the
Stoical wise man; but it is not Brutus. Yet it would be most unjust to deny that
Erutus had some of the good qualities of his faults. If he was severe and outspoken^
he was generally sincere in what he said : cp. Tac. Dial. 2b, solum inter hos (Calvus,
Pollio, Cicero), arbilror Brutum non malignitate nee invidia sed simpliciier et ingemte
iicdiciuin animi sui detexisse : cp. Quintil. x. 1, 123 scias eiiin sentire quae dicit.

* Plut. Brut. 21 : cp. Horn. II. xvi. 849, aWd fie fJ.olp' oKort koI AtjtoCs iKravev
vios.

THE CORRESPONDENCE WITH M. BRUTUS, cxi

III.— THE COEEESPONDENCE WITH M. BEUTUS.

The genuineness of Cicero's correspondence with Brutus was
first seriously questioned in 1741 by Tunstall in an ' Epistola ad
virum eruditum Conyers Middleton.'* Middleton replied two years
later by an edition of the letters in which tlieir genuineness was
defended, and to this Tunstall made a rejoinder in 1744. In
1745, Markland, in a vigorous work,t with many scoffs at the
forger, supported Tunstall's view, mainly on the ground of inac-
curacy of langufige ; and the question seemed decided that the
Epistles to Brutus must go the way of the Epistles of Phalaris.
That seemed to be so fully taken for granted that Niebuhr
(1828) and Drumann (1838) speak of the correspondence as
spurious, the latter with contempt, J the former with considerable
reserve.^ Orelli also in his edition (1831) regarded it as spurious.

* Erasmus, writing to Ehenanus in 1520, says (Ep. i. i), ' Porro, quas (epistolas)
nobis reliqxiit nescio qnis Bruii nomine, nomine Phalaridis, nomine Smecae et Fault,
quid aliucl censeri possunt quam declamatinnculae.'

t Remarts on the Epistles of Cicero to Brutiis, and of Brutus to Cicero, in a letter
to a friend, 1845.

X Gesehichte Roms. iv. 40, ' die Sammlung welche grobe Verstosse gegen die
Gescbicbte und besonders gegen die Zeitfolge enthalt.'

§ Niebuhr, Lectures on the History of Eome (iii. 91-2 Eng. Trans.) : —

' The letters to Brutus refer to the same period (i.e. the last of Cicero's life). They
consist of two parts : an earlier one, -which is found in the same manuscripts as the
letters of Cicero to his brother Qmntus ; and a later one, which was first published in
the editio Cratandrina, and was, I believe, discovered ia Germany. Whether the
letters contained in the second part were forged ia the 16th century, or are ancient and
genuine, is a question M-hich I cannot answer. If they are a forgery, it is a masterly
one. The genuineness even of the first part, which has come down to us in very
ancient maniiscripts, is likewise very doubtful. They are of great interest to those who
have Cicero's history at heart. They were unqiiestionably written at a veiy early
period, and belong probably to the first century of our era. I am almost inclined to
consider them as a production of the first century, perhaps of the time of Augustus or
Tiberius. Their author was evidently a man of talent, and perfectly familiar with the
circumstances of the period to which they relate. The question respecting their
genuineness was raised about a hundred years ago by English critics, and I know that
E. A. "Wolf was decidedly of opinion that they are a fabrication, but I cannot express
myself with the same certainty. I should like to see them proved to be spurious, as I
am morally convinced that they are ; but there are some serious considerations opposed

cxii INTRODUCTION.

But the wheel was in course of revolution. In 1844 K. F.
Hermann published Viiidiciae L(di)utatis epi.sfiikiruni Ciceyonis ad
M. Ih'utuni cf Bniti ad Ciceronem, in which the Latinity of the
Epistles is defended. Next year appeared two long disquisitions
by the same author, Ziir Reclitfertigung der AccJitheit des erhalfeiieit
Brioficech&els zwischcn Cicero mid M. Brutus, in which the supposed
mistakes in history are examined, and it is shown, as Niebuhr
stated, that the author was a man intimately versed in the history
of the times. Zumpt* at once replied, and the same year K. F.
Hermann answered him in Vindiciarum Brutinarum cjnmetrum.
Tliese masterly works of Hermann have altered the whole state
of the question. They are, perhaps, not altogether satisfactory
as the chronology of the letters of Fam. x., xi., xii. had not been
properly settled in his time ; but he showed that more cogent argu-
ments than had previously been advanced must in future be adduced
if the spuriousness of the correspondence was to be maintained.

For the next thirty years the question seems to have excited
little interest. Nipperdey andTeuffel seemed to consider that the
correspondence, except i. 16, 17, was genuine; but the editors,
Baiter and Kayser, Klotz and Wesenberg spoke of the epistles as
' subditivae,' and were followed by Nake, Bardt, and Bernhardy.
R. Heine, in 1875, while urging reasons against the genuine-
ness of i. 16, 17, considered that no objection on the score of
Latinity could be made against the rest.f In 1877 0. E. Schmidt
began the series of his signal services to the cause of Cicero's Epistles
by his Dissertation De JEj)isfulis et a Cassio et ad Cassium . . . datis,
(Leipzig), in whicli he rauged himself on the side of K. F. Hermann,
and contended (page 2) for the genuineness, if not of all, at least of

to this view. The letters to Brutus show a certain difference of feeling between Cicero
and Brutus ; and if a person of talent contrasts the psychological natures of the two
men, that want of harmony would naturally present itself to him as the result of his
comparison. But in whatever manner the letters may have been composed, their author
lived so near the time to which they refer, and their substance is based on such authentic
documents, that we may take them as trustworthy sources of history.'

* A. AY. Zumpt, De M. Tullii Ciceronis ad M. Brutuiu et Bruti ad Ciceronem
epistulis quae vulgo feruntur, Berlin, 1845 ; Berliner Jahrbiicher fiir wissenschaftliche
Kritik, 1845, ii., No. 91-94.

t Heine, Quaestionum de M. Tulli Ciceronis et M. Bruti mutuis epistulis capita
duo, Leipzig Dissertation, 1875.

TEE CORRESPONDENCE WITH M. BRUTUS, cxiii

the greater nvimber of the letters to and from Brutus. Cobet, in
Blnemosyne, vii. (1879), 262-297, defended the correspondence
with the greatest vigour. In 1881 followed the most methodical
and elaborate attack ever made on these Epistles in a somewhat
diffuse but very painstaking work by Paul Meyer of Zurich* and
F. Becher in the Eheinisches Museum (1882), pages 576-5 97,t
impugned their genuineness en the score of language. These
treatises drew forth, in 1883, an exceedingly powerful and concise
historical dissertation from Edmond Euete of Strasbourg, Die
Corresjiondenz Cicero in den Jaliren 44 mid 43, and an elaborate
and masterly treatise from L. Gurlitt, Die Bviefe Cicero's ad M.
Brutus auf iltre Echtheit geprijft, Philologus Suppl. iv. (1883),
551-630. Since then practically no stand has been made by the
attacking party. Meyer, in a review of Gurlitt's work in the
Philologische Wochenscliri/t (1884), like a true scholar, retired
from an indefensible position, and allowed that the question
as to the Brutus letters must now be only how much is genuine
and how much spurious (page 424). § 0. E. Schmidt and Gurlitt
have made many and various studies of great value in this portion

* Untersuchung iiber die Frage der Echtheit des Biiefwechsels Cicero ad Brutum.

t Previously Becher wrote a somewhat superficial Dissertation ' De Ciceronis quae
fcruntur ad Brutum Epistulis,' Harhui-g, 1S76 ; but later he published an elaborate
article in Fhlhlogus (1885), pp. 471-501, * Die sprachKche Eigenart der Briefe ad
Brutimi,' of which, as well as of his article in Rh. Mus., we have hadfrecjuent occasion
to make use. We do not know what Becher's present opinion is as regards the ques-
tion, whether he has effected a compromise or is still, ' like Horatius ' (as GiirUtt
Jahrb. 1884, p. 856, says) 'keeping the bridge alone.'

+ In the same year Karl Schirmer published a valuable programme, Ueber die
Sprache des M. Brutus, Metz, 1884.

§ In 1895 an attack was made on the authenticity of the correspondence by an
Italian scholar, Yincenzo d'Addozio (De M. Bruti vita et studiis doctrinae, Xaples,
1895). His views have been refuted with great thoroughness by Dr. Emil Schelle
('Der neuste Angriff auf die Echtheit der Briefe ad M. Brutum,' Beilage zum
Jahresbericht der Annenschule, 1896—7, Dresden), who has done such good service to
history in fixing the exact date of the Battle of Mutina (see p. xliiij). Schelle, we are
glad to say, upholds the genuineness of i. 16, 17 (864, 865) : but we cannot assent to his
numerous additions, consisting of multiples of 16 letters (which he considers to have
been the length of a line in the archetype) : most of these additions appear quite un-
necessary. His emendation of the corrupt passage, i. 15, 3 (914), Quod si ita est
utriusquerei meum iudicium studeo tibi esse notissimum neque sol<oec> nm <p>ut<o>.
Solonis dictum usurp are (mss. usuvpem), though very bold, is undoubtedly brilliant.

oxi V IJS TR on UCTION.

of the correspondence, and liave defended all with the exception
of i. 16, 17, and perhaps i. 15, §§ 3-11. Tlie contributions which
these scholars have rendei'ed to the better understanding of
Cicero's Epistles cannot be too highly praised, and their energy
is still active.*

What is called the First Book of the Epistles to Brutus is
found in most of the mss. which contain the Epp. ad Q. Fr. and
ad Att.f It is really the Ninth Book of the correspondence of
Cicero and Brutus as the quotation from Nonius (421. 31) shows.
What is generally called the Second Book has no extant mss
authority. ' Cratander, on Brut. ii. 1, says : — Hanc et sequentes
quinque epistolas ad Brutum quod a Ciceroniana dictione abhorrere
non videbantur et in vetusto codice primum locum obtinent nos
haudquaquam praetermittendas existimavimus.' An interesting
proof that Cratander was telhng the truth has been found by O. E.
Schmidt (Die handschriftliche Ueberlieferung, &c., p. 49) in a
catalogue of the Library of the Visconti at Pavia. No. 610 runs
thus : — ' TuUii Epistole ad Aticum coperte corio rubeo albicato.
Incipiunt quam contemplationem et finiuntur atque etiam rogo.'
The words quam contemplationem occur at the end of Brut. ii. 5
(842). So we may infer that in some early archetype from which
MS this was copied, the epistles of Book ii. were torn off, but the

Less biilliant, but noteworthy, is his suggestion, i. 4. 3 (866), neti semper primi cuius-
que maJi excidendi causa fiat nt allied renascatur illo peius. On grounds which do not
caiTy conviction, Schelle labours to prove that i. 3 (902) does not refer to Porcia, but
to some young child, probably a daughter of Brutus, who had recently died.

* 0. E. Schmidt, Die letzten Kampfe der romischen Eepublik, Leipzig, 1884.

M. Tullii Ciceronis Epistularum ad M. Brutum Liber i., Versuch einer Eekon-
struktion, Philologus (1890), pp. 38-48 — the subjects of correspondence between Brutus
and Cicero during 704 (50), mostly derived from allusions in Att. v. and vi. (A
somewhat similar attempt had been pre^-iously made, but not so successfully, by C.
"Wermuth, Quaestiones de M. Tullii Ciceronis epistularum ad M. Brutum Ubris novem,
Basle, 1887.)

Zu Cicero's Briefen an M. Brutus (Jahrb. 1889, pp. 179-184).

Beitrage zur Kritik der Brief e Ciceros an M. Brutus und zur Geschichte des
mutinensischen Kiieges (Jahrb. 1890, pp. 109-138).

L. Gurlitt, Der Archetypus der Brutusbriefe (Jahrb. 1885, pp. 561-576).

Nochmals der Archetypus (Jahrb. 1892, pp. 410-416). Drei Suasorien in Briefform
(Philologus, Suppl. V. (1886), pp. 591-626).

t It is established that in the Tomesianus the Brutus letters did not appear
(Lehmann, De epp. ad Att. recensendis, p. 115).

THE CORRESPONDENCE WITH M. BRUTUS, cxv

last few words of tbe book remained on a new page ; and some
very conscientious copyist copied out the fragmentary words
instead of beginning at the next full letter.

For what is called Book ii. stood before Book i., and both
together formed Book ix. of Cicero ad Brutum. Thus joined
they make what is the normal complement of a book. Gurlitt con-
siders (Jahrb. 1885, p. 564) that about the fourth or fifth century
the separate books of Cicero's correspondence, till then in rolls,
were formed into volumes of four books each. The first eight books
of Cicero ad Brutum are wholly lost : and the ninth was joined
to the three books ad Quintum fratrem to make up a volume of
four books.* That the ninth book consists of both ii. and i. is in-
cidentally proved by the fact that i. 1, with which M begins,
has no statement of what book it belongs to nor any coloured
initial letter, but there are some leaves at the beginning which
are not fiUedf.

There was considerable disorder and loss in the archetype of
the Brutus epistles, just as there was in the Epp. ad Q,. Fr. (see
vol. II.). The nature of the disorder and loss is set forth in the
notes to 839, 3 ; 843, introd. ; 857, 3 ; cp. 840, 3 ; 865, 7. But
it is to be carefully noticed, as Gurlitt has pointed out, that all the
disorder in the Brutus letters is merely mechanical, i. e. disarrange-
ment or loss of whole pages. The order of the letters of ii. and
part of i., as they appeared in the archetype, is thus given by
0. E. Schmidt (Jahrb., 1890, p. 115), who is virtually in agree-
ment with Gurlitt.

Fol. 1 ii. 1 Cum haec to § ^ forte co7iverterit.
,, 2 ii. 1 § 3 maiures autem to end. 2. Planci animum to in reinihlica sed

est quo**
,, 3 (Lost : contained the end of 2).
,, 4 ii. 3 Litteras tiias to § 5 hoc magis doleo Asiam.
,, 5 ii. 3 § 5 nos amisisse quain to the end. 4. Datis tmuie to end. mihi crede

nan erit. Pridie Id. A])ril.
,, 6 (Lost: contained the beginning of ii. 5) J

* Similarly, perhaps, the nine books to Hirtius and the three to Pansa (cp. Nonius
450. 2 : 92. 18) formed three volumes.

t Gurlitt 1. c, p. 567 ; Schmidt 1. c, p. 5.

X This is Schmidt's arrangement of fol. 5 and 6. We do not think it necessary to
assume this loss or to suppose that ii, consisted of six letters. See note to 840, 3.

cxvi INTROD UCTION.

,, 7 ii. 5 (= ii. 4 § 3) o^ in Asiiiin censeo to end a te e<im (liliiil. fi. (= 5)

Quite Uttcrae to nemiid conccdo.
,, 8 ii. 6 (= ii. 5, Ep. 842) § 1 sed nihil to § 2 inci, declarant.
,, 9 ii. 6 (= ii. 5) § 2 quod si tuis to § 5 clonentiae.
,, 10 ii. 6 (= ii. 5) § 2 titmc quid to end. i. 1. L. Clodius to iudicatum.
,, 11 i. 1 § 1 mulf a eius to end. 2. l(Ep. 874) Scripta etobsiynataio § 2qiiam

(ua**
,, 12 (Lost: contained conclusion of 874 and beginning of 843).
,, 13 i. 2 § 3 (843) Te benevolent iam to end. 3. Nostrae res to § 2 civitas

tota.
„ U 1, 3 § 2 (844) ad te se to v. Kal. 31aias.\
,, 15 (Lost : contained a letter in which Cicero informed Brutus of the victory

at Mutina immediately after the news had arrived, but before it was

known that both the consuls had died ; cp. 857, l.)tt
,, 16 i. 4 § 1 (857) Quanta sini to § 3 cum me docueris**
,, 17 (Lost: contained end of 857 and beginning of 866).
,, 18 i. 4 § 3 (866) Nunc, Cicero to § 6 7nihi reynpnblicam.
,, 19 i. 4 § 6 iustam et iam to end. 5. § 1 ^. f7. v. Kal. 3faias to § S posse

haberi.

The rest of tlie book runs on without the loss or disorder of

any sheets.

We are strongly of opinion that the correspondence with
Brutus, with the possible exception of i. 16, 17 (864, 865), is
genuine. +

t Schmidt reads x ; but he would probably change x to r, now that Schelle has
proved that the Battle of Mutina was fought on April 21st ; see Gurlitt, Jahrb. 1892,
p. 410 : cp. Introd. note to 846.

1 1 Perhaps it is hardly necessary to assume this.

J Even as regards these we think that the balance of probabilitj' is that they are
genuine : see Introd. note to 864 ; and we are glad to find that this view is maintained
by C. F. W. Miiller, in his Teubner text of the 2nd volume of Cicero's Epistles (1898) ;
and by E. Schelle in his review of d'Addozio. If a man impugns the conduct of a
colleague in a formal document (which often takes the form of a letter), that document
is of quite a different nature from his ordinary letters — the range of ideas is strictly cir-
cumscribed to the point at issue, and, if the charge is a violation of principle, the
style will almost certainly be somewhat rhetorical. Again, a suasoria written on the same
subject will, of course, reproduce the same ideas and present them in tbe same manner,
according to the accuracy with which the writer has been able to grasp the style and
point of view of his model ; the copy may be almost indistinguishable from the original.
So that it is very difficult on general grounds to say whether i. 16, 17 are genuine or not.
"We do not know enough about the verbal style of Brutus to make sure tbat these
documents could not have been written by him ; and what we do know about his

THE CORRESPONDENCE WITH 31. BRUT U 8. cxvii

As we have written a commentary on the letters it is not neces-
sary here to go into the various historical and linguistic points
which have been raised in the course of the discussion. We have
tried to examine them all with the help of the distinguished
scholars who have done so much for this portion of the cor-
respondence, especially Gurlitt, Ruete, and O. E. Schmidt.

character and the general tone of his correspondence would certainly incline us to
consider them the works of Brutus and not school exercises. We can hardly think that
in a school exercise Brutus would be represented as writing in such a rude manner as
he does to Atticus in 867, 3. A later writer would, we think, have indulged in many
more rhetx)rical flourishes and written in a smoother style ; and he would have repre-
sented Brutus as very much better or very much worse than he appears in the letter
which we now possess.

PAKT X.

EGO CEETE EEI PUBLICAE NON DEEEO.

PART X.

LETTERS FROM THE RETURN OF CICERO TO ROME TO RESIST
ANTONY TO THE BATTLE OF MUTINA.

EPP. DCCLXXXVII.-DCCCXLIV.

A. U. C 710, 711

B. C. . . . . . . 44, 43

AET. CIC 62, 63

CICEEO'S COEEESPONDENCE.

DCCLXXXVII.

CICERO TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS
(Fam. X. i).

KOME ; SEPTEMBER (BEGINNING) ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

Invehitiir Cicero in M. Antonii nimiam potentiam et L. Planco, Galliae Trans-
alpinae praesidi, rem publicam commendat : de Furnio benigne suscepto gratias agit.

CICERO PLANCO.

1 . Et afui proficiscens in Graeciam, et postea quam de medio
oursu rei publicae sum voce'revocatus, numquam per M. Antonium

For an account of Plancus, see Intro-
duction. He was at this time governor
of Gallia Comata, i.e. Transalpine Gaul
with the exception of the Provincia.
Hirtius had administered the whole of
Transalpine Gaul in 709 (45) ; in the
April of that year Cicero received from
him a letter, cp. Att. xii. 37, 4 (580),
from Narbo, the capital of the undivided
province. In 710 (44) Caesar divided
that large district into two provinces,
Gallia Narbonensis and Gallia Comata ;
and he assigned the government of the
former to Lepidus, and that of the latter
to Plancus. Between the departure of
Hirtius and the arrival of Plancus, Gallia
Comata was administered by Aurelius,
the quaestor of Hirtius : cp. Att. xiv. 9,
3 (712).

On Fam. x. M. Gitlbauer has written
two articles, in the "Wiener Studien, i.
75—97, 246—268, which contain sugges-
tions that are occasionally of some value.

1. medio'] So Manutius and all editors
for meo : cp. Off. iii. 121, ipse venissem
Athenas . . . nisi me e medio cursu clara

voce patria revocasset ; ad Brut. i. 15, 5
(914), in medio Achaico cursu.

rei p. . . . voce] This personification
of the State is found elsewhere in Cicero.
In Cat. i. 27-29, he introduces the State,
addressing him in a long speech, and then
continues his ego sanctissimis rei publicae
vocibus . . . pauca respondebo.

numquam'] Cicero uses this word, as
constant reports reached him during his
journey to Eome that an attack was medi-
tated on his person (Plut. Cic. 43) ; and
after the delivery of the First Philippic
Antony had repeatedly uttered threats of
violence against Cicero. Nake thinks
that ■iiumquani compels us to fix the date
of this letter after the meeting on the
19th. But if so, it is strange that Cicero
makes no reference to his having been
unable to support the claim of Plancus to
the supplicatio : see note to Fam. x. 2, 1
(788). We should rather suppose that
this letter was written shortly after
Cicero's return to Home, in answer to a
letter brought from Plancus, not by Fur-
nius, but by some other messenger.

6 DCCLXXXVII. [FAM. X. 1).

quietus fui, cuius taut a est, non insolentia — nam id quidem
vulgare vitium est — , sed immanitas, non modo ut vocem, sed ne
vultum quidem liberum possit ferre cuiusquam. Itaque mihi
maximae curae est, non de mea quidem vita, cui satis feci vel
aetate vel factis vel, si quid etiam hoc ad rem pertinet, gloria, sed
me patria sollicitat in primisque, mi Plauce, exspectatio consulatus
tui, quae ita longa est, ut optandum sit ut possimus ad id tempus
rei publicae spiritum ducere. Quae potest enim spes esse in ea re
publica, in qua hominis impotentissimi atque intemperantissimi
armis oppressa sunt omnia et in qua uec senatus nee populus vim
habet ullam nee leges ullae sunt uec indicia nee omnino simu-
lacrum aliquod ae vestigium civitatis ? 2. Sed quouiam acta
omnia mitti ad te arbitrabar, nihil erat quod singulis de rebus
scriberem ; illud autem erat amoris mei, quem a tua pueritia
susceptum non servavi solum, sed etiam auxi, mouere te atque
hortari, ut in rem publicam omni cogitatioue curaque iucumberes.
Quae si ad tuum tempus perducitur, f acilis gubernatio est ; ut
perducatur autem, magnae cum diligentiae est tuaeque curae turn
etiam fortunae. 3. Sed et te aliquanto ante, ut spero, habebimus,
et, praeterquam quod rei publicae consulere debemus, etiam tuae

insolentia] 'arrogance'; immanitas, longam. "We must lay stress on o;3<«:«<fM;»,

'savagery.' which, in opposition to sperare, signifies

noH modo lit] ' that he cannot endure the prayer for a thing which cannot he

that anyone should look, much less speak, reasonably hoped for : cp. Eeid on Lael.

like a free man.' 11.

curae est . . . de] cp. SaU. Jug. 26, impotentissimi] ' most violent.' Many

de ceteris senatui curae fore : Att. xi. 6, 3 mss have impudentissimi.
(418); and see note to Fam. x. 24, 2 intemperantissimi] ' most unbridled.'

(916). nee. . .civitatis] ' neither laws nor legal

cui satis feci] ' and as regards it, I sentences have any force, nor is there at

have done mj' duty, whether one con- all the slightest semblance, or vestige, of

siders my years, or my exploits, or (if the free state.'

indeed this is at all to the point), my 2. quem . . . auxi] ' a love which

renown': cp. Phil. i. fin., mihi fere satis commenced when you were a boy, and

est quodvixi vel adaetatem vel ad gloriam ; which I feel ever since not only unim-

Att. xiv. 21, 3 (728), mihi quidem /3 €- paired, but even increased.'
pi (era I. ad tuum tempus] sc. to your consul-

consulatus tui] Plancus had been ap- ship.
pointed by Caesar to the consulship for tuaeque curae] So H, but omitted in

712 (42). M. As these words are more likely to

ita longa est] ' is postponed so far into have been omitted ex homoeoteleuio than

the future that we have to pray (rather than added, we have retained them,
hope) that it may be granted us to draw 3. aliquanto ante] 'long before that':

the breath of life until the state reaches sc. your consulship.

that day.' For exspectatio longa compare etiam] The mss read tamen, which can

spes longa in Hor. Carm. i. 4, 15, Vitae hardly be defended. Cicero would not

summa hrevis spem nos vetat inchoare contrast measures which tended to the

DCCLXXXrill. {FAM. X 2).

dignitati ita favemus, ut
officium, operam, laborem,
conferamus : ita f acillime et
et amicitiae uostrae, quam
iiitellego satis facturum.
quantum ipsius liumanitas
gaudeo teque hoc existimare
contuleris, id ita me accipere

omne nostrum consilium, studium,
diligentiam ad amplitudinem tuam
rei publicae, quae mihi carissima est,
sanotissime nobis colendam puto, me
4. Furnium nostri tanti a te fieri,
et dignitas postulat, uec miror et
volo, quicquid in eum iudicii officiique
, ut in me ipsum te putem contulisse.

DCCLXXXVIII. CICEEO TO THE SAME PLANCUS

(Fam. X. 2).

ROME ; SEPTEMBER (sECOND HALf) ; A. U. C. 710 ; li. 0. 44 ;
AET. CIC. G2.

Excusat M. Cicero quod in senatum ad agendam Planci causam non Tenerit : officia
sua in aliis rebus pollicetur.

CICERO PLANCO SAL.

1. Meum studium honori tuo pro uecessitudine nostra non
defuisset, si aut tuto in" senatum aut honeste venire potuissem ;

interests of the state and those which
advanced the dignity of Plancus. Wesen-
berg (E. A. 33) corrects to etiam, which
is the regular word used with praeter, or
praeterguam : cp. Caes. B. C. iii. 32, 4 ;
Liv. iv. 17, 6, and Weissenborn, ad loc.

ut omne . . . conferamus'] ' so as to
devote all my thoughts and zeal, service
and efforts, toil and watchfulness, to
further your advancement.'

satis facturum^ ' to do my duty to-
wards.'

4. Furnium] a trusty legatus of Plan-
cus, for whom he frequently carried
messages to and from Rome : ep. note to
Fam. X. 25 (880).

quicquid .... contulisse] ' whatever
good opinion or service you show him, I
shall regard it as shown to myself.' For
iudicium, in the sense of ' favourable
judgment,' Kipperdey compares, besides
this passage, Fam. xiii. 46 {^2\), patroni
iudicio ornatiis ; Tac. Agr. 43 ; Ann. iv.
39 ; Plin. Epp. x. 4, 6 fin. Mendelssohn

adds Plancus ap. Fam. x. 23, 7 (895),
and Zangemeister on C. I. L. iv. 1074.
Accordingly, there is no need to read,
with Pluygers and Lehmann (p. 28),
studii, though, no doubt, the latter is the
more usual word, and conferre indicium is
not found elsewhere.

This letter obviously lies between Sep-
tember 1 9th and the departure of Antony
from Rome, October 9th. Ruete notices
(p. 32) that Octavian's attempt to assassi-
nate Antony occurred a few days before
Antony left Rome (Nic. Dam. 30, p. 454),
i.e. about October 5th; and as Cicero
makes no mention of that occurrence, the
latter date may perhaps be fixed as the
inferior limit for the date of this epistle.

1. honori] Probably a supplicatio,
which would confirm Plancus's title of
imperator. That title was certainly re-
cognized in December (Phil. iii. 38).

i« senatum] Cicero is thinking of the
meeting on September 19th, when Antony

8 DCCLXXXIX. {FAM. X. 3).

sed nee sine periculo quisquam libere de re publica sentiens versari
potest in summa impunitate gladiorum nee nostrae dignitatis
videtiir esse ibi sententiam de re publica dicere, ubi me et melius
et propius audiant armati quam senatores. 2. Quapropter in
privatis rebus nullum neque officium nequo studium meum deside-
rabis ; ne in publicis quidem, si quid erit, in quo me interesse
necesse sit, umquam deero, ne cum periculo quidem meo, dignitati
tuae : in iis auteni rebus, quae nihilo minus, ut ego absim, confici
poterunt, peto a te ut me rationem habere velis et salutis et digni-
tatis meae.

DCCLXXXIX.

CICERO TO THE SAME PLANCUS
(Fam. X. 3).

Rome; September (latter half) ; a. u. c. 710 ; b. c. 44;

AET. CIC. 62.

Yeritus M. Cicerone cum M. Antonio se L. Plancus coniungat, captat lauclibus eius
gratiam hortaturque ut rem publicam tueatur.

CICERO PLANCO SAL.

1. Cum ipsum Furnium per se vidi libentissime, turn hoc
libentius, quod ilium audiens te videbar audire; nam et in re
militari virtutem et in admiuistranda provincia iustitiam et in

violently declaimed against him. Cicero
did not attend that meeting ; but he
afterwards composed the Second Philijipic,
which is ostensibly a reply to the invec-
tive of Antony delivered on that occasion.

sed nee . . . gladiorum'] ' but now no
one who has the interests of freedom at
heart can attend when swords have such
extreme license.' For the danger which
the constitutional party, and especially
Cicero, ran from the soldiers of Antonj-
at this time, cp. Fam. xii. 2, 1 (790).

2. tit ego absmi] ' even though I am
absent.'

This third letter was also written be-
tween September 19th and October 5th,
probably after an interview with Furnius,

while the second letter was written very
soon after the 19th, when Cicero was still
smarting from vexation at his having
failed to answer Antony on that day,
owing to the terrorism exercised by the
latter' s soldiers. Furnius appears to have
come to Eome for the meeting of the
senate, on September 19th, in order to
urge the claim of Plancus for a suppli-
catio, and Cicero gave him this letter of
exhortation to bring back. It reminds
one of a similar letter which he addressed
eight years before to Curio, viz. Fam. ii.
7 (227)— the path of duty is the way to
glory, duty to Rome, of course, being
synonymous with support of the aristo-
cratic party.

1. Furnimn'] cp. note to Fam. x. 25
(880).

DCCLXXXIX. {FAM. X. 3).

omni genere prudentiam mihi tuam exposuit et praeterea mihi
non ignotam in consuetudine et familiaritate suavitatem tuam
adiimxit, praeterea summam erga se liberalitatem : quae omuia
mihi iucunda, hoc extremum etiam gratum fuit. 2. Ego, Plance,
necessitudinem constitutam habui cum domo vestra ante aliquanto
quam tu natus es, amorem autem erga te ab ineunte pueritia tua,
confirmata iam aetate familiaritatem cum studio meo, turn iudicio
tuo constitutam : his de causis mirabiliter faveo dignitati tuae
quam mihi tecum statuo debere esse communem. Omnia summa
consecutus es, virtute duce, comite fortuna, eaque es adeptus
adolescens multis invidentibus, quos iugenio industriaque fregisti.
Nunc me amantissimum tui, nemini concedentem, qui tibi vetus-
tate necessitudinis potior possit esse, si audies, omnem tibi reliquae
vitae dignitatem ex optimo rei publicae statu adquires. 3. Seis
profecto — nihil enim te fugere potuit — fuisse quoddam tempus,
cum homines existimarent te nimis servire temporibus, quod ego
quoque existimarem, te si ea, quae patiebare, probare etiam arbi-
trarer ; sed cum intellegerem, quid sentires, te arbitrabar videre,

et praeterea'] ' and further, your charm
of manner, which I know so "well in our
familiar intercourse : he added further,
that you have shown the greatest gene-
rosity to himself. At all these kindnesses
I feel pleasure, and for this latter circum-
stance even gratitude.' Cicero often
marks the distinction between iucundum,
what is merely pleasant, and yet may he
injurious, and gratum, that for which one
is thankful, what is good in the fullest
sense : ep. Att. iii. 24, 2 (85), ita Veritas,
etiamsi iucunda non est, mihi tamen
grata est ; Fam. v. 15, 1 (587), amor tints
gratus et 02)tatiis : diccrem iHcundiis,
nisi id verbum in omne tempus perdidissem ;
Fam. iv. 6, 1 (574) ; Att. i. 17, 6 (23).
It is a little careless of Cicero to have
repeated praeterea so soon, and also to
have used constitutam twice in the next
sentence : cp. ^ 3, arbitrarcr and arbi-
trabar. Gitlbauer (p. 77) wishes to read
et postea mihi no?i ignotam.

2. confirmata iam aetate'] cp. Thucyd.
ii. 36, iv tt) KadecrrriKvla rjAtKia ; Shake-
speare, Richard III., iv.'4, 169-171 : —

Thy school-days frightful, desperate, wild, and
furious,

Thy prime of manhood daring, bold, and ven-
turous,

Thy age c onfirm ed, proud, subtle,bloody,
treacherous.

familiaritatem'] ' a close intimacy set
on foot, from inclination on my part,
from judgment on yours.'

mirabiliter . . . communem] 'Iam
marvellously devoted to your advance-
ment, which I consider I ought to share
with you.' We read debere esse, with
Vict., for habere esse of M: see Adn.
Crit. Gitlbauer (p. 78) omits esse, taking
mihi with statuo.

nemini concedentem qtd . . . jjossit] Note
the force of the subjunctive possit, ' yield-
ing to no one in his claim to stand first
with you in the rights of old friendship.'
For conecdcre cp. note to Fam. iv. 3, 1
(494).

e.v optimo rei p. statu] ' by the estab-
lishment of the aristocratic government.'^

3. te nimis servire temporibus] 'that
you were too much a time-server,' i.e.
during Caesar's domination Plancns him-
self admits that his reputation did not
stand high : cp. Fam. x. 4, 2 (808), ut
praeter bonam famam nihil dcsiderare vide-
antur,

sed cum . . . posses] ' but when I
came to rmderstand your sentiments, I
considered that you formed a just estimate
of your powers,' i.e. that you reflected how
little power you had, and how futile any
course would be, except to acquiesce in

10 DCCXa {FAM. XII. 2).

quid posses. Nuuo alia ratio est : omnium revum tuum iudicium
est idque liberum. Consul es desiguatus, optima aetate, summa
eloqueutia, in maxima orbitate rei publicae virorum talium :
iucumbe, per deos immortales ! in eam curam et cogitationem,
quae tibi summam dignitatem et gloriam adferat. Unus autem
€st, hoc praesertim tempore, per tot annos re publica devexata, rei
publicae bene gerendae eursus ad gloriam. 4. Haec amore magis
inpulsus scribenda ad te putavi, quam quo te arbitrarer monitis et
praeceptis egere ; sciebam enim ex isJem te haec haurire fontibus,
ex quibus ipse hauseram : qua re modum faciam. Nunc tantum
signifieaudum putavi, ut potius amorem tibi ostenderem meum,
quam osteutarem prudeutiam. luterea, quae ad dignitatem tuam
pertinere arbitrabor, studiose diligenterque curabo.

DCCXC. CICEEO TO CASSIUS (Fam. xii. 2).

ROME ; SEPTEMBER (eND) ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

M. Cicero queritiir de M. Antonii nimia potentia et rei p. condicionem exponit.

CICERO CASSIO SAL.

1. Vehementer laetor tibi probari sententiam et orationem
meam ; qua si saepius uti liceret, nihil esset negotii libertatem et

the condition of things at the time : cp. Unus autem est . , , glonaDi] ' but

Em-. Hec. 227 : — there is just one course leading to glory —

., ,, , , , . the course of uDright public action.' For

Tmv <ru>v. t^^ bracnylogj' Jtsockei compares Oii. ui.

6, si discendi labor est potiits quam roliipias.

omnium rerum tuutn iudicium est] The 4. ex isdem . . . hauseram'] This sen-
objective genitive after iudicium is rare, tence conveys a deUcate compliment,
the usual construction being de with the Plancus is as well versed as Cicero in the
abl. : yet cp. Brut. 1, iuratus iudicium writings of the great philosophers and
dignitatis meae fecerat. moral teachers of the world.

optima aetate} ' in the prime of life.' ostenderem. . .osteutarem] 'exhibit'

in maxima orbitate] We have added !« . . . 'display.'
with Emesti, as it is hard to have an

ablative of attendant circumstances fol- Schmidt (Cass. p. 22 n) points out that

lowing upon two ablatives of quality, Cassius was at this time in South Italy,

without anything to mark the difi'erence. He appears to have set sail shortly after

in eam curam et cogitationem] ' to such Brutus (Phil. x. 8).
a careful consideration of that cour-se as 1. sententiam et orationem] 'opinion

will bring you the highest honour and and speech': so. the First Philippic,

renown.' Sententia is here used simply for ' ex-

DCCXC. {FAM. XII. 2).

rem publicam reeiperare. Sed homo amens et perditus multoque
nequior quam ille ipse, quern tu nequissimum occisum esse dixisti,
caedis initium quaerit, nullamque aliam ob caiisam me auctorem
fuisse Caesaris interficiendi criminatur, nisi ut iu me veterani
iiicitentur : quod ego periculum non extimesco ; modo vestri facti
gloriam cum mea laude communicet. Ita nee Pisoni, qui iu eum
primus iuvectus est nuUo adsentiente, nee mihi, qui idem triceri-
simo post die feci, nee P. Servilio, qui me est consecutus, tuto in
seuatum venire licet : caedem enim gladiator quaerit eiusque
initium a. d. xiii. Kal. Octobr. a me se facturum putavit, ad quem
paratus venerat, cum in villa Metelli complures dies commentatus
esset. Quae autem in lustris et in vino commentatio potuit esse ?
Itaque omnibus est visus, ut ad te antea scripsi, vomere suo more,

piession of opinion,' not in the teclinical
sense of ' motion.' The First Philippic
did not, like many of the subsequent ones,
conclude with a formal motion.

nihil esset negoiii'\ ' there would he no
trouble.'

quem tu nequissimum . . . dixisti"] This
maybe translated either ' who, you said,
was the most profligate man who was
ever slain,' or ' who, you say, was slain
for his utter profligacy.' The former is
probably the sense in which Cicero meant
the words to be taken. The reference is
of course to Caesar.

caedis initium quaerit'] ' means to
start a massacre.'

veterani] Appian, B. C. iii. 4, says
that after the execution of the false
Marius (which took place in tlie first half
of April) the senate, irnder the impression
that Antony was exposed to danger at the
hands of the democrats, allowed him to
raise a body-guard of veterans. This is
probably an invention of Appian's, as we
do not hear of Antony's having such a
force before his journey through Italy,
during the latter half of April and May,
when he raised a praetorian cohort of
veterans, which he afterwards increased
to 6000 : cp. App. 1. c. Cic. Phil. ii. 100 ff.
and Mayor's Introd. § 41.

cum mea laude communicet] ' associate
with my exploits.'

Ita] This word goes closely with the
next sentence, caedis enim, ' and so you
see Piso and the rest of us cannot attend
the senate, for this gladiator is looking
for a pretext to murder us.'

Tison'T] L. Calpurnius Piso, father-in-
law of Caesar.

tricensimo post die] ' a month after.'
Piso spoke on August 1st ; Cicero and
Servilius on September 2nd. P. Servilius
had been consul in 706 (48).

qui me est consecutus] ' who adopted
my views.'

ad quem] sc. diem, ' on which day ';
cp. Att. xiv. 14, 6 (719), existimo ad Kal.
lunias statuere posse ad quas adero.

Metelli] Metellus Scipio was father-
in-law of Pompey. He dr-owned himself
after the battle of Thapsus. His villa
was at Tibm-, and had been seized by
Antony: cp. Phil. ii. 42; 109; v. 19;
Att. xvi. 11, 2 (799), eodem iure quo Ru-
briana potius quam quo Scipionis.

complures\ dies] seventeen, from Octo-
ber 2nd to 19th.

commentatus esset] ' he had studied his
speech.'

nt ad te antea scripsi] This does not
necessarily refer to a previous letter
written by Cicero to Cassius about An-
tony's speech on the 19th, as Schmidt
(Cass. 22) supposes. The present letter
appears to have been the first which
Cicero wrote to him on that subject.
The criticism of Cicero was a gene-
ral one on Antony's customary style of
speaking.

vomere . . . dicere] ' in his usual style
to be, not discussing, but disgorging':
cp. Phil. V. 20, in me absentem orationem
ex ore impurissimo evomuit. For this
odious charge cp. Phil. ii. 63, 76, 84,
104.

DCCXC. {FAM. XII. 2).

iron dicere. 2. Q,ua re, quod scribis te confidere auctoritate et
eloquentia nostra aliquid profici posse, non iiiliil, ut in tantis
nialis, est profectum : intellegit enim populus Romanns trcs esse
eonsularis, qui, quia, do re puLlica bene senseriut, libere locuti
siut, tuto in senatura venire non possint. Nee est praeterea quod
quicquam exspectos ; tuus enim necessai'ius adfinitate nova delec-
tatur : itaque iam non est studiosus ludorum infinitoquo fratris
tui plausu dirumpitur. Alter item adfinis novis commentariis
Caesaris delenitus est. Sed haec tolerabilia : illud non ferendum,
quod est, qui vestro anno filium consulem futurum putet ob

2. tres] Piso, Scrvilius, Cicero.

qui . . . possint] an asyndeton, though
there are only two clauses. Lehinann
(p. 26) quotes, among others, Att. vii. 4,
2 (295), cum ilk vcsperi voiisset, Balbiis
dv tota re constitnissct : cp. also Bockel.
Cratander adds quae aiterqida. Lehmann
(p. 64) suggests qui quia de republica
bene senserint <qu(teque senscrint> libere
locuti sint, comparing Fam. iv. 14, 1
(535), si dignitas est bene dc re p. sent ire et
bonis viris probare quod soitieis : also Fam.
V. 14, 2 (585); Tusc. i. 6. Eut there is
no necessity at all to alter the mss reading.

iWc est . . . exspectes] ' nor is there
any reason for you to expect any other
aid': cp. Fam. vi. 7, 5 (532), nihil est
quodjilium meuin exspectes.

tuus iwcessarius] M. Lepidiis, M-ho
had maiTied one half-sister (Junia) of M.
Brutus, while Cassius had married another
(Junia Tertulla). Both were daughters
of D. Silanus, consul 692 (62), and Ser-
vilia. In writing to Cassius, Cicero often
calls Lepidus tuus adfinis, Fam. xii. 8, 1
(898) ; 10, 1 (910). The son of Lepidus
had recently married a daughter of Antony
(Dio Cass. xliv. 53, 6).

dclectntur'] "Watson quotes the distinc-
tion laid down hy Madvig (Fin. i. 14),
that delector aliquo expresses general
approval, delector ab aliquo special delight
at a deiinite moment.

itaque . . . dirumpitur'] ' accordingly
he is not taking any great interest in the
games, and is bursting with envy at the
unbounded applause which your brother
obtains.' The envy of Lepidus is usually
considered to have arisen from the ap-
plause w'hich was won hy L. Cassius
when he celebrated the Ludi ApoUinares,
though these Avere held as far back as the
beginning of July. But there is no ne-

cessity to suppose that he could not have
been greeted with applause unless he was
the giver of the games; mere spectators
often received that mark of popular
favour: cp. Att. ii. 19. 3 (46). Certain
peoi)le appear to have been fond of cheer-
ing this L. Cassius (though he was a
partisan of Caesar), on account of bis
relationship to the Liberator — a proceed-
ing which Cicero regarded with satisfac-
tion : cp. Att. xiv. 2, 1 (704), plausus rero
L. Cassio datus ctium J'aceius mihi quidem
visas est, where see note.

Alter item adjinis] "We cannot be
certain who are referred to in these words
and in est qui . . . putet below. The
former is considered by some (e.g. appa-
rently Drumann, i. 33, note 94) to be
Dolabella; bj^ others to be L. Aemilius
Paullus, or C. Marcellus ("VN^atson). Bardt
(Quaest. Tull. 38-42) considers the latter
to be L. Marcius Philippus, consul in 698
(56). He enumerates all the living con-
sulars, and .shows objections to each,
except Philippus. Both these men were
paying court to Antony, in order to
obtain favours from him. These favours
were grants of money, or position, made
on the strength of documents which pur-
ported to have been drawn up by Caesar,
but which really were forged by Antony's
secretary, Faberius.

delenitus est] 'has got his sop from.'
"We take the rendering ' sop ' from Mr.
Jeans.

vestro anno] i.e. the year you would
first be legally entitled to hold the office.
Cassius had been quaestor in 700 (•"/!), so
that he might have been consul much
earlier than 713 (41) ; but as he did not
hold the praetorship till 710 (44), he
would not be eligible for the consulship
till 713 (41), as two full years had to

DCCXC. {FAM. XII. 2).

eanique causam se liuic latroni deservire prae se ferat. 3. Nam
L. Cotta familiaris meus fatali quadam desperatione, ut ait, minus
in senatum venit ; L. Caesar, optimus et fortissimus civis, valetu-
dine impeditur ; Ser. Sulpicius et summa auctoritate et optime
sentiens non adest, Eeliquos exceptis designatis ignosce mihi si
non numero cousulares. Halbes auetores eonsilii publioi : qui
numerus etiam bonis rebus exiguus esset, quid censes perditis ?
Qua re spes est omnis in vobis, qui si idcirco abestis, ut sitis in
tuto, ne in vobis quidem : sin aliquid dignum vestra gloria cogi-
tatis, velim salvis nobis ; sin id minus, res tamen publica per vos
brevi tempore ius suum reciperabit. Ego tuis neque desum neque
deero : qui si quae ad me referent, mea tibi tamen beuevolentia
fidesque praestabitur. Vale.

elapse between the holding of successive
offices : cp. Mommsen,. St. R. i-. 546,
note 3.

deservire prae se ferat] ' exhibits his
subservience to.'

3. JVam'] (' you need not ask me about
anyone else), for.' — (Watson).

i. Coda'] consul in 689 (65).

fatali . . . venit] ' hardly ever (lit.
'less than before') conies into the senate:
Fate, ho says, forbids hope.' For fatalis
Andr. compares Fam. xv. 15, 2_ (448),
quasi quodani fatali proelio, and xii. 13, 1
(901).

L. Caesar] After the death of Julius,
Lucius Caesar tried to mediate between the
senate and Antony. He was proscribed
by the triumvirs, and narrowly escaped
death : cp. Phil. viii. 1 ; xii. 18 ; Appian,
B. C. iv. 12, 37.— (Watson).

Sulpicius] He appears to have left
Rome in May : cp. Att. xiv. 18, 3 (726) ;
XV. 7 (739).

desiffiiatis] Hii-tius and Pansa.

si non numero consular es] ' if I do not
reckon to be men of consular dignity.' —
(Watson).

Habes . . . puhlici] ' Here you have
all the leaders of the national policy.' —

(Jeans).

ne in vobis quidem] sc. spes est. ' If
you are going to think of your own safety,
there is no hope for us, even in you.'

velim salvis nobis] ' I hope I may live
to see it': cp. Att. x. 8, 8 (392), id spero
vivis nobis fore ; Phil. ii. 113.

ius suum reciperabit] cp. Att. xv. 13,
4 (794), videtur res piu-bUca ius suum
reciperatura.

si quae ad me referent, mea tibi] So H
Pal, who also omits tamen. M has sive ad
me referent mea tamen in, and the editors
add sive non referent before mea. But the
reading of H Pal gives excellent sense, and
saves us from having to make this addi-
tion. Riihl (Rh. Mus. xxx. 29) considers
this passage most important, and believes
that H gives the correct reading if we
change quae into quidem. It is quite true
that refcrre in this sense generally is used
without a direct accusative, e.g. Fam. iii.
12, 2 {"lib), ut . . . ad me ne referrent :
Att. vii. 16, 3 (313), Be Terentia et Tullia
tibi adsentior . . . ad te ut referrent ; but
neuter pronouns are so frequently used
with verbs which do not take any other
object that we hesitate to make even the
slight change of quae to quidem.

nCCXCI. {FAM. XII. 3).

DCCXCI. CICERO TO CASSIUS (Fam. xii. 3).

ROME ; EARLY IN OCTOBER ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

M. Cicero de condicione rei p. queritur ct in M. Antonium ciusquo socios iuvehitur.
CICERO CASSIO SAL.

1. Aiiget tuus amicus furorem in dies: primum in statua,
quam posuit in rostris, inscripsit parenti optime merito, ut
non mode sicarii, sed iam etiam parricidae iudicemiui, quid dice,
iudicemiui ? iudicemur potius ; vestri enim pulcherrimi facti ille
furiosus me principem dicit fuisse. Utinam quidem fuissem !
Molestus nobis non esset. Sed hoc vestrum est ; quod quoniam
praeteriit, utinam haberem quid vobis darem consilii ! Sed ne mihi
quidem ipsi reperio quid faciundum sit. Quid enim est, quod
contra vim sine vi fieri possit ? 2. Consilium omne autem hoc est
illorum, ut mortem Caesaris persequantur ; itaque ante diem vi.
Non. Oct. productus in contionem a Oannutio turpissime ille

This letter ■^as written between Octo-
ber 2nd, on which day Antony delivered
the speech to which reference is made
(§ 1), and October 9th, on which he left
Rome.

1. tuus amicus] Antony. Bockel re-
marks that on March ISth Cassins supped
with Antony : cp. Dio Cass. xliv. 34.

statna] of Caesar.

Molestus nobis own esset] i.e. I should
have seen that Antony was despatched,
as well as Caesar: cp. Fam. xii. 4, 1
(818), VeJlem Jdibus Marfiis we ad cenam
invitasses; reliquiarum nihil fuisset. Nunc
me reliquiae veslrae exercent, et quidem
praeter ceferos me. According to Plutarch
(Brut. 18), all the conspirators were of
opinion that Antony shoidd be killed with
Caesar, as being fxovapx^^hv &vSpa kuI
v0pi(TT7]V, IcTX^v T6 TreTroir)iJ.evov 6/j.i\la koI
(TwriOfia Trphs rh crrpaTiwTiKov, Kai f^dXicrd'
oTi T<2 cpvcret cro^api^ koX fxeya\oTTpdy/j.ovi
TrpotretAi^t^ei rb ttjs inrareias a^icafjLa T6re
Kaiffapt crvvdpx'^f-

Sed hoc vestrum est] ' but the deed is
j'Ours ' — the deed both of commission and
of omission. Cicero certainlv wishes to

lay strong emphasis on the latter, as the
next words show, ' but now that is past
and gone': cp. note to Fam. xii. 22, 4
(813), sed illud et praeteriit et levins est.

sine vi] H has a curious reading here ;
at first it had se.v, which was altered to
vi. For other examples of this corruption
see Madvig, Opusc. Acad. ii. 273. In
Fam. XV. 4, 8 (238), all the mss read
castellaque sex capta, where Madvig
rightly alters to vi.

2. persequantur] 'avenge': cp. Phil,
xiii. 39.

Cannutio] This Cannutius was a tri-
bune, and a bitter enemy of Antony.
"While Cicero, says Vellcius (ii. 64, 3),
attacked Antony with his divine eloquence
{caelesti ore), Cannutius worried him like
a mad dog [canina rabie lacerahat). He
was put to death after the Perusian "War
by order of Octavian (App. B. C. v. 49;
Dio xlviii. 14). On the occasion referred
to here he brought forward Antony, and
required him to state definitely, once for
all, what course he intended to pursue.
Antony, on his part, was quite ready to
declare to the people and veterans that,

DCCXCIL {FAM. XII. S3).

quidem diseessit, sed tamen ea dixit de conservatoribus patriae,
quae dici deberent de proditoribus ; de me quidem non dubitanter,
quin omnia de meo consilio et vos fecissetis et Cannutius faceret.
Cetera cuius modi sint, ex hoc iudica, quod legato tuo viaticum
eripuerunt : quid eos interpretari putas, cum hoc faciunt ? ad
hostem scilicet portari. O rem miseram ! dominum ferre non
potuimus; conservo servimus. Et tamen, me quidem favente
magis quam sperante, etiam nunc residet spes in virtute tua. Sed
ubi sunt copiae ? De reliquo malo te ipsum tecum loqui quam
nostra dicta cognoscere. Vale.

DCCXCII. CICEEO TO COENIFICIUS (Fam. xii. 23).

ROME ; MIDDLE OF OCTOBER ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

M. Cicero respondet acl ea quae Tratorius nuntiarat de provincia Coinificii : dein
rei p. form am describit, pMlosophiam laudat.

CICERO CORNIFICIO SAL.

1 . Omnem eondicionem imperii tui statumque provinciae mihi
demonstravit Tratorius. 0 multa intolerabilia locis omnibus I

however hostile he might appear to be to
Octavian, he would do his best to avenge
the murder of Caesar : cp. Fam. xii. 23,
3 (792). Cobet (Miiora. vii. 1879, p. 136)
suggests « fratre Lucio for Cannutio, but
is not decided on the point.

turpissime . . . discessW] ' though he
came off most disgracefully (though his
scandalous speech had no particular effect,
and was warmly resented by many), yet
he referred to the Liberators in terms
which were applicable only to traitors.'

de meo consilio] For Antony's object,
cp. xii. 2, 1 (790), lit in me veterani inci-
tentur.

legato] As proconsul of Syria Cassius
had legati.

viaticum] 'travelling money': cp.
Liv. xliv. 22, 13. While the legatus was
actually present in the suite of the gover-
nor his allowance was called cibaria.

quid . . . portctri] ' What reason do you
thmk they gave when doing this ? Of
course that the money is being carried to
an enemy of the state. '

conservo] Antony, who was the slave
of Caesar, like the rest of the Eomans.

Et tamen . . . cognoscere] 'and though
I have better wishes than hopes, yet even
now there does remain a hope in your
valour. But where are the forces? As
to what remains I should prefer that you
questioned your own heai-t rather than
that you listened to my words.' What
Cicero means by reliquum appears to be
the employment of the forces of Cassius
against Antony, for the recovery of fi-ee-
dom at Rome. For tec^im loqui, cp. what
he says to Curio, Fam. ii. 7, 2 (127),
tecum loquere, te adhihe in consiliumy te
audi, tihi obtempera.

Comificius had been governing Africa
since the beginning of the year, having
succeeded C. Calvisius Sabinus. Antony
had recently sent out Calvisius again to
supersede him, but Calvisius was not able
to dislodge him. For the life of Comi-
ficius see note to Fam. xii. 17 (493). The
date is approximately fixed by § 2, a. <?.
vii. Id. Oct.

1. Tratorius] a friend, perhaps a
legate, of Connficius : cp. Fam. xii. 30,
5 (899). He probably stood in the same

DCCXCII. [FAM. XII. 23).

Sed quo tua niaior dignitas, eo, quae tibi acciderunt, minus
fereuda ; ueque enim, quae tu propter maguitudinem et animi et
ingeuii moderate fers, a te non uleiscenda sunt, etiam si non suut
dolenda. Sed baee posterius. 2. Eerum urbanarum acta tibi
mitti certo scio ; quod ui ita putarem, ipse perscriberem, iu pri-
misque Caesaris Oetaviaui conatum ; de quo multitudiui fictum ab
Antouio crimen videtur, ut in pecimiam adolescentis impetum
faeeret ; prudentes autem et boni yiri et credunt factum et pro-
bant. Quid quaeris ? Magna spes est in eo : nihil est, quod non
existimetur laudis et gloriae causa facturus. Antonius autem,
noster familiaris, tanto se odio esse intellegit, ut, cum interfectores
sues domi comprehenderit, rem proferre non audeat. A. d. vii. Id.
Oct. Bruudisium erat profectus obviam legionibus Macedonicis
quattuor, quas sibi conciliare pecunia cogitabat easque ad urbem

relation to Comificius that Fumius did to
Plancus: cp. Fam. x. 3, 1 (789).

neque enim . . . dolenda] ' for those
actions at which you are not ruffled, owing
to the great spirit and mind you possess,
you must not allow to pass with impunity,
eren though they cause yon no annoy-
ance.' The sending of Calvisius caused
Comificius no annoyance, hecause it was
snch a violent and foolish act. M has
ferstea ; H Pal and the Heilbronn frag-
ment fers, a te. This latter reading we
have retained. The ablative with « is
often fiiimd after the gerundive : cp.
Roby ii., p. Ixxv. ; cp. § 1147. Mendels-
sohn reads, with Yictorius and most
editors, ftrs, ea, as he holds that the
remark is a general one. But it is not
necessarily so : it may just as well have a
special reference. Cicero says that Cor-
nificius was bound to resist Calvisius in
the interest of the state, even though he
felt no personal insult at the foolish
attempt to supersede him.

2. Caesaris Octaiiani coiiattim] 'the
attempt made by Caesar Octavianus,' i.e.
on the life of Antony. For this event
cp. Suet. Aug. 10 : Veil. ii. 60, 3 ; Appian,
B. C. iii. 39 ; Senec. De Clem. i. 9, 1 ;
Nic. Damasc. 30, p. 454 ; also Merivale,
iii. 107, ed. 1S65. It took place on Octo-
ber oth or 6th.

probant'] Till comparatively recent
times political assassination was looked
on among the southern nations as nothing
especially munstrous. Cicero actually
confesses that he urged Octavian to the

deed, Phil. iii. 19, quorum consiliorum
Caesar i me attctorem et hortatorem et esse
et ftdsse fateor. Appian (1. c.) says that
the ■«"iser p^irt of the community saw how
much it was to the advantage oV Octavian
that Antony should live, so as to keep the
tyrannicides in check : but the mass of
the people, seeing the daily insults and
injuries which Octavian sustained from
Antony believed the story: and this was
probably the chief reajou for this single
weak act on Octavians part, though,
doubtless, there was also operative the
thought that if war broke out he would
have to range himself on the senatorial
side, where general sympathy was felt for
the murderers of his father : cp. Gardt-
hausen, Augustus, p. 55.

in fo] sc. Octaiiano.

noster familiaris'] ironical : cp. Fam.
sii. 10, 1 (910).

tanto se odio] 'is so hated': cp. Att.
ii. 25, 2 (>2), iiihil inaiore odio; Fam.
sii. 10, 3 (910) ; xv. 19, 2 (542).

quattuor] Probably the Martian, the
4th, the 2nd, and the 35th. almost cer-
tainly the latter two : cp. Watson, p. 013,
Appendix 11, § 11.

quas • . . easque] cp. Oral. 9, quain
intuens in caque dejixus. On this passage
Dr. Sandys compares Orat. 61, and quotes
Madv. § 323 b, ' sometimes if the relative
ought to stand first in the nominaliie, and
then in some other case, the demonsti^ative
is is used the second time, instead of the
relative'; but Dr. Sandys points out that
the instances given above show that the

DCCXCII. {FAM. XII. 23).

adducere et in cervicibus nostris conlocare. 3. Habes formam
rei publicae, si in castris potest esse res publica ; in quo tuara
vicem saepe doleo, quod nullam partem per aetatem sanae et
salvae rei publicae gustare potuisti. Atque antehao quidem
sperare saltern licebat ; nunc etiam id ereptum est : quae enim est
spes, cum in contione dicere ausus sit Antonius Cannutium apud
eos locum sibi quaerere, quibus se salvo locus in civitate esse non
posset ? 4. Equidem et haec et omnia, quae bomini accidere
possunt, sic fero, ut pbilosopbiae magnam habeam gratiam, quae
me non modo ab sollicitudine abducit, sed etiam contra omnes
fortunae impetus armat, tibique idem censeo faciundum nee, a
quo culpa absit, quicquam in malis numeraudum. Sed haec tu
melius. Tratorium nostrum cum semper probassem, tum maxime
in tuis rebus summam eius fidem, diligentiam prudentiamque
cognovi. Da operam, ut valeas ; hoc mihi gratius facere nihil
potes.

use is not confined to the nominative :
•compare Madv. on Fin. i. 42.

in cerviciliHs conlocare] cp. for the oppo-
site Phil. iii. 8, a cervicibus nostris est
depidsus Antonius; Mil. 77. The sing.
cervix is not found in prose before Livy.

3. tunm vicem'] cp. Phil. x. 6. It is
very common vrith dolere. Andr. com-
pares Fam. iv. 5, 2 (555) ; Att. iv. G, 1
(110).; vi. 3, 4 (264); viii. 2, 2 (332);
15, 3 (350).

per aefatem] Comificius did not hold
the quaestorship, which was the first step
in the career of office, until 706 (48) : cp.
Bell. Alo.K. 42, 2.

Cannutium] cp. note to Fam. xii. 3, 2
<791).

apud eos] sc. the Liberators.

posset] Note the subjunctive of vir-
tually oblique narration, ' for whom, if
he lives (as he said), there cannot remain
a place in the state.' "What Antony
actually said was quibus me salvo locus in
■civitate esse non poterit.

4. pkilosophiae] There is no doubt at
all that Cicero and the higher minds at
Rome did derive great consolation from
philosophy. Dr. lleid says, Ac id. ii. 65,
' to a large portion of the educated classes
of the time philosophy was as real a thing
as religion is to the same classes now, and
they lived by it just as much.' That is
true ; but we must also remember that a
considerable sectiou of those Romans who
studied philosophy did not do so to find a
rule of Life. Cicero says of Cato (Mur. 62),
Haec (sc. the Stoical dogmas) homo in-
(jeniosissimus, M. Cato, aucioribus erudi-
tissimis inductus arripuit, neque disputandi
causa, ut magna pars, sed ita vivendi.

a quo] The antecedent is probably
quicquam. For culpa applied to a neuter
pronoun cp. Fam. xii. 22, 2 (813), et
quicquid ncciderit, a quo mca culpa absit,
animo forti feram.

Sed haectu melius] sc. scis. For the
ellipse, cp. Att. xiii. 7, 1 (619) ; Fam. iv.
13, 7 (483) ; ix. 2, 5 (461).

18 DCCXCIIl. {FA 31. XVI . 25).

DCCXCIII. CICEEO JUNIOE TO TIRO (Fam. xvi. 25).

ATHENS; SEPTEMBER OR OCTOBER; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ;
AET. CIC. 62.

M. Cicero filius litterns a Tirone quam creberrimas requirit.

CICERO F. TIRONI SUO SAL.

Etsi iusta et idonea usus es excusatione intermissionis littera-
rum tuarum, tamen id ne saepius facias rogo ; nam, etsi de re
publica rumoribus et nuntiis certior fio et de sua in me voluntate
semper ad me perscribit pater, tamen de qnavis minima re scripta
a te ad me epistola semper fuit gratissima. Qua re cum in primis
tuas desiderem litteras, noli committere, ut excusatione potius ex-
pleas ofBcium scribendi quam adsiduitate epistolarum. Vale.

DCCXCIV. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Att. xv. 13).

PUTEOT.I ; OCTOBEK 25-28 ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

Eespondet ad duas Attici epistolas de nmltis rebus summatim, partim de studiis
suis, partim de rei publicae statu.

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

1. VIII. Kal. duas a te accepi epistolas. Respondebo igitur
priori prius. Adsentior tibi, ut nee duces simus nee agmen

excusatione . . . inarum'] ' excuse for quite misplaced among those of the 15th

your having ceased to correspond.' book of the letters to Atticus, has been

de sua in me vohtnta/e] This shows that restored to its right place by the acute-
Cicero was on good teims with his son : ness of Gruber, Lange, and finally, Euete.

accordingly this letter was written after Its chronological place (among the letters
September. It probably was not later to Atticus) is after xvi. 7, written more
than October, as there is no mention made than two months before it. For confir-
of M. Brutus, who arrived in Athens niation of the date, cp. 0. E. Schmidt
about that month. (Letzten Kampfe, p. 720).

noli committere'] ' do not fulfil your Adsentior tibi'] Atticus had advised

obligation to write by making excuses Cicero to espouse the cause of Brutus,
rather than by frequent letters.' Cicero agrees, but thinks that he should

not go further than a general sympathy,
without either leading the waj', or bring-
1. Kal.] ec. Nov. This letter, which is ing up the rare.

DCCXCIV. {ATT. XV. 13).

cogamus, faveamus tamen. Orationem tibi misi. Eius cus-
todiendae et proferendae arbitrium tuum. Sed quando ilium
diem, cum tu edeudam putes ? 2. Inducias, quas scribis, nou
intellego fieri posse. Melior est avavricfihjvriaia, qua me usurum
arbitror. Quod scribis legiones duas Brundisium venisse, vos
omnia prius. Scribes igitur quidquid audieris. 3. Varronis Sm-
Xoyov exspecto. lam probo 'RpaKXel^eiov, praesertim cum tu
tanto opere delectere, sed quale velis velim scire. Quod ad te
antea atque adeo 'prius' scripsi — sic enim mavis — , ad scriben-
dum, licet enim tibi vera dicere, fecisti me acriorem. Ad tuum
enim iudicium, quod mihi erat notum, addidisti Peducaei auctori-
tatem, magnam quidem apud me et in primis gravem : enitar
igitur ne desideres aut industriam meam aut diligentiam. Vet-
tieuum, ut scribis, et Faberium foveo. Clodium nihil arbitror
malitiose, quamquam. . . . Sed quod egerit. De libertate reti-
nenda, qua certe nihil est dulcius, tibi adsentior. Itane Gallo
Caninio ? O hominem nequam ! quid enim dicam aliud ? Cautum
Marcellum ! me sic, sed nou tamen cautissimum ! 4. Longiori

Orationem'] The second Philippic.
qiKii/do ilium dieni] sc. videbo. For
the ellipse, cp. Att. xv. 20, 3 (752),
Qiiaiido enim ilhim ? Also xvi. 5, 4
(770) ; xiii. 40, 1 (660).

2. Inducias] a tmce with Antony.
His Phil. ii. was known only to a few of
Cicero's private friends, so that avavri-
(pa>v7)(Tia refers only to his suppression of
a public reply to Antony.

Brnndisitim. venisse] from Macedonia.
Antony had set out on October 9 to meet
these legions, and endeavourto securetheir
hearty co-operation with his schemes.

vos omnia prins] sc. audire soleiis : cp.
Att. xiii. 3, b (294), Vos scilicet pliira,
qui in urhe estis.

3. Varronis Sid\oyov] He calls this
'HpaKAeiSdov in 799 and 800. For 'Upa-
KAetSeiou, see on Att. xv. 4, 3 (734).
Cicero was interested in this work of
Atticus, as he was himself engaged on a
treatise which he designates by the same
name, no doubt a political brochure.

antta atque adeo ^ prius''] ' or rather.'
Prins was preferred by Atticus to aniea.
For atque adeo in this sense, see on Att. i.
17, 9 (23).

licet enim] These words are supplied
by I,ehmann.

acriorem] ' more keen to write.' For
acer ad cp. Cluent. 67. The alteration of
Lambinus, alacriorem, is tempting : cp.
Att. xvi. 3, 1 (773), aitges mihi scribendi
alacritatem.

foveo] 'am coaxing.' This word is
sometimes used of humouring a debtor so
that he may not prove a defaulter. 0. E.
Schmidt (Faberius, p. 244) quotes Seneca,
Benef. vii. 29, Quaedam nominabo7ia Untus
ac sapiens creditor fecit qui snstinint et
mora fovit. Idem nobis faciendum est ;
nutriamns Jidem languidam.

Clodium] Probably the Clodius re-
ferred to in Att. xiv. 13 « and b (716,
717), where see notes.

quod egerit] 'it is nothing to me.'
See Lehmann's important remarks on this
phrase, quoted above on Fam. xvi. 23, 1
(754).

Itane Gallo Caninio] Some words like
minitatur Antonius are to be supplied, as
may be inferred from Pliil. ii. 77. 0
hominem nequam refers to Antony.

sic] ' cautious, but not over-cautious.'
"We can hardly believe that sic means
'so-so,' i.e. tolerably cautious, though
this usage may perhaps be found in Ter.
Heaut. iii. 1, 49.

C 2

DCCXCIV. [ATT. XV. 13).

epistolae superiorique respondi. Nunc breviori propiorique <iiu(l
respondeam nisi eain f iiisse dulcissiniam ? Res llispanienses valde
bonae. Modo JBalbilium inoolumera videam, subsidium nostrae
seuectutis. De Auiiiano idem, quod tu. Me valde observat
Yiscllia: sed haec quidem huiuana. Do Bruto te nihil scire diois,
sed Selicia venisse M. Scaptiuni, eumque fnon qua pompa, ad se
tamen clam veuturum scitururaque me omnia : quae ego statim.
Interea narrat eadem Bassi servum venisse qui nuntiaret legiones
Alexandrinas in armis esse, Bassum arcessi, Cassium exspectari.
Quid quaeris? Videtur res publica ius suum recuperatura. Sed
ue quid ante. Nosti horum exercitatioueiu in latrociuio et ameii-
tiam.

4. Res Uispaiiienses] Sex. Pompeius
was carrying on the war against the
Caesarians in Spain. Balbilius was some
friend of Cicero's who was in the camp of
Sex. Pompciiis.

huma)ia'] ' this is the way of the
world.' Life has its sweets and its
bitters. "We must suppose that in the
words de Ann. idem quod tu lurks a refer-
ence to something annoying, with which
is contrasted the gratifying politeness of
Visellia.

Selicin'] If this reading be right, it
must be the name of some unknown
woman. It would be rash to re;id Ser-
rilia (the mother of Brutus), as some
editors do. But it is quite possible that
Selicia is a mistake for Cilicia, in which
province Scaptius had been acting as
the agent of Brutus: cp. Att. v. 21, 10
(250).

t«OM qua pompa'] It seems more reason-
able to obelise these words than to at-
tempt to give them some moaning by

adding adsuevisset ; or to correct tliem by a
complete modification of the text, as Boot
does in suggesting nunc ad Pompeium ; or
to read non magna pompa, with Fr.
Schmidt.

quae ego stalini] sc. seiam an vera sint.

Bassf\ Q. Caocilins Bassus, for whom
see on Att. xiv. 9, 3 (712). He was a
follower of Pompeius Magnus, and carried
on tlie war in his interest in Syria. He
was cut off by Antistius Vetus in Apamea,
but was relieved chiefly tlirough the inter-
position of the Purthians and the Arab
cliief Alcliaudonius.

arcessi'] ' was being approached.' At
this time Caecilius Bassus was in revolt
against the state in Syria.

ne quid ante] sc. dicamus, or glorie-
mur, or something of the kind, to express
the idea ' Let us not holloa till we 're out
of the wood.' For this admonition Cicero
elsewhere uses tlie Greek line, firjirai /xe'y'
e'iirTis TTplv TeAevTTicravr^ i^5?/s, Att. iv. 8«,

1 (ii2).

DCCXOV. {ATT. XV. 13a). 21

DCCXCY. CIOEEO TO ATTICUS (Att. xv. 13a).

PUTEOLI ; OCTOBER 26-29 ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44; AET. CIC. 62.

De Dolabella, de libiis suis De OJiciis, de itineie suo, de causa Myrtili, denique
dc oiafione ad Atticum perferenda.

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

5. Dolabella vir optimus est. Etsi, cum scribebam secunda
iieiisa apposita, veuisse eum ad Baias audiebam, tamen ad me ex
Formiano seripsit, quas litteras, eum e balineo exissem, accepi,
sese de attributione omnia summa fecisse : Yettienum accusat,
tricatur scilicet, ut monetalis. Sed ait totum negotium Sestium
nostrum suscepisse, optimum quidem ilium virum nostrique amaii-
tissimum. Quaero autem quid tandem Sestius in hac re facere
possit, quod non quivis nostrum ? Sed, si quid praeter spem erit,
I'aeies ut sciam. Sin est, ut arbitror, negotium perditum, scribes
tamen, neque ista res commovebit. 6. Nos hie (})iXoaQ<poviuiev —
quid enim aliud ? — et to. Trepl tov KaOt^Kovro^- magnifice explicamus
irpo(j(j)wvovfiivqu.e Ciceroni. Qua de re enim potius pater filio ?
Deinde alia. Quid quaeris? Exstabit opera peregrinationis
huius. Yarronem hodie aut eras venturum putabant. Ego autem
in Pompeianum properabam, nou quo hoc loco quidquam pulcrius,
sed interpellatores illic minus molesti. Sed perscribe, quaeso,
quae causa sit Myrtili — poenas quidem ilium pependisse audivi —

5. oj/tmusl ' a fine fellow,' ironieall)', LeVimann, 16-18.

in reference to his slowness in paying his 6. Nos Jiic'] ' I am deep in my philo-

debts. sophy here, getting on splendidly with

attribuiloiie] see on Att. xyi. 3, 5 the i)e OJiciis, which 1 am dedicating to

(773). my son : on what theme could a father

omnia summa] a colloquial phiase : see more fitly address his son ?' _

Or. ii. 85. "We might say ' his level Deinde aha'] ' when it is finished I

best.' shall go on to some new work. In a

monetalis] see on Att. s. 11, 5 (396) ; word, there will be something to show

' of course lie has his dodges (for delaying for my period of absence from Rome.'

payment), like a true business-man.' Mi/rtili] From Att. xvi. 11, 5 (799),

ccmmovebit] Boot would insert me, but we may gather that Myrtilus was a slave

the omission of the oliject of a transitive Avhom Antony suspected, or pretended to

verb is a characteristic feature of the suspect, of a design to make an attempt

letters, as has been abundantly shown by on his life, suborned by D. Brutna.

22 DCCXCVl. {FAM. XL U)-

et satisae pateat unde oorruptus. 7. Haec cum scriberem, tantuni
quod existiniabam ad te orationeni esse perlatam. llui, quam
timeo quid existimes ! Etsi quid ad me, quae iion sit foras
proditura nisi re publica reeuperata ? De quo quid sperem uoii
aiideo scribere.

DCCXCYI. DEOIMUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (Fam. xi. 4).

GALMA CISALl'INA ; OCTOBER OR NOVEMBER (BEGINNING) ;
A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44; AET. CIC. 62.

D. Brutus res a so gestas cxponit et, ut Cicero sua se in supplicatiouibus
decernendis sententia iuvet, rogat.

C. BRUTUS IMP. COS. DESIG. S. D. M. CICERONI.

1. Si de tua in me voluntate dubitarem, multis a te verbis
peterem, ut dignitatem meam tuerere, sed profecto est ita, ut niihi
persuasi, me tibi esse ciu'ae. Progressus sum ad lualpiuos cum
exercitu, non tarn uomen iraperatorium captans quam cupiens
militibus satis facere firmo?que eos ad tuendas nostras res efficere :

pateat'] ' whether it has been clearly sion of his victory over the intre[)i(I

ascertained by whom he was suborned.' Inalpini.

Uiide for a quo is unusual, but would be As to the date of the letter. Cicero

impossible with the reading correptus, left Rome for Puteoli some time between

' accused.' October 'Jth and October 2()th ; for he was

7. tantum quod'] 'just as I am writing at that place between the 25th and 28th :

thesewords, I suppose the speech (Phil. ii.) see Alt. xv. 13 (794). He returned to

is being delivered to you.' For tanlum Home on December 9tb, or (if we alter /iri?.

quod cp. note to Fam. vii. 23, 1 (126). to Kal. in Fam. xi. 5, 1 (809), as Euete

quid ad me'] 'what matters it to me, wishes to do) November 27th. Lupus

considering it is not to see the light unless arrived from D. Brutus some time during

the republic recovers?' Lehmann shows the absence of Cicero: cp. Fam. xi. 5, 1

clearly, p, 67, that the phrase is quid ad (809). This letter was, accordingly,

me, and that it would be a mistake to in- wiitten during October, or in the begin-

8ert id. ning of Xovember.

1. di(j)iitaiei)i] Brutus apparently wished

D. Brutus, who had been nominated to obtain a confirmation of his title of

by Caesar to hold the consulship in 712 Imperator by a decree of the senate

(•12) with L. Plancus, left Rome shortly granting him a siipplicatio.

after the Ides of Manh for his province Inalpinos] lived in the modern Pied-

of Cisalpine Gaul. He there disciplined mont and Savoy.

his soldiers, and gratified their greed for non tarn . . . satis facere] 'not so

plunder by attacks on several Gallic much coveting the title of imperator as

tribes ; and for success in some of these desiring to satisfy the soldiers,' as he

raids he was saluted as Imperator by his would do by giving them ample oppor-

army. Perhaps this occuiTed on the occa- tunities for plundering.

DCCXCVIL [ATT. XVI. 8). 23

2. Quod milii viJeor eousecutus ; nam et liberalitatem nostrara et
animum sunt experti. Cum omnium bellicosissimis bellum gessi ;
multa castella cepi, multa vastavi : non sine causa ad seuatuiu
litteras misi. Adiuva nos tua sententia; quod cum facies, ex
magua parte communi commodo inservieris.

DCCXCVIL CICERO TO ATTICUS (Att. xvi. s).

PUTEOLl ; NOVEMBER 1 OR 2 ; A. U. C. 710; B. C. 44; AET. CIC. 62.

M. Cicero scribit se ab Octaviano per litteras et per Caecinam ad se missuni
consultum quid ageret ei suasisse, ut Eomam purgeret; ipse volt scire ab Attico quid
fiibi agendum esse existimet.

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

1. Cum sciam quo die venturus sim, faciam ut scias. Impedi-
menta exspectanda sunt, quae Anagnia veniuut, et familia aegra
est. Kal. vesperi litterae mihi ab Octaviano. Magna molitur.
Veteranos, quiqui Casilini et Calatiae sunt, perduxit ad suam
senteutiam. Nee mirum : quingenos denarios dat : cogitat reli-
quas colonias obire. Plane hoc spectat, ut se duce bellum geratur
cum Antonio. Itaque video paucis diebus nos in armis fore.
Quern autem sequamur ? Vide nomen, vide aetatem. Atque a
me postulat, primum ut clam colloquatur mecum vel Capuae.
Puerile hoc quidem, si id putat clam fieri posse, Docui per litteras
id nee opus esse nee fieri posse. 2. Misit ad me Caecinam quem-
dam Volaterranum, f amiliai-em suum, qui haec pertulit : Antonium

libcralitateni] i.e. in the distribution about three miles from Rome,

■of booty. familia aegra est] ' there is sickness

aniiHuiii] It is hard to say whether among my slaves.' Familia is ' establish-
this means 'courage,' or 'intention' (that ment,' 'household,' not 'family,' though
is, intention to make them firmly attached it often comes very near the latter mean-
to the support of his cause). ing in the comic drama.

castella] 'villages.' Watson notices qiiiqtd] This cannot be the right

that this word is sometimes applied to reading ; probably qui quidem, as Boot

unfortified positions : cp. Liv. xxii. 11,4, suggests.

quihus oppida castellaque immunita essenl. Q«(;)h] "We should have expected «<;ri<;«;

fades'] We should expect /wer is ; but but cp. a still stranger case of quern for

perfect strictness of language is not to be utruin in Att. xvi. 14, 1 (805), quern velis

expected from D. Brutus. nescias.

nomen . . . aetatem'] the name of

1. Anagnia] capital of the Hernici, Caesar, the age of nineteen years.

24 DCCXCVIII. [ATT. XVI. 9).

funi legione Alaudanim ad urbem pergere, pecunias municipiis
imperare, legiouem sub siguis ducere. Consultabat utrum Romam
cum ciociDcio veterauorum proficisceretur an Capuam teneret et
Antouium venientem excluderet, an iret ad tres legiones Mace-
donicas, quae iter secundum mare superum faciunt, quas sperat
8uas esse. Eae cougiarium ab Antonio accipere noluerunt, ut bio
quidem narrat, et ei convicium grave fecerunt contionantemque
reliquerunt. Quid quaeris? Ducem se profitetur nee nos sibi
putat deesse oportere. Equidem suasi, ut Romam pergeret. Vi-
detur enim milii et plebeculam urbanam et, si fidem fecerit, etiam
bonos viros secum liabiturus. 0 Brute, ubi es ? quantam evKuipiav
amittis ! Non equidem hoc divinavi, sed aliquid tale putavi fore.
Nunc tuum consilium exquiro. Eomamne venio an liic maneo P
an Arpinum — aa(f)a\eiav babet is locus — fugiam? Romam, ne
desideremur, si quid actum videbitur. Hoc igitur explica. Num-
quam in maiore airop'n} fui.

DCCXCVIII. CICERO TO ATTIOUS (Att. xvi. 9).

PUTEOLI ; KOVEMBER 3 OR 4 ; A. U. C. 710 ; H. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62»

De binis litteris Octavii ad se datis.
CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Binae uno die mihi litterae ab Octaviano : nunc quidem, ut
Romam statim veniam, velle se rem agere per senatum. Cui ega
non posse senatum ante K. lanuar., quod quidem ita credo. Ille
autem addit ' consilio tuo.' Quidmulta? ille urget : ego autem

2. congiarium'] Boot remarks that this aa(pd\eiav Jiabet'] ' it is a place whicb

and Att. X. 7, 3 (388), are the only places is now a Vabri.^ — Jeans.
wLere this word occurs in republican fnc/iam'] The use of the subjunctive in

writers. The writers of the Empire use close connexion with two indicatives ia

donativttm for a bounty to the army, cong. strange. Hofmann compares pro Quint,

for largess to the people. 54, postitlone . . . an . . . potiiis denttn-

plebeculam'] cp. viisera ac ieitnia pie- tiem ?
becula, Att. i. 16, 11 (22). si quid actum videbitur'\ cp. in next

si fdem fecerit'] ' if he succeeds in in- epistle, mettio ne quae apiareia absente

spiring them with confidence in him': me.
C'p. Jidem facit oratin, Brut. 187. airopla] ' I have never felt more aux

fi/ieaLpiav'] ' a chance.' flisi* in my life.'^ — Jeans.

DCCXCIX. {ATT. XV L 11). 25

(TKi]ir TOf^ai. Non confido aetati. Ignoro quo animo. Nil sine
Pansa tuo volo. Vereor ue valeat Antonius nee a mari discedere
libet et metuo ne quae apiajda me absente. Yarroni quidem
displicet consilium pueri, mihi non sic : firmas eopias habet.
Brutum habere potest, et rem gerit palam, centuriat Capuae, dinu-
merat. lam iamque video bellum. Ad haec rescribe. Tabel-
larium meum Kalend. Roma profectum sine tuis litteris miror.

DCCXCIX. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Att. xvi. ii).

PUTEOLI ; NOVEMBEK 5; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44; AET. CIC. 62.

De oratione quadam sua ad Atlicuru missa, de TmrAoypacpia Varronis, delibris, quos
scribat, et maxime de componendo opera 'de officiis,' turn de Octaviano, de epistolis
Catinam, Tauromeniiim, Syracusas Valerii causa mittendis, et aliis rebus sumniatim.

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

I. Nonis accepi a te duas epistolas, quarum alteram Kal.
dederas, alteram pridie. Igitur prius ad superiorem. Nostrum
opus tibi probari laetor, ex quo livOr] ipsa posuisti, quae mihi
Horentiora sunt visa tuo iudicio. Cerulas enim tuas miniatulas
illas extimescebam. De Sicca ita est, ut scribis. fAsta ea aegre

aK7}7rTo/j.ai'\ 'I temporize.' lippic, so that it is perhaps more reason-

o/jio-Tei'a] an allusion to the titles able, in the absence of any note of

given to different books of the Iliad, transition, to suppose tliat the reference is

fiom the name of the hero whose prowess to the second Philipjiic thioughout.

is especially set forth therein. We should ex quo &vQ-r) ipsa'] ' irom which you

probably write ' I fear some one may quoted the very gems, and they seemed

have his innings at Home in my absence.' to me the more spiirlding.' This is the

non sic] Boot hns restored sic from si tasteful rendering of Mr. A. C. Clark (on

of Z. 'Varro dislikes the policy of the Mil. 21).

lud (Octavian); I do not so much.' Cicero posuisti] ' you have quoted.'

would hardly have written non without Ceritlas . . . miniatulas] see on Att.

some qualifying adverb, or conjunction, xv. 14, 4 (758).

at the end of a sentence. fAsta ea aegre me tenui] We suggest a

Brutum] Decimus Brutus, who was Septimia for the corrupt asta ea, as it is

now prefect of Gallia Citerior. natural to expect mention of her here, as

centuriat] ' he is arranging his troops well as Sicca, when both are mentioned

in companies, and advancing them their in the next clause. A proper name might

bounty-money.' easily be corrupted. Boot (Ohs. Crit.,

p. 62) reads ah isia, giving the same

]. I^ostrum opus] It is generally sup- sense. Either of these is rertainly better

posed that the opus here refen-ed to than At si, ' but hush ! ' or Heus tu.

i.s xhe iJe Gloria. Yet I)e Sicca, &c., is Translate 'From Septimia I restrained

certainly an allusion to the second Phi- myself with difficulty (from touching on

nCCXClX. {ATT. XVI. 11).

me ttMuii. Itaque perstringam sine ulla contumclia Siccae aut Sep-
timiue, tantum iit sciaiit irai^tQ irai^wv, sine fvallo Luciliano, eura
ex Galli Failii filia liberos liabuisse. Atque utinam eum diem
videam, cum ista oratio ita libere vagetur, nt etiam iu Siccae
domum introeat ! Sed illo tempore opus est, quod fuit illis Illviris.
Moriar, nisi facete ! Tu vero leges Sexto eiusque iudicium mihi
perscribes. Elg i/noi fxvpioi. Caleui iaterventum et Cal venae
cavebis. 2. Quod vereris ne aSoA£o-\oc mihi tu, quis minus? cui,
ut Aristophani Arcliilochi iambus, sic epistola longissima quaequo
optima videtur. Quod me admones, tu vero etiam si reprebenderes,
non niodo facile paterer, sed etiam laetarer, quij)pe, cum in repre-
hension e esset prudentia cum tvfxivelt}. Ita libenter ea corrigam,
quae a te animad versa sunt. ' Eodem iure quo Eubriana' potius

tbe intrigue of Antony with Septimia, the
wife of Sicca), so I will lay ou the lash
without a word against Sicca or Septimia,
till the third and Iburth generation know
that Antonj' is the father of children by the
daughter of C. Fadius.' Cicero resolved
not to mention Septimia through friend-
ship for Sicca, and to dwell rather on the
mvtsaHiance of Antony with the daughter
of a frcednian, his second wife, Fadia.

callo] This is a very strange exjjres-
sion, and could hardly have been used by
Cicero in the sense ascribed to it by the
commentators, who suppose Cicero to
refer to the statement (lor which see De
Or. ii. 25) of Lucilius, that he did not
wish to he understood by everybody. But
could nine vallo Lnciliaiio mean ' without
the obstacles interposed by Lucilius ' (be-
tween hiiDself and his readers) ? We be-
lieve th .t vallo is a gloss which has ousted
some Greek expression, possibly <ppay/if
or (ppdy/xaTL. A very conunon expression
for cautious utterance in Greek is irecppay-
fievctjs \eyeiv. The meaning then of si/ie
(ppay/j-cS Lticilia)io would be ' without
the cautioTi and guardedness of Lucilian
satire.' It seems possible that Cicero
might have so used the Greek expi-essiun,
■which might have been roughly inter-
preted by a glossator by the word lallo,
which ultimately usurped the place of the
Greek word in the text.

illis Illviris'] It is useless to attempt
an explanation of this passage without the
letter of Attii us, to which it is a reply. To
assume an allusion to the fact that Caesar
and Pompeyhad each three wives, or to a

supposed intrigue of Antony (and two
others) with Septimia, is almost as un-
satisfactory as it is to translate quo fucriut
illi Illviri, ' when the three brothers,
the Antonii, Marcus, Lucius and Gains,
aie dead.' It is just possible that we might
interpret literally, as Mr. Watson does,
' under the Triumvirs ' ; the pleasantry
[facete) which he ascribes to Atticus
would then lie in his regarding the period
of the triumvirs (59-o3 n.c.) as one
favourable to freedom of speech. Atticus
made use of some ingenious expression in
describing the time when the second Phi-
lippic would have a perfectly unimpeded
circulation; but what tiie expression was
we have no data to discover, and it is idle
to guess.

Sextol Peducaeo.

Efs i/jiol ixvpioi] 'his judgment is
instar omnium in my mind.'

Caleni et Calvetiae] friends of Antony,
Q. Fufius Calenus and C. Matins, niik-
named by Cicero Calvena^ Madarus, (pa-
\aKpo} ixa.

2. a5o'A.6crxos] 'ajaseur.^ — Jeans.

Aristophani^ the Alexandrine gram-
marian.

ev/xeveia] ' bienveillancc' — Jeans.

liubriana] Cicero, in Phil, ii., had
accused Antony of having gained posses-
sion of a villa of Scipio's at Tibur by
underhand means. Atticus objected to
this statement for some reason, and Cicero
accordingly substituted the name of L.
Rubrius, who had bequeathed to Antony
a villa at Casinum, doubtless for a con-
sideration.

DCCXCIX. [ATT. XVI. 11).

quam ' quo Scipiouis,' et de laudibus Dolabellae deriiam cumulum.
Ac tameii est isto loco bella, ut mihi videtur, tlpuovva, quod eum
ter contra cives in acie. Illud etiam malo ' indignissimum est hunc
vivere' quam ' quid indignius ? ' 3. litTrXo-y patpiav Varronis tibi
probari non moleste fero : a quo adbuc 'HpaK/XitSftov illud non
abstuli. Quod me hortaris ad scribendum, amice tu quidem, sed
me scito agere nibil aliud. Gravedo tua mihi molesta est. Quaeso^
adbibe quam soles diligentiam. 0 Titk tibi prodesse laetor.
Anagnini sunt Mustela Tastop^rjc et Laeo, qui plurimuui bibit.
Librum quern rogas perpoliam et mittam. 4. Haec ad posteri-
orem. Ta Trtpi tuv Ku6iiKOvTog, quatenus Panaetius, absolvi duobus,
lUius tres sunt, sed cum initio divisisset ita, tria genera exqui-
rendi officii esse, uuum, cum deliberemus honestum an turpe sit,
alterum, utile an inutile, tertium, cum haec inter se pugnare
videantur, quo modo iudicanduni sit, qualis causa Reguli, redire
honestum, mauere utile, de duobus primis praeclare disseruit, de
tertio pollicetur se deinceps scripturum, sed nihil scripsit. Eum
locum Posidonius persecutus est. Ego autem et eius librum arces-
sivi et ad Athenodorum Calvum scripsi, ut ad me ra Ki(j)a\cua

dernam CHmuluni] ' I Mill tone down
my praise of Dolabella.' ' 1 \villdia\y it
a little milder.'

earn ter contra elves'] Cicero stated,
Phil. ii. 75, that thrice Caesar had stood
in battle array against his countrymen, in
Thessaly, Africa, and Spain, and that
Dolabella was beside him on those occa-
sions, and then asks indignantly where
was Antony.

quid iiidiyi(iHs~\ Cicero neglected to
make the correction ; quid indujiiius now
stands in the text of Phil. ii. 86.

3. 'U.iTr\oypa<piav] Tiiis was the
rather fantastic title (derived from the
Peplus at Athens, on which mythological
subjects were embroidered) which Yarro
gave to a work something like our ' Books
of Worthies,' consisting of 700 portraits
of eminent men, with a short Life, and a
motto, or epigram, attached to each.

abst/dt] ' I have not got from him his
work in the manner of Ileracleides.' Ab-
stuUmus is used in the same sense in
767, 5. ^_

0 Tile~\ This is the way in which
Cicero otten designates his JJe Senectute,
of M'hich the opening words are these.
They are part of a passage from Ennius,
in which 1'. Flamininus is thus addressed

by a shepherd, who offers his services as

guide to the army :

O Tite si quid ego adiuero curamve levasso
Quae nunc te coquit;et versat in pectore fixa
EcquiJ erit praeini ?

AnngniHt] In Phil. ii. 106 Cicero
speaks of 'two men of Anagnia.' The
allusion puzzled Atticus ; accordingly
Cicero supplies the names, wliich must
have been omitted in the copy sent to
Atticus. He calls Mustela Mons. le Capi-
faiiie, and describes Laco as ' the champion
toper,' probably with a play on lacus and
Aa/c/fos, 'tank.'

Zibniiii] The Topica, which he tells
us he began to copy out just as he set out
on his voyage from Velia, cp. Fam. vii.
19 (776), and sent to Trebatius from
Regium. The book was drawn up by
him from memory during the voyage — a
remarkable feat for a man of 62.

4. Ta Tvepl tov Kad-i^KoyrosI The
De OJiciis.

cum haec inter se] ' cases in which
there is a conflict between duty and ex-
pediency.'

Athenodorum Calvum] a stoic of Tarsus,
mentioned also in Att. xvi. 14, 4 (805).

Ta KecpaKaia] 'a precis of his di-
visions.'

28 DCCXCIX. (ATT. XVJ. 11).

raitteret, quae exspecto : quern velim eohoitere et roges, ut quam
primum. In eo est Trepi rou Kara iripiaTaaiv KuOi'iKovroQ. Quod
de inscriptione quaeris, uou duLito quin (caOf/icoi' ' offieiuni ' sit,
nisi quid tu aliud, sed inscriptio pleuior ' de officiis.' ripoo-i^wvw
nut em Ciceroni filio. Yisum est non uvoIkhov. 5. De Myrtilo
dilucide. 0 quales tu semper istos ! Itane in D. Brutuni ? Di
istis ! 6. Ego me, ut scripserani, in Pompeianum non abdidi,
primo tempestatibus, quibus nil taetrius, deinde ab Octaviano
cotidie litterae, ut negotium susciperem, Capuam venirem, iterum
rem publicam servarem, Romam utique statim.

. . . CHcenOti' inh> uvfjvaaOai, ot7cr«v o' vv oci \()ai.

Is tamen egit sane strenue et agit. Romam veniet cum manu
magna, sed est plane puer. Putat senatum statim. Quis veniet.?.
Si venerit, quis incertis rebus offendet Antonium ? Kal. lanuar.
erit fortasse praesidio, aut quidem ante depugnabitur. Puero
municipia mire favent. Iter enim faciens in Samnium venit
Cales, mansit Teani. Mirifica cnravrnaig et cohortatio. Hoc tu
putares ? Ob hoc ego citius Romam quam constitueram. Simul
et constituero, scribam. 7. Etsi nondum stipulationes legeram —
nee enim Eros venerat — , tamen rem pridie Idus velim conficias.
Epistolas Catinam, Tauromenium, Syracusas commodius mittere
potero, si Valerius interpres ad me nomina gratiosorum scripserit.
Alii enim sunt alias, nostrique familiares fere demortui. Publico

■nepl ToG] 'duties iinder given cir- Eal. lanuar.'] 'On January 1, when

fuiustances.' the new consuls, Iiirtius and Pansa, come

avo'iReiov] mal-d-propos. He some- into office, perhaps he will be able to

times uses aTrpoaSidwcrop in quite the strengthen the hands of the senate, or

same sensr : cp. 802, 1. perhaps the battle will be over before

5. dilucide] se. scrihis. Myrtilus was that time.'

suspected (or accused) by Antony of a mamsit'] ' He spent the night at Tea-
design on his life, and of liaviiig been num.' C\). manet sub love frigido Venator,
suborned by D. Brutus. Cicero exclaims, Hor. Caim. i. 1, 25. Cp. also Att. iv.
* 0 how well you always understand the 19 Jin. ; vii. 21,1.
whole of tliat crew. Is it possible that airdfr-noris] ' acciidl.'' — Jeans,
they attribute such a design to D. Brutus! 7. &tlpiilati(i)ies] ' the agreements' re-
Confound their knavish triclis ! ' The specting the sale of some property by
ellipses are all quite normal. which Cicero wished to raise nmney, or

6. aX^effQiv] 'a case of ashamed to perhaps bonds, entered into by the securi-
Jtinch, afraid to face the foe, ^ taken from ties of Dolabella.

Jl. vii. 93, where are described the feel- Alii alias] 'different people are in-

ings of the Greek champions when chal- fluential at different times,' ' as regards
lenged by Hector. influence, the centre of gravity shifts.'

DCCC. [ATT. XVI. 12).

tamen scripsi, si uti vellet. eis Valerius, ant niihi nomina mitteret.
8. De Lepidianis feriis Balbiis ad me usque ad iii. Kalend.
Exspeetabo tuas litteras, meque de Torquati negotiolo sciturum
puto. Quinti litteras ad te misi, ut scires quam valde eum amaret,
<juem dolet a te minus amari. Atticae quoniam, quod optimum in
pueris est, hilarula est, meis verbis suavium des volo.

DCCO. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Att. xvi. 12).

PUTEOLl ; NOVEMBER 6 ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

De Oppii epistola, de Ocella, du adventu suo in urbem, de Antonio, de 'HpaKXn^iio)
A''arronis.

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Oppii epistolae, quia perlinmana erat, tibi misi exemplum.
De Ocella, dum tu mngiuaris nee mihi quidquam rescribis, cepi
■consilium domesticum. Itaque me pridie Idus arbitror Romae
futurum. Commodius est visum frustra me istie esse, cum id non
necesse esset, quauj, si opus esset, non adesse, et simul ne inter-
oluderer metuebam. Ille enirn iam adventare potest, etsi varii
rumores multique quos cuperem veros : niliil tamen certi. Ego
vero, quidquid est, tecum potius quam animi pendeam, cum a te

Publice scripsi] ' I have written official
letters' to the several commnnities com-
mending Valerius.

aut . . . mitteret] ' or else he should
:send me the names ': see on aiit ne
poposcisses, Att. ii. 1, 3 (27).

8. Lepidianis] Balbus tells me the
holidays will last till the 30th. Lepidus
was now Pontifex Maximus, in succession
to Caesar. On him devolved the duty of
fixing the days on which the auspices
should he taken, which days would be
•observed as holidays, feriae, on which
there would be no meetings of the senate.

eum] Qiiintus juni(ir.

in pueris] ' give Attica a kiss for being
such a merry little thing — it is the greatest
charm in children — and tell her that it
comes from me.' — Jeans. Observe that
pueris includes girls. Attica was now
about seven years old.

meis verbis] see note on Att. vi. 8, 8
.(281).

init'/inaris] ' keep on heming and haw-
ing.' The word seems to mean causari,
tergiversari (it is explained niujari et
quasi tarde conari, Paul, ex Fest. 147),
but, as Nonius interprets it by iiiunnu-
rare, we must suppose it to include some
reference to sound. In Plin. H. N. Pref.
18 the form musinari is found.

consilium domesticum] ' I drew on my
own stock of intelligence.' Cicero says
that as Atticus was so dilatory, he ' took
his own advice': op. id quidein doiid est,
'I am 'well supplied with that,' Att. x.
14, 2 (400), and note there. So Catulhis
(31, 14).

rideie quidquid est dotni cachiiinoiuni,

' smile all the smiles you have.'

Ille] Antony.

tecum pot'ius] sc. sim. For the ellipse
cp. Att. xiv. 11, 2 (714); 12, 2 (715).

:^0 DCCCI. [ATT. XVI. 10).

absim, et de te et de me. Sed quid tibi dicam? Bonum auimum.
De 'HpakX£(?f('fi» Varronis, iiegotia salsa. Me qnidom nihil mn-
qiiani sic delectavit. Sed liaec et alia maiora coram.

DCCCI. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Att. xvi.mo).

SINUESSA ; NOVEMBER 8 ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

Scribit in Sinuessamim se venisse et iam propter Antoniuiu duLitare Romani ire,
rogat ut sibi suadeat maneatne Arpini an propius accedat an veniat Romam.

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

1. VII. Id. veni ad me in Sinuessanum. Eodera die vulgo
loquebantur Autonium maiisurum esse Casiliiii. Itaque mutavi
consilium. Statueram enim recta Appia Romam. Facile me ille
esset adsecutus. [Aiunt enim eum Caesariaua uti celeritate. Yerti
igitur me a Minturnis Arpinum versus. Constitueram, ut v. Idus
aut Aquiui manerem aut in Arcane. 2. Nunc, mi Attice, tota
mente incumbe in banc curam. Magna enim res est. Tria sunt
autem, maneamne Arpini an propius accedam an venlam Romam.
Quod eensueris faciam. Sed quam primum : avide exspecto tuas
litteras. vi. Idus mane in Sinuessano.

Bonum ammnm'] sc. h((hcamus. must be understood both with, recta and

negotia sahci] ' that was an amusing with Appia.
piece of business about Varro's book.' Ne- Caesariaua celeritate] ' the despatch of

gctium often refers to persons, e.g. Att. i. Caesar himself.' Caesarina is the form of

12, 1 (17); vi. 1, 13 (252); xiv. 8, 1 (710). the adjective which all the Mss here pre-

Like the Greek xp^M«) it can also refer to sent, but it is a form wliich we are un-

things as well, though we do not remem- able to parallel.

ber any other passage in wbich «f/7o;'i(7 is TVr/J] 'I am turning off towards

used exactly as here. Arpinum at Minturnae.' Cicero means

tbat he is determined to leave the Appian

1. mans^irum'\ 'would spend the night': Way at Minturnae, and go toM'ards Ar-

see on 799, 6. pinum. Yerti is an epistolarg term, for a

recta Appia Homam'] ' to make straight good example of which see Att. xvi. 4, 1

for Rome by the Appian Way.' Fia (771), and note there.

DC ecu. {ATT. XV I. 13 a).

DCCCII. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Att. xvi. na).

AQUINUM ; NOVKMBER 10 ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

De itinere Sinuessano Aquinnm versus facto et acceptis Attici epistolis.
CICERO ATTICO SAL.

1. 0 casum miriflcum ! vi. Idus cum ante lucem de Sinues-
sano surrexissem veuissemque diluculo ad pontem Tiretium, qui
est Minturnis, in quo flexus est ad iter Arpinas, obviam niihi fit
tabellarius, qui me offendit ^oXixov irXoov bpfxaivovTa. Ego
statim, ' cedo,' inquam, 'si quid ab Attico.' Nondum legere potera-
mus : nam et lumina dimiseramus nee satis lucebat. Cum autem
lueeret, ante seripta epistola ex duabus tuis prior mihi legi coepta
est. Ilia omnium quidem elegantissima. Ne sim salvus, si aliter
scribo ac sentio : nihil legi humanius. Ttaque veniam quo vocas,
raodo adiutore te. Sed nihil tarn a-rrpoa^Luwaov mihi primo
videbatur quam ad eas litteras, quibus ego a te consilium petieram,
te mihi ista rescribere. 2. Ecce tibi altera, qua liortaris Trap'
rtvffxoivra MiiiiavTa, vi'taov Im ^vpirjg, Appiam scilicet ett' apiarfp'
i->i(^ovTct. Itaque eo die mansi Aquini. Longulum sane iter et via
mala : inde postridie mane proficiscens has litteras dedi.

1. surrexissem'] 'just as I liacl risen
from bed, to pursue my journey from
Sinuessa.'

■TrAo'or] He uses ttXoov, though refer-
ring- to a journey by land, as one might
now write, ' The postman knocked just
as mi/ boat ivas on the shore and my bark
ivas on the sea,^ though contemplating a
land-journey.

cedo] ' <;ive me'; the plural cetle is
found in Plantus.

lumina] ' I had sent away the flam-
beaux.'

oLTT poaZ lovvaov] mal-d-propos: cp.
799, 4.

2. Trap' riveix6ivra] Atticus, in
pointing out his route to Cicero, used the
words of Homer, Od. iii. 171 ; by yiifxavTa
he means the Apennines, and by v-qaov
'Vvpiris the insula Arpinas. The some-
what laboured joke of Atticus perhaps sug-
gested to Cicero his quotation of ZoMxhv
■ir\6oy op/j.aii'ovTa. from the same context.

mansi] ' I am staying,' another ex-
ample of the epistolary tense, for which
see on 771, 1.

32 DCCCIII. [ATT. XVI. 13 h).

DCCCIII. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Att. xvi. 13 h).
arpinum; novkmhkr 10 ; a. u. c. 710; b. c. 4-1; aet. cic. 62.

In hoc cpistolac fragmcnto consulit Cicero Atticura ubi piitet se commode versari
nunc posse, siiadetque, uW ipse se contincat.

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

1. * * et quidem, ut a me diraitterem invitissimus, feceruiit
Erotis litterae. Rem tibi Tiro narrabit. Tu quid faciendum sit
videbis. Praeterea possimne propius accedere — malo enim esse in
Tusculano aut uspiani in suburbano — an etiam longius disceden-
dum putes crebi-o ad me velira scribas. Erit autem cotidie cui des.
2. Uuod praeterea consulis quid tibi censeam faciundum, difficile
est, cum absim. Verum tamen, si pares aeque inter se, quiescen-
dum : sin, latins manabit, et quidem ad uos, deinde communiter.

DCCCIV. CrCERO TO ATTICUS (Att. xvi. 13c).
arpinum ; NovEMBKR 11 ; A. u. c. 710 ; B. c. 44; aet. cic. 62.

De consilio Attici a se avide exspectato, do itineribus Antonii, se ardeie studio
Mstoriae signi6cat quaeritque quibus coss. C. Fannius M. F. tribunus pi. fuerit.

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

1. Avide tuum consilium exspecto. Timeo ne absim, cum
adesse me sit lionestius : temere venire non audeo. De Antonii

1. "We have indicated a lacuna, with found also in the comic drama, e.g. in
most editors. Plaut. Men. v. 9, 60, aeque umbo pares.

2. SI pares aeque'] ' If Antony and For sin = sin mimes cp. Fam. xii. 6, 2
Octavius prove to be evenly matched, you (835), qui si conservatus erit, viciinus :
ought to stay quietly in Rome ; but it' sin, — qtiod cli omen avertant — omnis om-
not, then the danger will become general, nium cursus est ad vos.

and will reach us ; after that we must

take counsel together.' This seems better 1. temere'] ' without due consideration.'

than to explain deinde communiter as Non temere in the comic drama means

meaning deinde ad omnes manabit. The ' not for nothing,' like ovk erc^s in Greek

j)leonasm in pares aeque is a colloquialism dialogue and comedy.

DCCCV. {ATT. XVI. U)-

itineribus nescio quid aliter audio atque ut ad te scribebam.
Omnia igitur velim explices et ad me certa mittas. 2. De reliquo
quid tibi ego dicam ? Ardeo studio liistoriae — incredibiliter enim
me commovet tua cohortatio — , quae quidem nee institui nee effici
potest sine tua ope. Coram igitur lioc quidem confereraus. In
praesentia mihi velim scribas quibus coss. C. Fannius M. F.
tribunus pi. fuerit. Yideor milii audisse P. Africano L. Mummio
censoribus. Id igitur quaero. Tu mihi de iis rebus, quae no-
vantur, omnia certa, clara. iii. Idus ex Arpinati.

DCCCV. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Att. xvi. u).

AHPINUM ; AFTER NOVEMBER 11 ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

De Octaviano et Antonio, de nominis ' officii ' vi ac potestate, de Nepotis filio, Q.
filiiis quid ad M. filium scribat.

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

L. Nihil erat plane quod scriberem. Nam cum Puteolis essem,
cotidie aliquid novi de Octaviano, multa etiam falsa de Antonio.
Ad ea autem, quae seripsisti — tres enim acceperam iii. Idus a te
«pistolas — valde tibi adsentior, si multum possit Octavianus,
multo firmius acta tyranni comprobatum iri quam in Telluiis
atque id contra Brutum fore : sin autem vincitur, vides intolera-
bilem Antonium, ut quern velis nescias. 2. 0 Sestii tabellarium,
hominem nequam ! Postridie Puteolis Romae se dixit fore. Uuod

2. In praesential cp. Att. vii. 14, 1
(310).

censoribus] Tliis word must be sup-
plied, because Mummius and Africanus
were never colleagues in the consulship,
a fact of which Cicero could not have been
ignorant. They were censors together
in 612 (142). Fannius is an interlocutor
in the I)e Amicitia, on which Cicero was
then engaged.

quae novantm-] ' changes in the con-
stitution,' with an idea of disapproval of
the changes: cp. Sail. Cat. 39, 3; 55, 1.

1. aliquid novi . . . multa eda in falsa']
sc. afferebanlxir or erant.

VOL. VI.

muUuin possit] The muUnni is intro-
duced to balance the succeeding mnlto
Jirmius. We have in the next letter but
one, § 3, qicamqiiam enim potest; and
Lehm., p. 15, gives a good example of
possit used absolutely in Fam. iv. 13, 5
(483), etiam ilia quae minimum nunc qui-
dem potest, sei possit necesse est, res publica.

in Telluris] sc. aede ; on the third day
after the death of Caesar all his acts were
ratified in the temple of Tellus.

quern] for utrum : see on Att. xvi. 8,
1 (797).

2. Postri'lie Puteolis] The letter-carrier
of Sestius had undertaken to be in Ro ne
the day after he left Puteoli.

DCCCV. [ATT. XVI. U).

me mones, \\t pedetemptim, adsentior: etsi aliter cogitubam. Nee
me Philippus aut Marcellus movet. Alia enim eorum ratio : et,
si Doii est, tamen videtur. Sed in isto iuvene quamquam auimi
satis, aiictoritatis parum est. Tamen vide, si forte in Tusculauo
recte esse possini, idne melius sit — ero libentius : nihil enim igno-
rabo — an liic, cum Antonius venerit. 8. Sed, ut aliud ex alio,
mihi non est dubium quin, quod Grraeci KaBriKov, nos ' officium.'
Id autem quid dubitas quin etiam in rem publicam praeclare
quadret ? Noune dicimus ' consulum ofRcium, senatus offjcium,
imperatoris officium?' Praeclare convenit, aut da melius. 4. Male
narras de Nepotis filio. Valde mehercule moveor et moleste fero.
Nescieram omniuo esse istum puerum. Caniuium perdidi, liomi-
nem, quod ad me attiuet, non ingratum. Atlienodorum nihil est
quod hoi'tere : misit enim satis bellum vTrofxry^fia. Gravedini,
quaeso, onmi ratione subveni. Avi tui pronepos scribit ad patris

pedetemptbii'] sc. cam, ' proceed cau-
tiously,' in my choice of sides.

rJiUippus tact JUi/JCi'lhis'] Atticus had
advised Caesar to follow the example of
L. Philippus and C. Marcellus, and not
declare too hastily which side he would
follow. Cicero says he agrees with the
counsel of Atticus, but renuirks that the
case of Philippus nnd Marcellus is, or
looks, different from his; referring doubt-
less to the fact that they were connected
with Oitavian, Philippus being the hus-
band of Octavian's mother, and Marcellus
of Octavian's sister.

iuvene'] The fact that he sometimes
calls Octavianj»M«', and sometimes iuvenis,
shows that these words do not correspond
to boij, or lad, and youth witli us, but
rather to youth and young man. In 707,
3, he calls hiiu adolescentem.

idne melius sW] ' consider whether that
is not belter (namely, to be in Tusculanimi
on the arrival of Autony), or to be here '
(in Arpinum^i.

3. ut aliud ex alio'] lit. 'as one thing
suggests another.' The question just put
si in Tusc. recte esse passim suggests the
idea of duly, and hence the question
whether icaOriKov is the proper Greek for
officium. "We would write, ' consider does
my duty demand that I should stay in
Tusculanum, and (talking of duty) I am
certain Kadrjicov is the right Greek for
officium.' We have ut aliud ex alio incidit
in Ter. Haut. iii. 3, 37.

quadret] 'is applicable to.' This is
the conjecture of Boot and C. F. W.
Miiller for caderet, the tense of M'hich
would be difficult to explain. Moreover,
quaclrarv is often used by Cicero in exactly
this sense, and cadet in Z is a corruption
of quadret in Att. xiii. 33, 3 (636), which
is further corrupted in M into ea dc.

4 . ^Lale narras] This expression doubt-
less points to the fact that the death of
tlie son of his fiiend Cornelius Nepos had
been announced by Atticus, probably in
the phrase /(rc<«>H male de. See on 651.

omnino esse] ' the very existence of.'

perdidi] sc. morte abreptum. The al-
lusion is to the death of L. Caninius
Gallus, whom Cicero had defended in
699 (oo). Hence he speaks of him as a
man ' who, as far as I am concerned, has
been not ungrateful.'

vTr6fxvy)ixcC] The memoir e on the views
of Posidonius on conflicting motives, for
which he had written to Athenodorus
(799, 4).

Avi tui pronepos] The younger Quintus
was grandson of Atticus, therefore great-
great-grandson of the grandfather of
Atticus. By avi mei nepotcni Cicero
means his son Marcus. Young Quintus
had written to young Marcus to say that
he would ' bring the temple of Ops intch
liquidation after the Nones,' that is, that
he would require from Antony an account
of the money deposited tlieve by Caesar,
and appropriated by him.

DCCCVI. {FAM. XVI. 2 If).

mei nepotem se ex Nonis iis, quibus iios magna gessimus, aedeiu
Opis explicaturum, idque ad populum. Videbis igitur et scribes.
Sexti iudicium exspeeto.

DCCCYI. CICEEO TO TIEO (Fam. xvi. 24).

AKPINUM ; MIDDLE OF NOVEMBER ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

M. Cicero Tironi de rebus domesticis scribit, de publicis sciscitatur.

TULLIUS TIRONI SAL.

1. Etsi mane Harpalnm miseram, tarn en, cum haberem, cui
recte darem litteras, etsi novi nihil erat, isdem de rebus volui ad te
saepius scribere, non quin confiderem diligentiae tuae, sed rei me
magnitude movebat. Mibi prora et puppis, ut Graecorum pro-
verbium est, fuit a me iui dimittendi, ut rationes nostras expli-
cares. Ofillio et Aurelio utique satis fiat, A Flamma, si non
potes omne, partem aliquara velim extorqueas, in primisque, ut
expedita sit pensio K. Ian. De attributione conficies, de reprae-

ex Nonis iis] The Nones of December,
memorable as the day on wbicb Cicero
consigned the Catilinarian conspirators to
prison. It would seem Quintus expected
to be invested with some ofHce, the qiiaes-
torship or aedileship. But we have no evi-
dence of this, and it is very unlikely that at
his age, between 23 and 24, he could have
aspired to such an office, even though we
make full allowance for anomalies, per-
haps possible in such troublous times.
It is more probable, as Mongault sug-
gested, that he contemplated his attack on
Antony in the capacity of a private person.
The reason why young Quintus specified
the Nones of December was that on that
day the new quaestors entered on their
duties, and he, doubtless, wished to have
their assistance.

Scxti] i. e. the criticism of Sextus
Peducaeus on the second Philippic.

1. Harpahmi] probably a slave. He
is not mentioned elsewhere.
recte^ ' safely.'

prora et puppis] ' the Alpha and Omega
of my design in dismissing you was the
arrangement of my aifairs.' For the Greek
proverb Otto (p. 289) quotes Apost. 15, 97 :
TO. e/c TTpwpas Kal to e'k Trpv/j.vrjS aTr6K\vTai'
iirl Tooif iravoXeOpia (pdeLpo/.i4pa)v. Some-
what different is [Dio Chrys.] xxxvii.
p. 120 R (= ii. 303 Dind.), vfj.i'is yap icne
vvv rh 5r; \ey6uevov Trpcopa Kal irpvfxvarrjs
'EWdSos bX^ioi fj.ev Kal afpveioi.

O/HHo] see note to Att. xiii. 37 (657).

Aurelio] a procurator of Montanus,
who had become surety to Plancus for
Flaminius Flamma, and was now forced
to meet Flamma's liabilities. Montanus
had gone to Athens with young Cicero,
and the latter had asked his father to
endeavour to settle the debt inclined by
Montanus: cp. Att. xii. 52, 1 (599); xiv.
16, 4 (721) ; xvi. 15, 3 (807).

jteiisio'] to be paid by Flamma, who
seems not to have repudiated the debt,
but only to have required that the time
for payment should be extended.

Jan.'] Most editors alter to lun., and
assign this letter to May ; "Wesenberg
D2

nCCCVL {FAM. XVI. 2Ii).

seutatione videbis. De domesticis rebus hactenus. 2. De publicis
omnia luihi certa ; quid Octavianus, quid Antouius, quae homiuani
opinio, quid futurum putes. Ego vix toueor, quin accurram. Sed
st ! litteras tuas exspecto ; et scito Balbum turn fuisse Aquini,
cum tibi est dictum, et postridie llirtium : puto utrumque ad
aquas. Sed quod egeriut — . DolabelUie procuratores fac ut ad-
moneantur: appellabis etiam Papiam. Yale,

deletes Ian ; Griibev thinks that perhaps
this letter was writtoa after June 14,
the date of 749. But Ruete (p. 35) shov s
that Balbus and Hirtius returned to Rome
in May : cp. Att. xv. 5, 2 (737) ; 9, 1
(742) ; that ego vie teiieor qaiii accurram
accords ill with the despairing tone of
Cicero's letters in June, i.e. Att. xv. 18
to 20 (750) to (752) : and that this letter
just suits the middle of November, when
Cicero sent Tiro to Rome, cp. Att. xvi.
135, 1 (803), and when Cicero himself
was meditating return : cp. Att. xvi. 12
(800) ; 10, 1 (801) ; 13 «, 1 (802) ; 13 c, 1
(804). Dolabella, too, appears to have
been absent, and we know that he left
the city towards the end of October : cp.
Att. XV. 13ff, 1 (795)_.

attrihutione] ' assignment of debtors,'
i.e. the assignment of some of my debtors
to my creditors, the former to pay the
latter : cp. Att. xiii. 2, 1 (602).

repraesentatione'] ' paying ready money.'

rebus'] This is the simplest correction
of eius, the corrupt reading of the mss.

2. omnia niihi certa'] sc. scribe, a
common ellipse, generally with si quid
habes, si quid scies, or the like, Att. xii.
27, 3 (603) : yet sometimes without it,
Att. xvi. 13r, 2 (804).

Octavianus] So H Erf. ; Octavius M
Pal. In the Epp. ad Att., from June 9,
■cp. Att. XV. 12, 2 (745), Cicero always
calls him Octaviatius, as by that time the
full formalities of his adoption had been
completed [see Addenda to Commentary
for Schmidt's notes on these names].
Ruete (p. 36) honestly confesses that the

reading of M Pal militates against his
view of the date of this letter; but he
justly maintains that it does not outweigh
the otlier arguments. He did not know
that the correct reading Octavianus had
the autliority of H Erf. Mendelssohn
rightly adopts it.

Sed st ! litteras tuas exspecto] So all
the editi)rs, whom we follow with some
hesitation. M and most mss have sed si;
a few have sc {= scilicet); one ms, accord-
ing to Ursinus, has st. H Erf. Pal have
simply Sed (written S,) tuas litteras ex-
specto ; and such, we think, may be the
true reading'. Making all due allowance
for the conversational tone of the letters st
= 'hush' is really too colloquial, especially
in such an ordinary matter as the expec-
tation of a letter from Tiro. And it is
worthy of notice, that in the other passage
of Cicero's Epistles, where editors read st,
viz. Att. ii. 1, 10 (27) ; it is found in the
MSS as si, and following sed. The contrac-
tions for these words are so like one
another that they are often confused. In
both cases it is probable that si arose from
dittography.

cum tibi est dictum] ' when you were
told he was.'

sed quod egerint] We must not read
quid with Wesenberg and other editois.
Lehmann (De Epp. ad Att., p. 198),
understands id actum habebo, or some such
expression, meaning ' it is indifferent to
me,' comparing Tusc. iii. 50. See note
to Earn. xvi. 23, 1 (754), where Leh-
niann's admirable explanation of the
phrase is set forth.

DCCCVII. {ATT. XVI. 15).

DCCCYII. CICERO TO ATTICUS (Att. xvi. 15).

AKPINUM ; AFTEK NOVEMBER 11 ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

De pigritia sua, quod non sua manu scribat, de alienato in Dolubellam animo et
cousilio sevtrius in eum agendi, de re publica, de litteiis obsignata iam epistola ab
Attico et Sex. Peducaeo acceptis, de desperate statu rei publicne, de existimatione sua
et nominibus suis dissolvendis.

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

1. Noli putare pigritia me facere, quod non mea manu scri-
Lam — sed mehercule pigritia. Nihil enim habeo aliud quod
dicam, et tamen in tuis quoqiie epistolis Alexim videor agnoscere.
Sed ad rem venio. Ego, si me non improbissime Dolabella trac-
tasset, dubitassem fortasse utrum remissior essem an summo iure
contenderem. Nunc vero etinm gandeo mibi causam oblatam, in
qua et ipse sentiat et reliqui omnes me ab illo abalienatum, idque
prae me feram, et quidem me mea causa facere et rei publicae, ut
ilium oderim : quod, cum eam me auctore defendere coepisset, non
modo deseruerit emptus pecuuia, sed etiam, quantum in ipso fuit,
everterit. 2. Quod autem quaeris quo modo agi placeat, cum dies

1. Noli pniarel 'Pray do not suppose
it was laziness tbat made me employ an
amanuensis in writing to you : it was
reallj' notbing but — well, laziness, tbere
is no otber word for it ; however [you
are as lazy, for] I tbink I recognise tbe
hand of your amanuensis Alexis in your
letter to me.' Cicero is about to make an
excuse, but when he comes to the point
he finds that it really was laziness which
prevented him from writing with bis own
hand. The form of expression reminds
us somewhat of the irapa irpoaBoKiav so
familiar to readers of Aristophanes, but
can hardly be called an instance of oxy-
moron, to which figure Boot refers it,
quoting an excellent instance of oxymoron
from Plin. Ep. ix. 26, 1, nihil peccat nisi
quod •nihil peccat, which is exactlj- parallel
to the faultily faultless of Tennyson's
Maud.

2. Qnod autem qtiaeris'] Boot quotes
an explanation by Buschke of this diffi-
cult passage, of which he himself ap-

proves, and of which we append a sum-
mary (cp. Eein, Frivatrccht cler Homer, p.
671) : — Cicero leaves to the judgment of
Atticus the day on which he is to proceed
against Dolabella, only expressing a hope
that it will take place at a time when it
may not be unsuitable for him to be in
Eome. As to tbe money due to bim by
Dolabella, Cicero wishes to pursue his
rights to the full, but at the same time to
save Dolabella any extreme or unneces-
sary humiliation. How is this to be
doue? He could (1) sue Dolabella, and
if he did not appear, and bis agents {pro-
ctiratores) failed to satisfy the claim, he
could levy a distraint on the goods of tbe
defaulter. This he rejects as involving
too great a public exposure of Dolabella.
He could also (2) sue tbe sureties {sjmi-
sores). But be feels 'it has an ugly
look' [videtur habere qicandam Sutrco-
TTi'aj/), to take this step. Buschke, in
explanation of this, refers to the testi-
mony of various Eonian Juris consulti

DCCCVIL (ATT. XVI. U)

veuerit, primura veliiu eius modi sit, ut non alieuum sit me
Romae esse, de quo, ut de ceteris, faciam, ut tu censueris. De
summa autera agi prorsus vehemeuter et severe volo. Etsi spou-
sores appellare videtur habere quaradara Suo-wTrt'ay, tamen hoc
quale sit cousideres velim. Possum euim, ut sponsores appel-
leutur, procuratores iutroducere — ueque enim illi litem contesta-
buutur — , quo facto nou sum nescius spousores liberari. Sed et
illi turpe arbitror eo uomiue, quod satis dato debeat, procuratores
eius non dissolvere, et nostrae gravitatis ius nostrum sine summa
illius ignominia persequi. De hoc quid placeat rescribas velim,
nee dubito quin hoc totiim lenius administraturus sis. 3. Redeo
ad rem publicam. Multa meliercule a te saepe iv woXiTiKd^ genere
prudenter, sed his litteris nihil prudentius : ' quamquam enim
potest et ia praesentia belle iste puer retuudit Antonium, tamen
exitum exspectare debenius.' At quae contio ! Nam est missa
mihi. lurat ' ita sibi parentis honores consequi liceat ' et simid
dextram intendit ad statuam. M»?Se awQii^v viro ye toiovtov !
Sed, ut scribis, certissimum esse video discrimen Cascae nostri

and to Quintilian, Declam. 273, in -w^liicli
!i surety pleads that, unless the real
debtor is first proceeded against, it is very
sharp practice, and almost dishonest, to
seek to exact the money from the surety.
Cicero, however, tells Atticus to turn over
the question whether such a course would
be too sharj) practice ; but apparently
feeling that it would, he suggests another
course (3). This is to draw the agents
into the case {procuratores iutroducere), by
suing the procuratores when he could not
sue tlie debtor. They, jterhaps, would
not pay, and then there would be nothing
harsh in coming down on the sureties, the
real debtor having been, in effect, first
approached through his procuratores. The
objection to this course is, tliat if the
procuratores should contest the debt, this
would estop the case against the sureties.
'But,' writes Cicero, 'they will never
take this step {iicque illi litem contesta-
bantur). It is disgrace enough for him
that his procuratores should refuse to pay
for him money lent to him on security,
and my position demands that I shoidd
save my former son-in-law from extreme
and unnecessary humiliation in the pur-
suit of my own rights.' Cicero thinks
that the result of course (3) will be either

that the procuratores will pay the money,
or that they will shift the responsibility
on the sponsores, but he feels sure they
will not contest the debt. Quo facto
= qicod si fiat = si procuratores litem con-
testcntur.

3. potest et in praesentia'] ' though the
lad is strong, and is for the present foiling
Antony charmingly.' Potest et is the
emendation of Gronovius for postea.
Many editors supply rctundere aiter potest,
but Lehmann, p. 15, has clearly estab-
lished the absolute use of posse, 'to be
powerful,' ' to occupy a strong position,'
at least in tlie letters of Cicero.

contio] Two different harangues {con-
tiones) were made by Octavian on the
introduction of the tribune Canutius —
one that which Cicero mentions with con-
demnation in a letter to Cassius, Fam.
xii. 3 (791) ; a more recent one to which
he refers here.

M 7J 5 e (T CO 0 € 1 7j r] Tb ese are the words
of Cicero himself, so that he did not
approve of this contio either.

discrimen] ' criterion,' ' test.' The
way in which Octavian would behave
towards Casca, one of the murderers of
Caesar, would afford a criterion of his
future conduct and policy. Gertamen is

DCCCVII. {ATT. XVI. 15). 39

tribuuatum, de quo quidem ipso dixi Oppio, cum me liortaretur,
ut adolescentem totamque causam manumque veteranorum com-
plecterer, me nuUo modo facere posse, ni milii exploratum esset
eum non modo non inimicum tyrannoctouis, venim etiam amicum
fore. Cam ille dieeret ita futurum, ' Quid igitur festinamus ? '
inquam. Illi enim mea opera ante Kaleud. laiiuar. nihil opus
est : uos autem eius voluntatem aute Idus Decembr. perspieiemus
in Casca. Valde mihi adsensus est. Q,uam ob rem haec quidem
hacteuus. Quod reliquum est, eotidie tabellarios habebis et, ut
ego arbitror, etiam quod seribas habebis eotidie. Leptae litterarum
exemphmi tibi misi, ex quo mihi vid^etur arparvWa^ ille delectus
de gradu. Sed tu, cum legeris, existimabis.'

4. Obsignata iam epistola litteras a te et a Sexto accepi. Nihil
iucundius litteris Sexti, nihil amabilius : nam tuae breves ; priores
eraut uberrimae. Tu quidem et prudenter et amice suades, ut in
his locis potissimum sim, quoad audiamus haec, quae commota
sunt, quorsus evadaut. 5. Sed me, mi Attice, non sane hoc
quidem tempore movet res publica — non quo aut sit mihi quid-
quam carius aut esse debeat, sed desperatis etiam Hippocrates
vetat adhibere medicinam ; qua re ista valeaut — me res familiaris
movet, rem dico ? irnmo vero existimatio. Cum enim tanta reliqua
sint, ne Terentiae quidem adhuc quod solvam expeditum est.
Terentiae dico ? Scis nos pridem iam constituisse Montani nomine
HS. XXV dissolvere. Pudentissime hoc Cicero petierat, uti de
suo, et liberalissime, ut tibi quoque placuerat : promiseram,
Erotique dixeram, ut sepositum haberet. Non modo sed iniquis-

used in this sense by Plautiis, Bacch. iii. quae commota sunt] c}-). quae novantur,

2, 1.5— aO-iJin.

Nunc sprcimen speciturnunc ceriamen 5. rem] Boot WOuld read rcs, and pro-

ceriiitur. bably rightly. It is the custom of Cicero,

ila futurum'] s^c. amicum tyrannoctonis in repetition, to preserve the case and

futurum. exact form of the word repeated, as in

aTparvWal ille] ' the petit caporal Terentiae dico in this section, and the

has had a staggerer.' There had recently examples cited by Boot from Pliny, cum

been some desertion to Octavian in the dico priiiceps, Ep. iii. 2, 2 ; cum dico

forces to Antony. lieiectiis de gradu is a balinei, ib. 5, 14.

technical term in the description of gladia- Montani nomine] see on Att. xii. 52, 1

torial conflicts. (599).

4. Sexto] Peducaeo. uti de suo] sc. sit, ' that it should be

priores] We agree with Boot, that it out of his pocket.'

is not quite clear to what letter priores Non modo sed] ' not only has Eros

refers. Certainly not to the letter from neglected my injunction to put this sum

Peducaeus. Boot ingeniously suggests etsi aside for settling the debt of Montanus,

res for priores. but [his action has been such that]

JDCOCVIL {ATT. XVI. 15).

si mo fenore versuram facere Aurelius coactus est. Nam de
Terentiae uomiue Tiro ad me scripsit te dicere nummos a Dola-
bella fore. Male eum credo iutellexisse, si quisquam male intel-
legit, potius nihil iutellexisse. Tu euim ad me scripsisti Cocceii
responsum et iisdem paene verbis Eros. 6. Yeuieuduni est igitur
vel in ipsam flammam. Turpius est enira privatim cadere quam
publico. Itaque ceteris de rebus, quas ad me suavissime scripsisti,
perturbato animo non potui ut cousueram reseribere. Gonsenti
liac cura, ubi sum, ut me espediam : quibus autem rebus, veuit
quidem milii in mentem, sed certi constituere nihil possum, prius
quam te videro. Qui minus autem ego istic recte esse possim
quam est Marcellus ? Sed non id agitur, neque id maxime euro.
Quid curem vides. Adsum igitur.

A ureliiis (the figent of Montanus) has been
obliged to raise the money to pay the
loan, at an exorbitant rate of interest.'
Tlie expression, however, is far from
satisfactory, and we should probably read
with Wesenberg, after Pius, «oh modo
versuram facere sed imquissimo fenore A.
coactus est.

fore'\ so. solutmn iri.

si quisquam mala intellegit'] The words
are invariably explained, ' if ever a man
fell into a misapprehension.' But this
would require inteUexit. Hence Boot
reads si quicquam male intellegit, ' if Tiro
ever makes a mistake.' But might we
not retain quisquam, and undeistaud the
passage to mean ' I believe Tiro appre-
hended the matter wrongly, if a man ever
apprehends wrongly,'' that is, ' if it be
possible to speak of a man's apprehending
a thing wrongly,' when, as a matter of
fact, he either apprehends it, or does not
apprehend it ? Accordingij', Cicero substi-
tutes nihil iutellexisse, ' he misapprehended
the matter,' for male int. ' he apprehended
it wrongly.'

Cocceii responsum^ Cocceius, as a man
of business, cognisant of the atl'airs of
Dolabella, had assured Atticus and Eros
that they could not hope for any advance
from Dolabella.

6. cadere"] ' to be ruined' (financially) ;
but cadere also might refer to the rxdn of
the republic, which was impending.
Cicero says, ' I must come and join you
in Rome, even though I am walking into
the midst of the conflagration [I must see
what I can do with my aflnirs], for dis-
graceful as is our public ruin, private
ruin is still more humiliating.'

uhi 470//] We have omitted in, which
appears in the mss after consenti, and
translate, ' Agree that I be able to extri-
cate myself from the difficulty in which I
now am.' This is a slighter change than
to alter uhi sum to mecum with Boot, who-
also approves (Mnem. 1893, p. 120) of
Wesenberg's contende for consenti. Mad-
vig (A. C. iii. 192) proposes coisemii ;
Klotz, contendi. For ubi = in qua, cp.
Plant. Asin.iv. 1,22; Cic.DeOrat. i. 243.

quibus autem rebus'] ' by what means I
shall effect this [the raising of money for
the discharge of my outstanding debts] I
have an idea, but I cannot develop it
clearly till I see you.'

istic] in Eome.

Adsum] ' I am off.' Cicero does not
seem to have actually arrived in Eome
till about December 9. He did not leave
the city again till the autumn of the
following year : see Ruete, p. 37 ff.

DCCCVIII. {FAM. X. h\ 41

DCCOVIII. PLANCUS TO CICEEO (Fam. x. 4).

GALLIA COMATA ; NOVEMBER (eNd) ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44;
AET. CIC. 62.

L. Munatius Plancus superioribus M. Cieeronis litteris rescribens agr.oscit benevo-
lentiam monitoris seseque in potestate rei publicae fore pollicetur.

PLANCUS CICERONI.

1. Gratissimae mihi tuae litterae fueruut, quas ex Furnii
sermone te scrij)sisse animadverti. Ego autem praeteriti temporis
excusationem adfero, quod te profectvim audieram, nee mnlto ante
redisse scii, qnam ex epistola tua eognovi ; nullum enim in te
officium, ue minimum quidem, sine maxima culpa videor posse
praeterire, in quo tuendo habeo causas plurimas vel paternae
necessitudinis vel meae a pueritia observantiae vel tui erga me
rautui amoris. 2. Qua re, mi Cicero, quod mea tuaque patitur
aetas, persuade tibi te unum esse, in quo ego colendo patriam mihi
constituerim sanctitatem. Omnia igitur tua consilia mihi non
magis prudentiae plena, quae summa est, videntur quam fidelitatis,
quam ego ex mea eonscientia metier: qua re si aut aliter sentirem,
certe admonitio tua me reprimere aut, si dubitarem, hortatio im-
pellere posset, ut id sequerer, quod tu optimum putares. Nunc
vero quid est, quod me in aliam partem trabere possit? Q,uae-
cumque in me bona sunt aut fortunae beneficio tributa aut meo

There is an elaborate treatise De L. Plancus had made a definite request for

Mtiiiati Flanci ser inone hy August Ehodius the most important political news.

(Bautzen, 1896), to which we are much scii . . . coffiiovi^ There is no prac-

indebted. tical distinction here between the general

1. litterae'] i.e. both Fam. x. 1 and 3 scii, 'know,' and the more particular

(787, 789). cogmvi, 'learn.'

Furnii sermone] cp. Fam.x.3, 1 (789). 'vel tui erga me mtitui amoris] 'the

redisse] The return of Cicero referred reciprocated love you feel for me.'
to here is not that from Puteoli in De- 2. patriam . . .sanctitatem] ' I have set
cember, but the return from his intended before mj'self the duty of filial reverence.'
voyage into Greece in August. The Fairius is what belongs to the position of
answer to this letter, viz. Fam. x. 5 the father as head of the family ; j!;a!!«7Jiw
(810), was most probably written before is simply what comes from the father.
December 20, as otherwise Cicero would quam Jidelitatis] 'than sincerity, and
have made mention of the meeting of the I can measure that from my own know-
senate held on that day, especially when ledge.'

nCCCVIII. {FAN. X. Ji).

labore parta, etsi a te propter amorem carius sunt aestimata,
tamen vel inimicissimi iudiciotauta sunt, ut pi-aeter bonam famain
nihil dcsideraro videantur. 3. Qua re hoc unum tibi persuade,
quantum viribus eiiiti, consilio providere, auctoritate moneie
potuero, hoc omne rei publicae semper futurum. Non est ignotus
mihi seiisus tuus ; neque, si facultas — optabilis niihi quidem — tni
praeseutis essct, uniqiuim a tuis consiliis discreparem, nee nunc
committara ut uUum meum factum reprehendere iure possis.
4. Sum in exspectatione omnium rerum, quid in Grallia citeriore,
quid in urbe meuse lauuario geratur ut sciam. Interim maximam
hie sollicitudinem curamque sustineo, ne inter alieua vitia hae
geutes nostra mala suam puteut oecasionem. Quod si proinde, ut

honani famani\ Tliis is a reference to
what Cicero had said, Fam. x. 3, 3 (789),
cum homines existimarent tc nimis servire
temporibus.

3. Qua re hoc . . . fnturum'] ' Where-
fore persuade yourself of this, that auy-
tliing my powers can effect, my prudence
foresee, my influence recomiuer.d, shall
be always and completely at the service
of the state.' The first hand of M and
H have movere ; but as the immediate
effect of aucloritas is admonition and per-
suasion, -which afterwards issues in action,
mo)icic is the preferable reading, though
movere, ' set in motion,' is possible.
Orelli compares Fam. ix. 24, 4 (820),
nullum locum praetermitto monendi, agendi,
providendi.

neque si . . . discreparem'] * nor if I had
the opportunity, whicli indeed I earnestly
long tor, of being with you, would I ever
be at variance with your plans.' Cicero
would probably have used the gerundive
aitev facultas , e.g. tui vidcndi.

4. nt sciam~\ Ut is governed by exspec-
tatione, and sciam governs quid. ' We are
in a general state of expectation of learn-
ing what is being done.' This is a clumsy
sentence for such a good w-riter as Plan-
cus, and accordingly Wesenberg proposes
to supply /tfc or tnfac before sciam ; and
Baiter to omit iit sciam. Rhodius (p. 8,
note ; cp. 29, note), however, objects to
the text, not only on account of its awk-
wardness, but also on another ground.
He says esse in exspectatione is always
used passively, ' to be waited for,' or
' expected,' not actively, ' to be in a state
of expectation': cp. sIt, 2; Fam. ii. 3,
2 (169) ; Plaut. MU. iv. 5, 64, vide ne ties

in exsjicctatione; also Capt. ii. 2, 3, ti/i
ne in quaestione essemus cautum intellego.
This is interesting, and undoubtedly trtie
when in exspectatione is used by itself ;
but we are not quite certain that the
following objective genitive, omnin»i
rerum, does not justify the active use,
which, without it, would not be possible.
Rhodius suggests cura for sum. This
makes good sense, but we can hardly
agree witli him when he says that it is
the slightest possible change. lie would
translate : ' See, when news of every sort
is being looked for, that I am informed of
what is done in Gaul and Home next
January.' For in exspectatione thus used
he compares Fam. xv. 4, 5 (238), in hoc
tanto motu tantaque exspectatione maximi
belli rex Dciotariis . . . niisit, a passage
which, in some measure, supports the
view we have advocated above.

lauuario'] This does not necessarily
prove that the letter was written in De-
cember. For a long time there was
general interest felt as to what would
happen on January 1st : cp. Att. xvi. 11,
6 (426) ; 15, 3 (430), written in Novem-
ber ; cp. Fam. xi. 6, 2 (812), so that the
letter may have been written in Novem-
ber, and the answer of Cicero, Fam. x.
5 (810), written about the middle of
December : see note to that letter.

Interim . . . oecasionem] ' Meantime
I am here in the greatest trepidation and
anxiety lest, amid the faults of others,
these Gallic tribes may consider our diffi-
culty to be their opportunity': cp. Dem.
Olynth. i. 24, 5^7 roivvu v/.Las Ty]v aKaipiav
T7)V (Keivov Kaiphv i/fx^repov vo/xicraPTes
kroijxws awdpaaQai ra Trpdypara ; also

DCCCIX. {FAM. XL 5).

ipse mereor, mihi successerit, certe et tibi, eui maxime cupio, et
omnibus viris bonis satis faciam. Fac valeas meque rautuo diligas.

DCCCIX. CICERO TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (Fam. xi. 5).

ROME; SHORTLY AFTER DECEMBEK 9 ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44;
AEl". CIC. 62.

M. Cicero excusat se quod Bniti littoris non resiianJerit, liortatur ad libeilatem
recuperaudam, stadium suum et officia pollicetur.

M. CICERO S. D. D. BRUTO lilP. COS. DESIG.

1. Lupus familiaris noster cum a te veuisset cumque Roraae
quosdam dies commoraretur, ego eram iu iis locis, in quibus
maxime tuto me esse arbitrabar : eo factum est, ut ad te Lupus
sine meis litteris rediret, cum tamen curasset tuas ad me perfe-
rendas. Ilomam autem veui a. d. v. Idus Dec, nee habui

Aristotle's well-known remark about the
Helots (Pol. ii. 9, 2), Sxnrep yap i<piSpei)-
ovTes To7s aTvxVfj^a.a'i (sc. roip AaKedai-
ixoviwv) ^laTiXovffiv ; and O'Connell's
admonition that ' England's difficulty is
Ireland's opportunity.'

milii successerit] 'if I come off as well
as I deserve.' For this impersonal use
cp. Q. Fr. ii. 12 (14), 1 (139), sed si ex
sententia successerit.

eui . . . cupio'] cp. Q. Fr. i. 2, 10
(53), Quid? Ego Fundanio non cupio?
noil amicus sum ? Cicero, as Ehodius
points out (p. 6), more usually says, cupio
omnia alicuius causa, e.g. Fam. xiii. 75, 1
(178); 879, 2; Verr. ii. 180.

Fac valeas mcque mxituo ddlgas] This
is the form \> hich Plancus, and apparently
Plancus alone of Cicero's correspondents,
most usually employs iu ending his letters.

1. Lupus] This may have been the P.
Rutilius Lupus who was tr. pi. in 698
(56), and moved that Pompey should re-
store Ptolemy Auletes : cp. Fam. i. 1, 3
(95) ; 2, 2 (96) ; Q. Fr. ii. 1, 1 (93). He
■was praetor in 705 (49), and acted for
Pompey in Spain : cp. Caes. B. C. i. 24,
3; Att. viii. 12 a, 4 (331). Though

Cicero insinuates that Lupus acquiesced
in Caesar's administration, cp. Att. ix. 1,
2 (353), Pompey trusted him sufficiently
to enti ust him with the duty of holding
Achaea against the Caesarians ; cp. Caes.
B. C. iii. 55, 2. Orelli thinks that the
Lupus referred to in these letters is a
different man, a legatus of D. Brutus,
and known only in these negotiations.

in iis locis] cp. introductory note to
F. xi. 4 (796).

tuas] This letter is not extant.

a. d. V. Idus Dec] This reading of the
Mss is to be retained. Ruete, in an
elaborate note (pp. 35-7), wishes to alter
Idus to Kal. : cp. Att. xv. 11, 1 (74-1), for
the reverse change.- The question is — Was
the meeting at Cicero's house, cp. Fam.xi.
7, 1 (811), which was convened by Lupus,
held before or after his journey to Mutina,
in December ? If before, we must almost
certainly follow Ruete, for it is quite im-
possible tliat Lupus can have left Rome
later than December 8. Fiom Fam. xi.
6, 1 (812), it appears that Lupus arrived
in Rome on December 18th, probably in
the evening, on the sixth day after leaving
Mutina. If we suppose that he journeyed
from Rome at express speed, and returned
at once, he cannot have left Rome later

44 DCCCIX. {FAM. XL 5).

quicqiiam antiquius, quam ut Pansani statim couvenirem ; ex quo
ea de te coguovi, quae maxime optabam. Qua re hortatione tu
quidem nou oges, si ue iu ilia quideni re, quae a te gesta est post
hominum memoriam maxima, hortatorem desiderasti. 2. lUud
tanien Lreviter significandum videtur, populum Roniauum omnia
a te exspectare atque in te aliquando recuperaudae libertatis
oranem spem ponere. Tu, si dies noetesque memiueris, quod te
faeere certo scio, quantam rem gesseris, non obliviscere profccto,
quaiitae tiLi etiam nunc gerendae sint : si euim iste proviuciam
iiactus erit, cui quidem ego semper amicus fui ante, quam ilium
intellexi non modo aperte, sed etiam libenter cum re publica
bellum gerere, spem reliquam nuUam video salutis. 3. Quam ob
rem te obsecro isdem precibus, quibus senatus populusque Romauus,
ut in perpetuum rem publicam dominatu regio liberes, ut prin-
cipiis consentiaut exitus. Tuum est hoc munus, tuae partes ; a te

than December 8. Iftheineeting was held during the beginning of the conference,
a/fer the return of Lupus (as we hold it but left for Mutina before it was corn-
was), it was held on the morning of the pleted. Next day, the 20th, in the
19th : cp. Fam. xi. 6, 1 (812), Lupus morning, Cicero attended the senate, and
noster cum lioinam sexto die Mutina re- delivered the thii'd Philippic. The house
nisset, postridie ine mane conveiiit. In the was j-robably a small one, see note to Fam.
letter which informed Brutus of that xii. 22, 3 (813), as most of Antony's
meeting, viz. Fam. xi. 7 (811), Cicero partisans would naturally absent them-
warns him that he must act on his own selves ; and thus the senate passed a vote
responsibility, for Cicero was not at all contiiming the action which Brutus had
sure that the senate would so cordially taken on his own responsibility : though,
approve of the conduct of Brutus as it did on the other hand, it is quite possible that
next day. Fam. xi. 7 (811) was brought the whole senate then, as on other occa-
to Brutus by Graeceins, and news of sions, let itself be led by the vigour and
part of the meeting had been previously eloijuence of Cicero. The course of events
conveyed by Seius, who was pre-ent appears to have been as follows : —

December 8, . . . Lupus leaves for Mutina.

,, 9, . . . Cicei'o returns to Rome.

,, 11 (about), . Cicero writes Fam. xi. 5 (809).

,, 18 (evening), . Lupus returns to Eome.

,, 19 . . . Lupus has a conference with Cicero and others.

Cicero writes Fam. xi. 7 (811).

,, 20, . . . Meeting of senate in which Cicero delivers Philippic iii.

,, 20 (evening), . Cicero writes Fam. xi. 6 (812).

desiderasti'] ' did not feel the want of.' from you, viz. Antony. Cicero feels

Andresen is over-subtle in seeing here bound to offer some sort of excuse for

an expression of discontent on Cicero's his former friendship with Antony. In

part, at the fact that he was not consulted Fam. xvi. 23, 2 (754), he speaks of a

as to the advisability of assassinating desire to maintain A^ilonii invetcratam

Caesar. There is not any essential difier- aniicitiam.
ence between desiderasti and eges. 3. tit prineipiis . . . exitus"] ' that the

2. iste] ' that man of yours,' i.e. he conclusion may harmonize with the be-

who is trying to wrest the province ginnings.'

DCCCX. {FAM. X. 5).

hoc civitas vel omnes potius gentes non exspectant solum, sed
etiam postulant : quamquam, cum hortatione non egeas, ut supra
seripsi, non utar ea pluribus verbis ; faciam illud, quod meum est,
ut tibi omnia mea officia, studia, curas, cogitationes poUicear, quae
ad tuam laudem et gloriam pertinebunt. ^ Quam ob rem velim
tibi ita persuadeas, me cum rei publicae causa, quae mihi vita mea
est carior, tum quod tibi ipsi faveam tuamque dignitatem ampli-
ficari velim, tuis optimis cousiliis, amplitudini, gloriae nuUo loco
defuturum.

DCCCX. CICERO TO PLANCUS (Fam. x. 5).

ROME ; DECEMBER (mIDDLe) ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

M. Cicero denuo L. Plancum'ad suscipiendam eonservandanique rem p. gloriae
otimulis instigare studet.

CICERO PLANCO SAL.

1. Binas a te accepi litteras eodem exemplo, quod ipsum argu-
niento mihi fuit diligentiae tuae : iutellexi euim te laborare, ut

lit tibi . . . pertinebunt] ' to promise
you in every respect my zealous service
and my anxious thought, which will he
devoted to your renown and glory.' "We
think it better to take ojficia . . . cogi-
tationes as antecedent to quae (which is in
the neuter, owing to the diverse genders of
those antecedents) than either to supply,
(ir understand, something like in rebus
omnibus after poUieear. Andr. and Mr.
Jeans, however, adopt the latter alterna-
tive. Mr. Jeans translates, ' I will pro-
mise you my zeal and service, my care and
study, in all that shall be seen to concern
your name and glory.'

tum quod . . . defuturum'] ' and also,
because, as you know, I am devoted to
your interests, and desire the advance-
ment of your present high position, I
shall never fail to support your patriotic
policy, your dignity, and renown.' As
Mr. Watson points out, the subjunctive
faveam is virtual oblique.

This letter is certainly an answer to
Fam. X. 4 (808j ; cp. note on paternae
necessitudinis, } 1. It cannot have been
written after December 20, else Cicero

would surely have told Planctis about the
third Philippic and the motion relative to
Plancus with which it concludes (§ 38,
senatum ad summam rem p. pertinere arbi-
trari ab D. Bruto et L. Tlanco impera-
toribus, consulibus dexignatis, itemque a
ceteris, qui provincias obtinent, obtineri ex
lege lulia quoad ex senatus cnnauUo caique
eorum successam sit), especially as Plancus
had asked for political news ; moreover,
Cicero had made mention of this speech
in letters addressed to D. Brutus, Fam.
xi. 6, 2 (812) ; Trebonius, x. 28, 2 (819) ;
Corniecius, xii. 22, 3 (813). Nor is it
likely that the letter was written in
January, for then certainly Cicero would
have spoken of the embassy sent to
Antony, and the anxiety of everyone as
to its result, as he did to Corniticius, xii.
24, 1 (817), and to D. Brutus, xi. 8, 1
(816), in January. Nor was it written in
February, for then he would have related
the exciting events which occuried in that
month, when the ambassadors returned.
On the contrary, the letter has all the
appearance of having been written when
there was no definite news to tell.

1. eodem exemplo] ' of the same tenour.'

46 DC OCX. {FA 31. X. 5).

ad me milii exspectatipsimao litterae perferrenfur, ex quibus cepi
fructum dupliccni mibique in comparationo difficilem ad iudicau-
duni, amoremne erga me tuum an animum in rem piiblicam pluris
aestiinanduni putareni. Est omnino patriae earitas meo quidem
indicio maxima, sed amor voluntatisque conimictio plus certe
habet suavitatis. Itaque commeraoratio tua paternae necessitudinis
benevolentiaeque eius, quam erga me a pueritia contulisses, cete-
rarumque rerum, quae ad eam sententiam pertinebant, incredi-
bilem mibi laetitiam attulerunt. 2. Rursus declaratio animi tui,
qviem liaberes de re publica quemque liabiturus esses, mihi erat
iucundissima, eoque maior erat liaec laetifia, quod ad ilia superiora
acoedebat. Itaque te non bortor solum, mi Plance, sed plane
etiam oro, quod feci iis litteris, quibus tu humanissime respondisti,
ut tota mente omnique animi impetu in rem publicam incumbas :
nihil est, quod tibi maiori fructui gloriaeque esse possit, nee quic-
quam ex omnibus rebus bumanis est praeelarius aut praestantius
quam de re publica bene mereri. 3. Adhuc enini — j)^titnr tua
summa bumanitas et sapientia me, quod sentiam, libere dicere —
fortuna suffragante videris res maximas consecutus, quod quam-
quam sine virtute non potuisses tamen ex maxima parte ea, quae
es adeptus, fortunae temporibusque tribuuntur : bis temporibus
difficillimis rei publieae quicquid subveneris, id erit totura et
proprium tuum. Ineredibile est omnium civium latronibus exeeptis
odium in Antonium, magna spes in te et in tuo exercitu, magna
exspectatio ; cuius, per deos ! gratiae gloriaeque cave tenipus

Danger of miscarriage, as well as danger rerum quae ad cam sententiam pertinebant,

of delay, frequently induced Romans to which intervenes, and comes just before

write duplicates of letters. For an ex- the principal verb of the sentence,

ample cp. Fam. xi. 16 and 17 (888, 889J. 2. ad ilia superiora'\ 'to what you

voluntatisque coniunctio'] ' sympathy.' said above.'

paternae necessitudinis'] cp. Fam. x. 4, onviiquc animi iiiipctu'] ' with all the

1 (808), in quo (sc. officio) tuendo haheo enthusiasm of your nature.'

causas plurimas ret paternae necessitudinis 3. quod sentiam libere dicere] ' to ex-

rel meae a pueritia observantiae vel tui press freely my sentiments,' i.e. my sen-

erga me mutui amoris. • timents generally. Wesenberg (E. A. 33)

attulerunt'] This is the reading of all wishes to read quid sentiam, which would

the Mss. Lambinus, Klotz, Wesenberg mean his sentiments on this particular

correct to attulerat, as there is only a sin- matter, ' to give you freely my opinion':

gular nominative, commemoratio. Baiter cp. Roby, § 1763, "dice quod sentio, '1

has attuUt ; Gitlbauer (p. 79) proposes say -what I mean' = '1 mean what I

attulit : rerum rursus. But it may very say '; dico quid sentiam, ' I give you my

well have been a slight inaccuracy on the opinion.' "

jiart of Cicero, owing to the fact that the cuius . . . amittas] 'and, in the name

sense implies seveial commemoiationes, of heaven, do not lose the opportunity of

and also owing to the clause ceterarumque gaining that popularity and renown.'

BCCCXI. [FAM. XL 7).

iimittas. Sic moneo ut filiura, sic faveo ut mihi, sic hortor ut et
pro patria et amicissimum.

DCCCXI. CICERO TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (Fam. xi. 7).

ROME ; DECEMBER 19 ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

M. Cicero D. Bruto suadtt, ut salutem popiili Eomani suo ipsius arbitratu tueatiir,
senatus auctoritatem non exspectet.

M. CICERO S. D. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DESIG.

1. Cum adhibuisset domi meae Lupus me et Libonem et
Servium, consobrinum tuum, quae mea fuerit seutentia, cognosse
to ex M. Seio arbitror, qui nostro sermoni interfuit : reliqua,
quamquam statim Seium Graeceius est subsecutus, tameii ex
Grraeceio poteris cognoscere. 2. Caput autera est hoc, quod te
diligentissime percipere et meminisse volo, ut ne in libertate et
salute populi Eomani conservanda auctoritatem seuatus exspectes

file faveo 2tt miJii] Gitlbaiier and Men-
delssohn compare Fani. x. 3, 2 (78!i), his
(Ic causis mirubilifer faveo dignitccti tuae
quam mihi tecum statuo debere esse com-
mHuein.

vt et pro patriri'] If this is right as it
stands, and if we are not to supply some-
tl.ing like propttfffianfem before juro palria,
we can onlj- suppose that it is an example
of an ellipse of a verb of action, which
often occurs in the comic drama (cp.
Drager, i. 196), and occasionally in Cicero,
e.g. Phil. i. 6, vi/iil per stnatum, muUa et
magna per po/ndum (sc. agelantur) ; Att.
i. 16, 12 (22), alterum, cuius domi divi-
sores habitareiit, adversus rem publicam
(sc. facere).

On the date of this letter see note to
Fam. xi. 5, 2 (809).

1. Libonem'] Bill, supposes that this
Libo was the father-in-law of Sextus
Pompeius, who had held command of the
fleet in the Civil AVar : cp. Caes. B. C.
iii. 5, 3. We have seen that a Lupus (pro-
bablv the same man that is mentioned here)

acted in concert with this Libo twelve
years before, in the proposal that Pompey
the Great should restore Auletes : cp.
Fam. i. 1, 3 (95).

Servium'] Servius Sulpicius Galba, the
great-grandfather of the emperor. We
have a letter from him to Cicero, describ-
ing the battle of Forum Gallorum, Fam.
x. 30 (841).

M. Seio] probablj- the son of j\1. Seius,
who is mentioned in Fam. ix. 7, 1 (462) ;
Att. xii. 1 1 (502), as a friend of Cicero's.
In 680 (74) M. Seius the elder gave a
large donation of corn to the people during
a famine, and thus blotted out the dis-
grace under which he laboured for some
unknown crime (Off. ii. 58 ; Plane. 12).

Graeceius] a friend, and perhaps a
legatus, of D. Brutus: cp. Att. xv. 8, 2
(741).

2. voh] Most Mss give rolani, some
velim, some voluunis : see Adn. Crit. One
of Mr. Allen's codd. reads as in the text,
thus confirming an emendation of Wesen-
berg's (E. A. 38) : cp. Fam. xvi. 27, 2
(815), where the mss give scio for sciam.

auctoritatem] ' authorization.'

DCCCXL {FAM. XL 7).

nondum liLeri, ne ot tiium factum condemues — iiullo enim publico
consilio rem publicum liberavisti ; quo etiam est res ilia maior et
clarior — , et adolescentem vol puerum potlus Caesarem iudices
temere fecisse, qui tantara causam publicam privato consilio
susceperit, denique homines rusticos, sed fortissimos viros civesque
optimos, dementos fuisse iudices, primum milites veteranos com-
militones tuos, delude legionem Martiam, legionem quartam, quae
suum cousulem hostem iudicaverunt seque ad salutem rei publicae
defendendamcoutulerunt. Voluntas seuatus pro auctoritate baberi
debet, cum auctoritas impeditur metu. 3. Postremo suscepta tibi
causa iam bis est, ut uon sit integrum : primum Idibus Martiis,
deinde proxinie, exercitu novo et copiis comparatis. Quam ob
rem ad omnia ita paratus, ita animatus debes esse, non ut nihil
facias nisi iussus, sed ut ea geras, quae ab omnibus summa cum
admiratione laudentur.

nullo . . . liber avisti'] ' no official body
autliorized you to free our country.'

vel puerum poliusj cp. Phil. iii. 3, C.
Caesar, adolescci/s pucne potius puer — he
"was eigliteen at this time.

iudices'] We must continue to under-
stand ut ne before this verb both here and
in the next clause.

privato eonsilifj] 'of his own individual
motion': cp. Phil. iii. 3, Quo enim usque
tnntnm helium tam crudele tarn iicfariiiin
privatis comiliis propulsabitur ; Mon.
Ancyr. i. 1, Annos uneleviginta natus
exercitum privato consilio et privata im-
pensa comparavi.

homines rusticosl The reference is to
the veterans of Julius Caesar, who had
obtained land, and become liusbandmen.
It was at Culatia and Casilinum that young

Octavius was first successful in winning
over Ids father's veterans (Veil. ii. 61).

legionem Martiam'] Tins legion had
deserted Antony about the middle of No-
vember ; some days later the Fourth also
deserted him. They had both stationed
themselves at Mba.

3. Fostremo . . . integrum] ' Finally
you have taken your side already on two
occasions, so that you have comtuitted
yourself (or ' so that it is not open to you
to refer the matter to the senate') ; first,
on the Ides of March ; lately, by the
raising of your new army and forces.'
D. Brutus had raised recruits in Cisalpine
Gaul : cp. Appian, B. C. iii. 49. Forthis
use of iittegrum cp. Att. xv. 23 (^756),
quoad erit integrum : erit autem usque dum
ad navem ; also Phil. i. 26.

DCCCXII. {FAM. XI. 6). 49

DCCCXII. CICERO TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (Fam. xi. ej.

ROME ; DECEMBER 20 (EVEN1^'G) ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AET. CIC. 62.

M. Cicero D. Bruti dignitatem sibi curac fore idque iam in senatu declaratum esse
scribit.

M. CICERO S. D. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DESIG.

1. Lupus noster cum Romam sexto die Mutina venisset, pos-
tridie me mane convenit, tua mihi mandata diligentissirae exposuit
et litteras reddidit. Quod mihi tuam dignitatem commendas,
eodem tempore existimo te mihi meam dignitatem commendare,
quam meliercule non habeo tua cariorem : qua re mihi gratissimum
facies, si exploratum habebis tuis laudibus nullo loco nee consilium
nee studium meum defuturum. 2. Cum tribuni pi. edixissent,
senatus adesset a. d. xiii. Kal. Ian. haberentque in animo de
praesidio consulum designatorum referre, quamquam statueram in
senatum ante Kal. Ian. non venire, tameu cum eo die ipso edictum
tuum propositum esset, nefas esse duxi aut ita haberi senatum, ut
de tuis divinis in rem publieam meritis sileretur — quod factum
esset, nisi ego venissem — , aut, etiam si quid de te houorifice
diceretur, me non adesse. 3. Itaque in senatum veni maue ; quod
cum esset animadversimi, frequentissimi senatores conveuerunt.
Quae de te in senatu egerim, quae in contione maxima dixerim,
aliorum te litteris malo cognoscere : illud tibi persuadeas velim,
me omnia, quae ad tuam dignitatem augendam pertinebunt, quae
est per se amplissima, summo semper studio suscepturum et defen-
surum ; quod quamquam intellego me cum multis esse facturum,
tamen adpetam huius roi principatum.

1. Lupus] cp. note to Fam. xi. o, 1 think that this is a rhetorical exaggera-
(809). He returned to Rome probably tion. The house to which the third
on the evening of December 18. Philippic was addressed was probably

litteras'] This letter is lost (Andi-.). a small one: cp. note to Fam. xii. 22, ij

tuis laudibus . . . defuturum] 'neither (813).
advice nor exertions of mine shall ever be Quae . . . dixerim] ' the remarks I

wanting to further your distinctiun.' made about you in the senate, the speech

2. edictum] i.e. se provinciam Galliam I made about you in the crowded meet-
retenttirum in senatus populique Romani ing,' i.e. Phil. iii. and iv.

potestate {V\n\. iii. 8). suscepturum et defensurnm] 'undertake

3. frequentissimi] We are inclined to to support,' hendiadys.

VOL. VI. E

DCCCXIII. {FAM. XII. 22).

DCCCXIII. CICERO TO CORNIFICIUS (Fam. xii. 22).

ROME; AFTKK DECEMI5ER 20; A. U. C. 710 ; B.C. 44; AET. CIO. 62.

M. Cicevo exponit de statu rei p. post Caesaris interitum et Q. Cornificium ne
provinciam sine senatus oonsulto tradat hortaliu".

CICERO CORNIFICIO SAL.

1. Nos hie cum homine gladiatore omnium nequissimo, ooUega
nostro, Antonio, bellum gerimus, sed non pari condicione, contra
arma verbis. At etiam de te contionatur, nee impune ; nam
sentiet, quos lacessierit. Ego autem acta ad te omnia arbitror
perscribi ab aliis ; a me futura debes eognoscere, quorum quidem
non est difficilis coniectura. 2. Oppressa omnia sunt, nee Labent
ducem boni, nostrique tyrannoctoni longe gentium absunt. Pansa
et sentit bene et loquitur fortiter ; Hirtius noster tardius con-
valescit. Quid futurum sit, plane neseio ; spes tamen una est
iiliquando populum E-omanum maiorum similem fore. Ego certe
rei publicae non deero et, quicquid aeciderit, a quo mea culpa

1. gladiatore] 'cut-throat,' a general
term of abuse. Watson compares Phil,
vii. 17, quern (L. Antonium) ffJacUatorem
non ita rr/y^f/Zfti'i ut iiiterduiii etiam M.
Antoniiis gladiator appellari solet, sed nt
appellant ii qui plane et Latine loqunufiir.

collega'] in the augurate. Both Antony
(Hirt. B. G. viii. 50 ; Fam. viii. 14, 1
(280) ) and Cornificius were augurs : see
note to Fam. xii. 18 (670).

eontionatur'] ' speaks publicly.' This
refers to speeches made by Antony to his
soldiers, or, perhaps, to the inhabitants
of the towns in Cisalpine Gaul: cp. Fam.
X. 3, 4 (789), cum Lepidus contionaretur.
— (Watson).

nee impune . . . lacessieriQ A clever
compliment, which Cicei-o paid in order
to confirm Cornificius in his opposition to
Antony — Antony will find that you and
I are not the people to be provoked with
impunity.

acta'] Not merely the published pro-
ceedings of notable events, but quite
generally ' what has occurred.'

quorton quidem'] We must not forget
the quidem, 'at least such as are not hard

to foresee': otherwise there would be a
conti'adiction to § 2, Quid futurum sit
plane neseio.

2. tyrannoctoni] Brutus was in JMace-
donia, Cassius had gone to Syria, Tre-
bonius to Asia, D. Brutus to Cisalpine!
Gaul. For Greek words written in Eoma
characters in the mss, cp. Att. xiv. 6,
(708) ; 15, 1 (720) ; xvi. lb, 3 (807).

longe gent'ium'] cp. Att. vi. 3, 1 (264)J
tu autem abes huge gentium.

Fansa] Cicero spoke differently of
Pansa when writing to Atticus in th$
summer, xvi. 1, 3 (769), Quid ergo ? Ad
Kal. Ian. in Pansa spes ? Kripos irohhi
in v'lno et somno istorum. Quintus too
had a very low opinion of both Hirtiud
and Pansa: cp. Fam. xvi. 27, 1,
(815).

tardius convalescit] Hirtius had a long
and serious illness during the latter par^
of 710 (44) ; not even at the beginning oj
the next year had he quite recovered.
Phil. i. 37, viii. 5, qui cum esset injinmm
ex gravi diuturnoque morbo.

a quo mea culpa abs'it] ' provided noj
blame attaches to me therein.'

DCCCXIII. {FAM. XI [. 22).

5-1

absit, animo forti feram ; illud profecto, quoad potero : tuam
famam et dignitatem tuebor. 3. A. d. xiii. K. Ian. senatus
t'requens mihi est adsensus cum de ceteris rebus magnis et
necessariis, turn de provinciis ab iis, qui obtinereut, retinendis
neque cuiqtiam tradendis, nisi qui ex senatus consulto successisset.
Hoc ego cum rei publicae causa censui, turn mebercule in primis
retinendae dignitatis tuae ; quam ob rem te amoris nostri causa
rogo, rei publicae causa hortor, ut ne cui quiequam iuris in tua
proviucia esse patiare atque ut omnia referas ad dignitatem, qua
nihil esse potest [iraestantius. 4. Yere tecum agam, ut necessi-
tudo nostra postulat : in Sempronio, si meis litteris obtemperasses,
maximam ab omnibus lavidem adeptus esses ; sed illud et praeteriit
et levius est, haec magna res est : fac ut provinciam retineas in
potestate rei publicae. Plura scripsissem, nisi tui festinarent.
Itaque Chaerippo nostro me velim excuses.

illud profecto] sc. faeiam — a common
ellipse: cp. Att. viii. 11, 1 (342), illud
profecto totos dies (sc.facio).

3. frequens] So Graevius, Scliiitz,
Mendelssohn. The mss have aut frequens.
Klotz, Baiter, and Wesenbeig alter to
haud infrequens ; Orelli gives sat fre-
quens. We think it pc-sible that the
right reading is haut frequens. "We might
infer that the house to which Cicero ad-
dressed the third Philippic, and which he
persuaded to adopt the motion with which
that speech ends {^^ 37-39), was probably
not very large, when we remember that
the senate at this time contained a con-
sidei'able number of creatures of Antony :
cp. Lange, E. A. iii. 519, 520. It is in
keeping with the generally subdued tone
of this letter that Cicero should speak less
warmly of the attendance at the senate than
he did when he was relating to D. Brutus
the motions it passed in his favour, Fam.
xi. 6, 3 (812). However, perhaps it is
safer to suppose that aut arose from ditto-
graphy of senki\

ne cni] Antony had sent Calvisius
Sahinus to take the province of Africa
from Cornificius : cp. Phil. iii. 26, and
note to Fam. xii. 23, 1 (792).

atquel cp. Roby, ^ 2200, 'An affir-
mative sentence following a negative
sentence, and expressing the same general
meaning, is joined by et, ac, -que, not, as
in English, by an adversative conjunction :
cp. Caes. B. G. iv. 35, 2 ; Tusc. i. 71.'

ut omnia referas ad dignilateni\ ' and
be guided in every action by regard for
your position.' — Watson, comparing Att.
viii. 11, 1 (342).

4. Sempronio'] Perhaps this is the
Sempronius Eufus mentioned in Fam.
viii. 8, 1 (223). We do not know any-
thing about the matter to which Cicero is
referring. Cornificius would appear to
have acknowledged that he was in the
wrong: cp. Fam. xii. 25, 3 (825).

illud et praeteriit] ' that too is past
and gone,' a phrase used of a circumstance
which, unhappily, cannot be recalled :
cp. Fam. xii. 3, 1 (791).

Chaerippo] This Chaerippus was in
the train of Quintus Cicero during his
governorshij) of Asia, cp. Q. Fr. i. 1, 14
(30), and was also a friend of Marcus :
cp. Fam. xii. 30, 3 (899), Chaerippus. 0
hominem semper ilium quidem mihi aptum,
nunc vera etiam suavem ; Att. iv. 7, 1
(111); V. 4, 2 (187).

DCCCXIV. {FAiV. XVl. 26).

DCCCXIV. QUINTUS CICEHO TO TIRO (Fam. xvi. 26).

HOME (?) ; AUTUMN (?) ; A. V. C. 710 ; B. C. 44 ; AKT. Q. CIC. .58.

Q. Cicero accusat familiariter Tironem de interniissione litterarum quas eiim etiam
sine argumcnto ad se dare iubet.

a. TIRONl SUO PLUR. SAL. DIG.

1. Verberavi te cogitationis tacito diimtaxat convicio, quod
fasciculus alter ad me iam sine tuis litteris perlatus est. Nou
potes effugere liuius culpae poenam te patrono : Marcus est adhi-
bendus, isque diu et raultis lucubrationibus coramentata orations
vide ut probare possit te non peceasse. 2. Plane te rogo, sicut
olim matrem nostram facere jiemini, quae lagonas etiam inaues
obsignabat, ne dicerentur inanes aliquae fuisse, quae furtim assent
exsiccatae, sic tu, etiamsi quod scribas nou Labebis, scribito tamen,
ne furtum cessationis quaesivisse videaris ; valde enim mihi semper
et vera et dulcia tuis epistolis nuntiantur. Ama uos et vale.

"We put tbis letter of uncertain date
here, so that it may stand in connexion
with the next, which certainly belongs to
V December.
> 1 . Verberavi . . . peceasse'] ' I mentally
scourged you with reproaches not spoken,
but felt, because another packet of letters
has been brought to me without one
from you. You cannot possibly escape
punishment for this crime if you are
your own counsel, you n)ust retain Mar-
cus ; and look to it, that he be able to
prove in a speech, long and highly elabo-
rated over the midnight lamp, that you
have not done the deed.' We cannot
render ' are not guilty,' as that would be
non videri fecisse. For verberavi, cp.
Fam. xvi. 27, 1 (815), Mirificam mihi
verhcratio"em cessationis . . . dedisti. The
word adhihere is used technically of con-
sulting professional men : cp. Tusc. i. 10,
nee qnoniam apud Graecos indices res
agetnr 2)0teris adhibere Bemostheiiem; Fat.
28, si fatimi tibi est ex hoc morbo non
couvalescere sive tu medicum adhibueris
sive non adhibueris, convalesces. "We also
find adhibere aliqiiem in consilium, ' to ask
anyone's advice.'

diu . . . oratioiie'] This shows that
Cicero often took the greatest pains with
the composition of his speeches.

2. furtum cessationis'] ' lest you be sus-
pected of having attempted the thievery
of indolence.' Cessationis is that epexe-
getic or definitive genitive commented
on in Att. xvi. 3, 3 (773), note oncumulus
commendationis. Furtum cessationis is
' an act of larceny (in the shape of) indo-
lence,' as a correspondent. As Cicero's
mother used to seal even the empty wine-
jars, so that a jar consumed on the sly by
a slave would be at once recognized, as
he would not have the family seal where-
with to seal it in the same way as the
other jars; so, says Quintus, even when
you have nothing to say, still send me a
letter, that I may feel sure that you had not
some news which you have filched from
me through indolence prompting you not to
write, ' that you may not be suspected of
having stolen a holiday ' from your work
as a correspondent.

valde . . . vale] ' I always find the
contents of your letters thoroughly trust-
worthy and charming. Good-bye. Yours
very sincerely.'

DCCCXV. {FAM. XVL 27).

DCCCXV. QUINTUS CICERO TO TIRO (Fam. xvi. 27).

ROME; DECEMBER (eNd) ; A. U. C. 710 ; B. C. 44; AET. Q. CIC. 58.

Q. Cicero invehitur in Pansam et Hirtium consules designates. Benevolentiam suam
Tironi significat.

Q. CICERO TIRONI SUO SAL. PLURIMAM DIGIT.

1. Mirificam mihi verberationem cessationis epistola ttia de-
disti : nam, quae parcius f rater perscripserat, verecundia videlicet
et properatioue, ea tu sine adsentatione, ut erant, ad me scripsisti,
et niaxime de consulibus designatis, quos ego penitus novi libidi-
num et languoris effeminatissimi animi plenos ; qui nisi a
gubernaculis recesserint, maximum ab universe naufragio pericu-
lum est. 2. Incredibile est, quae ego illos sciam oppositis Gallorum
castris in aestivis feoisse, quos ille latro, nisi aliquid firmius fuerit,

This letter was most probably written
at the end of December, as it attacks the
consuls elect, and maintains that no good
is to be expected from their administra-
tion, in a tone which indicates that tliey
are on the point of entering on the duties
of their office.

1 . Mirificam'] ' Sententia haec est :
mirifice me cessantem verberasti accurata
tua epistola,' Biicheler (Q. Ciceronis rell.
p. 66).

tua] added by Wesenberg (E. A. 59),
because epistola by itself cannot mean ' by
letter,' as litter is does.

adsentatione] ' softening down.'
libidinuin . . . plenos] ' full of vices
and womanish weakness of mind.' Er-
nesti supposes that animi arose from
dittography of the last few letters of
effeminatissimi, and the word is omitted
in Pal. But it is better to retain it.
Hirtiiis had been seriously ill for a long
time, and was only slowly recovering, cp.
Fam. xii. 22, 1 (SI 3), and Pansa appears
to have been indolent, and addicted to
wine: cp. Att. xvi. 1, 4(769).

2. scia7n] The Mss give scio. In an
admirable note AVesenberg (E. A. 59)
points out that we must either omit est,
or read sciam. In the former case the

construction will be like Att. xiii. 40, 2
(660), minim quantum inimicus ibat; Ter.
Phorm. ii. 1, 17, incredibile quantum
herum anteo sapientia ; Hor. Carm. i. 27,
3 ; Eoby, § 1647. "We cannot adduce the
familiar phrases sane quam, valde qtcam,
mire quam, because incredibile cannot be
taken as an adverb, the regular form
being incredibiUter : cp. Att. viii. 7, 1
(338).

fecisse'] "We do not know what enor-
mities Hirtius and Pansa can have com-
mitted in the summer quarters in Gaul.

quos ille latro] ' whom that ruffian
(Antony), unless a firm stand is made,
will entice to his side, by companionship
in their vices. The state must be fortified
by the intervention either of the tribunes,
or of private individuals. For as to those
two creatures, they are scarcely fit to be
entrusted, the one (Hirtius) with the
guardianship of Caesena, the other with
the basement of the taverns of Cossutius.'
We cannot be sure as to the point of the
last sentence, so that the withering sar-
casm is lost to us. Caesena was a small
town in Cisalpine Gaul, on the Eubicon:
Hirtius is so feeble, that he could not
conduct the administration of that town,
much less the government of the whole

DCCCXV. {FAM. XVI. 27).

societate vitiorum deleuiet. Res est aut tribuniciis aiit privatis
cousiliis munienda ; nam isti duo vix suut digni, quibus alteri
Caesenam, alteri Cossutiaiiarum tabernaruin fundamenta credas.
Te, ut dixi, fero in oculis. Ego vos a. d. iii. K. videbo tuosque
etiamsi te veniens in medio foro videro, dissaviabor. Me ama.
Vale.

province. Pansa, being addicted to M'ine,
could not safely be entrusted with the
cellars of Cossutius, M'ho would seem to
have been a tavern-keeper in the same
locality.

Te . . . fero in oculis^ ' As I said, you
are the apple of my eye ': cp. Q. Fr. iii.
1, 9 (148), Balbmn rero . . . in oculis
fero ; Phil. vi. 11 ; Ter. Eun. iii. 1,11;
cp. Att. vi. 2, 5 {2d6), piihlicanis in octilis
sumiis ; Tusc. ii. 63. We must add in
with Ernesti. Otto (p. 249) says the

Greeks use the phrase 4irl tcSj/ 6(p6a\/xuv
irepupepeif, hut we are unable to find a
passage in which it occurs. For some-
what similar expressions cp. Fam. i. 9,
10 (153), sie avqjlexabantia', sic in mani-
bus habebant, sic ferebant ; Q. Fr. ii. 11
(13), 1 (135), insinufero.

jr.] sc. lanuarias.

tuosqne~\ sc. oculos.

dissaviabor'] ' bury in kisses ': cp. note
to Fam. V. 10, 1 (696). The prefix dis-
is intensive, as in disciipio dispereo.

LETTERS OE THE TWENTY-SIXTH AND LAST YEAR OF
CICERO'S CORRESPONDENCE.

EPP. DCCCXVI.-DCCCCXVI.

A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.
COSS. C. VIBIUS PANSA ; A. HIRTIUS.

The crowded events of this exciting year — the embassy to Antony, the death
of Sulpicius, the gradual development of the war in North Italy, the Battle of
Forum Gallorum, the release of D. Brutus, the Battle of Mutina, the deaths
of the consuls, the joy at Rome as of victory secured, the escape of Antony,
his junction with Ventidius, the renewal of alarm among the patriots, the
treachery of Lepidus, the vacillation of Octavian, and amidst all these, the
unswerving loyalty, devotion, courage, energy, high spirit, magnanimity of
Cicero, who deserves every honour for having nobly taken the post of leader of
the forlorn hope of the Republic — almost seem to be rushing before us, as we
read the correspondence of Cicero and his friends. We have attempted to
trace these events in detail in the Introduction. The last ten Philippics belong
to this year, but no other literary works.

DCCCXVL {FAM. XI. 8).

DCCCXVI. CICERO TO D. BRUTUS (Fam. xi. s).

ROME ; JANUARY (tOWAKDS END) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero D. Bnito scribit de legatis ad Antoniuni de pace missis et de recupe-
randae libertatis spe in D. Bruto posita.

M. CICERO S. D. D. BllUTO IMP. COS. DESIG.

1. Eo tempore Polla tua misit, ut ad te, si quid vellem, darem
litterarum, cum, quid scriberem, non liabebam ; omnia enim erant
suspensa propter exspectationem legatorum, qui quid egisseut
uibildum nuntiabatur. Haec tamen scribenda existimavi: primum,
senatum populumque Romauum de te laborare non solum salutis
suae causa, sed etiam dignitatis tuae ; admirabilis enim est quae-
dam tui nominis caritas amorque in te singularis omnium civium :
ita enim sperant atque confidunt, ut antea rege, sic hoc tempore
regno te rem publicam liberaturum. 2. Romae dilectus habetur
totaque Italia, si hie dilectus appellandus est, cum ultro se ofPerunt
omnes : tantus ardor animos hominum occupavit desiderio libei-
tatis odioque diutinae servitutis. De reliquis rebus a te iam
exspectare litteras debemus, quid ipse agas, quid noster Hirtius,
quid Caesar mens, quos spero brevi tempore societate vietoriae
tecum copulates fore. Reliquum est ut de me id scribam, quod te
ex tuorum litteris et spero et malo cognoscere, me neque deesse
ulla in re neque umquam defuturum dignitati tuae.

1. Folliq cp. Fam. viii. 7, 2 (243),
J'aulla Valeria, soror Triarii, divortium
sine causa, quo die vir e provincia venturus
erat, fecit : nuptura est D. Bruto. For
the two-fold form of the name, cp.
Claudius, Clodius ; 2}lausirufn, plostrnm ;
laureola, loreola, ap. Att. v. 20, 4 (228) ;
paullulum, pollulum (Cassius ap. 856, 2).

ut ad te . . . habebam'] ' sent me word
to give anything in the way of a letter I
wanted despatched to you, when I did not
know what to write.'

erant suspensa'] 'remain unsettled'
{fx^Tf Culpa). The imperfect is epistolary.

primum] There is no corresponding
word in the succeeding clauses.

2. totaque Italia^ For the prepositions
in or 2)er omitted Avhen totus is used, cp.
Eoby, § 1170, who quotes Livy xxviii.
44, 10, cum victor tota volitaret Italia Han-
nibal.

Caesar nieus] Cicero had the highest
hopes of Octavian at this time : cj>. Phil,
iii. 3 ; iv. 4 ; v. 48.

copulatos fore'] For this completed fut.
inf., frequent with passive verbs, rare
with deponents, cp. Fam. xiii. 18, 2
(513), and Eeid on Sull. 27; Roby,
§ 1369.

defuturum dignitati tuae] ' fail to
further your advancement.'

DCCCXVII. {FAM. XII. ^k\

DCCCXVII. CICERO TO COENIFICIUS (Fam. xii. 24).

ROME ; JANUARY (TOWARDS END) ; A. U. (!. 711 ; B, C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero Cornificium, lit omni cuia in rem piiblicani incumbat, hortatiir. De
legatis ad Antonium missis scribit. Pinarium commendat.

CICEKO CORNIFICIO SAL.

1. Ego nullum locum praetermitto — iiec enim debeo — non
modo laudaudi tui, sed ne ornandi quidem ; sed mea studia erga
te et officia malo tibi ex tuorum litteris quam ex meis esse nota.
Te tamen liortor, ut omni cura in rem publioam ineumbas : hoc est
animi, hoc est ingenii tui, hoc eius spei, quam habere debes, am-
plificandae dignitatis tuae. 2. Sed hac de re alias ad te pluribus :
cum enim haec scribebam, in exspectatione erant omnia ; nondum
legati redierant, quos senatus non ad pacem deprecandam, sed ad
deuuntiandum bellum miserat, nisi legatorum nuntio paruisset.
Ego tamen, ut primum occasio data est, meo pristino more rem
publicam defendi ; me principem senatui populoque Romano
professus sum, nee postea, quam suscepi causara libertatis, mini-
mum tempus amisi tuendae salutis libertatisque communis. Sed
haec quoque te ex aliis malo. 3. T. Pinarium, familiarissimum
meuTu, tanto tibi studio commendo, ut maiore non possim ; cui

1. noji modo landandi] 'not only of
praising you, but even of conferring dis-
tinctions npon you.' Merely to praise
C'ornificius would not be any great sign
of devotion, but to move in the senate
that honours be conferred on him was
a sign that Cicero took a lively inte-
rest in his advancement. For ornare cp.
Fam. XV. 4, 11 (238), qui me tnis sen-
tentiis saepissime orjiasti. Gronovius reads
non modo ornandi tui sed ve laudaudi
quidem, which would mean that Cicero
not only furthered the interests of Corni-
ticius by motions in his honour, and
generally in all public matters, but lie
even took every opportunity possible of
indirectly praising him. This is a pos-
sible interpretation, but not sufficiently
necessary to justify a change in the order
of the words.

Jioe est animi"] ' This is what is worthy
of your spirit.'

2. alias ad te pluribus'] sc. scribam,

cp. 930 ; also Fam. vii. 30, 2 (694). For
verbis omitted cp. Sail. Jug. 17, 2, qiiam
paucissimis absolvam, and 'in few' in
Shakespeare, e.g. Tempest, act i. sc. 2,
144, ' In few, they hurried us aboard a
bark.'

in exspectatione erant omnia'] ' there
was a general state of suspense': cp. note
on 808, 3.

legati] They left Kome on January 5,
and returned not later than February 2.
Tht'ir return was expected in about twenty
days (Phil. vi. 16), but they were delayed,
probably by the illness and death of Ser-
vius Suljdcius.

defend)"] So MH, a perfectly satisfac-
tory reading (cp. Lehmann 26 for similar
asyndeta). Ernesti and Baiter needlessly
alter to defendendi.

3. T. Pinarium] A good friend to
Cicero, who writes is homo semper me
deleeiavit, Q. Fr. iii. 1, 22 (148) : cp.
Alt. vi. 1, 23 (252) ; viii. 15, 1 (360).

5S DCCCXVIII. [FAM. XII. ^).

cum propter oniues virtutes, turn etiam propter studia cotiimuiiia
sum amicissumus. Is procurat ratioues negotiaque Dionysii nostri,
quem et tu multum amas et ego omuium plurinium : ea tibi ego
lion debeo commendare, sed commendo tameii. Facies igitur, ut
ex Pinarii, gratissimi liominis, litteris tuum et erga ilium et erga
Diouysium studium perspiciamus.

DCCCXVIII. CICERO TO CASSIUS (Fam. xii. 4).
Rome; February 2 (ahout) ; a. u. c. 711 ; b. c. 43 ; aet. cic. 63.

Cicero Antonium Ccaesari suiaerstitem esse dolet. Addit de seiiatu, de populo, de
legatis ad Antonium, de Dolabella.

CICERO CASSIO SAL.

1. Vellem Idibus Martiis me ad cenam invitasses : reliquiarum
nihil fuisset. Nunc me reliquiae vestrae exercent, et quidem
praeter ceteros me : quamquam egregios consules habemus, sed
turpissimos consulares ; senatum fortem, sed infinio quemque
bouore fortissimum. Populo vero nihil fortius, nihil melius,

Dionysii nostri'] Most probably the that day, after the confused debate in the

irascible tutor of the young Ciceros. senate, which took place as soon <is the

Cicero had a quarrel with him in 705 answer which the ambassadors brought

(49), cp. Att. viii. 5, 1 (33G), but they ■\\as made known. Cicero took no promi-

had become friends again two years before nent pari in that debate, but there was

the date of the present letter: cp. Att. probably a general demand that he should

xiii. 2, 3 (606). make a" speec^h on the next day. The

tnum . . . studium'] ' the interest you eighth Philippic should be read in con-
have taken in him and in Dionysius.' nexion with this letter.

1. Vellciii] cp. the opening words of
the next letter. When he says 'there

The date of this letter is fixed by the would have been no leavings,' he means,

following considerations :—(l) The eighth of course, that Antony should have been

Philippic (§ 1) was delivered the day after put to death, as well as Caesar. Macro-

the ambassadors returned. (2) In § 6 of bius (Sat. ii. 3, 13), in quoting the opening

that speech Cicero declares that the toffa words of this letter, adds proftcto before

will be exchanged for the sagum on the reliqiiiarnm.

next day. (3) Cicero appeared in the sed] This is a rare use of sed for sed

sagtim on February 4 : cp. Nonius, 538, <«;««; after 'although': cp. Cluent. 105,

20, M. TuUiiis ad Gaesarem iuniorem, tametsi ille una sententicc est ahsolxtus, sed

lib. i., ' Fridie Nonas Feh'uarias . . . illam unam nemo turn istorum dici vclleL^
descendi ad forum sagatus (mss togatus, turpissimos consulares] cp. Phil. TUi.

covr. Aheken) cum reliqui consulares togati 20. Besides Philippus and Piso, Cicero

vcUent descendcre.'' Accordingly, the am- is also thinking of Fufius Calenus and,

bassadors returned on February 2 ; and it in a measure, of L. Caesar,
is probable that Cicero wrote both this sed injimo . . . fortissimum] ' but it

and the following letter on the evening of is all the men of the lowest rank who are

DCCCXVIII. [FAM. XII. U)-

Italiaque uni versa ; nihil aiitem foedius Philippo et Pisoiie legatis,
nihil flagitiosius ; qui cum essent missi, ut Autonio ex seuatus
sententia cartas res nuutiarent, cum ille earum rerum nuUi
paruisset, ultro ab illo ad nos intolerabilia postulata rettulerunt :
itaque ad uos concurritur, factique iam in re salutari populares
sumus. 2. Sed tu quid ageres, quid acturus, ubi deuique esses,
nesciebam : fama nuntiabat te esse in Syria ; auctor erat nemo.
De Bruto, quo propius est, eo firmiora videntur esse quae nun-
tiantur. Dolabella valde vituperabatur ab homiuibus non iusulsis,
quod tibi tarn cito succederet, cum tu vixdum xxx. dies in Syria
fuisses ; itaque constabat euni recipi in Syriam nou oportere.
Summa laus et tua et Bruti est, quod exercitum praeter spem
existimamini comparasse. Scriberem plura, si rem causamque
nossem : nunc quae scribo, scribo ex opinione homiuum atque
fama. Tuas litteras avide exspecto. Vale.

the most vigorous,' i.e. the quaestorii,
aedilicii, and praetorii, not the coi/sulares.
foedius'] 'more disgraceful '; _/?'?^i<io-
sius, ' more scnndalous.'

certas rci\ cp. Phil. vi. 4, mittuntur
enim qui nuntient nc oppnynet consulcm
designatiim, ne Muiinain obsideat, lie pro -
vincinm depopuletnr , ne dilectus hahcaf, sit
in scnaiits populique Itomaui potestate.
Cp. also vii. 26, ad Brntum adeundi legatis
potestatem feccrit, exercitmn citra jlumen
liahiconem cduxerit, nee propius tirhem
millia passuum ducenta adinoverif. The
use of nuutivnt in Phil. vi. 4 shows that
there is no necessity hei'O to alter the mss
reading into <de>iu(ittieiU with Gronovius
and Mendelssohn.

nltro'] ' actually.' Often used when
the tables are turned, and the exact oppo-
site of M'hat is intended takes place : cp.
Tac. Hist. ii. 25, Fitelliani temere exsiir-
geiites, ccdcnte- scnsim Ceho, longius seciiti
nifro in insidias praecipitanlur (' it was
they who fell into the ambush').

faclique iam in re salutari populares
sumus] ' aiul in a really sound measme I
find myself at last a popular hero.' —
(Jeans). That motions which please the
people are seldom sound is an article of
the aristocratic creed. Watson appositely
compares Phil. vii. 4, me quideni semper,
uti scitis, adversarium multitudints temeri-

tati haec fecit praeclarissinia causa popu-
lar em.

2. te esse in Syria'] see Adn. Crit.

auctor erat nemo] ' There is no definite
authority.'

Bruto] i.e. Marcus Brutus, who was
now in Macedonia.

Dolabella valde vituperabatur] ' Dola-
bella is severely criticised by some witty
fellows for being in such a hurry to act as
your successor, though you had not been
quite a month in Syria.' By the Cor-
nelian law, Fam. iii. 6, 3 (213), the
governor was allowed to lemain in his
province thirty days after his year of
office expired before his successor took up
tiie reins of government (cp. vol. iii.,
p. 302). Dolabella did not give Cassias
the thirty days, much less the year and
thirty days. Really, exclaim the wits,
DolabelLi is acting most unfairlj' in not al-
lowing Cassius to have his month's grace :
indeed, it is quite plain that on this ground
Cassius should assert his rights, and not
allow Dolabella to enter Syria. The satire
consisted in ignoring the year's tenure of
the province to which Cassius was en-
titled.

rem causamque] ' the circumstances of
the case': cp. Fam. ii. 6, 5 (177). In
N. D. i. 2, it means ' the matter in dis-
pute.'

60 DCCCXIX. {FA3I. X. 28),

DCCCXIX. CICERO TO TREBONIUS (,Fam. x. 2s).

ROMK ; FEBRUARY 2 (aBOUT) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero C. Trebonio scribit se dolere, quod nou una in G. Caesarem iuraverit, ut
M. Antonium simul cum illo opprinicret, qui nunc tantas turbas facial, suumque
libertatis recuperandae studium declarat.

CICERO TREBONIO SA.L.

1. Quam vellem ad illas puleherrinias epulas me Idibus Martiis
iavitasses ! reliquiarum nihil haberemus : at uimc cum iis tantum
negotii est, ut vestrum illud divinum in rem publieam beneficium
lion uullam habeat querelam. Quod vero a te, viro optimo,
seductus est tuoque beneficio adhuc vivit haec pestis, iuterdum,
quod mihi vix fas est, tibi subiraseor : mihi enim negotii plus
reliquisti uni quam praeter me omnibus. Ut enim primum post
Antonii foedissimum discessum senatus Laberi libera potuit, ad
ilium animum meum reverti pristinum, quem tu ciim eivi acer-
rinio, patre tuo, in ore et amore semper habuisti. 2. Nam cum
senatum a. d. xiii. Kalendas lanuarias tribuui pi. vocavissent
deque alia re referrent, totani rem publieam sum complexus egique

For the date see introductory note to profiigit paludattts. Appian (iii. 46, gi^es

818. Trebonius was killed by Dolabella a different account. He says that while

in February, so that probably he never Antony was at Tibur almost the whole

received this letter. senate WiUted on him, and swore to re-

1. reliquiatum uihir\ ' "We should not mjiiii faithful to him. Appian is a little

have had any leavings.' Cicero means surprised at this action on their part, as it

that, if he had been asked to co-operate would appear that they reviled Antony

in the conspiracy against Caesar, he would a little before, when ( )ctavian harangued

have taken c;ire that Antony should have them ; but, at any rate, he says that

been assassinated as well as Caesar. Antony's departure for AriTniniiiTn was

seductus estl This is a sense construe- ' glorious ' {\afjLrp6s].

tion, which is not at all harsh, as the eiciaetrriiuo] cp. Phil. xiii. "23, where

feminine haic pestis does not come in the father of Trebonius is called ^rJeudi-

until the next clause. Siipfle cimpares dus eques Eomanus.

for a somewhat similar constriiction liv. in ore et amore'] ' I returned to my

X. 1, 3, capitaque couiuratioiiis . . . riryi* resolution of tonner time, which you

raesi et securi pereussi. always lauded and loved.*

foedissimum diseeisiimji On Nov. 28 2. deque alia re] Siipfle refers to Phil.

Antony left Rome hurriedly, when he iii. 13, to show that the alia res was a

received news of the defection of the proposal that measures should be taken

fourth legion : cp. Phil. t. 24, Post nutem that the new consuls might be able to

tieque saertjieiis sohvinilus factis mque bold the senate on January 1 wiihout its

irotis nuneupatis nou proftctus est sed being exposed to any danger from the

DCCCXIX. [FAM. X. 28).

acerrime senatumque iani langueutem et defessum ad prisrinam
virtutem consiietudinemque revocavi magis animi quam ingenii
viribus. Hie dies meaque eontentio atque actio spem primum
populo Romano attulit libertatis reeuperandae ; nee vero ipse
postea tempus ullum intermisi de re publiea non cogitandi solum,
sed etiara agendi. 3. Quod nisi res urbanas actaque omnia ad te
perfeni arbitrarer, ipse perseriberem, quamquam eram maximis
occupationibusimpeditus. Sed ilia cognosces ex aliis ; a me pauca,
et ea summatim : liabemus fortem senatum, consulares partim
timidos, partim male sentientes. Magnum damnum factum est in
Servio. L. Caesar optime sentit, sed, quod avunculus est, non
acerrimas dicit senteutias. Consules egregii ; praeclarus D.
Brutus ; egregius puer Caesar, de quo spero equidem reliqua.
Hoc vero certum habeto, nisi ille veteranos celeriter conseripsisset
legionesque duae de exereitu Antonii ad eius se auctoritatem
contulissent atque is oppositus esset terror Antonio, nihil Anto-
nium sceleris, niliil erudelitatis praeteriturum fuisse. Haee tibi,
etsi audita esse arbitrabar, volui tamen notiora esse. Plura scri-
bam, si plus otii habuero.

Antonians. In that speech votes were
passed in iionour of D. Brutus and Oe-
tavian ; and it was moved that the decrees
for the givvemment of the provinces,
passed at the instance of Antony, should
be regarded as invalid. For example of
a political speech, delivered when unim-
portant matters of administration (e.g.
de via ^ppia, de Afoneta, de Lupercis)
■were the proposed topics for discussion,
cp. Phil. vii. init.

inagis auimi qtutmingenii viribus] 'more
by energy than by argument.' In the
margin of M, by a lif teenth-century hand,
is written *i/<?, obsecro, perhaps a reflection
on Ciceio's boastfulness.

meaque eontentio atque actio] ' and my
exertions and pleading.'

libertatis reeuperandae'] cp. 82-5, 2 (of
the same speech, viz. the third Philippic),
fundamenta ieci rei publicae.

3. timidos] ' covraxds^: male seiitieutes,
'traitors.'

Servio] sc. Servius Sulpicius, who
died on the embassy to Antony : cp. vol.
iv.. pp. Ixxvii-lsxLs.

avunculus] i.e. of ilark Antony. He
was brother of Julia, the mother of
Antony : cp. Phil. viii. 1, Vicit L. Caesa-
ris (seiitentia), qui vtrbi atrocitate dempta
oratione fuit quam seiitentia lenior : quam-
quam is quidem, antequam sententiam
diceret, propinquitatem exeusavit.

duae] Le. the Fourth and the Martian.
For this whole section, cp. Phil. iii.
3-7.

62 DCCCXX. {FA 3/. IX. 2h).

DCCCXX. CICEEO TO PAETUS (Fam. ix. 24).

KOMK ; FEBRUAUY (bEGTNNINg) ; A. U. C. 711 ; 1?. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

]\[. Cicero Rufum a L. Puoto commondatuiii sibi cuiae fore ostendit, iit Paetus ad
aniicorum convictum rcdeat liortatur, nihilquo sibi re piiblica cai'ius esse adfirmat.

CICERO PAETO S. 1).

1. Rufum istuni,. amicum tuura, de quo iterum iam ad me
soribis, adiuvarem, quantum possem, etiam si ab eo laesus essem,
cum te tauto opere viderera eius causa laborare ; cum vero et ex
tuis litteris et ex illius ad me missis intellegam et iudicem magnae
cui'ae ei salutem meam fuisse, uon possum ei non amicus esse ;
neque solum tua commendatione, quae apud me, \\i debet, valet
plurimum, sed etiam voluntate ae iudicio meo. Volo enim te
scire, mi Paete, initium mihi suspicionis et cautionis et diligentiae
fuisse litteras tuas, quibus litteris congruentes fuerunt aliae postea
multorum : nam et Aquini et Fabrateriae consilia sunt iuita de
me, quae te video inaudisse, et, quasi divinarent, quam iis molestusl
essem futurus, nihil aliud egerimt nisi me ut opprimerent. Q,uod
ego non suspicans incautior fuissem, nisi a te admonitus essera ;,
quam ob rem iste tuus amicus apud me commendatione non eget. j
TJtinam ea fortuna rei publicae sit, ut ille me virum gratissimum
possit cognoscere ! sed liaec hactenus. 2. Te ad cenas itare
desisse moleste fero ; magna enim te delectatione et voluptate
privasti. Delude etiam vereor — licet enim verum dicere — ne
nescio quid illud, quod solebas, dediscas et obliviscare, cenulas
facere. Nam si tum, cum habebas quos imitarere, non multum

This is the only letter which we possess fortuito aliud tujens audivit inaudisse

from this period which is not mainly dicittir'': cp. Att. vi. 1, 20 (252), and

occupied with public concerns; yet Cicero note; xv. 26, 1 (763j ; xvi. 1, 2 (769).

cannot wholly forget them (§4). itie virum'] So Wesenberg for meuni.

1. Rufum] We do not know who this Baiter has me icnum.

Kufus is ; perhaps Salvidienus Rufus 2. itare] cp. Gell. iii. 18, 4, 2^edibus

(865, 4). itavlsse in curiam.

suspicionis] i.e. against the followers delectatione] ' gratification.'

of Antony. We do not know the details nescio quid] ' somewhat,' ' in a mea-

of the plot to which Cicero alludes. sure ': cp. N. D. i. 93.

inaudisse] 'overheard,' as Ribbeck cenulas facere] cp. Att. ix. 13, 6

(Frag. Com. cix.) explains it, ' qnod quis {S69), coenas facere.

DCCCXX. (FA 31. IX. U).

proficiebas, quid nunc te facturum putem ? Spurinna quidem,
cum ei rem demonstrassem et vitam tuam superiorem exposuissem,
magnum periculum summae rei publioae demonstrabat, nisi ad
superiorem consuetudinem tum, cum Favonius flaret, revertisses ;
lioe tempore ferri posse, si forte tu frigus ferre non posses. 3. Sed
mehercule, mi Paete, extra iocum raoneo te, quod pertinere ad
beate vivendum arbitror, ut cum viris bonis, iuciindis, amantibus
tui vivas : nihil est aptius vitae, nihil ad beate vivendum aecom-
modatius. Nee id ad voluptatem refero, sed ad comraunitatem
vitae atque victus remissionemque animorum, quae maxime ser-
mone efficitur familiari, qui est in conviviis dulcissimus, ut sapi-
entius nostri quam Graeci : illi awjUTroo-m aut (rOvSenrva, id est
conpotationes aut concenafiones, nos 'convivia/ quod tum maxime
simul vivitur. Vide?, ut te philosophando revocare coner ad
oenas? cura ut valeas ; id foris cenitando facillime consequere.
4. Sed cave, si me amas, existimes me, quod iocosius scribam,

Sjiurinna'] This was the augur who
warned Caesar, shortly before his assassi-
nation, that his life was in danger.

magnum . . . rei publicae'] ' that the
whole slate would incur serious danger if
5'ou did not return to your old custom at
the first breath of Favonius; that just for
the present (your way of life) can per-
chance be endured if you are unal)le to
endure the cold weather.' The joke,
that the safety of the state depended on
the dining-out of Paetus is, like many of
Cicero's jokes, somewhat trying. How-
ever, we can admire the buoyancy of
Cicero, when he had the heart to 'chaff' at
all, in the midst of the hopes and fears of
his political position : cp. 824, 6 (Pollio),
Iiivideo ilU (sc. Cornelius Gallus) quod
ambnlat et iocatar tibi. Spring was con-
sidered to have begun when Favonius
commenced to blow ; this took place on
February 7, according to Columella (xi.
2, 15) ; on the 8th, according to Pliny
(H. N. ii. 122) ; and on the 10th, accord-
ing to Ovid (Fast. ii. 149).

3. extra iocum'} cp. Fam. vii. 16, 2
(157), sed mehercules, extra iocum, hoxio
belhis est, and vii. 11, 3 (167), remoto ioco.

nihil est aptius vitae j ' Life has no-
thing that fits it better : nothing is more
suitable to make one live happily. And
I do not urge this on account of the mere
gratification to the palate, but on account

of the association in life and living which
it brings about, and the relaxation of
mind which friendly conversation especi-
ally induces. This appears in its plea-
santest form at convivial gatherings, so
that we Romans judge more wisely than
the Greeks, in that, while they call them
ffv/j.TT6(ria, or ffiivSettrua, ' drinkings to-
gether, ' or ' dinings together, ' we call
them ' convivial gatherings ' (that is,
' livings together '), because then only do
we really live with one another.' Cp. on
the passage as a whole Sen. 45, neque
enim ipsorum conviviorum delectationem
volupiatibus corporis magis quam coetu
amicorum et sermonibus metiebar ; bene
enim maiores accubitiotiem epularem ami-
corum, quia vitae coniunctionem haberet,
convivium nnminaverunt, melius quam
Graeci, qui hoc idem turn compotatio-
Item, tum concenationem vacant, ut,-
quod in eo genere minimum est, id maxime
probare videatitw.

Graeci'] sc. iudieent. For the ellipse
cp. Fin. i. 61 ; Legg. ii. 26 ; Att. xiii.
40, 1 (660), ne is quidem . . . bene de
nostra; Q. Fr. ii. 15, 5 (147), quoted by
Heidemann, p. 75.

(T vv^e Lirvoi] sc. vocant. For ellipse
cp. 805, 3, mihi non est duhium quin, quad
Graeci Kadrjuov, nos officium.

foris cenitando'] cp. Fam. vii. 16, 2
(157).

€4 DCCCXXI. {FA 31. XII. 5).

abiecisse curam rei publicae. Sio tibi, mi Paete, persuade, me dies
€t uoctes nihil aliud agere, nihil curare, nisi ut mei cives salvi
liberique sint : nullum locum praetermitto monendi, agendi, pro-
videndi ; hoc denique aiiimo sum, ut, si in liac cura atque
administratioue vita mihi pouenda sit, praeclare actum mecum
putem. Etiam atque etiam vale.

DCCCXXI. CICERO TO CASSIUS (Fam. xii. s).

ROME ; FEBRUARY (TOWARDS ENd) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. (:. 43 ;
AET. CIC. G3.

M. Ciceio M. Briitum laiulat oiusque exemplum Cassio imitandum proponit, addit
<le Mutinensi liello ac de rei publicae statu,

CICERO CASSIO SAL.

1. Hiemem credo adhuc prohibuisse, quo minus de te certura
haberemus, quid ageres maximeque ubi esses ; loquebantur omnes
tamen — credo, quod volebant — in Syria te esse, habere copias. Id
autem eo facilius credebatur, quia simile veri videbatur. Brutus
quidem noster egregiam laudem est consecutus ; res enim tantas
gessit tamque inopinatas, ut eae cum per se gratae assent, turn
ornatiores propter eeleritatem. Quod si tu ea tenes, quae putamus,
magnis subsidiis fulta res publica est ; a prima enim ora Graeciae

4. mei elves'] Not the least interesting after the delivery of the tenth Philippic,

part of this interesting letter is the men- Several days elapsed lietween the delivery

tion here of what was never absent from of the tenth and eleventh Philippics. The

Cicero's mind at this time, ' that my date of the latter is about the 5th or 6th

fellow-citizens may live in safety and of March : cp. introductory note to 823.

freedom.' Cicero cannot banish serious 1. eredo quodrolebant] ' I fancy, because

thought for any length of time. the wish was father to the thought ': cp.

monendi, agendi, providcndi] ' of warn- Ones. B. G. iii. 18, 6, quod fere libenter

ing, acting, and watching': cp. 819, 2. homines id quod voliint credunt, and also

vita mihi ponenda sit] AbeUen (p. 447) B. C. ii. 27, 2.

sees in this an allusion to the machina- Brutus] During the beginning of 711

tions of the Antoiiians against Cicero's life (43) M. Brutus had been very energetic,

(cp. § 1) ; but it is more likely to be a He had collected an army, and had occu-

mere general expression of devotion to his pied Illyricum and Greece,

country. ef/reyiam laudem] cp. Cicero's proposal,

praeclare actum mecum] ' that my end Phil. x. 25.

has been a glorious one.' ornatiores] ' more splendid.'

magnis subsidiis . . . est] ' the state

This letter was written immediately rests on strong supports.'

DCCCXXI. {FAM. XII. 6).

usque ad Aegyptum optimorum civium imperiis muniti erimus et
copiis. 2. Quamquam, nisi me fallebat, res se sic habebat, ut
totius belli omne discrimen in D. Bruto positum videretur, qui si,
ut sperabamus, erupisset Mutina, nihil belli reliquum fore vide-
batur. Parvis omnino iam eopiis obsidebatur, quod magno prae-
sidio Bononiam tenebat Antonius. Erat autem Claternae noster
Hirtius, ad Forum Coruelium Caesar, uterque cum firmo exercitu ;
maguasque Romae Pansa copias ex dilectu Italiae compararat.
Hieraps adhuc rem geri proliibuerat, Hirtius nihil nisi conside-
rate, ut mihi crebris litteris significat, acturus videbatur. Praeter
Bononiam, Regium Lepidi, Parmam, totam Galliam tenebamus
studiosissimam rei publieae ; tuos etiam clientes Transpadanos
mirifice couiunctos cum causa habebamus. Erat firmissimus
senatus exceptis consularibus, ex quibus uuus L. Caesar firmus est
et rectus. 3. Ser. Sulpicii morte magnum praesidium amisimus.
Reliqui partim inertes, partim improbi ; uonnulli invident eorum
laudi, quos in re publica probari vident; populi vero Pomani
totiusque Italiae mira consensio est. Haee eraut fere, quae tibi

(( prima enim orfc] cp. Phil. x. 10,
exit rae nationes a prima ora Graeciae usque
ad Aegijptwii optimorum et fortissimoram
civium imperiis et praesidiis teuentur.
For p>rima ora, 'the extremity of the
shore,' cp. Fam. iii. 6, 2 (213), prima
provincia, and note there. To the ex-
amples there given add N. D. i. 20,
prim is labris.

optimorum . . . copiis"] ' we are de-
fended by generals and soldiers who are
most loyal citizens and staunch patriots.'

2. fallebat] The tenses of this and the
other verbs in the paragraph belong to
epistolary style.

Claternae'] This town, nowQuaderna,
was about ten miles south-east of Bononia.
Forum Coruelium (now Imola) was about
thirteen miles south-east of Claterna.
Regium Lepidi (or Lepidum), now Reggio,
was about tiiteen miles north-west of Mu-
tina. All these places are on the Aemilian
road. For Claterna cp. Non. 394, 7,
sparcum vehemens, asperum. M. Tullius
ad Caesarem iuiiiorem lib. i., ' Cam iter
facerem ad fLlquiiam. [Hirtium Roth
Aquilam Gurlitt) Claternam tempcstate
spurcissima,'' cp. ' foul ' and ' dirty,'
used of the weatlier. This letter was
really written by Octavian : cp. Gurlitt
(Nonius, p. 12).

rem geri] ' any action.'

Praeter Bononiam . . . rei publieae]
cp. Phil. X. 10, tria tenet oppida toco in
orbe terrarum : Imbet inimicissimam Gal-
liam : eos etiam, quibus confidebat, alienis-
simos Transpadanos : Italia omiiis infesta
est.

clientes Transpadanos] We do not hear
elsewhere that Cassius was patron of the
Transpadanes. Watson notices it as
strange that they should now be devoted
to tbu Optimates, as Julius Caesar was
the statesman who was mainly instru-
mental in gaining for them the rights of
citizenship by the Lex Julia in 705 (49).
But the loyalty of these new citizens, as
of the provincials generally, was rather to
Rome and the actual government there
for the time being than to any individual
Roman.

firmissimus] 'most resolute'; rectus,
* upright,' rarely used in this sense of
persons: cp. Plin. Epp. ii. 11, 5, vir
rectus et sanclus.

3. Ser. Sulpicii] cp. note to 819, 3.

Reliqui . . . vident] ' The rest are
deficient, partly in energy, partly in prin-
ciple ; some envy the praise bestowed on
those who they see have gained credit in
the government.' Cicero probably refers
to himself as the object of this envy.

DCCCXXll. [FAM. Xlf. 11).

notn osse vollem ; nuno nuttMii opto. ut ali i^stis (^riontis pnrtibus
virtutis turto I union oluooat. Yale.

DOOOXXll. CASSirS TO nOERO (Fam. xu. w).

IVMV AV T\UUHF\ : MAKTU T ; A. V. O. 711 ; H. C. 4S ; AKT. 0U\ 6S.

C. OAS&ivis M. Oiooroni a qviibus i\>inAS aoooivrit signiticAt sostx^uo et nMU publiosm
commend jit.

0. CASSIUS PR(.X\'>S. S. 1\ M. OlOKUOXl.

1. S. V. b. 0. 0. q. V. In Syriam mo pi\>footum Oisso soito ad L.
Munnnu ot Q. l>ispum imperatores: viri fortes optimique oivos,
postoaqnam axuiiorunt quao I\omao irtnvrentnr, exoroitns milii
tradidornnt ipsiqno inoouni una fortis^-dmo animo iviu publioam
administmnt. Itom loguMioni, quan\ Q. Catx*iUus Bassus habuit,
ad nio voniiiso soito. quattuonpio logionos, quos A. Allioi\n^ ex
Aegypto Oiiuxit, ti-;uUtas ab oi^ inihi osso soito. *2. Nuno to oolior-
tatioue uou puto indigero, ut nos aWutes romque publioaui,
quantum est in U, dofendas. Soiiv to volo, firnia pwosidia vobis
seuatuique uou deesse, ut optima sjv et maximo animo rem pub-
lioam dofouda^s. Koliqua tecum aget L. Carteius, f;uuiliaris mens,
Valo. P. Xonis Martiis ox oastris Tjvrioheis,

Htt-iiT rf»»/«^w ^.t'ft<] * B\it now I prAV
that frvwu whi>rt> \ou aiv i" '"^ •" ■ "* of
tho Kast iho s\u\ of youvn - ino

fvMthI' Forthe pi»i-Aso (> ^ ^T-

Muv. Ss\

FROCvvii,] Cassius h*d iu'>vv>r N*n consul,
bxit b" '"'^ '^ "iv.;. X. ;'V "<\\\>nsvilar

1. 0«. r. f». ^. •*. ^. r.j » «« v*tt* htm

Z, .Vwvtdd] I.. St!U\»s MuTX'us h*v\
K>en *»>»« by Jtilius O.-icsjur with thnv
Witioi\* Ajpunsi Q, 0.'- "■ - ''-^sus, who.
asisttsl by l\-irthi,-»!- vd raist\l

,■« ro>-v>lt in Svria. < CMspus,

»tv>v*rtu>r of BithyniA, t\,ivi v\>iu»> tv> Syria
with thivo lejrions, to assist Mannis.

iiMjM.] Wo do not know why thoy ju»

tri'^' , - -■ - \ ■ • -

iUx\5 uv»J j{i\t> tiiom lias siUo. As tho ms*
givo oj\ly ««/,. jvrhai^ it belongs v">nlT
to Crispus.

,-f\'-^%fwr'] For this subjunctiyp C|k.
D." i;. .-.. ... s\x 1

■ ■ .'ll-i. He
ha.-. ~ - , , It. .-tuvJ Uxi

them into S>ri.i, but su<u-«vioux5 to C*s-
sius after sv>me reisistance (Apjv iii- 77.
7S>.

a, »»» **«*] Nearfr all the m*s i^nit
»«»»j<», but Pal iad also one v\f Mr. Allen's
Mss insert it. Baiter wishe<s tv> teatl

JWrWiWjt] in Galilee, .it the south eml
•\f the lake of Geanesai^t

DCCCXXIII. {FAJL Xll.

DCCCXXIII. CICERO TO CASSIUS (Fam. xii. 7).
komk; m akcti c. or : {ahoutI ; a. v. c. 711 ; h. c. 43 ; akt. cic. o.s.

M. Cioeix) C. Oassio signirioat seutontitnii a so in souatii soi'uiulum dignitatom
Cassii ilictaiw eaindemque in oontiono defonsani.

CICEUO CASSIO SAL.

1. Quiinto studio ilignitntom tuam ot in senntu et ad popuhnn
det'oudoriiu, ox tiiis to lualo quuni ox 1110 cognoscero ; quao moa
sententia in senatu faoilo valuisset, nisi Pausa vehemouter obsti-
tisf^ot. Ea sontontia diota produotus sum in oontionom a tribuno
pi. yi. Sorvilio: dixi do to, quae potui, tanta oontontiono, quantum
forum ost, tanto olamoro consensuqtie populi, ut niliil unujuam
similo vidorim. Id volim mild ignosoas quod iuvita sooru tua
fooorim : mulitn- timida vorebatur ue Pansao animus otTondorotm*.
In oontioue qnidom Pansa dixit niatrera quoquo tuam et fratrom
illam a me sententiam noluisse diei ; sed me haeo"uon movebant ;
alia malobam : favobam ot roi publicae, cni semper favi, ot digni-

This lottor was written sliovtly after
the delivery of tlio Eleventh Dulippie.
The approximate date of that speeoh ean
be derived from the letter of .Vntony to
Hirtins and Oetavian whieh Cieoro I'riti-
cises in Phil. .\iii. (delivered INIareli 20).
In that letter allusion is made to a decree
of the senate whieh deelaved Dolabella a
pnblie enemy, and that deeree was jmssed
the day before the delivery of Phil. xi.
(ep. ^^ Hi). It would take about six days
for news to veaih Mutina from Kome, so
that we ean hardly suppose that Dolabella
was deelared a public enemy later than
March 7. Nov ean we suppose that the
decree was passed verv much earlier, for
M. Erutus, who was in Macedonia, had
not, on April 1, received any letter from
Cicero relating how the news of the
uun-der of Trebonius had been received in
Rome (cp. 837, 1). See Schmidt Cass.,
pp. 34-7.

1. in sfnatiil i. o. Pliil. xi. For
Cicero's motion cp. ^ 30, sttititiii pldri-re
C. Cassiuin pro coiisule proriuciiiin Si/riam

ofiliiwri- uti ijiii optima iure earn proviii-
fiiiin olifiiumit.

ill foiifioiifin'] This Philippie, ad-
dressed to the people, has been lost.

Strrilio'] a relative of Servilia, sister
of Cato of U tiea, and mother of Cassi\is"s
wife Tortulla, and of M. I?rntus. She is
the soi'Kiis mentioned below.

Ill Ufa . . . fs/'] 'straining my voice till
it reached over tlio wliole forum.'

inatirin] It is not known who she
was.

Jhrtri'iii'l li. Cassias, who, as wo have
scon, obtained mneh applause at tlio
games hold nominally by C. Cassins in
710 (4-1): cp. Att. 'xiv. 2, 1 (704);
700, 1.

iii(i/i-b(7m'] Cicero means : ' Those eon-
siderations (so. that yonr family objeetod)
did not movo mo. I preferred other oon-
siderations (to intluoneo me),' viz. ' tliat
the cause I advocated tended to tho
advantage of the people and to yo\ir own
glory.' Wesonhorg and Krauso alter to
vttlfP(Vif, which makes the sentence
F2

DCCCXXIV. {FAM. X. 31).

tati ac gloriae tuae. 2. Quod autem et iu seiiatu pluribus verbis
disserui et dixi iu contione, in eo velim fidem meam liberes ;
promisi euim et prope coufirmavi te non exspectasse nee exspec-
taturum decreta nostra, sed to ipsum tuo more rem publicara
defensurum. Et, quamquam niliilduni audievamus, uec ubi esses
nee quas copias haberes, tamen sic statuebara, omnes, quae in istis
partibus essent opes copiaeque, tuas esse, per teque Asiam provin-
ciam coufidebam iam rei publicae recuperatam. Tu fac in augenda
gloria te ipse vincas. Vale.

DCCCXXIV. ASINIUS POLLIO TO CICERO (Fam. x. 3i).

CORDUBA ; MAKCH 16 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

C. Asinius PoUio se excusat, quod sero suuni erga rem publicam studium declaret,
se tamen percupidum libertatis recuperandae ostendit.

C. ASmiUS POLLIO CICERONI S. D.

1. Minime mirum tibi debet videri nihil me scripsisse de re
publica, posteaquam itum est ad arma ; nam saltus Castulonensis,
qui semper tenuit nostros tabellarios, etsi nunc frequentioribus
latrociniis infestior factns est, tamen nequaquam tanta in mora
est, quanta qui locis omnibus dispositi ab utraque parte scrutantur

simpler ; but the nature of case hardly
justifies the alteration.

2. Jidem meam liberes] ' redeem my
pledged word ': op. Flacc 47.

For an account of Asinius PoUio see
Introduction. An elaborate treatise on
the language of Pollio has been written
by J. H. Schmalz, ITefier die Spracli-
gebranch des Asinius Pollio (ed. 2, 1890,
Munich).

1. Castuloiieusisl This was a pass at
the north-east extremity of Baetica, lying
to the north of the Baetis, near the towns
of lUiturgi and Castulo, at the eastern
side of the Sierra Morena. It is now
called the Sierra de Cazlona : op. Caes.
B.C. i. 38.

tcwta in mora est] 'causes such delay.'
This is an expression very common in the

comic dramatists : cp. Lorenz on Plant.
Pseud, ii. 2, 68 (642), ne in quaestione sis,
who quotes several passages from the come-
dies for in mora esse, e.g. Ter. Andr. iii.
2, 56 ; Adelpli. iii. 2, 56 ; and cum res in
summa exspectaiione esset, Cic. Att. viii.
11 D. 3 (343) : cp. note to 808, 3, and Liv.
iii. 24, 7 ; xliv. 22, 5. The preposition is
omitted before quanta, as the same pre-
position governs both relative and ante-
cedent and the verb in both clauses is
the same : cp. Madv. Fin. i. 32 ; Mayor
on Phil. ii. 26, who compares Att. iii.
19,2(77). See note on Q. Fr. i. 4, 4 (72).
ab utraque parte] ' on both sides.'
Both Lepidus and Antony examine letter-
carriers whether they come from Rome to
me or go from me to Rome. Watson,
after Siiplle and Wieland, supposes the
meaning to be that the letter-carriers were

DCCCXXIV. {FAM. X. 31).

tabelkrios et retineiit. Itaque nisi nave perlatae litterae essent,
omnino nescirem, quid istic fieret. Nunc vero nactiis occasionem,
postea quam navigari coeptum est, cupidissime et quam creberrime
potero scribam ad te. 2. Ne movear eius sermonibus, quern tametsi
nemo est qui videre velit, tamen nequaquam proinde ac dignus est
oderunt homines, periculum non est ; adeo est enim invisus mihi,
ut nihil non acerbum putem, quod commune cum illo sit ; natura
autem mea et studia trahunt me ad pacis et libertatis cupiditatem.
Itaque illud iuitium civilis belli saepe deflevi ; cum vero nonliceret
mihi nullius partis esse, quia utrubique magnos inimicos habebam,
ea castra fugi, in quibus plane tutum me ab insidiis iuimici sciebam
non futurum ; compulsus eo quo minime volebam, ne in extremis
essem, plane pericula non dubitauter adii. 3. Caesarem vero, quod

examined both by Pollio's outposts and
those of Lepidus, and that thus exceptional
delay was caused. But PoUio would hardly
complain of what was done by his own
officers without making some excuse for
it.

navigari coeptum est'\ Navigation began
on March 5 (Veget. v. 9).

2. eius] The general opinion of editors
is that eius refers to Antony. We may
be almost sure that Pollio is alluding to
some one whom Cicero mentioned in his
letter to which this is an answer : so that
M'e think Wieland and Mr. Jeans are
probably right in STipposing that the
reference is to Balbus, the quaestor of
Pollio, whose actions (at^east as narrated
in 896, 1—3) were those of a dangerous
lunatic. Doubtless his madness had not
become so violent at this time.

tametsi . . . iaiiieu'] For this redun-
dancy cp. Q. Cic. Fam. xvi. 8, 1 (314) ;
Petit. Cons. 32 (12) ; Gael. Fam. viii.
1, 1 (192) ; 5, 2 (210). Even Cicero
himself, Fam. iv. 15, 2 (484) ; cp.
Schmalz, pp. 34-5.

queni . . . videre velit'] ' although
there is nobody who can bear the sight of
him': cp. Hor. Sat. i. 6, 120, obeundus
Marsya, qui se Voltum ferre negat Novio-
rion posse minoris.

proinde ac] cp. Plant. Amph. ii. 1, 37
(583) where Professor Palmer notices that
Plautus generally uses proinde ut ; also
Tusc. V. 6.

nihil non acerbum] All the mss give
non ; and, as it makes very fair sense, we
have retained it, 'I luite everything I
bave to do in conjunction with him.'

Cobet ejects it, and thereby introduces
what, in our opinion, is a most extrava-
gant sentiment, ' I would be ready to
suffer anything provided he shared it.'

studia] i.e. Pollio's historical studies :
cp. Hor. Carm. ii. I, 1.

nullius] For neutrius ; as qtcis for uter :
cp. Lebmann, p. 3, and Drager i. 103,
who quotes Att. xvi. 8, 1 (797), quem
(= utruiii) autem sequamur \ 14, 1 (805)';
Fam. vii. 3, 1 (464), qtiid (= titrttm) esset
optimum factu.

ea castra] i.e. Pompey's.

inimici] Probably Gains Porcius Cato,
who was accused by Pollio in 700 (54)
under the Lex Junia Licinia (vol. i.*
p. 414), but acquitted : cp. Att. iv. 16, 5
(144). Pollio was only twenty years old
at that time. This is the view oi Zumpt
(Criminalprocess, p. 537). Mr. Watson,
however, suggests that the reference may
be to Labienus : cp. Quintil. i. 5, 8, et in
oratione Labieni [sive ilia Cornelii Galli
est) in Pollionem.

ne in extremis essem'] ' lest I should
be left completely in the background,'
lit. ' among those in the extreme rear.'
Wesenberg thinks that plane before peri-
cula has crept into the te.xt from tbe pre-
cedins- line ; but it was a favourite word
of Pollio's (cp. § 5, 896, 1), so ought to
be retained. Gitlbauer (p. 264) suggests
plurima.

pericula] Plutarch (Caes. 32) says
that Caesar, when on the banks of the
Rubicon, consulted Pollio as to wbether
he should cross the river or not. Pollio
also took a prominent part in the Battle
of Pharsalia (App. ii. 82).

DCCCXXIV. {FAM. X. 31).

me in taiita fortuna inodo cognitum vetustissimorum familiarium
loco babuit, diloxi summa cum pietate et fide. Quae mea seutentia
gerere mibi licuit, ita feci, ut optimus quisque maxime probarit ;
quod iussus sum, eo tempore atque ita feci, ut appareret invito
imperatum esse. Cuius facti iuiustissima invidia erudire me potuit,
quam iucuuda libertas et quam misera sub dominatione vita esset.
Ita, si id agitur, ut rursus in potestate omnia unius sint, quicum-
que is est, ei me profiteor iuimicum ; nee periculum est ullum,
quod pro libertate aut refugiam aut deprecer. 4. Sed consules
neque senatus consulto neque litteris suis praeceperant mibi, quid
facerem ; unas euim post Idus Martias demum a Pansa litteras
accepi, iu quibus bortatur me, ut senatui scribam me et exercitum
in postestate eius futurum : quod, cum Lepidus contionaretur
atque omnibus scriberet se consentire cum Antonio, maxime con-
trarium fuit; nam quibus commeatibus invito illo per illius pro-
vinciam legiones ducerem ? Aut, si cetera transissem, num
etiam Alpes poteram transvolare, quae praesidio illius tenentur ?

3. qtiod me . . . habuit\ ' because,
thougli he only became acquainted with
me when at the height of his fortune, yet
he always treated me as if I were one of
his very old friends.' Evidence of the
gracious manners of Julius Caesar comes
before us repeatedly.

ita feci ut . . . probarit . . . appareret^
Schmalz (p. 22) shows that both these
constructions are allowable. Cicero pre-
fers the former, Att. iv. 1, 4 (90) ;
V. 21, 8 ('250).

qttod iussus sum feci'] cp. Caes. B. G.
iii. 6, 1, quod iussi sunt facitint. Cicero
also uses a neuter pronoun as direct
accusative after iubire, Fam. xiii. 26, 3
(o21), non quae (so. litterae) te aliquid
iuberent.

invito'] sc. mihi. For the omission
cp. Att. vii. 7, 6 (298), imbecillo (sc. ei) ;
18, 3 (316), invito (sc. ei).

Cuius fac/i] Tlie meaning of PoUio
is, ' The hatred which society visited on
me for obeying Caesar's orders, though
most unjust — for I had to obey him —
yet was a lesson to me that I should
never again take the side of one who
infringed on the liberties of the nation ;
it showed me the misery of being the
despot's servant, and the joys of free-
dom.'

Ita"] for Itaque: cp. Plancus (833, 4) ;

Caes. E.G. vi. 12, 8 ; even Cicero, Verr.
ii. 127 ; Tusc. v. 66.

quicuinque] This, according to Wolfflin,
is more archaic than quisquis.

deprecer] ' beg to be excused from.'

4. consules] Probably the consuls of
the present year, the consuls elect of the
preceding year, as the mention of Pansa
seems to show.

contionaretur] ' declared in a i)ublic
speech.' "Watson compares Q. Fr. ii. 4,
6 (105). This tends to show that Lepidus
was disloyal to the republic almost from
the begiiiniug : cp. 827, 1, 2.

contrarium] 'dangerous' or 'injurious,'
lit. 'opposed (to one's object or circum-
stances) ' : cp. Lucr. vi. 741, {Averna loea)
quia sunt avibus contraria cunctis; Verg.
Georg. i. 286, Nonafugae nielior, contraria
furtis ; Qiiintil. iv. 2, 64. Perhaps it
might mean ' in the highest degree impos-
sible.' For the alliteration of co)i- Schmalz
compaies (p. 54), 890, 2.

coDimeatibus] 'roads,' 'ways': cp.
Plaut. Stich. iii. I, ii, per Jiortum utra-
qtie commeatus continet : Mil. ii. 1,65. It
is used in the ordinary sense of ' pro-
visions ' by Pollio in 890, 2.

transvolare] lit. 'to fly across': cp.
Cornif. ad Heren. iv. 31, Alexandra, si
vita data longior esset, Oeeanmn manus
Macedonum transvolasset.

nCCCXXIV. [FAM. X. 31).

Adde hue quod perferri litterae nulla coudicioue potueruiit ; sescen-
tis euim locis excutiuutur, delude etiam retinentur ab Lepido tabel-
larii. 5. Illud me Cordubae pro contioue dixisse nemo vocabit
in dubium, provinciam me nuUi, nisi qui ab seuatu missus venisset,
traditurum : nam, de legione tricensima tradeuda quautas couten-
tiones habuerim, quid ego scribam ? Qua tradita quauto pro re
publica iufirmior futurus fuerim, quis iguorat ? Hao euim legioue
noli acrius aut puguacius quiequam putare esse. Qua re eum me
existima esse, qui primum pacis cupidissimus sim — omues enim
cives plane studeo esse salvos — delude qui et me et rem publieam
viudicare in libertatem paratus sim. 6. Uuod familiarem meum
tuorum numero babes, opiuioue tua mibi gratius est ; iuvideo illi
tamen, quod ambulat et iocatur tecum. Quaeres, quauti id aesti-
mem ? Si umquam licuerit vivere in otio, experieris ; nullum
euim vestigium abs te discessurus sum. Illud vehementer admirer,
non scripsisse te mibi, manendo in provincia an ducendo exercitum

Adde hue quod'\ cp. Attius 209 (Ribb),
add^ hue quod mihi portenlo caelestum
pater Prodi(jium misit, and often adde quod
in Lucr. i. 847 ; iii. 829.

excutiuutur'] 'are examined, "searched."

5. pi'o contioue'] ' in the meeting ' : cp.
Cic. quoted b}' Quintil. iv. 4, 8, also Fam.
iii. 8, 3 (222), pro trihunali and pro
rostris, pro aede.

dixisse] For the accusative and infini-
tive governed by a phrase of doubting :
cp. Trebonius, Fam. xii. 16, 2 (736), Cic.
fil. ap. Fam. xvi. 21, 2 (786) on which
passage see note. It belongs to the
language of ordinarj^ life. Schmalz (p. 26)
thinks that the intiiutival construction
is allowable when the phrase of doubting
follows the clause it governs : cp. Ter.
Hec. iii. 1, 44.

nemo] This is the most probable cor-
rection for the Mss ne.

nulli] Stiirenberg declares that neither
Cicero nor any of his correspondents,
except Pollio, uses nulli for neinini.
Schmalz (p. 39) refers to Att. ix. 14, 2
(372), according to the reading adopted
by most editors ; but see our note.

nam] The argument is : 'No one will
doubt but that I will retain my province
when I resisted so strenuously the trans-
ference of one legion.''

legione] cp. 896, 4.

omnes .... salvos] As Watson
remarks, this was the regular plausible

argument of those who wished to come
to terms with Antony : cp. Phil. viii.
13, Atque ais [Calene) eum te esse qui
semper pacem optaris, semper omnes cives
volucris salvos ; 885, 1 (from Lepidus to
the Senate) quam nihil antiquius communi
salute ac libertate iudicarim. For studeo
with accusative and infinitive cp. Cic.
Fam. xiii. 19, 3 (514) ; Matins xi. 28,
2 (786).

6. familiarem meum]. This was the
poet Cornelius Gallus : cp. 896, o, etiam
praetextam, si voles legere, Galium Corne-
lium, fainiliarem -meum, posciio.

tuorum numero] For in omitted Schmalz
(p. 21) compares Att. xi. 6, 6 (418), hos-
tium numero habebanfur. But Cicero
sometimes adds it: cp. Att. xiv. 13, 2
(718).

opinione tua] ' than you think.'
Schmalz (p. 19) compares Plant. Mil.
iv. 6, 23, istuc curavi tit opinione illius
pulchrior sis. Cicero generally says
opinione alone : cp. Fam. xiv. 23 (443),
but also omnium opinione (Brut. 1).

iocatur] cp. note to 820, 2.

nullum vestigium] This accusative of
extent belongs to colloquial language :
cp. Plant. Aul. i. 1, 18, si digitiim trans-
versum aut unguem latum excesseris ;
Bacch. iii. 3, 19; Att. xiii. 12, 3 (626),
16, 1 (629) ; 20, 4 (634) ; Fam. vii. 25, 2
(668). It is also found in Liv. xxvii. 4,
1, cp. Schmalz, pp. 16-17.

DCCCXXV. {FAM. XII. 25, §§ 1-5).

iu Italiam rei publicae magis satis facere possim : ego quidem, etsi
mihi tutius ac miuus laboriosum est mauere, taiuen, quia video
tali tempore multo magis legionibus opus esse quam provinciis,
quae praesertim reciperari nullo negotio possunt, constitui, ut umic
est, cum exercitu proficisci. Deinde ex lilteris, quas Pansae misi,
cognosces omnia ; nam tibi earum exemplar misi. xvii. Kal.
April. Corduba.

DCCCXXV. CICERO TO CORNIFICIUS

(FaM. XII. 25, §§ 1-5).

ROME. ABOUT MARCH 20 OR A LITTI.E LATER; A. U. C. 711;
B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

De sententia Coniificii senatus consultum factum esse significat : ut in rem publicam
incumbat hortatur: Lucceio se nulla in re defu^urum pollicetur.

CICERO CORNIfICIO SAL.
I. Liberalibus litteras accepi tuas, quas mihi Cornificius altero
vicensimo die, ut dicebat, reddidit : eo die non fuit senatus neque
postero. Quinquatribus frequenti senatu causam tuam- egi non

ego quidem'] Schmalz (p. 45), after
Jordan, notices that Cicero generally
uses Eqiddcm, whereas his correspondents
use Eqo quidem : cp. Caecina, Fam. vi.
7, 3 (532) ; Caelius viii. 5, 1 (210) ; 7, 1
(243); 10, 1 (226); C. Cassius xii. 13, 1
(901). The two exceptions are Caelius,
viii.17, 2 (408) ; Q. Cic. xvi. 16, 2(927).

quae praesertim . . .possunt] ' as they
certainly can he recovered without any
trouble.' The indicative in causal relative
sentences is a common construction in
ordinary conversational language. The
relative proportion in the Comic writers
of such causal indicatives to causal sub-
junctives is as eight to three, cp. Schmalz,
p. 23. A long list of such indicatives,
taken from the Comedies is given by
Holtze, ii. 125 £F.

ut nunc est] a colloquial expression
' as things go ' : cp. Hor. Sat. i. 9, 5 ;
Att. xiv. 16, 3 (721).

exemplar] cp. 861, 3. Cicero only
once uses the word in his letters, Att.
iv. 5, 1 (108).

Corduba] the modern Cordova. It
was the chief town of one of the four
eonventus into which Baetica was divided,
and was the residence of the governor, cp.

Marquardt, i. 256.

The first five sections of what appears
in the mss as Fam. xii. 25 were plainly
written shortly after the occurrence of
the events ^hich are related in § 1 ;
certainly long before §§ 6, 7 (891), which
were written after the death of the
consuls.

]. Liberalibus] March 17.

Cornijinus] Son of the Cornificius to
whom this letter is addressed. There is
no need to add tuus. Cicero often calls
his own son simply Cicero.

altero vicensimo] For this order with
et omitted cp. Att. v. 19, 1 (220) ; Fam.
XV. 4, 10 (238) ; Off. ii. 29 ; Liv. vii.
18, 1. Dr. Keid, on Senect. 13 (Crit.
Note), lays down the rule that ' in com-
pound numbers of this kind, M'hcn the
smaller number follows, Cicero usually
inserts et ; when the smaller number pre-
cedes he omits it, except when the smaller
number is ^mus ' : cp. note to 841, 1.

eo die . . . postero] As to the days on
which the Senate was not held cp. vol. iii.,
p. 298 ff.

Quinquatribus] March 19 to 23. It
was a festival in honour of Minerva.

DCCCXXV. [FAM. XII. 25, §§ 1-5).

invita Minerva : etenim eo ipso die senatus decrevit, ut Minerva
nostra, custos urbis, quam turbo deiecerat, restitueretur. Pansa
tuas litteras recitavit : magna senatus adprobatio consecuta est
cum summo meo gaudio et ofEensione Miuotauri, id est Calvisii et
Tauri ; factum de te senatus consultum honorificum. Postulabatur,
ut etiam illi notareutur ; sed Pansa clementior. 2. Ego, mi Cor-
nifici, quo die primum in spem libertatis ingressus sum et cunctan-
tibus ceteris a. d. xiii. K. Ian. fundamenta ieci rei publicae, eo
ipso die providi multum atque liabui rationem dignitatis tuae ; mihi
enim est adsensus senatus de obtinendis provinciis ; nee vero postea
destiti labefactare eum, qui summa cum tua iniuria contumeliaque
rei publicae provineiam absens obtinebat ; itaque crebras vel potius
cotidianas compellationes meas non tulit seque in urbem recepit
invitus ; neque solum spe, sed certa re iam et possessione detur-
batus est meo iustissimo bonestissimoque convicio. Te tuam

non invita Minerva] ' with the god-
dess herself propitiotis,' with an allusion
to the proverbial saying non invita Minerva
' with skill and success,' lit. ' not against
one's natural bent,' Off. i. 110 : cp. Fam.
iii. 1, 1 (181) ; Hor. A. P. 385, and Otto,
p. 225.

Minerva nostra'] This was the statue
of Minerva which Cicero set up in the
Capitol just before he went into exile :
cp. Legg. ii. 42 [Minervam), custoclem
urbis, violuri ab impiis passi non sumits,
eamqtie ex nostra domo in ipsius patris
domum (i.e. Capitolium) detulimiis.

custos urbis] Pio Domo 144, et te
ctisfos urbis Minerva, quae semper adintrix
consiliorum meorum, testis laborum exsti-
tisti.

cum summo meo gaudio] Some word
like meo or nostro must be added.

offensione Minofauri . . . Tauri]
' vexation of the Minotaur, that is of
Calvisius and Taurus.' T. Statilius
Taurus had been nominated a legate to
Calvisius on his appointment to the
governorship of Africa in place of Corni-
ticius. Taurus afterwards held the consul-
ship twice in 717 (37) ond 728 (26), he
governed Africa in 718 (36), Dalmatia in
720 (34), and Tarraconensis in 725 (29).
At the Battle of Actium he held command
of the land forces of Octavian. C. Calvisius
Sabinus was consul in 715 (39). Beyond
the suggestion contained in the name
Taurus we do not know what appropriate-
ness the nickname Minotaurus had for

these men. Perhaps they worked together,
and their action in the senate may have
been peculiarly aggressive. It is just
possible that id est, Calvisii et Tauri may
be a gloss, and that the nickname had
been given by Cornificius ; but it is
more probable that Cicero was explaining
a nick -name which had originated at
Eome.

senatus consultum] doubtless that con-
firming Cornificius in the government of
Africa.

notarentur] ' censured ' ; something
like ' named ' in modern parliamentary
language.

clementior] 'took a milder view.'

2. a. d. xiii. Kal. Ian.] December
20th the day on which Phil. iii. and iv.
were delivered

eo ipso die . , . tuae] ' On that very
day 1 looked far ahead and paid heed to
your dignity.'

eum qui . . . obtinebat] i. e. Calvisius,
who left his legates behind him at Utica
while he himself returned to Eome : cp.
note to 899, 7 ; also Phil. iii. 26.

compellationes] 'censures': cp. Phil,
iii. 17, nee sentit aniens (Antonius) com-
mendationem esse compellationem suam,

sed certa re et possessione] ' from the
actual holding and occupation of the
position he had been dislodged by my
most righteous and honourable invective.'
The metaphor is a military one : cp.
Caes. B.C. iii. 67, 4. For spcs opp. to
res cp. Orat. 107.

nCCCXXV. [FAM. XII. 35, §§ 1-5).

dignitatem siinima tua viitute teuuisBO pvoviuciaeque lionoribus
amplissiuiis ad tectum vehemeuter gaudeo.

3. Quod te milii de Semprouio purgas, accipio excusatiouem ;
fuit enirn illud [cjuoddam graecum] tenipus servitutis. Ego, tuo-
rum cousiliorum auctor dignitatisque fautor, iratus temporibus iu
Graeciam desj)erata libertate rapiebar, cum me etesiae quasi boui
oives relinqucntem rem publicam prosequi noluerunt, austerque
adversus maximo flatu me ad tribules tuos Regium rettulit, atque
inde ventis remis in patriam omni festinatione properavi postri-
dieque in summa reliquorum servitute liber unus fui. 4. Sic sum
in Autonium invectus, ut ille non ferret omnemque suum vinulen-
tum furorem in me unum effuuJeret meque turn elicere vellet ad
caedis causam, turn temptaret insidiis ; quem ego ructautem et
nauseantem couieci iu Caesaris Octaviani plagas ; puer enim

adfectitm'] ' presented with the highest
honours from the province,' probably the
iiiunicipal towns passed votes of congra-
tulation. For adfectum cp. Plant. Amph.
i. 1, 38, praedad ay rod aduriad qui adfecit
populares s/tos : 842, 2.

3. Sempyoiiio'] We do not feel sure what
is the allusion here. Perhaps the decree
of the Senate which gave the government
of Africa to Calvisius may have been
moved by Sempronius Rufus — whom we
have met with previously in Fam'. viii. 8,
1 (223) ; Att. vi. 2, 10 (256). Cornificius
may have blamed Cicero for having
been a witness to that decree, and
after Ciceio had pointed out that he
was not in Rome at the time, Corni-
ficius may have written a letter of
apology, cp. 831, 2. Or Cornificius may
have acted unwisely and against Cicero's
advice in a matter relating to Sempronius,
cp. 813, 4, and acknowledged his error in
a letter of apology. But the whole
matter is very uncertain.

fuit enim illud \_quoddam graecuni]
teiiipus servitiitis'j We venture to bracket
quoddam graecum of the mss, and con-
sider that the old coiTection caecum, is an
enoneous one, even though the archetype
was written in uncials, and the expres-
sion ' the dark night of slavery ' is a
fine one: cp. caeca nox, Lucr. i. 115.
Cicero would probably have said caecum
quoddam, if he used quoddam at all in
this connection. Rather quoddam grae-
cum is a note of a copyist who could
not read some Greek word or words in

the original. Perhaps the word was an
adjective agreeing with tempus such as
vfl\fes ; but it is more probable that what
Cicero wa-ote was, as Cobet (Mnem. viii.
1880, p. 192) suggests, fuit enim illud
5ov\iou -^/j-ap over which was written a
gloss tempus servitutis which crept into
the text. Cicero may have been thinking
of Homer, Odyss. xvii. 322 : —

rjniicn; yap t dpeTrjs aTroaiKurai eiipvona Zeus
avipoi, €vt' av fill/ Kara SoiiAioi' fiij,ap e\ip(riv.

Georges suggests quoddam ingratum tem-
pus ; Orelli, quoddam tetrum tempus —
neither of which is very probable.

ventis remis'] cp. for similar phrases
expressing the utmost haste, Tusc. iii. 25,
velis, ut ita dicam, remisque; Plant. Asin.
i. 3, 5, remigio veloque ; Phil. i. 9, Catull.
iv. 4, OvidTrist. i. 10, 3: cp. Cic. Off.
iii. 116, viris equisciue. There is some
])robability in the view of Ruhnken and
Baiter, that omni festinatione is a gloss.
For the events cp. ^Vtt. xvi. 7, 1 (783).

postridie'] Cicero reached Rome on
August 31. On Seiitember 2 he delivered
the First Philippic. He did not attend
the senate on September 1.

4. ad caedis causam'] 'to have me
murdered,' lit. 'for the purpose of
murder.' For the statement cp. 790, 2.

ructantem et nauseantem] 'belching
and spewing.'

Caesaris Octaviani plagas] Octavian
had been conciliating the veterans in Cam-
pania and had levied a considerable force
at his own expense to withstand Antony.

DCCCXXVL {FAM. X. 6).

egregius praesidium sibi primum nobis, deiiide summae rei pub-
licae comparavit ; qui nisi fuisset, Antouii reditus a Brundisio
pestis patriae fuisset. Uuae deinceps acta sint, scire te arbitror.
5. Sed redeamus illuc, unde devertimus : accipio excusationem
tuam de Sempronio ; neque enim statuti quid in tanta pertur-
batione habere potuisti.

Nunc hie dies aliam vitam defert, alios mores postulat,

ut ait Terentius. Q,uam ob rem, mi Uuinte, consceude nobiscum,
et quidem ad puppim : una navis est iam bonorum omnium, quam
quidem nos damns operam ut rectam teneamus. Utinam prospero
cursu ! Sed quicumque venti erunt, ars nostra certe non aberit :
quid enim praestare aliud virtus potest ? Tu fac ut magno animo
sis et excelso cogitesque omnem dignitatem tuam cum re publica
coniunctam esse debere.

DCCCXXVI. CICEEO TO PLANCUS (Fam. x. e).

HOME ; MAKCH 20 (eVENIKg) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

L. Planciis litteris ad senatum missis auctor pacis cum M.Antonio i'aciendae f uerat,
quern M. Cicero his litteris ab illis partibus avocare studet.

CICERO PLANCO.

1. Quae locutus est Furuius noster de animo tuo in rem publi-
cam, ea gratissima fuerunt senatui, popido Romano probatissima ;

When Antony returned from Brundisium
in October, Octavian had a sufficient force
to over-awe him : cp. Phil. iii. 3, 10 ;
iv. 2-6.

5. statuti quid'] 'any well-established
plan.'

Terentius'] sc. Andr. i. 2, 18 (iamb,
tetram.). The mss of Ter. give adfo/t.
Cic. probably misquotes ; but even so, we
must not alter the m^s reading in Cicero.

Una navis] The ' ship of slate ' is one
of the commonest metaphors in all lan-
guages: cp. L. S. s. V. gubernarc; -3i]sch.
Theb. 2. For rectam cp. Q. Fr. i. 2, 13
(53), and note there ; Otto (p. 86) quotes
Aristides, Rhod., p. 802, 'AAA', 5 YloTei^av,
iadi, (in opdau tolv vavv KaraSvcnc ; Ennius

(p. 70, Vahlen) Duni clavum rectum tcneam
navemque gubernem: Quintil. ii. 17, 24,
dieetque notum illud ' Bum clavum rectum
teneam.''

In 827 Lepidus is rebuked for a letter
of similar import to that of Plancus which
is here censured. The fact that no men-
tion is made here or in 827 of the capture
of C. Antonius^news of which had just
reached Eome (842, 2, note)— is due,
Huete (p. 78) thinks, to the fact that the
news M'ould not be wholly agreeable to
the Caesarians, Lepidus, and Plancus.
In Pliil. xiii. mention is made of the
letter of Lepidus, but no mention of

76 LCCLXXVI. FA2I. X. 6),

quae autera recitatae litterae sunt in senatu, nequaquam consentire
cum Fumii oratione visae sunt : pacis enim auctor eras, cum c-ollf ga
tails, vir clarissiraus, a foedissimis latronibus obsideretur, qui aut
positis armis pacem petere debent aut, si pugnantes earn postulant,
victoiia pax, non paetione parienda est. Sed de pace litter? e vel
Lepidi vel tuae quam in partem acceptae sint, ex viro optimo,
fratre tno, et ex C. Fumio poteris cognoscere. 2. Me autem
impulit tni caritas ut, quamquam nee tibi ipsi consilium deesset et
fratris Fumiique benevolentia fidelisque pmlentia tibi praesto
esset futura, vellem tamen meae quoque aucloritatis pro plurimis
nostris necessitudinibus praeceptum ad te aliquod pervenire.
Crede igitur mihi, Plance, omnes, quos adhuc gradus dignitatis
consecutus sis — es autem adeptus amplissimos — eos honorum
vocabula habituros, non dignitatis insignia, nisi te cum libertate
populi Komani et cum sen at us auetoritate coniunxeris. Seiunge
te, quaeso, aliquando ab iis, cum qnibus te non tuum iudicium,
i^ed temporum xincla coniunxenint. 3. Complures in perturbatione
rei publicae cousulares dicti, quorum nemo consularis habitus
nisi qui animo exstitit in rem public-am consularis. Talem igitur
te esse oportet, qui primum te ab impiorum civium tui dissimilli-

that of Plane-US ; perhaps the letter of tellem tamen'] ' I should wish that some

Plancus had not reached Cicero, or more admonition of mine might reach you such

probably he had not read it till after the as my influence, in virtue of the many

meeting. Streng 'p. 99^ thinks that bonds of connexion between us, can offer.'

Cicero did speak of Plancus in that ora- eo^'j resumptive after a parenthesis :

tion: but after the receipt of S33 which cp. Mil. 95: Fam. v. 12, 3 (109) ; Livy

expressed loyal sentiments, and before i. 19, 1.

publishing Phil, xiii., he cut out all the honorum rocabula non dignitatis in-

disparaging references to Plancus. iigma] ' mere titles of office, not the

1. Furniui] He was tiib. pi. in 703, honours of true worth.'

794 (51, 50;, see note to Fam. viii. 10, 3 ««>i te . . . coniunxeris'] 'unless vou

(-2-26); Att. V. 18, 3 (218;; ix. 6a, 1 identify yourself with.'

(357... Now he was lieutenant to Plancus. iis] most probably Lepidus is meant.

Cicero wrote two letters to him (886, 907). Cicero was doubtful as to his lovalty:

eolUga iuus] Plancus and D. Brutus cp. Phil. TJii. 13—15.

had b^n appointed by Caesar to hold the 3. quortim'] sc. Calenus, Piso, and

consulship in 712 [42^. others : cp. Phil. viii. 20, quam keitemu*

positis . . . parienda est] The great dies nobis, consularibus dieo, turpis iUuxit.

niunber of p's in this sentence is probably eonsul<iri$] There is no reason t > alter

accidental ; but it is strange that Cicero's to consulari, as Lehmann (p. 83) has

well-trained ear did not notice the un- pointed out, comparing Pis. 23, animo

pleasant effect which they produce. eonsulem esse oportet. Siipfle adds Phil.

fratre tuo\ Gnaeus Plancus : cp. Att. vii. 5, et quidem dieuntur tel potius se

xvi. 16 A, B, E (767, 777, 780). ipsi dieent eonsulares ; quo nomine digntu

2. deesset] The subjunctive after est nemo nisi qui tanti honoris nomen potest
quamquam is rare in Cicero : cp. Boby, sustinere — a passage which, owing to the
1697. It is found in Fin. iii. 70. use of the present est, urged Gitlbauer to

Jidelisque prudentia] ' honest advice.' read habetur for habitus.

DCCCXXVII. [FA 21. X. 27).

morum societate seiuugas, delude te seuatui bonisque omnibus
auctorem, principem, ducem praebeas, postremo ut pacem esse
iudices non in armis positis, sed in abiecto armorum et servitutis
metu. Haec si et ages et senties, turn eris non modo consul et
consularis, sed magnus etiam consul et eonsularis : sin aliter, turn
in istis amplissimis nomiuibus honorum non modo dignitas nulla
erit, sed erit summa deformitas. Haec impulsus benevolentia
scrips! paulo severius, quae tu in experiendo ea ratione, quae te
digna est, vera esse cognosces, d. xiii. Kal. Apr.

DCCCXXYII. OICEEO TO LEPIDUS (Fam. x. 27).

ROME ; MARCH 20 (eVENING) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero M. Lepidum obiuigafc, quod summis honoribus ornatus a senatu giatias
non egerit, et ne pacem cum Antonio inire velit hortatur.

CICERO LEPIDO SAL.

1. Quod mihi pro summa erga te benevolentia magnae curae
est, ut quam amplissima dignitate sis, moleste tuli te senatui
gratias non egisse, cum esses ab eo ordine oruatus summis honori-
bus. Pacis inter civis conciliandae te cupidum esse laetor : eam
si a servitute seiungis, consules et rei publicae et dignitati tuae ;
sin ista pax perditum hominem in possessionem impotentissimi
dominatus restitutura est, hoc animo scito omnes sanos, ut mortem

auctorem . . . duce)n'\ 'a moving in-
fluence, a cMef actor, a leader.' Note the
climax.

ut'] Xote the slight change of con-
struction from that of the relative.

gin aliter, tuin'\ So H Pal ; but M
has tu, which Gitlbauer (p. 80) retains,
putting the comma after tu, and under-
standing a^es or senties.

deformitas'] 'vilenei^s.'

in experiendo . . . est] ' if you put
them to the test in the only way that is
worthy of yourself ' (Jeans). Gitlbauer
thinks we should omit in and alter to eam
rationem. He supposes the omission of
the stroke in ratione led to the other
corruptions. Kleyn has inita ratione,
'if you reflect in a manner worthy of

yourself,' lit. 'if you enter on a course of
reasoning.'

1. pro summa . . benevolentia] ' in
virtue of a strong regard towards you.'
There is no necessity at all to add mea.

Itono'ibiis] A supp/icutio had been voted
to Lepidus in November (Phil. iii. 23),
and a gilded statue and a triumph on
January 1st (Phil. v. 41 ; xiii. 9).

seiungis] Wesenberg reads with some
old edd. seiunges.

itnpotentissimi] ' most ungovernable
tyranny.'

hoc animo] sc. esse. There is no need
to add esse in the text. The ellipse is
frequent after verbs, ' sentiendi et de-
clarandi ': cp. Heideraann, pp. 3o ff", who

78 DCCCXXVIIL {FAM. XII. 28).

servituti anteponant. 2. Itaque sapientius meo quidem iudicio
faoies, si te iii istam pacifieationem non interpoues, quae neque
senatui neque populo nee cuiquam bono probatur. Sed haeo
audies ex aliis aut certior fies litteris : tu pro tua prudentia, quid
optimum factu sit, videbis.

DCCCXXVIII. CICERO TO CORNIFICIUS (Fam. xii. 28).

ROME; LATTER PART OF MARCH ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero niniiam Cornificii clementiatn improbat : laudat eius in rem publicam
stucUum : addit de pecunia et de re publica.

CICERO CORNIFICIO SAL.

1 . Adsentior tibi eos, quos scribis Lilybaeo miuari, istic poeuas
dare debuisse, sed metuisti, ut ais, ne nimis liber in ulciscendo
viderere ; metuisti igitur, ne gravis civis, ne nimis fortis, ne nimis
te dignus viderere. 2. Quod societatem rei publicae conservandae
tibi mecum a patre acceptam renovas, gratum est, quae societas
inter nos semper, mi Cornifici, manebit ; gratum etiam illud, quod
milii tuo nomine gratias agendas non putas ; nee enim id inter nos
facere debemus. Senatus saepius pro dignitate tua appellaretur,

quotes (p. 38) Fam. iii. 11, 5 (265), where 1. Lilybaeo] It would appear that
esse is omitted after meum ; vii. 32, 2 certain mercenaries of Antony had started
(229), where it is omitted after liherum. from Africa and attempted to seize Lily-
Watson compares Att. xi. 6, 1 (418), if? «i baeum ; that Cornificius had captured
%ta putarem. them ; but had dismissed them without

2. te interpones'\ 'mix yourself up inflicting anj' puuishment. Cicero is of

with': cp. Q. Fr. iii. 4, 5 (152) ; Phil. opinion that 'this too much lenity and

ii. 9. harmful pity should be laid aside.'

metuisti . . . viderere'] ' you were

This letter was written after the depar- afraid, therefore, lest you should seem a

ture of Pansa (March 20), cp. § 2 ; and staunch patriot, should seem too cou-

before the news of the Battle of Forum rageous, too worthy of yourself.'

Gallorum reached Home ; for if the news 2. Qiwd . . . est] ' I am pleased that

of that victory had amved, Cicero would you renew our partnership in preserving

not have expressed himself with so little the state — a partnership devolving on you

emotion as he does in the last words of from your father.' Tibi is governed by

this letter. Indeed Cicero seems in no acceptam, and is used instead of « te in

excitement at all about the result of the order to avoid ambiguity,

campaign in North Italy ; so we may gratum etiam . . . debemus] cp. D.

place this letter at a time before events in Brutus, 869, 1.

that region became critical, i.e. about the appellaretur] ' would have been ad-
end of March. dressed.'

DCCCXXVIII. {FAM. XII. 28).

si absentibus consulibus umquam nisi ad rem novam cogeretur.
Itaque nee de H>S. XX. nee de HS. DOC. quiequam agi nune per
senatum potest ; tibi autem ex senatus consulto imperandum
mutuumve sumendnm censeo. 3. In re publica quid agatur, credo
te ex eorum litteris cognoscere, qui ad te acta debent perscribere.
Ego sum spe bona ; consilio, cura, labore non desum ; omnibus
inimicis rei publicae esse me acerrimum liostem prae me fero. Res
neque nunc difficili loco mihi videsur esse et fuisset facillimo, si
culpa a quibusdam afuisset. "^

si . . . cogeretur^ ' if during the ab-
sence of the consuls, it were ever
summoned except to consult on some
pressing matter.' The senate was seldom
called together during the absence of the
consuls in the later times of the republic.
In earlier times, when the consuls were
absent with the army during the greater
part of the year, this rule was of course
not very strictly observed ; though even
then, in cases where delay was at all
possible, the deliberations were postponed
until the consuls returned, e. g. the con-
clusion of peace with Carthage, Liv. xxx.
23, 2: cp. Mommsen, St. R. iii. 911,
note 4. The praetor urhanus summoned
the senate when the consuls were absent :
cp. 838, 3.

de HS. XX nee de HS. DCC'] ' Your
requests for grants of 20,000 sesterces
and 700,000 cannot now be discussed in
the senate.' These were probably two
different grants for different purposes
which Cornificius required. Mendelssohn

reads | XX | =2,000,000, perhaps rightly.

tibi autem . . . censeo] ' I think that
in accordance with the decree of the
senate you ought to make requisitions for
this or raise a loan.' The senatus consul-
turn is probably the annual one which
was passed de ornandis provinciis eonsti-
larihus: cp. Willems Le Senat, ii. 616,
755 : cp. for similar powers granted to
M. Brutus at the same time as the grant
of the province, Phil. x. 26 and Mommsen
St. E. iii. 1099.

3. acta] ' the public proceedings.'
Cornificius had commissioned some friends,
as Cicero had commissioned Caelius in
703 (51), to write to him an account of
the principal public events which took
place at Rome: cp. 813, 1.

si culpa . . . afuisset] ' if some people
had not been blameworthy.' Cicero is pro-
bably thinking of the consulars Calenus,
Piso, Servilius, and others : cp. 826, 3 ;
839, 3.

80 DCCCXXIX. [FA 31. XII. 26).

DCCCXXIX. CICERO TO COENIFICIUS (Fam. xii. 26).

ROME ; SPRING ; A. U. C. 711 ; 15. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.
M. Cicero Q. Cornificio heredes Q. Turii de bonis in Africa relictis commendat.
CICERO CORNIFICIO SAL.

1. Q. Turius, qui in Africa negotiatus est, vir bonus et honestus,
lieredes fecit similes sui, Cn. Saturninum, Sex. Aufidium, C.
Anneum, Q. Cousidium Grallum, L. Servilium Postumum, C. Eu-
bellium : ex eorum oratione intellexi gratiarum actioue eos magis
egere quam commendatione ; tanta enim liberalitate se tua usos
praedicabant, ut iis plus a te tributum intellegerem, quam ego te
auderem rogare ; audebo tamen ; scio enim, quantum ponderis raea
commendatio sit habitura. 2. Qua re a te peto, ut ad eam liberali-
tatem, qua sine meis litteris usus es, quam maximus liis litteris
cumulus accedat : caput autem est meae commendationis, ne
patiare Erotem Turium, Q. Turii libertum, ut ad hue fecit, here-
ditatem Tiu'ianam avertere ceterisque omnibus rebus habeas eos a
me commendatissimos. Magnam ex eorum splendore et obser-
vantia capies voluptatem : quod ut velis, te vehementer etiam
atque etiam rogo.

It is quite impossible to fix at what 2. Qua re a te . . . aceedat\ ' Wherefore

exact time in the spring these letters of I beg of you that the generosity, which

introduction (829, 830) were sent ; nor is you have shown even without any letter

it of much consequence. from me, may be increased as far as

1. Q. Ttirim'] We do not know any- possible by this letter.'

thing special about any of the men Erotem Ti/rium] For the names of

mentioned in this letter. freedmen cp. note to Fam. xiii. 21, 2

negotiatus est'\ 'has banking business,' (576).

i.e. is a negotiator. avertere'] ' to appropriate,' common in

similes s«a] i.e. they also are negotia- the Verrines, e.g. 2 Yerr. i. 11.

tores. splendore] cp. 830, note.

gratiarum actione] ' expression of observantia] ' the respect they will

thanks.' show you.'

DCCCXXXI. {FAM. XII. 29).

DCCCXXX. CICERO TO CORNIFICIUS (Fam. xii. 27).
ROME; spring; a. u. c. 711 ; b. c. 43; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero Q. Cornificio Sex. Aufidii equitis Romani Africana negotia commendat.

CICERO CORNIFICIO SAL.

Sex. Aufidius et observantia, qua me colit, accedit ad proximos,
et splendore equiti Romano nemiui cedit ; est autem ita temperatis
moderatisque moribus, ut summa severitas summa cum humanitate
iungatur : cuius tibi negotia, quae sunt in Africa, ita commendo,
ut maiore studio magisve ex animo commendare non possim.
Pergratum milii feceris, si dederis operam, ut is intellegat meas
apud te litteras maximum pondus habuisse : hoc te vehementer,
mi Cornifici, rogo.

DCCCXXXI. CICERO TO CORNIFICIUS (Fam. xii.

ROME; spring; a. u. c. 711 ; b. c. 43 ; aet. cic. 63.

M. Cicero Q. Cornificio negotia L. Lamiae eius, qui dim, quod libera et fortiter
salutem M. Ciceronis defenderat, ab A. Gabinio consule erat relegatus, summo opere
commendat, eumque, quod suspectus fuerat Cornificio, excusat.

CICERO CORNIFICIO SAL.

1. Non modo tibi, cui nostra omnia notissima sunt, sed neminem
in populo Romano arbitror esse, cui sit ignota ea familiaritas, quae
mihi cum L. Lamia est ; etenim magno tlieatro spectata est tum,

Sex. Aufidius] Hu M'as one of the heirs
ofTurius: cp. 829, 1.

accedit ad proximos'] ' comes near to
my closest friends.'

splendore] cp. Veil. ii. 88, 2, C.
Maecenas equestri sed splendido genere na-
ttis. The distinction between the different
classes of knights is not a very definitely
marked one under the republic ; under
the empire those knights wlio possessed
the senatorial census, but remained within
the equestrian rank from choice (as Mae-
cenas did), and who held high imperial

oflices, were considered somewhat supe-
rior [equites illicstres, j^riinores, splendidi)
to the ordinary knights.

est autem ita temperatis] ' His charac-
ter is so happily blended and ordered that
the greatest strictness is united with the
gi'eatest kindliness.'

This letter was probably written before
the news of the Battle of Forum Gallo-
rum reached Eome.

1. L. Lamia] cp. note to 888, 2.

magno theatro] 'on a large stage.'

82 DCCCXXXI. [FAM. XI L S9).

cum est ab A. Gabinio consule relegatns, quod libere et fortiter
salutem meam defendisset ; nee ex eo amor inter nos natus est,
sed, quod erat vetus et magnus, propterea nullum periculum pro
me adire dubitavit. Ad baec officia vel merita potius iucuudissima
consuetude accedit, ut nullo prorsus plus homine delect er. Non
puto te iam exspectare, quibus eura tibi verbis commendem :
causa enira tauti amoris intellegis quae verba desideret ; iis me
omnibus usum putato. 2. Tantum velim existimes, si negotia
Lamiae, procuratores, libertos, farailiam quibuscumque rebus opus
erit defenderis, gratius mihi futurum, quam si ea tua liberalitas
pertinuisset ad rem familiarem meam, nee dubito quin sine mea
commendatione, quod tuum est indicium de hominibus, i})sius
Lamiae causa studiose omnia facturus sis : quamquam erat nobis
dictum te existimare alicui senatus consulto, quod contra dignita-
tem tuam fieret, scribendo Lamiam adfuisse, qui omnino consuli-
bus illis numquam fuit ad scribendum ; delude omnia turn falsa
senatus consulta deferebantur ; nisi forte etiam illi Semproniano
senatus consulto me censes adfuisse, qui ne Roniae quidem f ui, ut
turn de eo ad te scripsi, re recenti. Sed liaec hactenus. 3. Te,
mi Cornifici, etiam atque etiam rogo, ut omnia Lamiae negotia

Ad haec officia vel meritn'\ 'To these during the last two centuries of the

kind services or rather most pleasant Republic, and during the Empire, did

obligations conferred on me.' A man not become valid until it was deposited

seldom feels pleasure at being put under in the aerarium under the charge of the

an obligation, except by one towards quaestors : cp. Liv. xxxix. 4, 8, Tac.

whom he feels a strong attachment ; hence Ann. iii. 51, Josephus, Antiq. xiv. 10,

the addition of iuo/tidissima. 10. For forgery of decrees of the senate

causa eiiim'] 'You understand the cp. Att. xv. 26, 1 (763); Phil. v. 12,

words demanded by a connexion so affec- xii. 12.

tioiiate as this.' For this sense of causa Seinproniaiw'] This was probably the

cp. Pro Quint. 48, qincum tibi affinitas, decree of the senate proposed by Sem-

societas, omnes denique causae et necessi- pronius, which transferred the command

tudi»es veteres intercedebant : Fam. xiii. of Africa from Cornificius to Calvisius :

19, 1 (514), cum Lysone est mihi quidem cp. 825, 3. It is very unusual to call a

hospitium vetus . . . sed ea causa etiam senatus-consultum after the proposer, at

cum aliis compluribus, familiaritas tunta least before the time of Augustus : cp.

nullo cum hospite. Willems Le Seuat, ii. 216; the regular

2. scribendo adfuisse'] This is the usual official manner of citation appears to have

expres«on for witnessing a decree of the been by year: cp. Att. xiii. 33, 3 (616),

senate: cp. Fam. viii. 8, 5, 6 (223); but and Mommsen, St. E. iii. 997, note 2,

ad scribtjidum is aXso iowv^d. : cp. ix. 15,4 and 1012; the decrees of each year ap-

{iSV, ponor ad scribe)idu»i. pear to have been bound up in separate

coitsidibus mis'] ' during the consul- volumes. Accordingly we have to sup-
ship,' i.e. Antony and Dolabella. pose that the term hei-e is used in a

d''ferebantur] sc. ad aerarium. Cicero colloquial, not in a technical, sense, as we

often omits the latter word, e.g. Phil. might speak of Mr. Balfour's Bill instead

xii. 12; xiii. 19. A decree o the senate of 58 Vict.

DCCCXXXII. {FAilL X. 7).

mea putes esse curesque, ut intellegat haue commendatiouem
maximo sibi usui fuisse : hoc njilii gratius facere nihil potes.
Cura, ut valeas.

DCCCXXXII. PLANCUS TO CICERO (Fam. x. 7).

GALLIA COMATA ; MARCH 23 (aBOUt) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B, C. 43 ; AET.

CIC. 63.

L. Plancus causam brevitatis litterarum et studii in rem publicam sui seiius
patefacti indicat suamque dignititem M. Ciceroni commendat.

PLANCUS CICERONI.

1. Plura tibi de meis consiliis scriberem rationemque omnium
rerum redderem verbosius, quo magis iudicares omnia me rei
publicae praestitisse, quae et tua exhortations excepi et mea adfir-
matioue tibi recepi — non minus enim a te probari quam diligi
semper volui, uec te magis in culpa defensorem mihi paravi, quam
praedicatorem raeritorum meorum esse volui — ; sed breviorem me
duae res faciunt : una, quod publicis litteris omnia sum persecutus,
altera, quodM. Varisidium, equitem Eomanum, familiarem meum,
ipsum ad te transire iussi, ex quo omnia cognoscere posses.
2. Non medius fidius mediocri dolore adficiebar, cum alii occupare
possessionem laudis viderentur, sed usque mihi temperavi, dum
perducerem eo rem, ut dignum aliquid et consulatu meo et vestra
exspeetatione effieerem ; quod spero, si me fortuna non fefellerit,
me consecuturum, ut maximo praesidio rei publicae nos fuisse
et nunc sentiant homines et in posterum memoria teneant. A
te peto, ut dignitati meae suffrageris et, quarum rerum spe ad
laudem me vocasti, harum fructu in reliquum facias alacriorem.

This is a private letter to Cicero sent-
by the same messenger as the official
letter (833).

1. verbosiKs'] ' at greater length.' "We
do not know of any other passage in
which this word is used in a neutral
sense. It elsewhere means ' wordy,'
'prolix.'

quae et. . . . recepi'] ' which I took

up at your advice, and on my own word,
pledged to you, undertook to perform.'

defensorem . . .praedicatorem'] Trans-
late 'to defend' . . . 'to proclaim.'

stem persecutus] 'I have treated of:
op. Sen. 16.

e.v quo . . . posses] ' so that from him
you may learn everything.'

2. et quarum rerum . . . alacriorem
G2

84 DCCCXXXIIL {FAM. X. 8).

Non minus posse te quam velle exploratum mihi est. Fac valeas
raeque mutuo diligas.

DCCCXXXIII. PLANCUS TO THE MAGISTRATE^,
SENATE, AND PEOPLE (Fam. x. s).

GAT.LIA COMATA; MARCH 23 (aBOUt) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ;
AET. CIC. C3.

L. Plancus publicis his litteris lationem reddit, quam ob rem sero se libertatis
defensorem protiteatur, dein de exercitu et provinciae statu exponit.

PLANCUS IMP. COS. DESia. S. D. COSS. PR. TR. PL. SENATUI
POPULO PLEBiaUE ROMANAE.

1. Si cui forte videor diutius et hominum exspeetationem et
spem rei publicae de mea voluntate tenuisse suspensam, huic prius
excusaudum me esse arLitror quam de iiisequenti officio quidquam
ulli pollicendum ; non enim praeteritam culpam videri volo rede-
misse, sed optimae mentis cogitata iani pridem mature tempore
enuntiare. 2. Non me praeteribat in tauta soUicitudine hominum

' and that by my obtaining the fruition of had been won before this time. The title

those things which you held out in hope is also found in Inscriptions which relate

when you summoned me to the path of to Plancus, C. I. L. vi. 1316; x. 6087.
glory, you may make me more energetic populo plebiuue romanae] This ad-

for the futui-e.' This is an admonition dition is not very usual ; but there are two

to Cicero, that he should use his best other examples of it in the Correspon-

endeavoiir to procure honours for Plan- dence, 882 (Lentulus) ; 88.5 (Lepidus) ;

cus. cp. its use in solemn formulae (Muren. 1 :

meqite mutuo diligas] 'love me as I Verr. v. 36; Liv. xxix. 27, 2). It points

love you.' This is the conclusion which to the time when the patricians alone

Plancus affects : cp. 808, 848, 860. were the populus (cp. Halm on Muren. 1;

WeissenbornonLivyxxv. 12,10). Momm-

A letter took fifteen days to come from sen (St. E. iii. 6, note 4) says that, just

Cularo (Grenoble) to Eome, a distance as it was all the same whether a letter

of about 6.50 Roman miles : cp. 860, 3, was addressed to the populus or to the

with 884, 3. Plancus was some distance consuls and praetors, so it was indifferent

north of Cularo, across the Rhone, so whether the j!>?eis or their officers, the

that we cannot allow a shorter period for tribunes, were the addressees. Official

this official letter to reach the capital. It letters were generally addressed to the

arrived on April 7 (838, 2), so it cannot magistrates (consuls, praetors, and tri-

have been despatched later than Mar. 23. bunes) and senate, e.g. Fam. xv. 1 (221),

IMP.] We do not know for certain for 2 (219).
what exploits Plancus obtained the title 1. huic . . , enuntiare'] 'I think that I

of Imperator : possibly his victory over must first make my excuses to him before

the Raeti, for which he triumphed on I make any promises to anyone about my

December 29 (cp. C. I. L. I', p. 179), services for the future. For I do not

DCCCXXXIIL {FAM. X 8)

et tarn perturbato statu civitatis friictuosissimam esse professionem
bonae voluntatis, magnosque honores ex ea re complures consecutos
videbam ; sed, cum in eum easum me fortuna demisisset, ut aut
celeriter pollieendo magna mihi ipse ad proficiendum impedimenta
opponerem aut, si in eo mihi temperavissem, maiores occasione?
ad opitulandum haberem, expeditius iter communis salutis quam
meae laudis esse volui. Nam quis in ea fortuna, quae mea est, et
ab ea vita, quam in me cognitam hominibus arbitror, et cum ea
spe, quam in manibus habeo, aut sordidum quidquam pati aut
perniciosum concupiscere potest ? 3. Sed aliquantum nobis tem-
poris et magni labores et multae impensae opus fuerunt, ut, quae
rei publicae bonisque omnibus polliceremur, exitu praestaremus
neque ad auxilium patriae nudi cum bona voluntate, sed cum
facultatibus accederemus. Confirmandus erat exercitus nobis,
magnis saepe praemiis sollicitatus, ut ab re publica potius mode-
rata quam ab uno inflnita speraret ; confirmandae conplures
civitates, quae superiore anno largitionibus concessionibusque prae-
miorum erant obligatae, ut et ilia vana putarent et eadem a
melioribus auctoribus petenda existimarent ; eliciendae etiam
voluntates reliquorum, qui fiuitimis provinciis exercitibusque
praefuerunt, ut potius cum pluribus societatem def'endendae liber-

wish to seem to have made an atonement
for a past fault, but now, in the fulness
of time, to be stating what a loyal mind
has been long pondering.'

2. complures] Watson mentions Lepi-
dus, Octaviau, Egnatuleius (Phil. v. 41,
46, 52).

demisisset] cp. Fam. ix. 1, 4 (456).

nd proficiendum impedimenta] * hind-
rances to doing any service ' : cp. for ad
after impedimentum, Eosc. xVm. 149; Caes.
B. G. ii. 25, 1 ; B. C. i. 62, 2.

expeditius] ' I wished that there should
be less obstacles in the way of the safety
of the state than in the path of my re-
nown.'

ab ea vHa] 'after that life which I
think is known to men in my case.' For
ab, ' after,' cp. Fam. viii. 4, 1 (206), and
note. It is very common in Livy, cp.
Roby, § 1807. For in = ' in the case of,'
cp.Phil. xiv. 9, quae in Parmensium liberis
el coniugibus effecerit ; Verg. Aeu. ii. 541,
Talis in hoste fuit Priamo, quoted by
Roby, § 1978.

spe] That of the consulship, which
Plancus was to hold next year.

sordidum] * disgrace ' (from connexion
with Antony) ; perniciosum, ' dangerous,'
to the state.

3. opus fuerunt] For this personal use
of opus esse, cp. De Invent, ii. 57 ; Fam.
ii. 6, 4 (177) ; Plant. Capt. i. 2, 56,
marilumi milites opus sunt tibi.

exitu praestaremus] ' eventually fulfil.'

nudi . . .facultatibus] 'not naked of
means, however loyal in heart, hut with
resources ' (Jeans) ; ' not in the nakedness
of mere loyalty, but with resources.'

sollicitatus] by Antony, who is also
referred to in uno.

concessionibusque pracmiornm] ' by
grants of privileges ': cp. Phil. ii. 92, 97;
iii. 30; Att. xiv. 12, 1 (715).

a melioribus auctoribus] ' by more le-
gitimate donors.'

praefueriuit] We should not follow
Manutius, Wesenberg, and Rhodius, in
altering to praesunt. The remarks of
Plancus all apply to the past : he is thinking

86 DCCCXXXIII. {FA3L X. 8).

tatis iniremus, qiiam cum i)aucioribus funestam orbi terrarum
victoriam partircmiir. 4. Mimiendi vero nosniet ipsi fuimus
auoto exercitu auxiliisque multiplicatis, ut, cum praeferremus
sensus aperte, tum etiam invitis quibusdam sciri, quid defeusuri
essemus, uon esset periculosum. Ita nuniquam difBtebor multa
me, ut ad effectum horum consiliorum pervenirera, et simulasse
invitum et dissimulasse cum dolore, quod, praematura denuutiatio
boni civis imparati quani periculosa esset, ex casu coUegae vide-
bam. 5. Quo nomiue etiam C. Furnio legato, viro forti atque
strenuo, plura etiam verbo quam scriptura maudata dedimus, ut et
tectius ad vos perferrentur et nos essemus tutiores, quibusque
rebus et commuuem salutem muniri et uos armari conveniret
praecepimus. Ex quo iutellegi potest curam rei publicae summae
defeudundae iam pridem apud nos excubare. 6. Nunc, cum deum
benignitate ab omul re sumus paratiores, uon solum bene sperare
de nobis homines, sed explorate iudicare volumus : legiones habeo

of those who urre the governors of the
provinces at the time he soiuided their in-
tentions, without in the least considering
whether the same or different men are
now holding the provinces.

ut potuis . . . partiremur'^ ' that we
should become partners with the majority
in the defence of freedom, rather than
share with the minority in a victory
which would destmj' the world.' Plancus
means that his efforts were directed to
seciiring such an overwhelming force in
defence of the republic, t)iat its opponents
would not dare to fight, and in that way
peace would be secured without a struggle.
He preferred this course to tliroM'ing in
his lot with the Antonians, who could at
best onlj' gain victor}' after such a severe
contest that the state would be thereby
ruined.

4. praeferremns] ' declared,' ' publicly
expressed.' English idiom also, as well as
Latin, would use the past tense in this
case, even though it refers to the future.
Yov praeferre in this sense cp. Hose. Am.
87. Silpfle remarks tliat Cicero would
have said aperte ferre, Att. xiv. 13, 2
(718); Plane. 34.

etiam . . . periculosum'] ' even though
some were unwilling (abl. abs.), it might
not be dangerous to have it generally
known what cause we were purposing to
defend.'

Ita'\ = itaque : cp. 824, 3.

simulasse'] sc. friendship for Antony
and desire of peace, cp. 826, 1 ; dissimu-
lasse, sc. devotion to the senate.

quod . . . ridebaiii] ' because I saw
from the misfortunes of my colleague, D.
Brutus, the danger of an over-hasty pro-
clamation of loyalty in the case of a good
citizen who is unprepared.' If D. Brutus
had not declared himself so soon he would
not have been besieged in Mutina. For
collegae cp. 826, 1.

6. Quo uomine] 'on which account':
cp. Fam. xiv. 3, 4 (84) ; ii. 1, 1 (166),
and note.

Furnio] For the difference between
what I'lancus wrote and what Furnius
said cp. 826, 1.

scriptura] 'writing': cp. Fam. xv. 21,
3 (450), ea quae scriptura persecuftis es.

Ex quo . . . excubare] ' From which
it can be seen that for a long time 1 have
been keeping my attention awake to de-
fend the best interests of the state.' As
s«;;;«i«c follows rcip., we may assume that
it is a substantive ; at least such is Cice-
ronian usage. If it preceded rei p. it
should be regarded as an adjective : cp.
Rhodius, p. 12 Excubare is used strictly
of a sentinel keeping guard.

6. ab om>ii re] ' in every respect.' For
this sense of ab, cp. Att. i. 1, 2 (10), note:
860, 2, and Roby, § 1813.

explorate iudicare] ' to form a well-
grounded judgment.'

DCCCXXXIIL [FAM. X, 8).

qiiinque sub signis et sua fide virtuteque rei publicae couiunctissi-
mas et nostra liberalitate nobis obsequentes, proviuciam omnium
civitatium consensu paratissimam et summa contentione ad officia
certantem, equitatus auxiliorumque tantas copias, quantus liae
gentes ad defendendam suam salutem libertatemque conficere pos-
sunt ; ipse ita sum animo paratus, iit vel provinciam tueri vel ire,
quo res publica vocet, vel tradere exercitum, auxilia provinciamque
vel onmem impetum in belli in me convertere non recusem, si
mode meo casu aut eonfirmare patriae salutem aut periculum
possim morari. 7. Haec si iatu expeditis omnibus rebus tranquil-
loque statu civitatis polliceor, in damuo meae laudis rei publi(iae
commodo laetabor ; sin ad societatem integerrimorum et maxi-
morum periculorum accedam, consilia mea aequis iudicibus ab
obtrectatione invidorum defendenda commendo. Milii quidem
ipsi fructus meritorum in rei publicae incolumitate satis niagnus
est paratus: eos vero, qui meam auctoritatem et multo magis
vestrani fidem secuti nee uUa spe decipi nee ullo metu terreri
potuerunt, ut commendatos vobis habeatis, petendum videtur.

legiones haheo qiiinque'] In 860, 3 (May
12), Plancus speaks of quattuor legionibus
expeditis; and in 916, 3 (July 28), of
legiones veteranae tres, tironum vel luculen-
tissima ex omnibus una. In the latter
passage lie wishes to under-rate his forces ;
in the passage before us to represent them
in the best possible light.

et summa . . . certantem'] ' most eager
and emulous to perform its duties': cp.
Tac. Hist. ii. 97, certaturi ml obsequium.

ipse . . . ■morari'] ' As for mj'self —
while I am willing and ready either to
defend my province, or to go wherever
my country orders me, or to hand over to
another my armj', allied forces, and pro-
vince— yet I do not flinch from turning
the whole brunt of the war upon myself,
if only I can, by incurring risk myself,
either assure the safety of my country, or
check the danger ■which threatens her.'
H Pal omit ita ; but it is improbable that

Plancus, in such an elaborate and studied
letter as this is, would have varied the
construction with paratus from the infini-
tive to subjunctive, though, of course,
the latter construction is quite allowable:
cp. Ter. Heaut. v. 1, 75, Age iam uxorem
ut areessat paret. In either case we must
supply ut before vel. Rhodius (p. 17)
wishes to take non recusem as potential,
so as to avoid having to introduce ut, ' 1,
being so minded . . . would not refuse.'
Some editors read ut for vel before omnem.
For ita . . . ut cp. vol. I-., p. 65.

7. expeditis] ' clear and open.'

in damno meae laudis] ' though my
own renown is injured.'

commodo] abl. : cp. Fam. ii. 9, 1
(224).

integerrimoruni] ' utterly unabated.' —
(Jeans).

ut . . . habeatis] ' that j'ou should
watch over their interests.'

88 DCCCXXXIV. {FAM. X. 10).

DCCCXXXIV. CICERO TO PLANCUS (Fam. x. "lo).

ROME ; MARCH 30 ; A. U. C. 711 ; H. C. 43; AET. CIC. 63.

Laiidat M. Cicero L. Planci pracclaram vohmtatem iuvandae rei publicae et praemia
ab senatu sperare eum ob earn caufsam iubet, suam ei operam pollicetur ot ad tuendani
rem publicam adhortatur.

CICERO PLANCO.

1. Etsi satis ex Furnio nostro coguoram, quae tua voluntas,
quod consilium de re publica esset, tameu tuis litteris lectis
liquidius de toto sensu tuo iudicavi. Quam ob rem, quamquam in
uno proelio omnis fortuua rei publicae disceptatur — quod quidem,
cum haec legeres, iam decretum arbitrabar fore— tamen ipsa fama,
quae de tua voluntate percrebruit, magnam es laudem consecutus ;
itaque si consulem E,omae habuissemus, declaratum esset ab senatu
cum tuis magnis honoribus, quam gratus esset conatus et apparatus
tuus. Cuius rei non modo non praeteriit tempus, sed ne maturum
quidem etiam nunc meo quidem iudicio fuit; is enim denique
honos mibi videri solet, qui non propter spem f uturi beneficii, sed
propter magna merita claris viris defertur et datur. 2. Qua re, sit
modo aliqua res publica in qua honos elucere possit, omnibus, mihi
crede, amplissimis honoribus abundabis. Is autem, qui vere ajipellari
potest honos, non invitamentum ad tempus, sed perpetuae virtutis

1. iids litteris'] This cannot refer to \. 50i, sinit incerlis tfO'/iare proceUis ; hut

832 and 833, for these were written at as far as we can see Elter does not touch on

latest on March 23, and could not possibly discepta7-e a.t all. Without corroborative

be in Rome sooner than April 7. The evidence, and merely on the strength of

letter referred to is not extant. this passage, we think that it would be

liquidius'] 'more clearly': cp. Fam. unreasonabh; to suppose that the active

xi. 27, 7 (784), Hqiddo necjare. disceptare can be used intransitively.

disceptatur] 'is being now settled.' Because we can say 'he boiled the kettle,'

The Mss read disceptat which is never and 'the kettle boiled,' or 'he concluded

used as a neuter verb in the active. For the case,' and 'the case concluded,' it

-ur omitted in mss cp. "Wes. Em., pp. 81- does not at all follow that we can say

84. Mendelssohn retains disceptat, refer- both 'he decides the case,' and 'the case

ring to Elter (Khein. Mus. xli. 1886, decides.'

p. 538fF). That scholar, in arguing with cons^dcm] Hirtius had left Eome in

much power that in the tesserae of the January; but I'ansa did not leave till

gladiators, spectavit = spedatus est, ad- March 20th.

duces many verbs which are properly praeteriit] ' past and gone ' (of ar.

transitive and yet are occasionally used in- opportunity lost).

transitively, e.g. turlare in Tac. Ann. iii. 2. non invitamentum ad tempus] ' is

47, St una alterave civitas tnrhct ; Lucret. not an allurement to you to render aid

DCCCXXXV. {FAM. XII. 6). 89

est praexnium. Q,uam ob rem, mi Plance, incumbe toto pectore
ad laudem ; subveni patriae, opitulare collegae, omnium gentium
consensum et incredibilem eonspirationem adiuva. Me tuorum
consiliorum adiutorem, dignitatis fautorem, omnibus in rebus tibi
amicissimum fidelissimumque cognosces ; ad eas enim causas,
quibus inter nos amore sumus, officiis, vetustate coniuncti, patriae
oaritas accessit, eaque effecit ut tuam vitam anteferrem meae.
III. Kalendas Apriles.

DCCCXXXV. CICERO TO CASSIUS (Fam. xii. e).

ROME ; END OF MARCH OR BEGINNING OF APRIL ; A. U. C. 711 ;
B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero C. Titium Stiabonem laudat : in C. Cassio et M. Bruto, si res ad
Mutinam male geratur spem omnem rei publicae sitam esse dicit.

CICERO CASSIO SAL.

1. Qui status rerum fuerit tum, cum has litteras dedi, scire
poteris ex C. Titio Strabone, viro bono et optime de re publica
sentiente : nam quid dicam ' cupidissimo tui,' qui domo et fortunis
relictis ad te potissimum profectus sit ? itaque eum tibi ne com-
mendo quidem : adventus ipsius ad te satis eum commendabit.
2. Tu velim sic existimes tibique persuadeas, omne perfugium
bonorum in te et Bruto esse positum, si, quod nolim, adversi quid
evenerit. Res, cum haec scribebam, erat in extremum adducta

for the moment but the reward of steadily- apposition to quibus. For vetustas = ve-

eontinued virtue.' Honour that is real tuatas, amicitiae, cp. 888, 2, and Eeid on

honour only attends a course of long- Arch. 31.
continued virtue. For invitamentuin cp.
Fin. y. 11 , prima invitamenta naturae.

Quam ob rem . . . adiuva'] 'Where- 1. C. Titio Strabone] He is not men -

tore, my dear Plancus, throw yourself tioned elsewhere.

heart and soul into the piu-suit of true cupidissimo tui] 'most eager to be

glory ; assist your country, help your with you.'

colleague, lend your aid to the union and potissimum] ' specially.'

marvellous coalition of all the nations of 2. lies . . . discrimen] ' At the time

the earth.' For toto pectore cp. Att. xii. I am writing this our fortunes have come

35, 2 (577) ; xiii. 12, 4 (626). to a crisis; for Brutus can hardly hold

ad eas enim . . . accessit] ' To those out any longer at Mutina.' This sentence

links by which we are united, affection, shows that this letter was written about

services, long-standing friendship, is added the same time as 834 or a little later:

love of country.' The ablatives are in cp. § 1 of that letter.

DCCCXXXVL {BliUT. II. 1]

discrimen ; Brutus onim Mutiuae vix iam sustiuebat : qui si oon-
servatus erit, vicimus ; sin — quod di omen avertant ! — omuis
omnium cursus est ad vos. Proinde fac animum tantum habeas
tautumque apparatum, quanto opus est ad universam rem publi-
cam recuperandam. Vale,

DCCCXXXVI. CICERO TO BRUTUS (Brut. ii. i)

ROMK ; END OF MARCH; A. U. C. 711; B. C. 43; AET, CIC. 63.

In summo discriiniue rem esse scribit Cicero, nee se tamen desperare : celeritateni
in consulibus desi'lorat et prudentiam : niaximam spem esse in Bruto et Cassio.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1. Cum haec seribebam, res existimabatur in extrenium
adducta discrimen : tristes enim de Bruto nostro litterae nuntiique

sustiuebat] For the absolute sense of
sustinere, Watson compares Caes. E.G. ii.
<5, 4, nuntmm mittit Iccius sese diutius
sustinere non posse. See also 848, 2, Att.
-vii. 7, 5 (298).

vicimus] ' vce have alreadj' conquered '
■ — i.e. the rest of the actions against
Antony will be attended with no risk.

sin] The xise of ««« for sin minus
belongs to epistolary style : cp. Att. x.
7, 2 (388), si vir esse volet, praeclara
ffvvodia; sin antem, erimus nos qui
solemics; 803, 2, si pares aeqne inter se,
quiescendum ; sin, latins manabit.

omnis ... ad vos] ' the one road for
one and all of us is to you.'

The Second Book of the Epp. ad
Brutum is ably treated in a long disser-
tation by Adolphus V. Streug entitled De
Ciceronis ad Jirutum Ubro qui sccundus
inscribitur (Helsingfors, 1885).

That this letter was written after
March 20th is certain, for obviously (§ 1)
Pansa liad left Eonie, and his departure
took place on the morning of the 19th or
20th. Again, there is no account of the
events which took place in the senate on
April 7th (cp. 839, 3), and the very satisfac-
tory letter from Plancus (833) wbich was
read at that sitting (838, 2) is not referred
to at all. A short time after the departure
of Pansa an engagement was expected

every day: cp. 824, 1 (written March 20),
quod (sc. proclium) qnidem cum haec legeres
iam decretum arbitrarerfore. It is strange
that there is no allusion to Plancus and to
the letter he wrote advocating peace, to
which Cicero replied in somewhat severe
language (826) on the evening of March
20th. The most probable solution of this
difficulty is that Cicero wrote to Brutus
a letter (now lost) on this subject imme-
diately after the receipt of that letter of
Plancus, nnd the letter before us was
written some days later (cp. Schmidt.
Cass., p. 31, note 3). It is of course
possible that Cicero wrote this letter
almost immediately after the departure of
Pansa, and did not think it advisable to
make any mention of what he felt was
only a temporary exhibition of faint-
heartedness on the part of Plancus ; and
that he was justified in this view of the
conduct of Plancus is proved by the letter
(833) received from him on April 7.
According to this view the letter before
us would be the first letter Cicero wrote
to Brutus in 711 (43). But it is not
likely that in the very first letter which
Cicero wrote to Brutus after his successes
in Greece he should make no mention
whatever of them. A more serious diffi-
culty as regards this letter is that no
mention is made of C. Antonius : whereas
the news of his capture was probably

DCCCXXXVI. [BRUT. II. 1]

adferebantur : me quidem non maxime conturbabant : his euim
exercitibus ducibiisque, quos habemvis, uullo modo poteram
diffidere : neque adsentiebar maiori parti hominum : fidera euim
consulum non condemuabam, quae suspeeta vehemeuter erat.
Desiderabam non nullis in rebus prudentiam et celeritatem, qua
si essent usi, iam pridem rem publieam recuperassemus. Non
enim ignoras quanta momenta sint in re publica temporum et
quid intersit idem illud utrum ante an post decernaitur, suscipia-
tur, agatur. Omnia, quae severe decreta sunt hoc tumult li, si aut,
quo die dixi sententiam, perfecta essent et non in diem ex die
dilata aut, quo ex tempore suscepta sunt ut agerentur, non tardata

known in Rome by March 19. If we
suppose that Cicero wrote to Brutus on
>[arch 20 a letter which is now lost, in
that lost letter he no doubt advised that C.
Antonius should be carefully guarded until
alter the decisive engagement in North
Italy had taken place, and there was no
iieed to return to that subject in the
present letter. After that engagement
had turned out favourably for the consti-
l utionalists, Cicero during the latter end of
April frequently reverts to the question of
the treatment which in his opinion ought to
be applied to C. Antonius (8-12, 5 ; 8f6, 4).

1. Cum haec scribebaiii] cp. 835, 2
(written probably at the same time as the
present letter) .

fdem enim consulum . . . erat] Though
Cicero at times expressed a somewhat
poor opinion of the consuls, especially of
I'ansa : cp. Att. xvi. 1, 4 (769) in I'ansa
tij es ? \rjpos Tro\vs in vino ct somno isio-
riini; also cp. Att. xiv. 20, 4 (727) ; yet
this was to his intimate friend Attieus ; in
general he defended them against adverse
criticism, e.g. 840, 4 ; and in public he
always spoke highly of them (Phil. iii. 2 ;
X. 17; xii. 6: cp. 851, 6). Quintus
Cicero, writing to Tiro (815, 1), judges
them in his usual unmeasured style dc
coHstilibus desiynatis, quos ego penitus
novi libidinum et languoris effeminatissimi
plcnos ; qui nisi a giibernacHlis recesserint
maximum ab nniverso naufragio pericnlum
est.

celeritatem'] The procrastination and
dilatoriness of the consuls are constantly
harped on in the Philippics, e.g. iii. 2, v.
26-34; vi. 7, 15; xi. 25, and especially
V. 53, celeritate autem opus est, qua si
essemus usi bellum, ut saepe di.xi, nullum
haberemus.

idem illud] These words go closely
with intersit and the clause titrum . . .
agatur is explained by them: cp. Att. xv.
26, 1 (763), inquibus iinum alienum summa
sua prudentia, idem illud, ut spectem ludos
sues.

tumultu] Cicero argues in Phil. viii.
2 if, that a tumultus is really a more
serious matter than a bellum.

in diem ex die dila/a] We cannot
quote an exact parallel. Where the
phrase diem ex (or de) die occurs it is
always found after a transitive verb
w Inch directly governs diem, and accord-
ingly we do not find the preposition in,
e.g. Att. vii. 26, 3 (326), diem ex die
exspectare; Caes. E.G. i. 16, 4; Liv. v.
48, 6 ; XXV. 25, 4 ; Tac. Ann. vi. 42 fin. ;
but if the verb has another accusative or
is used passively we find that in dies
takes the place of diem ex die. Suet. Otho
5, idque in dies exspevlabat ; Liv. xxxvi.
17, 14, adventus qui in dies exspectatur.
But while this often appears with exspec-
tare we cannot find any example of a verb
of deferring [differre, proferre) used in the
passive with any phrase signifying ' from
day to day,' except this present one, and
perhaps Att. xiii. 37, 4 (657), where,
however, the reading is uncertain. Cer-
tainly in singulos dies would be nrore
natural. Becher originally (Rh. Mus.
xxxvii. 587) considered this phrase a
Grecism and compared Herod, ix. 8, e|
i]fX€p-i)s is -ii/j-epriv avafiaWS/nevoi ; but later
(t'liilol. xvii. 475) he ref;ards it as an ar-
chaic Latin usage, since Prof. IwanMiiller
referred him to Cato ap. Priscian, ix.
p. 482 (Hertz), benefcii postridie iussisti
ndesse ; in diem ex die non ausi (archaic
for ausus sum) recusare, which sufficiently
justifies the phrase.

DCCCXXXVl. [BRUT. 11. 1).

et procrastinata, belluiu iam nullum haberemus. 2. Omnia,
Brute, j)raestiti rei publicae, quae praestare debuit is, qui esset
/// eo; in quo ego sum, gradu senatus populique iudicio collocatu8,
nee ilia modo, quae nimirum sola ab homine sunt postulanda,
fidem, vigilautiam, patriae caritatem : ea sunt enim, quae nemo
est qui non praestare debeat : ego autem ei, qui sententiam dicat
in principibus de re publica, puto etiam prudeutiam esse praestan-
dam, nee me, cum mibi tantum sumpserim, ut gubernacula rei
publicae prenderem, minus putarim repvehendendum, si inutiliter
aliquid seuatui suaserim quam si infideliter. 3. Actae quae sint
quaeque agantur scio perscribi ad te diligenter. Ex me autem
illud est quod te velim habere cognitum, meum quidem animum
in aciem esse neque respectum ullum quaerere, nisi me utilitas
civitatis forte converterit. Maioris auteiu partis animi te Cassi-

procrastuiata'] This is a good Cictionian
word, Kosc. Am. 26 ; Yen-, iv. 100 :
op. Phil. vi. 7, tarditas et proerasti-
uatio.

2. Brute] Bccher has noticed that
-srhereas in the 397 Letters to Atticus such
addresses are found only 22 times, in the 1 1
letters of Brut. i. there are 15 instances ;
and he considers this an argument against
the genuineness of the correspondence with
Brutus. Ruete (p. 103) answers this ob-
jection by pointing out that in the 14
letters to D. Brutus such adckesses are
found 11 times, in the 13 letters to
Plancus 9 times, and in one letter to
Dolabella, viz. Fam. ix. 14 (722), 3 times.
The fact is that Cicero used these addresses
with different degrees of frequency accord-
ing to the character of bis correspondent ;
thus only one such Vocative occui's in the
10 letters to Cassius in Fam. xii.

grcdu] 'position': cp. Phil. ii. 6,
vi. 18 — a military or gladiat^jiial term :
cp. de gradu deici. Off. i. 80.

infideliter'] 'disloyal.' Xo doubt, as
Markland says (p. 16j, this word is airal
elprj/xevov in classical literature ; but
Cobet (Mnem. vii. 292) points out that
tbe antithesis to inutiliter ' disadvan-
tageous ' demanded such a word, that it
is correctly formed, and that the Latins
readily coined such words, ' hoc unum
caventes ne dura et inficeta et auribus
molesta procudant.' Thus Cicero coins
desideratio (Sen. 47), and C. F. Hei-mann
quotes the following negative adverbs
which are each used only once by Cicero : —

impolite, incallide, iiidiserte, immortaliter,
insaturabiliter, intemperate.

3. Ex me autem'] Madvig (A. C. iii.
276) reads extremum for these words :
cp. Att. xi. 16, 5 (431) ; but there is no
serious difficulty in ex, which often occurs
after such words as eognoscere, audire:
cp. Rep. i. 17, studeo ex te audire quid
sentias ; Leg. i. 56, ut ex te ipso saepe
cognoii.

in aciem esse] So we read with the
Mss. Lamb, alters to in acie esse, a simple
course : cp. Att. xii. 12, 1 (556) ; xv. 12,
1 (745) ; Plant. Pers. iv. 6, 27 ; Ter.
Eun. iv. 7, 46. In socae legal expres-
sions, in potestatein esse, in vadimonium
esse, in dicionem e<ise, the accusative is
found : cp. Fam. viii. 8, 8 (223) ; also in
early Latin, cp. Plaut. Amph. i. 1, 26, in
me>ttein fuit and Palmer ad loc. who
quotes Bacch. i. 2, 53, Prop. iii. 9, 60.
Add Plaut. Epid. ii. 28, in amorem haerere,
C'as. ii. 3, 28, in lustra iacuisti. The
construction is a pregnant one, ' has gone
to the field of battle and is there': cp.
Herod, i. 199, 1, 5e7 iraffav yvvaiKo.
iTtix^p'^V ICof^^vrjv is l^/hv 'A<ppj'itTrjs.
See Kritz on Sail. Jug. 112, 3.

neque respectum ullum habere] cp. Phil,
xi. 2G, m llrutum coUigassemus in Graecia
et eius auxilium ad Italiam vergert quam
ad Asiam maluissemus ; non ut eo ex acie
respectum haberemus, sed ut ipsa acies
subsidium haberet etiam transmarinum (to
ado[it the correction of Ferrarius for ex
ea acie) ; also Phil. x. 9.

Maioris autem partix] The mss give

DCCCXXXVII. {BRUT. II. S).

umque respiciunt. Quam ob rem ita te para, Brute, ut iiitellegas
aut, si hoc tempore bene res gesta sit, tibi meliorem rem publieam
esse facieiidam aut, si quid offensum sit, per te esse eamdem
recuperandam.

DCCCXXXVII.

(Brut.

BEUTUS TO CICERO

II. 3 = 5 AND 3).

dyrrhachium; april i; a. u. c. 711 ; b. c. 43; aet. cic. 63.

De Trebonii niorte et provincia scribit Brutus ; de Antonio consulit. Res a Cassio
yestas non ante tempus publicandas esse ostendit. Orationes Ciceronis laudat et
pecuniani supplementumque pcstulat. Postremo de Dolabellae ci'udelitate Antistii
liberalitate et Ciceronis filii laudibus narrat.

BRUTUS CICERONI SAL.

1. Litteras tuas valde exspecto, quas scripsisti post nuntios
nostrarum rerum, et de morte Trebonii : non enim dubito quin
mihi consilium tuum explices. Indigno scelere et civem optimum
amisimus et provinciae possession e pulsi sumus, quam recuperari
facile est : neque minus turpe aut flagitiosum erit post recuperari.
2. Antonius adhuc est nobiscum, sed me dius fidius et moveor
hominis precibus et timeo ne ilium aliquorum furor excipiat.

iiiaiores partes which Meyer (p. Ill)
objects to as poetical, comparing Hor.
Carm. ii. 17, 5, Ah\ te meae si partem
animae rapit maturior vis, Ovid Pont,
i. 6, 16, Maynaque pars animi con-
siliique mei ; but cp. Att. iii. 7, 3
(63), nisi dolor mens cum omnes partes
meiftis turn maxime huius generis faculta-
teiH aieniisset and Boot's note ; iii. 20, 2
(78), partes meae salutis ; iv. 18, 2, partes
securitatis quoted by Streng (p. 38). He,
however, adopts the simple and convinc-
ing emendation of Euete (p. 104) and
Madvig (A. C. iii. 102), which he had
already thought of himself. The objec-
tion to the Mss reading is that Cicero
could not say tliat his whole mind was
with the army, and immediately after
that the greater part of his miud was
looking to Brutus and Cassius. For
maior pars, without any further specili-
cation, signifying 'a number of men,'

Euete compares magna 2}ars in Balb. 21,
Liv. iii. 24, 8.

1. exspectol Brutus probably heard of
the death of Trebonius from Lentulus,
rot from Cicero ; and Cicero may, as 0. E
Schmidt suggests (N. Jahrb., 1884, p.
622), have avoided mentioning the occur-
rence to Brutus as he had himself proposed
that the war against DolabeUa should be
entrusted to Cassius.

nostrarum rerimi] i.e. the capture of
C. Antonius, at Apollonia. Concerning
the death of Trebonius, see Phil. xi. init.

quam . . . recuperari'\ ' but none the
less disgraceful and scandalous that its
subsequent recovery is necessary.' Some
commentators lay stress on post, ' that its
recovery sometime hence (and not imme-
diately) will be disgraceful.'

2. excipiat'] ' carry off,' a slightly
unusual meaning of the word.

ncccxxxriL {buut. it. j).

Plane aestuo. Quod si seirem quid tibi placeret, sine sollicitudine
essem. Id enim optimum esse persuasum esset niihi. Qua re
quara primum fac me certiorem quid tibi placeat, 3. Cassias
uoster Syriara, legiones Syriacas liabet, idtro quidem a Mureo
et a Marcio et ab exereitu ipso arcessitus. Ego scripsi ad Tertiam
sororem et matrem, ne prius ederent hoc, quod optime ac felicis-
sime gessit Cassius, qnam cum consilium cognovissent tibique
visum esset. 4. Legi orationes duas tuas, quarum altera Kal.
lau. usus es, altera de litteris meis, quae habita est abs te contra
Calenum. Nunc scilicet hoc exspectas, dum eas laudem. Nescio
animi an ingenii tui maior in his libellis laus contineatur. lam
coneedo ut vel Philippici voceutur, quod tu quadam epistola iocans
scripsisti. 5. Duabus rebus egenius, Cicero, pecunia et supple-
mento : quarum altera potest abs te expediri, ut aliqua pars
militum istine mittatur nobis, vel secreto cousilio adversus Pansam
vel actione in senatu, ab ipso senatu altera, quae magis est necessaria
neque meo exercitui magis quam reliquoruni. Hoc magis doleo

3. M/irco'] cp. 822, 1 ; 856, 3.
£ffu /icripsi ad Ti'rtiaifi'] cp. 840, 5.
Jioc quod . . .gessit] Cicero ■would have

used the plural haec quae : cp. 840, 5.

4. orationes duas tuas] i.e. Phil. v.
(delivered Jan. 1), and Phil. x. (delivered
end of Febr.). The word uti is strangely
used of ' delivering a speech.' We can-
not quote a parallel ; it looks like a
Grecism xp')"'^"' ^6yf. With the second
altera supply usas cs. We must remem-
ber that the M'riter is Brutus, not Cicero.

exspectas dum eas laudem~\ ' you are
waiting for me to praise them.' This is
a slightly brusque remark ; but it is the
only meaning the words can bear : cp.
867, 1. ; Att. i. 1, 1 (10). De PaUcai/o nan
puto te exspectare dum scriham. If Brutus
meant to say : ' you expect me to praise
them ' he would have used ut, not dum.
We know that Brutus had a habit of
saying things in a disagreeable way, Att.
vi. 1, 7 (252), ad me aut/ni etiam cum
rogat aliquid contumaciter, arroganter
aKotvovoriTciis solet scribere.

FhiUppici] The masculine is used
because libeUi had just preceded : cp.
Pint. Cic. 48, ahr6s re ya.p 6 KiKepcou
Toi/s KWT^ 'hi>TU)viov aSjovs ^i\nnriKohs
fireypa^e Kal pexP' "^^ '''"■ (S'jS'^'ti ^i\nr-
■n-LKol KaXovvrai : cp. App. B. C. iv. 20 ;
Juv. X. 125. Gellius (xiii. 1, 1) called the
orsitions Antonianae : cp. Tac. Dial. 37.

5. pecui/lii'] The need which Brutus had
of money, the sinews of M-ar, can be seen
from what is said about the large sum
transferred to him by Yetus Antistius
(850, 1), and the present made to him by
Atticus : cp. Nep. Att. 8, eidem [M.
Bruto) in Epiro absens trecenta nn/lia
iussit dari.

secreto consilio adversus Pansam'] ' by
a secret arrangement with Pansa.' That
this is the meaning of adversus, not ' in
opposition to,' can be clearly seen from
840, 4, ut Pansa . . . tribuat. For this
use of adversus, cp. Fam. iii. 13, 2 (277),
60 brevior est epistola et ut adversus magis-
trum viorum modestior; Ter. Andr. 1, 1,
15, et id gratum fuisse advorsum te habeo
gratiam: cp. i. 5, 30; Plant. Pseud, i. 6;
39 ; Cic. Off. ii. 68, and Madv. 283,
Obs. 2. Brutus asked Cicero to use his
influence either to induce Pansa privately
to lend Brutus some forces, just as
Pompey had sent Caesar two legions in
703 (51) ; or else to mention the matter
in the senate, and urge the senate to
recommend Pansa to make the transfer.
This would put pi-essure on Pansa in case
he was unwilling himself to give the
forces.

ab ipso senatu altera] We have ven-
tured to add ab ipso senatu, which might
readily have dropped out after the pre-
ceding senatu. Some alteration must be

DCCCXXXVIII. {FAM. X. W).

Asiam nos amisisse : quam sic vexari a Dolabella audio, ut iam
non videatur criidelissimum eius facinus interfectio Trebonii.
Vetus Antistius me taraen pecunia sublevavit. Cicero, filius tuus,
sic mihi se probat indiistria, patientia, labore, animi maguitudine,
omni deiiique officio, ut prorsus numquam dimittere videatur eogi-
tationera cuius sit filius. Qua re quoniara efficere non possum, ut
pluris facias eum, qui tibi est carissimus, illnd tribue iudicio meo,
ut tibi persuadeas non fore illi abutendum gloria tua, ut adipis-
catur bonores paternos. Kalend. April. Djrrhachio.

DCCCXXXVIII. CICERO TO PL ANGUS (Fam. x. 12).

ROME ; APRIL 11 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC.

63.

M. Cicero L. Planco significat gratas senatui eius litteras fuisse, et quae eius causa
in senatu acta sint significat et ad liberandam rem publicam adhoilatur.

CICERO PLANCO.

1 . Etsi rei publicae causa maxime gaudere debeo tantum ei te
praesidii, tantum opis attulisse extremis paene temporibus, tamen
ita te victorem complectar re publica recuperata, ut magnam

made. Ernesti omits (jtiae, and Wesen-
berg alters to -qtie ; but altera . . . aUcra-
que is a solecism. As regards the trans-
ference of forces, the authority, tliough
formally resting in the senate, was practi-
cally in the hands of the general, and the
senate would not interfere further than to
make a recommendation, except in very
important cases ; grants of funds, how-
ever, were both formally and practically
miide by the senate. Streng (p. 63)
ingeniously suggests altera quo magis est
necessaria . . ., hoo magis doleo, ' as to
money, the more necessary it is so much
the more do I regret the loss of Asia.'
Brutus regrets that he is not able to get
supplies of nKmey from Asia owing to the
plundering of Dolabella, but goes on to
say that he has received aid from Antis-
tius. If this view be adopted we should
prefer to read <ah ipso senatu> altera, quae
<quo> magis.

tios amisisse'] see note to 839, 3, sed
qitd^'-.

qtiam'] relative, with Asiam as ante-
cedent.

Vetus Antistius'] cp. 850, 1.

Cicero, filiits tuus] For young Cicero's
exploits see Plut. Brut. 24 : cp. Phil.
X. 13.

abutendum tua gloria] ' he will not
have to make undue claims on your
renown'; Plut. Brut. 24, says of young
Cicero, ov eiraive? {sc. Jiriitna) Sia(pep6i'roos
Kai (prjcriv, eifr' iypriyoptv eXr' eVinri/ia^eTOi,
6av/xa.^€iv ovtod ■yivvouov uyra Kal /xicroTv-
pavvov. Though this panegyric was no
doubt contained in a letter from Biiitus to
Cicero we have no similar remark con-
tained in any of the letters which we
possess.

This letter is an answer to 832, 833.

1. extremis] 'desperate': cp. Att. xi.
1, 1 (406).

ita . . . complectar . . . ut . . . adfcrt]
cp. Quintus ap. 927, 1, ita te videam ut
mihi gratissimum fecisti ; and ita me dl

96 DCCCXXXVIII. [FAM. X. 12).

partem milii laetitiae tua dignitas adfert, quam et esse iara et
futuram amplissimam intellego. Cave enim putes uUas umquam
litteras gratiores quam tuas in seuatu esse reeitatas. Idque con-
tigit cum meritorum tuorum in rem publicam eximia quadam
magnitudiue turn verborum sententiarumque gravitate. Uuod
milii quidem minime novum, qui et te nossem et tuarum littera-
rum ad me missarum promissa meminissem et haberem a Furnio
nostro tua penitus eonsilia cognita : sed seuatui maiora visa sunt
quam erant exspeetata, non quo umquam de tua voluntate dubi-
tasset, sed nee quantum facere posses nee quoad progredi velles
exploratum satis habebat. 2, Itaque cum a. d. vii. Idus Apriles
mane mihi tuas litteras M. Varisidius reddidisset easque legissem,
incredibili gaudio sum elatus, cumque magna multitude optimorum
virorum et civium me de domo deduceret, feci continuo omnes
participes meae voluptatis. Interim ad me venit Munatius noster,
ut consuerat : at ego ei litteras tuas, nibildum enim sciebat.
Nam ad me primum Yarisidius, idque sibi a te mandatum esse
dicebat. Paullo post idem mihi Munatius eas litteras legendas
dedit, quas ipsi miseras, et eas, quas publice. 3. Placuit nobis, ut
statim ad Cornutum praetorem urbanum litteras deferremus, qui,
quod consules aberant, consulare munus sustiuebat more maiorum.
Senatus est continuo convocatus frequensque convenit propter
famam atque exspectationem tuarum litterarum. Recitatis litteris
oblata religio Cornuto est puUariorum admonitu, non satis dili-

ament ut is frequent in Plautus. H reads not his brother, who was with Plancus

adferat, which would be quite allowable : himself in Gaul (848, 2).

cp. Fam. V. 21, 1 (458), ruan tecum esse litteras tuas'] so. dedi, a frequent

tta miJiiquae optocontingantut vehementer ellipse: cp. Att. xii. 38, 1 (581), and

velim. Heidemann, p. 70.

litteras . . . tuas'] i.e. 832. Varisidius] sc. veiiif, another common

Furnio] cp. 826, 1. This passage ellipse: cp. Att. ix. iS, 3 (376), and

shows that the seilate had good grounds Heidemann, p. 51 fF.

for their uncertainty as to the extent of 3. propter fa}nain . . . litterarum] 'as

the devotion of Plancus to the state. your letter had been talked about and

2. M. Varisidius] cp. 832, 1. expected.'

de domo deduceret] A distinguished puUariorum] Strictly the pullarii were
man was generally accompanied from his the f;uardiaiisof the sacred chickens, and
house on the hills down to the Forum, or interpreted omens ex tripudiis, i.e. from
the Curia, by a body of his friends, the motions of the chickens when feeding:
especially youug men (Mur. 70). They cp. Diet. Antiq. i. 250 (ed. 2) ; but they
also sometimes accompanied him home appear to have trenched on the functions
(reducere) : cp. Sen. 63 ; Val. Max. ii. of the augurs, being even employed ser-
if 9. rare de cuelo for the magistrates, De Div.

Munatius] a relative of Plancus, but ii. 74, iam de caelo servare non ipsos censes

DCCCXXXVIIL {FAM. X. 12).

genter eum auspiciis operam dedisse, idque a nostro collegio com-
probatum est. Itaque res dilata est in posterum. Eo autem die
magna mihi pro tua dignitate contentio cum Servilio : qui cum
gratia effecisset ut sua senteutia prima pronuntiaretur, frequens
eum senatus reliquit et in alia omnia discessit, meaeque sententiae,
quae secunda pronuntiata erat, cum frequenter adsentiretur sena-
tus, rogatu Servilii P. Titius intercessit. 4. E,es in posterum
dilata. Venit paratus Servilius, lovi ipsi iniquus, cuius in templo
res agebatur. Huuc quem ad modum fregerim quautaque con-
teutione Titium intercessorem abiecerim ex aliorum te litteris
malo cognoseere. Unum hoc ex meis : senatus gravior, eonstan-
tior, amicior tuis laudibus esse non potuit, quam tum fuit, nee
vero tibi senatus amicior quam cuncta civitas. Mirabiliter euim
populus Romanus universus et omnium generum ordinumque

solitos qui mispicahantur ? nunc imperant
puUario ; tile rennntiat ; or, perhnps, the
name of those diviners who officiated in
the auspicia ex tripudiis was transferred
to those who officiated in other kinds of
divination, popular language not regard-
ing nice distinctions of rituah It would
appear that auspicia ex acibus were taken
prior to the sittings of the senate : cp.
App. ii. 116, iQos 5' scttI toIs &pxovfft
es TT]!/ PovArjv elffLovcnv oloovl^effQat irpod-
lovcriv ; Plin. Paneg. 76, una erat in
limine (so. curiae) mora consultare aves
revererique numinum monitus.

admonitu . . . dedisse'] For a verhal
substantive governing a clause Andr.
compares 896, 4, pollicitatione . . . da-
turiim ; Att. xii. 26, 1 (562), voluntate
tua ut simul siintcs. Madvig (§ 395) quotes
OfP. ii. 22, spe sihi id titile.

collegio] sc. of augurs.

in posteruni] There is no need to add
diem : cp. Q. Fr. ii. 3, 2 (102) ; Att. x.
14, 3 (400).

Servilio'] Isaurico, who had been
consul with Caesar in 706 (48). He ap-
pears to have been a personal enemy of
Plane us.

sententia prima] If, in the course of
the debate, several sententiae had been
delivered, the president had the right of
choosing the order in which these diffe-
rent opinions should be submitted to the
votes of the house. On this occasion
Servilius was able to secure, by private
influence, that Cornutus should put his

opinion to the house before that of Cicero :
cp. Fam. viii. 13, 2 (271), tiam cum de
iiitercessione referrelur . . . primaque M.
Marcelli sententia pronuntiata esset qui
agendum cum tribunis plebis censebat fre-
quens senatus in alia omnia iit.

in alia omnia discessit] ' voted directly
against it': cp. last note. This is the
technical expression for voting with the
Noes in a division {discessio) : cp. Fam. i.
2, 1 [96), frequentes ierunt in alia omnia,
and note.

F. Titius] trib. pi. : cp. 861, 3.

4. loi'i ipsi iniquus] A proverbial ex-
pression for violent and headstrong pas-
sion, ' prepared to outstare the light-
ning': cp. Att. viii. 15, 2 (350), nee me
movet quod scribis lovi ipsi iniquum
(sc. Pumpeittm fore si vicerit) ; Plant. Cas.
ii. 5, 15, negavi ipsi me concessurum lovi ;
also Otto, p. 179. The origin of the pro-
verb does not appear to be known ; perhaps
it may be referred to the impiety of Capa-
neus : cp. Aesch. Theb. 428.

fregerim] ' crushed ': cp. Att. i. 16, 8
(22), Clodium praesentem fregi in senatu.

abiecerim] 'humbled.' Att. i. 18, 3
(24), senatus auctoritatem abiecit.

Unum hoc ex meis] sc. litteris te malo
cognoseere.

senatus] ' The senate could not have
been more dignified, more firm, or more
well-disposed towards granting you your
honours than it was at that time.'

generum ordinumque] ' peoples and
ranks.'

DCCCXXXVIIL {FAM. X. 1^2).

consensus ad liberaudam rem publicam conspiravit. 5. Perge
igitur, ut agis, nomenque timra commenda immortalitati, atque
haec omnia, quae habent speciem gloriae, eollecta iuanissimis
spleudoris iusignibus, contemne : brevia, f ucata, caduca existima.
Yerum decus in virtute positum est, quae maxime illustratur
magnis in rem publicam raeritis. Earn facultatem habes maxi-
mam ; quam qnoniam complexus es et teues, perfice ut ne minus res
pnbliea tibi quam tu rei publicae debeas. Me tuae dignitatis non
modo fautorem, sed etiam amplificatorem cognosces. Id cum rei
publicae, quae mibi vita est mea carior, tum nostrae necessitudini
debere me iudico. Atque in bis curis, quas contuli ad dignitatem
tuam, cepi magnam voluptatem, quod bene cognitara niihi T.
Munatii prudentiam et fidem magis etiam perspexi in eius incredi-
bili erga te bencYolentia et diligentia. iii. Idus Apriles.

consensKs . . . conspiravit^ Andi'. com-
pares Ligar. 34, qui honim co>isensum
eonspira))tein et paene conjiatum in hac
prope aequalitate fraterna tioverit.

5. Perge igitur'] ' Go on then as you
are going, and consign your name to
eternal remembrance ; all these things
which have but the semblance of renown,
a mere mass of the most empty pomp
and pageantry, all these despise ; con-
sider them to be short-lived, painted un-
realities, sure to fall and fail.' For
commeiida immortalitati, cp. De Orat.
ii. 36; Fam. t. 12, 6 (109). For the
tone of the latter clause cp. Phil. iv. 13,
nam cum alia omnia falsa incerta sint,
caduca mobilia ; virtus est una altissimis
defixa radicibus. Lanibinus and Wesen-
berg read collectam, but the mss have

eollecta, which need not be altered. Andr.
compares Phil. ii. 3, gratiam non rirtutis
spe sed aetatis flore collectam. Gitlbauer
(p. 84) suggests contecta, needlessly. "We
have adopted f ucata from H Pal, to which
the MSS tradition leads ; fugatia [ia in
rasura) M; fugato (Petrarch's ms teste
Yictorio) ; besides, it is certainly the more
difficult reading, at least for a copyist,
and corresponds very well Avith falsa of
the passage from the Philippics.

maxime illustratur] ' stiines out most
clearly.'

complexus es et tenes] So H Pal ; com-
plexus es tene M (but es and a letter after
tene in an erasure).

amplijjcatorem'] ' that I am at hand,
not merely to favour, but to f m-ther youx
advancement.'

DCCCXXXIX. {BRUT. II. 2).

DCCCXXXIX. CICERO TO BRUTUS (Brut. ii. 2).

ROME ; APRIL 11 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

De Planci egregio, de Lepidi inconstanti in rem publicam animo, et de suis cum
Servilio in senatu contentionibus, quibus Plancum tandem fregit.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1. Planci animum in rem publicam egregium, legiones, auxilia,
copias ex litteris eius, qiiarum exemplum tibi missnm arbitror,
perspicere potuisti. Lepidi, tui necessarii, qui secundum fratrem
adfines habet quos oderit proximos, levitatem et inconstantiam
animumque semper inimicum rei publicae iam credo tibi ex
tuorum litteris esse perspectum. 2. Nos exspectatio sollicitat,
quae est omnis iam in extremum adducta discrimen. Est enim
spes omnis in Bruto expediendo, de quo vehementer timebamus.
3. Ego hie cum homine furioso satis habeo uegotii, Servilio, quern
tuli diutius quam diguitas mea patiebatur, sed tuli rei publicae

The date is fixed by 839, 1.

1. litteris] viz. 833, read in the senate
on April 7 (838, 2).

Lepidi . . . perspectum] cp. 898, 1.
' The unprincipled and vacillating con-
duct of your relation Lepidus (who
chooses, after his brother, his closest con-
nexions as the special objects of his hate),
and his constant hostility to the free
state, I now believe you thoroughly per-
ceive from the letters of your friends.'
The brother of Lepidus was Paullus
Aemilius Lepidus, consul in 704 (50).
They appear to have been already on bad
terms: cp. Att. xiv. 8, 1 (710). Paullus
voted afterwards for the outlawry of
Lepidus, and M^as accordingly proscribed
by the triumvirs. He fled to M. Brutus,
and never returned to Eome. For secun-
dum, cp. Q. Fr. iii. 1, 18 (148), ille mihi
secundum te et liberos nostras ita est ut sit
paene par ; also Att. xii. 15 (547). The
very severe judgment here passed on
Lepidus expressed probably Cicero's real
opinion of the man, even at this time, and
was justified by his subsequent conduct.
In 705 (49) Cicero had roundly spoken of
him as iste omnium turpissimus et sordi-
dissimus : cp. Att. ix. 9, 3 (364). His
want of principle was notorious ; D.

Brutus styles him homo ventosissimus
(847, 1); and Lepidus himself knew that
he was not in very good odour (876, 3).
Cicero's letter (827) of March 20th to him
is cold enough, and even publicly, in
Phil. xiii. 13, 14, Cicero had spoken
severely (cp. atque etiam hoc M. Lepido
providendum est ne quid arrogantitis quam
eius mores ferunt facere videatur) against
the threats which Lepidus used when he
urged that peace should be made with
Antony {si enim nos exercitu terret).

2. in extremum . , . discrimen] cp.
836, 1.

3. Servilio] He had been consul in
706 (48) with Julius Caesar. It is in-
structive to compare the account of the
proceedings of the senate as they are
related in this section, and in a letter to
Plancus (838). In the latter epistle,
addressed to a Caesarian, there is natu-
rally no mention of the great effect pro-
duced by the account of the successes of
Cassius ; the whole nariation has refer-
ence to the manner in which the cause of
Plancus was supported by Cicero. Euete
(p. 74) notices that in the whole corre-
spondence between Plancus and Cicero,
neither Cassius nor Brutus is ever men-
tioned.

100

BCCCXXXIX. [BRUT. II. 2).

causa, ne darem perditis civibus hominem, pariim sanum ilium
quidem, sed tamen nobilem, quo concurrerent, quod faciunt nihilo
minus, sed eum alienandum a re publica non putabam. Finem
feci eius ferendi. Coeperat enim esse tanta iusolentia, ut nemi-
nem liberum duceret. In Planci vero causa exarsit ineredibili
dolore, mecumque per biduum ita coutendit et a me ita fractus est,
ut eum in perpetuum modestiorem sperem fore. Atque in Lac
contentione ipsa, cum maxime res ageretur, a. d. v. Idus Apriles
litterae mihi in senatu redditae sunt a Lentulo nostro de Cassio,
de legionibus, de Syria : quas statim cum recitavissem, cecidit
Servilius, complures praeterea : sunt enim insignes aliquot, qui
improbissime sentiunt, sed acerbissime tulit Servilius adsensum
esse mibi de Planco. Magnum illud monstrum in re publica
est ; sed quo . . .

quo concurrerent] ' as a centre to rally
round.' Quo is an adverb. For concur-
rere cp. 818, 1 ; Phil. v. 29.

Coeperat . . . duceret] ' for he began
to show such arrogance as to treat every-
one like a slave.'

In Planci . . . fore] ' But in the case
of Plancus, mortified as he was past
belief, he burst out at me ; but, after a
contest of two days, was so crushed by
me that I trust he will be more quiet for
the rest of his life.'

biduum] The first day (April 7th) the
meeting was put oS pullariorum adinonitu.
The next day there was an animated
debate, which was terminated by the
veto of Titius. The following day Ser-
vilius appears to have been finally crushed
(838, 3, 4).

cum maxime res ageretiir] ' at the very
time when the debate was going on.'

Lentulo nost^-o] We have two letters
and a postscript preserved wldch were
written by this Lentulus, quaestor of
Trebonius, a few months later (882, 883,
891). The letter which arrived on April 9
is not extant, but it, doubtless, contained
a full record of the services which l^en-
tulus had rendered to Cassius, on which
he appears to have laid great stress : cp.
883, 6, solus Cassio et reip. St/riam exer-
citusque qui ibi erant coniunxi. Cassius
seems to have got footing in Syria during
the latter part of Februar}' : certainly on
March 7 he was at the head of many
legions at Tarichea (822, I).

insignes] 'eminent men,' 'men of
note': cp. Bell. Gall. viii. 42,5, ita qiiam

qidsque poterat maxime insignis . . . telii
//ostium se offerehat; Tac. Ann. xi. 19.
Post red. in Sen. 28, equis insignibns
reportati ; Phil. xi. 10, insignes latrones.
Generally insignis, when used of animate
objects, has the characteristic in which
the person or animal is distinguished
added (Legg. iii. 19 ; Kabir. 24). Wesen-
berg wi,shes to read sentiant, 'distin-
guished in expressing most scandalous
opinions.'

sed quo . . .] The rest of this letter has
been lost : some editors think a whole
sheet of the archetype, some merely a
line or two. The next two sheets in the
archetype have been tiansposed. The
following letters of Brut. ii. appear in the
M.ss to be arranged thus : —

iii. and iv. sed quo nos amisisse (837, 5)
down to non erit (840, 3).

V. Litterastuas (837, 1) down io Asiam
(837, 5), after which immediately follows
(it in Asiam. . . . aclurus (840, 3).

vi. Quod egere (840, 4) down to diligi
(840, 6).

vii. Ep. 842.

We can thus judge of the length of a
sheet of the archetype, about 27 lines of
this edition. We have seen that a similar
transposition of sheets occurred in the
archetype of the Epp. ad Q. Fr. ii. Any
disorder found in the Letters to Brutus is
of a merely mechanical nature, as has
been demonstrated by Gurlitt, who has
written most valuable and convincing
articles on Die Archctypus der Brutus-
briefe in Jahrb. fiir Klass. Philol., 1885
and 1892.

DCCCXL. [BRUT. 11. k = U AND 6). 101

DCCCXL. CICERO TO BRUTUS (Brut. ii. 4 = 4 and e).

ROME ; APRIL 12 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Eespondet Cicero Bruti litteris de Cassii et Dolabellae rebus in Asia et de Antonio
sententiam scribit ; idem vespondet Brute de supplemento et pecunia sollicita, de Cassii
rebus evulgandis et de filii sui laudibus.

CICEEO BRUTO SAL.

1. Datis mane a. d. iii. Id. April. Scaptio litteris, eodem die
tuas accepi Kal. April. Dyrrhachio datas vesperi. Itaque mane
prid. Id. Apr. cum a Scaptio certior factus essem non esse eos
profectos, quibus pridie dederam, et statim ire, hoc paullulum
exaravi ipsa in turba matutinae salutationis. 2. De Cassio laetor
et x'ei publicae gratulor, mihi etiam, qui repugnante et irascente
Pansa sententiam dixerim, ut Dolabellam bello Cassius perse-
queretur. Et quidem audacter dicebam sine nostro senatus con-
sulto iam illud eum bellum gerere. De te etiam dixi tum quae
dicenda putavi. Haec ad te oratio perferetur, quoniam te video
delectari Philippicis nostris. 3. Quod me de Antonio consulis,
quoad Bruti exitum cognorimus, custodiendum puto. Ex iis
litteris, quas mihi misisti, Dolabella Asiam vexare videtur et in ea
se gerere teterrime. Compluribus autem scripsisti Dolabellam a
Rhodiis esse exclusum, qui si ad Rhodum accessit, videtur mihi

1. Datis ... litteris'] i.e. 839. Brutus afterwards extends to considerable length :

had two agents of the name of Scaptius, cp. Att. i. 14, 1 (20); xi. 17, 1 (432);

one inCilicia, theotherinCappadocia: cp. Fam. iii. 7, 1 (244); 8, 1 (222).

note to Att. vi. 1, 4 (252) ; perhaps they 2. ut . . . Cassius persequeretiir] cp.

were brothers. Cp. also 915, 1. Phil. xi. 29 If. For the alliteration

///. Id.] Cratander's ed. has VI., a Dolabellam bello cp. 843, 4; 852, 1.
date which is shown to be wrong both from De te ... putavi'] What Cicero said
;jrii5?. /a?, following, and from the fact ihat (Phil. xi. 26 if) was tliat Brutus was
it would be almost impossible for a letter sufficiently occupied in defending Mace-
to reach Rome from Dyrrhachium in 7^ donia agamst C. Antonius, and that the
days, The usual time was from 10 to 12 actions against Dolabella should be con-
days. For the confusion between V. and ducted by Cassius. Haec oratio \i ^h\\. xi.
II. in Mss cp. note to 842, 5. 3. Do'labellam . . . excltisum] This was

ticas'] i.e. 837. an utterly false report: see the letters of

^««;MM»i] This epistle is a fairly long Lentulus (882, 2-4; 883, 2-3) which

one ; but we too often begin a letter with show that the Rhodians sided with Dola-

' just a line' and yet prolong it to more bella. But the distance between Rhodes

than one sheet of paper. For similar and Dyrrhachium was sufficiently great

excuses for the shortness of a letter which to admit of false rumours arising ; and

102

DCCCXL. {BRUT. II. If = U AND 6).

Asiam reliquisse. Id si ita est, istic tibi censeo commorandum :
sin earn seniel cepit, mihi crede, uoii erit, at in Asiam censeo per-
sequendum : nihil mihi videris hoc tempore melius aeturus.

4. Quod egere te duabus necessariis rebus scribis, supplemento
et pecunia, difficile consilium est. Non enim mihi occurruut
facultates, quibus uti te posse videam praeter illas, quas senatus
decrevit, ut pecunias a civitatibus mutuas sumeres. De supple-
mento autem non video quid fieri possit. Tantum enim abest
ut Pansa de exercitu suo aut dilectu tibi aliquid tribuat, ut etiam
moleste ferat tam multos ad te ire voluntarios, quo modo equidem
credo, quod iis rebus, quae in Italia decernuntur, nullas copias
nimis magnas esse arbitretur, quo modo autem multi suspicantur,
qi(od ne te quidem nimis firmum esse velit, quod ego non suspicor.
5. Quod scribis te ad Tertiam sororem et matrem scripsisse, ut ne

Enete (p. 76) points out that in 710 (44)
many false rumours of Antony's actions
at Brundisium were rife at Puteoli (cp.
805, 1). Also in 705 (49) there were
false reports as to the depai-ture of
Pompey and the consuls for Greece :
cp. vol. iv. p. xxxi.

non erit] Understand commorandum
from the previous line. For an ellipse
after crede cp. 880, 1, nolo te ignorare
quantam lattdem consectitus sis ; mihi crede
proximam Planco. Cratander's ms has
after erit the words Id. April., which we
have omitted with Euete (p. 76). 0. E.
Schmidt (Jahrb., 1890, p. 109) thinks
that these words (or rather prid. Id.
April.) should he retained, and that they
mark the end of a letter. He supposes
that a whole leaf of the archetype has
been lost containing the beginning of a
new letter of which the conclusion is at in
Asiam . . . dilif/i. As the words at tw
Asiam . . . aeturus fit in so exactly with
the sense of the preceding clause we have
thought it advisable to adhere to the
arrangement of Wesenberg. Schmidt, of
course, supposes that Brut. ii. consists of
6, not of 0, letters.

persequendum'] In Phil. x. 26 (delivered
towards the end of February or beginning
of ^larch), Cicero had proposed that
Brutus should defend Macedonia lUyii-
cumand Greece, remaining close to Italy ;
for at that time C. Antonius was the most
dangerous opponent of the state in those
quarters, and news of the violent out-
rages of Dolabella had not yet reached

Rome. But now in Apiil things had
changed. C. Antonius was a prisoner,
Macedonia and Greece were quite secure,
but there was imminent danger of Dola-
bella's being able to acquire considerable
power in Western Asia IVtinor. This had
to be prevented even if Brutus were com-
pelled to leave that part of Greece which
was near Italy. It certainly seems strange
that Cicero should advise this, when an
engagement in North Italy was expected
every day ; but it would be fatal to allow
Dolabella to consolidate a power in Asia.
Cicero maj- have considered that a very
serious defeat at Mutina was unlikely ;
and, even if a defeat were sustained, that
Pollio, Plancus and perhaps Lepidiis
would be able sufficiently to defend Italy.
Later on, at the end of May, when the
uusteadfastness of Lepidus was becoming
more certain, Cicero begins to express an
opinion that Brutus should be recalled
(886, 2).

4. ut pecunias . . . mutuas sumeres}
cp. PhU. X. 26, pecuniamque ad rem
militarem, si qua opus sit, quae pullica sit
et exigi possit, titatur, exigat pecuniasque
a quibus videatur ad rem militarem mutuas
sumat, frumentumque imperet. Cicero
writes to the same effect to Cornificius
(828,2).

quod ego non suspicor] Cicero was
always inclined to take the most charit-
able view of people's conduct : cp. Att.
i. 16, 12 (22), quod ego non credo.

5. et matrem] So Wesenberg adds
from 837, 3.

DCCCXLI. [FAM. X. 30).

103

prius ederent ea, quae gesta a Cassio esseut, quam mihi visum esset,
video te veritum esse id, quod verendum fuit, ne animi partium
Caesaris, quomodo etiam nunc partes appellantur, veliementer
commoverentur. Sed ante quam tuas litteras accepimus, audita
res erat et pervulgata, tui etiam tabellarii ad multos familiares
tuos litteras attuleraut. Qua re neque supprimenda res erat,
praesertim cum id fieri non posset, neque, si posset, non divul-
gaudam potius quam occultandam putaremus. 6, De Cicerone
meo et, si tautum est in eo, quantum scribis, tantum scilicet,
quantum debeo, gaudeo, et si, quod amas eum, eo maiora facis,
id ipsum incredibiliter gaudeo, a te eum diligi.

DCCCXLI. GALEA TO CICERO (Fam. x. so).

CAMP AT MUTINA ; APRIL 15 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AKT. CIC 63.

Ser. Galba, nepos Ser. Galbae oratoris, de proelio exponit ad Miitinam facto
victoriaque de M. Antonio relata.

GALBA CICERONI S.

L A. d. xviii. Kal. Maias, quo die Pansa in castris Hirtii
erat futurus, cum quo ego eram — nam ei obviam processeram

tu animi partium . . . commoverentur']
The senate liad a certain amount of fear
lest Bi'utus and Cassius should acquire
too great military power and become
dangerous to the state (Phil. x. 14, 15;
xi. 36 fF). For animi partium cp. Fam.
viii. 14, 1 (280), ex partium sensu; Phil.
v. 32, partium conlenlio ; for partes
Caesaris cp. note to 890, 1.

quomodo . . . appellantur'\ ' as even
still the party is called '; that is, even
though Caesar is dead, the party is stiU
called 'the party of Caesar.' For this
use of quomodo cp. De Orat. ii. 18 ; Fam.
vii. 5, 3 (134). This interpretation has
more point than the view tliat the meaning
merely is that Antony's following should
be called hoates rather than partes : cp.
Phil. xiii. 39, partes, f ariose, dicuniur in
foro, in curia; helium contra patriam
nefarium suscepisti ; 47, quod si partium
certamen esset, ■ quarum omnino nomen
exstinctum est Antoniusne potius et Veii-
tidius partes Caesaris defenderent.

tui etiam tabellarii'] i.e. your messen-

gers had spread the news as well as the
letter of Lentulus: cp. 839, 3. This use
of etiam would show that the letter of
Lentulus was the primary authority.

supprimenda] cp. Liv. iii. 55, 13, quae
senalusconsulta . . . supprimebantur vitia-
banturque. Cicero often (e.g. Clu. 68,
99) uses supprimere in the sense of ' to
embezzle.'

neque, si posset, non divulgandam] "We
must consider neque . . . non equivalent
to et.

6. Be Cicerone . . . diligi] cp. 837, 5.

et si . . . faeis] ' and ii because you
love him you make more of what he has
done ' (than you would otherwise do).

For Galba see Introduction. There is
an elaborate section on the language of
Galba in a Wiirzburg Programme by Dr.
Hermann Hellmuth, entitled Uber die
Sprache der Epistolographen S. Sulpicius
Galba tend L. Cornelius Balbus (1888).

1. A. d. xviii. Kal. Maias] The mss
MH have xvii. in the text, and M also in

104

DCCCXLI. [FAM. X. 30).

millia pnssus centum, quo nmturius veniret — , Antonius legiones
eduxit cluas, secuudam et quintam triceusimam et coliortes prae-
torias duas, unam suam, alteram Silaui, et evocatorum partem.
Ita otviam venit nobis, quod nos quattuor legiones tironum
habere solum arbitrabatur. Sed noctu, quo tutius venire in castra
potuissemus, legionem Martiam, cui ego praeesse solebam, et duas
cohortes praetorias miserat Hirtius nobis. 2. Cum equites Antonii
apparuissent, contineri neque legio Martia neque cohortes prae-

the Index. But Ovid (Fast. iv. 625-7)
80 circumstantiallj' states the date of the
battle as the day after the Ides, that we
must suppose there was in the archetype
of the Letters the slight error, xvii. for
xviii. Wommseii (Hermes xvii. 636) ap-
pears to hold that the battle lasted two
days. But surely, if so, Galba would have
given some hint of it.

cum quo'] sc. Pansa. For the antece-
dent not being the nearest subject op. 895,
6, cuius ipstus refers to Caesar, not to exer-
citus; Att. X. 8, 9 (392), cuius refers to
Tullia, not to ego; Tusc. i. 3, qtd refers
to Livius, not to £>uiius, where, however,
see Kiihner : cp. also Hellmuth, p. 16.

millia passun'] cp. note to 872, 1.

centuni] Galba had perhaps been sent
to the top of the pass of the Apennines,
on the Via Cassia, by which road Pansa
was advancing. It is strange that Galba
mentions no town. Possibly we should
read L (50) for C (100) : that would give
us a spot between Bononia and Faesulae,
and there is no town between these two
places.

qitintam tricensimain'\ According to
normal usage et should be added ; but it
might have caused ambiguity, and the
omission can be paralleled from the
Letters, e.g. 82.7, 1, where see note ; Fam.
XT. 4, 10 (238) ; Att. v. 19, 1 (200),
quoted by Hellmuth, p. 12.

cohortes jjraetorias'] cp. Diet. Antiq.
P, p. 791.

Silani'] M. Junius Silanus was son of
D. Silanus and Servilia, mother of M.
Brutus. He deserted Lepidus for Antony,
but, as he afterwards rejoined Lepidus
(869, 2), he most probably played the
deserter at the order of Lepidus. After-
wards he quarrelled with the triumvirs,
and fled to Sextus Ponipeius, but returned
to Rome at the Peace of Misenum, 715
(39), and held the consulship with Oc-
tavian in 729 (25) : cp. Yell. ii. 77.

evocatorum'] cp. vol. iii. Addendum
v., p. 301.

ii'ff] ' with this force.' — (Jeans).

solum'] This adverb is rarely found
with numerals, yet cp. Att. xvi. 4, 2
(771) ; Fam. iv. 9, 1 (487) ; Leg. Agr. ii.
87 ; De Legg. i. 53, quoted by Hellmuth
(p. 15), who also notices the strange posi-
tion of sohim in the sentence, and com-
pares Ncp. Haiinib. 10, b,praecipitom)ies
ut . . . a ceteris tantum satis habeant
se defendere.

potuissemus] With some hesitation we
have retained this, the ms reading {possuis-
semus M ; potuissemus H Pal). The plu-
perfect indicative is occasionally found
for the imperfect indicative in the classical
period, e.g. Orat. 101 ; Kritz on Sail. 37,
1 (but yet cp. Reisig Vorlesungen iii.
358 ff., ed. Schmalz-Landgraf, especially
note 456) ; but the pluperfect subjunctive
for the imperfect subjunctive appears to
be first found in Apuleius. Still, recol-
lecting that this letter is by Galba, and
not by Cicero, we think it more probable
that the usage was a colloquialism in
Gnlba's time, and its not being found in
Hteralure before Apuleius is an accident,
than that the mss are in error. Hellmuth
(p. 18), however, agrees with Mendels-
sohn in reading potis essemus. In Att.
iv. 13, 1 (130) ; xiii. 38, 1 (658) M reads
pote.

cui ego praeesse solebam] Appian (iii.
66), in his account of this battle, states
that D. Caisuleius (as he calls Carfulenus)
was on this occasion in command of the
Martian legion. It is noticeable that
Galba makes no mention of Carfulenus.

duas cohortes praetorias] sc. those of
Octavian (§ 4) and Hirtius.

2. contineri] The Martian legion was
especially indignant with Antony, on
account of his having executed several of
their centurions at Brundisium ; and, as
they had deserted Antony at Alba, they

DCCCXLL [FAM. X 30).

105

toriae potuerunt : quas seqiii coepimiis coacti, quoniara retinere
eas non potiieramus. Antonius ad Forum Gallorum suas copias
continebat, neque sciri volebat se legiones habere : tantum equi-
tatum et levem armatiiram ostendebat. Postea quam vidit se
invito legionem ire Pansa, sequi se duas legiones iussit tironum.
Postea quain angustias paludis et sil varum trausiimus, acies est
instructa a nobis duodecim cohortium. 3. Nondum venerant
legiones diiae : repente Antonius in aciem suas copias de vico
produxit et sine mora eoncurrit. Primo ita pugnatum est, ut
acrius non posset ex utraque parte pugnari : etsi dexterius cornu,
in quo ego eram cum Martiae legionis eoliortibus octo, impetu
primo fugaverat legionem xxxv. Antonii, ut amplius passus d.
ultra aciem, quo loco steterat, processerit. Itaque cum equites
nostrum cornum circumire vellent, recipere me coepi et levem arma-

expected no quarter, and fought with
desperation. Cicero (Phil. xiv. 26) states
that were it not for this over-eagerness
on the part of the Martian legion to engage
Antony, the latter would have been de-
feated even before the arrival of Hirtius.
Of Pansa and the Martian legion, he says
dignus imperator legione Martia, digna
legio imperatore.

Forum GaUornm'] now Castel Franco,
about ten miles south-east of Mutina, on
the Aemilian road. Just here the high
road ran through a marshy country, after
issuing from a defile, consisting of woods
and swamps : cp. Prontin. Strat. ii. 5,
39, per sihestria AemiUae viae.

Postea quam'] Note that two sentences
which follow one another begin with this
word. Even such an excellent writer as
Caesar begins (B. G. i. 3, 2) two sentences
one after the other with ad eas res con-
Jic'iendas.

duas legiones . . . tironum] Pansa had
with him four legions of recruits (§ 1).
Two were left in the rere with the quaestor
Turquatus (App. iii. 69) to guard the
camp where Pansa had rested during the
previous night.

duodecim cohortium'] The ten cohorts of
the Martian legion and the two praetorian
cohorts.

3. legiones duae] i.e. the recruits.

concnrrif] The battle was divided into
three divisions. On the right wing, facing
north-west, in the swampy ground to
the right of the road, Carfulenus and
Galba, with eight cohorts of the Martian

legion, stood opposed to the 3oth legion
of Antony. On the left wing the remain-
ing two cohorts of the Martian legion and
the praetorian cohort of Hiitius were
opposed to the 2nd legion. Separating
the two wings, and preventing one from
seeing the other, was the raised Aemilian
highway, on which the praetorian cohort
of Octavian engaged in unequal conflict
with the praetorian cohorts of Antony and
Silanus.

etsi] The sense is : (the whole battle
was vigorously fought) though at first our
wing routed the enemy.

dexterius] Andr. compares Ovid, Met.
ii. 138, for this double comparative form.
It first occurs in Varro, L. L. ix. 27, 34,
and frequently after him : see Neue ii^.
187.

v] We add this numeral from H ; it
is omitted in M.

prucesse7'it] For this unusual sequence
of tenses after a perfect or pluperfect
tense, Andr. compares Att. ii. 16, 1 (4 3),
ita me pupugit ut somnum mihi ademerit;
iv. 3, 3 (92), adduxerit ; Liv. xxii. 6, 6 :
see Eoby, § 1516. It is espe(ially common
in negative sentences : cp. 823, 1 ; Fam.
i. 1, 2 (95) ; Verr. v. 27.

cornum] so M ; cornu H Pal. We
have retained cornum, as it is found in
Lucr. ii. 388, and elsewhere.

circumire] Watson suggests that the
35th legion may have permitted itself to
be driven back, in order to allow the
cavalry to cut off the pursuing Martian
legion from the rest of Pansa's army.

106

DCCCXLI. {FAM. X. 30).

turam opponere Mauroruni equitibus, ue aversos nostros aggrede-
rentur. Interim video me esse iuter Antoiiiiuius Autouiumque
post me esse aliquanto. Repente equum immisi ad eam legioiiem
tironum, quae veuiebat ex castris, scuto reiecto. Antoniani me
insequi ; nostri pila coicere velle. Ita nescio quo fato sum ser-
vatus, quod sum eito a nostris cognitus. 4, lu ipsa Aemilia, ubi
cohors Caesaris praetoria erat, diu puguatum est. Cornu siniste-
rius, quod erat infirmius, ubi Martiae legionis duae coliortes eraiit
et cohors praetoria, pedem referre eoeperunt, quod ab equitatu
circumibantur, quo vel plurimum valet Antonius. Cum omnes se
recepissent nostri ordiues, recipere me uovissimus coepi ad castra.
Antouius tamquam victor castra putavit se posse capere. Quo
cum venit, complures ibi amisit uec egit quicquam. Audita re
Hirtius cum cohortibus viginti veteranis redeunti Antonio in sua

He also supposes that the Moorish cavalry
had been levied by Caesar for his expedi-
tion against the Parthians. In their
deserts, and against their famous cavalrj',
such a force would have been extremely
useful.

Repente . . . cognitus] ' Suddenly I
put my horse at full gallop towards that
legion of recruits which was coming up
from the camp, and threw my shield be-
hind me [partly to show that he was a
friend, partly to protect himself from the
missiles of the enemy]. The Antonians
pursued me ; our men wanted to hurl
their javelins ; in this plight, by some
special providence, I was saved, because
I was quickly recognized by our soldiers.'
Insequi, velle, are historical infinitives.
For ita cp. § 1.

4. cohors praetoria'] We think that
there should be some word to distinguish
this cohort from that of Caesar, and sug-
gest that possibly altera fell out after
praetoria, or Hirtii after coliors.

coeperiDit] It is rare to find the plural
after a collective noun which is applied to
an organized whole ; it is quite common
after collectives M-hich are applied to an
unorganized mass, like purs, vis, multi-
tudo. Here, however, the left wing is
regarded (as the parenthesis uhi . . .
cohors shows), as consisting of three co-
horts (Hellmuth, p. 13). It is noticeable
that Galba uses the circumlocution of
<!oepi with infinitive no less than four
limes in this letter.

quo . . . Antonius] 'in which arm
Antony was quite distinctly the stronger.'

novissimus] see note to Fam. xi. 1, 3
(700).

tamquam victor] ' supposing himself
victor.'

Quo cum venit] Venissef would have
been more normal, as the actions of the
two clauses are not strictly simultaneous,
in which case the perfect indicative
with cum would have been allowable:
cp. 883, 8, /iliuin tuum, ad Brutum cum
veni, videre non potui; Caes. B. G. vi.
12, 1, Cu})> Caesar in Galliam venit alterius
factionis principes erant Acclui. But
Galba, as Hellmuth (p. 19) observes,
writes with great conciseness and rapidity
of the events in which he was not con-
cerned himself, and accordingly, we have
him here virtually saying, ' and no sooner
did he come there than he lost a number
of soldiers, and effected nothing.'

nee egit quicquam] Apjdan (iii. 69)
says that the Martians stood outside the
camp, fearing to be reproached with
having fled from the enemy; and fatigued
though they were, determined to resist to
the death any attack. Antonj- kept aloof
from these, as they were sturdy warriors
(is iirixovujy, lit. 'able to endure toil'),
but dealt great slaughter among the re-
cruits. Throughout his whole account of
the war at Mutina Appian's bias is very
much against the senate's side, and in
favour of Antony.

cohortibus viginti] i.e. the 4th legion,

DCCCXLI. [FAM. X. 30,

107

castra occurrit copiasque eius omnes delevit fugavit eodemque
loco, ubi erat pugnatum, ad Forum Gallorum. Antonius cum
equitibus bora noctis quarta se in castra sua ad Mutinam recepit.
5. Hirtius in ea castra redit, iinde Pausa exierat, ubi duaslegiones
reliquerat, quae ab Antonio erant oppugnatae. Sic partem maio-
rem suarum copiarum Antonius amisit veteranarura. Nee id
tamen sine aliqua iactura cobortium praetoriarum nostrarum et
legionis Martiae fieri potuit. Aquilae duae, signa sexaginta sunt
relata Antonii. Res bene gesta est. A. d. xvii. Kalendas Maias
ex castris.

which had deserted from Antony at the
end of the preceding year, and the 7th
legion. The latter consisted of veterans
recalled to arms : cp. Phil. xiv. 27
(Watson).

delevit fugavit'\ Watson notices that
the first word refers to the infantry, the
second to the cavalry. For the asyndeton
cp. the narrative of the same events, Phil.
xiv. 27, prostravit, fudit, occidit ; 37,
profligarit, oeciderit.

eodemque loco] ' and in the same place
too.' It is more glorious (says Wijlfflin
cp. Hellmuth, p. 21) to defeat the enemy
on the original field of battle than in
flight, or in a subsequent engagement
elsewhere. Wesenberg ingeniously, but
unnecessarilj^ supplies <eodeni die> eodem-
que loco, comparing Phil. xiv. 25, unius
autem diei quot et quantae fuerunt vir-
tutes ; 28, ita triiim imperalorum virtute
consilio felicitate uno die locis pluribus res
pnbliea est conservata. The tiiree gene-
rals referred to in this latter passage are
Pansa, Hirtius, and Octavian. The latter
repulsed an attack made by L. Antonius
on the camp of Hirtius at Mutina (Phil,
xiv. 37). After the battle all three
generals were saluted us imperatores by
the army (Dio Cass. xlvi. 38, 1). This
was the first time on which Octavian
received the title, and it is accordinglj'
noted in the Feriale Cumanum, C. I. L.
X. 8375, \_xviii. K. Mai. eo die Caesar
prinium vicit SuppWjcatio Victoriae Au-
gustae. [xvii. K. Mai. eo die Caesar primum
imperator app^ellatus est Supplicatio Fe-
licitati Iniperi. Subsequently he was
proclaimed Imperator twenty times.

quarta'] about 10 p.m.

5. redit] So the mss. For the his-
torical present appearing with past tenses
in narrative, cp. Driiger i. 230-1, who
quotes, among many other passages, Caes.
B. G. i. 46, 2, Caesar loquendi Jinem facit
seque ad suos recepit.

partem maiorem] The fifth legion does
not appear to have engaged at all in the
battle of Forum Gallorum, though Cicero
implies that it did (Phil. xiv. 27, cum
tribus Antonii legionibus). It played a
vigorous part twelve days later at the
battle of Mutina : cp. 890, 4.

Aquilae] standards of the legions ;
signa, ensigns of the maniples : cp. Diet.
Antiq. ii'. 672. There were 30 maniples
in each legion ; so, if Galba is to be be-
lieved, all the standards of Antony's two
legions were captured.

lies bene gesta est] ' It was a victory
for us,' 'we won the day.' it6Kv iKpd-
T7](Tey, Dio Cass. xlvi. 37, 7.

A. d. xvii. Kalendas Maias] The MS8
give a. d. xii. Though accepted by Lange
(R. A.iii.533,note 14), this is quite impos-
sible. Galba obviously wrote the day after
the battle, otherwise he would have men-
tioned events which took place later than
the night after the battle, especially the
wound which Pansa received. Of this he
probably knew nothing on the day after
the battle, as Pansa had been brought to
Bononia, but he cannot have been igno-
rant of it much longer. Besides, this
date (April 16) will admit of Cicero's
having received the letter before he de-
livered Phil. xiv. (April 22) : cp. §§ 26,
27, of that speech.

108 DCCCXLII. [BRUT. II. 5).

DCCCXLII. CICEHO TO BllUTUS (Brut. ii. 5)

home; APRIL 14 ; a. u. c. 711; b. c. 43 ; aet. cic. 63.

Cicero de tota belli constitutione quid senliat persciibit et Brutum ad maiorem
severitateni rei p. causa excitat.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1. Quae litterae tuo nomine recitatae sint Id. April, in senatu
eodemque tempore Antouii, credo ad te scripsisse tuos, quorum
ego nemini concede ; sed nihil necesse erat eadem omnes, illud
neeesse me ad te scribere, quid sentirem tota de constitutione
huius belli et quo iudicio essem quaque sententia. Voluntas mea,
Brute, de summa re publica semper eadem fuit, quae tua, ratio
quibusdam in rebus — non enim omnibus — paullo fortasse vebe-
mentior. Scis mihi semper placuisse non rege solum, sed regno
liberari rem publicam : tu lenius, immortali omnino cum tua
laude, sed, quid melius fuerit, magno dolore sensimus, maguo
periculo sentimus. Recenti illo tempore tu omnia ad pacem, quae
oratione confici non poterat, ego omnia ad libertatem, quae sine
pace nulla est, pacem ipsam belio atque armis effici posse arbitrabar:
studia non deerant arma poscentium, quorum repressimus impetum

1. tiio oiomine] 'from you,' a phrase sentiments, quo iudicio = my expressed

used generally of messages sent by a opinions, qua sententia = my motions in

second person: cp. Alt. i. 16, 16 (22); the senate. That Cicero's expressed

iii. 15, 8 (73). opinions were not necessarily his real

tuosl ' your friends, and I yield to ones see § 5, tiiam sententiam defendam,

none of them in being your friend.' non relinquam meani.

constitutione^ 'nature.' For this mean- loiius'] i.e. you judged^ that Antonius

ing Euete (p. 106) compares De Inv. i. should not be put to death with Caesar:

10, earn igitur quaestionem, ex qua causa cp. Shakespeare, Jul. Caes. ii. 1, 162 : —
nascitur constitntionem appellamus . . ^^^^ ^^^ ^ ^^^ ^^^^^_. j^,j ^^^^^^^^

cum qitahs res sit quaentur quia et de VI et Brut. 0\ir course will seem too bloody,

de (jenere negoiii controversia est, cons^ti- Cains Cassius,

tutio generalis vacatur. That Cicero was To cut the head off and then hack the limbs,

r. 1 £ „ , „„j„ ,• .• ;„ „!,„,.„ „i Like wrath in death and envy afterwards;

fond of rare words in -lo is shown at p^^ ^^^^^^ -^^^^^ li„^l^ „f ^^^^^^ .

length by Stmner (pp. 7ft.) and btreng Let us be sacrificers, but not butchers, Caius.
(p. 114).

et quo iudicio essem quaque sententii^ tu omnia ad pacein] so. referebas. This

' and what Judgments I express and is a somewhat harsh ellipse, yet cp. Att.

motions I bring forward.' If a distinc- iv. 17, 3 (149), res ad senatum, so. refer-

tion is to be made, quid sentiam = my real tur; v. 2, 4 (187).

DCCCXLII. {BRUT. II. 5).

109

ardoremque restinximus, 2. Itaque res in eum locum venerat,
ut, nisi Caesari Octaviano deus quidara illam mentem dedisset, in
potestatem perditissimi homiuis et turpissimi M. Antonii venien-
diun fuerit, quocum vides hoc tempore ipso quod sit quantumque
certamen : id profeeto nullum esset, nisi turn conservatus esset
Antonius. Sed haec omitto : res enira a te gesta memorabilis et
paene caelestis repellit omues reprehensiones, quippe quae ne
laude quidem satis idonea affici possit. Exstitisti nuper vultu
severo ; exercitura, copias, legiones idoneas per te brevi tempore
comparasti : di immortales ! qui ille nuntius, quae illae litterae,
quae laetitia senatus, quae alacritas civitatis erat ! nihil umquam
vidi tam omnium consensione laudatum. Erat exspectatio reli-
quiarum Antonii, quern equitatu legionibusque magna ex parte
spoliaras : ea quoque habuit exitum optabilem ; nam tuae litterae,
quae recitatae in senatu sunt, et imperatoris et militum virtutem
et industriam tuorum, in quibus Oiceronis mei, declarant. Quod si
tuis placuisset de his litteris referri et nisi in tempus turbulent is-

2. nisi . . . dedisset] cp. Phil. v. 43,
quis turn nobis quis populo Romano obtulit
hane diviniim adolescentem deus : xiii. 18.
The reference is to Octavian's raising of
forces, and marching to the defence of
Rome in November 44 : cp. Phil. iii.
3-6.

repellit oimies reprehensiones'] Sti'eng
(p. 116) thinks that possibly Cicero is
translating the Greek verse quoted by
him, Att. xiv. 22, 2 (729), &\\ois iu
i(rd\o7s rJrS' aTrcodovvTai ^Syoi'.

affici] ' greeted with sufficient lauda-
tions ': cp. 825, 2, te . . . honor ibus
amplissimis affectum.

vultu severo] cp. Att. xiv. 20, 5 (727),
7ion te Briiti nostri vuUiculus ah ista ora-
tione deterret ; xv. 12, 1 (745), noster
vero Kal /xdAa ffifivSis in Asiam.

qui ille nuntius] This was the first
despatch which Brutus sent; it announced
the blockade of C. Antonius in Apollonia,
and was the occasion of Phil. x.

Erat . . . Antonii] ' We were in ex-
pectation of news concerningthe remnants
of the forces of Antonius.'

nam tuae litterae] This was the second
despatch : it announced the capture of
C. Antonius.

Oiceronis mei] Plutarch (Brut. 26)
relates that prior to bis blockade, C.
Antonius had attempted to seize some

forts near Byliis, but was routed in a
pitched battle by young Cicero. Brutus
probably did not mention those who had
distinguished themselves in the campaign
against C. Antonius until he wrote the
official account of its successful result.

tempus turbulentissimum] Pansa left
Pome on March 19, on the evening of
which day the letter of Brutus arrived.
On that day that letter was read along
with the letter of Lepidus advocating
peace. On the subject of this letter
Cicero delivered Phil, xiii., strongly
opposing any negotiations for peace.
The letter of Plancus advocating peace
does not appear to have been read until
after the delivery of Phil. xiii. : cp. § 16,
where Plancus is represented as having
large forces to fight with : Schmidt, Cass,
p. 31, note 1. The speech was so ear-
nestly directed against any peace pro-
posals that it only incidentally mentions
the capture of C. Antonius (§§ 30, 32).
In the letters written by Cicero on March
20, viz. 826 to Plancus, 827 to Lepidus,
no mention of the capture of C. Antonius
is made, partly because Cicero had enough
to say in censuring them for their peace
proposals, and partly because, as Cae-
sarians, they could not be very much
pleased at any signal success gained by
Brutus : cp. introductory note to 826.

110

DCCCXLIL {BRUT. II. 5).

simum post discessum Pansae consulis iucidissent, honos quoque
iustus et debitus dis immortalibus decretus esset. 3. Ecce tibi
Idib. April, advolat mane Celer Pilins, qui vir, di boni, quam
gravis, qnam constans, quam bonarum in re publica partiiim ! hie
epistolas adfert duas, unam tuo nomine, alteram Antonii ; dat
Servilio tribuno plebis, ille Cornuto : recitantur in senatu. An-
TONivs Piiocos. : magna admiratio, ut si esset recitatum dolabella
IMPERATOR, a quo quidem venerant tabellarii, sed nemo Pili
similis, qui proferre litteras auderet aut magistratibus reddere.
Taae recitantur, breves illae quidem, sed in Antonium admodum
leues : veliementer admiratus senatus ; milii autem non erat ex-
plicatum, quid agerem : falsas dicerem ? quid, si tu eas appro-
basses ? confirmarem? non erit dignitatis tuae. 4. Itaque ille
dies silentio ; postridie autem, cum sermo increbruisset Piliusque
oculos veliementius bominum offendisset, natum omnino est prin-

incidissent'] cp. Fam. ii. 3, 1 (169) ;
iii. 9, 4 (249).

3. Ecce tibi] Streng (p. 118) notes
that in rapid narratives and accounts of
proceedings in the senate Cicero is fond
of short sentences and of an elliptical
style, as here : cp. Att. iv. 3, 3-4 (92) ;
15, 4-G (143); 17, 2-3 (149) ; Q. Fr. ii.
3, 2 (102).

Celer I'il'uts'] This is the hrilliant
emendation of Euete (80-81). We read
of a partisan of Caesar's called Celer, Att.
xi. 4, 1 (413), Hie tua ut possum tutor
apud tios (sc. the Pompeians), cetera (i.e.
your affairs with the Caesarians) Celer:
xii. 8 (501), scribe qtiaeso quid referat
Celer egisse Caesarem cum candidatis. He
■was also a friend or relation of Atticus :
cp. Att. X. 1, 4 (378), Celer tuus disertus
magis est qnam scqnens. Again, there is a
Q. Pilius qui erat iam ad Caesarem prnfec-
tus, Att. iv. 18, 5 (154) ,who was a relation
of Atticus (he was liis father-in-law) :
cp. Fam. viii. 8, 2 (223), Q. Filius tieces-
sarius Attici nostri, and Att. vi. 3, 10
(264). There can he no doubt, accord-
ingly, that the father-in-law of Atticus
was called Q. Pilius Celer, and that he
was a partisan of Caesar's ; and it is most
probable that he is the very man alluded
to here.

quam bonarum .... jmrtium'] iron-
ical.

Cornuto'] the praetor, for there was no
consul : cp. 838, 3.

PROcos.] In February the province
of Macedonia had been consigned by the
senate to Q. Hortensius ; and the senate
were astonished that Brutus could ever
have allowed C. Antonius, his prisoner of
war, to arrogate to himself the title of
proconsul, even if he did allow him to
send an official letter to the government
at home.

sed nemo Tili similis'\ Dolabella, too,
had the audacity to send home an official
letter, which, as usual, went to his friends
in the first instance. They, however,
had not the boldness of Pilius, and wisely
refrained from presenting that letter form-
ally to the magistrates, as they well knew
the storm of indignation which it woiild
cause.

admodum lenes] The letters did not
speak of Antonius with much severity,
notwithstanding that there were constant
mutinies in the army in his favour : cp.
Plut. Brut. 26 ; Dio xlvii. 22, 23; App.
iii. 79.

lion erat explicalum'] ' it was not quite
plain': cp. Att. ix. 7, 2 (362), quibus
nihil potest esse explicatius.

4. ille dies silentio'] sc. praeteriit, not a.
very harsh ellipse : cp. Heidemann, p. 4.
TVe might say, ' Nothing that day ' sc.
was done.

oculos offendisset'] cp. Verr. ii. 150 ;
V. 143 ; Leg. Agr. ii. 56.

natum . . . j)rincipium] cp. Phil. ii.
50.

DCCCXLII. {BRUT. II. 5).

Ill

cipiuin a me : de proconsule Antonio multa ; Sestius causae non
defuit : post mecura, quanto suum filium, quanto meumiu perieula
futnrura duceret, si contra proconsulem arma tulissent ; nosti
hominem : causae tamen non defuit. Dixerunt etiam alii ; Labeo
vero noster nee signum tuum in epistola nee diem appositum nee
te scripsisse ad tuos, ut soleres : hoc cogere volebat, falsas litteras
esse et, si quaeris, probabat. 5. Nunc tuum est consilium, Brute,
de toto genere belli. Yideo te lenitate delectari et eum putare
fructum esse maximum, praeclare quidem, sed aliis rebus, alii&
temporibus locus esse solet debetque clementiae : nunc quid agitur,
Brute ? Templis deorum immortalium imminet bominum egen-
tium et perditorum spes nee quidquam aliud decernitur hoc bello,
nisi utrum simus necne. Cui parcimus aut quid agimus ? His
ergo eonsulimus, quibus victoribus vestigium nostrum nullum
relinquetur ? Nam quid interest inter Dolabellam et quemvis
Antoniorum trium ? Quorum si cui parcimus, duri fuimus in
Dolabella. Haec ut ita sentiret senatus populusque Romanus,
etsi res ipsa cogebat, tamen maxima ex parte nostro consiiio atque
auctoritate perfectum est. Tu si banc rationem non probas, tuam
sententiam defendam, non relinquam meam : neque dissolutum a

contra 2)roconsulein'] Sestius appears to
have been a stupid man. His literary
style was atrocious : cp. note to Att. viii.
17, 2 (315). Here he professes a fear
that, inasmuch as Brutus had tolerated
that C. Antoniiis should style himself
PROcos, jierhaps he is a proconsul ; and
Sestius opines, that it may prove a very
serious matter for his and Cicero's sons if
they are found hearing arms against a
proconsul ; they would, he urged, be
traitors (cp. Pliil. iii. 14). As the argu-
ment was characteristic of Sestius, Cicero
adds nosii hoininem.

causae tamen non defuit'] We liave
added tamen, as there must be some ad-
versative conjunction with this clause,
unless, indeed, we strike out the clause
altogether, and suppose that it crept in
from the same words two lines before.
But Cicero not uncommonly repeats him-
self in this fashion, generally with in-
quam: cp. Att. i. 16, 4 (22); x. 6, 2
(386).

Labeo'] ep. 915, 1. He was one of the
murderers of Caesar (Plut. Brut. 12), and
lieutenant of Brutus in 712 (42). After
the battle of Philippi his freedman slew

him at his own bidding, App. iv. 135.

cogere] 'to infer': cp. Leg. ii. 33,
sunt autem ea quae posui ex quibus id quod
voluimus efficitur et cogitur.

5. lenitate] From this word, and from
probabat, we see that Cicero believed that
the letter was genuine.

eum . . . maximum] We should expect
eiHS. The lenitas was not the fruit, but
the seed, from which an abundant harvest
would be reaped.

Templis] cp. Phil. viii. 8 ; xiv. 27.

spes] Meyer (p. 115) wishes for a
stronger word here, such as mendicitas
(Phil. v. 20), or homines egentes et per-
diti.

nisi . . . necne] cp. for the anxiety at
this time Phil. xiv. 10 (delivered March
21), aut foedissimam omnes aut miserabilem
fugam cogitabant.

iyi Dolabella] ' in the case of D.': cp.
807, 3, eius voluntatem perspiciemus in
Casca; 902, 2 ; 914, 10.

Haec ut ita] For this slight redun-
dancy haec — ita, cp. 798, quod quidem
ita credo, and Madv. on Fin. ii. 17.

dissolutum . . . crudele] ' lax,' . . . 'un-
duly harsh': cp. 844, 3; Att. i. 19, 8

112

DCCCXLIII. {BRUT. I. 2, §§ 3-6).

te quidquara homines exspectant iiec crudele ; huius rei moderatio
facilis est, ut iu duces vehemeus sis, in milites liberalis. 6. Cice-
ronem meum, mi Brute, velim quam plurimum tecum habeas :
virtutis disciplinam meliorem reperiet nullam quam contempla-
tionem atque imitationem tui. xviii. Kaleud. Maias.

DCCCXLIII. CICERO TO BRUTUS (Brut. i. 2, §§ s-e).

ROME ; APRIL 17 (about) ; A. U. 0. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. GIG. 63.

Quaerit Cicero de Dolabella, monetque Brutum ne nimiuni sit erga Antonium clemens.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

3. . . . Te benevolentiam exercitus equitumque expertum
vehementer gaudeo. 4. De Dolabella, ut scribis, si quid habebis
novi, facies me certiorem, in quo delector me ante providisse, ut

(25), nihil iam deniqne a me asperum in
quemqiinni fit nee tamen quicquam populare
ac dissolutum. The word dissolutum is
applied to conduct which, from want of
firm principle, is not sufficiently resolute
in dealing with enemies of the state, or
•with demagogic faction.

moderatio'] ' middle course.'
6. imitationem tiii] For a similar com-
pliment cp. Fam. i. 7, 11 (114), iiiin
imprimis imitatione tui fac erudias : nulla
^nim erit hac praestantior diseiplina.

xviii. Kal. Maias] April 14. The Mss
give xiii. Schmidt (Cass., p. 39) thinks
that the quiet tone of this letter points to
a time before April 19, 20, when the
Antonian party appear to have been plan-
ning the murder of Cicero, and attempting
something like a coup d''elat (cp. Phil,
xiv. 15) ; though the riot would appear,
from § 5 above, to have been already
brewing. This is a strong argument
against the received date. Schmidt pro-
poses to alter xiii. to xvi. : cp. the varia-
tions of M' and M- in 867 fin. ; also notes
to 860, 3 ; 840, 1 ; and Fam. xiv. 4, 3 (62).
Gurlitt (Philol. Suppl. iv. 564), argues
further, tliat Cicero probably wrote at
once after the acceptance by the senate of
Labeo's view that the letter of Brutus was

a forgery : that was on April 14. "We
have, accordingly, adopted this reading.

GurUtt (Philol. Suppl. iv. 564 ff.) has
discussed with much acuteness the diffi-
culties in this letter : cp. Schmidt (Jahrb.
1890, p. 114). The beginning of it is not
forthcoming. A sheet of the archetype,
containing the conclusion of 874 and be-
ginning of 843 has been lost. Both 874
and 843 appear as one letter in the mss;
yet they are quite distinct, and the one
chronologically prior appears in the arche-
type as the second part of Brut. i. 2. It
is chronologically prior, as it treats of C.
Antonius exactly in the tone of 842, and
does not presuppose the extended know-
ledge of Dolabella's proceedings which
Cicero had when he wrote 874. It was
probably written about April 17, shortly
before the news of the battle of Forum
Gallorum reached Eome. We must alter
xii. Kal. to XV. : cp. note to 842 fin.
This date will also account for the absence
of all allusion to the terrorism which the
Antonians spread through the city during
April 18 to 20 (837, 2). If we retain xii.
Kal. we must suppose that Ciceio wrote
and despatched this letter in the early
morning of the 20th, before the news of

DCCCXLIII. {BRUT. I. 1, §§ 3-6).

113

tuum iudicium liberum esset cum Dolabella belli gerendi : id
valde pei'tinuit, ut ego turn intellegebam, ad rem publicam, td
nunc iudico, ad dignitatem tuam. 5. Quod scribis me maximo
otio eglsse, iit insectarer Antonios, idque laudas, credo ita videri
tibi, sed illam distiuctionem tuam nullo pacto probo : scribis enim
acrius prohibenda bella civilia esse quam in superatos iracundiam
exercendam. Yehementer a te, Brute, dissentio, nee clementiae
tuae concede, sed-^salutaris severitas viucit inanem speciem cle-
mentiae ;-<cquod si clementes esse volumus, numquam deerunt bella
civilia. Sed de hoc tu videris: de me possum idem, quod Plautinus
pater in Trinummo :

Mihi quidem aetas acta ferme est : tua istuc refei*t maxime.

6. Opprimemini, mihi crede, Brute, nisi provideritis ; neque enim
populum semper eundem habebitis neque senatum neque senati
ducem. Haec ex oraculo Apollinis Pythii edita tibi puta : nihil
potest esse verius. xv. Kal. Maias.

the victory arrived. If we hold with
Ruete (p. 82), that the two letters are
really one, as they appear in the mss, we
have to alter Maia.i to lunias — a violent
proceeding — and to suppose in the latter
part an awkward recurrence to the affairs
of Dolahella and C. Autonius.

4. tit tuum iudicium liberum esset'] cp.
842, 1. In ante providisse Cicero appears
to be alluding to his "words in Phil. xi. 26,
27.

5. maximo otio] Ruete (p. 108) reads
maximo negotio, ' with infinite labour ' :
cp. Caes. B. G. v. 11, 2, ut reliqune naves
refici posse mag no ncqotio viderentur ; Bell.
Alex. 8 ; Fani. ii. I'o, 3 (225) ; Att. v. 12,
1 (202); xiv. 13 5, 2 (717). Manutius
suggested animo, Lambinus odio. We
thought at one time that possibly the
reading may have been e maximo otio
exisse, ' have left the most perfect leisure
to come and attack Antony. ' For magnum
applied to otium, cp. Off. i. 77 ; the usual
word is summiim. But Gurlitt (p. 572) is
right in thinking that the mss reading otio
is sound ; for Brutus, when he wrote the
letter which Cicero is answering, did not
know definitely what attitude Cicero was

taking up as regards C. Antonius. "We
may suppose that he said, ' you are pro-
ceeding very leisurely {maximo otio agis)
to the attack on the Antonii, and in that
I think you are wise.' Brutus was at
this time in favour of mild treatment of
C. Antonius.

sed . . . clementiae] cp. Amm. Marc.
sxix. 5, 24, agehat aidem haec Tullianum
illud advertens quod salutaris rigor
vincit inanem speciem clementiae.

in Trinummo] ii. 2, 42.

6. provideritis] So Poggio's ms = M 49,
24: cp. Schmidt (Jahrb. 1889, p. 181),
who quotes Petrarch De remediis utr. fort,
ii. 117, p. 234, opprimemini, mihi erede,
Brute, inquit \_Cicero], nisi provideritis:
cp. Viertel, p. 29. Frovidctis MH (= Harl.
2491) ; provideatis (Wolffenbiittel Ms) ;
provideris (Dresd.). The reading of M is,
however, defensible ; 908, 1, hoc si a te
impetro nihil profecto dubitabis : Fam. iii.
7, 5 (244), trc si aliter existimas nihil
errabis; Petit. Cons. 38 (12): cp. 848, 2.

Apollinis] cp. Ter. Andr. iv. 2, 15,
non Apollinis magis veritm atque hoc re-
sponsum est ; Tusc. i. 17 ; Lucr. i. 738.

XV. Kal. Maias'] see introd. note.

114 DCCCXLIV. {BRUT. 1. S, §§ 1-3).

DCCCXLIV. CICERO TO BRUTUS (Brut. i. 3, §^ 1-3).

ROME ; APRIL 21 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. C'IC. 63.

Cicero Octavianum laudat et laetitiam Romae e victoria consilium et D. Bruti
ortam coniniemorat. Liberalitateni eius in seditionis auctoribus reprebendi Roiuae
scribit.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1 . Nostrae res meliore loco videbantur ; scripta enim ad te
certo scio, quae gesta sunt. Quales tibi saepe scrips! consules esse
tales exstiterunt. Caesaris vero pueri mirifica indoles virtutis :
utinam tarn facile eum florentem et honoribus et gratia regere ac
tenere possimus, quam facile adhuo tenuimus ! est omnino illud
difBcilius, sed tamen non diffidimus ; persuasum est enim adoles-
cent!, et maxime per me, eius opera nos esse salvos, et certe, nisi
is Antouium ab urbe avertisset, perissent omnia. 2. Triduo vero
aut quatriduo ante banc rem pulcberrimam timore quodam per-
culsa civitas tota ad te se cum coniugibus et liberis effundebat ;
eadem recreata a. d. xii. Kal. Maias te buc venire quam se ad te

That Brxit. i. 3, as given in the mss, consuls (836, 1, note; 897, 2); and he
consists of two letters, written at an was alive to their shortcomings (cp. Att.
interval of some days from one another, xiv. 9, 2 (712) ; 12, 2 (715) ; 19, 2 (725) ;
is certain. The first three paragraphs xv. 1, 3 (730), oi/Shy vyies). He says
were M'litten shortly after the news of the they have shown themselves the same as
battle of Forum Gallorum arrived, pro- ever, viz. half-hearted, indolent men,
bably on April 21. The consuls are who would fight indeed w^hen they were
evidently thought of as still alive (^ 1). compelled, but not otherwise ; whereas
In § 4 (Ep. 846) the battle of Mutina, the Octavian had the real manliness of true-
death of the consuls, and the flight of born, native valour.

Antony are related, the news of which indoles virtutis'] 'natural manliness':

cannot have been known in Rome before cp. 0£F. iii. 16 ; Phil. v. 47.

the 26th. persunsum est enim^ The argument is,

1. Nostrae res . . . videbantur'] These that it is not likely that the young Oc-

words are a perfect sigh of relief. ' "We tavian will imperil, by any act of dis-

are better now.' loyalty, the high honours which his elders

consules esse] We have ventured to have showered upon him. It is as true

add esse. ' The consuls have shown them- that you love the man you have benefited

selves of the character of which I always as that you hate the man you have injured ;

told you they were'; though, indeed, it and, besides there is nothing which links

is not absolutely necessary to add any- the inferior to the superior more than a

thing : cp. 852, 4, Pansa vivo celeriora feeling in the inferior that he has really

oiiniia jiutabamns, sc. fore. Cicero else- done a service to his superior, and that the

where speaks of the dilatoriness of the service has been gratefully recognized.;

DCCCXLIV. {BRVT. I. 3, %% 1-3).

115

ire malebat : quo quidem die magnorum meorura laborum nmlta-
rumque vigiliarum fructum cepi maximum — si modo est aliquis
fruetus ex solida veraque gloria — ; nam tantae multitudinis,
quantam capit urbs nostra, coneursus est ad me factus, a qua usque
in Capitolium deductus maximo clamore atque plausu in rostris
collocatus sum : nihil est in me inane — neque enim debet — , sed
tamen omnium ordinum consensus, gratiarum actio gratulatioque
me commovet propterea, quod popularem me esse in populi salute
praeclarum est. 3. Sed haec te malo ab aliis. Me velim de tuis
rebus consiliisque facias diligentissime certiorem illudque con-
sideres, ne tua liberalitas dissolutior videatur : sic sentit senatus,
sic populus Romanus, nuUos umquam hostes digniores omni sup-
plicio fuisse quam eos cives, qui hoc bello contra patriam arma
ceperunt, quos quidem ego omnibus sententiis ulciscor et persequor
omnibus bonis approbantibus. Tu quid de hac re sentias, tui
iudicii est : ego sic sentio, trium fratrum unam et eandem esse
causam.

2. in rosins'] It has been objected to
this sentence, that it implies that the
rostra was in the Capitol, and it is held
that Cicero could not have made such a
mistake. But neither could the forger,
who is supposed to have lived not more
than a generation or so after Cicero. Cer-
tainly suggestus, or tribunal, would more
naturally be used for any other pulpit
than the one in the Forum. Possibly
we should supply <et postea rediictus.> or
something of the kind after deductus.

nihil est in me inane'] So Cicero writes
to Brutus ; but to Atticus he unlocks his
heart, ii. 17, 2 (44), quod est subinane in
nobis et non a<p t\6So ^ov.

quod . . . praeclaruin] ' for it is an
event of exceeding great glory that I,
Cicero, should be the idol of the people

when effecting their safety.' Cicero never
had much sympathy with the democracy,
and accordingly was not a favourite with
the people. In his opinion, the people
were constantly clamouring for what was
not for their real good, or for the good of
the whole community. But now they see
that he is furthering their interests, and
defending the state, and Cicero feels that
their applause in such a case was a thing
to be proud of.

3. ab aliis] sc. certiorem fieri.

dissolutior] 'to show undue laxity':
cp. 842, 5. Cicero is, doubtless, alluding
to the course which Brutus should take as
regards C. Antonius.

trium fratrum] Marcus, Lucius, and
Gaius Antonius. Lucius was in the army
of Marcus.

^nli

PAKT XI.

GRAVIUS AEGROTANT II, QUI, CUM LEV ATI MORBO VIDERENTUR
IN EUM DE INTEGRO INCIDERUNT.

PART XL

LETTERS FROM THE BATTLE OF MUTINA TO THE END OF THE

CORRESPONDENCE.

EPP. DCCCXLV.-DCCCCXVI.

APRIL TO JULY.

A. U. C. .

711

B. C.

AET. CIC.

DCCOXLV. [FAM. X. 9). 121

DCCCXLY. PLANCUS TO CICEHO (Fam. x. 9).

GALLIA NARBONENSIS, NEAR VIENNE; APRIL 27 (aBOUT); A.U. C. 711;
B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

L. Plancus suuni rei puMicae studium prae se fert, dignitatem suani commendat, et
quid egerit et quid acturus sit exponit, exercitum laudat.

PLANCUS CICERONI S.

1. Nihil me tibi teruere ant te ceteris de me frustra recepisse
laetor. Certe hoc mains hahes testimonium araoris mei, quo
maturius tibi quam ceteris cousilia mea volui esse nota. In dies
vero meritorum meorum fieri accessiones pervidere te spero :
oogniturum magis recipio. 2. Quod ad me attinet, mi Cicero —
ita ab imminentibus mails res publica me adiuvante liberetur ! —
sic honores praemiaque vestra suspicio, conferenda certe cam
immortalitate, ut sine his nihil de meo studio perseverantiaque
sim remissurus. Nisi in multitudiue optimorum civium impetus
animi mei fuerit singularis et opera praecipua, nihil ad meam
dignitatem accidere volo suffragatione vestra. 3. Concupiseo
autem nihil mihi — contra quod ipse pugno — , et temporis et rei
te moderatorem facile patior esse. Nihil aut sero aut exigue a
patria civi tributum potest videri. Exercitum a. d. vi. Kal.

1. Nihil . . . nota] ' I am glad that studio perseverantiaque] 'unswerving
I made no rash promises to you, or that devotion.'

you made no fruitless promises to the Nisi . . . vestra] ' If it he not tliat

rest ahout me. Of a truth you have a among the great numher of patriotic

greater evidence of my affection for you citizens my devotion is pre-eminent and

iu this that I wished you to have infor- my exertions signal, I do not \yish to

mation of my plans before the rest.' For obtain any addition to my distinctions by

hoc . . . quo instead of the more usual your support.'

'-0 . . . quo, cp. Rose. Com. 31. 3. Concupiseo . . . videri] ' But cove-

2. sic . . . ut] A variation of iif« . . . tousness of honour for myself does not
lit. ' "While I regard . . . yet.' Ehodius actuate me — ray I even fight against it —
(p. 17) calls this the adversative ut. and I willingly leave you to be the judge

suspicio] ' look up to with admira- of the time and amount of it. No honour
tion.' Cp. Off. ii. 36 ; Horace, Epp. i. bestowed on a citizen by his country can
6, 18. seem either late or paltry.'

122

DCCCXLVl. [BRUT. I. 3, § ^).

Maias Rliodaniim traieci magnis itiiicribus. Vienna equites mille
via brevioro praemisi. Ipse, si ab Lepido uon impediar, celeritate
satis faciam : si autem is itiiieri meo se opposuerit, ad tenipus
consilium capiam. Copias adduco etnumero et genere et fidelitate
firmissimas. Te, ut diligas me, si mutuo te facturum scis, rogo.
Vale.

DCCCXLVl. CICEllO TO BRUTUS (Brut. i. 3, § 4)

ROME ; APRIL 27 (aBOUt) ; A. U. C. 711 ', B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Consulcs amissos esse ct omnes Antonianos hostes iudicatos esse scribit.

CICEllO BRUTO SAL.

4. Consules duos, bonos quidem, sed dumtaxat bonos [cousules],
amisimus : Hirlius quidem in ipsa victoria occidit, cum paucis
diebus ante magno proelio vicisset ; nam Pausa fugerat vulneribus
acceptis, quae ferre non potuit. Reliquias hostium Brutus per-
sequitur et Caesar ; hostes autem omnes iudicati, qui M. Antonii

opposuerit'] So II Pal ; M has the old
form, opposicrit, which Mendelssohn and
Ehodius (p. 2) read — perhaps rightly.

et numero . . . firmissimas] ' Most
strong in numbers, character,and loj'alty ' :
genere means that they were experienced
legionary soldiers, not mere recruits.

Te . . . scis] ' I beg you to give me
your affection as you know that you will
be reciprocating it.'

See introductory note to 844 for the
reason why this section is regarded as a
separate letter. Schmidt (Jahrb. 1884, p.
624 : 1890, p. 112) tliinks that we should
consider only the portion from Cousules to
Caesar as a distinct letter from 814 ; but we
can see no special reason for this view (cp.
note to § 4 fin.) ; and it is more difficult to
suppose that such a brief and fragmentary
letter was inserted in the middle of another
than either that two letters were joined to
one another (cp. 825, 851), or that Cicero
wrote 844 on April 22, but did not despatch
it, and added the letter before us as a
postscript on April 27 after the news of the
Battle of Mutina had arrived.

4. dumtaxut bonos] * only patriotic'

Their principles and loyalty were unim-
peachable (897, 1), but they lacked spirit,
energy, and military skill (836, 1). Uf
course their loss was regarded both by
Cicero (851, 6) and D. Brutus (847, 1) as
a serious blow to the State, for at this
crisis it was of the highest importance to
have really loyal men at the head of the
armies.

mayno proelio] the Battle of Forum
Gallorum.

?iam] The thought is : (I only men-
tion Hirtius as having fallen in the battle)
for Pansa fled.

fugerat] rather too strong a word, cp.
Phil. xiv. 26 £f. Cicero implies that
Pansa had not borne his wounds with
sufficient fortitude, and that he was thus
to blame, as far as physical courage was
concerned, in that he retired to Bononia
after having been wounded. He ought,
in Cicero's opinion, to have remained near
Mutina at the head of his army. For
Pansa s wounds cp. 890, 4 Phil. 'xiv. 26,
36.

ft Caesar] This M-as a false rumour,
but it arose naturally, as it was the general
expectation that Octavian would of course

DCCCXLVII. {FAM. XL 9).

123

seetam secuti sunt, idqiie senatus coiisultum plerique iuterpretantur
etiam ad tuos sive captivos sive dediticios pertinere : equidem nihil
disserui durius, cum nominatim de 0. Antonio decernerem, quod
ita statueram, a te cognoscere causani eius senatum oportere.
V. Kal, Maias.

DCCCXLVII. D. BEUTUS TO CICERO (Fam. xi. 9).

REGIUM LEPIDI ; APRIL 29 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B- C. 43; AET. CIC. 63.

D. Brutus Ciceronem hortatur ut operam det, ne consulibus amissis hostes rei
publicae invalescant.

D. BRUTUS S. D. M. CICERONI.

1. Pansa amisso quantum detriment! res puWica acceperit non
te praeterit. Nunc auctoritate et prudentia tua prospicias oportet,

pursue Antony. A considerable time
elapsed before definite news of affairs at
Mutina arrived at Rome. On May 5
Cicero writes to Plancus that the flight of
Antony is known only by report, 853, 1
fugisse enim ex proelio Mutinensi dlcunlur
notissiiitl latronum duces.

hostes antcm omnes iudicaii^ But you
must know all have been judged enemies.
We should much prefer ejiiM, as the clause
expresses the reason for the use of Jiostiimi
in the previous sentence. This outlawry
of Antony and his followers who were
Roman citizens was probably passed on
the 2f)th ; for on the 27th the question
was discussed as to what action was to be
taken against them (852, 1). These dates
are not invalidated by the fact that Cicero
calls tlie forces of Antony hostes in I'hil.
xiv. 36-38 (delivered April 21st), for he
is there using the word informally in the
sense of ' opponents,' and not in that of
regularly declared enemies of the State :
if the sentence of outlawry had been passed
he would have emphasised the word by
the addition of a clause referring to that
sentence.

seetam secuti sunt'] ' who followed the
lead of: cp. Naevius (fr. 5 Biihrens),
JEorum seetam sequuntur niulti niortales (of
Aeneas and Anchises flying from Troy to
Italy) : cp. Sest. 97, Gael. 40.

V. Kal. Maias] The mss give x., but
we must alter to v. (cp. note to 842 fin.),

as the news of the Battle of Mutina can-
not have reached Rome earlier than
April 26th. Errors in numerals are
common, and it is simpler to assume this
error than to suppose with Schmidt that a
few lines (see introd. note) were embedded
into the middle of a letter.

After his release from Mutina, on April
23rd, D. Brutus had a fruitless interview
with Octavian. On the morning of the
23rd he received a summons to visit the
dying Pansa at Bononia : on the way he
heard of Pansa's death, and returned to
his army. On the 24th (two full days
after the departure of Antony, hlduo 869,
2) he started westward ; but probably,
with his enfeebled army, he spent two days
on the march, so that he reached Regium
Lepidi on the evening of the 25th. Schelle
(p. 17) tliinks that this letter was written
on the 2Gth, and that we should alter iii
to VI (cp. note to 842 fin.) : but it is more
probable that he remained three days at
Regium Lepidi, letting his army recruit
after their privations during the siege of
Mutina, and collecting cavalry, provi-
sions, baggage animals, &c. (869, I) ; and
that he started regularly in pursuit of
Antony on the 29th, after having des-
patched this letter to Cicero : cp. Schmidt,
Jahrb. 1892, p. 328.

1. amisso] Early on the 23rd, Pansa
died in Bononia.

124

DCCCXLVIL {FAM. XI. 9).

ue inimici nostri consulibus suWatis speieut se couvalescere posse.
Ego, lie consistere possit in Italia Autonius, dabo operara. Sequar
euni confestim. Utrumque me praestaturum spero, ue aut Venti-
dius elabatur aut Aiituuius in Italia moretur. In primis rogo te,
ad liomiuem ventosissimum, Lepidum, mittas, ne bellum nobis
redintegrare possit Antonio sibi coniuncto. Nam de Pollione
Asinio puto te perspicere quid facturus sit. Multae et bonae et
firmae sunt legiones Lepidi et Asinii. 2. Neque liaec idcirco tibi
scribo, quod te non eadem auimadvertere sciam, sed quod milii
persuasissimum est Lepidum recte facturum numquam, si forte
vobis id de hoc dubium est. Plaueum quoque eonfirmetis oro,
quem spero pulso Antonio rei publicae non defuturum. Si se
Alpes Antonius traiecerit, constitui praesidium in Alpibus collo-
care et te de omni re facere certiorem. iii. Kal. Maias, ex castris,
Kegio.

ne . . . Antomus] ' that Antonius be
not able to keep a footing in Italy.'

praestaturum . . . ne] 'succeed in
hindering': cp. 901, 4.

Ventidius] He was leading three
legions from Picenum to Antony. He
afterwards joined him at Vada Sabatia
(bo4. 3).

veittosissimuni] ' that weathercock '
(Jeans). For tenfosus cp. Phil. si. 17 ;
Hor. Ep. i. 8, 12 ; 19, 37.

KoinJ The argument is — I do not ask
you to write to Pollio ; for you, as his
fiiend, of course know his sentiments and
his plans. D. Brutus seems to feel little
doubt that Pullio will act honourably.

Pollione Asiiiio'] See note to Fam. viii.
11, 2 (267), for the cognomen placed be-
fore the noimn.

Multae'] Lepidus had 7 legions (App.
iii. 84) ; Pollio had 3 (cp. 896, 4).

2. sciam'] The subj. is used, because
this is not the real reason : cp. Fam. ix.

1, 2 (456), eisi non idcirco eorum usum
dimiseram quod eis succenserem sed quod
eorum me suipudebat. The stock ex. is
Tusc. ii. 56 : cp. Roby, 1745.

persuasissimum] cp. Colum. xii. 1, 5,
ea porro persuasissimum habere debebit :
Suet. Nero 29, comperi persuasissimum
habuisse eum.

si forte . . . est] ' if perchance you
may have a doubt about that trait in him.'
Emesti, with some mss, omits id : but the
personal construction is allowable : cp.
Fam. iv. 15, 1 (484), cognovi autem id
quod mihi dubium nonfuit.

Si se . . . traiecerit] For the double
ace. cp. 900, 4, si quo etiam casti Isa-
ram se traiecerint.

Regio] Eegium Lepidi (825, 1), or
Eegium Lepidum (Tac. Hist. ii. 50), a
town on the Aemilian road, between
Mutina and Parma, probably built by
M. Aemilius Lepidus, cons. 567 (^87),
who made the road ; now Eeggio.

DCCCXLVIIL (FAJl. X 17).

125

DCCCXLVIIL PL ANGUS TO CICERO (Fam. x. ii).

COUNTRY OF ALLOBROGES ; APRIL (eXd) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ;

AET. CIC. 63.

L. Plancus gratias agit propter eius benevolentiam Ciceroni et de sue in rem
putlicam studio adseverat.

PLANCUS CICERONI.

1 . Immortales ago tibi gratias agamque, dum vivam : nam
relaturum me aclfirmare non possum. Tantis enim tuis officiis nou
videor mibi respondere posse, uisi forte, iit tu gravissime disertissi-
meque scripsisti, ita sensurus es, ut me referre gratiam putes, cum
memoria teuebo. Si de filii tui dignitate esset actum, amabilius
certe nibil facere potuisses. Primae tuae sententiae infiuitis cura
muneribus, posteriores ad tempus arbitriumque amicorum meorum
compositae, oratio adsidua et perpetua de me, iurgia cum obtrecta-
toribus propter me notissima mibi sunt : non ijiediocris adhibenda
mibi est cura, ut rei publicae me civem diguum tuis laudibus
praestera, in amieitia tua memorem atque gratum. Quod reliquum

The date of this letter can be approxi-
mately fixed by the fact that on the one
hand the country of the Allobroges is
about 350 miles from Mutina, so that it
would have taken a messenger 7 days
to reach Plancus with news of the battle
(j 2) ; and on the other that Plancus had
not crossed the Isara, which he did on
May 12, cp. S60, 3.

1. The first § is an answer to 838.

Immortales . . . ffratias] ' I tender
undyingthanks' (verbal) : relaturum 'that
I shall repay ' (in deed). For immortales
cp. Q. Fr. iii. 1, 9 (148), immortaliter
gaudeo.

respondere'] ' to requite,' cp. Fam. xv.
21, 3 (450), cui quidem ego amori utinam
ceteris rebus possem ! amore certe respon-
debo.

scripsisti'] If a letter is referred to
here it has been lost. Andresen, how-
ever, after Xake, supposes that Plancus
is alluding to the celebrated (cp. Gell. i.
4, 6) passage in the Pro Plancio 68,
gratiam autem, et qui refert, habet, et qui

habet, in eo ipso, quod habet, refert.

ita sensurus es ut . . . putes] ' you
shall be minded to consider.'

cum . . . tenebo] cp. Fin. iii. 9, prae-
clare facis cum et eorum memoriam tenes.
For the fut. indicative in dependent sen-
tences of the oratio obliqua, cp. Off. iii.
121, persuade te multo fore cariorem si
talibus monumentis laetabere, where Heine
compares Phil. viii. 27 [obtinebunt) : xi. 30
[obtinebit).

Primae tuae . . . muneribus] ' your
first motions were coupled with imbounded
grants to me.' Plancus is referring to
the motions of Cicero on April 8, 9 (838,
3, 4).

oratio . . . mihi sunt] ' concerning
your constant and lengthy speeches in my
interests, and your altercations with my
traducers on my behalf I am fuUy in-
formed ' : oratio perpetua is a regular set
speech in opposition to iurgia, an alterca-
tion : it is opposed to altercatio in Att. i.
16, 8 (22). The traducer specially re-
ferred to is P. Servilius (838, 3).

126

DCCCXLVIIL {FAiV. X. 11).

est, tuuin munus tucre et me, si, quom esse voluisti, eiim exitu
rebusque cogiioscis, defende ac suscipe. 2. Cam Rhodanum copias
traiocisscm frafrcmquo cum tribus mili])us equitum praemisissem,
ipso iter ad Mutiuam dirigerem, in itiuore de proelio facto Brii-
toque et Mutiua obsidione liberatis audivi. Animadverti nullum
alium receptum Antonium reliquiasque, quae cum eo essent,
liabere nisi in his partibus, duasque ei spes esse propositas, uuam
Lepidi ipsius, alteram exercitus. Quod quaedam pars exercitus non
minus furiosa est, quam qui cum Antonio fuerunt, equitatum
revocavi ; ipse in Allobrogibus constiti, ut proinde ad omnia para-
tus essem ac res me moneret. Si nudus lioc se Antonius confert,
facile mihi videor per me sustinere posse remque publioam ex
vestra sententia administrare, quamvis ab exercitu Lepidi recipia-
tur : si vero copiarum aliquid secum adducet et si decima legio
veterana, quae nostra opera revocata cum reliquis est, ad eunidem
furorem redierit, tamen, ne quid detrimeuti fiat, dabitur opera a

si . . . coffuoscis'] ' if by the issue and
event you know me to be the Plancus yon
wished me to be.' The indicative rolulsli
is used, and r\ot voliieris, as the statement
is more strictly referred to the actual man
Plancus than if he had said ' if you know
me to be the sort of man j-ou •wished
me to be.' H reads cognosces, perhaps
rightly.

si(><cipe] cp. Valinius ap. Fam. v. 9, 1
(639), suscipe meme totnm ; Fam. xvi. 12,
6 (312), suscipcret et tueretur (Andr.).

2. traiecissem'] This took place on
April 26 (845, 3).

fratrem] cp. note to 826, 1.

ad Mutinani] He had been urged to
this by Cicero : cp. 834, 2, opitulare col-
legae.

in his parlihus] So the mss. "NYesen-
berg (E. A. 34) alters to in has partes.
He holds that, as it is necessary to say
recipere se in locum, one must say in locum
receptus ; for he considers that receptus
means ' a retreating,' not ' a refuge ' ;
but cp. Yerg. Aen. xi. 527, ttitique
receptus, where Nettleship (thoHgh read-
ing recessus) says receptus means ' a place
of retreat.'

Lepidi ipsius^ 'en Lepidus himself
objective genit.

fuenaW] The perfect tense is used
because Plancus supposed that the army
of Antony was totally destroyed.

m(dns'\ sc. copiis ' without any forces.'

For nudus used absolutely (and not in the
literal sense of ' naked ') cp. VeiT. v.
110. Ts^ote the present tense confert,
which expresses the more likely of the
two alternatives, while the future adducet
expresses the less likely one. Andresen
compares Liv. xxiii. 13, 5, ego si quis de
pace consnlet . . . habeo quid scntentiae
dicam : si de his quae Mago postulat
refertis nee victoribus mitti adtincre
puto. For present in protasis, and future
in apodosis, I>ehmann (p. 89) compares
Fam. XV. 9, 2 (216) Unum vero si addis
. . . putaho : cp. 843, 6.

hoc] This is the old form of 7i?<tf, and
should be read ns it is found in MH re-
peatedly, 861, 5, 6 ; 895, 6 ; 854, 3. In
the passage before us H has hue, but M
has hoc : cp. Neue ii^. 613, 614.

sustinere^ ' resist,' ' hold out ' : cp.
835, 2.

decima legio] This famous legion,
which had beeu so loyal (B. G. i. 40) and
so disloyal to Caesar (Suet. Jul. 70), was
now uufler the command of Lepidus
(App. iii. 83), but favourably inclined to
tlieir former leader, Antouy, to re KaAov-
fj-d'ov SeieaTov reAos s^ei'ayri/n.euou iinh rov
AuTwviov TraXai to, ivSop avT<fi TrapecTKev-

revocata] ' brought back to their allegi-
ance ' : revocare is commonly used of
bringing anything back to its normal
condition.

DCCCXLIX. {FA3I. XL 13 a).

127

me, idque me praestaturum spero, dum istino copiae traiiciantur
coniunctaeque nobiscum facilius perditos oppriraant. 3. Hoc tibi
spoudeo, mi Cicero, neque animiim nee diligentiam mihi defutu-
ram. Gupio meliercules nullam residuam sollicitudinem esse, sed
si fuerit, nee animo nee benevolentiae nee patientiae cuiusquam
pro vobis cedam. Do qiiidem ego operam, ut etiam Lepidum ad
huius rei societatem incitem, omniaqiie ei obsequia polliceor, si
modo rem publicam respicere volet. Utor in bac re adiutoribus
interpretibiisque fratre meo et Laterense et Furnio nostro. Non
me impedient privatae offensiones, quo minus pro rei publicae
salute etiam cum inimicissimo consentiam. Quod si nihil profej^
cero, nibilo minus maximo sum animo et maiore fortasse cam mea
gloria vobis satis faciam. Fac valeas meque mutuo diligas.

DCCCXLIX. D. BEUTUS TO CICERO (Fam. xi. ua).

CAMP AT PARMA ; APRIL 30; A. U. C. 711; B. C. 43; AET. CIC. 63.

D BRUTUS COS. DESIG. M. CICERONI.
Parmenses miserrimos . . .

istinc] i.e. from Rome.

3. meherculrs] Plancus, like Caelius,
always uses this form ; while Cicero pre-
fers the shorter form, mehercnle (Orat.
157).

nee ammo . . . ced(wi\ ' and I shall
not j'ield to anyone either in com age or
good will or endurance on your behalf.'
The usual construction would be cuiquam
with the abl. henevolcntia, poiientia : op.
N. D. ii. 153, nulla alia re nisi immortali-
tate . . . cedcns caelestibus .

omniaque ei obsequia polliceor'] ' and I
promise to defer to him in everything-.'

Laterense'] He was the accuser of
Cn. Plancius when the latter was de-
fended by Cicero, see Holden's Iiitrod. to
the Pro Plancio xviii.-xx. He appears
to have been a man always ready to act
up to his principles : cp. Att. ii. 18,2 (45),
Luterensis existimatur laute fecisse quod
tribunatmn pi. petere destitit ne iuraret :
861, 3, Laierensis, vir sanctissimus.
inimicissimo'] i.e. Lepidus : cp. 860, 1 :

870, 2: 895, 1.

nihilo minus . . . faciam'] ' neverthe-
less I am fully resolute, and shall do all
you wish with perhaps greater glory to
myself,' i.e. by gaining a victory over both
Antony and Lepidus.

mutuo diligas] ' love me as I love you.'

Parmenses miserrimos] These two
words, found in the Index to M, are all
that is preserved of this letter. "We can
gather from them thai Brutus wrote it
from the camp at Parma, one day's journey
from Regiuin Lepidi, on the 30th (see in-
troductory note to 847). It probably con-
tained an account of the harsh way 'in
which Antony had treated the inhabitants
of Parma a week or so previously : cp,
Phil. xiv. 9, Refugit animus eaque dicere
reformidat, quae L. Antonius in Parmen-
sium liberis et coniugibus effecerit . . .
Qua enim in urbe tarn immanis Hannibal
capta quam in Parma surrepta Antonius.
Also 890, 4, Parmam direptam.

128

DCCCL. {BRUT. I. 11).

DCCCL. BRUTUS TO CICERO (Brut. i. ii).
dyrrhachium; may (beginning) ; a. u. c. 711; n. c. 43;

AET. CIC. 63.

Brutus Ciceroni commendat Vctci-em Antistium a quo magnani pecuniam acceperat.
BRUTUS CICERONI SAL.

1. Yeteris Antistii talis animus est iu rem publicam, ut 11011
dubitem, quin et in Caesare et in Antonio se praestaturus fuerit
acerrimum propugnatorem communis libertatis, si oceasioni potuis-
set occurrere ; nam, qui in Achaia congressus cum P. Dolabella
milites atque equites habente quodvis adire perieulum ex insidiis

This letter appears to have been -vrritten
after April 1, the date of 837 ; f'>r in that
letter, § 5, Brutus seems to make mention
for the first time of the money which he
received from Antistius. Again, it must
liave been written before May 15, the
date of 866 : for by that time Brutus had
heard of the deaths of the consuls, whereas
in the present letter (§ 2) he assumes that
they are still alive.

\. Veteris Antistit] cp. 837, 5. Con-
cerning this money which was made over
hv Antistius to Brutus, there is a chrono-
logical difficulty (cp. Introductory note
to 864). Plutarch (Brut. 25) places the
transaction in the autumn of 710 (44),
while obviously from these letters we
should gather that it occurred about Fe-
bruary or March, 711 (43). The latter
date is probably the right one. In the
first official letter from Brutus, which
■was received in Rome about Februaiy,
there is no mention of Antistius, though
there is mention of a transfer of money
from Appuleius (Phil. x. 24) : Antony,
also, in the letter he wrote to Hirtius and
Octavian, about the middle of March,
complains only of the transfer of money
by Appuleius "(Phil. xiii. 32). It is pro-
bable, then, that Antistius had not
handed over his money at the time when
Brutus sent his first official letter ; and
that Plutarch, in mentioning the transfer
of money by Appuleius (cp. c. 24, where
his name is not tjiven, but it is quite cer-
tain that iv^pa, x«P'f''''''» '^"^ yvcipt/jiov

refers to him) mentioned the similar
transfer by Antistius without taking into
consideration that some months elapsed
between the two transactions. Plutarch
never meant his Lives to be perfectly
accurate in all chronological details :
cp. the introduction to his Life of Alex-
ander.

Caesare'] This must be the dictat i :
for at this time there was no hint or iJra
that Octavian was or would be disloyal.
Brutus means that, if Antistius had been
in Rome, he would have shown himself
an active opponent of the monarchy. For
in = ' in the case of ' cp. 842, 5.

praestaturns] For this form cp. 90S,
1 . For the construction praestare se pro-
pugnatorem cp. 848, 1 (Plancus) ; Cic.
Flacc. 101.

congressKs cum] "We have added cum
with "Wes. It would be impossible to
explain the abl. as an abl. absolute : and
the alteration to the dative. BolaheUae . . .
habenti would be as violent a change as
the insertion of cum, besides being rather
a poetical than a prose construction
Madvig objects to congressus on the ground
that it would imply that Antistius sought
the meeting with Dolabella : and accord-
ingly suggests comprensus, further sup-
posing that ab fell out before P. But con-
gredi does not necessarily imply vohmtary
meeting, it need not mean anything more
than ' falling in with' : cp. Mil. 53, locus
ad insidias ille ubi congressi sunt utri fuerit
aptior.

DCCCL. [BRUT. I. 11]

129

paratissimi ad omnia latronis maluerit quara vicleri aut coactus
esse pecuuiam dare aut libenter dedisse homini nequissimo atqiie
improbissimo, is nobis ultroet pollioitus est et dedit HS. [XX

sua pecunia et, quod niulto carius est, se ipsuni obtulit et con-
iunxit. 2. Huic persuadere cupiimus, ut imperator in castris
remaueret remque publicam defenderet : sed statuit sibi eunduni
domum, quoniam exercitum dimisisset ; statim vero redituruni ad
nos confirmavit legatione suscepta, nisi praetorum coniitia babituri
essent consules — nam illi ita sentienti de re publiea magno opere
auetor fui, ne differret tempus petitionis suae — : cuius factum
omnibus gratum esse debet, qui modo iudicant bunc exercitum
esse debere rei publicae, tibi tanto gratius, quanto maiore et
animo gloriaque libertatem nostram defeudis et diguitate, si cou-
tigerit nostris consiliis exitus, c^uem optamus, perfuucturus es.
Ego etiara, mi Cicero, proprie familiariterque te rogo, ut Veterem
ames velisque esse quam amplissimum, qui etsi nulla re deterreri
a proposito potest, tamen excitari tuis laudibus indulgentiaque
poterit, quo magis amplexetur ac tueatur indicium suum : id mibi
gratissimum erit.

HS. I XX I] The Mss give ses/t'jVJr? XX :
butthat wouldmean only 20,000 sesterces:
whereas the sum must have been much
larger. It was probably 2,000,000 (ricic^),
a sum which will almost agree with that
meutioned by Plut. Brut. 25, ireuTTiKovTa
/xvpidSes (sc. Spaxf^Siu), sestertia being
a mistake for HS. Schmidt (Jahrb.,
1889, p. 182) supposes XX is a mistake
for MM, and that sestertia is right.

ex sua pecuiiia'] i.e. public money in
the hand of Antistius. Brutus and
Cassius used to declare that they were
the state, and accordingly had right to all
state moneys : cp. § 2, and Yell. ii. 62, 3.

2. sed statuit sibi eund'iiu doinuinl
There must be some connecting word,
so we have inserted sed {set) which might
readily have fallen out before statuit.
We have added domum which can easily
have been lost after eundum : cp. Adn.
Crit. For this use of domum = ' to
Rome' cp. note to Att. vi. 5, 1 (265) and
Lehmann quoted there. Schmidt (Jahrb.
1889, p. 183) proposes to erase statuit id

sibi, and to read mgavit id fieri posse :
but this is a re-writing, not an emenda-
tion, of the passage.

Ugatione'] probably a legatio libera as
Manutius says.

esse debere'] "We add debere with the
Dresdensis. That the word was in the
archetype is probable, as debet was in
Ml ; but, as it afforded no sense, it was
erased by Coluccio : cp. Schmidt 1. c.

perfimcturus'] 'enjoy': cp. Fam. iv.
5, 5 (555), omnibus bonis prope perfunc-
tum esse. Ter. Hec. iv. 2, 18, Dum aeta-
tis tempus tulit pcrfuncta satis sum (sc.
studiis istis).

proprie familiariterque'] ' as a special
favour and as a friend.'

deterreri] So most mss ; but the
Wolfenbiittel ms has detineri which is
possible : cp. Sail. Cat. 4, 2, a quo incepto
me ambilio mala detinuerat.

tamen . . . jjoterit] ' yet you will be
able to rouse him by your praises and
kindly treatment to cherish and maintain
his resolution more earnestly.'

130

DCCCLI. [FAM, XII. 25, §§ 6-7).

DCCCIJ. CICERO TO CORNIFICIUS (Fam. xii. 25, §§ 6-7).

ROME; ISIAY (beginning) ; A. U. 0. 711 ; H. C. 43; AET. CIC.
Cicero consulibus amissis dolet, seel se, etsi defetigatus sit, omnia officia esse

63.

piaestaturum promittit.

CICERO CORNIFICIO S.

6. P. Lucceium mihi meum commendas : quern, quibuscumque
rebus potero, diligenter tuebor. Hirtium quidem et Pansam,
collegas nostros, homines in consulatu rei publicae salutares, alieuo
sane tempore amisimus, re publica Antoniano quidem latrocinio
liberatn, sed nondum omnino explicata : quam nos, si licebit, more
nostro tuebimur, quamquam admodvim sumus iam defetigati ; sed
> nulla lassitudo impedire officium et fidem debet. '^7. Verum haec
hacteuus. Ab aliis te de me quam a me ipso malo cognoscere ;
de te audiebamus ea, quae niaxime vellemus. De Cn. Minucio,
quern tu quibusdam liiteris ad caelum laudibus extulisti, rnmores
duriores erant : id quale sit omninoque, quid istic agatur, facias
me velim certiorem.

These sections, 6-7, ^vere written ob-
viously at a time long after Fam. xii. 25,
§§ 1-5 (825), M-here see note. This letter
has all the appearance of having been writ-
ten soon after the news of the deaths of the
two consuls reached Rome (i. e. April 26,
at earliest), probably in the beginning of
May. Schmidt (ap. jSIendelssohn, p. 458)
places it as late as May 25 ; but we do
not feel quite sure on what grounds. Per-
haps because Cicero confesses to a feeling
of weariness (§ 6), as he does in 879, 2,
which was written about May 27.

6. F. Lucceiuni] He is only mentioned
here and in 899, 5, Be F. Lucceio . . .
est enim vohis necessarms.

collegas] sc. in the augurate.

salittnris] For this word applied to per-
sons, cp. Mil. 20 {civis).

re publica . . . exj^licata] ' as the state,
though freed from the robber raids of
Antony, is not entirely extricated from its

difficulties.'

»io7-e . . . iiostrol ' on the same lines
as before.'

quamquam . . . defetigati] 'although I
am by this time sore wearied : but no
fatigue should stand in the way of duty
to ^^■hich one is pledged ' : cp. Hamlet, v.
2, 221, ' Thou wouldst not think how ill
all 's here about my heart : but it is no
matter.' This is one of the very few (cp.
879, 2, sed mehercules in rep. cotiserranda
iam defetigatus non multo plus patriae fnveo
quam tuae gloriae) passages in the letters
of this trying period, in which Cicero,
even for a moment, confesses to the severe
strain which was laid upon him. But he
recovers himself at once, and in a noble
sentence expresses himself ready, as ever,
to spend and be spent at the call of duty.

7. Cn. Minucio] "We do not hear of
him elsewhere. He probablj- lield some
official position in Africa.

DCCCLIL {BRUT. I. 5).

131

DCCCLII. CICEEO TO BEUTUS (Brut. i. 5).

ROME; MAY 5; A. U. C. 711 ; H. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Cicero scribit a senatu permissum esse arbitrio Bruti Dolabellam persequi suumque
consilium interponit. Filium suum se Telle in collegium pontificum minorum
absentem cooptari idque per leges Domitiam et luliam fieri posse demonstrat : qua de
re quid Bruto videatur sciscitatur.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1, A. d. V. K. Maias, cum de iis, qui hostes iudicati sunt,
bello persequendis sententiae dicerentur, dixit Servilius etiam de
Ventidio et ut Cassius persequeretur Dolabellam ; cui cum essem
assensus, decrevi hoc amplius, ut tu, si arbitrarere utile exque re
publica esse, persequerere bello Dolabellam, si minus id commodo
rei publicae facere posses sive uou existimares ex re publica esse,
ut in iisdem locis exercitum contineres : nihil honorificentius potuit
facere seuatus, quam ut tuum esset indicium, quid maxime condu-
cere rei publicae tibi videretur. Equidem sic sentio, si manum
habet, si castra, si ubi consistat uspiam Dolabella, ad fidem et ad
dignitatem tuam pertinere eum persequi. 2. De Cassii nostri copiis

1. hostes iudicati] cp. note to 846, 4.

Ventidio] The faithful Heutenaiit of
Antony who made such a brilliant march
across the mountains, joining himatVada:
cp. Introduction.

sive] This is certainly a pecidiar usage
after si preceding ; but it is sufficiently
accounted for by Ruete (p. 109), who
points out that Cicero is quoting a decree
of the Senate in which such an archaism
would be allowable, cp. Phil. v. 53 alter
amhovc: Fam. viii. 8, 5 (223) ad popuhim
plehemve ; Liv. xxii. 10, 6 si node sive luce,
si servus sive liber. It is common in the
comic dramatists, and is found even in
Caes. B. G. iv. 17, 10 si arbornm trnnci
sive naves. Meyer (p. 50) argues rightly
that this decree cannot have been passed
till after the deaths of the consuls, be-
cause the conduct of the war against
Dolabella had been assigned to them at
. the end of February (823, 7 ; 883, 4 ; Dio.
Cass, xlvii. 29, 5): the news of the deaths
of the consuls had spread by April 26th.

Thus too Veil. ii. 73 and Dio Cass. xlvi.
40, 3 are correct in saying that the decrees
formally giving powers to Brutus and
Cassius were passed after the Battle of
Mutina.

ut tuum esset iiidicinm] cp. 843, 4.
tibi consistat] ' a footing anywhere.'
2. De Cassii] There is no doubt that
Cicero had heard something about the
actions of Cassius from the letter of
Lentulus read April 9th (839, 3) ; but that
was a long time before, and Cicero who
was naturally craving for news means
that he has not heard anything recently,
certainlj^ nothing since he wrote to
Brutus. A letter would take over fifty
days to reach Rome from Syria, even if
there was no delay ; and we may well
suppose that there were considerable
delays in such a long journey. Accor-
dingly we need not be surprised that
Cassius' s letter of March 7th (822) had
not yet arrived.

132

DCCCLII. [BRUT. I. 5).

niliil sciebanms — iieque euim ab ipso uUae litterae neqtie nuutia-
batur quidquam, quod pro certo haberemus — ; quanto opere aiitem
intersit opprimi Dolabellam, profecto intellegis, cum ut sceleris
poenas persolvat, turn ne sit, quo se latronum duces ex Mutinensi
fuga couferant. Atque hoc mihi iam ante placuisse potes ex
superioribus meis litteris recordari : quamquam turn et f ugae
portus erat in tuis castris et subsidium salutis in tuo exercitu ; quo
niagis uunc liberati, ut spero, periculis iu Dolabella opprimenda
occupati esse debemus. Sed boc cogitabis diligeutius, statues
sapienter : facies nos, quid constitueris et quid agas, si tibi vide-
bitur, certiores. 3. Ciceronem nostrum iu vestrum collegium
cooptari volo. Existimo omnino absentium rationera sacerdotum
comitiis posse baberi ; nam etiam factum est antea : Gains enim
Marius, cum i)i Cappadocia esset, lege Domitia factus est augur,
nee, quo minus id postea liceret, ulla lex sanxit ; est etiam in lege
lulia, quae lex est de sacerdotiis proxinia, bis verbis, qyi petet
cvivsYE RATIO HABEBiTVR, aperte indicatum posse rationem baberi
non petentis. Hac de re scripsi ad eum, ut tuo iudicio uteretur,
sicut in rebus omnibus, tibi autem statuendum est de Domitio, de

hoc . . . 2}!>^cuiss('] For ace. and inf,
after recordari, cp. Fam. vi. 21, 2 (573) ;
Cat. iv. 7; Caes. B. C. iii. 47, 5. In
meis litteris Cicero is probably referring
to 843, 4.

3. vestrum collegium'] i.e., the Pon-
tificate. The canvass of young Cicero is
not mentioned anywhere else except in the
correspondence with Brutus (867, 1 ;
913, 1). He was not successful; the first
priesthood he obtained was the augurate
in 724 (30) ep. App. iv. 61.

Gaius Marius] cp. Plut. Mar. 31,
Mommsen R. H. iii. 284, note (Eng. Tr.).

lege Domitia'] This was a i>lebiscitum
passed in 651 (103) which transferred the
election of members of the four chief col-
leges of priests from the colleges themselves
to the people. When a vacancy occurred
the college nominated a certain number of
candidates, each candidate being proposed
by two members who swore that he was a
fit andsuitable person to be appointed. The
names of these candidates were submitted
to the comitia sacerdotum, i.e., to 17 tribes
chosen by lot [minor pars populi). These
tribes elected the priest who was after-
wards co-opted by the college. As to the
presidency of these comitia, cp. WiUems

Droit public, p. 168, n. 7.

lege lulia] Mommsen (St. R. ii. 29,
note 1) considers that one of the provisions
of this law annulled the condition that
each candidate should be nominated by
two members of the college.

KATio habebitvk] ' Or whose Candida-
ture is entertained.' For this phrase cp.
vol, iii., p. Ixi ff. This passage proves
that elections to priesthoods in the absence
of the candidates were possible : cp.
Mommsen, St. E.. i-. 485, note 4 : Lange,
R. A. ii3. 538.

imlicatum~] indicat (vulg.) : indicat. I.
(= vel.) Wolfenbiittel ms. Hence Schmidt
(Jahrb. 1889, p. 182) excellently suggests
indicatum. He is also right in retaining
with M^ haberi non petentis. Coluccio
was led to his alteration haberi <etiam>
nonpraeseniishy ihe words existimo omnino
absentium rationem sacerdotum comitiis
posse haberi.

de Domitio, de Cafone nostra] The
former was the son of L. Domitius Aheno-
barbus, who fell at Pharsalia, and Porcia,
sister of Cato of Utica ; and the latter
was son of the same Cato. They were
both connected with Brutus, who had
married Cato's daughter Porcia.

DCCCLIII. {FAM. X. U).

133

Catone nostro ; sed, quamvis licet absentis rationem haberi, tamen
omnia sunt praesentibus faciliora, quod si statueris in Asiam
tibi euudum, nulla erit ad comitia nostros arcessendi facultas.
4. Omnino Pansa vivo celeriora omnia putabamus ; statim enim
coUegam sibi subrogavisset, delude ante praetoria sacerdotum
comitia f uissent : nunc per auspicia longam moram video ; dum
enim unus erit patricius magistratus, auspicia ad patres redire nou
possunt : magna sane perturbatio. Tu, tota de re quid sentias,
velim me facias certiorem. iii. Nonas Maias.

DCCCLIII. CICERO TO PLANCUS (Fam. x. u).

ROME ; MAY 6 ; A. U. C. 711 ; 15. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Laudat M. Cicero L. Plancum in Bruto iuvando promptissimum, hortaturque, ut
telli reliquias exstinguat.

CICERO PLANCO S.

1. 0 gratam famam biduo ante victoriam de subsidio tuo, de
studio, de celeritate, de copiis ! Atqui etiam hostibus f usis spes

quod si . . . facultas] This certainly
does sound as if Cicero wanted Brutus to
regulate the order of Lis campaign so as
to suit young Cicero's candidature ; but
it is opposed to the decree in § 1, and the
advice in § 2. Doubtless all Cicero means
is that, if Brutus thinks the young men
ought to accompany him into Asia, they
must give up all hopes of being present at
the election, and that it cannot be helped.

4. nunc per auspicia'] Cicero is pointing
out the delay that must be caused in the
appointment of an interrex. In De Leg.
iii. 9 he quotes a law ast quando consnlari
potvstate magistratiis magislorve popnli (i.e.
dictator) nee eruiit reliqui magis-
tratus ne sun to, auspicia pat rum
sunto, olliqtie ec se produnto qui comitiatu
consules rite creare possit. That is, that
on the one hand no one but a consul or a
dictator can hold the consular comitia, cp.
Att. ix. 3, 3 (364), and on the other that
the auspicia must become vested in the
whole body of patricians before an interrex
can be appointed for electing consuls.
But again, as long as the auspicia, whether
maiora or minora (Cell. xiii. 15, 4), were
held by any patrician magistrate, they did

not lapse to the patricians ; and thus, in
order to obtain this essential condition of
the appointment of an interrex, it was
necessary to get all the patrician magis-
trates to resign (cp. Dionys. Hal. viii. 90,
aTroSiiKwrat iJ.effo0a(ri\evs, at Se &\\ai
KaTeAvdrjcraf apxai)- On the present oc-
casion, owing to the absence of several of
the patrician magistrates (Dio. Cass. xlvi.
45, 3), the obtaining such consent would
entail great delaj'. The difficulty was
solved by appointing two privati with
consular power to hold the consular elec-
tions. See an excellent article on Interrex
in Diet. Antiq. i^. 1021, by Mr. A. H.
Greenidge of jfclertford College, Oxford.

1. 0 gratam . . . copiis] 'What a
delightful report, heard two days before
news of the victory at Mutina had arrived,
of the support you can bring, your energy,
rapidity, and forces.' Cicero probably
received a letter from Plancus on April
24, but did not answer it until definite
news had arrived of the posture of affairs
in North Italy.

Atqui] So Manutius and Wesenberg
for Atque.

134 DCCCLIV. {FA3I. XI. 10).

onmis est in t-e, Fugis&e enim ex jroelio Mutineiisi dieunt :
notissimi latronum duces. Est autem non minus gratum extrei^-
delere quam prima depeUere. 2. E^uidem exspeetabam iam tua^
litteras idque cum mnltLS, speiabamque ^iam Lepidam rei pnl'.i-
cae temporibus admomtmii tecum et cum re publica esse factumr::
In illam igitur euram incombe, mi Fiance, nt ne qoae edntil.
taeteriimi belli relinqnator. Qood a erit detain, et rem pabli-
cam dlTino beneficio adfeceris et ipse aetemam gloriam conseqoerr
D. ni. Non. l£ai.

DOCCLIY. D. BEUTTS TO CICEEO Tam. xi. 10,.

DEETO>"A ; MAT -5 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B- C 4-3 ; Al^T. QIC. £.5.
D. BruluB qmiiliii de qiianimdaB. Bia]eT<a]eDiiB -r . ^ : ; ~ _ : . :- ~ - ' _

D. BEUTUS S. D. M. CICEEOyi.

1. Xon mihi rem publieam plus deberearli:: _> .

gratioiem me e®e in te j>os&e. : "

ratum babes: si tameB hoe tei_ -^_:_ . .. . .-. i_ --.

.tosand Cieen>di£:

m. eomple*^

se leaehed E

--— ■ - - - .^ -was -writti- --

Est' auUm . 1. «i»il So If Pal: E

DCCCLIV. {FAM. XL 10).

135

tuura iudicium, quam ex altera parte omnium istorum. Tu enim
a certo sensu et vero iudicas de nobis : quod isti ne faciant summa
malevolentia et livore impediuntur. Interpellent me quo minus
honoratus sim, dum ne interpellent quo minus res publica a me
commode admiuistrari possit ; quae quanto sit in periculo quam
potero brevissime exponam. 2. Primum omnium quantam per-
turbationem rerum urbanarum adferat obitus eonsulum quantam-
que cupiditatem bominibus honoris iniciat vacuitas non te fugit.
Satis me multa scripsisse, quae litteris eommendari possint, arbi-
tror : scio enim eui scribam. 3. Reverter nunc ad Antonium,
qui ex fuga cum parvulam manum peditum haberet inermium,
ergastula solveudo omneque genus hominum abripiendo satis

deep gratitude), owing to the exigencj' of
the moment, you know full well that I
prefer your judgment to that of all those
you wot of on the other side.' D. Brutus
seems to have heen a man who was not
given to expressing his emotions very
emphatically. Tiius lie thinks that a very
fervent expression of gratitude might be
considered hy Cicero to be assumed for
the moment ; but goes on to say, that
even if Cicero does think so, he prefers
Cicero's well-considered and sincere judg-
ment to that of his other critics, whose
opinions were warped by jealousy and
malevolence. With malle understand ex-
ploratiim habes from the preceding sen-
tence.

a certo sensit] ' with definiteness and
sincerity.' This usage of a is so peculiar
that Orelli suggests apcrto for a certo. We
often find itidicare with ex, or with the
simple ablative, but never M'ith a. Geb-
hard (p. 10) quotes Balbus in Att. ix. 7b, 3
351), sed ilhcd certe scio me ah singidari
amore ac benevolentin . . . iibi scribere,
and supposes that this is an extension of
the use of a found Vt'ithfacerc, stare, esse,
signifying ' to be on the side of.'

livore'] 'jealousy.' Before the Augus-
tan age this word is elsewhere always
used in its literal sense of the bluish
colour of a bruise, except perhaps Tusc.
iv. 28, uialevoU et lividi, where, however,
Wesenberg and Baiter-Kayser eject et
lividi : cp. Schmalz, Antib. ii. 27.

Interpellent'] 'impede.' for the con-
struction similar to that after verbs of
hindering cp. Matius ap. Fam. xi. 28,
7 (785), quod Caesar nunquaminterpellavit
quin . . . iis uterer.

'2. Jiominibus honoris iniciat vacuitas]
Forthecorrupt readings of thoMSS see Adn.
Crit. Cicero uses vacuitas with the genit.
in the sense of ' freedom from.' Tusc. v.
42, securitatem nunc appcilo vacuitatem
aegritudinis. In Vitruv. ii. 7, 2, ignis in-
terveniorum vacuitates ('the empty pores')
occupans, it is used in the concrete. Here
the sense is ' the fact that the consulship
is vacant.'

Satis me multa . . . arbitral-] ' I think
that I have written as much as can be
committed to a letter.' Probabl}' quae
. . . possint is restrictive, 'at least as
much as can be committed to a letter.'
Cicero would have said quae modo or quae
quidem : cp. Roby, § 1692. The refer-
ence in Jiominibus is doubtless to Octa-
vian. Gebhard (p. 13) says Cicero would
have used mandare, not commendare.

3. ergastula solvendo] For ergastula
used of the slaves confined in the barra-
coons cp. Juv. xiv. 24, quern niira affi-
ciunt inscripta ergastula, where Mayor
quotes numerous parallels, comparing
domus used for a ' household,' curia,
theatrum, 'gallery,' 'pit,' 'boxes': cp.
869, 2; Liv. Ep. 56 ; Caes. B. C. iii. 22,
2. On this last passage Dinter argues
that ergantula is here used for the prisons
and not by metonymy for the slaves ;
because in the passages from this letter it
is added that Antony hurried along with
him omne genus hominum. But these
probably refer to the free labourers and
those rustic slaves who were not confined
in the ergastula. Note the gerundial con-
struction, where one would expect the
abl. absolute.

136 DCCCLIV. {FAM. XL 10).

magnum numerum videtur cfiPccisse. Hoc accessit manus Yeu-
tidii, quae trans Appeuninum itiuere facto difRcillimo ad Yada
pervenit atque ibi se cum Antonio coniunxit. Est numerus
vf^teranorum et armatorum satis frequens cum Ventidio. 4. Con-
silia Autonii haec sint necesse est: aut ad Lepidum utse conferat,
si recipitur, aut Appenniuo Al])ibusque se tenoat et decursioni-
bus per equites, quos liabet multos, vastet ea loca, in quae incur-
rerit, aut rursus se in Etruriam referaf, quod ea pars Italia sine
exercitu est. Quod si me Caesar audisset atque Appeuninum
transisset, in tantas angustias Antoniura compulissem, ut inopia
potius quam ferro conficeretur. Sed neque Caesari imperari
potest nee Caesar exercitui suo : quod utrumque pessimum est.
Cum haec talia sint, quo minus, quod ad me pertinebit, homines
interpellent, ut supra scripsi, nou irapedio : haec quern ad modum *^

explicari possint aut, a te cum explicabuntur, ne impediantur
tiineo. 5. Alere iam milites non possum. Cum ad rem publicam
liberandam accessi, HS mihi fuit pecvmiae |CCCC| amplius.
Tantum abest ut meae rei familiaris liberuni sit quidquara, ut
onmes iam meos amicos aere alieno obstrinxerim. Septem numerum

Vada'] i.e. Yada Sabatia, about 30 before Antonj- did, and that Octavian

miles west of Genoa, on the coast. should cross the Apennines and intercept

Est })i<))H'nis . . . VoUidlo] ' There Yentidius, who was expected to strike

is a pretty large number of veterans and across the country from Faventia, and

armed soldiers with Yentidius.' As there meet Antony in Liguria. (O.E.Schmidt

does not appear to be any other example in Jahrb. 1892, p. 328.)

of /j"f5«e«s used with ««w/tv«s in the sense Sed neque Caesari . . . pet^simuin est'^

of number, we might possibly take the ' but orders cannot be given <o Caesar, nor

latter as meaning ' a company ' in the bi/ Caesar to his o\^ n army — and both

military sense, though no certain example these things are very pernicious.'

of this usage can be foimd before Tacitus ; haec . . . tii»eo] 'The manner of

or possibly in the more general sense of clearing away these difficulties, and, when

' force ' : cp. perhaps, § 5. they are cleared away, of preventing ob-

4. si recipitur'} ' if he is to be received stacles arising — this is the object of my

by Lepidus.' For this vivid present of fears.' Haec refers to all the difficulties

an action just about to be commenced, which Brutus had just set forth ; but his

cp. Eoby, § 1461, and Madvig, Opusc. real fears were doubtless for the censure

Acad. ii. 40 (= p. 437, new edit.), to which he would justly be subjected

quoted by Mayor on Juvenal, iv. 130, owing to his delay in starting in pursuit of

conciditur ? Antony.

rursus'] "We do not hear that Antony 5. |CCCCj] forty million sesterces,

marched through Etruria at the end of qnadringenties, sc. ceyitena millia.

710(44'); he would appear to have kept liberum'] 'free to be used,' ' unen-

to the Flaminian Road (App. iii. 46). M cumbered' (Watson),

reads »•««;/?, perhaps rightly : cp. Neueii''. arnicas'] e.g. Pontius Aquila : cp. Dio

749 : see Adn. Crit. Cass. xlvi. 40, 2, koI rhv 'Pi.KvKav airoda-

Appenniiunn transisset] The capable v6vTa iv rfj fj-dx]] ehcovi iriix-riaav' to. St

D. Brutus, in his interview with Octavian xrvi^o-to- & f's ti}v irapacTKivi^v tS>v rov

on the 22nd, probably suggested that he AeKifxov (npaTiasrwv oXkoS(v avaXdiKei rots

himself should endeavour to reach Nice k\7]pov6/j.ols avTov aTr45wKav.

DCCCLV. [FAM. XL 11).

137

nunc legiones alo : qua difficultate tu arbitrare. Non si Yarronis
thensauros haberem, subsistere sumptui possem. Cum primum
de Antonio exploratum habuero, faciam te certiorem. Tu me
amabis ita, si hoc idem me in te facere senseris. iii. Non. Maias,
ex castris, Dertona.

DCCCLY. D. BEUTUS TO CICEEO (Fam. xi. ii).

CONFINES OF THE STATIELLENSES ; MAY 6 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ;

AET. CIC. G3.

D. Bi-utus iter Antonii ad Lepidum, dubiamque Planci fidem et suum in rem-
publicam studium significat.

D. BRUTUS IMP. COS. DES. S. D. M. CICERONI.

1. Eodem exemplo a te mihi litterae redditae sunt, quo pueri
mei attulerunt. Tantum me tibi debere existimo, quantum per-
solvere difficile est. Scripsi tibi quae hie gerereutur. In itinera
est Antouius : ad Lepidum proficiscitur : ne de Planco quidem
spem adhuc abiecit, ut ex libellis eius animadverti, qui in me inci-
derunt, in quibus quos ad Asinium, quos ad Lepidum, quos ad
Plancum mitteret scribebat. Ego tameu non habui ambiguum et

numeru)n'\ Probably to be taken in the
sense of ' a force ' : cp. § 3. Some editors
foUo'W Orelli, and alter to numero : cp.
Caes. Bell. Gall. i. 49, 3, Eo circiter
hominum immero sedecim milia . . . misit,
where some mss read numerum. Boot
(Obs. Grit. 22) suggests nimirum . . .
legiones.

Varronis thensauros~\ As there is no
record that the wealth of Van'o was very
great, not to say so great as to be pro-
verbial, Orelli has supposed that there
may be a reference to one of Varro's
Menippean satires which has been lost.
In it Yarro may have depicted some
character possessed of untold wealth.

subsistere] ' to hold out against': cp.
Liv. xxvii. 7, 3, vix Hamiibali atque eius
armis subsisttntem.

ita, si] ' only if.' Watson compares
Att. vii. 7, 5 (298).

amabis] polite imperative.

Dertoia] About 35 miles due north of
Genoa ; now Tortona.

1. Eodem exemplo . . . attulerunt] ' du-
plicates of your letters which my servants
brought to me are to hand.' In these
troublous times, when there was such
danger of letters being intercepted, it was
not unusual to send duplicates : cp. 856,
1, tabellariosque complures Romam misi :
899 fin.

quae hie gerereutur] TVe should expect
gereba)ttur. The subjunctive is perhaps
to be explained as a generic subjunctive,
or else as an inaccuracy on the part of
Brutus : cp. Cassius 822, 1.

libellis] ' memorandum-books ' : cp.
Phil. i. 16, i)i coinmentariolis et chiro-
graphis et libellis.

in me iuciderunt] a somewhat careless
expression of ordinary language for mihi
in man us inciderunt.

non habui ambiguum] ' I did not hesi-
tate,' literally, 'had not any waveiing.'
We do not know an exact parallel ; habere
dubium in Plant. Capt. iv. 2, 112, i&
something like it.

ia8

VCCCLFL (fUJ/. JC77. if).

«tA!im nii riaucmu misi, et biduo ab Allobropibna et totiua Galliao

ifttio opua eauut «dmiui»trari, prospioiesi, ut ax tu« vohmtate reique

jMil'liort^ ivmiiiovio fijuit, M ' ' homiuum iu me, si i>oteiih.

».Hvuirt\>: sd unu jH)tut<ri*, i !\<, ijiu^ii me Je ^tatu moo

uuUia coutumtdiia lieterre^re possuut. Pridie Nomis Mtua», e\
v«stxi»t ex fiuibu^ Statielleusdum.

DOOCLYI. 0. CASSIUS TO CICEHO tFAM. xn. u).
lUMF IN svKiA ; MAY T ; A. r. c TU ; B. e, m AKT. CU\ 6S,

C. CASSIUS rUOiX^Si. S, P, M, CICERONI SUO,

1, S. Y, B. E. E. U, V. Legi tuas litteras, in qiiibusi mirificum
tuum trga me amorem reeoguovi. Yi Jel»aiis enim won solum fawre
nobis — id quod et uostrsi et rei publicae ivi\isa semper feeisti — , sed
etiam gravem euram suscepisae vehementerque esse de nolds aolli-
oitus, Itaqxie, qxiod te primum existimare putabam, nos oppressa
r^ publiea quie>oere uou posste, deiude, cum suspiearere nos moliri,

l^ \t:y i.iTv;y,

issi \ixc^ }>rT>k":

Andr. ii. 1, i^T, i«.... »-
*,.

t\i ^-
U»od
XV . -

L Mv

(riii.. P-
l\Jl»o ulso U I..
Y*rro Sat. M. :

dt $t*tm m** . . .
Cv-n*tT«cti<>n, rjv riai.;.
Ci.-. IV Div. ii. SI,

ii. :ii c> Tiiat W«rt-»fY«Y

\ in iha!

ii-jion i* f; . -

j>. ->vN.-u.a of vhat in

that be is preTfintt^ by

(Vv-.».vV'' i-AU he

VoT the

-. <, 1*9:

Urbhaid (jv S2)

.-.- iMtTei-a frcaa

iiu}\li«)i

'. of the

;i,,., \hf latt<tr

iuliiuidaticu) fivou

town Aquae
had mineral sjv
xlic name of Acqui.

i of a xhiufi.
•orne oui by

Ve iiav«

!nrr of

. .\ Ul.

lived a

Their

(PUn,

.ill Itears

1. !%t!ft^s'] ProhaWy S2S, written about
the Nones of Mai\^h.

rw>iyi»*^i3 cp. r><ui)'ey ap. Att> riii.
n C, (SS4), where Bvvt' quotes 2 Yerr,
i. S3,

ii*«Kr«3 * WW ivroeeeiiing to a^^tion.'
Foi mtJifr naed aWiJutely, fp. Fam. >'i.

DCCCLVI. [FAM. XI L 12). 139

<juod te sollicitum esse et do Balute nostra et de renim evontu
[nitabam, Biraul ac legiones accepi, quae A. Allienus eduxerat ex
Aegyjito, BcripHi ad te tabellanosque coniplures Koiuam niisi.
8cri[)si etiam ad eenatura litteras, quas reddi vetui jmus quam
tibi recitatae eseent, si forte mei obtemperare mihi voluerint.
Uuod si litterae perlatae non sunt, non dubito quin Dolabella, qui
nefario Trebouio occiso Asiam oocupavit, tabellaiios moos depre-
henderit litterasque iuterceperit. 2. Exercitus omnes, qui in .Syria
fuerunt, teneo. Ilabui pollulum morae, dum promissa militibuB
perBolvo. Nunc iam Bura expeditus. A te peto, ut dignitatem
meara commendatam tibi liabeas, si me intellegis nullum neque
periculuin neque laborem patriae denegasse, si contra irnpor-
tunissimos latrones anna cepi te bortanto et auctore, si non solum
exercitus ad rem publicam libertatemque defendendain comparavi,
Bed etiam crudelisfeimis t} rannis eripui : quos si occupaeset Dola-
bella, non solum adveutu, sed etiam opinione et exspectatione
exercitus Bui Antonium confirmasset. '6. Quas ob res milites tuere
8i eos mirifice de re publica meritos esse animadvertis, et effice, ne
quern paeniteat rem publicam quam spem praedae et rapinarum
eequi njaluisse. Item Murci et Crisi'i imjteratorum dignitatem,
quantum est in te, tuere. Nam Bassus misere uoluit mihi
legionem tradere. Uuod nisi milites invito eo legates ad me
rnisissent, clausam Ajjameam tenuisset, quoad vi esset expugnata.
llaec a te j)eto non solum rei publicae, quae tibi semper fuit

legionen'] Tlicse appear lo liave been opinione] ' by ibe mere furmise ' :

le>;ion8 left by Caesar to guard Cleopatra ; covfirmatsel ' strengtbened.'

01 tbe remnarita of tbe army of Crassua 3. Murci H C'rinpi'] cp. note to 822, 1 ;

and I'ompey (App. iii. 78, iv. 59). also Phil. xi. 30.

A. JUieuus'] ip. 822. 1. Nani] ' (I say notliing about Baesus),

complurch] cp. note to Boo, 1. One for he in pitiful fashion refused to hand

copy at least reached Cicero, viz. 822. over hia Jegi'm to me': App. iii. 78

ad senaluin'] Tbii letter is not extant. (*eems to eay that be had two legions.

mei'] The relatives of Cassius do not For Bassus, cp. note to Fam. xii. 18, I

appear to b'lve been on very friendly terms (670).

with Cicc-ro, We have seen that his mmre] This adverb is often used in

Btcpmother, Servilia, objected to Cicero's the comedians of the pain of too strong

proceedings on his behalf (823, 1). emotion {minen amare, mi»ere deperire),

2. poltulum] This is a less elegant form but it is strange to lind it applied to such

for paulliifum. liuchekr (Kh. Mas. xi. a negative idea as unwillingness. Perhaps

.511) quotes for this form Cat/j R. R. x. 2 ; miser of H. Pal. is right.

xxi. 3; Varro L. L. v. 3o, 167. Apameam] sixty miles S.E.of Antioch,

di'jnitaUm] Cassius wished to be near the Orontes. There was another

formally appointed Governor of Syria. Apamea in Phrygia : cp. Att. v. 16, 2

tyranins] Antony and Dolabella. (208).

140

DCCCLVII. {BRUT. I. 4, §§ 1-3).

carissiraa, sed otinm amicitiac noi^lrae iioininc, qnam confido apuJ
to pluviniuin posse. 4. Crede milii liuiic exercitum, quoin luiboo,
S(Mialus atque optiini cuiusque esse raaximeque tuuni : de cuius
voluntato adsiihio audicndo mirifice te diligit carunique habet.
Qui si intellexerit comnioda sua curae tibi esse, debere etiam se tibi
omnia putabit.

5. Litteris scriptis audivi Dolabellain in Ciliciam venisse cum
suis copiis. Proficiscar in Ciliciam. Quid egcrim celeriter ut scias
dabo operam. Ac velim, ut meremur de re publica, sic felices
siuius. Fac valeas meque ames. Non. Mails, ex castris.

DCCCLYII. BRUTUS TO CICERO (Brut. i. 4, §§ 1-3).
dvrrhachium; may 7 (about) ; a. u. c. 711 ; b. 0. 43 ; aet. cic. 63.

Brutus repreLensioncm nimiae in C. Antoniuni clementiue diluit et monet ne
nimios honoies tribuat.

BllUTUS CICERONI SAL.

1. Quanta sim laetitia affectus cognitis rebus Bruti nostri et
cousulum, facilius est tibi existimare quam mihi scribere ; cuiu
alia laudo et gaudeo accidisse, turn quod Bruti eruptio non solum

7iomine'] ' on the score of,' a book-
keeping term : cp. Alt. vi. 2, 3 (256).

4. senatus . . . hahct] ' is devoted to
the senate and the patriotic pari}-, and
especially to yourself ; and as they con-
stantly are hearing of your devotion and
interest in the cause, they have a mar-
vellous regard and affection for you ' : de
cuius is to be resolved into et de tua:
audiendo, sc. in my speeches. For the
spelling adsidite, ilommsen (St. E,. iii.
237, 3) quotes C. I. L. vi. 9499 fin., an
insi ription of the republic;in age.

.'). Litteris scriptis^ a postcript, cp.
note to 874, 1.

cum suis copiis^ i.e. two legions, App.
iii. 78.

i>i Ciliciam'] Tarsus supported Dola-
bella (Die. xlvii. 30, 1).

ex castris] Watson considers that the
camp of Cassius was in the valley of the
Orontes.

This letter is an answer to 844.

1. Quanta sim laetitia] It has seemed
to some strange that Brutus sliould ex-
press his joy so unreservedly at the re-
sult of the Battle of Mutina, in which
the consuls were killed, and even make
special mention of their fortune [rebus . . .
cousulum) as a subject for rejoicing. The
solution is thut when he wrote this letter
about May 7th, he had heard merely of the
victory, and not of the death of the consuls.
Immediately after despatching it he be-
gan his eastward march, and wrote 866
fiom the camp on May lolh, after he had
heard of the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa :
cp. Gurlitt (Phil.l. Suppl. iv. .583), who
refers to 874, 2 (an answer to 857), tuum
consilium vehemeiiter laudo quod non 2^>'iMS
exercilum Apollonia Dyrrhachioque movisti
quam de Antonii fuga audisti, Bruti erup-
tione, popnli Romani victoria.

Bruti eruptio] That this refers to

nCCCLVIL {BRUT. I. ^, §§ 1-3).

141

ipsi salutaris fuit, sed etiam maxirao ad victoriam adiumeuto.
2. Quod scribis milii trium Aiitoniorum unam atque eaudem
causam esse, quid ego sentiam, mei iudicii esse, statuo nihil nisi
lioc, seuatus aut populi Homani indicium esse de iis civibus, qui
pngnantes uon interierint. " At hoc ipsuni," iiiquies " inique
facis, qui hostilis animi in rem publicam homines cives appelles."
Immo iustissime ; quod enim nondum senatus censuit nee populus
Bomanus iussit, id arroganter non praeiudico neque revoco ad
arbitrium meum : ilhid quidem non muto, quod ei, quem me occi-
dere res non coegit, neque crudeliter quidquam eripui neque dis-
solute quidqnam reniisi habuique in mea potestate, quoad bellum
fuit. Multo equidem honestius iudico magisque quod concedere
possit res publica miserorum fortunam non insectari quam infinite
tribuere potentibus, quae cupiditatem et arrogantiam incendere
possint. 3. Qua in re, Cicero, vir optime atque fortissimo mihi-
que merito et meo nomine et rei publicae carissime, nimis credere
videris spei tuae statimque, ut quisque aliquid recte fecerit, omnia

an actual sally made from Mutina by
D. Brutus during the battle can hardly
be doubted ; though Meyer (p. 46) insists
that, owing to the manner in which it is
treated in 874, 2, it must refer to the
march forth from the town to pursue the
enemy after the victory had been won
and Antony put to flight. But Cicero,
undoubtedly, refers to a sally made during
the battle in 886, 1, tantam spem attulcrat
exphratae victoriae tua praeclara Mtitina
eruplio, fuga Antonii conciso exercitu ; and
Cicero often speaks of D. Brutus as
having exhibited the greatest valour,
912, 1: 871, 1. The objection to this view
is that Veil. ii. 62, 4, App. iii. 71, and
Dio Cass. .\lvi. 39 say nothing about this
sally, and the latter explicitly says c. 40,
Tols re ffrpaTtciraisTols a'vjxTTo\iopK7]Qe7cnv
01 (i.e. AeKiincp) Kol frraij/ovs Kol r&Wa
Sffa ToTs Tov Kaiffapos TrpSrepov irpoeTzriy-
ye\ro, k a I it e p /u. r) S e v 4 s TTjVviKrjv
avfj-^aXajxevois, aW airh rmv reix^^
avT7]v ISovcrt, SoOrivai eyi/oxrac. Cobet
supposes that it was Aquila who made
the sally (Aquila was serving under D.
Brutus, and was killed in the battle) ;
but that, as D. Brutus was the chief com-
mander, and as the sally was made under
his auspices, the credit of it was given to
him. This is ingenious : but it is far
simpler, with Hermann and Ruete, to

assign the statement that Decimus had
looked on idly at the battle, to the ob-
vious Caesarian partisanship which is
exhibited throughout the whole of Dio
Cass. xlvi. 40.

2. Quod . . . interierint'] Plainly in
these words Brutus is answering 844, 3,
and had not before him 846, 4, in which
there is a definite mention of the vote
of the senate declaring Antony and his
followers enemies of the state. See
Schelle, p. 15.

revoco ad arbitrium meuni] ' claim it
for my own decision.'

neque crudeliter . . . remisi] ' I have
not cruelly wi-ested anything from him or
weakly yielded anything' : cp. 842, 5.

habuique in mea potestate'] ' and I have
kept in my power as long as the war
lasted.' This was Cicero's advice (840,
3) . From the words used, in potestate, not
in custodia, we may probably infer that
C. Antonius was only kept under sur-
veillance, not in prison.

concedere possit res 'publica'] So M : but
in the margin conducere possit rei p. The
latter is more likely to have arisen from
a corruption of the former than vice
versa.

miserorum fortunam non insectari'] 'to
refrain from assailing the fortunes of the
fallen.'

142 DCCCLVTIL {FAM. X. 13).

dure ao permittoro, quasi iion liceat traduei ad mala consilia cor-
ruptiim largitioiiibus auimuni. Quae tua est liumauitas, aequo
aninio te moneri patieris, praesertim de communi salute : faoies
tamen, qiiod tibi visum fuerit ; etiam ego, cum me docueris * *

DCCCLVIII. CICERO TO PLANCUS (Fam. x. 13).

KOME ; MAY 10, OR A T.ITTLK LATER ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C 43 ; AET.

CIC. 63.

M. Cicero L. Plancum de senatus eonsuUo ex sententia sua facto certiorem facit
et hortutur, ut belluui Antonianum conficiat.

CICERO PLANCO.

1. Ut primum mihi potestas data est augendae dignitatis tuae,
nihil praetermisi in te ornando quod positum esset aut in praemio
virtutis aut in honore verborum. Id ex ipso senatus consulto
poteris cognoscere : ita enim est perscriptum, ut a me de scripto
dicta sententia est, quam senatus frequens secutus est summo studio
magnoque consensu. 2. Ego quamquam ex tuis litteris, quas
mihi niisisti, perspexeram te magis iudicio bonorum quam insignibus
gloriae delectari, tamen consideraudum nobis existimavi, etiam si

3. quasi non liceat] Strictly licere is This letter is an answer to 845, which

applied to a thing quod lef/ibiis^ quod more was written from Vienne about April 26th,

maioru)ni)iMitutoqiie concediUir {V\\\\..-s.\\\. or a little later. As Yienne is 700 miles

14): but it is used also in a less strict from Rome that letter cannot have reached

way of M'hat is outside the sphere of poli- Cicero before May 10.

tical or moral considerations: cp. Tusc. 1. augendae diffiiitafis'] 'advancing

v. 55, e(si peccare nemini licet : sed scr- your distinction.'

monis errore labimur, id enim licere mhil . . . verhorum'] 'there was no

dicimus quod cnique concedifur, the mere honour T omitted to bestow on you either

exercise of will unrestrained by external in the form of rewards of merit or of

force. Accordingly there is no necessity laudatory expressions.'

to read with Madvig, quasi von liqueat, ita enim . . . sententia est] 'for it was

* as if it were not certain.' drawn up in the exact terms of the written

largitionibus] ' extravagant grants.' motion which I brought forward in my

This word can be used of 'largesses' or speech.' For examples of senators writ-

' bribes,' v.-hich consist of other things ing out the motions they intended to

than money, e.^., civitafis, Balb. 31. propose, Watson compares Phil. i. 3, iii.

docueris '* *] Here Schmidt and Gurlitt 20, x. 5.

suppose that a page of the archetype has 2. insignibus gloriae'] ' external marks

been lost containing the end of this letter of distinction.'
and the beginning of 866.

DCCCLIX. (FA 31. XL 13, §§ 1-U).

143

tu nihil postulares, quantum tibi a re publica deberetur. Tu
contexes extrema cum primis. Qui enim M. Antonium oppresserit^
is bellum confecerit. Itaque Homerus non Aiacem nee Achillem,.
sed Ulixem appellavit iTToXnropQiov.

DCCCLIX. D. BRUTUS TO CICERO (Fam. xi. 13, §§ 1-4),

POLLENTIA ; ABOUT MAY 12 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

D. Brutus excusat tarditateni in persequendo M. Antonio et quo res statu sit
exponit.

D. BRUTUS IMP. COS. DES. S. D. M. CICERONI.

1. lam non ago tibi gratias : cui enim re vix referre possum,
huic verbis non patitur res satis fieri. Attendere te volo, quae in
manibus sunt. Qua enim prudentia es, nihil te fugiet, si meas
litteras diligenter legeris. Sequi confestim Antonium his de

Tu contexes extrema cum primis] ' You
must fit the end to the beginning,' a meta-
phor from weaving. The fut. is used as a
mild imperative.

irTo^LwopBiov'} For this foini cp.
Hom. Od. ix. 504, 530. On the Homeric
use of the epithet, cp. Straho i. 17, ovros
(sc. (5 'ObiKTCihs) 6 TTToXnrSpdos ae I \ey6-
fxevos. This opinion came from Aris-
tarchus, and his Homer was the one
which all the later writers of the Roman
period followed. But in Homer, as we
have it, though ■KToAinopOos is always
applied to Ulysses in the Odj'ssey, it is
applied to Achilles in Il.viii. 372, xv. 77,
xxi. 550, xxiv. 108. These verses Aris-
tarchus appears to have athetized : cp.
Schol. on -XV. 77, (p-ricrlu 6 'Aplffrapxos otl
ovSafifi rhv 'Ax'^'^Aea -KToX'nvopQov
etprjicev aWa tt o S d p k rj Ka\ iroSooKr]:
and Eustath. 1005, 61, on xxi. 550, ^
SittAtj, oTt TrAeovd^ei iir' 'OSvffcreoos. rh
irroAiTropBov Sm rrjv 'IXlov •KSpdrjffiv,
vvv V aira^ eV 'Axi^Afws. See also Wolf
Proleg., p. 258 (ed. Calvary).

In the Mss 859 and 900 appear as
one letter (Fara. xi. 13) ; yet Fam. xi. 13
plainly consists of portions of two letters,
the former written by D. Brutus to Cicero
about May 12th, the latter probably by
both Brutus and Plancus to the Senate

about June 11, after the union of Brutus
and Plancus had been effected. A sheet of
the archetype seems to have been lost.

The date of this letter can be fixed from
the following considerations : — Onthe 6th
D. Brutus was at Aquae Statiellae (855),
and Antony at Yada, where he had united
his forces with those of Yentidius on the
3rd. The distance between these places is
about 45 Roman miles. Brutus advanced a
day's journey to within 30 miles of Yada
(probably on the 7tb), and there heard
about Antony's oration, and the intended
attack on Pollentia (§ 3). If we refer to
the map we shall find that it is about 67
miles by the road from the point where
Brutus halted on the 7th to Pollentia : we
say * by the road,' for it is much less in a
straight line across country; the cohorts
may possibly have gone ji cross country,
but the main army of D. Brutus probably
marched south along the Aernilian road
(later Julia Augusta) till it could strike
into the main road from Pollentia to Yada :
see Kiepert's map at the end of C. I. L.,
vol. V. This march must have occupied
4 days, which would bring Brutus to
Pollentia by the 11th. This letter was
written a day or so later.

1. cui enim re] ' For the nature of the
case does not admit that he, whom I can
scarcely repay in deeds, could be satisfied
with words.'

1 t4

DCCCLIX. {FAM. XL 13, §§ 1-/^).

causis, Cicero, iiou potui : erani siuo cqiiitibus, siuo iumeutis :
Hirtium perisse nesciebam, Aquilara perisse nesciebam : Caesari
non credobam prius quani convenissem et coUocutus essem. Ilic
dies lioc modo abiit. 2. Postero die mane a Pansa sura arcessitus
Bononiam. Cum in itinere essem, nuntialum mibi est eum
mortuum esse. Recurri ad raeas copiolas : sic enim vere eas
appcUare possum : sunt extenuatissimae et inopia omnium rorum
pessime acceptae. Biduo me Autonius antecessit : itinera fecit
multo maiora fugiens quam ego sequens. Ille enim iit jiassim,
ego ordinatim. Quacumque iit, ergastula solvit, homines abripuit :
constitit nusquam prius, quam ad Vada venit ; quom locum volo
tibi esse notum: iacet inter Appenninum ct Alpes, impeditissimus
ad iter faciendum. 3. Cum abessem ab eo milia passuum triginta
et se iam Ventidius coniunxisset, contio eius ad me est adlata,
in qua petere coepit a militibus, ut se trans Alpes sequerentur :
sibi cum M. Lepido convenire. Succlamatum est, et frequenter a

Aquilam , . . nesciebam'] These words
do not occur in M, but they are found in
II Pal, and many second-class mss. Orelli
says the copyist added them : ' nescio quo
furore instinctus ' (Hist. Crit., p. xxvii).
But we know (though it is highly unlikely
that the copyist knew, unless his frenzy
was inspired) that Pontius Aquila, a
legate of D. Brutus, did fall at the Battle
of Mutina (Dio Cass. xlvi. 40, 2), and the
■words might easily have fallen out ex
homoeoteleuto. On Pontius Aquila, who
was one of the conspirators against Caesar,
cp. 854, 5 ; 890, 4 ; App. ii. 113 ff. ; Dio
Cass. xlvi. 38, 1 ; Phil. xi. 14, xiii. 27.

convenissem'] Appian (iii. 73) says that
Octavian refused to meet D.Brutus on the
ground that he was one of Caesar's mur-
derers. Brutus then from the other side
of the river forbade Octavian to enter his
province of Cisalpine Gaul.

'Hie dies] The first day after the
Battle of Mutina, viz. April 22.

2. eopiolas] ' my handful of men ' (Wat-
son). Brutus here appears to depreciate
the forces at his disposal, whereas else-
where (877, 4 ; 878, 1) he expresses a
much more favourable opinion of them.
But here he is making excuses for his
delay in pursuing Antony : there he is
endeavouring to keep up the spirits of the
senatorial party at home : cp. note to
878,1.

extenuatissimae] ' terribly reduced ' ;
the more classical word would lie ntteniia-
tae, cp. Gehhard, p. 44.

pessime acceptae] ' in the most miser-
able plight,' lit. ' most severely handled,'
cp. 883, 4 : in oppugnando male aeceptus.
Gehhard (p. 31) thinlcs it is a military
expression, ep. Nop. Eum. 8.1. It often
occurs in Cic. e.g. 2 Verr. i. 140, ii. 56,
iii. 59; Fam. vii. 26, 1 (94).

itinera feeit] Since II Pal and Dresd. 3
ha.\e fecit, though it is omitted by M, we
have inserted it, as the passage thereby
becomes quite plain. Fugerc iter or viam
would be a curious expression even for
Brutus, and we are unable to find an
example of such a cognate ace. Fecit is
inserted by Mendelssohn.

passim . . . ordinatim] 'in a straggling
band' ... 'in regular order.' The
latter word is not Ciceronian. Cicero
would have used some phrase like ordine
servato, or ex ordine.

ergastula solvit] cp. note to 854, 3.

impeditissimus . . . faciendum] ' a very
difficult place for marching to.' Vada
Sabatia is on the coast about 25 miles
west of Genoa.

3. sibi . . . convenire] ' that he had
an agreement with M. Lepidus. Watson
refers to 847, 1, to show that Brutus
suspected this a good while before.

Succlamatum est] ' A cry was raised.

DCCCLX. {FAM. X 15).

145

militibus Ventidianis — nam suos valde quam paucos habet —
sibi aut in Italia pereundum esse aut vincendum, et orare coepe-
runt, ut Pollentiam iter faeerent. Cum sustinere eos non posset,
in posterum diem iter suum contulit. 4. Hac re mihi nuntiata,
statim quinque cohortes Pollentiam praemisi meumque iter eo
contuli. Hora ante praesidium meum Pollentiam venit quam
Trebellius cum equitibus. Sane quam sum gavisus : in hoc enim
victoriam puto consistere * *

DCCCLX. PLANCUS TO CICEPO (Fam. x. is).

NEAR CULARO ; MAY 13 ; A. U. C. 711 ', B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

L. Plancus nimtiat M. Ciceroni et quae egerit et quae acturus sit ad opprimendum
Antonium.

PLANCUS CICERONI.

1. His litteris scriptis quae postea accidissent scire te ad rem
publicam putavi pertinere. Sedulitas mea, ut spero, et mihi et
rei publicae tulit fructum. Namque adsiduis internuntiis cum
Lepido egi, ut omissa omni contentione reconciliataque voluntate
nostra communi consilio rei publicae succurreret : se, liberos
urbemque pluris quam unum perditum abiectumque latronem
putaret, obsequioque meo, si ita faceret, ad omnes res abuteretur.

and to a great extent proceeding from the
soldiers of Ventidiua' : cp. Att. i. 19, 5
(25), hiiio frequenter vntercedilur.

valde quMii\ The usage of quam after
adverbs belongs to colloquial style: cp.
sane quam (§ 4), and Palmer on Plaut.
Amphitr. i. 3, 43.

Follentia'] about 45 miles north-west
of Vada, now PoUenza.

contulit] ' put off' : cp. Att. vi. 1, 24
(252), quae omnia in mensem Martium
sunt collata.

4. Trebellius] He had been tribune of
the plebs in 700, 707 (48, 47), when
Caelius and Dolabella raised disturbances
in the interests of debtors and the extreme
democrats : cp. vol. iii., p. Ivii. He was
a devoted adherent of Antony : cp. Phil,
vi. 11.

Sane quam] cp. Q. Fr. ii. 4, 5 (105) ;
Legg. ii. 23 ; Att. i. 11, 3 (7) and note.

consistere * *] Here the letter to
Cicero breaks off : cp. 900.

cuLAKo] The modern Grenoble.

1. ITis litteris sc7-iptis] These words
show that the letter is a postscript to
another letter, viz. 848, though written a
good many days later.

Namque] explains sedulitas — ' I have
been very busy, for I have had constant
negotiations with Lepidus.'

se . . . aluteretur] ' that he should
consider himself, his children, and Eome
of more value than one crushed and ruined
rebel ; and that if he did so, he might un-
resei'vedly use my services for every-
thing. '

146

DCCCLX. {FAM. X. 15).

2. Profeci : itaque per Laterensom iuterniintium fidem mihi dodit
so Autouium, si proliibere proviucia sua non potuisset, bello per-
secuturuiu : me, ut veuirem copiasquo coniuiigerem, rogavit,
eoque iiiagis, quod et Autonius ab cquitatu firmus esse dicebatur
et Lepidus ne mediocrem quidem equitatum liabcbat. Nam etiam
ex paucitate eius uon multis ante diebus decem, qui optirai fue-
rant, ad me trausierant. Quibus rebus ego cognitis cunctatus
non sum : in cursu bonorum consilioium Lepidum adiuvandum
putavi. 3. Adventus meus quid profecturus esset vidi, vel quod
equitatu meo persequi atque opprimere equitatum eius possem vel
quod exercitus Lepidi earn partem, quae corrupta est ab re publica
alieuata, et corrigere et coercere praesentia mei exercitus possem.
Itaque in Isara, flumine maximo, quod in finibus est Allobrogum,
ponte uno die facto, exercitum a. d. iv. Idus Maias traduxi. Cum
vero mihi nuntiatum esse L. Antonium praemissum cum equitibus
et cohortibus ad Forum lulii venisse, fratrem cum equitum quat-
tuor milibus, ut occurreret ei, misi a. d. iii. Idus Maias : ipse

2. Frofecil It is unusual to find ^ro-
Jicere used alone without the addition of
allqnid, taniioit, adeo, nihil, or the like :
and though it may be tolerated in Plancus,
it could not be let pass in Cicero : accord-
ingly we have added aUqmd with Wes-
enberg in Fam. xv. 14, 1 (241).

itaque] ' and so.' Lepidus was in-
fluenced by his arguments, and so pledged
him his word.

ab equitatu'] see note to Att. i. 1, 2
(10).

dicebatur . . . habebat] We should have
expected the subjunctive : cp. llhodius,
p. 20.

decern] The smallness of this number
makes one suspicious of its genuine-
ness. Schelle, p. 38, reads dc. for x. ;
while Rhodius, p. 39, note *, proposes
<decuiiae> decem, but we must then alter
to quae optimae fuerant.

transieratii] The mss give transierunt :
hut Wesenberg (E.A. 34) points out that
the perf. is impossible, as habebat and
fuerant had been used before.

in cursu bonorum . . . putavi] ' Ad-
vancing as Lepidus was in loyal conduct,
I thought that support should be given
him.'

3. persequi] Some accusative is gene-
rally inserted to be governed hj persequi:
for "though that verb is often used abso-

lutel}"- (863, 2), yet it is thought that eius
must have something to refer to. The
usual word supplied is Antonium. Leh-
mann (p. 53) proposes to add perditum
hoiiiiucm heiore. persequi : for this expres-
sion applied to Antony, cp. 790, 1 ; 827,
1. But Mendelssohn rightly points out
that is can stand alone when it refers to
the principal person in the narrative : cp.
Fam. viii. 8, 4 (223), where eum refers
to Caesar. Antony was now, as Caesar
was then , the person on M'hom the thoughts
of all were concentrated.

possem] Virtual oblique, ' because I
could, as I thought.'

quae . . . alienata] ' which was tainted
and disloyal to the state,' especially the
tenth legion : cp. 848, 2.

L. Antonium] The brother of Marcus.
He afterwards raised the war of Perusia.

Forum lulii] The modern Frejus, near
the mouth of the Argents (Argenteus).

a. d. iii. Idas Maias] The mss read
a. d. v., which Euete (p. 51) defends.
He argues that on a. d.v. Id. (May 11) the
bridge was completed, and that on the
evening of that day Plancus sent forward
the cavalry while he leisurely led across
his infantry on the following day. Yet
it is difficult to believe that Plancus would
not have added something to notify the
despatch with which he sent forward the

DCCCLXI. {FAM. X. 21, §§ 1-6).

147

maximis itineribus cum quattuor legionlbus expeditis et reliquo
equitatu subsequar. 4. Si nos mediocris modo fortuna rei publicae
adiuverit, et audaciae perditornm et nostrae soUicitudinis hie finem
reperiemus. Quod si latro praecognito nostro adventu rursus in
Italian! se recipere coeperit, Bruti erit officium occurrere ei : cui
scio nee consilium nee animum defuturum. Ego tamen, si id
accident, fratrem cum equitatu mittam qui sequatur, Italiam a
vastatione defendat. Fac valeas meque mutuo diligas.

DCCCLXI. PLANCUS TO CICERO (Fam. x. 21, §§ i-e).

CAMP ON THE ISARA ; MAY 15 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

L. Plancus perfidiam Lepidi eiusque coniunctionem cum M. Antonio nuntiat,
suLsidia copiarum postulat.

PLAlSrCUS CICERONI.

1. Puderet me inconstantiae mearum litterarum, si nonhaec ex
aliena,levitate penderent. Omnia feci qua re Lepido coniuncto ad
rem publicam defendendam minore sollicitudine vestra perditis
resisterem. Omnia ei et petenti recepi et ultro poUicitus sum,
scripsique tibi biduo ante confidere me bono Lepido esse usurum

cavalry, such as statim, or extemplo, or
vesperi : and impossible to believe that he
would not have written miseram. The
latter point is urged by Wesenberg (E. A.
35), whose alteration of the nuuiber we
have, with hesitation, adopted. If iii. lost
one of its strokes, ii. would readily have
been corrupted into v. : cp. Fam. xiv. 4,
3 (62); Q. Fr. ii. 4, 1 (105); 842, 5.
Nake, quoted by Watson, wishes to alter
IV. above to vii. or viii., as the bridge
must have been made before the cavalry
could have been sent forward ; and :is
Plancus does not say that his brother left
him on the same day as that on which he
crossed the Isara, or on the next, it is
possible that two days may have elapsed
between the two events.

4. praecognito] a non-Ciceronian Avord.

Italiam . . . defendat'] There is no
need with Wesenberg to insert ut before
Italiam. ' Asyndeton bimembre ' is

common even in Cicero : cp. Lehmann,
p. 26.

mutuo diligas] cp. 848 fin.

1. inconstantiae meanim litterarum']
' of the constant changes which my letters
exhibit.' Cicero complains of this, 884,
1, modoetiim quae vellemus de Lepido, modo
contra mmtiabantur : cp. 826, 1.

haec] ' these things ' which I am
doing.

levitate] 'shiftiness.'

Omnia feci qua re] cp. Caes. B. G. v.
31, 5, Omnia excogitatitur quare sine
]}ericulo maneatur : Fam. iii. 10,1 (261),
miilta . . . qitatnobrem, Q. Fr. ii. 2, 3
(100), multa . . . quare, quoted by Andr.

scripsique tibi biduo] i.e. 860, written
on May 13.

lojio . . . usurum] cp. Att. i. 14, 6
(20), Bonis utimur triiunis pi. : x. 8, 10
(392).

148

DCCCLXI. {FAM. X. SI, §§ 1-6).

commimiqiio cousilio bclliim administraturum. Credidi chirogra-
pbis eius, adfirmationi praesontis Latcronsis, qui turn apud me
erat recoiiciliarcmquo mo Lepldo fidemquo haberem orabat. Non
licuit diutius bone de eo sperare. lUud certe cavi et cavebo, ne
mea credulitate rei publicae summa fallatur. 2. Cum Isaram
flumen, uno dio poute elTecto, exercitum traduxissem, pro magui-
tudine rei celeritatem adbibens, quod petierat per litteras ipse, ut
maturarem venire, praesto mihi f uit stator eius cum litteris, quibus
ne venirem denuntiabat : se posse per se conficere negotium :
interea ad Isaram exspectarem. Indicabo temerarium meum con-
silium tibi : nihilo miuus ire decreram, existimaus eum socium
gloriae vitare. Putabam posse me nee de laude ieiuni hominis
delibare quidquam et subesse tamen propinquis locis, ut, si durius
aliquid esset, succurrere celeriter possem. 3. Ego non malus
homo hoc suspicabar. At Laterensis, vir sanctissimus, suo chirogra-
pho mittit mihi litteras nimisque desperans de se, de exercitu, de
Lepidi fide, querensque se destitutum ; in quibus aperte denuntiat,
videam, ne fallar : suam fidem solutam esse : rei publicae ne desim.
Exemplar eius chirographi Titio misi. Ipsa chirographa omnia,

chirographis] ' autograph letters.'

Laterensis] cp. 860, 2.

7-ei p. sHinma] This phrase is as allow-
able (cp. 909, 2) as summa res p., Att. i,
16, 9 (22) ; 916, 4 ; but the position of the
words is different in the two phrases.

2. stalor'] 'his orderly' : cp. note to
Fam. ii. 19, 2 (262).

exspectarem'] used absolutely : cp. Fam.
XV. 17, 1 (541).

Futaham . . . suspicabar] ' I thought
that I should be able, without diminishing
aught of the praise of that poor paltry
creature, yet to remain somewhere noar, in
order that, if any serious difficulty should
arise, I might be able rapidly to bring
assistance. This was what I thought
probable, being one not inclined to sus-
picion.' For ieiiuii hominis, Andr. com-
pares Fam. ii. 17, 7 (272), illiid vero
pusilli animi et ipsa malevolentia ieiuni
atqiie inanis ; also iii. 10, 7 (261), xv. 4,
14 (238). For durius, cp. Caes. B. G. i.
48, 6, where it is used in the same sense
of something untoward which tends to
hinder an undertaking.

3. nimisque desperans] So we read
with H Pal. ' Laterensis sent me letters
expressing undue despojidency about

himself, his army, and the loyalty of
Lepidus, and complaining that he was
deserted : in which letters he openly bids
me see that I be not deceived, declares
that he has done his duty, and exhorts me
not to fail the cause of the republic' In
quibus refers to litteras. Cicero would
hardly have placed the relative so far
from its antecedent. There is little need
to read nimis quam with Mendelssohn,
though it is used in Plautus (Capt. i. I,
34; True. ii. 5, 21): there is no reason
whatsoever for reading (as some editors
do) in Usque and omitting in quibus. Gitl-
bauer (p. 95), who delights in ' anagram-
matismus,' and knows nothing of H,
supposes miisque] to be a corruption for in
queis, and thinks that in quibus should be
ejected as a gloss on quels.

suam fidem solutam esse] 'that he had
kept his word,' i.e. done his duty to the
state : cp. Flor. i. 1, 12, illi ^U fidem solve-
rent clipcis obruere. Lewis and Short say
it means that 'his faith in Lepidus was
shattered.'

Titio] "We hear of a P. Titius. tr. pi.
in 838, §§ 3, 4, who vetoed a motion of
Cicero's in favour of Plancus. If this is
the same Titius, we must suppose that

DCCCLXI. [FAM. X 21, §§ 1-6).

149

et ea, quibus credidi, et ea, quibus fidem non habendam putavi,
Laevo Cispio dabo perferenda, qui omnibus his interfuit rebus.
4. Accessit eo, ut milites eius, cum Lepidus contionaretur, improbi
per se, corrupti etiam per eos, qui praesunt, Cauidios Rufrenosque
et ceteros, quos, cum opus erit, scietis, conclamarint viri boni
pacem se velle neque esse cum ullis pugnaturos, duobus iam con-
sulibus singularibus amissis, tot civibus pro patria occisis, bostibus
denique omnibus iudicatis bonisque publicatis : neque hoo aut
vindicarat Lepidus aat sanarat. 5. Hoc me venire et duobus
exercitibus coniunctis obiicere exercitum fidelissimum, auxilia
maxima, principes Qalliae, provinciam cunctam, summae demen-
tiae et temeritatis esse vidi, mibique, si ita oppressus essem remque
publicam mecum prodidissem, mortuo non modo honorem, sed
misericordiam quoque defuturam. Itaque rediturus sum nee tanta
munera perditis hominibus dari posse sinam. 6. Exercitum

Plancus sent him a copy of the letter in
order that even his enemies might he able
to see the dishonesty of Lepidus, and the
critical position in which he himself was
placed.

ea, quibzis . . . putavi'] Evidently
there had heen some letters forged, pur-
porting to come from Laterensis, and of a
hopeful nature.

Laevo Cispio] cp. 870, 1.

4. eiiis] For the pronoun referring to
the subsequent Lepidus, cp. Att. v. 10,
1 (198), et qtianquam sine lis per me ipse,
tamen acrius vestigiis tuis monitus de te
cogitaham.

Canidios Mufreftosque] Probably le-
gates or centurions in the army of Le-
pidus.

quos . . . scietis] ' whose true charac-
ter you will learn.' If cognoscetis had
been used, the sense would have been
' with whom you will become acquainted,'
not implying any deep knowledge of their
character.

conclamarint viri boni] ' cried aloud,
did these patriots' (ironical), or 'like true
patriots ' : cp. bonus iinperator, ti. Fr.
iii. 2, 2 (150).

singularibus . . . otntiibtts] H omits
these two words. If we retain the former,
we may compare Fam. ix. 14, 1 (722),
praestantissiiiium te civem et singularem
consulem praebeas. For viris omitted with
singularibus, Mendelssohn compares Pom-
pey ap. Att. vii. 8, 5 (299), chw hacc

quaestor eius injirmus et inops audeat di-
cere. After omnibus Orelli wishes to add
bonis, ' all good patriots ' ; but it is
awkward to have the same M'ord nsed
immediately afterwards in the neuter.
Against reading omnibus it may be urged
that it was only Antony and his followers
wlio had been declared enemies ; but now
that Antony and Lepidus had practically
joined forces, the ringleaders of the dis-
turbance may have easily applied the
judgment of the senate to themselves, for
thoy must have known that they would
soon be formally declared enemies by the
government at Eome.

5. Hoc] = hue, cp § 6 (twice), and
note to 883, 4 ; also Neue, iP. 613.

remque . . . prodidissem] ' drawn the
state into the same ruin as myself.'

dcfutnram] So U Pal and AVesenherg.
M has defuturum. This reading Graevius
defends as a peculiarity of the style of
Plancus, who was fond of archaisms :
cp. 916, 1, amor enim tuus ac indicium de
me utrum . . .sit adlaturus (so M H).
But as we have good ms authority here for
the simple reading defuturam, we may
perhaps adopt it. Rhodius (p. 9) seems
to think Plancus did not write defuturam,
lest he should seem to lay undue stress on
misericordiam.

6. Exercitum] H Pal add ut, M omits
it. Andresen adds it, saying that it might
have been omitted if dabo operant had pre-
ceded, and not followed, the subjunctive :

150

DCCCLXII. [FAM. X. 21, § 7).

locis babeam opportmiis, proviuciam tuear, etiam si ille exercitus
descierit, omuiaque Integra servem, dabo operam, quoad exercitus
hoc summittatis parique felicitate rem publicam hie vindicetis ;
nee depugnare, si occasio tulerit, nee obsideri si neeesso fuerit, nee
mori, si easus iuciderit, pro vobis paratior f uit quisquam. Qua re
bortor te, mi Cicero, exercituni boc traiiciendum quara primum
cures et matures prius quam bostes magis corroborentur et nostri
perturbeutur. In quo si celeritas erit adbibita, res publica in
possessione victoriae deletis sceleratis permanebit. Fac valeus
meque diligas.

DCCCLXII. PLANCUS TO CICEEO (Fam. x. 21, ^ 7).

CAMP ON THE ISARA ; MAY 15 (aBOUt) ; A. V. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET.

CIC. 63.

Fratrem qui in febrim incidisset excusat Plancus, dignitatem suam Ciceroni
conimendat.

PLANCUS CICERONI.

7. Fratrem meum tibi, fortissimum civem et ad omnia para-
tissimum, excusem litteris ? qui ex labore in febriculam incidit

cp. Pompeyap. Att. viii. 6, 2 (337), Tu, si
tibi videbitur, dabis operam qiiam primiim
ad nos venias. Plancus seems to affect
this form of parataxis, which is charac-
teristic of ordinary language, whether the
governing word precedes or follows : cp.
§ 1, recoiici/iaremque . . . orabat ; 862,
tneam dignitatem commeiidatain habeas
roffo ; ib. rogo in Hirtii locum me subdas.

ille exercitus'] i.e. the army of Lepidus.

omtiiaqtie integro servem] ' and take no
decided step' : cp. 916, 3.

parique . . . vindicetis'] ' and defend
the state with as good fortune as you did
at Mutina.'

sceleratis] 'traitors.'

This § was either a new letter, or else
■was added a few days after 861 was
written, before May 20, the date of 889 :
cp. § 2 of that letter. On the receipt at
Home (about April 27) of the news of the

deaths of the consuls, Cicero wrote to
Plancus urging him to send back to
Eome his brother, Munatius Plancus,
praetor urbanus, M'ho was serving as
legate in his army. This letter can
hardly have reached the Isere in much
less than 16 days, so that May 14 would
be the earliest date possible for this letter.
It is noticeable that Plancus must have
at once recalled his brother, whom he had
sent forward to attack L. Antonius
(860, 3).

7. excusem] 'Am I to apologise for.'
For the deliberative subjunctive, Andr.
compares Fam. ix. 26, 1 (479) ; xiv.
4, 3 (62)'. Possibly, as Mendelssohn says,
cxcuso is right (see Adn. Crit.), and
Plancus used the present indicative for
the deliberative subjunctive, adopting a
colloquial construction, Roby 1610, 1611.
Ehodius (p. 39, note **) ingeniously pro-
poses to read excuse si mitti vis.

DCCCLXIII. {FAM. XL 12),

151

adsiduam et satis mole^tam. Cum primum poterit istoc recurrere
non dubitabit, ne quo loco rei publieae desit. Meam dignitatem
commendatam habeas, rogo, Concupiscere me nihil oportet :
habeo te et amantissimum mei et, quod optavi, summae auctori-
tatis. Tu videris, quantum et quando tuum munus apud me velis
esse ; tantum te rogo, in Hirtii locum me subdas et ad tuum
amorem et ad meam observantiam.

DCCCLXIII. CICERO TO D. BRUTUS (Fam. xi. 12).

ROME ; BETWEEN MAY 14 AND 19 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero ,queritur de renovato per M. Antouium bello, quod ait homines existi-
masse a D. Bruto impediri potuisse.

M. CICERO S. D. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DES.

1. Tres uuo die a te accepi epistolas : unam brevem, quam
Flacco Volumnio dederas, duas pleniores, quarum alteram tabel-
larius T. Vibii attulit, alteram ad me misit Lupus. Ex tuis

adsiduani] ' he has got a touch of im-
intermittent fever,' opposed to febris
tertiana, qitartana, and the like. For the
diminutive febrintla, op. Att. vi. 9, 1
(282). Diminutives are often used of
sUght ailments, nauseola, Att. xiv. 8, 2
(710); commotiuucula, xii. 11 (502).

istoc\ ' to Rome.' For the form, cp.
Caelius Fam. viii. 4, 1 (206) : 8, 10 (223) :
and Neue ii'*, 615 : also/(oc = hue, 861, 5.

non duhitabil] Plaucus appears to have
had some difficulty in persuading his
brother to return to Rome, 872, 2, coegi
isto proficisci.

quo loco'] He was praetor urbanus
(889, 2).

Concupiscere] Andr. says that this sen-
tence is in answer to Cicero's exhorta-
tions, 838, 6, haec omnia, quae habent
speciem gloriae, collecta inanissimis splen-
doris insignibus, contemne : brevia,fucata,
caduca exisiima.

Tu videris . . . observantiam] ' Yo\i
can yourself see to the amount of youi-
gift to me and the time of its bestowal.
I only ask this of you, that you adopt

me into the place of Hirtius — you to show
love to me, and I to show respect to
you ' : cp. 845, 3, concupisco autem nihil
mihi — et temporis et rei J.e moderatorem
facile patior esse. For this use of the
future perfect of videre, referring to a
postponed action, cp. Q. Fr. ii. 13, 2
(141), and Roby 1485. For Cicero's
friendship with Hirtius, cp. De Fato 2 ;
Phil. i. 37.

The letter (855), despatched by Brutus
on May 6 from Aquae Statiellae, pro-
bably did not reach Rome much before
May 14. On the 19th Cicero wrote 871.
Between these two dates we maj' place
this letter.

1. Tres] viz. 834, 845, 848.

Flacco Voliuunio] He was a legate of
D. Brutus (871, 1). In that letter Cicero
gives an account of the reception by the
Senate of the despatches brought by Vo-
lumnius. "We may, perhaps, assume that
Cicero wrote this letter before that meet-
ing, immediately after receiving the
letters of Brutus.

152 DCCCLXIII. {FAM. XL U).

litteris et ex Gracccii orationo non modo non reslinctum bellum,
sed etiam inlLanimatum videtur. Non dubito autom pro tua
singular! prudentia quin perspicia8, si aliquid firmitatis nactus sit
Antonius, omnia tua ilia pracclara in rem publicam merita ad
nibilimi esse ventura ; ita euim Romam erat nuntiatum, ita per-
suasum omnibus, cum paucis inermis, perterritls metu, fracto animo
fugisse Antonium. 2. Qui si ita se babet, ut, quem ad modum
audiebam de Graeceio, confligi cum eo sine periculo non possit, non
ille mibi fugisse a Mutina videtur, sed locum belli gerendi mutasse.
Itaquo bomines alii facti sunt : non nulli etiam queruntur, quod
persecuti non sitis : opprimi potuisse, si celeritas adhibita esset,
existimant. Omnino est boc populi maximeque nostri, in eo
potissimum abuti libertate, per quem eam consecutus sit. Sed
tamen providendum est, ne quae iusta querella esse possit. Ees
se sic babet : is bellum confecerit, qui Antonium oppresserit. Hoc
quam vim babeat te existimare malo quam me apertius scribere.

restinctinn'] 'stamped out': inflam- of feeling has taken place': cp. Plaut.

malum, 'in full blaze.' Tiin. i. 2, 123, verbis paucis quam cito

ad nihilum esse ventura'] cp. Tusc. ii. 5, Ahum fecisti me, alius ad te veneram.

Ittus brevi tempore ad nihilum ventura. persecuti non sitis] The verb here is

The usual word is recidere not venire, cp. used absolutely, cp. 8G0, 2, as sequor

Att. iv. 18, 4 (154) ; Orat. 233 ; Phil. in Caes. B. G. i. 40, 15 and often in

vii. 27, quoted by Audr., who also notices Plautus. But, as Andr. points out, it is

that nihilum is the ace. of nihil after ad strange that both object ace. to persecuti

and in. sitis and subject ace. to potuisse have

enim] The honours paid you for your been omitted,

distinguished services were bestowed in libertate] ' freedom (of speech) ' : eam

the belief that you had utterly routed 'freedom' (in general): cp. Fam. ix. 16

Antony ; for the news which reached 3 (472), esse mciim libere loqui cuius opera

Borne was that Antony had fled with a esset in civitate libertas.

few unarmed men. confecerit . . . oppresserit] For the

inermis] Foi-iheiorminermus, -a,-um, fut. perf. used to express an action corn-
see Lepidus 869, 1 {inermorum), and pleted simultaneously with another action
Neue ii.3 150-152: cp. exanimus and in fut. time, Roby, § 1482, compares, in
exanimis, imherbus and imberbis. addition to this passage, Phil. xii. 13, at

2. de Graeceio] For audire de{' irom^ ) : ille von vicerit, si quacunqne condicione

cp. Att. i. 11, 2 (7), audies de Thiladelpho. in hanc urbem ctim szcis venerit. For the

For Graeceius, cp. Att. xv. 8, 2 (741). tenor of the passage, cp. 858, 2 ; 879,

homines alii facti su7H] ' a revulsion 2 ; 884, 3.

DCCCLXIV. [BRUT. I. 16).

153

DCCCLXIV. BEUTUS TO CICEEO (Brut. i. le).

CAMP IN MACEDONIA ; MIDDLE OF MAY (aBOUT) ; A. U. C. 711 ;
B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Brutus graviter repiehendit Ciceronis ad Octavium epistolam qua eum rogarat ut
liberatores patriae salvos vellet.

BRUTUS CICERONI SAL.

1. Particulam litterarum tuarum, quas misisti Octavio, legi
missam ab Attico mihi. Studium tuum curaque de salute mea
nulla me nova voluptate affecit ; uon solum enim usitatum, sed

Ruete (p. 97), on the grounds (1) that
Plut. Brut. 22 would seem to refer this cen-
sure to the time of the first appearance of
Octavian, and (2) that Brutus does not men-
tion any of his railitary exploits, dates this
letter the end of December, 710 (44). It
is more probable, however, that this letter
was written about the same time as 865,
after the Battle of Mutina (op. 866, 2),
owing to the identity of subject, and be-
cause if Cicero had received this letter, he
could not havewritten to Brutus ever again
in such a friendly tone as 844 exhibits.
It is best to suppose that Plutarch was
once more inaccurate in chronology (cp.
note to 850, 1), being led into this error
because such warnings and censures, as
Brutus here utters, would seem more ef-
fective and more worthy of the supposed
devotion to principle on the part of their
author if they were represented as being
made immediately on Octavian's appear-
ance in politics. If we take Plutarch's
chronology strictly we must date the
letter referred to in Brut. 22 at a time
before Brutus arrived at Velia (c. 23)
in the middle of August. But at that
time Cicero had not publicly come for-
ward in support of Octavian. Euete
(p. 63) rightly says that c. 22 is foisted
in between chaps. 21 and 23, and owes
its origin to a ditferent source from that
which supplied the events narrated in
those chapters, probably to the same source
as supplied Ant. 16, Cic. 45. As to the
other objection, it ought not to surprise us
that Brutus did not make any mention of
his military actions : for be was entirely
absorbed in his censure of Cicero's indul-
gence towards Octavian, and concentra-

tion of purpose was a marked feature of
the character of Brutus {quidguid vult,
valde villi). For the tone of this letter,
and still more for that of 865, ep. what
Cicero himself says of some of the Epis-
tles of Brutus : Att. vi. 1, 7 (252), Brutus
ad me . . . etiam cum rogat aliquid eon-
iumaciter adroganter vLKoivovoT^rctis solei
scribere. Also vi. 3, 7 (264) ; xiii. 6, 3
(554), obiurgatoria Briiti episiola.

This letter and the fallowing one to
Atticus are of the nature of manifestoes,
or formal protests against Cicero's policy.
Thus we may account for the studied and
elaborate style of the documents, which
are ponderous and laboured, even for
Brutus. Their genuineness has, of course,
been impugned, mainly on the ground of
the miserable paucity of ideas advanced
by the writer. Absolutely convincing
proof on either side cannot be adduced.
It is possible that the letters may be the
composition of a rhetorician ; but it is by
no means impossible that thej' may have
been the work of the narrow-minded, stiff,
and ungracious Brutus.

With regard to the poverty of thought
displayed in this letter and the following,
we think that a mark of genuineness.
When a feeble man gives way to irritability
he is generjiUy verbose : and at this time
Brutus in his relations with ^Cicero was
dominated by one single ground of com-
plaint, and he urges that complaint in
every possible and conceivable way.
Various other objections we have at-
tempted to answer in the notes.

Gurlitt, who believes that Brut. i. 15,
16, 17 (914, 864, 865) are the work of a later
rhetorician, holds the following view of

154

DCCCLXIV. {BRUT. I. 16).

€tiam cotidianum est aliquid audiro do to, qxiod pro nostra digui-
tato fidelitcr atqiie houorifico dixeris aut feceris. At dolore,
quantum maximum capere animo possum, eadem ilia pars epis-

their origin. It is fairly well established
that riutauh, in his Life of Brutus, 19-
37, where the pcisonality of Brutus comes
60 very strongly into the fore-ground, has
drawn from a (J reek source based on the
Histories of Asinius PoUio (cp. Georges
Thourct in Leipziger Studien, i. 203 ff.,
345). Gurlitt (I'hilologus, Suppl. v. G15)
holds this view as to tlie source of Plu-
tarch and Appian, and thinks that that
source was Strabo. He is of opinion
further that the author of 8G4, 865 took
his material direct from PoUio. But
Pollio was a bitter enemy of Cicero (cp.
Senec. Contr. 6, 14 ; G, 24), so that we
may suppose that Pollio forged letters
purporting to belong to the correspond-
ence of Cicero : for it is unlikely that
Tiro or Atticus would have given Pollio
letters of Cicero damaging to his charac-
ter : besides Atticus never allowed ar.y
letter of anti-monarchical tendency to be
published (cp. Philologus, Suppl. iv. p.
620).

We recognize the learning and inge-
nuity displayed in this reasoning : but
we refuse to think that the writer of Fam.
X. 31-33 (824, 890, 896) would have per-
formed such a contemptible action, un-
less positive evidence is adduced that he
did so. If that was Pollio's method in his
History of the Civil Wars, his work was
indeed pericidoaae plenum opus aleae^sX
least for his readers. And, as regards the
other point, it is quite possible that Brutus
may have sent copies of these manifestoes
to other senators who were not so jealous
of Cicero's reputation as Tiro and Atticus
appear to have been.

This and the following letter seem tD
have, in a marked degree, appealed to the
imagination of Petrarch : see the quota-
tions he has made from them which are
given in Yiertel, pj). 7, 12, 28.

1. litterarum . . . Octavio] A ques-
tion has been raised as to the proba-
bility that Cicero ever wrote such a letter
as is here stated to have been sent to Oc-
tavian. It is said that after the Battle of
Mutina the aim of tlie optimates had been
to push Octavian aside ; and in accord-
ance with that policy he was not elected
among the decemviri (cp. 877, 1 ; 893, 2).
It would appear further that Cicero's rela-
tions with him became peculiarly strained ;

especially when the epigrammatic expres-
sion which Cicero seems to have permitted
himself to use in reference to the proper
treatment of the young man — htudandum
adolcsccntem,ornaiidum, toUcndion, cp.877,
1 — had become unfortunately a by-word.
But we must bear in mind the position of
Cicero at this time. His endeavour was to
keep all the commanders who had legions
at their disposal in loyalt)' to tlie republic ;
and among those commanders were on the
one hand the heir of Caesar, and on the
other hand the murderers of Caesar. A
certain amount of duplicity was accord-
ingly inevitable. He had to ask the
former to forego his natural desire for
vengeance, and the latter to forego their
jealousy of the great honours bestowed
on the young Octavian : and generally in
writing to each of the commanders he
had to exaggerate the influence which his
correspondent for the time being would
exercise on the general result which was
in process of being worked out. This
consideration will helj) to explain expres-
sions in several of the letters which
appear to be at variance with one another.
The wonder really is that they are so
few, and that Cicero managed to steer
his course through such a multitude of
dangers so exceedingly well, and to keep
such a mass of conflicting interests har-
monious even as long as he did. And
through it all he appears as the one man
who was not actuated by selfish motives
but by a genuine love of his country.

Octavii)] Brutus does uot call him Oc-
tavianus, as that would concede his adop-
tion by Caesar's will : cp. Plut. Brut. 29,
■trpo(TBr)Kriv eavThv 'OKTa0t(f> SeSaiKe {^Av-
TwvLos). In this and the following letter
Brutus, as a matter of principle, calls
him Octavius, and that repeatedly: cp.
^\ 2, 7, 8, 11 ; 865, §J 5, 6. He calls him
Caenar in 866, 4, 5 — an exception which
proves the rule : for in § 4 he styles him
Caesar tuus, and ttms makes all the difi'er-
ence ; while in § 5 he calls him Caesar,
because he had i;iven him that name (with
tuus added) a few lines before, and the
reader would naturally supply it in the
latter case.

quantum maximum'] Meyer (p. 144)
notices that wherever Cicero uses this
phrase, tantitm always precedes.

DCCCLXIV. {BRUT. I. 16).

155

tolae scripta ad Octavium de nobis affecit ; sic enim illi gratias
agis de re pubiica, tarn suppliciter ao demisse — quid scribam ?
pudet condicionis ac fortuuae, sed tamen scribendum est — com-
mendas nostram salutem illi — quae morte qua non perniciosior ? — ,
ut prorsus prae te feras non sublatam dominationem, sed dominum
commutatum esse. Yerba tua recognosce et aude negare servientis
adversus regem istas esse pieces. Uuum ais esse, quod ab eo
postuletur et exspectetur, ut eos cives, de quibus viri boui popu-
lusque Romanus bene existimet, salvos velit : quid ? si uolit, non
erimus ? atqui non esse quam esse per ilium praestat. 2. Ego
medius fidius non existimo tarn omnes deos aversos esse a salute
populi Romani, ut Octavius orandus sit pro salute cuiusquam
civis, non dicam pro liberatoribus orbis terrarum — iuvat enim
magnifice loqui et certe decet adversus ignorantes, quid pro quoque
timendum aut a quoque petendum sit — . Hoc tu, Cicero, posse
fateris Octavium et illi amicus es ? aut, si me carum habes, vis
Eomae me videri, cum, ut ibi esse possem, commendandus puero
illi fuerim ? cui quid agis gratias, si, ut nos salvos esse velit et
patiatur, rogandum putas ? an hoc pro beneficio habendum est,
quod se quam Antonium esse maluerit, a quo ista petenda essent ?
Vindici quidem alienae dominationis, non vicario, ecquis supplicat,

jmdet] sc. me : cp. 865, 2, 6.

quae morte qua non perniciosior'] The
more natural order would be quae qua
morte.

sed dominum commutatum esse'] cp.
Plut. Brut. 22 ; Cic. 45.

exspectetur] The Dresden MS has
expetetur, probably a mere slip, which
does not justify the alteration to expe-
tattir.

nolit] Wesenberg reads nolet. Schmidt
finds noluit in the Dresden ms. The latter
may be right : cp. for similar consecution
of tenses, Fam. vii. 14, 1 (172): Phil.
ix. 2.

2. aversos a] 'hostile to.'

non dicam] This phrase is perhaps a
shade stronger than ne dicam : cp. for non
dicam, Mil. 84, quid erat cur Milo non
dicam admitteret sed optaret.

iuvat] Cicero always uses this word
with an accusative as well as the in-
finitive. Livy (Pref. § 3) and the
Augustan poets (Verg. G. i. 413) use the
simple infinitive as here (cp. Drager, ii.

351).

quid pro quoque timendum] The con-
struction of pro after a verb of fearing
instead of the dative is chiefly found in
the post- Ciceronian age (Liv. ii. 24, 4;
I'lin. Epp. iii. 17, 3, and Mayor's note).
Cicero uses the dative, or de with ablative.
Golbery proposes to read quid pro quoque
(= et pro quo) timendum aut a quo peten-
dum sit.

me videri] "We have inserted me with
Cobet, which might easily have fallen out
after Romae (= Borne) ; but we need not
alter videri to videre : cp. Varro E. R. i.
2, 4, tcbi sol sex mensibus continuis non
videtur (' is seen').

Vindici . . . supplicat] 'Is there any
person who addresses prayers for the
safety of benefactors of their country to a
man who has put down the tyranny of
another ? Are they not rather addressed
to one who steps into that tyranny ' ? For
vindici cp. §§ 4, 6; 865, 2. Perhaps
Erutus is quoting words of Cicero's own
[vindici : vicarius).

1.56 DCCCLXIV. [BRUT. I. 16).

lit optinie meritis do re publica liceat esse salvis ? 3. Ista vero
imbecillitas et desperatio, cuius culpa uou magis in te residet
quam in omnibus aliis, et Caesarem in cupiditatem regni impulit
et Antonio post interitum illius persuasit, ut interfecti locum
occuparo conaretur, et nunc puerum istum ita extulit, ut tu iudi-
cares precibus esse impetrandam salutem talibus viris misericor-
diaque unius vix etiam nunc viri tutos fore nos, baud ulla alia re.
Quod si Romanos nos esse memiuissemus, non audacius dominari
cuperent postremi homines, quam id nos pi obiberemus, neque
magis irritatus esset Antonius regno Caesaiis quam ob eiusdem
mortem deterritus. 4. Tu quidem, consularis et tantorum scelerum
vindex — quibus oppressis vereor ne in breve tempus dilata sit abs
te pernicies — , qui potes intueri, quae gesseris, simul et ista vel
probare vel ita demisse ac facile pati, ut probantis speciem
habeas ? quod autem tibi cum Antonio privatim odium ? nempe,
quia postulabat haec, salutem ab se peti, precariam nos incolumi-
tatem habere, a quibus ipse libertatem accepisset, esse arbitrium
suum de re publica, quaerenda esse arma putasti, quibus dominari
pi'ohiberetur : scilicet, ut illo prohibito rogaremus alterura, qui se
in eius locum reponi pateretur, an ut esset sui iuris ac mancipii
res publica ? nisi forte non de servitute, sed de condicione serviendi
recusatum est a nobis : atqui non solum bono domino potuimus
Antonio tolerare nostram fortunam, sed etiam beneficiis atque

3. talibus tins'] 'for such as we are ' : such as these, namely, that he should be
cp. tali tempore, 'at such a critical time asked to grant us our lives ; that we shoTild
as the present,' used by Balbus ap. Att. hold our civil position on sufferance from
viii. 15a, 1 (346). him — we, from whom he had gained Ids

lion audacius . . . prohiberemus] 'there fieedom; that he should have the chief

would not be more boldness shown bj' the voice in polities': salutem, 'our lives';

worst of men in lusting after tyranny incolumitatcm, our civil position.'
than by us in preventing it.' Y or postremi scilicet . . . alterum'] cp. Plutarch,

homines in this sense cp. Eosc. Am. 137, Conip. Dem. et Cic. 4 (eypa^e 5' 6 Bpovros

where Mr. Stock quotes C. Gracchus iyKaXcop) ws fj-ei^oua ical ^apvTfpau trenai-

ap. Gell. XV. 12, omnium natortim pos- SoTpipriKdri rvpavviSa rrjj vw avToov Kara-

tremissimum wquissimumque exiHtimatote, XvOdcrrjs. Translate: 'and, of course,

and Apuleius De Deo Socratis 3, ut all this in order that when he was driven

possit videri nullum animal in terris homine away we might implore another lo allow

postremius. himself to be placed in the position of the

4. privatini] cp. Fam. xii. 14, 3 (883), former tyrant: or was it, that the re-
iiec meae ttllae privatim iniuriae ; Caes. B. public should be its own master and at
G. V. 3, 5, de suis privatim rebus; and its own disposal ? ' For sui mancipii, CTp.
note to 914, 10. Senec. De Benef. v. 19, 1, mei mancipii

vempe . . . prohiberetur'] ' Why, you res est. It is equivalent to non in alieno
thoughtarms should be taken up for defence mancipio.
against tyranny because he made demands de servitute] cp. Plut. Brut. 22.

LCCCLXIV. [BRUT. I. 16).

157

honoribus ut participes frui, quantis vellemus ; quid enim negaret
iis, quorum patientiam videret maximum dominationis suae prae-
sidium esse ? Sed nihil tanti fuit, quo venderemus fidem nostram
et libertatem. 5. Hie ipse puer, quern Caesaris nomen iueitare
videtur in Caesaris interfectores, quanti aestimet, si sit eommercio
locus, posse nobis auctoribus tautum, quantum profecto poterit,
quoniam Vwexe per se et pecunias Habere et dici consulares volii-
mus ! Ceterum nequidquam perierit ille, cuius interitu quid
gavisi sumus, si mortuo eo nihilo minus servituri eramus ? Nulla
cura ab aliis adhibetur, sed mihi prius omnia di deaeque eripuerint
quam illud iudicium, quo non modo heredi eius, quem occidi, id
nou concesserim, quod in illo non tuli, sed ne patri quidem meo,
si reviviscat, ut patiente me plus legibus ac senatu possit : an hoc
tibi persuasum est, fore ceteros ab eo liberos, quo invito nobis in
ista civitate locus non sit ? Qui porro id, quod petis, fieri potest
ut impetres ? Rogas enim, velit nos salvos esse : videmur ergo tibi

patientiam'] ' subservience': very fre-
quent in this sense in Tacitus, Ann. siv.
26 ; Hist. ii. 29 ; Agr. 16. It is a use of
the word which would not naturally be-
come prominent until times of despotism.

nihil tanti fuit quo] ' nothing was
of such importance that we should sell
our loyalty and freedom for it.' Fidem,
i.e. loyalty to the free state.

5. aestimet . . . posse] This construc-
tion belongs mostly to post- Ciceronian
times : cp. Val. Max. ii. 6, 8 ; Plin. Epp.
iii. 2, 5, and Mayor's note ; but Cicero
uses it once in translating a line of Epi-
charmus, Tusc. i. 15, sed me esse mortuum
nihil aestimo : cp. Schmalz, Antibarb. i.
111.

eommercio] ' bargaining.'

vivere per se] We have added per se,
as the mere wish of the tyrannicides for
life would not increase the power of
Octavian ; but that power would be in-
creased if they were satisfied to owe their
lives to him.

Ceterum] The difficulty in the next
few clauses lies chiefly in the sentence
Nulla cura adhibetur (most mss omit ab
aliis, see Adn. Crit.). Meyer supposes
that the clause has got out of place, and
that we should read, Ceterum nequidquam
perierit ille <si> nulla cura adhibetur : cuius
interitu, &c. Cobet wishes to omit nulla
cura adhibetur altogether. Madvig (A. C.
iii. 200) suggests Ceterum <ne> nequidquam

perierit . . . eramus, nulla cura adhibetur
which is very attractive. It may be noticed
that Cicero uses ceterum only once, Q. Fr.
ii. 12 (14), 1 (139); and, except in trans-
lating (Tusc. iii. 59), or quoting (Gael.
37) uses nequidquam only once (Quint.
79). Tusc. iii. 18 is, of course, not an
exception.

mortuo co] mortuo is certainly abl. abs.
We must add eo, or illo, with Cobet ; for
though the subject is often supplied with
abl. abs. from preceding words (cp. Caes.
B. G. iv. 12, 3, and Drager, ii. 787),
especially in Livy, yet the ambiguity
here would be too great, for a reader
would almost certainly take mortuo as the
dative.

id concesserim] "We have ventured to
add id, which makes the construction
more regular, and which might have
fallen out after occidi. ' IVfay heaven rob
me of everything sooner than the fixed
determination to refuse to allow — I will
not say the heir of the man I slew, but
even my father himself, were he to come
to life — without resistance on my part,
to hold a power above the law and the
senate.'

quo invito] ' when, if he is unwilling,
we have no footing in the state.'

Rogas enim velit] This construction of
rogare with the simple subjunctive is a
favourite one with Brutus : cp. 867,
2,4

158 LCCCLXIV. {BRUT. I. 16).

salutera accepturi, cum vitam accoperimus ? quam, si prius dirait-
timiis dignitatem ot libertatora, qui possumns accipero ? 6. An
til Romae habitare, id putas incolumem esse ? res, non locus
oportet praestet istuc raihi : neque incolumis Caesare vivo fui, nisi
posteaquara illud conscivi faciuus, neque usquam exsul esse possum,
dum servire et pati contumelias peius odero malis omnibus aliis.
Nonne hoc est in easdem tenebras recidisse, si ab eo, qui tj'ranni
nomen ascivit sibi, — cum in Graecis civitatibus liberi tyrannorum
oppressis illis eodem supplicio afficiantur, — petitur,ut vindices atque
oppressores dominationis salvi sint ? Hanc ego civitatem videre
velim aut putem ullam, quae no traditam quidera atque inculcatam
libertatem recipere possit plusque timeat in puero nomen sublati
regis, quam confidat sibi, cum ilium ipsum, qui maximas opes
habuerit, paucorum virtute sublatum videat ? Me vero posthac ne
commendaveris Caesari tuo, ne te quidem ipsum, si me audies :
valde care aestimas tot annos, quot ista aetas recipit, si propter
eam causam puero isti supplicaturus es. 7. Deinde, quod pul-
cherrime fecisti ao facis in Antonio, vide ne convertatur a laude
maximi animi ad opinionem formidinis ; nam, si Oetavius tibi
placet, a quo de nostra salute petendum sit, non dominum fugisse,
sed amiciorem dominum quaesisse videberis. Quem quod laudas

dimittimus'\ cp. diinittere cogitationem should suffer with their parents ; not,

(837, 5). indeed, that such a contingency was likely

6. illud conscivi /acinus'] 'resolved upon to arise under lloman rule, but it was a
that deed,' i.e. the assassination of Caesar. course that would be followed and ap-
It is unusual to find coiiscisccre used ex- proved of if a tyrant should arise,
cept with a reflexive pronoun, and of oppressores'] A word not found else-
something disastrous which one resolves where : probably it was suggested by
to bring on oneself, e.g. mortem, fugam, oppressis illis. Rare words in -tor and
caecitatem ; nor is Liv. xxviii. 22, 5, -sor are common in the Letters: cp. «^is-
faciniis in se et suos consciscimt, an exce'p- suasor (914, 5); peregrinator, ^Fava. vi.
tion. Oi course consciscere is also iisei oi. 18, 5 (534); approbator (783, 2); cp.
the general resolutions of a lai-ge body of Stinner, pp. 6, 7.
people, De Leg. iii. 10; Liv. i. 32, 12. Hanc ego . . . ttllam] 'should I wish

servire . . . odero] For this construe- to see that state, or, indeed, could I think

tion, cp. Plant. Amph. iii. 2, 19, inimicos it a state at all f '

semper osa sum ohluerier. traditam . . . inculcatam] cp. De Orat.

7-ecidisse] This generally termed aoristic i. 127, satis est id quod tradatur vel etiam

use of the perf . infinitive is not found inculcetur, si qui forte sit tardior, posse

elsewhere in the Ciceronian age, though percipere animo.

it is common in Livy (Drager, i. 2o5). care aestimas] cp. 808, 2 (Plancus).

si ah eo] We have added si after Baiter recipit] ' admits of.'

and Meyer. 7. vide ne . . . formidinis] ' take care

afficiantur] The present tense only im- lest it should suffer a change, and from

plies that the prevalent sentiment in being praised as the most noble courage,

Greece at this time, continued from former come to be regarded as an evidence of

times, was that the children of tyrants fear.'

BCCCLXIV. [BRUT. I. 16).

Ib9

ob ea, quae adhuc fecit, plane proLo, sunt enim laudanda, si modo
contra alienam potentiam, non pro sua suscepit eas actiones; cum
vero iudicas tantum illi non modo licere, sed etiam a te ipso tribu-
endum esse, ut rogandus sit, ne nolit esse nos salvos, nimium
magnam mercedem statuis — id enim ipsum illi largiris, quod per
ilium habere videbatur res publica — , neque hoc tibi in mentem
venit, si Octavius illis dignus sit honoribus, quia cum Antonia
bellum gerat, iis qui illud malum exciderint, cuius istae reli-
quiae sunt, nihil, quo expleri possit eorum meritum, tributurum
umquam populum Romanum, si omnia simul congesserit. 8. Ac
vide, quanto diligentius homines metuant, quam meminerint :
quia Antonius vivit atque in armis est, de Caesare vero, quod fieri
potuit ac debuit, trausactum est neque iam revocari in integrum
potest, Octavius is est, qui quid de nobis iudicaturus sit exspectet
populus Bomanus, nos ii sumus, de quorum salute unus liomo
rogandus videatur. Ego vero, ut istuc revertar, is sum, qui non
modo non supplicem, sed etiam coerceam postulantes, ut sibi
supplicetur, aut longe a servientibus abero mihique esse iudicabo
Eomam, ubicumque liberum esse licebit, ac vestri miserebor, qui-
bus nee aetas neque honores nee virtus aliena dulcedinem vivendi

illis] So we read with Lehmann (p. 135)
for ullis. Brutus would hardly imply that
Octavian deserved no honours at all in
return for his energetic action against
Antony ; in 866, 4, he says, prudentia
porro, quae tibi superest, nulla abs te de-
sideratar nisi modus in tribuendis honori-
bus.

expleri . . . meritum'] ' their deserts
can be adequately recompensed.' Meyer
(p. 154) says that this use of explere
cannot be paralleled ; explere can be used
of gratifying a desire {odium), or of ful-
filling a duty {munus), but not of making
a sulScient return for a service performed.
But if the metaphor, derived from filling
an empty space, can be applied to, say,
officium, cp. Fara. xvi. 25 (793), it can
also be applied to a service which de-
mands a grateful return ; and the meta-
phor is not more crude than Jlecterc and
dirigere applied to iudicium (§ 11).

8. quaiito diligentius . . . meminerint]
'how much more intent men's minds are
under the influence of present fear than
in the thought of it when past ' ; dili-

(jentcr metuere is certainly a strange ex-
pression, but the meaning is plain :
while in fear men direct their whole mind
to the cause of the fear, and to the means
of extricating themselves from it ; when
the fear is removed they let their minds
wander away to other things and forget
their helpers.

quia Antonius . . . potest] 'because
Antony is alive and in the field, while as
regards Caesar, what could and should
have been done is past and over, and can-
not now be undone.' No exact parallel
can be quoted for in integrum revocari ;
but Markland quotes in irritnm revocari
from Senec. Controv. 4, 26; and Meyer
quotes Liv. xxxi. 32, cum praccipitata
raptim consilia neque revocari neque in
integrum restitui possint.

virtus aliena] ' if neither your age nor
your distinctions, nor the nobleness of
others has been able to lessen in you the
feeling that life is sweet.' By virtus
aliena Brutus means the noble example
which the tyrannicides set in risking their
lives for freedom.

160 DCCCLXIV. [BRUT. I. 16).

mmuere potuerit, 9. Mihi quidem ita boatus esse videbor, si
niodo constauter ao perpetuo placebit hoc consilium, ut relatam
putem gratiam pietati meae ; quid enim est melius quam memoria
recte factorum et libertate coutentum negligere liumana? sed
certe noii succumbam succumbontibus nee vincar ab iis, qui se
vinci volunt, experiarque et tentabo omnia neque desistam abstra-
here a servitio civitatem nostram : si secuta f uerit quae debet
fortuna, gaudebimus omnes ; si minus, ego tamen gaudebo, quibus
€nim potius haec vita factis aut cogitationibus traducatur quam
iis, quae pertinuerint ad liberandos cives meos? .10. Te, Cicero,
rogo atque hortor, ne defatigere neu diffidas, semper in praesen-
tibus malis probibendis futura quoque, nisi ante sit occursum,
explores, ne se insinuent, fortem et liberum animum, quo et consul
et nunc consularis rem publicam vindicasti, sine constantia et
aequabilitate nullum esse putaris ; f ateor enim duriorem esse con-
dicionem spectatae virtutis quam incognitae : bene facta pro
<3ebitis exigimus, quae aliter eveniunt, ut decepti ab iis, infesto
animo reprehendimus : itaque resistere Antonio Ciceronem, etsi
maxima laude diguum est, tamen, quia ille consul hunc consu-
larem merito praestare videtur, nemo admiratur. 11. Idem

9. 3Ii?ii quidem . . . meae'] 'For my quibus enim . . . meos] For the con-
part I shall think myself happy, only li struction cp. Tac. Hist. iv. 67, sed qui-
constantly and continuously I find my bus artibus latebrisque vitam traduxerit
pleasure in this conviction, that my . . . sua loco reddeiiius.
afi'ection for my country has heen re- 10. fulura . . . insinuent] ' look care-
• quited,' sc. hy enjoying the perpetual fully ahead also for future contingencies
feeling that he has acted rightly : ut is lest they work their way iu, if measures
epexegetic of consilium. But we might have not been taken against them before-
also take ut as consecutive, 'if I find hand.' Lehmann (p 136) thinks that we
my pleasure in this conviction and can should transpose e.rylores to follow quoque.
then consider.' Or again, a third way putaris] This is a perf. with present
is possible, to take ita . . . ut together meaning like iyvooKa, ' have your mind
in the restrictive sense, and making si assured.' Madvig (A. C. iii. 200) puts a
. . . consilium parenthetic, ' For my part, full stop after e.rjjlores, and takes nullum
I should consider myself happy then, and putaris as a prohibition : cp. Liv. ii. 12,
only then (provided I maintain this con- 11, nullam aciem, nnllum proelium timu-
viction with steadfastness and consist- eris. But we should expect in that case
ency), when I consider that my loyalty to have nulhcm the first word of the
has been rewarded.' clause.

servitio] ' slavery.' This is contrary ab iis] Cobet proposes to put these

to Cicero's usage, with whom servitium vfoxis a&ev pro debitis \ this improves the

always means ' a body of slaves.' But sense, but is not absolutely necessary. Ab

the sense of ' slavery ' is common in iis may be taken as referring to recte

Sallust, and found in Terence, Andr. iv. factis. For a similar personification cp.

1, 50. Brutus also has «e;-fii!<^««;, 865,4, Fam. vii. 26, 2 (94), a beta et a malva

which is the word Cicero would have deceptus sum.

used. praestare] ' because it seems but right

DCCCLXIV. {BRUT. I. 16).

161

Cicero, si flexerit adversus alios iudicium suum, quod tanta firmi-
tate ac maguitudine animi direxit in exturbaudo Antonio, non
modo reliqui temporis gloriam eripuerit sibi, sed etiam praeterita
evanescere coget — nihil euim per se amplum est, nisi in quo iudicii
ratio exstat — , quia neminem magis decet rem publicam amare
libertatisque defensorem esse vel ingenio vel rebus gestis vel studio
atque efflagitatione omnium. Uuare non Octavius est rogandus,
ut velit nos salvos esse : magis tute te exsuscita, ut eam civitatem,
in qua maxima gessisti, liberam atque houestam fore putes, si
modo sint populo duces ad resistendum improborum consiliis.

that the consul of yore should guarantee
the consular of to-day.' Meyer (p. 157)
wislies to take praestare, ' to excel,' which
is quite possihle. It is not a Ciceronian
usage, but it is found in Nepos (Att. 18,
5) ; Hirtius (B. G. viii. 6, 2), and often
in Livy : cp. Weisscnborn on xliv. 38, 5.
11. si flexerit . . . Antonio] 'if, when
opposed to others, he has let his judgment
swerve, Avhich with such firmness and
greatness of soul he kept steadily fixed
when he drove Antony forth.' The
opposition of flcctere and dirigere can be
clearly seen in the application of the

words to iter. It is not easy to find an
exact parallel to this use of adversus,
though it is like Plant. Aul. iv. 7, 9.
Egone ut te advorsum mentiar, mater
mea.

iudicii ratio exstat'] ' the calculations
of calm judgment are prominent.' Wesen-
berg suggests constat, ' there is a proper
account taken of judgment,' ratio constat
being the technical expression for the
accounts in a ledger balancing : cp. Kada-
pal iprjcpoi in Greek.

efflagitatione] For this rare word, cp.
Fam. V. 19, 2 (390), 916, 6.

Appendix. — As we have had occasion so often to refer to Plutarch, Brut. 22, and
as the chapter plainly refers to some formal document similar to this lettei', we have
thought it well to print that chapter in extenso : —

'Eu roiavrri Se KaracrTacrei rSiv Trpay/xd-
Twv ovTcav erepa yLuerai jUSTajSoAi; rod
viov Kaiffapos iifiXQipTos. Ovtos ^v jxiv
g'l a5eA(/>i5f}s Kaiffapos, ypa/^/jLari 5e iraTs
utt' avTov Kal K\7]pov6(j.os aTro\(\eiibi./iL€Vos
^Ev 8' 'AiroWoifia. Sierpi^ev ore Kaiaap
avripidri, ffxo^d^oov irepl Aoyovs KOLKelvoy
itrl ndpdovs i\avveiv tvOvs iyvwKSra npoa-
/xeVcoj/. "Ajj.a Se rw irvdiaQai rh Trddos
rjKQiv els 'Pu)fx.T.v' Kal dr]/nayooyias dpxvf
roijvofJLa Kaiffapos Q^ixevos eaurw ica\ Sia-
ve/xoov rh KaTa\et(pdeu apyvpiov toIs iroXi-
Tais 'Avrduiov TeKanffraffia^e Kal XP'')M"'''"
S(a5i5oi/s (TvviffTT] Kal ffwrjye iroWovs tu>v
virh Kaiffapos ffTparevo/jL^vccv. 'EttcI Se
KiKepoov rai irphs 'hvrwviov jxiffei ra Kai-
ffapos eiroaTTe, rovTcp fxeu 6 Bpovros

eTTenKrjTTev Iffxvpais, ypa.(p<iiv ais ov Seavo-
Tr]v PapvvotTO KtKepccv, aWa fjuffowra
SeffTTOT-iju (po^o^TO Kal ■woKirevoLTo SovAeias
a'tpeffiv (piXavOpcinov ypdipwv Kal \eycov ws
XP'OffT'is 'effTi KaTffap. " Ot Se trpSyoyoi "
(pT]ffii' "r]fJ.a!V oiiSe irpaovs SeffTroras uirefj.e-

VOV. AvTCp S' els rOVTO KaipOV yU-I^Tf

iroXefxelv ^e^aicos SeSoxdai wi^re i]ffvxd^ei.v,
aW ev fxovov ejvai ^effovXeu/xevov, rh /ui]
SovXevetV Qavfxd^nv Se Kuiepoovos, el
irSKefxov fxev ificpvAiov Kal KiySui/wSri 5e-
SoLKep, aiffxpav Se Kal dSo^ov etprjvrjv oil
(pofie'nai, rov S' 'Avrdviov iK^a\i7v ttjj
TvpavviSos fj-iffOhu aire! rh Kaiffapa KaTa-
ffrriffai Tvpavvov. 'Er fxev ovv rals trpdli-
Tais eiriffToXaTs roioiiros 6 Bpovros

162

DCCCLXV. {BRUT. 1. 17).

DCCCLXV. BRUTUS TO ATTIOUS (Brut. i. ijj.

CAMV IN MACEDONIA ; ABOUT MIDDI,!-; OF MAY ; A. U. C. 711 ;
R. 0. 43 ; AKT, CIO. fiS.

Brutus ad Atticum dc Ciccronis niuiio Octavii ornaiidi studio vehenicnter con-
queiitur, eundemque reprehcndit, qui, cum Antonii dominationem oppresserit, novam
stabiliat Octavii.

lUlUTUS ATT I CO SAL.

1. Scribis milii mirari Ciceronem, quod nihil significem umquam
de suis actis : quoiiiam me flagitas, coactu tno scribam, qunesentio.
Omnia fecisse Ciceronem optimo animo scio ; quid enim mihi ex-
ploratius esse potest quam illius animus in rem publieam ? sed
quaedara mihi videtur, quid dicam ? ' imperite,' vir omnium pru-
dentissimus, an ' ambitiose ' fecisse, qui valentissimum Antonium
Buscipere pro re publica non dubitarit inimicum ? Nescio, quid
scribam tibi, nisi imum : pueri et cupiditatem et licentiam potius
esse irritatam quam repressam a Cicerone, tantumque eum tribuere
huio indulgentiae, ut so maledictis non abstineat, iis quidem,
quae in ipsum dupliciter recidunt, quod et plures occidit uno seque
prius oportet fateatur sicariura, quam obiiciat Cascae quod obiicit,
et imitatur in Casca Bestiam. An, quia non omnibus horis iacta-

We must suppose that Atticus sent this
letter to Cicero, or at all events to Tiro ;
otherwise it will be hard to account for its
having found its way into the correspon-
dence of Cicero.

1. exploratiiis] cp. Fam. vi. 1, .5(538):
Att. xvi. 2, 4 (772).

sed qnaedam mihi ridctm-^ " but he
seems to me to have done some things —
what am I to say ? — ' ignorantly,' he the
most experienced of men, or ' from in-
terested motives,' thougli he has not
hesitated on behalf of tlie state to make
Antony, when at the very strongest, his
personal enemy." For suscipere Meyer
compares inimicitias suscipere, Off. i. 28 :
odium suscipere, Att. vi. 1, 25 (252). For
an after dicam, cp. Leg. Manil. 57 ; Phil.
ii. 27 ; Pis. 20. Madvig (A. C. iii. 200)
wishes to supply after inimicum <2nieri

Octaviani dominationem subeai>, an unne-
cessary addition.

tantumque cum . . . Bestiam^ ' and
he (Cicero) shows such over-complaisance
towards this boy (Ottavian) that he (Ci-
cero) does not refrain from abuse— abuse,
indeed, which recoils on liiniself in twofold
wise ; because, on the one hand (ei) lie
put to death more than a single indivi-
dual, and must needs confess himself to
be a murderer before he can make the
charge which he does make against Casca ;
and on the other {et) he is, in tlie case of
Casca, i nutating the conduct of Bestia.'
We must suppose that Cicero had on some
occasion, when wishing to ingratiate him-
self with Octavian, said that Casca was a
murderer {sicarius) : cp. Phil. ii. 31. "We
may, perhaps, infer from 807, 3, that Octa-
vian was especially hostile to Casca ; or

DCCCLXV. [BRVT. I. 17).

163

nms Iclus Martias similiter atque ille Nonas Decembres suas in
ore Labet, eo meliore condicionejCicero pulcberrimum factum vitu-
perabit, quam Bestia et Clodius repreliendere illius consulatum
soliti sunt ?^ 2. Sustinuisse mihi gloriatur bellum Antonii togatus
Cicero noster : quid hoc mihi prodest, si merces Antonii oppress!
poscitnr in Antonii locum successio et si vindex illius mali auctor
exstitit alterius fundamentum et radices habituri altiores, si patia-
mur? ut iam ista, quae facit, — dominationem an dominum an
Antonium ? — timentis sint ; ego autem gratiam non habeo, si quis,
dum ne irato serviat, rem ipsam non deprecatur, immo triumphum
et stipendium decernit et omnibus decretis hortatur, ne eius pudeat
concupiscere fortunam, cuius nomen susceperit : consularis hoc aut
Cieeronis est ? 3. Quoniara mihi tacere non licuit, leges, quae
tibi necesse est molesta esse ; etenim ipse sentio, quanto cum
dolore haec ad te scripserim, nee ignoro, quid sentias in re publica
et quam desperatam quoque sanari putes posse, nee mehercule te,
Attice, reprehendo, aetas enim, mores, liberi segnem efficiunt.

possibly, as Eiiete (p. 99) suggests, Cicero
lost his temper with Casca when the latter
opposed liis decree, Avliich granted an ova-
tion to Octavian (cp. 914, 9). Bestia was a
tribune in 691 (.59), and a bitter opponent
of Cicero : cp. Sail. Cat. 43, conMilue-
rnnt uti L. Bestia, tr. pi., contione hahita,
quereretur de actionibus Cieeronis ieUique
pravissimi invidiam optimo consuli iinpo-
neret. It is rare, as Markland (pp. 114-
116) points out, to find plures instead of the
normal plus : cp. Robj', (j 1273 ; but even
Cicero uses the form, cp. Leg. ii. 39 ; Orat.
218 ; and it is quite common from the
time of Livy.

2. Sustinuisse'] For the omission of the
pronoun, cp. 850, 2 {rediturnm) ; 864, 5
{posse) ; Rose. Am. 61 (where editors
wrongly insert te): Liv. xxiii. 10, 13;
and Mad v. § 401-

si meres'] cp. Pint. Brut. 22, tov
Avrdoinov eK&a\e7y rrjs rvpavviSos /xtv
aiTeT rh Kaio'apa KaraffTTJcrai rvpavvov.

ut iam ista . . . si»t'\ We adhere
the Mss ; ' so that his attitude is that of a
man afraid — is it of tyranny, or a tyrant,
or Antony?' For this use of an, cp. Madv.
on Fin. ii. 104, and our note to -Att. i. 3, 2
(8). Brutus implies that Cicero's quarrel
with Antony is due to personal motives
and not to hatred of tyranny or hatred of
Antony because he was a tyrant, but to

private hatred of Antony as Antony.
Madvig and Wesenberg omit an before
Antonium ; hut, in our opinion, that
weakens both the sense and the sen-
tence.

immo triumphum . . . est] The read-
ing we have adopted isthatof "Wesenherg.
For the MSS readings see Adn. Crit.
Attractive, too, is Madvig's correction
(A. C. iii. 201), immo triumphus et stipen-
dium et omnibus decretis h o r t a t i o, tie
eius pudeat concupiscere fortunam, cuius
nomen susceperit, consularis aut Cieeronis
est ? As regards the difficulty about
triumphus, see rote to 914, 9. Brutus
does not appear to be exaggerating here
(though Appian, iii. 80, 82 does not attri-
bute to Cicero any part in the decree which
granted a triumph to Octavian) ; for we
certainly gather from 914, 9. that Cicero
took the initiative in this motion.

3. et quam desperatam . . . posse] The
emphatic word is desperatam, ' and how
critical you consider its condition, though
■ you tliink it can be cured.' The wise mo-
deration and policy of compromise recom-
mended by Atticus would not commend
itself to the rigid republicanism and so-
called stoicism of Brutus. Van der Vliet
(Jahrb. 1885, p. 376) suggests et quam
desper<es liber> atam quoque sanari posse,
which is ingenious, but too bold.
M 2

164

DCCCLXV. [BRUT. I. 17).

quod quidera ctiam ex Flavio nostro perspexi. 4. Sed rcdeo ad
Cict'ioiiem : quid inter iSalvidieuum et cum interest ? quid autem
aniplius ille decerneret ? ' Timet,' inquies, ' etiam nunc reliquias
belli civilis.' Uuisquam ergo ita timet profligatura, ut neque
l)otentiam eius, qui exercitum victorem haLet, neque temeritatem
pueri putet extimescendam esse ? an hoc ipsum ea re facit, quod
illi propter amplitudinem omnia iam ultroque deferenda putat ?
0 magnam stultitiam timoris, id ipsum, quod verearis, ita cavere,
ut, cum vitare fortasse potueris, ultro arcessas et attrahas ! Nimium
timemus mortem et exsiliuni et paupertatem : liaec mihi videntur
Ciceroni ultima esse in malis, et, dum habeat, a quibus impetret,
quae velit, et a quibus colatur ac laudetur, servitutem, honorifi-
cam modo, non aspernatur — si quidquam in extrema ac miserrima

ex Flavio] This is the mss reading, -which
•we retain with lluete (p. 1 16) ; the editors
usually alter to in. That ex iDakes the
remark more rude than in does not render
it the less likely to have come from Brutus
(cp. 864, iiitrod. note). For Flavins, see
867,4; also Plut. Brut. 51. From a
fragment of a letter written by Cicero
to Brutus (ap. Qiiiutil. ix. 3, 58) it would
appear that Flavius had been ia Rome in
the spring of this year : Sermo nullus
scilicet nisi de te : quid eitim poiins ? Turn
I'lavius ' Cras ' iiiqtiit ' tabellarii '; et ego
ibidem haec intir cetmm exaravi.

4. Salvidienum'] This man -was in early
life a devoted partisan of Octavian. He
and Agrippa were in Octavian's company
when the news arrived of the murder of
Caesar (Yell. ii. 59) : and in tlie succeed-
ing years he acted in command of a fleet
against Sextus Tompeius. However, in
714 (40), he appears to have conspired
against Octavian, and M'as executed. Dio
Cass, (xlviii. 33) mentions him as an
example of the uncertainty of human
fortunes. Prof. Palmer identifies the
Nasidienus Eufus of Horace (Sat. ii. 8)
■with this Salvidienus Eufus.

Quisquam ergo ita timet . . . ut'] ' Is
there any man then who, among his fears
about the well-nif^h finished war, has
thought that no fear was to be enter-
tained of the power of one who possesses
a victorious army, no fear of the rashness
of a boy.'

an hoc ijisum] ' or has Cicero adopted
this very course (i.e of excessive indul-
gence towards Octavian) because he thinks

Octavian is so great that everything must
at once and unasked be offered to him' —
for, if they were not voluntarily offered,
he would simply take them.

stultitiam . . ita cavere] cp. N. D.
iii. 84, esseenim stultitiam a quibus bona
precaremur ab tis porrigentibus et dantibus
nolle sumere, where Prof. Mayor quotes
Plant. Slich. i. 2, 82, Slultiliast, pater,
venatum ducere invitas canes, cp. Eoby,
§ 1352. Becher (Philol. 1885, p. 482,
note) thinks these not very good paral-
lels, as esse is expressed or understood
with the verbal substantives. He suggests
Sest. 89, opinione id eum ttnquam esse
facturum ; Tusc. iii. 74, cogilatio . . .
nihil esse. Schirmer adds (p. 18), Fam.
vi. 4, 4 (540), impudentia . . . eandem
fortunam recusare.

mortem . . . paupertatem] See § 5.

haec . . . malis] ' It seems to me that
these things are in Cicero's eyes the most
extreme of ills.' For Ciceroni, the dative
of the person judging, cp. Eoby, § 1148.
The corrections of INIadvig, viz. <levia>
videntur, and of Becher <vilia> are pos-
sible, but not by any means necessary.
Stangl (Philologus, 1887, p. 209) proposes
nimirum for inihi, comparing nempe in
864, 4.

servitutem'] cp. 864, 7, amiciorem do-
minum: Plut. Cic. 45, icp' ^ (TipSdpa
BpovTos ay avaKToiv iv tols irphs ArriKhv
iTTiaroXcus Kadij-^aTO rov KtKfpcvvos Sti Sia
(p6Pov 'AvTCiiviov depaireiKav Kalaapa Sri\6s
iffTiv ovK iKevdipiav rri TrarpiSi irpaTTOiv
aWa SeairoTrjv <pi\6.vQ poiirov auT(S
fivtifxevos.

DCCCLXV. [BRUT. I. 17).

165

contumelia potest honorificum esse. 5, Licet ergo patrera ap-
pellet Octavius Ciceronem, referat omnia, laudet, gratias agat,
tamen ilkid apparebit, verba rebus esse contraria : quid enim
tarn alienum ab humanis sensibus est quam eum patris habere
loco, qui lie liberi quidem hominis numero sit ? atqui eo tendit,
id agit, ad eum exitum properat vir optimus, ut sit illi Octavius
propitius. Ego vero iam iis artibus nihil tribuo, quibus Cicero-
nem scio instructissimam esse; quid enim illi prosunt, quae pro
libertate patriae, quae de diguitate, quae de morte, exsilio, pauper-
tate scripsit copiosissime ? quanto autem raagis ilia callere videtur
Pliilippus, qui privigno miiius tribuerit, quam Cicero, qui alieuo
tribuat ! Desinat igitur gloriando etiam insectari dolores nostros :
quid enim nostra victum esse Antonium, si victus est, ut alii va-
caret, quod ille obtiuuit ? 6. Tametsi tuae litterae dubia etiara
nunc significant. Vivat hercule Cicero, qui potest, supplex et
obnoxius, si neque aetatis neque honorum neque rerum gestarum
pudet : ego certe, quin cum ipsa re bellum geram, hoc est cum
regno et imperils extraordinariis et dominatione et potentia, quae

in extrema ac miserrima contumelia] ' in
the last, most abject depth of degrada-
tion.'

5. Octaviits] cp. note to 864, 1.

referat onmia'] This does not neces-
sarily mean ' to put down to the credit
of ' [referat acceptu), but rather ' to refer '
or ' to notify ' matters to Cicero in order to
get his advice : cp. Att. vii. 16, 3 (313).
Ik: Terentia et Tullia tibi adsentior ad
qiias scripseram, ad te ut refcrrent ; xvi.
3, 6 (773) ; Fam. iii. 8, 5 (222) ; xii. 2,
3 (790). In all these cases the person
to whom reference is made is in the ace.
M'ith ad. Acciirdiiigly we think it not
improbable that <ad Ciceroncm> should
bo inserted before referat — it might iiave
dropped out after the previous Ciceronem.
The repetition of the name would add to
the force of the sentence.

quam eum . . . ait] i.e. that Octavius
should call Cicero his father, and yet be
his master : propitius, ' gracious,' as if
Octavius were a god.

de dignitate] Perhaps the lost treatise,
lie Gloria.

de morte] Probably the first book of
the Tusculan Disputations. We are rot
sine what the treatises were in which
Cicero dilated on exsilium and paupertas ;
perhaps consolations addressed to repub-

licans who were exiled by Caesar.

ilia callere] cp. Balb. 32, neque Poeno-
rum iura calles.

Fhilippus] cp. Att. xiv. 12, 2 (715),
Octavius, quern quidem sui Caesarem salu-
tabant, Pliilippus non item, itaque ne nos
qtiidem, quern nego posse bonumcivem ; also
XV. 12, 2 (745).

insectari dolores nostros] ' to assail us
in our miseries' : cp. Phil. ii. 98, nullius
inseclor ealamitatem. The magniloquent
language in which Cicero decreed honours
to Octavian must have been galling to
the jealous Brutus, who had good rea-
son to feel sad at the turn events were
taking, and at the futility of his own
ende:ivours.

quid enim nostra ?] sc. interest : cp.
Att. iv. 5, 3 (108), quid enim tua? sed
viderim. Plant. Amph. iii. 4, 20, Quid
\_id] mea ? lleidemann (p. 89) adds Senec.
Epist. 91, 19, Quid enim, inquit, mea [So
Yahlen ; but Haase adds refert] ; Senec.
Contr. 415, 24 (Kiessling), 7iihil, inquit,
mea an coijaris; but it is doubtful whether
from these passages a defence can be made
for Fam. ix. 6, 6 (470), quae tua audiero,
sc. intercsse.

6. supplex et obnoxius] ' cringing and
subservient.'

quin] governed by deterrear.

IGG

DCCCLXV. {BRUT. I. 17).

supra leges so esse velit, nulla erit tain bona condicio serviendi,
qua doterrear, quamvis sit vir bonus, ut scribis, [Aiitouius], quod
ego numquam existimavi ; sed dominuni ue parentem quidem
maiores nostri voluerunt esse. Te nisi tantum amarem, quantum
Ciceroni persuasum est diligi se ab Octavio, haec ad te nou scri-
psissera : dolet milii, quod tu nunc stomacliaris amantissimus cum
tuoruui omnium, turn Ciceronis ; sed persuade tibi de voluntate
propria mea nihil esse remissum, de iudicio largiter, neque enim
impetrari potest, quin, quale quidque videaturci, talem quisque de
illo opinionem habeat. 7. Vellem milii scripsisses, quae condici-
ones essent Atticae nostrae : potuissem aliquid tibi de meo sensu
perscribere. Valetudinem Porciae meae tibi curae esse non miror.

quamvis sit vir bomis, ut scribis'] ' be
the monarch ever so good a man, as
yon say he is'; i.e. I am a foe to the
nionaichy, he the monarch ever so good.
dominus is to be understood out of dunii-
natione, and Aiitoiiius is to be ejected ;
or perhaps doiiiinus sliould be read instead
of Antouiits, which may liave been a gloss
upon it. Antoniits is ceitainly wrong, for
the reference, if not quite gencrul, is to
Oriaviiis; and this is what Tuiistall reads :
cp. Phitai ell. Brut. 22, ypa.(pa>v Kal \iya>v

dolet milii quod] For this impersonal
use cp. cm dolcl meminit (= ' burnt child
dreads the fire,' TradriiJ.aTa ixaQr]txaTa.),
Muren. 42 ; and for quod or quia after
dolere, cp. lirut. 5; Ter. Phorm. i. 3, 10.

sed persuade tibi] ' but be assured of
this that there is no diminution in my
good- will to him, though mj- judgment of
him is largely modified : for it can never be
brought to pass, but that each one should
have an opinion about each thing as it ap-
pears to him.' This observatiot\ is not
overpoweringly profound. Quin is used, as
Siit&x faccre non possum^ and such phrases :
cp.Att.xii. 27, 2 (563). Becherthinks the
construction as reasonable as Fam. v. 12,
2 (109), deesse mihi noltd quin te admo-
lurem.

7. Vellem] Gurlitt (Jahrh. 1892, pp.
413-C) sujiposes that $ 7 is the whole of
a genuine letter from Brutus to Cicero.
No forger, he thinks, would have referred
to Porcia's illness ; for the forger would
have believed, with all his contemporaries,
that Porcia did not die a natural death,
but committed suicide by ' swallowing
fire ' or in some other way. About June 2
Cicero had written (according to Gurlitt)

a letter, now lost, speaking of Porcia's
illness. This reached Brutus somewhere
in the interior of Macedonia about June
21. On June 22 Brutus answered this
letter in 865, 7, which reached Cicero
about July 10. On July 11 Cicero wrote
to Brutus 913, complaining (§1) of his
very short letter — ' only three lines.' This
very short letter Gurlitt thinks was 865,
7. Further, he ingeniously argues that
if we add this (as he holds) genuine
section to Brutus i. 18 (915), we shall get
exactly the amount necessary to till two
folia of the archetj'pe ; and thus we can
account for the fact that the forgeries (as
he considers them), Brut. i. 16, 17, ^\ 1-6
(S64, 865), were inserted into, not merely
added on to, the volume of epistles. We
have been unable to convince ourselves
that 864, 865, are certainly forgeries, and
accorduigly are not called on to assent to
tliis reasoning, though the ingenuity of it
compels admiration.

coiidiciones] ' What proposals our dear
Attica has had': condicio est pactio
certam legem coniincns (Donatus). For
condicio = condicio uxoria, cp. Plant. Aul.
ii. 2, 60. Attica was born about 702 (52),
and was accordingly about 9 years old
now. Such an early betrothal was quite
in accordance with Roman customs ; cp.
an inscription in Oielli (2647) of a girl
betrothed in her ninth year. Atticus's
granddaughter was betiothed to Tiberius
jDrusus when she Mas vix annicula (Nej).
Att. 19) : cp. also Friedlauder SG i^.
563 If. Attica manied at an early age M.
Vipsanius Agrippa (Nep. Att. 12 ; Suet.
Til). 7).

Valetudinem Forciae] cp. introductory
note to 902.

DCCCLXVI. [BRUT. /. U, %% 3-6).

167

Denique, quod petis, faciam libenter, nam etiam sorores me rogant
et hominem iioro et quid sibi voluerit.

DCCCLXVI. BEUTUS TO CICEEO (Brut. i. 4, §§ a-e).

CAMP ABOUT 75 MILES E. OF DYRRHACHIUM ; MAY 15 ; A. U. C. 711 ;
B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Ciceroneiu monet Brutus ue nimiis honoribus Octaviano tiibuendis malum ex-
emplum inducatui-, quo qui abutantur regnandi cupiditate ducti, iis regnandi detur
occasio.

BllUTUS CICERONI SAL.

3. * * Nunc, Ciceru, nunc agendum est, ne frustra oppressum
esse Antouium gavisi simus neu semper primi cuiusque mail
exoidendi causa sit, ut aliud renaseatur illo peius. 4. Nihil

qiwd jjetis'] We do not know to what
private affairs Brutus is here referring.

This letter appears in the mss as the
latter half of 857 (cp. §3 of that letter), but
cp. note to 857, 1. Now that both con-
suls were dead Brutus appears to be afraid
that perhaps the consulship may be
actually given to Octavian, who had been
grunted permission on January I (Phil.
V. 47) to stand for it ten years before
the ordinary time. Brutus had probably
reached a point about 75 milts on his
eastward march in the 8 days which
elapsed since he wrote 857.

o. JS'tinc'] So the .MSS, except one Oxford
MS which reads id: then the sentence
beginning with ne is epexegetical of this
id. Becher and Cobet wish to read
cavvndum for nunc agendum. But nunc
means ' now that the consuls are dead.'

neu semper . . . causa sit] There is
something wrong with this sentence. "We
should expect some word lilie festinatio
after excidendi. Middleton suggested
ratio, Becher cura, Markland omissio.
Cobet reads excidium for excidendi. A
simpler addition would be ea after causa,
which might readily have fallen out after
that word, which, in its abbreviated form
is ca. Translate ' lest the plea that each
evil should be cut down the moment it ap-

pears bring it to pass that (lit. " be of such
a nature that " ) another worse evil springs
again into existence.' For causa = ' plea,'
' excuse,' cp. Phil. i. 28, nee erat lustior
in senatum non veniendi inorbi causa qitam
mortis. Becher (Rh. M., p. 594) supposes
that the sentence exhibits a contorted
example of the attributive genitive of the
gerund, and is virtually = neu semper
piimum quodque malum excidere (subject)
causa sit (pred.) ut &c. cp. Brut. 258,
aetatis illius ista laus fuit tanquam inno-
centiae, sic Latiue loquendi : Senec. Consol.
ad Bolybium 9, 9 (29), est, mihi crede,
macjna J'elicitas in ipsa felicitate moriendi:
Liv. XXX. 49, 13, quod optimum esse dicunt
non inter ponendi (the Mainz xis and ^^'eiss.
read interponi) vos bello, nihil iiiimo tarn
uUenum rebus vestris est : Tac. Ann. xiii.
26, 4, nee grave manumissis per idem
obsequium retinendi libertatem per quod
adsecuti sint (where Madv. inserts onus
and Eitter ;««««<«): xv. 5, 3, Volegesi vetus
et penitus injixum erat arma Uomana
vitandi (where Madv. inserts votum, Hitter
studium). So far these additions are not
really necessary; but in Ann. xv. 21, 3,
et nuDteat provincialtbus potentiam suam
tali modo ostentandi the text is indefen-
sible. Halm adds ius, liitter potestas,
and Madv. (A. C. ii. 556) read potestas
sententiam fur potentiam. See Mr. Fm-
neaux's notes on these passages of Tacitui^.

168

DCCCLXVI. {BRUT. I. 4, §§ 3-6).

iam neque-opinantibus nut patientibus nobis adversi evenire potest,
iu quo lion cum omnium culpa, turajpraecipuo tua futura sit, cuius
tantam auctoritatem seuatus acpopulus liomanus non solum esse
patitur, sed etiam cupit, quanta maxima in libera civitate unius
esse potest : quam tu non solum bene sentiendo, sed etiam prudenter
tuori debes ; prudentia porro, quae tibi superest, nulla abs te
desideratur nisi modus in tribuendis lionoribus. Alia omnia sic
adsunt, ut cum quolibet antiquorum comparari possint tuae virtutes :
unum hoc a grato auimo liberalique profectum, cautiorem ac
moderatiorem liberalitatem, desiderant ; nihil enim senatus cui-
quam dare debet, quod male cogitantibus exemplo aut praesidio
sit. Itaque timeo de consulatu, ne Caesar tuns altius so ascendisse
putet decretis tuis, quam inde, si consul factus sit, sit descensurus.

4. neqiie-opina^t'ibus] This form instead
oi necopinans is found in Bell. Alex, and
Bell. Afr. ' For no disaster can happen
to lis from carelessness or submission.'

quanta maxima'] cp. 864, 1. De Orat.
i. 171. Translate 'on the largest scale
on which [any man can have power in a
free state.'

bene sentiettdo, sed etiam prudenter'] ' Not
only by well-intentioned motions but also
by judicious ones': ep. 865, 1, where
Brutus says that Cicero was n\yf ays optima
animo, but did many things imperite.

desiderant] So the Mss ; but Man. Btr.
and Beeher oiuit tuae virtutes as a gloss, and
alter desiderant into desiderat : they con-
sider the plural is due to the gloss. This
is an unnecessary alteration. We may
either take virtutes as subject to desiderant
(cp. Arch. 28), or understand the indefinite
plural 'men think.'

nihil. . . sit] ' For the senate ought not
to give anything to anyone which may
serve as a precedent or a protection for
the designs of the disaffected,' i.e. which
may stimulate men like Lepidus to aspire
to similar honours, or may afford a power
to be used by Octavian against the state.

Itaque . . . descensurus] Botli Beeher
(Eh. Mus. p. 596) and Euete make
virtually the same correction here. The
former reads quam inde consul factus sit
descensurus ; the latter quam inde, si
consul factus sit, descensurus sit. For -ut
omitted after cjuam Beeher compares De
Orat. ii. 161 ; Att. iv. 1, 7 (90), adiunc/it
. . . mains imperium in proviuciis quam
sit eornm qui eas obtineant : add Madv. on

Fin. iv. 20, also ii. 42 : sec too Leli-
mann's note on Fam. ii. 16, 3. Ursinus,
however, claims to have found this read-
ing, in a slightly better form, in one
of his manuscripts, viz. qtiam inde, si
consul factus sit, sit descensurus (see
Variorum ed. of the Letters to Brutus,
p. 118). The second sit having dropped
out by lipography, descensurus was altered
to dcsccnsuruin. We have adopted this
reading. Manutius suggested ascensn-
rum, meaning apparently that Octavian
"will consider that he has made a greater
advance in his political career by Cicero's
decrees granting him pro-praetorian poweis
than he can possibly make theieafter, even
though he obtains the consulship ; so that
he will certainly strive for that office,
perhaps for dictatorship and monarchy.
Madvig (A. C. iii. 198) gives much the
same interpretation, reading escensnrum.
For the periphrastic future as a feature of
the style of Brutus, cp. note to Fam. xi.
2, 2 (740). For the fut. siibj. after a verb
of fearing, cp. Matius, ap. Fam. xi. 28, 8
(785).

Translate ' I am afraid, as regards the
consulship, that your friend Caesar will
think that he has risen so high by your
decrees that he will not come down from
that height if he is made consul.' This is
the warning which Brutus was constantly
giving Cicero. The time to elapse before
Octavian could stand for the consulship
had been considerably shortened, and
Brutus feared that perhaps it might be
shortened still more : in any case once
Octavian obtained the consulship he would

DCCCLXVI. {BRUT. L U, §§ 3-6).

169

5. Uuod si Antonius ab alio relictum regni instrumentum
occasionem regnandi habuit, quonam aiiimo fore putas, si quis
auctore non tyranno interfecto, sed ipso senatu piitet se imperia
quaelibet concupiscere posse ? quare turn et facilitatem et providen-
tiam laudabo tuam, cum exploratum habere coepero Caesarem
honoribus, quos acceperit, extraordiuariis fore contentum. ' Alienae
igitur,' iuqiiies, ' culpae me reum subiicies ? ' Prorsus alienae, si
provideri potuit, ne exsisteret : quod utinam inspectare possis
timorem de illo meum !

6. His litteris scriptis consulem te factum audivimus : turn vero
incipiam proponere mihi rem publieam iustam et iam suis nitentem
viribus, si istuc videro. Filius valet et in Macedoniam cum equi-
tatu praemissus est. Idibus Mails, ex castris.

probably use that position to make him-
self monarch, or at any rate perpetual
consul. There is no necessarj' allusion
to the Caesarian story (App. iii. 82 ; Die
Cass. xlvi. 42; Plut. Cic. 45 ff.), that
Octavian and Cicero had entered into a
secret agreement to have themselves
elected consuls.

5. rcgni instrumentnni] ' apparatus for
exercising monarchy ' : cp. 914, 4 ; Mil.
33.

honorihts, quos acceperit'] cp. I'hil. v.
46. Not only had he been given a mili-
tary command as propraetor, but he vras
admitted to the senate among the praetorii
and could sue for magistracies as if he had
been quaestor the year before (i.e. as if he
were now 32 years of age).

Alienae . . . exsisteret] ' Will you
then, you ask, make me responsible for
the crime of another ? (i.e. if Octavian
becomes disloyal that will be /n's fault not
mine). Yes, even for another's crime
(you will be responsible) if you could
have prevented that crime.' It would
certainly be a more forcible sentence if we
could suppose that iibi dropped out
after .si. Kayser, Madv., and Becher
omit alienae after prorsus ; i'or (these scho-
lars argue) Brutus could not say that the
fault was 'another's,' and yet censure
Cicero for it. This is pressing the words
too closely. Octavian is the chief actor,
and the fault may fairly be said to be his,
though Cicero becomes an accessory by
putting him in the position wherein alone
he can act w'ith damage to the state.

quod Hf ilium'] quod is used in a con-

nexive sense as in quod si : cp. Fam. xiv.
4, 1 (62).

inspectare] This word, and not inspi-
cere, is generally used in such expressions :
cp. Fam. i. 9, 19 (153) me inspectante,
' belbro my eyes.'

possis] So the mss. "Wes. (E. A. 145)
alters to posses for this reason, 'nee enim
Ciceio poterat absentis Bruti timorem
inspectare,' an objection which lays too
much stress on the absolutely literal
acceptation of the words. Becher (Rh.
M. 596) rightly says the pres. subj. is
more vivid, ' and I only wish you could
see my present fear of him.'

6. Mis litteris scriptis] A common be-
ginning of a postcript.

consulem te factum] This was the merest
rumour ; indeed the fact reported seemed
so unlikely that Brutus says not ' this is a
real boon to the state,' but ' I shall con-
sider the St:ite really fortunate if I see you
consul.' The mention of such a report
appears as incidental evidence of the
genuineness of the letters. Such mention
would hardly have been made by a forger,
especially one who Avas so thoroughly
versed in the history of the times as the
writer of these letters.

Filius] Brutus had sent young Cicero
into Ambracia with orders to bring some
cavalrj' which were there through Thes-
saly and Macedonia, and to meet him at
Heracleain Lyncestis: cp. 867, 1. Brutus
himself was apparently marching straight
along the Egnatian "Way towards the
Chersonese.

tx castris] cp. introd. note.

J 70 nOCCLXVll. [BRUT. 1. 6).

DCCCLXVII. BllUTUS TO CICERO (Bkut. i. e).

LOWER CANDAVIA ; IMAY 19 ; A. U. C. 711 ; li. C 43 ; AET. VAC. 63.

Brutus Ciceronem rogat ut Glycoim, raedicum Pansae, e custodia eiipiat ; Flavium,
^ui cum DyriLachiuis litem habebat, cdmmendat, et de Dolabella fugato caesoquo
ccrtioroin facit.

BRUTUS CICERONI SAL.

1. Noli exspectare, dum tibi gratias agam : iampridem hoc ex
nostra necessitudiue, quae ad summam beuevoleutiam pervenit,
sublatiim esse debet. Eilius tuus a me abest, in Macedouia cou-
grediemur ; iussiis est euim Ambracia ducere equites per Thessa-
liam et scripsi ad eum, ut mihi Heracleam occurreret : cum etim
videro, quouiam uobis permittis, commuiiiter constituemus de
reditu eius ad petitionem aut commeudationem honoris. 2. Tibi
Gljcona, medicum Pansae, qui sororem Achilleos nostri in matri-
mouio habet, diligeutissime commeudo. Audimus eum veuisse in
euspicionem Torquato de morte Pansae custodirique ut parricidam :
nihil minus credendum est ; quis enim maiorem calamitatem morte
Pansae accepit ? praeterea est modestus homo et frugi, quern ne
utilitas quidem videatur impulsura fuisse ad facinus. liogo te, et

This letter is au answer to Brutus i. 5 Heraclea in Phtliiotis, wliich -would be

(852) of May 5th. If ihe date given (§ 4) quite out of the way of Brutus's march,

by M^, VIZ. XVII. is right, which Schmidt ad petitionem . . . honoi-is] 'to can-

(Cass. p. 46) doubts, we must suppose vass for, or put himself forward for, the

that the messenger who brought 852 office.' The word commcndatioiieni means

tiavellcdwithe.xcei/tionalrapidity. Eleven that, if young Cicero found that the

days -svould have been the normal time to comitia were over or that he had no

reach Dyrrliachium, and Candavia was chance that year, he might take some

some 100 miles east of that town, yuhmidt steps to put himself prominently before

accordingly alters to xiiii. the reading of the people as a probable candidate at the

M^ As a proof that this form would be next election,

readily corrupted into xvii., cp. 842, 5. 2. Gli/cona'] This charge against

1. A'oli exspectai-e'] This sentiment, Glycon is also made in Tac. Ann. i. 10;

that friends need not be constantly ex- Suet. Oct. 11. For the Greek form

pressing gratitude to one another for cp. Pana, N. D. iii. 56 : Zostera . . .

kindnesses is not infrequently found : cp. Ceo, Att. v. 12, 1 (202) ; Nesida, Att.

916, 1. For exsptciare dim cp. 837, 4. xvi. 4, 1 (771).

Filius tuus] For the comuiand of the Acliillcos] If a Koman were speaking

cavalry which young Cicero held at this of the Greek hero he would use the

time cp. 866, 6. Heraclea is almost Roman form Achilles. The name of an

certainly Heraclea in Lyncestis, not obscure slave would not be Latinized.

DCCCLXVIII. {BRUT. I. 7).

171

quidem valde rogo — nam Acliilleus noster nou minus, quam
aequum est, laborat — , eripias eum ex custodia conservesque : hoc
ego ad meum officium privatarum rerum aeque atque ullam aliam
rem pertinere arbitror. 3. Cum has ad te scriberem litteras,a Satrio ,
legato C. Trebonii, reddita est epistola mihi, a Tillio et Deiotaro
Dolabellam caesum fugatumque esse : Graecam epistolam tibi
misi Cicereii cuiusdam ad Satrium missam. 4. Flavins noster de
controversia, quam habet cum Djrrhachinis hereditariam, sumpsit
te iudicem : rogo te, Cicero, et Flavins rogat, rem conficias. Q,uin
ei, qui Flavium fecit heredem, pecuniam debuerit civitas, uon est
dubium, neque Dyrrhachini infitiantur, sed sibi douatnm aes
alienum a Caesare dicunt : noli pati a necessariis tuis neeessario
meo iniuriam fieri, xiiii. K. lunias ex castris ad imam Can-
daviam.

DCCCLXVIII. BRUTUS TO CICERO (Brut. i. 7).

MACEDONIA (?) ; AETER MAY 20 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Brutus Ciceronem rogat ut Bibulum in Paiisae locum nominet, et de Domitio et
Appuleio scribit.

BRUTUS CICERONI SAL.

1. L. Bibulus quam earns mihi esse debeat, nemo melius
iudicare potest quam tu, cuius tautae pro re publica contentiones

ad meum officium privatarum rerum']
' to mj' duty in private matters.'

3. has ad te scriberem Utleras] Meyer
(p. 109) saj's that Cicero does not use the
expression has scribere litteras, but hacc
scvibere.

Satrio] Nothing is known of Satrius
or Cicereius except what is related here.

Tillio] i.e. Tillius Cimber, one of the
conspirators, who was now governor of
Bithynia (Dio Cass, xlvii. 31, 1).

4. Flavius] He was pi'aefectus fabrum
of Brutus : cp. 865, 3. He fell at Phi-
lippi, to the deep grief of Brutus, Plut.
Biut. 51.

sid sibi . . . dicunt] an accidental
hexameter.

necessariis] Cicero was patronus of

Dyrrhachium : cp. Fam. xiv. 1, 7 (82) ;
3, 4 (84), and especially Plane. 97, Di/r-
rhachinm quod erat in mea fide.

xiiii] See introd. note.

imam Candaviam] a mountainous dis-
trict on the borders of Epirus and Mace-
donia. Cicero hardly ever uses imus for
infimus, yet cp. Rose. Com. 20. It often
occurs in Cornificius, e.g. ad Herenn. iii.
25, 30 ; iv. 45 ; also in Caesar B. G. iii.
19, 1 ; iv. 17, 3.

The date of this letter cannot be fixed
with any certainty. It was after May
20th, the date of 867, and before the end
of June, because Cicero answers it on
July 14 (913, 1).

1. L. Bibnlas] Meyer (p. 59) argues

172

DCCCLXVIII. [BRUT. I. 7).

sollicitudinesque fuerunt : itaqne vel ipsius virtus vol nostra neces-
situdo debet conciliare te illi ; quo minus multa milii scribenda
esse arbitror, voluntas enim te movere debet nostra, si niodo iusta
est aut pro ollicio uecessario suscipitur. 7s in Pausao locum petere
constituit ; earn nomiuationcm a te pctimus : neque coniuuetiori
dare beneficium, quam nos tibi sumus, neque diguiorem nominare
potes quam Bibulum. 2. De Domitio et Appuleio quid attinet
me scribere, cum ipsi per se tibi commendatissimi siut ? Appu-
leium vero tu tua auctoritate sustiuere debes ; sed Appuleius in
sua epistola eelebrabitur, Bibulum noli dimittere e siuu tuo,
tantum iam virum, ex quanto, crede mihi, potest evadere, qui
vestris paucorum respondeat laudibus.

that this is the son of M. Bibulus by liis
niiiniage with Porcia, daughter of Cato
of Utica, M-ho afterwards became wife of
M. Brutus. Porcia can hardly have been
boin before 678 (76) ; and if she had a
son in 694 (60), he -wouhl be only 17 now.
Examples can be adduced of young men,
who at an equally early age were invested
with priesthoods (e.g. Caesar was Flamen
Dialis at 16, Octavian Pontifex Ma.\imus
at 19) ; and young Bibulus may have
held a military command (cp. App. iv.
104) as well as young Cicero. We know
young Bibulus was attached to M. Bintu.s,
and subsequently wrote a short memoir
of him (/3ij8Ai5ior /xiKphv a.Trofx.vriiJ.ovevfxa.-
Twv BpovTov, Plut. Brut. 13 : cp. 23).

necessario] If this word is taken as an
adjective it must be translated, 'incum-
bent on me ' (owing to the connexion of
Bnitus with the family of Bibulus) rather
than ' as a relative ' ; the latter would
be iiecessitttdbiis (Muren. 73) ; but it is
better with Becher to take it as an
adverb. For voluntas suscipitur cp.
Cut. iii. 22, dis ego i»imort(ilibtis ducihus
hanc inentem i-ohintatcmque suscepi.

Is i)i] We must add Js, as NVesenbeig
does. Poggio's ms (Med. 49, 24) has is
for in, which Schmidt (Jahrb. 1889,
p. 182) adopts.

nominationem'] probably for the Augu-
rate : cp. note to 852, 3.

2. De Domitio'] cp. 913, 1.

Ap2»deio'] lie had been augur two
years before, Att. xii. 13, 2 (545), and
had lately rendered considerable assist-

ance to Brutus, both in collecting an
army and in handing over to him a large
quantity of state money : cp. note to 850,
1. He was probably seeking the ponti-
ficate at this time.

cchbrabitnr'] Markland (p. 67) objects to
this word, apparently on the ground that
there is no other example of its being used
of praise of any one addressed to an
indlvidtial; it is always used of praise
addressed to a large mass. We consider
this accidental, as mention of praise of
any one addressed to an individual is
very seldom found at all. We might
fairly say, 'I shall deliver a panegyric
on Appuleius in the letter which I am
giving him,' though the panegyric was
meant to meet the eye of only a single
person.

tantum'] 'a man already of such
promise as (you may take my word for it)
to be able to develop into a member of
that small class which wins praise of you
and your friends.' The subjunctive joo,s*i<
would be simpler ; but perhaps potest is
modal, and evadere potest = evasurtis sit.

vestris paucorum . . . taudibus] ' liter-
ally, ' comes up to the praises you bestow
on few.' Or possibly it might be 'to
the praises of you few who are good
judges,' i.e. vestrorum paucorum landihus.
But in either case paiccortim is so awk-
ward and unnecessary that we are almost
inclined to bracket it, supposing it to be
a gloss on vestris, which signified that few
had merit sufficient to win the praises of
Cicero.

DCCCLXIX. {FAM. X. 3^, §§ 1, 2).

173

DCCCLXIX. LEPIDUS TO CICEEO (Fam. x. 34, §§ i, 2).

PONS ARGENTEUS ; MAY 18 (aBOUt) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ;
AET. CIC. 63.

M. Lepidiis narrat quid Antonio adveniente egerit.

M. LEPIDUS IMP. ITER. PONT. MAX. S. D. M. TULLTO CICERONI.

1. S. V. B. E. E. V. Cum audissera Antonmm cum suis eopiis,
praemisso L. Antonio cum parte equitatus in provinciam meam
venire, cum exercitu meo ab confluente Rhodaui castra movi
ac contra eos venire institui. Itaque continuis itineribus ad
Forum Voconii veni et ultra castra ad flumen Argenteum contra
Antonianos feci. P. Yentidius suas legiones tres coniunxit cum
eo et ultra me castra posuit : habebat antea legionem quintam et
ex reliquis legionibus magnani multitudinem, sed inermorum.
Equitatiim babet magnum : nam oranis ex proelio integer discessit,
ita ut sint amplius equitum milia quinque. Ad me complures
niilites et equites ab eo transierunt et in dies singulos eius copiae
minuuntur. 2. Silanus et Culleo ab eo discesserunt. Nos etsi

The Pons Arp;entens was a little north-
east of Forum Voconii (now Le Canet),
on the road between Aquae Sextiae (Aix)
and Forum JuHi (Frejus). The Argen-
teus is now called the Argents. Yenti-
dius, on May 15 (872, 1), was two days'
journey from Antony. On the day on
which this letter was written he had
joined him ; so that it cannot have been
written before May 18.

1. ab confluente RJwdani] 'from the
confluence of the Ehone,' i.e. with the
Druentia (Durance), near Avenio. Wesen-
berg points out that the smaller river is
usually mentioned (cp. Caes. B. G. iv.
15, 2 ; Tac. Hist. ii. 40), and adds <Dru-
entiae ac>: yet cp. Liv. i. 27, 4. Hiihner
reads ab confluente <Arari el> Rhodano.
See Adn. Crit.

ultra'] 'beyond the town,' i.e. to the
east of it.

legiones tres] The 7th, 8th, 9th : cp.
890, 4.

tiltra me] 'to the east of me,' i.e.
further on in the direction in which I
was facing. For nJtra with a pronoun
cp. Caes. B. G. i. 48, 2, ultra eiciii.

rx reliquis legionibus] i.e. the 2nd
and 35th, and three others (probably con-
sisting of recruits with perhaps a few
erocafi) : for in Phil. viii. 25, Antony is
quoted as stating that he had si.x. legions.

inermorum] For the form, cp. 863, 1.
"Watson notices that this paragraph leads
us to think that Galba's account of
Antony's loss was over-stated (cp. 841,
5).

equitum milia quinque] So we read
according to the fine emendation of
M.idvig. H. Pal give equitum M. itaque.
But a thousand cavalry would be a suiall
quota with six legions, and no satisfactory
sense can be obtained for itaque.

2. Silanus] cp. 841, 1.

Culleo] Q. Terentius Culleo was ap-
pointed by Lepidus to guard the passes of

174 nCCCLXX. {FAM. X. IS).

gravitcr ab iis laosi oranius, quod contra nostram voluntateni ad
Aiitonium ierant, tamen nostrae humanitatis et necessitudinis
causa eonim salutis ratioiiem liabuimus, nee tamen eorura opera
utinuir noquo in castris liabcnius ncque ulli negotio praefecimus.
Quod ad bcllum hoc attinet, nee senatui nee rei publicae deerimus.
Quae postea egerimus faciam te certiorem.

DCCCLXX. PLANCUS TO CICEEO (Fam. x. is).

CAMP IN GAUL ; MAY 18 ; A. V. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIO. 63.

L. Plancus nanat q^iibus causis commotus ad Lepidiini pioficiscatur.

PLANCUS CICERONI.

1. Quid in animo habuerim, cum Laevus Nervaque discesse-
runt a me, et ex litteris, quas eis dedi, et ex ipsis cognoscere
potuisti, qui omnibus rebus consiliisque meis interfuerunt. Accidit
mihi, quod homini pudenti et cupido satis faciendi rei publicae
bonisque omnibus accidere solet, ut consilium sequerer periculosum
magis, dum me probarem, quam tutum, quod habere posset obtrec-
tationem. 2. Itaque post discessum legatorum, cum binis con-
tinuis litteris et Lepidus me ut venirem rogaret et Laterensis
multo etiam magis prope implorans obtestaretur, non ullam rem
aliam extimescens quam eandem, quae mihi quoque facit timorem,
varietatem atque infidelitatem exercitus eius, non dubitandum
putavi qidn succurrerem meque communi periculo offerrem. Scie-
bam euim, — et cautius illud erat consilium, exspectare me ad
Isaram, dum Brutus traiiceret exercitura, et cum collega consen-
tiente, exercitu concordi ac bene de re p. sentieute, sicut milites

the Alps, but Antony persuaded him to Cispius, 8G1, 3.

grant a passage (App. iii. 83). ForCulleo, dum me prolarem'] ' with the approval

cp. Att. iii. 15, 5 (73). of my conscience.'

eorum sahilis raiionem hahuimns] 'I quod. . . obtrecfaiionem] ' which was

have spared their lives.' open to censure ' ; posset is generic sub-
junctive.

This letter was written on the march 2. legatorwi)] sc. Laevus and Nerva.

from the Isara to Forum Voconii, where coiitintcis'] ' one after another.'

Lepidus was posted : cp. 872, 1. varietatetn^ * changeableness.'

1. Laevus liervaqtie'] Both v/ere legates Sciebani] goyevns adsiff/uttuin i>'i.

of Plancus. The former is called Laevus exercitu concordi . . . sentientel These

DCCCLXX. {FAM. X. 18).

175

faciunt, hostibus obviam ire, — tamen, si quid Lepidus bene-
sentiens detrimenti cepisset, hoc omne adsignatum iri ant perti-
naciae meae aut timori videbam, si ant liominem offensum milii^
coniunctuni cum re publica uon sublevassem aut ipse a certamine
belli tarn necessarii me removissem. 3. Itaque potius periclitari
volui, si posset mea praesentia et Lepidum tueri et exercitum
facero meliorem, quam nimis cautus videri. Sollicitiorem certe
hominem, nou snis contractis, neminem puto fuisse. Nam quae
res nuUam habebat dubitationem, si exercitus Lepidi absit, ea
uunc maguam adfert soUicitudinem magnumque liabet casum.
Mihi enim si contigisset ut prior occurrerera Antouio, non meher-
cules horara constitisset : tantum ego et mihi confido et sic perculsas
illius copias Yentidiique mulionis castra despicio. Sed non possum

words are found in H, aiid in some inferior
MS8. They fell out in H ex homoeoteleuto.
That we should have consentiente, bene
scntiente, and bene sentiens, in such close
proximity, is somewhat remarkahle in
such a good writer as Planciis ; but those
who are not complete masters of language
are liable at times to harp on the same
word, both in writing and speaking.

sicut mili/es faciunf] *as the soldiers
of Brutus do,' i.e. bene de re p. senliunt.
For this use of facio, cp. 872 fin. Boot
on Att. xi. 2, 3 (407) compares Nepos
Chabr. 3, 4 ; 4, 5: Hor. Sat. i. 1, 64.
For ^pav cp. Thucyd. ii. 49, 5.

offensiU)>i\ ' if I had not helped, when
united with me in public business, a man
who was on bad terms with me personally.'
For the hostility between Plancus and
Lepidus cp. 895, 1.

3. non snis contractis] * by no fault
of his own.' For contrahere, used of
committing a fault, cp. Q. Fr. i. 1, 2
(30), ea quae ipsorum culpa contracta sunt :
Att. xi. 24, 1 (441), ea enim est a nobis
contracta culpa. Professor Sandford refers
us to Ovid. Trist. iv. 8, 49, et quanquam
vitio 2)ars est contracta malorum: cp. Rho-
dius, p. 31, note 4.

absif] Mendelssohn admirably retains
the MS.s readings absit dind habebat, quoting
for the unusual use of the present sub-
junctive, Lucr. ii. 1033, omnia quae nunc
siprimuin iiiorlalibus extent, Ex impro-
vise si sint obiecta repcnte, Quid magis
his rebus poterat mirabile did. Perhaps
also Orat. 141, siprofiiear . . . qtd tandem
reprehenderet ? may be quoted as a parallel,
thougb the reading there is uncertain :

cp. Sandys ad loc. For irregular condi-
tional consecutions, cp. Schmalz, Syntax,
^ 297. Lambinus, Scliiitz, Wesenberg
read abesset. Ernesti and Baiter alter
habebat to habeat.

magnumque habet casun{\ ' involves
great risk.'

horam] sometimes used for a very
brief time : cp. Hor. Epp. i. 1, 82, Idem,
eadem possunt horam durare probantes ;
Prop. i. 6, 11, His ego non horam possum
durare quereUis.

Ventidii mulionis] For the history of
this man, who rose from being a slave to
being a consul, cp. Gell. xv. 4. In
early life he contracted for supplying
mules and carriages for the provincial
governors : cp. Marq. i. 5'26. It would
appear that he owed his success to the
energetic execution of orders {mandata
sibi pleraque impigre et strenue fecisset :
Gell. 1. c. § 3). Shakespeare introduces
him in one scene (Ant. and Cleop. iii.
1), as Avisely refraining, mere lieutenant
that he was of Antony, from pushing his
victories over the Parthians as far as he
could : —

Who does in war more than his captain can
Becomes his captain's captain : and ambition,
The soldier's virtue, ratlier makes choice of

loss,
Than gain which darkens him.
I could do more to do Aiitonius good,
But 'twould offend him : and in his offence
Should my performance perish.

Ventidius is the Sabinus ille vi'ho ait fuisse
mulio celerrimus in the clever parody of
Catullus (iv.) printed in the Catalecta at
the end of the editions of Vergil : cp.
note to Fam. xv. 20, 1 (702).

176 DCCCLXXI. {FAM. XL IS).

non exliorrescere, si quid intra cuteiu subest vulneris, quod prius
iiocero potest quam sciri curarique possit. Sed certe, nisi uno loco
me tenerem, magnum periculum ipse Lepidus, magnum ea pars
exercitns adiret, quae bene de re publica sentit. Magnam etiam
perditi liostes accessionem sibi fecissent, si quas coj^ias a Lepido
abstraxissent. Quae si adventus mens represserit, agam gratias
fortunae constantiaeque meae, quae me ad lianc experientiam
excitavit. 4. Itaque a. d. xii. Kalend. lun. ab Isara castra movi :
pontem tamen, quem in Isara feoeram, castellis duobus ad capita
positis, reliqui praesidiaque ibi firma posui, ut venienti Bruto
exercituique eius sine mora transitus esset paratus. Ipse, ut
spare, diebus octo, quibus has litteras dabam, cum Lepitli copiis
me coniungam.

DCCCLXXI. CICEKO TO D. BRUTUS (Fam. xi. is).
home; may 19 ; a. u. c. 711 ; b. 0. 43 ; akt. cic. g3.

M. Cicero non nuUani timoris significationcm reprehendit in D. Bruto.
M. CICERO S. D. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DESIG.

1. Etsi ex maudatis, quae Galbae Yolumnioque ad senatuni
-dedisti, quid timendum putares suspicabamur, tamen timidiora
mandata videbautur, quam erat dignum tua populique Romani
victoria. Senatus autem, mi Brute, fortis est et habet fortes
duces ; itaque moleste ferebat se a te, quem omnium, quicumque

vulneris] Puteanus reads ulceris ' malig- tavit. Gitlbauer, not knowing of the

nant sore.' reading of H, suggested giiod (obtained

tHsi uno loco me tenerem'] ' unless I from quae ad) hanc experientiam exci-

remained in the same place (as Lepidus) ' : tavit.

cp. 896, 4, ii uno loco hahidssem, ' if I 4. diebus octo, quibuii] ' M-itliin eight

kept the forces all together in the same days of the despatch of the letter." For

place' ; also 895, 1, where we must not the idiom, cp. Caes. B. G. iii. 23, 2,

read nisi, but adhere to the ms si uno loco oppidum . . . paucis diebus quibus eo

essem. In each case locus is defined by venlum erat expugnatum cognoverant : cp.

the subject of the apodosis : cp. Ehodius, iv. 18, 1; v. 26, 1. Also in Cicero, 2

p. 32. Verr. i. 20, una hora qua coepi dicere.

quae me ad hanc . . . excitavit] ' which
has roused me to make this experiment.'

"We have added me with H. Orelli and 1. Galbae] cp. 841 init> Volumnius

all subsequent editors add it before exci- also was a legate of D. Brutus, 863, 1.

DCCCLXXIL {FAM. X. 17). 177

fuissent, fortissimura iudicaret, timidura atque ignavum iudicari.
2. Etenim, cum te incluso spem maximam omnes habuissent in tua
virtute florente Antonio, quis erat qui quidquam timeret profligate
illo, te liberate ? Nee vero Lepidum timebamus. Quis enim
esset, qui ilium tarn furiosum arbitraretur, ut, qui in maximo bello
pacem velle se dixisset, is in optatissima pace bellum rei publicae
indiceret? Nee dubito quin tu plus provideas. 3. Sed tamen
tam recenti gratulatione, quam tuo nomine ad omnia deorum
templa fecimus, renovatio timoris magnam molestiam adferebat.
Q,ua re velim equidem, id quod spero, ut plane abiectus et fractus
sit Antonius : sin aliquid virium forte collegerit, sentiet nee
senatui consilium nee populo Romano virtutem deesse nee rei
publicae te vivo imperatorem. xiv. Kal. lun.

DCCCLXXII. PLANCUS TO CICERO (Fam. x. 17).

ON THE MARCH TO FOKUM VOCONII ; MAY 20 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ;

AET. CIC. 63.

L. Plancus praesentem belli statum describit, cum excusatione fratris a se dimissi
et commendatione suae dignitatis.

PLANCUS CICERONI.

1. Antonius Id. Mails ad Forum lulii cum primis copiisvenit.
Ventidius bidui spatio abest ab eo, Lepidus ad Forum Voconii

2. Nee. . . tic plus provideas] 'And on the 16th, Plancus appears to have sent
I feel no doubt that you can see further two of his legates, Laevus and Nerva
into the matter than we can.' Nee is co- (870), to Rome in order that they might
ordinate with nee vero. set forth plainly to the authorities the

3. tain reeenti gratulatione'] ' when M'^ay in which Lepidus was acting. After
the rejoicings were so recent,' ablative of their departure, on the 19th, Plancus wrote
attendant circumstances. The rejoicings 870 to Cicero, in which he mentioned
wei'e those which took place after the that Lepidus had again proposed that they
news of the Battle of Mutina arrived. should join forces. Plancus apparently

abiectus et fraetus] ' laid low and asked Lepidus to send some hostage as

crushed.' a security for his honest dealing, and

consilium] 'judgment.' Lepidus sent Apella (§ 3). Accordingly

we may place this letter about a day later
than 870.
On May 15th Plancus wrote 861, telling 1. Forum Voeonii] An inland town

(§ 2) how liepidus had refused to unite about 24 miles due west of Forum lulii ;
with him. Shortly afterwards, probably op. introd. note to 869.

VOL VI. N

DCCOLXXII. {FAM. X. 17).

castra liabet, qui locus a Foro lulii quathior et viginti millia
passus abost, ibique me exspectare constituit, quern ad modum
ipse mibi scripsit. Quod si omnia mibi-integra et ipse et fortuna
servant, recipio vobis oeleriter me negotium ox senientia confec-
turum. 2. Fratrera meimi adsiduis laboribus concursationibusque
confectum graviter se habuisse antea tibi scripsi : sod tamen cum
primum posse ingredi coepit, uon magis sibi quam roi publicae se
couvaluisse existimans ad omnia pericula princeps esse non recu-
sabat. Sed ego aura non solum hortatus sum, verum etiam coegi
isto proficisci, quod et ilia valetudine magis conficere se quam me
iuvare posset in castris, et quod acerbissimo interitu consilium rem
publicam nudatam tali cive praetore in urbanis officiis indigere
existimabam. Quod si qui vestrum non probabit, mihi pruden-
tiam in consilio defuisse sciat, non illi erga patriam fidelitatem,
3. Lepidus tamen, quod ego desiderabam, fecit ut Apellani ad me
mitteret, quo obside fide^illius et societatis in re publica adminis-
tranda uterer. In ea re studium mibi suum L. Gellius f de
tribus fratribus Segaviano probavit, quo ego interprete novissime

viffiiiii millia passus] Helluiuth (pp.
13-15) has a good note on this constnic-
tion. It belongs to the language of
ordinary life, and is based on the principle
of apposition. It is not at all unusual
when the substantive precedes the numeral
e.g. Caes. B. C. ii. 18, 4, tritici modios
CXX millia : iii. 4, 3 ; Liv. xxxvii. 59, 4,
and Weiss, ad loc. ; xxxviii. 38, 13;
xxxix. 5, 14 ; and, accordingly, it is
probable that we should read in Att. ii.
IC, 1 (43) non ampl'ms homines quiuque
millia with M^, and not homimim with M-,
But this construction is also found when
the numeral comes first, e.g. jS'eposMilt.4,

2, circifer millia pcfssHs decern ; Hannib. 6,

3, quod abest ab Zama circiter millia pasnus
trecenta (in which passages Halin and
Fleckeisen wronglj^ alter the mss reading
to passman) : cp. many mss of Bell. Afr.
10, 2 ; 63, 1 ; Bell. Hisp. 8, 16. Even in
Cicero Eabir. Post 21, the mss give decern
millia talenta. So we need not hesitate
to admit the construction in Plancus and
Galba (841, 1). Mendelssohn compares
C. I. L. ix. 6075, xiv. 2121. In 895_, 2,
Plancus uses the ordinary construction,
viginti millia passman.

omnia mihi integta . . . servarit] 'does
not play me false in anything.' After the
vacillating conduct of Lepidus related in

861, 2, and 870, 2, Plancus was naturally
distrustful.

2. concursationibus'] ' hurrying to and
fro.'

in/jredil ' go about.' It represents the
first stage of motion after rest.

ad onntiii pericula princeps] For this
construction oi princeps, cp. Reidon Aroh.
1, SuU. 11, princeps ad saluteni.

isto] ' to you,' i.e., to Rome.

quod et . . . in castris] ' because in
his state of health, if he remained in the
camp, he would succeed in killing him-
self and not helping nie.'

3. tamen] This is difficult. It appears
that Plancus suddenly plunges into a train
of thought about Lepidus, such as —
Lepidus has behaved with great vacilla-
tion ; however [tamen) now he has done
something, he has sent Apella. Or tamen
might be for sed tamen ; ' but notwith-
standing this difficulty in which I am in-
volved owing to my brother's state of
health, Lepidus has sent Apella.' Manu-
tius alters tamen to tandem.

Apellam] Apella was doubtless a Greek
freedman. Jide is genitive, cp. Neue i^.
379.

societatis] ' co-operation.'

In ea re] These words, omitted in M,
are restored from H Pal.

BCCCLXXIIL {BRUT, I. 1).

179

ad Lepidura sum usus. Amicum eum rei publicae cognosse videor,
libenterque ei sum testimonio et omnibus ero, qui bene merentur.
Fac valeas meque mutuo diligas dignitatemque meam, si mereor,
tuearis, sicut adhuc singulari cum beuevolentia fecisti.

DCCOLXXIII. CICERO TO BEUTUS (Brut. i. i).

ROME

MAY 20 (about) ; A. U, C. 711 ; B. C. 43; AET. CIC. 63.

De L. Clodii tiib. pi. singulari et cognito in se Brutumque amore et fide
accurate scribit Cicero.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1. L. Clodius, tribunus plebis designatus, valde me diligit vol,
ut eiLt<j>aTiKWTepov dicara, valde me amat : quod cum mihi ita per-
suasum sit, non dubito — bene enim me nosti — , quin ilium quoque
iudices a me amari ; nihil enim mihi minus hominis videtur quam
non respondere in amore iis, a quibus provocere. Is mihi visus
est suspicari, nee sine magno quidem doloro, aliquid a suis vel per
suos potius iniquos ad te esse delatum, quo tuus animus a se esset
alienior. Non soleo, mi Brute, quod tibi notum esse arbitror,

de trihus fratribus Segaviano] This
passage cannot be restored without better
Mss, or some more information tlian we
at present possess. Two ingenious cor-
rections have been suggested, one that of
Orelli, L. GelUus D. F. (= Decimi filius)
iribu Fab. (= Fabia) Segovianus (inhabi-
tant of Segovia, a town in Hispania
Tarraconensis), or Segovia ( = ' from
Segovia ') : the other that of Kleyn, L.
Gellins de tribns fratribus S. A. C. (i.e.
Sexto, Aulo, Gaio) Avianis : cp. Fam. ix.
21, 3 (668), Tres illi frotres fuerunt C.
Cn. M. Carbones. Gitlbauer (p. 91),
proposes de tribns fratribus se segregando,
which is attractive.

testimonio'] Predicative dat. cp.Att.viii.
12 c, 1 (329), cui rei testimonio sunt lit-
terae, and frequently in Cicero : see
Eoby, vol. ii., p. liv.

The date of this letter is fixed by that
of 874.

1. Z. Clodius . . . amat] This sen-

tence is quoted hy Nonius (421, 31) to
show the difference between amare and
diligere. ' Cicero ad Brutum sic igittir
fades et me aut amabis auf, quo contentus
sum, diliges ; etlib. viii. : Lucilius Clodius,
tribunus plebis designatus, valde me diligit
rei, ut enfaticoferon dicam, valde me amat.''
This Clodius is the same man who was
praefectus fabrum of Appius Claudius
Pulcher, Fam. iii. 4, 1 (194) ; and pro-
hably the Clodius who appears in Att.
xii. 30 (567); xv. 13, 3 (791). Cohet
and Meyer suppose him to be the Gains
Clodius who is mentioned shortly after
this time (Dio. Cass, xlvii. 24, 2) as being
in tlie service of Brutus. But in that case
we should have to suppose (1) an error in
the prenomen ; (2) that Brutus entrusted
C. Antonius to the charge of a man who
was under considerable obligations to the
Antonii.

iniquos'] Cicero occasionally uses this
word for inimicos : cp. Fam. xi. 27, 7
(784).

180 DCCCLXXIV. {BRUT. 1. 2, §§ 1-3).

temere aflirmare do altero, est euim periculosum propter oecultas
homiuum voluntates multiplicesque natiiras : Clodii animum per-
spectum liabeo, cogiiitum, iudicatum ; nmlta eius indicia, sed ad
scribendum uon necessaria, volo enini testimonium hoc tibi videri
potius quam epistolam. Auctus Antouii beueficio est — eius ipsius
beueficii magna pars a te est — : itaque eum sal vis nobis vellet
salvum. 2. In eum autem locum rem adductam intellegit — est
enim, ut scis, minime stultus — , ut utrique salvi esse nou possint :
itaque nos niavult ; de te vero amicissirae et loquitur et sentit.
Quare, si quis secus ad te de eo scripsit aut [si] coram locutus est,
peto a te etiam atque etiam, mibi ut potius credas, qui et facilius
iudicare possum quam ille nescio quis et te plus diligo. Clodium
tibi amicissimum existima civemque talem, qualis et prudentissi-
mus et fortuna optima esse debet.

DCCCLXXIV. CICERO TO BRUTUS (Brut. i. 2, §§ 1-3).

ROME ; MAY 20 (aBOUt) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Cicero respondet epistolae de cohortibiis quinque a Dolabella in Chersonesum missis
eiusque dementiam notat, et laudat consilium Bruti eum persequi cogitantis. In
seditionis auctoribus dimittendis clementiam Eruti repiehendit.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1. Scripta et obsignata iam epistola litterae mihi redditae sunt
a te plenae rerum novarum. Maximeque mirabile Dolabellam

multiplices] 'intricate,' 'tortuous,' the to consider this a friendly letter, in which

opposite of 'simple,' 'straightforwaid.' full proof of everything is not required,

perspectiim, cognltton, indication^ ' I as would be required in the case of legal

have tested, investigated, and passed testimony.' But the words as they stand

judgment on the mind of Clodius' — the admit of esplanation. 'I want you to

•words cognitttm, iudicatiun dixe le^aX : cp. consider this rather as my deliberate

Verr. ii. 118. opinion (cp. Fam. xvi. 8, 2; Ep. 314),

eius] Cobet adds <rei> : but indicium as evidence which I vouch for and pledge

animi is a correct expression : cp. Post myself for, rather than as a mere letter of

Red. in Sen. 8 (according to many mss). recommendation which would not count

sed ad scribendum non necessaria] cp. for much.'
De Div. i. 123, tibi enim nota sunt, mihi 2. in eum . . . possint] cp. note to

ad commemorandum non necessaria. Fam. xvi. 12, 1 (312).

testimonium] At first sight it seems as [_si] coram] "We have bracketed si before

if this word ought to change places with coram vtith Cobet; either quis should be

epistolam, the meaning being ' I want you added after si, or si omitted.

DCCCLXXIV. {BRUT. 1. ^, §§ 1-3).

181

quinque eohortes misisse in Chersonesum. Adeone copiis abundat,
ut is, qui ex Asia fugere dicebatur, Europam appetere conetur ?
quinque autem cohortibus quidnam se facturum arbitratus est,
cum tu eo loco quinque legioues, optimum equitatum, maxima
auxilia haberes ? quas quidem eohortes spero iam tuas esse^
quoniam latro ille tam fuit demens. 2. Timm consilium vehe-
raeuter laudo, quod non prius exercitum Apollouia Dyrrbachioque
movisti, quam de Antonii fuga audisti, Bruti eruptione, populi
Romani victoria : itaque, quod scribis postea statuisse te ducere
exercitum in Chersonesum nee pati sceleratissimo hosti ludibrio
esse imperium populi Romani, facis ex tua dignitate et ex re
publica. 3. Quod scribis de seditione, quae facta est in legione
tquarta fraude C. Antonii — in bonam partem accipies — magis
mihi probatur militum severitas quam tua clementia * *

This letter supposes that Brutus has
heard of the Battle of Mutina (April 21).
Brutus must have received that news about
May 7, and his answer may have been in
Rome about the 18th or 19th. It took
from nine to twelve days for a letter to
pass between Rome and Dyi-rhachium.

1. Scripta et obsignata €}nstol(f\ "Words
like these generally introduce a postscript,
but not always: cp. Att. v. 19, 1 (220J;
viii. 6, 1 (337) ; x. 11, 1 (396), quoted by
Meyer (p. 35). However, it shows that
the date of 873 is the same as that of this
letter.

Chersonesicm'] This was the regular
place of transit from Europe to Asia ; and
even five cohorts, if strongly posted, could
give several legions a great deal of trouble
before the position could be secured.
Dolabella, however, does not appear to
have occupied the Chersonesus.

10 loco] It is impossible tliat eo should
mean ihi (cp. Scbmalz, Antib. i^. 461),
or that the construction could be a preg-
nant one with an ellipse of ducendas or
missas (Gurlitt) taken out of misisse. Ac-
cordingly we have, with "Wesenberg, added
loco. By eo loco Cicero means Europe,
not the Chersonese. But perhaps Cobet
is right in omitting eo altogether, with
Cratander.

quinque leffioiies'] Appian (iv. 75) says
that Brutus had eight legions ; Veil,
(ii. 69) that he had seven. The additional
three, or two, were probably raised after
the departure of Brutus from Dyrrha-
chium.

2. Ii7'uti eruptione'] cp. note to 857, 1.
ex re p.] It is usually e rep., unless

-que follows the preposition. For ^.c re-
publica Becher quotes Gcll. vi. 3, 47.

3. in Icgione f quarto] The fourth legion
was in N. Italy, under the command of
Octavian. It had gone over to him at
the end of 710 (44), cp. Phil. iii. 39, so
that there is some corruption in quarta.
C. F. Hermann's suggestion quadam is
quite impossible, addressed as the letter is
to the commander of the legion in ques-
tion ; but most probably he is right in
his correction, fraude C. Antonii for de
Catoniis of the mss : cp. Dio Cass, xlvii.
22 fin., TO. (TTpaTevij.aTa cr t aa ia(T 6 ei/T a ol
virh Tov ^ AvTcoviov KaTfcrTr}<TaTo (sc. 6
Bpoi/Tos). Owing to the plural ra arpa-
revfxara we once thought that the cor-
ruption of quarta may have aiisen from
leyiouibus written in uncials, legioniv'
(v for n, as often, and iv being mistaken
for a numeral) ; or that quarta took the
place of capta, and the reference is to one
of the legions of Antonius which had
surrendered: Dio Cass, xlvii. 21, 7. Mad-
vig (A. C. iii. 198) ingeniously proposes
in legione quarta de<cinia fraude> G.
Antonii. For de C«^o«ii5 Middleton sug-
gested C. Antonio, Orelli deque Antoniis.

in bonam partem accipies] For Brutus,
having shown such indulgence towards C.
Antonius, might feel it as' a stricture on
himself that any conduct of Antonius
should be called fraus, and would certainly
resent any censure of his own conduct.

clementia] Some such word as this

182

DCCCLXXV. {FAM. XL 19).

DCCCLXXV. D. BRUTUS TO CICERO (Fam. xi. 19)

vercellae; may 21 ; a. u. c. 711 ; «. c. 43 ; aet. cic. 63.

D. Brutus de re publita timet, Yicetinos commendat.

D. BRUTUS IMP. COS. UES. S. D. M. CICERONI.

1. Ad seuatum quas litteras niisi velim prius perlegas et, si
qua tibi videbuutur, commutes. Necessario me scripsisse ipse
animadvertes : nam cum putarem quartam et Martiam legiones
mecum f uturas, ut Druso Paulloque placuerat vobis adsentieutibus,
minus de reliquis rebus laboraudum existimavi. Nuuc vero, cum
sim cum tironibus .egentissimis, valde et meam et vestram vicem
timeam necesse est. 2. Vicetini me et M. Brutum praecipue
observant. His ne quam patiare iniuriam fieri in senatu vernarum
causa, a te peto. Causam habeut optimam, officium in rem publi-
cam summum, genus hominum adversariorum seditiosum et iner-
tissimum. xii. Kal. lun., Vercellis.

must be added: cp. 843, 5, sed salnlaris
seC'vitas vincit inancm speciem clcmenliae.
As regards "Brutus's treatment of C. An-
tonius, cp. riut. Brut. 26, xP^""" M^^" o'^"
TToXvv iv Tifirj rbv rd'iov ^ye [6 Bpovros),
Koi Ttt TropofTTjjUO Tys &pxil^ ovK atprjpet,
Kaiirep, Sis (paaiv, IxWwv re ttoWcov koI
KiKepaivos airh Pwfj.r]S ypa(p6vTCi}v ical /ce-
\iv6vT(i)v avaipilv. We must not suppose
that Sis (paaiv implies that tliis statemeut
■was mere hearsay, and had virtually no
evidence to support it. Plutarch uses the
words of the written evidence of his-
torians : cp. Comp. Ant. et Demetr. c. 4;
and also as implying as much ceitainty
as we imply when we say ' apparently,' or
' it seems,' instead of stating the fact in
dogmatic language : cp. I'lut. Cic. 40.
The remainder of the letter is lost.

1. quartam'] Apparently the Fourth
and Martian legion refused to serve under
any one of Caesar's murderers : cp. 886,
2, legionem Martiam et quartam negant
qui illas norunt tilla condicione ad te posse
perduci.

lit Drttso Paulloque placuerat'] This

means that Drusus and PauUus moved in
the senate, and the rest of the senators
voted, that D. Brutus should have com-
mand of the Fourth and Martian legions.
Drusus was the father of Livia Drusilla,
wife of Augustus. Paullus had been
consul in 704 (50).

2. Vicetini] The inhabitants of Vicetia,
now Vicenza. They seem to have re-
garded M. and D. Brutus as their patroni.

vernarum] These were probably freed-
nien M'ho had been made citizens of
Vicetia, or, at any rate, given lands in the
vicinity of the township, and were now
involved in disputes witli its authorities.
D. Brutus, who appears to have been a
hasty-tempered man, roundly calls them
' born slaves'; and perhaps they had been
born such : but they must have been
manumitted, as otherwise they would
not have had a locus standi at all against
the municipality. Of course by an
aristocrat they were regarded as a
disorderly and idle crew. For inertissi-
«2?«?» Wesenberg reads incerlissimum, 'ut-
terly untrustworthy.' Gebhard (p. 18)
notices that Cicero does not use the word
verna.

JDCCCLXXVI. {FAM. X. 3U, §§ 3, U)-

183

DCCOLXXYI. LEPIDUS TO CICERO (Fam. x. 34, §§ 3, 4).

PONS ARGENTEUS; MAY 22 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Gratias agit Lepidus Ciceroni quod iuiquis de se rumoribus iion credideiit.
M. LEPIDUS IMP. ITER. PONT. MAX. S. D. M. TULLIO CICERONI.

8, Etsi omni tempore sumina studia officii mutuo inter nos
certatini constiteruut pro nostra inter nos familiaritate et proinde
diligenter ab utroque conservata sunt, tamen non dubito in tanto
et tarn repentino motu rei publicae quin nonnuUa de me falsis
rumoribus a meis obtrectatoribus me iudigna ad te delata sint,
quae tuum animum magno opere moverent pro tuo amore in rem
publicam. Ea te moderate accepisse neque temere credendum
iudicasse a meis procuratoribus certior sum factus : quae mihi, ut
debent, gratissima sunt. Memini enini et ilia superioru, quae abs
tua voluutate profecta sunt ad meam dignitatem augendam et
ornandam, quae perpetuo animo meo fixa manebunt. 4. Abs te,
mi Cicero, magno opere peto, si meam vitara, studium diligen-
tissime superioribus temporibus in re publica administranda, quae
Lepido digna sunt, perspecta babes, ut paria aut eo ampliora
reliquo tempore exspectes et proinde tua auctoritate me tueudum
existimes, quo tibi plura tuo merito debeo. Vale. D. xi. K. lun.
ex castris, ex Ponte Argenteo.

3. Etsi . . . conservata sunt] ' Al-
though there has always existed between
us the greatest emulation in kind service
in virtue of our mutual friendship, and
the practice is just as before scrupulously
maintained by both of us ' : studio oJficii=
' zeal in doing service.' Madvig (A. C.
iii. 163) needlessly alters mutuo to niutui,
andLanibinus lea-ds <{fficiaque mutua. For
the pleonasm mutuo inter nos, op. Lucr. ii.
76, intt-r se mortales mut%ui vivunt and
Munro ad loc. ; Liv. viii. 24, 7 ; xxxvi.
39, 6 ; Quintil. x. 2, 15.

<juae . . . moverent . . . publicam'] ' of
such a nature as seriously to disturb your
mind, loving as you do your country.'

moderate] ' with reserve. '

animo] Wesenberg aJds in, comparing
Balb. 65 ; but Jixa is found without in
sometimes, e.g. Cat. iv. 23 (in many mss) ;
Verg. Aen, iv. 16, si mihi non animo Jixum

immotumque sederet.

4. vitam, studium diligentissime] Lam-
binus reads diligentiam or diligentiam
sunimam for diligentissime, needlessly :
for such an ' asyndeton bimembre ' as
appears in the mss here is common
enough : op. 882, 6, and Lehmann, p. 25.

quae Lepido digna sunt] ' and they
(sc. my life and political activity) are
worthy of a Lepidus.' Wesenberg reads
sint, 'if you have thoroughly seen that
my life and political activity are worthy
of a Lepidus.'

et proinde . . . debeo] ' and I beg of
you to feel that you should lend me the
protection of your influence in proportion
as I am the more deeply indebted to you
by reason of your kindness.' Froinde, a
word which Lepidus seems to affect (§ 3),
is used instead of some ordinary phrase,
like eo magis.

184 DCCCLXXriI. {FAM. XL ^0).

DCCCLXXVII. D. BRUTUS TO CICERO (Fam. xi. 20).

EPOUKDIA ; MAY 24 ; A. U. C. 711 ; «. C. 43 ; AKT. CIC. 63.

D. Brutus M. Ciceroncm monet, ut vetcianonim animos sibi concilict.

D. BRUTUS S. D. M. CICEHONI.

1. Quod pro me iion facio, id pro te facere amor meus in te
tiiaque officia coguut ut timeam. Saepe enim milii cum esset
dictum Deque a me contemptum, novissime Labeo Segulius, homo
sibi simillimus, narrat mihi apud Caesarem se fuisse multumque
sermouem de te liabitum esse : ipsum Caesarem nihil sane de te
questum nisi dictum quod diceret te dixisse * laudandum_adole-
scentem, ornanduni, tollenduni 'f^se non esse commissurum ut tolli
posset. Hoc ego Labeonem credo illi rettulisse aut finxisse dictum,
non ab adolescente prolatum. Yeteranos vero pessime loqui vole-
bat Labeo me credere et tibi ab iis instare periculum, maximeque
indignari, quod in decemviris neque Caesar neque ego liabiti esse-
mus atque omnia ad vestrum arbitrium essent collata. 2. Haec cum

1. Qttod . . . ut timeam'] The last two used in the double sense of * to raise to

■words are explanatory of quod, ' namely, honour ' and ' to make away with ' : for

fear.' the saying cp. Suet. Aug. 12, causam

homo sibi simiUimus] so H Pal. 'a man optimatium sine cunctatione deseruit, ad

who is exactly the same as he always is,' praetextum mutatae roluntatis dicta fac-

i.e. in this ease, a mischief-maker. M has taqw qnorimdam calumniatus, quasi aliise

slid simillius, and some inferior mss have pnerum, alii ornandnm toUendwnque iactas-

sui simiUimiis. Mtndelssohn wishes to sent ne aut sibi anl vcteranis par gratia

read the latter. It is true that 'in Cicero referretur : Veil. ii. 62, 6, Hoc est illud

similis generally takes tlie genitive of tempus quo Cicero insiio amore Pompeia-

nouns and pronouns denoting persons ; narum partium Caesarem, laudandum et

hut there are about a dozen passages toUendnm censehat, cum aliud diceret aliud

where the dative rests on fair authority, mtellegi reUet.

enumerated in Madvig Fin. v. 12'( Reid, prolatum'] 'that it was not first men-

Academ. ii. 118). Besides, we must re- tioned by the young man.'

member that this is Brutus and not decemviris] These ten commissioners

Cicero. Charisius, indeed (p. 84), says were appointed, after the rescinding of

that sui similis is the correct usage (cp. the agrarian law of Antony, to distribute

Phil. i. 5 ; 829, 1) ; but we find similis lands to the soldiers who had loyally

^i*i in Hor. A. P. 254 ; Quintil. ix. 4, 60. served the state. Neither Octavian nor

dictum] 'a pointed remark which he D. Brutus were appointed on the Corn-
said you made, that the young man should mission, though they were at the head of
be lauiled, applauded, and exalted to the armies who were interested in the pro-
skies ; that he will not allow himself to posed division,
be exalted to the skies.' ToUendum is collata] ' given over to.'

DCCCLXXVII. [FAM. XL 20).

185

audissem et iam in itinere essem, committendum nondum putavi^
prius ut Alpes transgrederer quam quid istic ageretur scirem.
Nam de tuo periculo, crede mihi iactatione verborum et denuntia-
tione periculi sperare eos, te pertimefacto, adolescente impulse^
posse magna consequi praemia et totam istam cantilenam'ex hoe
pendere, ut quam plurimum lucri faciant. Neque tamen non te
cautum esse volo et insidias vitantem : nihil eiiim tua mihi vita
potest esse iucuudius neque carius. 3. Illud vide, ne timendo
magis timere cogare et, quibus rebus potest occurri veteranis,
oc'curras : primum, quod desiderant de decemviris, facias : deinde
de praemiis, si tibi videtur, agros eorum militum, qui cum Antonio
veterani fuerunt, iis dandos censeas ab utrisque nobis ; de nummis
lente ac ratione habita pecuniae senatum de ea re constituturum.
Quattuor legionibus iis, quibus agros dandos censuistis, video
facultatem fore ex agris Sullanis et agro Campano : aequaliter aut

2. nonduni] This was certainly the
reading of the archetype, see Adn. Crit. :
and though non would he simpler and
more Ciceronian, yet D. Brutus may have
written iio)idutn. Translate ' I did not
think I should as yet proceed to cross the
Alps before,' &c.

sperare . . . consequi'] posse consequi =
consecutnros : iactatione verborum, ' by
boastful words,' in modern slang ' bluff.'

pertimefacto] cp. Pacuvius (302, Eibb.)
triplici per time/act US maerore animi incerte
errans vagat. Cicero uses timefacta, Off.
ii. 24.

totam istam cantilenam'] ' and that the
rhyme attributed to you is altogether
based on a desire of getting as much gain
as possible,' i.e. they hope that you, when
terrified by their threats, will propose that
larger grants be made to the soldiers of
Octavian than to mine. Brutus wishes it
to be understood that he considered
Cicero had been injudicious in his
language ; but that, while being more
cautious in the future, he should not
exhibit too much fear in the face of the
threats of the soldiers of Octavian, and
thus give them larger rewards than he
gave to the soldiers of Brutus.

3. ccciirras'] ' meet the wishes of,' cp.
Cluent. 63, sed ego occurram exspectationi
vestrae, indices. We must not carry on
ne to this clause. "We might possibly
take occiirras to mean ' oppose ' (cp. Cat.
iii. 17, omnibus eitis consiUis occurri atqxte

obstiti) ; but the following clauses lend
countenance to the former interpretation.

iis] sc. to the veterans in our armies.

ab utrisque 7iobis] ' by both of us,'
that is, by Octavian and Brutus himself.
Cicero would have said ab utrisque nostrum
(Lael. 16 ; Sull. 13), as indeed he does
say in his answer to this letter, 893, o.

Quattuor legionibus] These are appa-
rently the soldiers of Octavian, viz. the
fourth and Martian legions which had
deserted from Antony, and the two le-
gions of veterans which Octavian himself
raised.

ex agris Sullanis] These are probably
the lands illegally occupied by the Sul-
lani homines, i.e. those who (1) either
encroached upon st;i.te-land which had
been confiscated by Sulla, or who (2)
bought from soldiers land which had been
assigned to them on condition that they
should not sell it: see Vol. I-., pp. 410,
411. As both these classes of occupants
held the land illegally, the state had a
right to confiscate it, though prudent
statesmen did not proceed to such stringent
measures. Schiitz thinks that possibly
we should read ex agris Stellati et Cam--
pano : for the ager Stellaiis is often men-
tioned in connexion with the Campanian
land (Leg. Agr. i. 20, ii. 85) as suitable
for division. Mendelssohn thinks we
might perhaps read with M Pal Silani.
He holds apparently that these now con-
fiscated lands belonged originally to M.

186 DCCCLXXVni. {FAM. XI. 23).

sorte ngros legiouibus adsignari puto oportere. 4. Haec me tibi
seribero iiou prudeutia mea hortatur, sed amor iu te et cupiditas
otii, quod sine te consistere uon potest. Ego, nisi valde necesse
f ucrit, ex Italia uou excedam. Legiones armo, paro : sjiero me
noil pessiiuum exercitum liabiturum ad onmes casus et impetus
homiuum. De exercitu, quem Pansa habuit, legionem mi hi
Caesar iion rcmittit. Ad has litteras statim mihi reseribe tuo-
rumque aliquem mitte, si quid reconditum magis erit meque scire
opus esse putaris. viii. Kal. lun., Eporedia.

DCCCLXXVIII. D. BRUTUS TO CICERO (Fam. xi. 23J.

EPOREDIA ; MAY 25 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

D. Brutus M. Ciceronem bene de re i)ublica sperare iubet.

D. BRUTUS S. D. M. CICERONI.

1. Nos hie valemus recte et, quo melius valeamus, operum
dabimus. Lepidus commode nobis sentire videtur. Omni timore
deposito debemus libere rei publicae consulere. Uuod si omnia
assent aliena, tamen tribus tantis exercitibus, propriis rei publicae,
valentibus magnum animum habere debebas, quem et semper
habuisti et nunc fortuna adiuvante augere potes. 2. Quae tibi
superioribus litteris mea manu scripsi, terrendi tui causa homines

Junius Silanus, who, though sent by commoch'] The wish must have been

Lepidus to assist D. Brutus at Mutina, fatherto the thought, for D.Brutus had. in

fought on the side of Antony, cp. 841, 1 ; general, very little confidence in Lepidus,

869, 2; Dio Cass. xlvi. 38 fin. cp. cp. 847, 1, 2. Cicero, sanguine as ever,

Drumann iv. 47. thought that this news from D. Brutus

4. ex I/alia'] The name Italy at this wiped away all fear (894, 1).

time would seem to have embraced all the Qtiod si . . . debebas'] ' But even if

•country up to the Aljjs ; cp. § 2, priics ut everything were adverse (i.e. it Lepidus

Alpes transgrcderer. liad declared against us), yet, with three

reconditiini] ' abstruse,' cp. 893, 5. such large armies specially at the service

occultius, ' of a more secret nature, ' would of the state, and in strong force, you

have been a better word : cp. 893, 5. ought to maintain the high spirit which

Eporedia'] now Ivrea, in Piedmont, on you have always maintained, and now

the Dora Baltea. with the help of fortune you should raise

it higher.' The three armies are those

1. Nos hie valemus] A variation on of Octavian, of Plancus, and his own.

the usual S. Y. B. E. E. Q. V. 2. superioribm litteris] i.e. 887, §§1,2.

DCCCLXXIX. {FAM. X 19).

187

loquuntur. Si frenum momorderis, peream, si te omnes, quot
sunt, conantem loqui ferre poteruut. Ego, tibi ut antea scripsi,
dum mihi a te litterae veniaut, in Italia morabor. viii. Kal. lun.,
Eporedia.

DCCCLXXIX. CICEEO TO PLANCUS (Fam. x. 19).

ROME

; ABOUT MAY 27 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero L. Planco scribit sibi et senatui gratiaium actionem gratam fuisse et
litteris Planci senatum delectatum esse, ut bellum conficiat hortatur.

CICERO PLANCO.

1. Quamquam gratiarum actionem a te non desiderabam, cum
te re ipsa atque animo scirem esse gratissimum, tamen — fatendum
est enim — fuit ea mihi periucunda. Sic enim vidi, quasi ea, quae
oculis cernuntur, me ate amari. Dices, 'quid antea?' Semper
equidem, sed numquam illustrius. Litterae tuae mirabiliter gratae
sunt senatui, cum rebus ipsis, quae erant gravissimae et maxiraae,

Si frenum momorderis . . . poterunt]
• If you take the bit between your teetb,
may I die if the whole lot of them will
be able to withstand you when you
attempt to speak.' Brutus likens Cicero
to a horse which his opponents are trying
to hold in : if he takes the bit between
his teeth, that is, if he resists and begins
to speak, their eiforts will be in vain.
Y or frenum mordere, cp. Senec. Tranquill,
An. XV. 1 fin, Desdscat oportet a solilo
et cfferaiur et mordeat frenos et rectorcm
rapiat suum : Aesch. I'rom. 1009, Sa/cwi'
5e ffTS/jLiov us peo^vy^s TlaiXos /Sia^ei Kal
Trphs T]vlas pdx^t. The phrase is used in
a different sense in Statius Silv. i. 2, 28,
sitbicit leges et from momordit Ille solutus
amor, ' submits to the bit.' We should
have expected that Brutus would have
used coercere, or some such word instead
of ferre ; but perhaps the intervention of
conantem loqui led him to drop the meta-
phor.

in Italia . . . Eporedia'] cp. note to
877, 4.

As regards the date, see introd. note to
881.

1. gratiarnm actioneni] ' the giving of
thanks.' The reference is to 848, 1.

re ipsa atque animo'] ' in very deed
and heart.'

Dices ' quid antea .*'] ' You will say,
" What of the past ? " [i.e. Did you not
love me before P] Yes, I did indeed (love
you in the past), but never more con-
spicuously.' It is as hard to analyse the
colloquial and elliptical, Quid ai/tca ? as it
is to analyse the English version we have
given.

litterae] ' Your letter is marvellously
pleasing to the senate, both in the sub-
jects related, which were most weighty
and important, and displayed a very
resolute mind and sound judgment, and
in the dignitj' of the sentiments and
language.' The letter referred to is
probably one addressed to the senate, re-
counting the same events as 860. That
was written on May 1^, and allowing
thirteen days for it to travel Croni Cularo
to Eome (650 miles about), this letter
may have been written as early as
May 27.

sunt . .. era)it] Perfect accuracy would
demand either two present or two past

188 DCCCLXXX. {FAM. X. 25).

fortissinii aninii sumiiiiqiie consilii, turn ctiani gravitate .sententia-
rum atquo vcrborum. 2. Sed, mi Plance, incunibe, et belli extrema
perficins : in hoc erit sunima et gratia et gloria. Cupio omnia rei
pnblione cansa ; sed meliorcules in ea oonservanda iani defetigatus
lion multo plus patriae faveo quam tuae gloriae : cuius maximam
facultatem tibi di immortales, ut spero, dedere : quam complectere,
obsecro. Qui enim Antonium oppresserit, is hoc helium taeterri-
mum periculosissimumque confecerit.

DCCCLXXX. CICERO TO FUENIUS (Fam. x. 25).

KOME ; ABOUT MAY 26 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero C. Fiirniuni, qui praeturam petere cupiebat, ne id nimio opere festiiiet,
hortatur.

CICERO S. D. F URN 10.

1. Si interest, id quod homines arbitrantur, rei publicae te, ut
instituisti atque fecisti, navare operam rebusque maximis, quae
ad exstinguendas reliquias belli pertinent, interesse, nihil videris
melius neque laudabilius neque honestius facere posse istamque
oijeram tuam, navitatem, auimum in rem publicam celeritati prae-
turae anteponendam censeo. Nolo enim te ignorare quantam

tenses. But the slight irregularity hardly Leg. i. 6 snccessere. As all the mss here

justifiesWesenberg's alteration to /««»•««(<, give dedere, ^fe have thougbt it best to

which certainly cannot be supported by adhere to them.

his own unsatisfactory alteration oi prae-

fverunt to praentinl in 833, 3. For Furnius, see Introduction.

2. in ea conservanda iam defetigaius^ 1. navare operain'\ ' devote your service

cp. 851, 6 quam (sc. remp.) nos, si licchit, to ' : cp. Fam. xv. 12, 2 (217), and note

more nostra tiicbimur, quamqiiam admodum to ix. 2, 5 (461).

sttiincs iam defetirjati. ad exstinguendas reliquias'] ' to quench-

dedere] Orelli and Klotz read dede- ing the last embers of this war.'

rinil. Dr. Eeid says (ap. Orat. 157, ed celeritati practurac'] ' the speed) attain-

fSaiidys) : ' There is hardly a sound ex- ment of the praetorship ' : cp. ^ 3. "We

ample of -ere in the perfect in any really do not know an exact parallel for this

good MS of Cicero (Neueii. 390), and sinii- construction; but as it is allowable to

larly in the case of Caesar.' Keue (p. 295, say morari certamen, and hence mora

ed. 1) mentions four passages in Cicero certaminis, Liv. ix. 43, 10 ; so celeritas

where all the good mss give -ere, viz., praeturae maybe permitted as accelerare

this passage ; Leg. Agr. i. 12, suscepere, consiilatum is good Latin, Tac. Ann. iii.

Piso 96 fnere (one ms has fuerinl) ; 75, 2.

DCCCLXXX. {FAM. X. 25).

189

laudem consecutus sis : mihi crede, proximam Planco, idque ipsius
Planci testimonio, praeterea fama scientiaque omnium. 2. Quam
ob rem si quid operis tibi etiam nunc restat, id maximo opere
censeo persequendum. Quid enim honestius aut quid houesto
anteponendum ? Sin autem satis factum rei publieae putas, cele-
riter ad comitia, quoniam mature futura sunt, venieudum censeo :
dura modo ne [quid] haec ambitiosa festinatio aliquid imminuat
eius gloriae, quam consecuti sumus. Multi clarissimi viri, cum rei
publieae darent operam, annum petitionis suae non obierunt.
Quod eo facilius nobis est, quod non est annus hie tibi destinatus,
ut, si aedilis fuisses, post biennium tuus annus esset. Nunc nihil
praetermittere videbere usitati et quasi legitimi temporis ad peten-
dum. Video autem Planco consule, etsi etiam sine eo rationes
expeditas haberes, tamen splendidiorem petitionem tuam, si modo
ista ex sententia confecta essent. 3. Omnino plura me scribere,
cum tuum tantum consilium iudiciumque sit, non ita necesse arbi-
trabar, sed tamen sententiam raeam tibi ignotam esse nolebam :
cuius est haec summa, ut omnia te metiri dignitate malim quam
ambition e maioremque fructum ponere in perpetuitate laudis quam
in celeritate praeturae. Haec eadem locutus sum domi meae,
adhibito Quinto fratre meo et Caecina et Calvisio, studiosissimis

rianco'] This shows that the present
letter was probably written about the
same time as 879, and that the praise
which Cicero bestows on both Plancus and
Fiirnius was for the success of their
negotiations with LepiJus, in which
Furnius played an important part (848, 3).

2. mature] ' soon.'

ambitiosa^ ' interested.'

consecuti sHintts'] Cicero implies that he
takes such an interest in Furnius tliat
he too has a share in whatever honour
Furnius gains : cp. nobis immediately
below. We have bracketed quid as it is
not found in H Pal, and spoUs the sen-
tence.

non obierunf] ' have not put in an
appearance in the regular year for their
canvass,' lit. ' have not gone to meet ' :
cp. Lael. 7, Att. xiii. 14, 1 (627), and the
English phrase, ' to meet an engage-
ment.'

Quod . . . essei] Furnius appears to
have stood unsuccessfully for the aedile-
ship of 711 (43). Cicero, in urging him
to relinquish the canvass for the praetor-

ship of 712 (42), says that, if he had been
successful in obtaining the aedileship, he
could not have competed for the praetor-
ship for two years, and accordingly 712
(4 2) would not have been 'his year.'
Two years must elapse between aedileship
and praetorship ; thus Cicero was curule
aedile in 685 (69), praetor in 688 (66) ;
and Clodius was curule aedile in 698
(56), praetor in 701 (53) : cp. Mommsen
St. R-. i. 509-10.

rationes expeditas haberes'] ' 3'ou had
your plans arranged quite independent of
him.'

3. dignitate. . . quam ambitione] 'love
of honour rather than considerations of
mere advancement.'

perpetuitate laudis] ' lasting reward of
glory.'

Ciiecina] Orelli considers it uncertain
whether this Caecina was Cicero's corre-
spondent (cp. vol. iv. p. xxiii), or his son,
who is mentioned as a friend of Octavian's
in 797, 2.

Cahnsio] If, as Billerbeck and Orelli
suppose, this was the Calvisius who had

190 DCCCLXXXL {FAM. X. 16).

till, cum Dardainis, libertiis tuus, intercsseh Omnibus probari
videbatur oratio nica, sed tu optime iudicabis.

DCCCLXXXT. CICERO TO PTANCUS (Fam. x. le).
uomk; may 27 (about) ; a. u. c. 711 ; h. c. 43 ; aet. oic. 63.

M. Cicero gratissimas senatui f iiisso L. Planci littoras factnmque senatiis consultum
ill suani scntcntiam significat, et lit, ubi facto opus sit, sibi ipse statim consulat neve
scnatus consilium exspcctet auctor est.

CICERO PLANCO.

1. Nihil post liomiuum memoriam gloriosius, nihil gratius, ne
tempore quidem ipso opportunius accidere vidi quara tuas, Plance,
litteras. Redditae sunt euim frequenti senatu Oornuto, cum is
frigidas sane et inconstantes recitasset litteras Lepidi. Sub eas
statim recitatae sunt tuae non sine magnis quidem clamoribus.
Cum rebus enim ipsis essent et studiis beneficiisque in rem publicam
gratissimae, tum erant gravissimis verbis ac sententiis. Flagitare
senatus institit Cornutum, ut referret statim de tuis litteris. lUe
se considerare velle. Cum ei magnum convicium fieret cuncto a
senatu, quinque tribuni plebi rettulerunt. Servilius rogatus rem

been sent by Antony to supersede and, when the whole debate on the letters

Cornificius in Africa, but had failed to of Plancus had ended, he wrote 881.

effect his purpose, it would be a proof Possibly 879 was never despatched, or

that political differences, even in this 879 and 881 were duplicates: cp. introd.

crisis, did not necessarily cause a breach note to 889.

of friendly intercourse: cp. 907, 3, Cormito] As praetor urbanus Comutus

Calvisius, homo magni iudicii tuique presided in the Senate, both the consuls

amantissimus. But he was most pro- being dead: cp. 838, 3.

bably another man altogether. frigidas snne et inconstantes] ' lifeless

and shifty.' Probably J^epidus professed

1. tuas litteras] This letter to the in a cold manner that he would serve the

senate probably related the same events State, but nt the same time urged that

as 848 and 860. The latter epistle was peace should be made. His letters lacked

wiittenabout May 13. AlloAving the dis- the warm professions of devotion which

tance to be 650 miles from Ctilaro to Plancus expressed.

Rome, the letters would take nbout 13 or gravissimis verbis ac sententiis] 'in

14 days on their journey. Accordingly their weighty language and sentiments ' :

they reached Eome about May 26, and cp. 838, 1 ; 879, 1.

were at once brought before the senate. quinque tribuni] For examples of

Immediately after the first meeting of motions made in the Senate by tribunes

the senate Cicero probably wrote 879 ; during the last century of the Kepublic,

DCCCLXXXII. {FAM. XII. 15, §§ 1-6).

191

distulit : ego earn sententiam dixi, cui sunt adsensi ad unum. Ea
quae fuerit ex senatus consulto cognosces. 2. To, quamquam:
consilio non eges vel abundas potius, tamen hoc animo esse debeSy
ut nihil hue reiicias neve in rebus tam subitis tamque angustis a
senatu consilium petendum putes, ipse tibi sis senatus, quocumque-
te ratio rei publicae ducet, sequare, cures ut ante factum aliquod
a te egregium audiamus quam futurum putarimus. lUud tibi
promitto, quidquid erit a te factum, id senatum non raodo ut
fideliter, sed etiam ut sapienter factum comprobaturum.

DCCCLXXXII. L. LENTULUS TO THE SENATE AND
MAGISTRATES (Fam. xii. 15, §§ 1-6).

PEHGA ; MAY 29 ; A. U. C. 711 ] B. 0. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

P. T;entiilns res a se gestas publice memorat, in Rhodios iavehitur, de Dolabella
grata nairat.

P. LENTULUS P. F. PUOQ. PROPR. S. D. COSS. PR. TR. PL.
SENATUI POPULO PLEBIQUE R.

1. S. V. L. Y. Y. B. E. V. Scelere Dolabellae oppressa Asia in
proximam proviuciam Macedoniam praesidiaque rei publicae, quae

see the list in "Willems Le Senat ii. 141,
note 3. He quotes Phil. iii. 13, Quam-
obrem, tribuni pi., quamquam vos nihil
aliiid nisi de praesidio, nf senatum luto
coiisules Kal. Ian. habere possent, rettulis-
tis : cp. Phil. vii. 1. For the genitive
plebi, cp. Neue i^. 380.

rem distulit] ' proposed to adjourn the
matter.'

ad unum'] Wesenberg has inserted omnes.
He says ad unum is always found with
omnes in prose. Lehniann (p. 82) quotes
Q. Fr. iii. 2, 2 (150) eonsurrexit senatus
cum clamore ad unum sic ut ad corpus eius
acccderct. In verse it is not unusual :
cp.EibbeckFrag.Trag., p. 273, dehiionem
nosiri ad unum exercilus and Verg. Aen.
V. 687 lupiter omnipotens, si nondum
exosus ad unum Troianos.

2. in rebus . . . angustis] 'in such a
sudden and pressing crisis.'

hue] ' to Rome.'

putes, ipse] Continue the force of ut
with ipse.

For an account of Lentulus see Intro-
duction. "We have dated this letter
May 29, as it was written on the same
day as 883, though earlier in the day.
The postscript } 7 (891) was added a few
days later on June 2. There is a detailed
and valuable treatise, ' Ueber die Sprache
der Briefe des P. Cornelius Lentulus
Spinther,' by Dr. Albrecht Kohler of
Niirnberg (1890), of which we have made
considerable use.

PRoa. PKOPR.] Proquaestor was the
title (1) of the quaestor of the previous
year who retained his position between
the expiration of his own term of office
and the arrival of the new quaestor ; (2),
of the legate who performed the functions
of quaestor in case the latter had become
disabled or died, or for any other reason
was prevented from performing the duties
of quaestor. In virtue of (1) Lentulus was
Proqtiaestor. Again, if the governor left
his province he usually delegated his
powers to the quaestor, who was called

192

DCCCLXXXII. [FAM. XI 1. 15, §§ 1-6),

M. Brutus V. C. teuobat, me contuli ot id egi, ut, per quos eoler-
rimo possent, Asia provincia vectigaliaque in vestram potest atem
redigerentur. Quod cum pertimuisset Dolabella vastata provincia,
correptis vcctigalibus, praecipue civibus Komanis omnibus erude-
lissimo denudatis ac divenditis, celeriusque Asia excessisset, quam
eo praesidium adduci potuisset, diutius morari aut exspectare
praesidium nou necesse liabui et quam primum ad meum officium
reverteudum mihi esse existimavi, ut etreliqua vectigalia exigerem
et quam deposui pecuniam colligerem, quidque ex ea correptum
esset aut quorum id culpa accidisset cognoscerem quam primum et
vos de omni re facerem certiores. 2. Interim cum per insulas in
Asiam naviganti mihi nuutiatum esset classem Dolabellae in
Lyeia esse Rbodiosque naves compbires instructas et paratas in
aqua habere, cum iis navibus, quas aut mecum adduxeram aut
comparaverat Patiscus proq., homo mihi cum familiaritate tum
etiam seusibus in re publica coniuuctissimus, Rhodum deverti,
confisus auctoritate vestra senatusque cousulto, quo hostem
Dolabellam iudicaratis, foedere quoque, quod cum iis M. Marcello
Ser. Sulpicio coss. renovatum erat : quo iuraveraut Rhodii eosdem

quaestor pro praeiore : cp. Fam. ii. 15, 4
(273) ; or to a legate who was called legaUis
pro praetore. If the governor died, his
powers devolved on the quaustor. In the
present case the powers of the murdered
Trebonius devolved on Lentulus.

1. s. V. L. v. V. B. E. v.] = si valetis
Uberiqtie vestri valent bene est, valeo or
si vos liherique vestri raletis bene est, valeo :
cp. 885, 1. The omission of a. (= que)
after l is strange : hence Lambinus
added it.

Scelere"] The conduct of Dolabella who
entered by force a province lield by another
governoi- was a sceliis ; but mucli more so
was his treacherous murder of D^hella.

v. c] = vir clarissiinus.

in vestram potestatem redigerentur']
' should be got into your hands.'

denudatis ac divenditis] 'beggared and
dispersed by sale.' We do not know any
other passage in which divendere is used of
persons. Lambinus reads divexatis : for
the collocation of these two words cp.
Paeuvius (200 Ribb.) Neu reliquias quaeso
mias sireis denudatis ossibus Per terram
sanie delibutas foede divexdrier.

officium] ' post ' § 6.

2. in aqua habere] Kohler (p. 41)

thinks that this is a technical expression ;
but he quotes no closer parallel than Verr.
iii. 192, Co(/e ut ad aquam tihi . . . fru-
mentum Mennenses admeiiantur.

Patiscus proq.] Patiscus is mentioned
before as having sent panthers to Caelius :
cp. Fam. viii. 9, 3 (211); cp. ii. 11, 2
(255). Along with Lentulus he joined
the conspirators on the evening of the Ides
of March when they retired to the Capitol
(App. ii. 119). Lentulus, having to act as
propraetor after the murder of Trebonius,
appointed Patiscus as his assistant pro-
quaestor.

seusibus in re puhlica'] 'j)olitical sym-
pathj".' For sensus (plural) = 'sympathy':
cp. Reid on SuU. 64. For in with abla-
tive in this connexi(m see Fam. i. 8, 2
(119), difficile sensum in rep. deponere.
Cicero also uses de : cp. Att. xv. 7 (739).

deverti] So Wesenberg (E. A. 40) for
reverti of the mss. Lentulus was return-
ing from Macedonia to Asia, and not to
Rhodes.

hostem Dolabellam] This decree was
passed about the middle of March : cp.
Phil. xi.

M. Marcello Ser. Sulpicio coss.] i.e.
793 (51).

DCCCLXXXIL {FAM. XII. 15, §§ 1-6).

193

hostes se habituros, quos S. P. Q. E-. Quae res nos vehementer
fefellit. Tantuni enim afuit, ut illorum praesidio nostram firma-
remus classem, ut etiam a Rhodiis urbe, portu, statioue, quae
extra urbem est, commeatu, aqua denique proliibereutur nostri
milites, nos vix ipsi singulis cum navigiolis reciperemur. fQuam
indiguitatem deminutionemque maiestatis non solum iuris nostri,
sed etiam imperii populique Romani idcirco tulimus, quod inter-
ceptis .litteris cognoramus Dolabellam, si desperasset de Sj-ria
Aegyptoque, quod uecesse erat fieri, in naves cum omnibus suis
latronibus atque omni pecunia conscendere esse paratum Italiam-
que petere, idcirco etiam naves onerarias, quarum minor nulla
erat duum milium ampkorum, contractas in Lycia a classe eius
obsideri. 3. Huius rei timore, patres conscript!, percitus iniurias
perpeti et cum contumelia etiam nostra omnia prius experiri
malui. Itaque ad illorum voluntatem introductus in urbem et in
senatum eorum quam diligentissime potui causam rei publicae egi
periculumque omne, quod instaret, si ille latro cum suis omnibus
naves conscendisset, exposui. Rhodios autem tanta in pravitate
animadvert!, ut omnes firmiores putarent quam bonos, ut haup
concordiam et conspirationem omnium ordinum ad defendendam

sfatione'] 'roadstead.'

indignitatem . . . maiestatis^ "We think
that possibly senalus (written s.) or vestri
may have dropped out after imperii, ' in-
sult and slight to the majesty, not only of
my position, but also of the authority of the
senate and lloman people.' If this seems
too bold, we may, perliaps, with Ernesti,
suppose that the order of words has become
confused, and read deminutionemque non
solum iuris nostri, sed etiam maiestatis
imperiique populi Romani ; or else with
Orelli omit que after populi.

duum milium ampkorum] For the
construction, cp. Caes. B. G. i. 38, 5.
Spatium quod est non amplius pedum
sexcentorum. An amphora held about 5-7
gallons : a vessel of 2000 amphorae would
be equal to one of about 60 tons. In Liv.
xxi. 63, 3, we also find the tonnage of a
ship expressed in terms of amphorae.
The genitive is contracted, as is usual in
describing the tonnage of a ship, though
sometimes the uncontracted form is us^ed
(e.g. I)ig. 14, 2, 10, 2). The uncontracted
form is always found when tlie word is
used of a fluid measure, according to

TOL. YI.

Kcihler, pp. 15, 16.

contractas'] ' collected together in
Lycia.' Dolabella appears to have taken
them by force from the merchants : cp.
§5.

obsideri] ' were being watched.'

3. percitus] a word often used in the
Comedies (Plant. Amph. ii. 2, 95 ; Cas.
iii. 5, 8) ; also in Liv. vi. 38, 8, quoted
by Kohler, p. 38. Dr. Eeid and Mr.
Clark refuse to read it in Cic. Mil. 63.
Dr. Reid says (critical note on that
passage) "the word occurs in the old
drama and in Sail. Liv., but not in
Cicero, Caesar, Nepos, Vergil, Horace,
and many other writers. There is an
example in Bell. Afr. 46, ira percitus :
cp. Lucr. 3, 303, irae fax subdita jjercit.^'

omnia p)ritis experiri] ' to make every
effort to prevent this.'

ad illorum voluntatem] ' in accordance
with their wish.'

naves conscendisset] cp. note to 883, 1.

tanta in pravitate] ' wei'e so utterly
perverse.' The in is curious ; Lambinus
omits it. Perhaps we should read tanta
improbitate, yet cp. 883, 3.

194

DCCCLXXXII. [FAM. XII. 15, §§ 1-6),

libertat cm prepense nou credereut esse factara,\itpatientiam senatus
et optimi cuiusque manere etinm nunc confiderent nee potuisse
audere quomquam Dolabellam liostora iudicare, ut denique omnia,
quae improbi fingebant, magis vera existimarent quam quae vere
facta erant et a nobis docebantur. 4. Qua mente etiam ante
nostrum adventum post Trebonii indignissimam caedem ccteraque
tot tamque nefaria facinora binae profectae erant ad Dolabellam
legationes eorum, et quidem novo exemplo, contra leges ipsorum,.
prohibentibus iis, qui turn magistratus gerebant. Haec sive timore^

propense'] 'spoiifancouslj',' ' willingly':
cp. Liv. xxxviii. 62, 6.

patientiavi] ' apathy.'

quae . . . docebantitr'] cp. Caesar B. G.
V. 42, 2, haec a nobis cognoveranl et, qitos
habebant cnptiron, ab iis docebantur.

4. bi)iae'] For biiiae, instead of dxae,
Kbliler compares Ciicsar E. G. i. 53, 5,
triuis catenis viitctus : cp. note to 890, 3.

contra leges ipsorum'] These cnihassies
were sent by the Ehodian senate {0ovX-fi),
who, with the people, appear to have
adopted the cause of Dolabella; the senate,
perhaps, not very willingly, but being
overborne by some violent democrats
among their number. One or two of these
violent anti-Eomans appear to have
succeeded in being elected among the
prytanes: cp. 888, 3, et nunc nut magis-
tratum gerunt. But foreign affairs strictly
belonged to the discretion of the prytanes,
who were the chief magistrates of the
state, and not to the senate ; so that the
latter had no right to take any measures
in that department at all, least of all
measures which ran counter to the wishes
of the prvtanes : cp. Mendelssohn Jahrb.
1891, p." 347, note; Gilbert, ii. 178.
These prytanes held office for six months.
As the ilhodian year began in October,
the piytanes in office in June, when this
letter was written, were a different body
from those Avho were in office in February,
when the embassies were sent to Dola-
bella. Both sets of prytanes appear to
have ostensibly taken the part of the
Eonian government against D(dabella,
while the senate and people of theEhodians
took the opposite side : but the prytanes
who were now in office were suspected of
favouring the popular side and of being
disloyal to the Eonians ; the loyalty of
the late pi-ytanes was unquestioned.

Haec sive timore'] "We have added
<proiocaii>, after parte, as suggested by

Wesenberg. The passage will have a
slight anacoluthon, haec being left un-
governed ; hut the length and rush of th&
sentence will excuse that. If such an
anacoluthon is thought impossililo, even in
Lentulus, we can alter to /lic with Orclli,
or /lac (sc. mente) with Lehniann. "We
may translate the whole passage : ' These
things, whether from fear, as they say, for
their lands on the continent, or through
miadness, or through the tolerance of some
few politicians, M'hoboth in time past had
treated Avith like insult the most illus-
trious men, and now do the same to those
who hold the highest magistracies, with-
out any precedent or provocation coming
from our side — these things, I say, they
have refused to help in averting (lit. 'in
healing '), though thev easily could have
done so : I mean the danger to which we
are exposed and which would have threat-
ened Italy and our city, if that traitor, with
his band of ruffians, when expelled from
Asia and Syria, had sailed for Italy.' But
the passage still awaits final emendation.
Lehmann (pp. 117-120) reads Qua mente
etiam . . . prohibentibus iis qui turn
magistratus gerebant, hac (sc. mente)
sive timore . . . sive furore, sive pati-
entia paucoruni, qui et antea pari con-
tumelia vivos clarissimos adfecerant et
nunc maximos magistratus gerentes (accu-
sative, not nominative) millo exempli
neqne 7iostra ex parte <neque ipsortim in
sua potestate habent> neque nostra
praeseniium neque, &c. For the addition
of those or similar words, he argues
(1) there must be something to correspond
to nostra ex parte; (2) in this § Lentulus
says, prohibentibus iis qui turn magistratus
gerehanf, while in 883, 3, eos qui sunt in
magistratu in sua habent potestate:
cp. § 5 of this letter, ipsi magistratus
veniebnnt in iuspicionem dctinuisse nos, &c.
Though this view is far from final, we

DCCCLXXXII. [FAM. XII. 15, §§ 1-6).

195

ut dictitant, de agris, quos in continenti liabent, sive furore sive
patientia paucorum, qui et antea pari contumelia viros clarissimos
adfecerant et nunc maximos magistratus gerentes nullo exemplo
neque nostra ex parte prorocafi neque nostro praesentium neque
imminenti Italiae urbique nostrae periculo, si ille parricida cum
suis latronibus navibus ex Asia Syriaque expulsus Italiam petisset,
mederi, cum facile possent, voluerunt. 5. Non nullis etiam ipsi
magistratus veniebant in suspicionem detinuisse nos et demo-
rati esse, dum classis Dolabellae certior fieret de adventu nostro.
Quam suspicionem eonsecutae res aliquot auxerunt, maxime quod
subito ex Lycia Sex. Marius et 0. Titius, legati Dolabellae, a
classe discesserunt navique longa profugerunt onerariis relictis, in
quibus colligendis non minimum temporis laborisque cousumpse-
rant. Itaque cum ab Rhodo cum iis, quas babueramus, navibus in
Lyciam venissemus, naves onerarias recepimus domiuisque resti-
tuimus, iidemque, quod maxime verebamur, ne posset Dolabella
cum suis latronibus in Italiam venire, timere desiimus ; classem
fugientem persecuti sumus usque Sidam, quae extrema regio
est provinciae meae. 6. Ibi cognovi partem navium Dola-
bellae diffugisse, reliquas Syriam Cyprumque petispe. Quibus

cannot help thinking that it is less un-
satisfactory than the restoration which
Mendelssohn approves, viz. Sic sive . . .
p 0 te ut i a paucorum . . . et nunc maxi-
mos magistratus gertmt nullo exemplo
\jieque'\ ex nostra parte neque . . . volue-
runt.

de agris quos in continenti hahent^ cp.
Straho xiv. G51, 7} rwv PoSiaiu nepaia.
The Ehodian Peraea or Cljersonese ex-
tended from the Gulf of Glaukos to
Mount Phoenix. Its principal towns were
Daedala, Kaljnida, Kaunos, Physkos, and
Phoenix. Tlie lihodians bought Kaunos
for 200 talents either from the generals of
Ptolemy Lagus in 309, or from those of
Ptolemy Philadelphus in 266 : it was
especially valuable as a naval station.
The government and institutions of the
Peraea were virtually the same as
those of Ehodes. Probably about the
same time as they purchased Kaunos they
acquired also the main portion of the
Peraea. On such contributae civitates cp.
Q. Fr. i. 1, 33 (30). For timor de cp.
Fam. xi. 2, 3 (740) ; 866, 5, and 2 Yen-.
i. 23.

patientia paucorum'] *by tolerating a

few politicians,' probably members of the
senate who were violent democrats. There
does not appear to us adequate reason to
alter to potentxa or impotcntia. If alter-
ation were required we should suggest
petulantia, ' bullying.'

viros clarissimos] cp. 883, 3.

5. detinuisse'] For the infinitive, after
in suspicionem venire, Kohler compares
(p. 31) Verr. iv. 30, Phil. i. 15, Fam. ix.
9 (409).

demorati esse] So M. The nominative
with infinitive is a Greek rather than a
Latin construction, yet is occasionally
found, e.g. 901, 1, malim . . . ipse . . .
commendatus esse : Verg. Aen. ii. 377,
sensit medios delapsus in hostes: Catull.
iv. 2, Phaselus ille quern videtis, liospites.
Ait fuisse navium celerrimus; andWilkins
on Hor. Epp. i. 7, 22 ; Roby § 1350. H
has demoratus with o written over the u.

domiuisque restituimus] This shows
that Dolabella had taken merchant vessels
by force from their owners.

Sidam] in Pamphylia : cp. Fam. iii.
6, 1 (213). For tisqiie cp. Alt. xv. 29,
2 (768).

provinciae meae] sc. Asia.

0 2

196 DCCCLXXXIIL [FAM. XII. U).

disiectis, cum scirem C. Cassii, siugularis civis et diicis, classem
maxiniam fore praesto iu Syria, ad raoum officium reverti,
daboque operam, ut nieiim studium et diligentiam vobis, patres
conscripti, reique publicae praestcm, pecuniamquo quam maxiraam
potero et quam celerrime cogam omnibusque rationibus ad vos
mittam. Si percurrero provinciam et coguovero qui nobis et rei
publicae fidem praestiteruut in conservanda pecunia a mc deposita
quique scelere ultro deferentes pecuniam publicam lioc munere
societatem facinorum cum Dolabella inierunt, faciam vos cortiores.
De quibus, si vobis videbihir, si, ut meriti sunt, graviter consti-
tueritis nosque vestra auctoritate firmaveritis, facilius et reliqua
exigere vectigalia et exacta servare poterimus. Interea quo com-
modius vectigalia tueri provinciamque ab iniuria defendere
possim, praesidium voluutarium uecessariumque comparavi.

DCCCLXXXIII. LENTULUS TO CICEEO (Fam. xii. u).

PEKGA ; MAY 29 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

P. Lentiilus exponit res a se gestas, Rhodios accusat, procurationem Asiae petit,
merita sua in rem publicam commemorat.I

LENTULUS CICERO.NI SUO S. P. D.

1. Cum Brutum nostrum convenissem eumque tardius in Asiam
venturum animadverterem, in Asiam radii, ut reliquias mei laboris

6. officium'] 'post' : cp. § 1. made themselves partners with Dolabella

studium et diligentiam] H Pal : om. et in his crimes.' The sentence would be

M, perhaps rightly, as such asyndeta are improved by reading scelcrate with

common in the letters : cp. Lehmann, Lambiiius, as the ablative can hardly be

p. 25. defended by the analogy of vitio, fraude,

omnibusque rationibus] 'and in every unless sua is added. It is not necessary

way I can. I will send it to you ' — a to sXieT: to praestiterint . . . inicrint: for

slightly inaccurate expression for ' I will the indicative, in indirect questions, is

get money every way I can and send it not unknown in old Latin : cp. Plaut.

to you.' For omnibus rationibus, 'in Most. v. 2, 50, viden ut astat furcifer,

every way,' cp. Fam. viii. 11, 1 (267). iii. 2, 145, specta quam arte dormiunt:

Kohler says that it means, ' with full even in Att. xiii. 18 (630) vidcs propin-

accounts,' and that it is a bookkeeping quitas quid habct is what M and the vetua

expression. If so, we must surely read codex of Lambinus have, though it is

omnibus cum rationibus, with some in- unlikely that Cicero used the old con-

ferior mss. struction : cp. Sclimalz, Syntax, § 214,

quique scekre . . . inierunt] 'and who who quotes these examples.

were villains enough actually to hand over praesidium] ' a guard of volunteers

the public money to him, and by this gift which was absolutely necessary.'

LCCCLXXXIII. {FAM. XII. U).

197

colligerem et pecuniam quam primum Eomam mitterem. Interim
cognovi in Lycia esse classem Dolabellae ampliusque centum naves
onerarias, in quas exercitus eius imponi posset, idque Dolabellam
ea mente eomparasse, ut, si Syriae spes eum frnstrata esset, con-
scenderet in naves et Italiam peteret seque cum Antoniis et reliquis
latronibiis coniungeret. Cuius rei tanto in timore fui, ut omnibus
rebus relictis cnm paucioribus et minoribus navibus ad illas ire cona-
tus sim. 2, Quae res, si aRhodiisnonessemiuterpellatus, fortasse
tota sublata esset : tamen magna ex parte profligata est, quoniam
quidem classis dissipata est adventus nostri timore, milites ducesque
ejffugerunt, onerariae omnes ad unam a nobis sunt exceptae. Certe,
quod maxime timui, videor esse consecutus, ut non possit Dolabella
in Italiam pervenire nee suis sociis firmatis durius vobis efficere
negotium. 3. Rhodii nos et rem publicam quam valde despera-
verint ex litteris, quas publico misi, cognosces. Et quidem multo
parcius scripsi, quam re vera furere eos inveni : quod vero ali-
quid de iis scripsi, mirari noli : mira est eorum amentia. Nee
nwvenint me meae uUae privatim iniuriae umquam : mains animus

This is a private letter to Cicero, but of
niucli the same tenor as 882.

1. ui . . . colligereni] ' to finish what
remained of my tax-collecting business.'
For reliqtiias, cp. Fam. xiii. 66, 2 (506),
oro ut eum in rcliquiis veteris negotiation)s
colligendis iuves.

in quas . . .posset^ ' for his army to he
embarked in.'

idquel The neuter though referring to
classis and navis, cp. Drager i. § 112 and
Caes. B. G. i. 44, 5.

spes eumfrustrata esset] cp. Ter. Andr.
ii. 3, 37 ; Adelph. iv. 4, 13 ; Sail. Jug.
101, 3. .It is a stronger expression than
spes me fallit and, perhaps, a little less
polished. It is not found in the orations
of Cicero, nor in Caesar nor Nepos.
Frusiror can be used both as a deponent
and passive verb : cp. Kohler, p. 39.

conscenderet in naves'] cp. 882, 2, but
naves eonscendisset 882, 3. Kohler (p. 25)
says that if naves precedes conscendere
immediately, or is separated only by a
kindred word, the preposition is usually
omitted : otherwise the preposition is
used.

latronibus] ' nbels.'

2. inferpellatus] 'obstructed,' 'hin-
dered' : cp. 854, 1.

nee . . . efficere negotiuiii] ' nor by
strengthening his allies cause you a more
serious trouble.' For diirius, cp. 861,2,
ut si durius aliquid esset succurrere celeriter
possem,

3. Rhodii . . . cognosces] ' From the
official letter I am sending, you will
understand in what a marked way the
Rhodians have shown that they consider
that we and the state have no chance.'

Et quidem . . . amentia] The words
from quam re vera . . . scripsi are not
found in M ; but as they appear in H Pal,
make excellent sense, and might easily
have fallen ovit, exhomoeoteleuto, they have
been unhesitatingly adopted by recent
edd.

vioveruiit] "Wesenberg adds this word
from an old correction : it appears in the
margin of JNI by a second hand. Possibl}',
however, the corruption lies in uiiquam ;
and we should omit me and read tarn (sc.
ferendae mihi non sunt), quam mains
animus : cp. for this use of iam quam
Plaut. Mil. iv. 7, 26 ; ta?n quam hoc
nterer = tarn [illo oculo utercr) quam hoc
titerer.

iillae privatim iniuriae] For adverbs
used adjectively, cp. Eoby § 1020, 6 ;
Diagcr, § 79.

198 DCCCLXXXIIL (FAM. XII. U).

eortim iu nostra salute, ciipiditas partium aliarum, perseverantia in
coutcmptioue optimi cuiusque fereuda mihi nou fiiit. Neo tamen
omnes perditos esse puto, sed iidem illi, qui turn fugientem patrem
meum, qui L. Lentulum, qui Pompeium, qui ceteros viros clar-
issimos non recepenmt, iidem tamquam aliquo fato et uuuc aut
magistratum gerunt aut eos, qui sunt iu magistratu, iu sua liabent
potestate. Itaque eadeni superbia in pravitate utuutur. Quorum
iniprobitatem aliquando retnndi et non pati impunitate augeri non
solum utile est reipublicae 11 ostrae, sed etiam necessarium. 4. De
nostra dignitate velim tibi ut semper curae sit et, quocumque
tempore occasiouem habueris, et in senatu et ceteris rebus laudi
nostrae suffragere. Quoniam consulibus decreta est Asia et
permissum est iis, ut, dum ipsi veuirent, darent negotium, qui
Asiam obtineant, rogo te, petas ab iis, ut banc dignitatem pot-
issimum nobis tribuant et mihi dent negotium, ut Asiam obtin-
eam, dum ipsorum alter uter venit. Nam quod hoc properent
in magistratu venire aut exercitum mittere causam non habent.
Dolabella enim in Sj-ria est, et, ut tu divina tua mente prospexisti
et praedicasti, dum isti veniunt, Cassius eum opprimet. Exclusus
enim ab Antiochea Dolabella et in oppuguando male acceptus,
nulla alia coufisus urbe Laodieeam, quae est in Sj-ria ad mare, se
contulit. Ibi spero celeriter eum poenas daturum : nam neque quo
refugiat habet neque diutius ibi poterit tantum exercitum Cassii

in nostra salute'] 'in a case where our cp. § \,co>iafiis siiii ; § 5, siaredatiir: S82, 6

lives were at stake.' Ernesti and Wesen- possim, passages which show that L€>|»dtls^Af-t(

berg wish to read in nostram sahitem, affected this vivid usage. Kohler compares

which is no doubt the usual construction, Plant. Pseud, iii. 2, 6, Orcus recipere ad

810, 1 . 826, 1 ; Fam. i. 9, 10 (153) ; se htoic nohtit ut esset hie qui mortuis

Plane. 3. cenam coquat.

fugientem'] sc. from Pharsalia. venit] So the Mss M-hich Kohler

in pravitate] ' in the badness of their defends (p. 31), as venit here can be

nature': cp. 882, 3. regarded as outside the subjunctive portion

retundi] ' repressed ' : cp. Fam. viii. of the sentence, which is not the case with

6, 1 (242) ; 807, 3 ; also eotitundere auda- venirent above.
ciam, Phil. xiii. 29. hoc] = hue, cp. Neue. ii^. 613. Tbeform

4. velim . , . ut] It would be equally is found in CaeKus ap. Fam. viii. 6, 4 <

allowable to omit ut : cp. § 5. 'Ihe (242), Plancus (861, 5, 6), D. Brutus

omission is the more usual. (854, 3), and Balbus ap. Att. viii. 15 A 1

laudi nostrae suffragere] ' further my (346), but not in Cicero,
distinction by youi- support.' male acceptus] ' having been roughly

nt . . . obtinea/it] 'to appoint some handled': cp. 869, 2, pessinie acceptae

officers to hold Asia until they come {copiolae).

themselves.' Cobet reads obtincat need- Kohler notices (p. 39) that Lentulus

lessly; Lentulus is speaking generally. uses the more dignified expression cum

For the consecution of tenses, a present magna sua detrimento in his despatch to j

being used where one would expect a past, the senate (§ 7).

DCCCLXXXllI. {FAM. XIL U).

199

sustinere. Spero etiam confectum esse iam et oppressum Dola-
bellam. 5. Uua re non puto Pansam et Hirtium in consulatu
properatiiros in provincias exire, sed E,omae acturos cousulatum.
Itaque, si ab iis petieris, ut interea nobis procurationem Asiae dent,
spero te posse impetrare. Praeterea mihi promiserunt Pansa et
Hirtius coram et absenti mihi scripseruut Yerrioque uostro Pansa
adfirmavit se daturum operam, ne in suo consulatu mihi succe-
datur. Ego porro non me dius fidius cupiditate provinciae produci
longius spatium mihi volo : nam mihi f uit ista provincia plena
laboris, periculi, detrimenti : quae ego no frustra subierim nive
prius, quam reliquias meae diligentiae consequar, decedere cogar,
valde laboro. Nam si potuissem quam exegeram pecuniam uni-
versam mittere, postularem, ut mihi succederetur : nunc, quod
Oassio dedi, quod Trebouii morte amisimus, quod etiam crudelitate
Dolabellae aut perfidia eorum, qui fidem mihi reique publicae non
praestiterunt, id consequi_ et reficere volo : quod alitor non potest
fieri, nisi spatium habuero. Id ut per te consequar, velim, ut solet,
tibi curae sit. 6. Ego me de re publica puto esse meritum, ut
non provinciae istius beneficium exspectare debeam, sed tantum,
quantum Cassius et Bruti, non solum illius facti periculique
societate, sed etiam huius temporis studio et virtute. Primus ouim
ego leges Antonias fregi, primus equitatum Dolabellae ad rem

DolabellaDi] Lamb, brackets Lolabellam,
but Kohler (p. 13) thinks it should be
retained as Lentuhis is given to harping
on the same word, esjjecially when he
wishes to make that word, as he does here,
the dominant word in the sentence.

6 . spero te posse impetrare'] ' I hope
that you have the power to gain your
request,' not ' that you u-ill be able.'

Verrioque'] Possibly the Verrius men-
tioned in Fam. ix. 20, 2 (475) as a man,
qua munditiu ! qua elegantia: cp. ix. 26,
1 (479).

nive] So M. For this form, instead
of neve, cp. Neue ii^. 969.

quam . . . consequar] ' before I finish
what remains of my revenue work.'

id consequi et reficere] ' to obtain and
get in.' For this sense of reficere cp.
Parad. 45.

nisi] Ernesti and Kohler (p. 36) read
nisi <si>. No doubt nisi is rare after
aliier, but it is found in Sallust, Hist. i.

41, 17, non aliter salvi eritis nisi . . . pro-
degerint ; cp. also \ 24 of that chapter,
and Liv. xxxii. 38, 3, quoted by Schmalz,
Antib. i. 539.

6. Ecjo . . . virtute] ' I think that I have
deserved sufficiently well of the republic
to justify my expecting not merely the
grant of ,this province as a favour, but
the grant of as much as Cassius and the
two Bruti have obtained [i.e. provinces,
armies, and honours], as well on account
of my share in that dangerous deed of
daring as of the spirit and valour which 1
have shown at this time.' For the part
Lentulus took on the occasion of Caesar's
assassination cp. Introd. After Cassius
et Bruti we must understand something
like adepti sunt taken out of exspectare.

Primus . . . fregi] We do not know
to what Lentulus is alluding ; perhaps
he treated as null several of the immunities
Avhich Antony sold to states and indivi-
duals in Asia : cp. Dio. Cass. xliv. 53, 3.

200 DCCCLXXXIIT. iFJ.V. XH. 14).

pnblicam traduxi Cassioque tradidi, primus dilectus habui pro
salute omnium contra coniiirationem sceleratissimam, solus Cassio
et rei publicae Sjriam exercitusque, qui ibi erant. eoniunxi. Nam
nisi ego tantam pecuniam tantaque praesidia et tarn celeriter
Cassio dedissem, ne ausus quidem esset ire in Svriam et mmc non
minora pericula rei publicae a Dolabella instarent quam ab Antonio.
7. Atque haec omnia is feci, qui sodalis et familiarissimxis Dola-
bellae eram, conixmctissimus sanguine Antoniis, provineiam quoque
illorum beneficio habebam sed —a-pic' i/iijr moXXov ijn\C}V omnibus
meis bellum primus indixi. Haec etsi adhnc non magno opere
mihi tulisse fructum animadverto. tamen non despero nee defeti-
gabor permanere non solum in studio libertatis. sed etiam in labore
et periculis. At tamen, si etiam aliqua gloria iusta et merita
proTOcabimur senatus et optimi cuiusque ofiBeiis, maiore cum
auctoritate apud ceteros erimus et eo plus prodesse rei publicae
poterimus. 8. Filinm tuum, ad Brutum cum Teni, yidere non
potui, ideo quod iam in hibema cum equitibus erat profectus, sed
me dius fidius ea esse eum opinione et tua et ipsius et in primis
mea causa gaudeo. Fratris enini loco mihi est, qui ex te natus
teque dignus est. Yale. D. iv. Kal. lun., Pergae.

"We fancy, from tlie eonpantiTe alcMe that as it may [L e. thongb I will wotk

of liistonans as regards Lentnlns, that he loyally for the state, even though I get

esdmated his serrices rather too higUy. no reward], if we are stiniTLiated by some

7. is fed . . . qta ermm . . . isidam'] juSt and well deserred distinction kindly

For this rare use of the indicatiTe in a granted hy the senate and people, we

conceasarr^ relative sentence cp. Fam. vii. shall have greater influence with the

26, 2, Ef^ fM aw M<rm et mmrmfmia/mtik rest.' Wesenh^g alters to ^e t^mem.

mi$timtiMm,miametmm»ahmieetptmtmm. 8. kiienU] The meting of Bnitas and

iUtrmmi] The three Antonii, Harcos. Leaatnhis todc place apparently ahoat the

Gains, Lncius. middle or latter end erf March. Young

rmrpiS' iui/w fiaX\»w ^tXiiw] The Cicero probably went to the winter

ftiQ line is given in Plutarch, Praecept. quarters in orider to join the forces

rei p. gerend. c. l*,.p. S09d, ^iXA tckf* assranbled there for the summer campaign:

kKXa TBT^' ewh' ^«AX«r ^<XA: cp. cp. Att. ii. 19, 1 {SlTj. Streng (p. 5-3)

Lycurg. Leociat. § 101, tmrn whiih thinks the winter quarters w&e in

passage Xanck, p. 918, inf»s that the Ambraeia.

qnotatiai c«mes from the £reektiau of em earn «<fai •^utMiw] 'that he has

Eurqades. acquired so *»igl' a repotatian as this,*

periaJii} 'to remain vijctoheplacedineammandof a ditiskn

not only earnest iac frek.dom hat facing of hoise. For fimM ts^ Caes. B. G. tL 24,

toil anddango- in its defoice.* 3, tttmummmfw haHa imtitimif et ielRemt

At t*miem] The K^ give JLt tmmem^ Immdis •pimi»mem.
which gives a sati^aetory soise, 'bat, be ir. Kkl. Itm. JWy«*] cp. 891, note-

BCCCLXXXir. {FA2I. X. 20). 201

DCCCLXXXiy. CICEEO TO PLANCUS (Fam. x. 20).

ROME ; MAY 29 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero L. Planciun inteirogat, utrum Lepidus rem publieam sequatur an M.
Antonium, hoitaturque, ut bellum conficiat.

CICERO PLANCO.

1. Ita eraut omnia, quae istim adferebantur, incerta ut quid
ad te scriberem non occurreret. Modo enim quae vellemus de
Lepido, modo contra nuntiabantur : de te tameu fama coustans,
nee decipi posse nee vinci : quorum alterius fortuna partem babet
quamdam, alterum proprium est prudentiae tuae. 2. Sed aecepi
litteras a eollega tuo, datas Idibus Maiis, in quibus erat te ad se
scripsisse a Lepido non recipi Antonium : quod erit certius, si tu
ad nos idem scripseris, sed minus audes fortasse propter inaneni
laetitiam litterarum superiorum. Verum, ut errare, mi Plance,
potuisti — quis enim id effugerit ? — , sic decipi te non potuisse quis
non videt ? Nunc vero etiam [iam] erroris causa sublata est.
Culpa enim ilia, ' bis ad eumdem ' vulgari reprebensa proverbio
est. Sin, ut scripsisti ad collegam, ita se res babet, omni cura
liberati sumus, nee tamen erimus prius quam ita esse tu nos
feceris certiores. 3. Mea quidem, ut ad te saepius scripsi, baec
senteutia est : qui reliquias buius belli oppresserit, eum totius belli
confectorem fore, quern te et opto esse et confido futurum. Studia

1. Modo . . . nuntinbanlur'] On the opinion that Lepidus will join with
very day on which Cicero wrote this him, and prove loyal; while in 861
letter, Lepidus deserted the Eepublie and (written May 14) he notices that he was
joined Antony. mistaken.

de ie'] Baiter thinks that de should ' bis ad eumdem^'] %q.. offender elapidem

prohahly be omitted before te, or te added turpe est. The proverb is a Greek one

before decipi. Gitlbauer (p. 97) supposes Sis irpbs r'bv ahrhv alaxP^v elffKpoveiy

that nuntiabantur de is a mistake for xidov (Koch, Frag, adespot. 391). Otto

denuntiabantur. But the anticipatory de (p. 186) quotes Ovid. Trist. ii. 16, Saxa

is quite allowable: cp. 883, 4. malum refero rursus ad ictapedem; Auso-

aheriits'] so. nee vinci posse : alterum, nius Epist. 11, tu ut tua culpa ad eundem

8C. ')%ec decipi posse. lapidem offenderes.

2. eollega tuo'] D. Brutus: cp. 905, 1. 3. qui . . . fore'] cp. 863, 2, is bellum
litterarum superiorum] ' on account of confecerit qui Antonium oppresserit.

the unfounded good news contained in quern . . . futurum] ' I pray that you

your former letter.' In 860, 1, 2 are the man ; I am confident that you
(written May 13) Plancus expresses an u-iWbe.'

202

DCCCLXXXV. [FAM. X. 35).

mea erga te, quibus certe nulla esso maiora potuerunt, tibi tarn
grata esse quam ego putavi fore, minimo miror vehementerque
laetor. Quae quidem tu, si recte istio erit, maiora et graviora
cognosces, iv. Kalendas lunias.

DCCCLXXXV. LEPIDUS TO CICERO (Fam. x. 35).

PONS ARGENTEUS ; MAY 30 ; A. U. C. 711 ; 15- C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Lcpidus reccpti M. Antonii causam in milites suos confert, dissensioneni civium
inique ferentes.

M. LEPIDUS IMP. ITER PONT. MAX. S. D. PR. TR. PL. S. P. PL. a. R.

1. S. V. li.berique vestri Y. B. E. E. Q,. V. Deos hominesque
testor, patres conscripti, qua mente et quo animo semper in rem
publicam fuerim et quam nihil antiquius commuui saluti ac
libertate iudicarim : quod vobis brevi probassem, nisi mihi fortuna
proprium consilium estorsisset. Nam exercitus cunctus consuetu-
diuem suam in civibus conservandis communique pace, seditione
facta, retinuit meque tantae multitudinis civium Eomanorum
salutis atque incolumitatis causam suscipere, ut vere dicam, coegit.

si recte istic erit] ' if all goes ^yell with
you.' For recte esse cp. Att. i. 7, 1 (3).

maiora et ffraviorcc] ' more earnest and
weighty.'

For the titles of Lepidus cp. note to
869. Compare the headings of this letter
and 833. Note that here the consuls are
omitted, as Lepidus knew that both were
dead.

I. S.V. . . . V. B. E. E. Q. F.] = si
vos Uberique vestri valetis bene est, ego
quoque valeo.

proprium consiUuni] ' the plan of action
I had myself projected.'

Nam . . . reliniiif'] ' For the whole
army mutinied, thus maintaining its
practice of preserving the lives of the citi-
zens and the general peace ; and forced
me to undertake the protection of the
lives and fortunes of such a large number
of Eoman citizens.' incolumitatis probably
has special reference to the civic position
of the soldiers of Antony who had been

declared enemies: cp. 9 LI. Apjiian iii.
84 (cp. Veil. ii. 63) gives a graphic
account of the mutiny. It came to a
crisis in the last watch of the night. A
body of soldiers, who had been armed for
an expedition, opened the gates to Antony.
He and the mutineers proceeded to the
tent of Lepidus, and implored him to
show mercy (cp. misericordiam, § 2) to his
unfortunate countrymen. Lepidus, in a
humble manner, consented ; the two
armies were united ; and the command
practically, though not nominally, was put
into the hands of Antony. The excuse,
which was so often given for disloyalty,
during the Civil Wars, viz. that the lives
of the citizens should be spared (cp. PhU.
viii. 13), probably arose from the order
which Caesar gave to his army before the
Battle of Pharsalia to spare their fellow-
citizens as far as possible : cp. Suet. Jul. 75.
For consuetudincm in civibus conservandis,
instead of the genitive, cp. Fam. v. 9, 1
(639) ; Mil. 52.

DCCCLXXXVL [FAM. XL U).

203

2. In qua re ego vos, patres conscripti, oro atque obsecro, ut
privatis offensioiiibus omissis summa rei publicae consulatis neve
misericordiam nostram exercitusque nostri in civili dissensione
sceleris loco ponatis. Quod si salutis omnium ac dignitatis
rationem habueritis, melius et vobis et rei publicae consuletis.
Data III. Kal. lunias a Ponte Argenteo.

DCCCLXXXYI. CICERO TO D. BRUTUS (Fam. xi. h).

ROME ; END OF MAY ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero D. Bniti litteris rospondet de decemviris, de legionibus perducendis, de
pecunia, de hominum adn)iiatione de bello lenovato, quod ut conficiat D. Brutunx
hortatur.

M. CICERO D. BRUTO COS. DESIG. S. D.

1. Mirabiliter, mi Brute, laetor mea consilia measque sententias
a te probari de decemviris, de ornando adolescente. Sed quid re
fert ? Mihi crede, Lomiui non glorioso : plane iam, Brute, frigeo :
> opyavov enim erat meum senatus|: id iam est dissolutum. < Tantam
spem attulerat exploratne victoriae tua praeclara Mutina eruptio,
fuga Antonii conciso exercitu, ut omnium animi relaxati sint

2. privaiis'] possibly an allusion to the
hostility of Cicero ;ind Antony.

dignitatis] A hint that the decree of
outlawry passed on Antony should be
rescinded.

i , Hi. Eal.'\ So the mss. Probably Le-
pidus did not write this letter until the
day after he joined Antony. Kuete (p. 54)
alters to iiii. Kal.

This letter is probably an answer to
875 (op. ^ 2 with 875, l)"and to 869. It
was written about the same time as 884,
for both in this letter (^ 3) and in 884, 2,
mention is made of a despatch from D.
Brutus of May 15th. That Cicero makes
no mention of the march of Brutus on
Pollentia is due to the fact that it was
well known at Rome that Brutus had been
out-manoeuvred by Antony, whose move-
ment on Pollentia was a mere feint.

1. de decemviris] This refers to a
proposal to elect a Committee of Ten to

investigate the acts of Antony during his
consulship, and especially the use he had
made of Caesar's memoranda. The Com-
mittee was appointed immediately after
the news arrived of the union of Plancus
and Brutus : cp. App. B. C. iii. 82.

plane iam, Urate, frigeo] ' I am now,
Brutus, quite torpid ' (with inaction) : cp.
Fam. viii. 6, 3, 5 (242), Curioni nostra
tribunafics eonglaciat . . . C'urionem valde
frigere.

Tantam . . . videantur] If the text is
sound, and if we do not adopt attulerunt
■with Ernesti, w'e must translate, ' j'our
glorious sally at Mutina, and the flight of
Antony after his army was cut to pieces,
suddenly brought to us such a certain
expectation of assured victory that the
spirits of all are no-w unstrung, and all
those violent harangues of mine seem like
beatings of the air.' For the use of the
pluperfect, expressing sudden action, cp.
Verg. Aen. iv. 685, viii. 219. The

204 DCCCLXXXVI. [FAM. XL U).

ineacquo illao veliemeutes conteutiones tamquam (TKianaxim esse
videautur. 2. Sed, ut ad rem redcam, Icgionem Martiam et
quailam uegaut, qui illas norimt, ulla coiidicione ad se posse
perduci. Pecuniae, quam desideras, ratio potest liaLeri eaque
liabebitur. De Bruto arcesseudo Caesareque ad Italiae praesidium
teueudo valde tibi adseutior. Sed, ut scriLis, liaLes obtrectatores ;
quos equidem facillime sustineo, sed impediunt tameu. Ex Africa
legiones exspectautur. 3. Sed bellum istuo renatura mirautur
homines. Nihil tam praeter spem umquam. Nam die tuo natali
victoria nuntiata in multa saecula videbamus rem publicam
liberatam. Hi uovi timores retexuiit superiora. Scripsisti autem
ad me iis, quas Idibus Maiis dedisti, modo te accopisse a Phiuco
litteras, non reoipi Antonium a Lepido. Id si ita est, omnia
faciliora : sin aliter, magnum negotium, cuius exitum non exti-
mesco : tuae partes sunt. Ego plus quam feci facere non possum.
Te tamen, id quod spero, omnium maximum et clarissimum videre
cupio.

consecution, sint . . . videautur, after the sustineo'] ' withstand' : cp. Cacs. E.G.

pluperfect, is to be explained by the fact i. 24, 1; Liv. xxxi. 13, 4; Ovid. Met.

that the actions represented by those verbs xiv. 788.

are supposed to be coincident with the 3. reiiatum'] cp. 913, 2, renatum enim

time at which the letter is written. helium est idque oion parvo scelere Lepidi;

Some commentators suppose a lacuna cp. Liv. ix. 12, 1 : is^?*^, i.e. in Narbonese

before ttt, e. g. Orelli supplies Kquantus Gaul.

nmic timer insecutus est> : 0. E. Schmidt die tuo nntaW] The news of the

<tut deiiide peccala tanlaque tristitia con- Battle of Mutina reached Rome on April

secuta est>, comparing 897, 2, Urnti 26.

deinde ita multa peccata ut quodam modo retexunt superiora'] ' undo all the

victoria excideret e manibus. Mendelssohn former work.'

would approve of either of these violent iis] sc. litteris. Lehmann (p. 10)

additions. quotes Fam. A'ii. 16, 1 (167), ix. 26,

ffKiafj-axlai] 'beatings of the air.' 1 (479), among many examples of this

Strictly tr/cia^axia was used of a kind of ellipse.

sparring Mith an imaginary opponent Idibus Maiis] cp. 884, 2. The letter

pructised in the gymnasia. which Brutus wrote on May 15 is not

2. let/iojwm Martiam] cp. 875, 1. extant. Euete (p. 51) thinks that possibly

Pecuniae . . . fiaberi] ' measures can it was 849 ; but that letter was written

be taken for raising money.' on April 30.

DCCCLXXXVIL {BRUT. I. 8).

205

DCCCLXXXVII. CICERO TO BRUTUS (Brut. i. 8^.

KOME ; END OF MAY, OR JUNE

A. TI. 0. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Cicero C. Nasennium, municipem Suessanum, Bruto comniendat.
CrCERO BRUTO SAL.

1. Multos tibi commendabo et commendem necesseest — optimus
enim quisque vir et civis maxime sequitur tuum indicium tibique
omnes fortes viri navare operam et studium volunt nee quisquam
est, qiiin ita existimet, meam apud te et auctoritatem et gratiam
valere pluriraiim — 2. sed C. Nasennium, municipem Suessanum,
tibi ita commendo, ut neminem diligentius. 7s Cretensi bello
Metello imperatore octavum principem duxit ; postea in re familiari
occupatus fuit : lioc tempore cum rei publicae partibus, tum tua
excellenti dignitate commotus vult per te aliquid auctoritatis
assumere. Fortem virum. Brute, tibi commendo, frugi hominem
et, si quid ad rem pertinet, etiam locupletem : pergratum milii
erit, si eum ita tractaris, ut merito tuo mibi gratias agere possit.

The date of tliis letter is quite uncer-
tain, and can be guessed at only from the
position which, the latter has in the col-
lection.

1 . sequitur tuum iudiciuni] i.e. approves
of the part you take in politics.

navare operam et studium^ ' to be
industrious and enthusiastic on your
behalf.'

2. C. Nasennium] The name is not
infrequently found in inscriptions : cp.
Wilmanns,"96, 1749.

Cretensi bello'] Quintus Metellus, as
proconsul 686-088 (68-66), subdued
■Crete, and obtained the surname of

Creticus for his success. Cn. Plancius,
whom Cicero defended, also served in this
war : cp. Plane. 27-

octavum principem duxit] i.e. ordinem.
He was the forty -third centurion of the
legion. For the order of centurions cp.
Diet, of Antiquities, i'', p. 800.

rei p. partibus] ' party divisions in the
state.'

locupletem] cp. the letter recom-
mending L. Castronius Paetus to M.
Brutus, Fam. xiii. 13 (454), tuin etiam
fortuna, si quid hoe ad rem pertinet,
ornatus. A man with money was always
welcome to the philosophic M. Brutus.

206 DCCCLXXXVIII. {FAM. XL 16).

DCCCLXXXVIII. CICERO TO D. BRUTUS (Fam. xi. is).

ROMK ; MAY OR JUNK ; A. U, C. 711 \ H. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero D. Briito coinmendat Lamiarn in petitiono practurae.

M. CICERO D. BRUTO COS. DES. S. D.

1. Permagni interest, quo tibi haec tempore epistola redditn
sit : utrum cum sollicitudinis aliquid haberes an cum ab omni
molestia vacuus esses. Itaque ei praecepi, quern ad te misi, ut
tempus observaret epistolae tibi reddendae. Nam quem ad modum
coram, qui ad nos intempestive adeunt, molesti saepe sunt, sic
epistolae offendunt non loco redditae. Si autem, ut spero, nihil
te perturbat, nihil impedit, et ille, cui mandavi, satis scite et com-
mode tempus ad te cepit adeundi, confido me quod velim facile a
te impetraturum. 2. L. Lamia praeturam petit. Hoc ego utor
uno omnium plurimum. Magna vetustas, magna consuetudo
intercedit : quodque plurimum valet, nihil mihi eius est familiari-
tate iucundius. Magno praeterea beneficio eius magnoque merito
sum obligatus. Nam Clodianis temporibus, cum equestris ordinis
princeps esset proque mea salute acerrime propugnaret, a Gabinio

1. corairi] Translate ' ia the case of was aedile: op. Att. xiii. 45, 1 (662). He-
visitors'; coram is opposed to ejnstola. was now seeking for the praetorship.
For the general idea cp. Hor. Sat. i. 3, Next year we find mention of his business
63 S. concerns in Africa, Fam. xii. 29 (831).

lion loco] ' inappositely ' : cp. Fam. ix. Pliny (II. N. vii. 173) and Yal. Max.

16, 4 (472), pnsinsti loco versus Attianos. (i. 8, 12) relate a story that he was placed

impi'dit] 'embarrass.' on the funeral pyre before he was dead,

scite et commode'] ' cleverly and suit- and woke up when it was too late to sav&

ably ' : for satis scite cp. Fam. xvi. 17 him.

(653). Hoc ego uno] ' there is no one in the

2. L. Lamia] This L. Aelius Lamia world with whom I am on more familiar
took a vigorous part in the defence of terms; there is a long standing friendship
Cicero during 696 (58), and was on that and a very close intimacy between us; and
account violently and illegally banished — what is of most weight — nothing gives
from the city by "the consuls Gabinius (cp. me more ple;isui-e than the friendly iuter-
831, 1 ; Sest. 29) and Piso (Pis. 64, Post course I have with him.' For vetustas =
red. in Sen. 12). However, in 700 (54), vetustas amicitlae, cp. 834, 2, and Keid on
he appears to have been again in the Arch. 31.

senate: cp. Q. Fr. ii. 11 (13), 2 (135); equestris ordinis princeps] 'Eachtnrma

Fam. xiii. 62 (234). In 706 (48) he acted of cavalry had six leaders (Polyb. vi. 25,

as mediator between Cicero and Antony : 1), three decuriones and three optiones;

cp. Att. xi. 7, 2 (420) ; and in 709 (45) he and these are the seviri equitum Roman-

DCCCLXXXIX. {FAM. XL 17).

207

consTile relegatus est : quod ante id tempus civi Romano Romae
contigit nemini. Hoc cum populus Romanus meminit, me ipsum
non meminisse turpissimum est. 3. Quapropter persuade tibi, mi
Brute, me petere praeturam. Quamquam enim Lamia summo
splendore, summa gratia est, magnificeutissimo munere aedilicio,
tameu, quasi ea ita non essent, ego suscepi totum negotium. Nunc,
si me tanti facis, quanti certe facis, quoniam equitum centurias
tenes, in quis^ regnas, mitte ad Lupum nostrum, ut is nobis eas
centurias conficiat. Non tenebo te pluribus : ponam in extremo
quod sentio : nihil est, Brute, cum omnia a te exspectem, quod
mihi gratius facere possis.

DCCCLXXXIX. CICERO TO D. BRUTUS (Fam. xi. 17).

ROME ; MAY OR JUNE ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero D. Briito iteriim cominendat Lamiam, paulo, ut videtur, post superiorem-
epistolam.

M. CICERO D. BRUTO S. D.

1. L. Lamia uno omnium familiarissime utor. Magna eius
in me, non dico officia, sed merita, eaque sunt populo Romano

orum. The first decurio of the first turma
was called iwinceps equitum Eomanorum
or equesiris ordinis. This officer was
called princeps iuventuiis under the em-
pire, and the post was held hy the heir to
the throne (cp. Mom ni sen, Res gestae d.
Aug. p. 56 ; E. H. ii. p. 320, note). In
Petit Cons. 33 (12) we sa\v^ that the
equites were mostly young men.

relegatus esf] The punishment of rele-
gatio was merely banishment from Eomo
without loss of civil status. It was inflicted
either by an act of the people or by a
decree of the senate. During the empire
it could also be infli(^ted by a magistrate's
edict, hut the republican magistrates had
no such rights. Helegatio was a much
less severe punishment than exsilimn,
which involved loss of civil status : cp.
Ovid. Trist. ii. 1^7, Qitippe relegatus no7i
exul dicor in illo (sc. edicto), and Jus-
tinian's Institutes, i. 12, 1-3 ; also Festus
278, and Holden on Sest. 29.

Eomae'] This appears to mean that
Lamia was the first Roman citizen who
was relegated for a deed committed at
Rome : those who had been previously
relegated had committed crimes elsewhere.
Cicero does not mention this exceptional
feature of the relegalio of Lamia in the
other passages quoted above. Graevius
thinks that Roniae should be ejected as
having arisen from Bomano.

3. regnas'] ' your power is absolute ' :
cp. regnum suum iudiciale, Att. i. 1, 1 (10).

conficiaf] ' secure ' : cp. Petit. Cons.
18 (12) ad conjiciendas centurias, Plane.
45, conficere tribum ; Ter. Eun. v. 4, 6,
virginem, qiiam amahat, earn confeci.

Some editors suppose that this letter
was addressed to Marcus Brutus, because
it was unlikelj' that Cicero would have
written twice to Decimus Brutus on the
same subject. However, all the mss agree
in addressing it to D. Brutus. It is quite

1208 nCCCXC. {FAM. X. 33).

notissima. Is magnificentissimo miinere aedilitatis perfunotus
petit praeturam, omnesque iutellegunt noc dignitatem ei deesse
neo gratiam. Sed is ambitus oxcitari videtur, ut ego omnia perti-
mescam totamque petitionem Lamiae mihi sustiuendam putem.
2. In ea re quantum me possis adiuvare facile perspicio, nee vero
quantum mea causa velis dubito. Velim igitur, mi Brute, tibi
persuadeas nihil me maiore studio a te petere, nihil te mihi gratius
facere posse quam si omnibus tuis opibus, omni studio Lamiam in
petitione iuveris : quod ut facias, vehementer te rogo.

DCCCXO. ASINIUS POLLIO TO CICERO (Fam. x. 33).

COUDUBA ; END OF MAY ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Pollio calamitatem rei publicae deplorat proelio Mutinensi acceptam, seque communi
incendio occurrere paratum ostendit.

POLLIO CICERONI S. P.

1. S. Y. B. E. E. Q. V. Quo tardius certior fierem de proeliis
apud Mutinam factis, Lepidus effecit, qui meos tabellarios novem
dies retinuit : tametsi tantam calamitatem rei x^ublicae quam
tardissime audire optandum est, sed illis, qui prodesse nihil

possible that Cicero may have written two For Pollio and his letters generally cp.

letters and given them to different 824.

letter-carriers, in order to make sure of 1. audire] Cicero generally iises opto

one at least reaching its destination : cp. with ?<<, except in conjunction with another

810, 1 (Cicero to Plancus), Binas a te verb which takes accusative and infinitive:

litteras accepi eodem exemplo : quod ipsitm e.g. Fam. i. 7, 11 (167), speroque et opto

argiimentuni mihi fuit diligentiae tune. . . . fore ; or, in order to obtain a paral-

Or again, after he had heard that Liipus lelism of expression, cp. N. D. iii. 95, as is

vas in Eome (cp. 881, 3), he may have noticed by Schmalz (Pollio, p. 27), who

written to urge Decimus to recommend further shows that Pollio alone, of all the

Lamia to Lupus, as the latter would be correspondents of Cicero, uses opto with

able to secure the votes of the equites in infinitive: cp. Fam. xi. 3 fin. (782), Brutus

his favour. Or lastly, it is not impossible and Cassius ; vi. 7, 2 (532), Caecina;

that Cicero wrote two drafts of the letter, viii. 1, 5 (192), Caelius ; xi. 28, 4 (785),

and only despatched one: cp. introd. note Matius; 895, 7, Plancus: by all of whom

to 881. tit is used.

1. ojicia] cp. 888, 2. sed] "We are not quite certain how to

excitai-i'] So some inferior mss. The explain thi.s word. Sed often has the

good MSS give excitare. Some few (e.g. meaning of *ay and,' e.g. Mart. i. 117,

both Mr. Allen's) have exstare, a clever 7, et scalis hahito tribus sed altis, which

•emendation. usage belonged to familiar speech, accord-

DCCCXC. {FAM. X. 33). 209

possunt neque mederi. Atque ■atinam eodem senatus consulto,
quo Plancum et Lepidum in Italiam arcessistis, me quoque iussis-
setis venire ! profecto non aceepisset res publica hoe vulnus. Quo
si qui laetantur in praesentia, quia videntur et duces et veterani
Oaesaris partium interisse, tamen postmodo necesse est doleant,
cum vastitatem Italiae respexerint. Nam et robur et suboles
militum interiit, si quidem quae nuntiautur ulla ex parte vera
sunt. 2. Neque ego non videbam quanto usui rei publicae essem
futurus, si ad Lepidum venissem : omnem enim cunctationem eius
discussissem, praesertim adiutore Plauco. Sed scribenti ad me
eius modi litteras, quas leges, et contionibus videlicet, quas Nar-
bone habu.isse dicitur, similes, palparer plane necesse erat, si
vellem commeatus per provinciam eius iter faciens habere. Prae-
teiea verebar ne, si ante, quam ego incepta perficerem, proelium
confectum esset, pium consilium meum raperent in contrariam
partem obtrectatores mei propter amicitiam, quae mihi cum An-
tonio, non maior tamen quam Planco, fuit. 3. Itaque a Gadibus
mense Aprili binis tabellariis in duas naves impositis et tibi et
consulibus et Oetaviano scripsi, ut me faceretis certiorem quonam
• modo plurimum possem prodesse rei publicae. Sed, ut rationem
ineo, quo die proelium Pansa commisit, eodem a Gadibus naves
profectae sunt : nulla enim post hiemem fuit ante eam diem

ing to FriecUander ; but it cannot bear that legionaries and recruits.

meaning here. Perhaps it is used in a 2. discussissem'] ' I would have dis-

corrective sense, 'I mean (sed) for those pelled.'

who can do nothing': cp. Onit. 97, hie ptdparer'] lit. 'stroke down,' 'soften

est enim cuius ornatum dicendi et copiani down.' The word is often used by

admiratae gentes eloquentiam in civilatibus Plautus : e.g. Amph. i. 3, 9 ; Mil. ii. 1,

plurimum valere passae stmt, sed hanc 28 ; but not by Cicero. For the dative

eloquentiam quae cursu magna sonituque cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 1, 20, cui male si palpere

ferretur. recalcitrat tmdique tutus. See Adn. Crit.

Caesaris partium'] cp. 840, 5, ne animi confectum . . . consilium . . . contra-
partium Caesaris . . . vehementer commo- Hani] For the alliteration, cp. 824, 4.
verentur; Phil. v. 32, Caesaris paries, raperent in contrariam partem] 'mis-
quoted by Mendelssohn. Accordingly, represent': cp. Ter. Adelph. Prol. 3,
Gitlbauer's transposition of partium to rapere in peiorem partem ; Eun. iv. 2, 4 ;
follow duces is unnecessary. Plant. Trin. iii. 2, 54.

vastitatem Italiae] Schmalz notices that 3. hinis . . . in duas naves] It is un-

this would appear to be a kind of fixed certain whether binis is here distributive,

and recognized expression in Latin : cp. ' two into each ship, ' or whether it simply

Cic. Cat. i. 29 ; iv. 2, 13 ; Sail. 33 ; Sest. = duobus. Schmalz (p. 38) thinks that

12; Phil. ii. 17; Att. ix. 10, 3 (365); the latter is the correct view, comparing

Fam. X. 5, 4 (810) ; Sail. Jug. 5, 2 ; Liv. 882, 4.

xxi. 22, 9. quo die] The Battle of Forum Gallorum

et robur et suboles militum] ' the flower was fought on April 15.

and blossom of the soldiers,' i.e. the ante eam diem] Baiter wrongly alters

VOL. VI. P

210

DCCCXC. {FA 31. X. 33).

uavigatio. Et licrculos longe remotus ab omiii suspicione futuri
oivilis tunniltiis peiiitus in Lnsitania logiones in hibernis collo-
caram. Ita porro f'estinavit ntorquo confligore, taniqnam nihil
peins timerent quam ne sine maximo rei publicae detrimento
belhim coniponeretur, Sed, si properandnm fuit, nihil non summi
ducis consilio gessisse llirtium video. 4. Nunc haec mihi scri-
buntur ex Grallia Lepidi et nuntiantur : Pansae exorcitum concisum
esse : Pansam ex vulneribus niortuum : eodem proelio Martiara
legionem interisse et L. Fabatum et C. Peducaeum et D. Carfu-
lenum : Hirtino autem proelio et qnartam legionem et omnes
peraeque Antonii caesas, item Hirtii ; quartam vero, cum castra
quoque Antonii cepisset, a quinta legione concisam esse : ibi
Hirtium quoque perisse et Pentium Aquilam ; dici etiam Octavi-

to eum. With ante, ad, post, ex, the word
dies is feminine: cp. Neue i-. C85 and Att.
V. 14, 1 (204); Q. Fr. ii. 5, 4 (106);
Fam. viii. 9, 2 ("21 J), quoted by Schmalz

(P-9)-
futuri eivilis trnmiltus'] ' of the civil

disturbance which was about to arise.'

fcsliiiavit uierque . . . timere)ii'\ For
singular and plural used after tderque cp.
Fin. ii. 1, Hie cum uterque me inttieretur
seseque ad audiendum signijicarent paratos,
and Madvig ad loc. A somewhat similar
union of singular and plural is found in
Sail. Cat. 23, 6, namqne antea pleraque
nohilitas invidia aestuabat et quasi pollui
consulatum credebant. Festinare, with in-
finitive, is rare in Cicero: cp. Fani.vii. 23,
4 (126). According to Schmalz (p. 28),
it onlv occurs four times, and is to be
considered inelegant.

Sed, si . . . video] ' But if the crisis
had to be accelerated, there was nothing
which Hirtius did otherwise than with
the judgment of a consummate leader.'

4. ex Gallia Lepidi] Schmalz (p. 31)
thinks (rather fancifully perhaps) that
the relation of governor to his province
was regarded as analogous to that of
husband and wife: cp. Att. i. 16, 8 ('22),
desponsam homini iam Si/riam ademi;
Prov. Cons. 37, habere provincial)), debet,
is vt eani d^sponsani non decretani habere
rideatur. Accordingly Gallia Lepidi is
analogous to Hectoris Andromache, Yerg.
Aen. iii. 319. But we think Gallia Lepidi
is merely used to distinguish it (Narbo-
nensis) from the Gaulof Plancus (Comata),
and the Gaul of D. Brutus (Cisalpine).

ex vulneribus'] cp. Liv. xxvii. 33, 6,

ex t'ulnere nioritur. Cicero says, Att. v.
20, 3 (228), vulnus accepit coque moritur.

L. Fabatum] In Att, viii. 12, 2 (345),
we hear of this L. Koscius Fabatus as
having, in company with L. Caesar,
brought terms of peace from Julius Caesar
to Pompey. We do not hoar of C. Pedu-
caeus elsewhere : he is not the Sext. .
Peducaeus who occurs so often in the
Epistles ad Att.

I). Carfulenum] He was a distinguished
soldier (cp. Bell. Alex. 31, et animi mag-
nitudine et rei ))iilitaris scicntia vir prae-
stans) and a good patriot (Phil. iii. 31) :
cp. note to 841, 1, for the part he played
at Forum Gallorum.

Hirtino autem proelio] i.e. the Battle
of Mutina, not the concluding incidents
of the Battle of Forum Gallorum. The
correct form is Hirtiano : cp. Att. x. 4,
11 (382); Fam. ix. 18, 3 (473), as a
vowel precedes the -us of Hirtius, cp.
Varro, L. L., p. 220 M.

quartam legionem] For the legions en-
gaged in the campaign near Mutina, see
Addenda to the Commentary.

peraeque] * just as much.'

Font iam Aquilam] This Pontius owned
a Trebulanum, at which Cicero sometimes
stayed : cp. Att. v. 2, 1 (185) ; also a
JVeapolitanum, Ait. xiv. 21, 3 (728). He
was a violent anti-Caesarian (see the
story in Suet. Caes. 78), and joined in the
conspiracy. His devotion to the sena-
torial party went so far that he lent large
sums of money to D. Brutus, to enable
him to carry on the war (Dio Cass. xlvi.

DCCCXC. {FAM. X. 33).

211

anum cecidisse — quae si, quod di proliibeant ! vera sunt, nou
mediocriter doleo*: — Antonium turpiter Mutinae obsessionem
reliquisse, sed habere equitum V. legiones sub signis armatas
tres et fpupilli Bagienni unam, inermes bene multos : Yentidium
quoque se cum legione septinia, oetavn, nona couiunxisse : si nihil
in Lepido spei sit, descensurum ad extrema et non modo nationes,
sed etiam servitia concitaturum : Parmam direptam : L. Antonium
Alpes occupasse. 5. Quae si vera sunt, nemini nostrum cessaii-
dum est nee exspectandum quid decernat senatus. Bes enim cogit
huic tanto incendio succurrere omnes, qui aut imperium autnomen
denique populi Bomani salvum volunt esse. Brutum enim
cohortes xvii., et duas non frequentes tironum legiones, quas
conscripserat Antouius, habere audio. Neque tamen dubito quin
omnes, qui supersint de Hirtii exercitu, confluant ad eum. Nam
in dilectu non multum spei puto esse, praesertim cum nihil sit
periculosius quam spatium confirmandi sese Antonio dari. Anni
autem tempus libertatem maiorem mibi dat, propterea quia fru-
menta aut in agris aut in villis sunt. Itaque proximis litteris
consilium meum expedietur : nam neque deesse neque superesse

40). After his death the senate bestowed
honours on him, as well as on Pansa,
Hirtius, and others ; and repaid to his
heirs the money he had lent B. Brutus.

equitum F.] = quinqne millia. So
Manutius fills up the number which is
omitted in the mss.

pjipilH Bagienni] 0. E. Schmidt (Phi-
lologus, vol. 51, 1S92, pp. 186-188) has a
valuable note on this name. He considers
that Bagiennus is almost certainly the
name of the nationalitj- of the commander
of the legion. The Bagienni lived be-
tween the source of the Po and the Mari-
time Alps. Doubtless Antony raised
recruits there, as Caesar raised the Alauda
legion in Gaul. Antony's movement on
Pollentia in May, 711 (43), which caused
D. Brutus to march from Aquae Statiellae
past Pollentia, northwards, to Vercellae
and EporeJia (855, 859, 875, 877, 878),
had, perhaps, the design of saving the
land of the Bagienni from the vengeance
of D. Brutus. Possibly pupilli is a cor-
ruption of Pullii, as Mendelssohn sug-
gests, comparing Fam. xiii. 14, 1 (455) ;
but we should rather expect a Eoman
(/entile name like Pnpillii, as Gardthausen

suggests : op. the Atrebatian Commius in
Caes. B. G. iv. 21. Or possibly impllli
stands for j?o^«?/i, ov popelli.

legione] When legio is joined with
several ordinals, Cicero uses sometimes
the singular, and sometimes the plural.
Livy and Velleius always use the singular
(Schmalz, p. 16).

descensurum ad extrema] * he will have
recourse to the most desperate expedients.'

direptam] i.e. by L. Antonius.

6. frequentes] ' full.' We cannot find
another example of frequens used with
legio. The converse term is exilis, Att.
V. 15, 1 (207).

lihertateni] ' freedom of action.' Pollio
means that he will not be so entirely
dependent on the favour of Lepidus, in
order to procure provisions for his army.

proximis litteris] This promise was
fulfilled in 896, written on June 8. As
this letter was written at least forty days
after the Battle of Mutina (April 21), its
date is the end of May.

expedietur] 'will be set forth': cp
914, 1 ; Sail. Jug. 5, 3.

superesse'] = superstitem esse : cp. Gell.i.
22, 19, Praeter haec 'superesse^ invenimws
P2

212 DCCCXCI. [FAM. XII. 15, § 7).

rei publicae volo. Maxime tamen doloo adeo et loiigo et infesto
itinere ad nie veiiiri, ut die quadragensimo post aut ultra etiara,
quani facta sunt, omnia nuntientur.

DCCCXCI. LENTULUS TO THE SENATE AND

MAGISTRATES (Fam. xti. i5, § 7).

(Postscript to 882).

jLitteris (882) iam scriptis nuntios de Dolabella rcccns allatos addit Lentulus.
PERGA ; JUNE 2 ; A. u, c. 711 ; 15. C. 43 ; AET. CTC. 63.

7. His litteris scriptis milites cii'citer xxx., quos Dolabella ex
Asia conscripserat, ex Syria fngientes in Pampliyliam venerunt.
Hi nuntiaverunt Dolabellam Antiocheam, quae in Syria est,
venisse : non receptum conatum esse aliquotiens vi iutroire : re-
pulsum semper esse cum magno suo detrimento itaque dc. circiter
amissis, aegris relictis, noctu Antiocbea profugisse Laodiceam
versus : ea nocte omnes fere Asiaticos milites ab eo discessisse, ex
his ad octiugentos Antiocheam redisse et se iis tradidisse, qui a
Cassio relicti urbi illi praeerant, ceteros per Amanuni in Ciliciam
desceudisse, quo ex numero se quoque esse dicebaut : Cassium
autem cum suis omnibus copiis nuntiatum esse quadridui iter
Laodicea afuisse tum, cum Dolabella eo tenderet. Quam ob rem
opinione celerius confido sceleratissimum latrouem poenas datu-
rum. IV. Nonas lunias, Pergae.

dictum pro ' superstitem esse.^ Ita enim addition is made to distinguish it from

sertptmn est in libro e2mtolarum M. Cice- other Antiochs, viz. Antioch in Pisidia,

ronis ad L. Flancum et in epistola M. Antioch on the Maeander, &c.

Asinii Poliionis ad Ciceronem verbis his: DC. circiter amissis'] So H Pal; but

Nam neqiie deesse rei p. volo neque M and most mss give centtmi, instead of

super esse per quod signijicat si res p. DC.

tmoriatur et percat nolle se vivere. It is Laodiceam'] a coast town of Syria,

often used in later writers: Liv.xxvi. 41, opposite the north-east promontory of

2; Florus, ii. 2, 14 ; Plin Epp. i. 12, 8. Cyprus.

adeo et . . . veniri] ' that I cannot be Amanuni] The mountains which sepa-

reached except by such a long and dan- rated Cilicia from Syria.

gerous journey.' tenderet] This less dignified word than

contendere is found often in Sallust (Cat.

7- His litteris scriptis] i.e. 882. This 60, 5; Jug. 51, 4; 91, 4); also in Cic.

is the regular formula for introducing a Att. xvi. 5, 3 (770).

postscript: cp. 874, 1. iv. Non lun.] This is the date of

Antiocheam, quae in Syria est] This the postscript. Tlie main portion of the

DCCCXCIL [FAM. XL 26)

213

DCCCXCII. D. BRUTUS TO CICERO (Fam. xi. 26).

CAMP ON MARCH TO CULARO ; JUNE 3 ; A. U. C. 711; B. C. 43; AET.

CIC. 63.

D. Brutus soUicitus de Antonii et Lepidi conspiratione legiones quam primum sibi
et stipendium mitti viilt.

D. BRUTUS S. D. M. CICERONI.

Maximo meo dolore hoc solacio utor, quod intellegunt homines
lion sine causa me timuisse ista, quae acciderunt. Deliberent
utrum traiiciant legiones ex Africa necne, et ex Sardinia; et
Brutum arcessant necne; et mihi stipendium dent an deeernant.
Ad senatum litteras misi. Crede mihi, nisi ista omnia ita fiunt,
queni ad modum scribo, magnum nos omnes adituros periculum.
Rogo te, videte quibus hominibus negotium detis, qui ad me
legiones adducant. Et fide opus est et celeritate. iii. Non. lun.,
ex eastris.

letter to the senate and magistrates (882)
was written on May 29.

Pergae] So the mss. There is no need
to read Ferga with Orelli and Wesenberg:
cp. note to Att. iii. 5 fin. (60). It was a
town in Pamphylia : cp. Acts of the
Apostles, xiii. 13.

This is the last letter of D. Brutus to
Cicero. He had apparently heard of the
junction of Antony and Lepidus.

ex Sardinia^ So the mss. We do not
hear of any forces having been stationed
in Sardinia. The most varied conjectures
have been made : e.g. et ex Mncedonia
Brutum arcessant (Siroth) ; et Caesarcm
retineant et Brutum arcessant (Gronovius) ;
et ex Sardinia . . . (Schiitz). Mendels-
sohn is of opinion that there may be a
serious corruption, under which are con-
cealed the names of Asinius, Caesar, and
Cassius ; or that Sardinia et contains the
name of some northerly portion of Miice-
donia. But there was probably some
force, if even a small one, as garrison in
Sardinia, and eveiy available man was
wanted at this crisis to defend the State.
The position of the words would lend

support to this view, 'whether they will
bring over the forces from Africa or not,
and from Sardinia.'

dent an deeernant] 0. E. Schmidt in-
geniously suggests that the difference
between these words is that dent refers to
ready money (cp. Caes. B. C. i. 6, 3,
pecunia uti ex aerario Pompeio detiir),
deeernant to money which Avas to be
raised by taxes: cp. 899, 4; 915, 5.
Mendelssohn suggests denegent for dent.
Miiny inferior mss read deitt an <non>
deeernant, ' and let them decide whether
to give me money or not ' — a poor con-
jecture. Klotz alters deeernant to demant,
a bad alteration, as there was no question,
or indeed possibUity, of taking money
from Brutus, inasmuch as he had not as
yet got any. A few days later than the
date of this letter, on June 6, the senate
did vote Brutus all the money available :
cp. 894, 2.

negotium . . . adducant'] ' you entrust
the business of leading the forces to me.'
Brutus fears that if the leaders were not
trustworthy men, the soldiers would desert
to Antony and Lepidus.

Et fide opus est et celeritate] ' loyal and
rapid action is required.'

214 DCCGXCIIL [FAM. XL 21).

DCCCXCIII. CICERO TO D. BEUTUS (Fam. xi. 21).

ROME ; JUNE 4 ; A. U. V. 711 ; H. C. 43 ; AKT. CIC. 63.
M. Cicero respoiulet ad D. Bruti cpistolam (877).

M. ClCEliO S. D. D. BllUTO IMP. COS. DESIG.

1. Dei isti Segulio male faciant, homini nequissimo omuium,
qui sunt, qui fuerunt, qui futuri sunt ! Quid ? tu ilium tecum
solum aut cum Caesare ? qui neminem praetermiserit quicum loqui
potuerit cui nou eadem ista dixerit? Te tameii, mi Brute, sic
amo, ut debeo, quod istud quidquid esset nugarum me scire
voluisti. Signum enim magnum amoris dedisti. 2. Nam quod
idem Segulius, veterauos queri, quod tu et Caesar in decemviris
non essetis, utinam ne ego quidem essem ! Quid enim molestius ?
Sed tamen, cum ego sensissem de iis, qui exercitus haberent, sen-
teutiam ferri oportere, iidem illi, qui solent, reclamarunt ; itaque
excepti etiam estis me vehementer repugnuute. Uuocirca Segu-
lium negligamus, qui res novas quaerit, non quo veterem come-
dorit — nullam enim habuit, — sed banc ipsani recentem [novam]
devoravit. 3. Quod autem scribis te, quod pro te ipso non facias,

This letter is a detailed answer to 877, idle tale about the dissatisfaction of the

which should be compared all tlnough. veterans, without examining M'hat value

1. cum Caesore'] sc. locutiim esse, sup- ; it has; cp. Brut. 283, Itaque eius (i.e.
plied from loqui in the next clause : cp. the learned Calvus, who was too great a
Att. X. 15, 2 (401), Quod suades, ttt palam purist in his language, cp. Fam. xv. 21,
(sc. projicisca)-), prorsus adsentior ; itaque 4, Ep. 450) oratio nimia religione atten-
me project uru III ptUo ; xv. 21, 3 {lh'6),ne uata doctis vt attente audienlibiis erat illus-
ante Seztus (sc. adventet) quern adveniare iris : a niultitudine autem et a foro, cui
aiunt, quoted by Heidemann, p. 6. nata eloquentia, devorahatur, i.e. gulped

2. decemviris\ cp. note to 877, 1. down without proper appreciation of the
seusissem] ' when I moved that a vote delicate flavour of his style. Hes novas

should be talcen in reference to the gene- means 'political changes,' 'revolution';
rals in command of armies, the same set hut res also suggests 'fortune,' 'pro-
as usual cried out against it.' perty,' and this gives Cicero a handle to
i/^ijiaio/t');^] D. Brutus, as Ave know (cp. jibe at the beggailiness of Segulius. In
854, 1), had many enemies in the senate. hanc ipsam recentem, sc. rem, the meaning
Quocirca . . . devoyavit'\ 'Wherefore is partly that of 'story,' 'gossip,' and
let us pay no heed to Segulius, who is Cicero says Segulius hiis greedily swal-
seeking after a change of fortunes; not loured the idle tale; but the word ^evorar*
that he has consumed his old fortune, for is further appropriate in that it also con-
he never had one, but he has gulped veys the idea of wasteful consumption of
down this windfall which he has recently jnoperty — cp. Att. i. 16, 10 (22) — and
got hold of,' i.e. he has swallowed the thus suits the previous clause, though this

DCCCXCIII. [FAM. XL 21]

215

id pro me, ut de me timeas aliquid, omni te, vir optime miliique
carissime, Brute, de me metu libero. Ego enim, quae provider!
poterunt, non fallar in iis : quae cautionem non liabebunt, de lis
non ita valde laboro. Sim euim impudens, si plus postulem quam
homini a rerum natura tribui potest. 4. Quod mihi praecipis, ut
caveam ue timendo magis timere cogar, et sapienter et amicissime
praecipis. Sed velim tibi persuadeas, cum te coustet excellere hoc
geuere virtutis, ut uumquam extimescas, numquam perturbere, me
huic tuae virtuti proximo accedere. Quam ob rem nee metuam
quidquam et cavebo omnia. Sed vide ne tua iam, mi Brute, culpa
futura sit, si ego quidquam timeam : tuis enim opibus et consulatu
tuo, etiam si timidi essemus, tamen omnem timorem abiicerenms,
praesertim cum persuasum omnibus esset mihique maxime, a te
uos unice diligi. 5. Consiliis tuis, quae scribis de quattuor
legionibus deque agris adsignandis ab utrisque vestruni, vehe-
menter adsentior. Itaque cum quidam de collegis nostris agrariam
curatiouem ligun-irent, disturbavi rem totamque vobis integram
reservavi. Si quid erit occultius et, ut scribis, reconditum, meo-
rum aliquem mittam, quo fidelius ad te litterae perferantur. Bridie
Nonas lunias.

idea is not prominent here. For devorare,
used of language, cp. Plaut. Asin. iii. 3,
59, mea dicta devorate; Aul. iii. 6, 1,
nimium lihenter edi sermonem ticimi ; Shake-
speare, Othello, i. 3, 150, ' and with a
greedy ear devour up vaj discourse.' We
have bracketed novam, which is pruhably
a gloss on receiifcm.

3. id pro me] sc. facere, understood
from facias : cp. Fam. xvi. 5, 2 (289),
poteris igitur et fades. Lehmann (p. 105)
&A6.& facere after facias, comparing for the
repetition Att. ii. 13, 2 (40); 886, 3.
Cratander adds facere after pro me ; yet
cp. Heidemann, p. 61, who justly thinks
that there is no need that facere should be
inserted in the text.

cautionem non habehunt~\ ' will not
admit of being guarded against.' In Off.
i. 42, res habet multas cautiones, the
phrase is somewhat different, ' the affair
requires caution in many respects.'

\. perturbere'] 'disquieted.' The wise

man of the Stoics was free from aU fear
and disquietude [perturbationem).

5. de quattuor leffiorabus] cp. 877, 3,
quattuor legionibus iis qtiihus agros dandos
censuistis, video facuUatem fore ex agris
Silani et agro Campano. '•

ab utrisque vestrum] cp. note to 877, 3.

Itaque . . . reservavi] ' Accordingly,
when some of our colleagues had theii
mouths watering for the agrarian busi-
ness, I quashed the proposal, and kept it
entirely open for your decision.' By col-
legis Cicero means his colleagues among
the decemviri, § 2. The commission had
hoen appointed, and some of the com-
missioners wished to proceed to business
at once. Cicero succeeded in quashing
that proposal, and in suspending business,
in accordance with the wishes of D.
Brutus expressed in 887, 3.

reconditum^ There is no need to add
magis with Wesenberg before reconditum,
on account of 877, 4.

•216 DCCCXCIV. {FAM. XL U).

DCCCXCIV. CICERO TO D. BRUTUS (Fam. xi. 24).

ROME ; JUNE 6 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero D. Briito significat supcriore sibi epistola tiinoiem exeniptum. Addit
quid agendum ei sit et de pecunia decreta.

M. CICERO S. D. D. BRUTO IMP. COS. DESIG.

1. NaiTo tibi: aiitea subirascebar brevitati tuarum litterarum:
nunc mihi loquax esse videor : te igitur imitabor. Quara multa
quam paucis ! te recte valere operamque dare \\t cotidie melius,
Lepidum commode sentire, tribus exercitibus quidvis nos oportere
confidere. Si timidus essem, tamen ista epistola mihi omnem
raetum abstersisses. Sed, ut mones, frenum momordi : etenim,
qui te incluso omnem spem liabuerim in te, quid nunc putas ?
Cupio iam vigiliam meam. Brute, tibi tradere, sed ita, ut ne desim
constantiae meae. 2. Quod scribis in Italia te moraturum, dum
tibi litterae meae veniant, si per hostem licet, uon erraris — multa
enim Romae : sin adventu tuo bellum confici potest, nihil tibi sit
antiquius. Pecunia expeditissima quae erat, tibi decreta est.

This letter is an answer to 878. completed in five days in Tac. Ann. xiv.

1. Narro . . . videor'] Cicero, rallying 57.

Brutus for the shortness of his letters (cp. abstersisses'] cp. Fam. ix. 16, 9 (472),

903, 2; 905, 2), says that, whereas vMo enim absterg ere a7iimi tui metum.

formerly he was angry with Brutus, and frenum momordi] cp. note to 87^, 2.

considered that he was in fault, now he te incluso] ' when you were besieged '

perceives that it is he himself who is in (in Mutina).

fault, and has become garrulous. v'tgiliam] ' my post as watchman, but

Quam multa . . . valere] ' How much without abandoning the firmness of my

you have told, and in how few words! attitude.'

that you are getting on well, and are 2. mnlta enim Romae] ' For much

doing your best each day to become happens at Eome ' (and thus it is well

better ': te recte valere is governed by for you to be near the capital). For the

fcripsisti understood with the previous ellipse of acc'idunt cp. 886, 3, nilul tam

clause. praeter spem itnquam.

Lepidum commode sentire] The news nili'il tibi sit antiquius] Wo have in-

of the treachery of Lepidus (May 29) had serted tibi with Wesenberg, who has

plainly not yet reached Eome. Pups shown (E. A. 39) that either the pi onoun

Argenteus is about 500 miles from Rome, must be added, cp. Att. vii. 3, 2 (294) ;

so that the news could not arrive in less x. 8, 4 (392) ; xii. 5, 4 (467) ; Fam. xi.

than ten days, coming by land. With a 29, 1 (762), or else nihil antiquius habeo

good wind a ship could sail fiom Ostia to {existimo) must be read.

Narbonese Gaul in three days (Plin. H. expeditissima] 'most available': cp.

N. six. 4). We hear of the voyage being note to 892.

DCCCXCV. {FAM. X 23). 217

Habes amantissimum tui Servium : nos non desumus. viii. Idus
lunias.

DCCCXCV. PLANCUS TO CICEEO (Fam. x. 23).

CULARO; JUNEC; A. U.C. 711; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

L. Plancus excusat se, quod Lepiclo credideiit : accepto de Lepidi et Antonii
coniiinctione nuntio, suas copias retraxisse significat : auxilium exercitus Caesaiiani
postulat.

PLANCUS CICERONI.

1. Numquam mehercules, mi Cicero, me paenitebit maxima
pericula j)ro patria subire, dum, si quid accident mihi, a repre-
hensione temeritatis absim. Confiterer imprudeutia me lapsum,
si umquam Lepido ex animo credidissem. Credulitas enim error
est magis quam culpa, et quidem in optimi cuiusque mentem
facillime irrepit, Sed ego non boc vitio paene sum deceptus :
Lepidum enim pulcre noram. Quid ergo est ? Pudor me, qui in
belle maxirae est periculosus, hunc casum coegit subire. Nam, si
uno loco essem, verebar ne cui obtrectatorum viderer et nimium
pertinaciter Lepido offeusus et mea patientia etiam alere bellum.

2. Itaque copias prope in conspectum Lepidi Antoniique adduxi
quadragintaque millium passuum spatio relicto consedi eo consilio,
ut vel celeriter accedere vel salutariter reeipere me possem. Ad-

tui] added by "Wesenberg from Dresd. a slightly difPerent sense op. 896, 4, «i_ uno

3. loco legionem habnissem. Some editors
Servmni] i.e. Servius Sulpicius Galba : read nisi, ' if I did not come to the same

op. 841. place as Lepidus': yet cp. note to 870,^ 3.

et . . . bellum'] ' ' both to have maia-

1. absini'] 'provided I am free from tained too pe;sistently my grudge against

all blame on the score of rashness ': cp. Lepidus, and by my remissness to have

Alt. iii. 15, 2 (73), ilium puto iib islo even fostered the growth of the 'war.'

seclere afuisse. 2. sahttaritt'y'] ' without loss'— a slightly

optimi cuiusque'] ep. 861, 3, Cffo non strange use of this rare adjective, which

mains homo hoc suspicabar. The whole has a somewhat colloquial tone. Rhodius

sentence is a good example of the sen- (p. 4, note 5) compares C. I. L. vi. 1527,

tentious remarks which characterise the 10, salutariter latitisse. In 9 16, 2, Plancus

style of Plancus : cp. 881, 1. uses it again in a more natural sense,

Fudor] ' scrupulous regard for honour.' nihil enim me non salutariter cogitctre scio,

si uno loco essem] ' if I remained where ' for I know that every plan of mine is of

I was,' i.e. atthelsarn. SotheMSS. For a wholesome nature.'

218

BCCCXCV. {FAM. X. 23).

iuuxi liaeo iu loco eligeudo, flumou opposituui ut liaLerem, in quo
mora transitus esset : Yocontii sub mauu ut essent, per quorum
loca fideliter mihi pateret iter. Lepidus, desperato adveutu meo,
quern uoii mediocriter captabat, se cum Antouio coniuuxit a. d.
IV. Kal. luiiias, eodeniquo die ad nie castra moveruut : viginti
millia passuum cum abessent, res mihi nuntiata est. 3. Dedi
operam deum benigiiitate, ut et eeleriter me reciperem et hie
discessus nihil fugae simile haberet ; non miles ullus, iiou eques,
non quidquam impedimentorum amitteretur aut ab illis ferventi-
bus latronibus interciperctur. Itaque pridie Nonas lunias omnes
copias Isaram traieci pontesque, quos feceram, interrupi, ut
spatium ad colligendum sc homines haberent et ego me interea
cum collega coniungerem : quem triduo, cum has dabam litteras,
exspectabam. 4. Laterensis nostri et fidem et aniraum singularem

Jlumen'] The Verdon, a tribiitaiy of
the Durance (Watson) ; or the Durance
itself (Andr.).

Voconlii sub matin nl essent] ' that the
Vocontii might be near at hand.' They
lived in the district betw ecu the Isara and
the Druentia. The dictionaries do not give
any other example of the colloquial sub
manu esse used of place ; for the phrase
applied to time, ' on the spot,' cj). tjcnec.
Ep. 71, 1, consilium sub die nasci debet:
et hoc quoque tardum est nimis : sub manu,
quod aiunt, nascalur. Cp. Suet. Oct. 49
and the Greek virh x^'pa-

fideliter'] ' the road might be loyally
kept open ' (Watson).

desperato adventu meo] yet cp. 861, 2,
pracsto mihi fuit stalor cius cum liltcris
quibus, ne venircm, demmiiabat : se posse
per se conficere negotium ; interea ad Isa-
ram exspectarem.

moverunt] This is generally referred
to Antony (cp. Gardtliauscn, Aiigustus,
p. 117). Antony took the chief com-
mand, and he, M'ith the main body of
forces, advanced on May 29. Lepidus
remained at Pons Argenteus, and wrote
885 from that place on May 30, unless,
indeed, with Ruete, we read iiii. for Hi.
in 885, 2.

3. fervcntihus] Andr. remarks that
this word is generally applied, not to a
person, but to his mind or some of its
passions, e.g. ira. Caelius uses the adverb
ferventer twice: Fani. viii. 8, 2 (223);
6, 5 (242). Some Mss read /«r«(<ji«5.

pridie Nonas] It is about 150 miles
from Cularo to I'ons Argenteus. Plancus
had halted 40 miles f mm the latter place:
he accordingly had about 110 miles to
retreat. He started on May 30, and
marched the distance in si.x days, over
eighteen miles a day.

210)1 tes] Only one bridge is mentioned
in 860, 3; 861, 2; 870, 4. For the
plural used of a single bridge cp. Tac.
Ann. ii. 8, and Furneaux's note.

ut . . . haberent] So H, except that
it has the sj-mbol for et above the line
after spatium : see Adn. Grit, for M Pal.
The construction is defended by Schmalz,
ap. Eeisig, iii. note 596 a. lie compares,
after Krause, Varro L. L. ix. 42, ad
discernendum rocisjiguras. If we compare
890, 5, spatium confirmandi scse, and re-
collect that ad, instead of the genitive, is
a feature of the language of ordinary life,
we shall not refuse to admit this rare
cimstruction in Plancus, however much
M'e should object to it in Cicoro : cp.
Madvi-, Opusc. Acad. i^. 308 if. Wesen-
bcrg alters to spatium colligendi se, a
reading which is grammatically, but not
ciitically, satisfactory.

eollcc/a'] D. Brutus: cp. note to 905, 1.

triduo cum . . . exspectabam] ' I am

expecting three days after the date of this

letter ' : lit. ' on the date of this letter, J

expect in three days.'

4. Laterensis] cp. note to 801, 3; Vel-
leius speaks of him as vir vita ac morte
consentaneus.

JDCCCXCV. [I AM. X. 23).

219

in rem publicam semper fatebor. Sed certe nimia eius indiil-
geutia in Lepidum ad haec pericula perspicienda fecit eum minus
sagacem. Qui quidem eum in fraudem se deductum videret,
mauus, quas iustius in Lepidi perniciem armasset, sibi adferre
conatus est ; in quo casu tamen interpellatus et adhuc vivit et
dicitur victurus : sed tamen de hoc parum mibi certum est.

5. Magno cum dolore parricidarum elapsus sum iis : veniebant
enim eodem furore in me, quo in patriam, incitati. Iracundias
autem harum rerum recentes babebant, quod Lepidum castigare
non destiteram, ut exstingueret bellura, quod colloquia facta im-
probabam, quod legatos fide Lepidi missos ad me in conspectum
venire vetueram, quod C. Catium Vestinum, tribunum mil.,
missum ab Antonio ad eum cum litteris excej^eram numeroque
hostis habueram. In quo banc capio voluptatem, quod certe, quo
magis me petiverunt, tanto maiorem iis frustratio dolorem attulit.

6. Tu, mi Cicero, quod adhuc fecisti, idem praesta, ut vigilanter
nervoseque nos, qui stamus in acie, subornes. Veniat Caesar cum
copiis, quas habet firmissimas, aut, si ipsura aliqua res impedit, exer-
citus mittatur : cuius ipsius magnum periculum agitur. Uuidquid
aliquando futurum fuit in castris perditorum contra patriam, hoc

in rempuhUcam\ ThoMSs give in re p.,
perhaps rightly. Rhodius (p. 13) com-
pares Lentulus, 883, 2, mains animus
eoriim in nostra salute; and such usages
as Fam. i. 8, 2 (119), sensus in rep. : cp.
i. 9, 10 (153), and 882, 2.

in fraudem se deductum^ ' that he was
entrapped.'

vietiivKs^ He did not survive. As a
reward for his patriotism, the senate voted
him a public funeral, and a statue to be
erected in his honour (DioCass. xlvi. 51,

4).

5. Iracundias'] For the plural cp. Q.
Fr. i. 1, 39 (30).

harum'] Notice that this objective geni-
tive refers to the considerations which
follow his censure of Lepidus, &c.

castigare] ' because i did not cease to
censure Lepidus, urging him to put au
end to the war.'

colloquia] ' intercourse which had been
set on loot ' (between the soldiers of An-
tony and those of Lepidus).

legatos fide Lepidi missos] ' ambassa-
dors of Antony sent under a safe conduct
by Lepidus.' For fides publica cp. Sail.

Jug. 35, 7.

C. Catium] He would appear to have
got a kind of recommendation from I^epi-
dus ; accordinglj' I'lancus treated him a-
an enemy, and put him in prison. Nume-
roque hostis habueram is omitted by M.
See Adn. Crit.

exceperam] 'intercepted': cp.Att. vii.
22, 1 (320). Mendelssohn suggests exege-
rain, ' drove out of the camp.'

J^rusiratio] ' disappointment.'

6. ut . . . subornes] ' and with vigour
and energy send supplies to us, who stand
in the brunt of battle.' Cicero does not
use subornare in this sense ; it is found in
a letter of Antony's, criticised in Phil,
xiii. 32, ApuJeiaiia pecunia Bruttiin sub-
ornaxtis.

uervose] cp. Off. iii. 1U6, where it is
opposed to remisse, ' with laxity.'

copiis] The Legio Martia and the
Fourth had remained with Octavian.

cuitis . . . agitur] This is parenthetical
(' personally he runs considerable risk,' sc.
frorti the plots of Antony).

Quidquid . . . convenit] ' All the des-
peradoes who weie likely at any time to

220 DCCCXCVI. (FAM. X. 32).

oinno iam conveuit. Pro urbis vcro salute cur nou omnibus facul-
tatibns, qnas habemus, utaniur ? Quod si vos istic non defueritis,
profecto, quod ad me attiuet, omnibus rebus abundc roi publicae
satis faciara. 7. Te quidem, mi Cicero, in dies meliercules habeo
cariorem sollicitudinesque meas cotidie magis tua merita exacuunt,
ne quid aut ex amore aut ex iudicio tuo perdam. Opto ut mihi liceat
iam praeseuti pietato meorum officiorum tua beneficia tibi facere
iucuudiora. viii. Idus lun. Cularone, ex fiuibus Allobrogum.

DCCCXCVI. ASINIUS POLLIO TO CICEPO (Fam. x. 32).
coRDUBA ; JUNE 8 ; A. u. c. 711 ; R. {;. 43 ; aet. cic. 63.

C. Asinius Pollio de Balbi quaestoris sui flagitiis et de suo in rem publicam studio
exponit.

C. ASINIUS POLLIO CICERONI.

1. Balbus quaestor magna numerata pecunia, magno pondere
auri, maiore argenti coacto de publicis exactionibus, ne stipendio

take the field against our country have time as his uncle (Plin. H. N. v. 36). He

met here,' i.e. in the camp of Antony was employed as an intermediary between

and Lepidus ^Watson). The fut. part. Caesar and the consul Lentulus in 705

with fid signifies that something was (49): cp. Att. viii. 9, 4 (340); 1.5, 3

likely to be or was contemplated at a past (346); ix. 6, 1 (360). Just before the

time, Madv. 342 «. Battle of Pharsalia, with incredible rash-

7. Oj)io . . . iKomdiora'] ' my praj'er wesa [excedente hionanam Jidem tenieritate,

is that I may be soon allowed in jierson Veil. ii. 51, 3), he went from the camp of

to increase, by the devotion of my ser- Caesar to that of Pompey, and debated

vices, the pleasure you feel in the kind- with the proconsul Lentxilus concerning

nesses you have shown me.' the price for which the latter M'ould be

Cularmie] The modern Grenoble : so willing to play the traitor, and desert to

llirschfeld in C. I. L. xii. p. 273. Mr. Oaesar. It would appear that Balbus had

Watson considers that the Gallic town of a drama composed on his adventures

Cularo stood on the right bank of the during this diplomatic mission (§ 3).

Isara, cp. ^ 3, occupying the site of the Toiijours Vfii/dnce svems to have been the

modem St. Laurent, a suburb of Grenoble, motto of Balbus, and he obtained '.hereby

which stands cm the left Im-nli. It would no insignificant reward, inasmuch as he

be quite natural, however, that I'lancus, was consul suffectus in 722 (32), and

even though encamped across the river, triumphed over Africa in 735 (19) : cp.

should date his letter from the large town Veil. 1. c. and Willems, Le Senat, i. 608.

in the immediate vicinity. numerata pecunia'] 'ready money,' as

often in Plautus.

I. Balbus quaestor'] This Balbus was j!?o«rf«re] i.e. imcoined metal, ' bul-

nephewof the Balbus defended by Cicero. lion.'

He received the citizenship at the same exactionibus] 'revenues,' 'taxes.'

DCCCXCVI. {FAIL X. 32).

221

quidem militibus reddito duxit se a Gadibus et triduum tempes-
tate reteutus ad Calpem Kal. luiiiis traiecit sese in regnum
Bogudis, plane bene peculiatus. His rumoribus utrum Gades
referatur an Romam — ad singulos enim nuntios turpissime con-
silia mutat — nondum scio. 2. Sed praeter furta et rapinas et
virgis caesos socios baec quoque fecit, — ut ipse gloriari solet, eadem
quae 0. Caesar — : ludis, quos Gadibus fecit, Herennium Galium
histrioneni, sunimo ludorum die anulo aureo donatum, in xiv.
sessum deduxit : — tot enim fecerat ordines equestris loci, — : quat-
tuorviratum sibi prorogavit : comitia bieunii biduo habuit, lioc

duxit se a Gadibus'] Cicero would pro-
bably have said se subduxit de: cp. Q. Fr.
iii. 4, 1 (152). The preposition with
names of towns is not infrequent from the
time of the early Empire ; it occurs again
in PoUio, 890, 3.

Calpeiii] Gibraltar. We need not read
Calpen. The nominative is Calpes in
Mela, ii. 95, and KaAirts in Philostratus
(ApoU. V. 1) : cp. Calpe relicta, Juv. xiv.
278, where see the quotations from Pris-
cian and Bentley cited by Mayor.

traiecit sese in re(/HUi)i\ cp. D. Brutus,
847, 2 ; 869, 4 ; Caesar, B. C. ui. 112, 9.
Cicero does not use the phrase.

Bogudis'] Bogudes, or Bogus, King of
Mauretania, was a partisan of Caesar's.

plane bene peculiatus] ' certainly with
a pretty penny in his pocket ': cp. Plaut.
Pers. ii. 2, 10, atqne oh isfanc rem ego
aliqu'id te peculiabo, ' I '11 put a penny in
your pocket,' ' I '11 give you a tip.'

Sis rumoribus] ' according to reports
up to the present,' abl. of cause.

2. hcdis] cp. § 3. For the abl. cp.
Att. ii. 19, 3 (46), glndiatoribus, 'at the
gladiatorial shows'; Plane. 66, has ora-
tiones ego scripsi ludis etferiis.

summo ludorum die] ' on the last day
of the games ": cp, Plaut. Pers. i. 1, 25 ;
Asin. iii. 1, 31 ; Cael. Fam. viii. 12, 3
(279). Cicero says, Fam. vii. 1, 3 (127),
extrenius elephantorum dies fuit.

anulo aureo donatum] i.e. made him a
knight, which was done by giving him a
gold ring: cp. Diet. Antiq. i^. 132, s. v.

Jus ANULI AUREI.

in xiv. sessum deduxit] ' brought him
to a seat in the equestrian rows.' After
XIV. understand ordinibus. Cicero adds
ordinibus, Att. xv. 3, 2 (733) ; Phil. ii.
44 ; but other writers omit it. Schmalz
(Pollio, p. 32) quotes Petron. 126, 7,

usque ab orchestra quattuordecim transilit
et in extrema plebe quaerit quod diligat;
Senec. Epp. 44, 2, at mehercules multis
quattuordecim sunt clausi. Sessum is the
supine: cp. Plaut. Poen. Prol. 19, 20,
Keu designator praeter os obambnlet JVeu
sessum ducat dum histrio in scena siet. It
is noticeable that the influence of the
'vanus Otho qui nos distinxit'' (Juv. iii.
159) had spread to the ends of the earth,
and that there were separate divisions for
the different ranks of society, even at the
shows in Gades.

Qualtuorviratum] cp. note to Att. ii.
6, 1 (33). Gades, as being a ««?/«ieJjjJMw,
had quattuorviri as its chief magistrates
(Marquardt i. 152). This prolongation of
his office by Balbus was in imitation of
Caesar. Caesar may be said to have pro-
longed his own second dictatorsliip for
over a year, though strictly the dictator-
ship was granted to him for an indefinite
period : cp. C. I. L. i. 451-453. The con-
stant practice of holding the consulship or
praetorship for several years in succession
(as was done by Marius, Cinna, Carbo,
Lepidus, Caesar) was a revolutionary
feature of the last century of the republic,
and vii'tually marked the end of the free
state and introduction of the monarchy.
Formally, indeed, these were repetitions,
rather tlian prorogations of the magis-
tracies ; but none the less they were
essentially violations of a cardinal feature
of the free state, that the principal
magistracies should be annual. It is no
wonder then that this ' Gaditaiiian muni-
cipal-Caesar ' should imitate his model in
the most vital feature of his policy : cp.
Mommsen, St. R. i-. 615, note 1.

comitia biennii] Balbus held the ele
tions, and appointed the magistrates for
the two following years, as Caesar had

222

DCCCXCVI. [FAM. X. 32).

est rouuntiavit, quos ei visum est : exsulcs reduxit, non horum
temporura, sed illorura, qiiibus a seditiosis senatus trucidatus aut
expulsus est, Sex. Varo proconsule. 3. Ilia vero iam ne Caesaris
quidem exemplo : quod ludis praetextam de suo itinera ad L.
Lentulum procos. sollicitandum posuit, ei quidem, cum ageretur,
tlevit memoria rerum gestarum coramotus ; gladiatoribus autem
Fadiura qucmdam, militera Porapeianum, quia, cum depressus in
ludum bis gratis dcpuguasset, auctorare sese nolebat ot ad popu-
lum confugerat, primum Qallos equites immisit in populum —
coniecti enim lapides sunt in eum, cum abriperetur Fadius, —
deinde abstractum defodit in ludo et vivum corabussit, cum quidem
pransus, nudis pedibus, tunica soluta, manibus ad tergum reiectis,
inambularet et illi misoro quiritanti : C. E,. natus sum, responde-

appointed the niagistiatcs for three years
in advance just before his assassination.

cxsules rcduxW] Caesar too had recalled
all those condemned to exile bj- the laws
of Potnpey, except Milo: cp. Caes. B. C.
iii. 1, 4.

senatus'] Strictly the senators in a muni-
cipal town were called deciiriones.

Sex. Varo proconsule'] Probablj- Sextiis
Quintilius Yarns, praetor in 697 (57), and
a supporter of Cicero (Post red. in Sen.
23). He was proconsul of Further Spain
in the following year.

3. Ilia vero] In this section we have
adopted the punctuation of "Wesenberg.

praetextam] The fahula praetexta, or
praetextata, was a drama, the subject of
which was taken from Roman histoiy.
For the form jjraelexta, cp. Ilor. A. P.
2S8, vel qui praetextas vel qui docuere
togatas. According to the analogy of
palliata and tor/ata, the form ought to be
praetextata, and such is the regular foim
in the grammarians : see Wilkins on Hor.
1. c. For f alulae praetextatae generaUv
cp. Teuffel, \ U.

ad L. Lentulum] cp. § 1.

cum . . . luduin] ' when compelled to
join the gladiator's school he had twice
fought, and killed his adversary'; such
appears to be the force of de- .

auctorare] ' to bind himself over to be
a gladiator': cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 7, 58, Quid
refert uri lirgis ferroque nccari Aiietoratus
eas. Freemen who engaged themselves
as gladiators [se auctorahant) were sworn
to obedience, Petron. 117, in verba Eumolpi
sacramenttim iuravimus uri, vinciri, ver-

berari, ferroque necari et quidquid aliud
Eumolpus iussisset : tamqiiam legitimi
gladiatores domino corpora atiimasque re-
ligiosissime addicimus, quoted by Mayor
on Juv. xi. 8 {i-eyia verba lantstae). For
the reading see Adn. Crit.

primum . . . Fadius] Note how during
this clause Pollio forgets the pendent
accusative, Fadium. quemdam, but after-
wards takes it up again.

d'indc . . . combussit] ' then, after
having carried him away, he buried him
in the gladiatorial school, and burned him
alive.' This was a Carthaginian punish-
ment: cp. Gell. iii. 14, 19, M. Cato de
Carthaginiensibus ita scripsit ' Homines
defoderunt in terram dimidiatos, ignem-
que circumposuerunt. Ita interfeceruntJ'
Senec. De Ira, iii. 3, 6, c'lrcnnidati defossis
corporibus ignes.

nudis pedibus] i.e. without his calcei
on, in undress.

man'ibus ad tergum reiectis] Hor. Od.
iii. 5, 21, uses the dat. retorta tergo
bracchia libera.

quiritanti] A strengthened and fre-
quentative form from the same root as
queri (Vani9ek 180, Fick i. 555). From
it is derived the Eng. cry, Ital. gridare.
It was probably a word belonging to the
language of ordinary life. The assertion
of Yairo, L. L. v. 7, quiritare dicitur
is qui Quiritium Jidcm damans impilorat,
is now exploded. Some scholars (e.g.
Baiter and Kleyn) think that C. B. natus
sum (= Civis Itomanus natus sum), is a
gloss suggested by the Varronian deriva-
tion ; but the answer of Balbus shows

DCCCXCri. {FAM. X. 32).

223

ret: ' Abi nunc, populum fidera implora.' Bestiis vero cives
Eomanos, in iis circulatorem quemdam auctionum, notissimum
hominem Hispali, quia deformis erat, obiecit. Cum huiusce modi
porteuto res mihi fait. Sed de illo plura coram. 4. Nunc, quod
praestat, quid me velitis facere constituite. Tres legiones firmas
habeo, quarum unam, duodetricensimara, cum ad se initio belli
arcessisset Antonius liac pollieitatione, quo die in castra venisset,
denarios quingenos singulis militibus daturum, in victoria vero
eadem praemia, quae suis legionibus — quorum quis ullam finera
aut modum futurura putabit ? — incitatissimam retinui, aegre
mebercules : nee retinuissem, si uno loco habuissem, utpote cum
singulae quaedam coliortes sedition em fecerint. Reliquas quoque
legiones non destitit litteris atque infinitis poUicitationibus inci-
tare. Nee vero minus Lepidus ursit me et suis et Antonii litteris,
ut legionem tricensiraam mitterem sibi. 5. Itaque quem exer-
citum neque vendere ullis praemiis volui nee eorum periculorum
metu, quae victoribus illis portendebantur, deminuere, debetis
existimare retentum et eonservatum rei publicae esse, atque ita
credere, quodcumque imperassetis, facturum f uisse, si quod iussistis
feci. Nam et provinciam in otio et exercitum in mea potestate

that the words are required. A Roman
citizen could not be legally condemned
to death, except by the judgment of the
people.

circulatorem quemdam auctionum'] ' an
itinerant pedlar, -who attended auctions, a
well-known character at Seville': cp. cir-
cumforaneus pharmacopola in Cluent. 40.

4. liunc quod j^raestat'] 'Now for
something more important.' C. F. "W.
Miiller reads quod restat, perhaps rightly.

pollicitaiiotie'] That Cicero avoided this
word Schmalz (p. 35) infers from Fam.
iv. 13, 1 (483), id quoque dejiciebat me, in
quo debehat esse aut pi-omissio auxilii
alicuius aut consolatio doloris tui. Quod
pollicerer noti erat.

denarios quingenos'] about £17.

daturum] For the omission of the
subject cp. § 5 below; Fam. xvi. 5, 1
(289), is omnia pollicitus est quae tibi opus
essent : facturum puto, cp. v. 1, 1 (14) ;
viii. 3, 1 (197).

i« victoria] ' when the victory is won':
cp. Fam. iv. 9, 2 (487), Caesarem magis
communem censemus in. victoria futnrum
fuisse quam incertis in rehusfuisset ? xi. 28,

2 (785) ; 914, 8 ; PubliHus Syrus (Ribb.
64), Bis vincit qui se vincit in victoria.

incitatissimam] ' though greatly ex-
cited.'

si uno loco habuissem] cp. 895, 1, ' and
I should not have been able to hold them
in check, if I had had them united
together in one place, seeing that some
individual cohorts became mutinous.'

seditionetn fecerint] cp. Plant. Merc. i.
1, 14, Perii, seditionem. facit lien, occupat
praecordia. Cicero would use the passive
seditione facta, butnotthe active (Schmalz,
p. 47).

incitare] 'to work upon them,' 'to
stir them up.'

ursit] For this form of the perf. cp.
Q. Fr. iii. 9, 1 (160) ; Lucr. ii. 197.

legionem tricensimam] cp. 824, 5.

5. retentum . . . rei p.] 'maintained
safe for the state.'

atque . . . feci] ' and you ought to
believe that I should have done whatever
j'ou commanded, seeing that 1 have done
what you have ordered.' For si Gro-
novius reads sicut, which slightly simpli-
fies the sentence, but is not necessary.

224 DCCCXCVII. {lifiUT. I. 10).

teuui : fluibus meue provinciae uusquaui excessi : militem uoii
modo legiouarium, sed ue auxiliarium quideni ullum quoquain
misi, et, si quos equites decedeiites uaetus sum, supplicio adfeci.
Quaruui rerum fructum satis iiuiguum re publica salva tulisse me
putabo. Sed, res publica si me satis novisset et maior pars seuatus,
maiores ex me fructus tulisset. Epistolam, quam Balbo, cum
etiam nuuc in provincia esset, scripsi, legendam tibi misi : etiam
praetextam, si voles legere, Grallum Coruelium, familiarem meum,
poscito. VI. Idus luiiias, Corduba.

DCCCXCVII. CICERO TO BRUTUS (Bkut. i. lo).

ROME ; KARLY IN JUNE ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Cicero de bello Mutinensi, de Octaviano omnique de re p. exponit, Brutumque urget
ut ex senatus auctoritate celeriter ciim exercitu in Italiam veniat, Cassiumqiie ut idem
faciat hortetur.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1. Nullas adhuc a te litteras babebamus, ne faraam quidem,
quae declararet te cognita senatus auctoritate in Italiam adducere

auxUiariuni] For this form, instead of lation of Lepidus (§ 2) was probably

aiixiliarem, cp. Bibulus, Fam. ii. 17, 7 caused by the receipt of 861 from Plan-

(272); Cassias, xii. 13, 4 (901); Cicero, cus, which was written May 13, and

Prov. Cons. 15. arrived in Rome towards the end of the

decedentes] ' trying to desert.' This month. These considerations lead us to

is the only passage in which decedere is place this letter in the early days of June,

found in the sense of deserting (Schmalz, 1. senatus auctoritate'] During the latter

p. 41). half of May it must have become very

re p. salva'] * if the state is preserved. ' plain to the Optimates that the war in

Sed . . . tulisset] PoUio grumbles North Italy was far from finished; and

more than once because the home govern- they, accordingly, turned their eyes to

ment did not take more notice of him: Brutus, and passed an anctoritas, urging

cp. 824, 4, 6 ; 890, 1. him to return. It is true that this aiicto-

Galliini Coi-nelium] The celebrated ritas is not mentioned elsewhere ; but

poet, friend of Yergil and Ovid : cp. there is every likelihood that it was

824, 6. passed, and it may readily have been

forgotten, as Brutus did not obey it.

This letter appears to have been written Besides, it is quite certain that there was

before the news of the union of Lepidus talk in political circles about this time as

and Antony had become known, that is to the advisability of directing Brutus to

before June 9th. In 909 Cicero first return : cp. 886, 2, de Bruto arcessendo

mentions to Brutus that act of treachery. . . . valde tibi adsentior ; D. Brutus, 892,

Again, what Cicero says about the vacil- Deliberent Brutum arcessant necne.

DCCCXCVII. {BRUT, I. 10).

225

exercitum, quod ut faceres idque maturares, magno opere desidera-
bat res publica, ingravescit enim in dies iutestinum malum nee
externis liostibus magis quam domesticis laboramus, qui erant
omnino ab initio belli, sed facilius frangebantur : erectior senatus
erat non sententiis solum nostris, sed etiam eohortationibus exci-
tatus ; erat in senatu satis vehemens et acer Pansa cum in ceteros
huius generis, turn maxime in socerum, cui consuli non animus
ab initio, non fides ad extremum def uit. 2. Bellum ad Mutinam
ita gerebatur, nihil ut in Caesare reprehenderes, nonnuUa in
Hirtio ; huius belli fortuna,

ut in secundis, fluxa, ut in adversis, bona :

erat victrix res publica caesis Antonii copiis, ipso expulso ; Bruti
deinde ita multa peccata, ut quodam modo victoria excideret
e manibus : perterritos, inermes, saucios non sunt nostri duces
persecuti datumque Lepido tempus est, in quo levitatem eius saepe
perspectam maioribus in malis experiremur. Sunt exercitus boni,
sed rudes Bruti et Planci, sunt fidelissima et maxima auxilia
Gallorum. 3. Sed Caesarem meis consiliis adhuc gubernatum,
praeclara ipsum indole admirabilique constantia improbissimis

ut faceres . . . desiderubat] It is a
mere accident that tliis construction is
found only once elsewhere in Cicero (Off.
ii. 39) ; for opto ut is common.

externis . . . laboramus] The meta-
phor in ingravescit intestinam malum is
kept up, and hostibus is used as if hostes
were the disease.

erectior] ' took a firmer stand.'

socerum'] Calenus : cp. Phil. viii. 19.

cui consuli] Cicero inserts the word
consuli, as otherwise cui would be referred
to socerum. On Cicero's opinion of the
consuls cp. 836, 1.

2. nonnulla in Hirtio] Cicero is re-
ferring to the whole campaign in North
Italy, rather than specially to the two
engagements, and there is no doubt that
there was a certain amount of dilatoriness
shown by the consuls : cp. 836, 1 ; Dio
Cass. xlvi. 35, 6, t6v -re irSAe/j.oi' fX7]Te
CTToi/Sr) fXTjTe Trapaxp^juct rrj rod x^'-l^'^^os
Trpo<pdcrei ■Koiovfxivovs {rovs inzdrovs)
^(xdiTo. Ita is added by Wesenberg.

tii in secundis . . . bona] For this

iambic trimeter cp. Att. iv. 1, 8 (90).

Bruti . . . multa peccata] This refers
especially to his delay after being released
from Mutina, whereby he allowed Antony
to get some days' start on his flight into
Gaul. Also, perhaps, Cicero considered
that D. Brutus showed want of tact and
judgment in not acting in friendly con-
cert with Octavian.

GaUoyum] cp. 861, 5 ; the Allobroges
appear to have been especially devoted,
900, 4.

3. gubernatum] As it is allowable to say
(Phil. X. 19) mentes huius ordinis guber-
nantur, so we can say hie ordo or Caesar
gubernatur : cp. Flacc. 63, quae [civitas)
sic optimatium consiliis gubernatur . Meyer
(p. 121) draws too fine a distinction be-
tween the man and his mind when he
supposes that Caesar gubernatur cannothe
allowed, because gubernare is not found
elsewhere in Cicero with a strictly perso-
nal object ; but it is found in good writers,
cp. Ter. Hecyr. iii. 1, 31, quia enim qtd
COS gubernat animtis, injirmum gerunt.

226 nCCCXCVII. {BRUT. I. 10,.

litteris quidam fallaoibusque iuterpretibus ac nuntiis impulerunt
in spem certissimam consulatus, quod simul atque sensi, neque ego
ilium absoutera litteris mouere destiti nee accusare praesentes eius
necessarios, qui eius cupiditati suffragari vidobantur, nee in senatu
sceleratissimorum consiliorum fontes aperire dubitavi, uec vero
ulla in re niemini aut seuatum meliorem aut niiigisfratus ; num-
quam euim in honore extraordinario potentis liomiuis vel potentis-
simi potius — quandoquidem poteutia iam in vi posita est et armia
— accidit, ut nemo tribunus plebis, nemo alio in magistratu, nemo
privatus auctor exsisteret. Sed in liac coustantia atque virtuto
erat tamen sollicita civitas : illudimur euim, Brute, turn militum
deliciis, tum imperatoris iusolentia : tantum quisque se in re
publica posse postulat, quantum babet virium ; non ratio, non
modus, non lex, non mos, non officium valet, non iudieium, non
existimatio civium, non posteritatis verecundia. 4. Haec ego
multo ante prospicieus fugiebam ex Italia tum, cum me vestrorum
edictorum fama revocavit, iucitavisti vero tu me, Brute, Veliae ;
quamquam enim dolebam in eam me urbem ire, quam tu fugeres,
qui eam liberavisses, quod mihi quoque quondam acciderat jDericulo

interpretibus] 'negotiators.' militum deliciis'] ' by the supercilious

imjmlerunt in spem'] cp. Fam. i. 9, 12 demands': op. Att. i. 17, 9 (23), Ecee

(153), in Jiaiic meutim iitqjvlkre; Mil. aliae deliciae equitum vix fer endue. On

89. the whole sentence, from illudimur down

ulla in re] Meyer (p. 68), after Dru- to verecundia, Cobet, who is no mean

mann (i. 331 ff.), thinks that this must judge of Latin style, exclaims, 'Quis non

refer to the occasion on which 400 of in his verbis stilum et ubertatem Tullia-

Octavian's soldiers marched to Eome, nam agnoscit?'

and demanded the consulship for him 4. Eaee] This refers to the %yhole

(Dio Cass. xlvi. 42-43) ; and as Meyer deplorable state of affairs described in

also holds that Plancus must be referring § 3.

to the same event in 91G, 6 (written July edictorum fama'] ' the renown obtained

28), and as news would take a fortnight by your manifestoes.' The edicts did not

to reach the Isara from Home, he tixes fall flat, but were received with enthusi-

July 13 or 14 as the date of that demand. asm. The t^yo documents are— (1) that

But matters had not come to such a crisis referred to in Fam. xi. 3, 1 (782), and

so early as July. The reference rather is Phil. i. 8, which Cicero read at Leucopetra

to one of the many attempts which, about the 7th of August : cp. Att. xvi. 7,

during these months, Octaviau would ap- 1 (783) ; and (2) after Antony's reply the

pear to have made to obtain the consul- manifesto (viz. 782) which was issued as

ship: cp. Dio Cass. xlvi. 41, 3, olizip tov a rejoinder to this reply, and read by

(i.e. the consulship) ra fxdkiaTa ijAixeTo. Cicero on August 17 (783, 7).

nemo alio in mayistratii] ^^'e have ven- incitavisti . . . liberavisses] cp. Phil.

tured to add <in> (which might easily i. 9, Atque ego celeriter Veliam devectus

have fallen out before m), as we do not Brutum vidi ; quanto meo dolor e, nondico.

know of any parallel to such an ablative Turpe mihi ipsi videbatur in eam urbem

of quality as nemo alio magistratu. me audere reverti, ex qua Brutus cederetf

auctor] Translate 'to propose it.' et ibi velle into esse, ubi ille non posset.

DCCCXCVII. {BRUT. I. 10).

227

simili, casu tristiore, perrexi tamen Romamque perveni nulloque
praesidio quatefeci Antonium contraque eius arma nefanJa prae-
sidia, quae oblata sunt Caesaris, cousilio et auetoritate firmavi :
qui si steterit fide mibique paruerit, satis videmur habitui-i prae-
sidii ; sin autem impiorum consilia plus valuerint quam nostra aut
imbecillitas aetatis non potuerit gravitatem rerum sustinere, spes
omnis est in te. Quam ob rem advola, obsecro, atque earn rem
publicam, quam virtute atque animi magnitudiue magis quam
eventis rerum libera visti, exitu libera : omuis omnium concursus
ad te futurus est. 5. Hortare idem per litteras Cassium : spes
libertatis nusquam nisi in vestrorum castrorum principiis est.
Firmos omnino et duces habemus ab occidente et exercitus ; boo
adolescentis praesidium equidem adbuc firmum esse confido, sed
ita multi labefactaut, ut, ne moveatur, interdum extimescam.
Habes totum rei publicae statum, qui quidem tum erat, cum bas
litteras dabam : velim deiuceps meliora sint : sin aliter fuerit —
quod di omen avertant ! ^-rei publicae vicem dolebo, quae immor-
talis esse debebat, mibi quidem quantulum reliqui est ?

efect] This is a aira^ ^Iprifxivov,
like so many other words in Cicero's
Letters : e.g. achessio, salaco, comhibo. It
is legitimately formed : cp. cxpergefacio,
labefacio, tremefacio. Meyer is probably
right in supposing that it has a slightly
vulgar tone about it, ' I made Antony
shake in his shoes.'

si steterit Jide] We read fde for idem
with Biicheler (Ehein. Mus. xxix. 195).
No definite parallel can be got for stare
idem : cp. Meyer, 122, 123. Cicero would
have said idemfueris.

exitu'] ' by a (sviccessful) issue '; 'ef-
fectively.' Exitus is often used in this
sense in Livy, e.g. xxxii. 40, 3, sine
exitu, ' without (successful) result.'
Somewhat similar is 833, 3, nt quae reip.
boiiisque omnibus ponicere7nnr, exitu prae-
staremus. Accordingly, there is no ne-
cessity to have recourse to emendation,
either inserting felici with Kayser, or
altering to exitio with Becher, or to
exercitu with Studemund ; though for the
latter may be compared 902, 3, te tuumque
exercitum exspectamus sine quo . . . vix
satis liheri videmtir fore, and exitus and

exercitus are often confused by copyists :
cp. Drakenborch on Livy, v. 26, 7 ; xxii.
13, 5.

6. in vestrorum castrorum principiis']
'in the head-quarters of your camp.'
This was the public place in the camp
before the tents of the tribunes : cp. Diet.
Antiq. i''. 374 «. The word is used in
this sense by Nepos, Eum. 7, 2, a con-
temporary of Cicero. For the substance
of the sentence cp. 904, 2.

ne moveatur] ' lest it should be moved
from its firm base.' "We should have
expected moveatur de statu or loco ; but as
Horace (Sat. i. 6, 20) can say movere for
movere de senatu, so Cicero may be ac-
corded the privilege here of omitting an
ordinary adjunct: cp. Psalm 125, 1,
' Mount Zion which cannot be removed,
but abideth for ever.'

totum reip. statum'] cp. 902, 3, de tota
rep. plura scribam.

reip. vicem doleho] cp. Att. iv. 6, 1
(110), ipsius vicem minime dolemus; 792,
3, tiiam vicem saepe doleo.

mihi quidem . . . est ?] ' as for myself —
ah ! how little remains ? '

228

DCCCXCrilL {FAM. XII. S).

DCCCXCVIII. CICERO TO CASSIUS (Fam. xii. s).

HOME ; AFTKK JUNE 8 ; A. U, C. 711 ; H. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero ronovatura a Lcpido bellum esse qiientui- et C. Cassium ad liberandaiii
rem publicam hortatur.

CICERO CASSIO S.

1. Scelus adfiuis tui Lepidi summamque levitatem et incon-
stantiam ex actis, quae ad te mitti certo scio, cognosse te arbitror.
Itaque uos coufecto bello, ut arbitrabamur, renovatuni bellum
gerimus, spemque omnem in D. Bruto et Planco babemus : si
verum quaeris, in te et in meo Bruto non solum ad praesens
perfugium, si, quod nolim, adversi quid accident, sed etiam ad
confirmatiouem perpetuae libertatis. 2. Nos hie de Dolabella
audiebamus quae vellemus, sed certos auctores non habebamus.
Te quidem magnum bomiuem et praesenti iudicio et reliqui teru-
poris exspectatione scito esse. Hoc tibi proposito fac ut ad summa
eontendas. Nihil est tantum quod non populus Eomanus a te
perfici atque obtineri posse iudicet. Vale.

The news of the treason of Lepidus
cannot have reached Rome by land much
earlier than June 9 (cp. note to 894, 1).

1. adjinis] cp. note to 790, 2.

summamque . . . inconstantiam'] ' and
the grievous want of principle and firm-
ness which he has shown': cp. 839, 1,
wliich proves that this character of Lepi-
dus was known before Lis treason.

cjo actis\ 'from the Public Journal.'
For the Acta cp. Prof. A. S. Wilkins, in
Diet. Antiq. i'. p. 12.

si feriim quaeris'] Tossihlj sed {s ;) may
have fallen out before si. ' We are
resting our hopes on D. Brutus and Plan-
cus; but, to tell you the truth, our real
refuge is in you and my friend Brutus.'

in meo Bruto] Gronoviua alters to

3I{arco) Bruto, as he considers that the
contrast with D. Brutus requires to be
marked. This alteration is possible, but
not necessary ; for his being mentioned
in connexion with Cassius shows clearly
which Brutus is meant.

non solum . . . libertatis'] ' not only
to serve as refuge for the immediate crisis
if (what I deprecate) anything untoward
should happen, but also to establish a
freedom that will endure for all time.'

2. Te quidem . . . contiudas] ' Let me
tell you that you are a great man, both
in the esteem which you now eujoy, and
in the hopes entertained about your
future. "With this consideration clearly
before you, aim high.'

obtineri] 'sustained.'

DCCCXCIX. {FAM. XII. 30). 229

DOCCXCIX. CICERO TO CORNIFICIUS (Fam. xii. 30).

ROME ; AFTER JUNE 8 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero silentium litterariim, quod non esset nisi litigantium commenclationibus
interpellatum, molestis occupationibus suis excusat amoremque siuim summum amico
significat : deinde de bello renovato scribit, turn de aiigustiis pecuniae publicae propter
sumptum, quem in rem militarem postularat Cornificius : de Dionysio, de Lucceio, de
Calvisii legatis.

CICERO CORNIFICTO S.

1. Itane ? praeter litigatores nemo ad te meas litteras? Multae
istae quidera : tu enim perfeeisti ut nemo sine litteris meis tibi se
commendatum putaret : sed quis umquam tuorum mihi dixit esse
cui darem quin dederim ? aut quid mihi iucundius quam, cum
coram tecum loqui non possim, aut seribere ad te aut tuas legere
litteras ? Illud magis mihi solet esse molestum, tantis me impe-
diri occupationibus, ut ad te scribendi meo arbitratu facultas nulla
detur. Non enim te epistolis, sed voluminibus lacesserera, quibus
quidem me a te provocari oportebat. Quam vis enim occupatus sis,
otii tamen plus habes, aut, si ne tu quidem vacas, noli impudens
esse nee mihi molestiam exhibere et a me litteras crebriores, cum
tu mihi raro mittas, flagitare. 2. Nam cum antea distinebar
maximis occupationibus, propterea quod omnibus curis rem puhli-
cam mihi tuendam putabam, tum hoc tempore multo distineor
vehementius. XTt enim gravius aegrotant ii, qui cum levati morbo
videreutur, in eum de integro inciderunt, sic vehementius nos

This letter was probably written about no leisure, do not be importunate, and

the same time as 898 : see introd. to that keep troubling me, and demand of me

letter, and note to § 2 of this one. more frequent letters, when you write to

1. litigatores] 'those who have law- me so seldom.' The kindly tone of tne

suits,' and, accordingly, did not fail to letter generally leads one to suppose that

present their letters of introduction. For this is, in some measure, a simuhition of

ellipse of rf«^j< cp. Att. xii. 38, 1 (581); anger. For ne . . . quidem s&q 'Re.idi on

Fam. XV. 16, 1 (531). Acad. i. 5.

lacessereni] ' assail.' 2. in eum de integro inciderunt^ ' have

provocari'] ' though it is by volumes, a relapse. ' The usual word for ' relapse '

indeed, that I should have been chal- is recidere: cp. Att. xii. 21, 5 (557), and

lenged (to make reprisals).' Fov provocari febres recidivae is the technical term for

with abl. cp. Off. i. 48. ' recurrent fevers.'

aut . . . vacas] ' or if you too have vehementius] ' acutely.'

230

DCCCXCIX. {FAM. Xll. 30).

laboranius, qui proiligato bello ac paono sublato renovatum bellum
gcrere conanmr. Seil haeo hacteuus. 3. Tu tibi, mi Cornifici,
fac ut persuadeas non esse me tam imbecillo ajiimo, ne dicam
inhiimano, ut a te vinci possim aut officiis aut amoro, Non dubi-
tabam equidem, verum tamen multo milii notiorem amorem tuum
effecit Cliaerippus. 0 hominem semper ilium qnidem mihi
nptum, nunc vero etiam suavem ! Vultus mehercule tuos mihi
expressit omues, non solum animum ac verba pertulit. Itaque
noli vereri, ne tibi susceusuerim, quod eodem exemplo ad me, quo
ad ceteros. Requisivi equidem proprias ad me uuum a te litteras,
sfd neque vebementer et amanter. 4. De sumptu, quem te in
rem militarem facere et fecisse dieis, nihil sane possum tibi opitu-
lari, propterea quod et orbus est senatus eonsulibus amissis et
iucrodibiles angustiae pecuniae publicae, quae couquiritur undique,
lit optime meritis militibus prouiissa solvantur, quod quidem fieri
sine tribute posse non arbitror. 5. De Attio Dionysio nihil puto
esse, quoniam mihi nihil dixit Tratorius. De P. Lucceio nihil

profl'xgato . . . suhlato] cp. 898, 1.

3. non esse me"] ' that I am far from
being so •weak, not to say unfeeling, as
to allow myself to be surpassed bj^ you in
affection or service.'

Chaeripjms'] One of the suite of Q.
Cicero in Asia: cp. Q. Fr. i. 1, 14 (30) ;
Mi. iv. 7 (111); v. 4, 2 (187). He was
now with Comificius in Africa : cp.
& 13 fin.

0 hominem'] ' What a man ! he always
pleased me, but now quite charms me.'

expressit] ' reproduced.'

ttd me] For the ellipse of scripsisti cp.
Att. xiii. 40, 1 (660), and often: cp. § 7
below, and Heidemann, p. 67.

sed neque rehementer et amanter] 'but
without insistence and with affection.'

4. orbus est] ' is orphaned.' We have
added est with Wesenberg.

anffustiaj] 'scarcity.' The expressive
language of the Stock Exchange speaks
of the ' tightness ' of money.

optime meritis militibus] These were
the four legions which Octavian now
commanded, and which had deserted from
Antony : cp. 877, 3.

tributo] 'property tax.' After 587 (167)
a tributum was never imposed during the
time of the Eepublic, though during the
Triumvirate at the end of this year, 711
(43), some very heavy taxes were imijosed

on the rich, both men and women : cp.
Appian iv., B. C. 5, 32, 34. Dio Cassius,
indeed, talks of a reimposition of taxes
formerly abolished (xlvii. 10, rb tSiv
Tt\Siv tSiv TvpiTipov KaraXvOevTicv TtJre 5'
ai/Ois iiravaxSivTuiv) ; but as the tax was
imj)osed M'ithout any regard to the Servian
census, and as the whole proceeding was
capricious, violent, and arbilrarj', we
cannot regard the tax referred to by Dio
as anything more than a tributum teme-
rarium (cp. Festus 364). See Lange,
R. A. i^. 546; Marquardt ii-. 178, where
fuller details can be found.

5. De Attio Dioni/sio] cp. 817, 3. For
Tratorius cp. 792, 4.

De P. Luceeio] cp. 851, 6. It is diffi-
cult to be sure about the interpretation
of this affair. It would appear that
Lucceius was a debtor of some bank-
rupt (probably now deceased) whose pro-
perty was being sold. Gains (iii. 79)
gives the following rules about bankrupt
sales (bonorum venditio) : — In the case of
the sale of a bankrupt's estate an order
issued from the praetor, and the estate
M-as possessed and advertised, for thirty
days if the bankrupt was alive, for fifteen
if he was dead. After that period a second
order issued from the praetor, directing
the creditors to hold a meeting, and elect
out of their number a liquidator {magister),

DCCCXCIX. (FAM. XII. 30)

231

tibi concedo, quo studiosior tu sis quam ego sum : est enim nobis
Decessarius. Sed a magistris cum contenderem de proferendo die,
probarunt mihi sese, quo minus id facerent, et compromisso et iure
iuraudo impediri. Uua re veniendum arbitror Lucceio. Uuam-
quam si meis litteris obtemperavit, cum tu haec leges, ilium
Romae esse oportebit. 6. Ceteris de rebus maximeque de pecunia,
€um Pansae mortem ignorares, scripsisti, quae per nos ab eo
consequi te posse arbitrarere. Quae te non fefellissent, si viveret :
nam te diligebat : post mortem autem eius quid fieri posset non
videbamus. 7. De Venuleio, Latino, Horatio, valde laudo. lUud
non nimium probo, quod scribis, quo illi animo aequiore ferrent,
te tuis etiam legatis lictores ademisse — honore enim cum igno-
minia dignis non erant comparandi, — eosque ex senatus consulto, si
non decedunt, cogendos, ut decedant, existimo. Haec fere ad eas
litteras, quas eodem exemplo binas accepi. De reliquo velim tibi
persuadeas non esse milii meam dignitatem tua cariorem.

by whom the estate might be sold. After
ten days if the bankrupt was alive, or five
if he was dead, a third order is made, and
the conditions of sale are published.
After twenty (or ten) days more a decree
of the praetor assigns {addicit) the estate
to the purchaser. This shows that there
were fixed times for the different steps in
the sale of a bankrupt's estate. In the
present case the liquidators (it appears that
there were more than one), who, no doubt,
made oath when appointed that they
would act strictly according to law, de-
clare that they are unable to put off the
auction. It is not quite clear how com-
promissum comes in. A compromissum is
an agreement of two persons to refer the
matter in dispute to an arbiter, and to
abide by his decision (cp. Long on Yerr.
ii. chap. 27, § 66). Probably Lucceius,
or some other person interested in the
postponement of the auction, had made an
agreement with the magistri to refer his
claim for postponement to an arbiter, and
that arbiter had decided against postpone-
ment. Accordingly, it was necessary that
Lucceius should put in an appearance on
the day fixed, if he did not acknowledge
the debt.

tu sis] So H Pal; iitssis M. The
ordinary reading is eius sis, but Mendels-
sohn quotes Fam.xiii. 61 ('2'd3),Jilio mire
studioso, to show that studiosus can be

used absolutely : cp. Fam. xiv. 1, 2 (82);
Att. x. 15, 4 (401).

6. arbitrarere'] The subjunctive is that
of reported definition ; cp. note to Att. ii
1, 2 (27), and Eoby, \ 1740.

Quae te non fefellissent] ' and you
would not have been disappointed in this.'

7. Venuleio, Latino, Horatio] Perhaps
two of these were the legates of C. Cal-
visius, whom he left at Utica when he
returned to Eome : cp. Phil. iii. 26, and
Tissot, Pastes de la Province d'Afrique,
p. 25. Mommsen, however (St. R. i^.
370, note 6), thinks that they were unim-
portant senators who had been granted
lictors (cp. 813). It would appear that
even the legates had no right to have
lictors.

honore . . . comparandi] ' For they
(sc. your legates) ought not, in respect of
distinction, to be put on a par with those
who deserve to be disgraced.' For this
use of the ablative cp. Livy ix. 19, 1,
Mestat ut copiae copiis comparentur vel
numero vel militum genere vel multitudine
auxiliornm : so that there is no necessity
to read, with Lehmann, p. 107, Honore
enim <cum digni su>it> cum ignominia
dignis non erant comparandi.

Haec . . . eodem exemplo binas accepi]
' This is the answer I have to make to
the two duplicate letters which I have
received': cp. note to 855, 1 ; 810, 1.

232 DCCCC. {FAM. XL 13, §§ U, 5).

DCCCC. D. BRUTUS AND L. PLANCUS TO THE

SENATE AND MAGISTRATES (Fam. xi. is, §§ 4, 5).

CULARO ; ABOUT JUNE 11 ; A. U. C. "H ; «• C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

In fragmcnto epistolae D. Brutus se Antonio et Lcpido pro virili parte restiturum
esse pollicetur, et senatum magistratusque rogat iit nihil de diligentia reniittant.

[D. BRUTUS IMP. COS. DES. ET PLANCVS IMP. COS. DESIG. S. D.
PR. TR. PL. SENATUI POPULO PLEBiaUE ROMANAE.]

4. * * * in spem venerant, quod neque Planci quattuor legiones
omnibus suis copiis pares arbitrabantur neque ex Italia tarn
celeriter exereitum traiici posse credebant. Uuos ipsi adhuc sati&
adroganter Allobroges equitatusque omnis, qui eo praemissus erat
a nobis, sustinebant, nostroque adventu sustineri facilius posse
confidimus. Tamen, si quo etiam casu Isaram se traiecerint, ne
quod detrimentum rei publicae iniuugant, summa a nobis dabitur
opera. 5. Vos magnum animum optimamque spem de summa re
publica habere volumus, cum et nos et exercitus nostros singular!
Concordia coniunctos ad omnia pro vobis videatis paratos. Sed
tamen nihil de diligentia remittere debetis dareque operam, ut
quam paratissimi et ab exercitu reliquisque rebus pro vestra salute
contra sceleratissimam conspirationem hostium confligamus : qui

That this is a separate letter from 869 satis adroganter'] ' contemptuously

is quite plain, though both are run into enough.'

one in the mss. Most probably a sheet sustinebant'] This tense is epistolary,

of the archetype was lost, as this letter, nobis . . . nostra] These words show

as it appears here, is a mere fragment. It that this letter was written by D. Brutus

is the end of an official letter addressed by and Plancus: contrast meumque iter in

D. Brutus and Plancus to the senate and 869, 4. Also vos below, § 5, shows that

magistrates. Of course the superscription it is probably addressed to the senate and

given above is not found in the mss. As magistrates : contrast 869, 2, iibi esse

in 885, cos. must be left out before ph., notutn.
as the consuls were dead. sustineri facilius posse] ' that resistance

4. * * * in spem venerant] sc. Antony can be more easily made.'
and Lepidus. For the phrase cp. Fam. se traiecerint] cp. note to 847, 2.

ix. 1, 1 (456) : De Orat. ii. 217. 5. ab exercitu] 'in respect of forces.'

quattuor] Plancus says, in 833, 3, For ab cp. Att. i. 1, 2 (10).
.that he had five legions; but only four conspirationem] 'conspiracy.' For this

were available for active service (860, 3 ; sense of the word cp. Cic. Scaur. 20 ;

916,3). Deiot. 11; Vatinius ap. Fam. v. 9, 1

Italia] see note to 877, 4. (639). It often occurs in later authors.

DCCCCI. {FAM. XII. 13).

233

quidem eas copias, quas diu simulatione rei publicae comparabant,
subito ad patriae periculum converternnt.

DCCCCI. CASSIUS PAEMENSIS TO CICEEO

(FaM. XII. 13).

CROMMYUACRIS, IN CYPRUS ; JUNE 13 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ;

AET. CIC. 63.

C. Cassius quaestor gratulatur de Mutinensi victoria et res a se gestas exponit.
C. CAbSIUS Q. S. D. M. CICERONI.

1. S. Y. B. E. Y. Cum rei publicae vel salute vel victoria
gaudemus turn instauratione tuarum laudum : quod maximus
consularis maximum consulem te ipse vicisti, et laefcamur et mirari
satis noil possumus. Fatale nescio quid tuae virtuti datum, id
quod saepe iam experti sumus. Est enim tua toga omnium armis
felicior : quae nunc quoque nobis paene victam rem publicam ex
manibus liostium eripuit ac reddidit. Nunc ergo vivemus liberi :
nunc te, omnium maxime civis et milii carissime — id quod maxi-
mis rei publicae tenebris comperisti, — nunc te liabebimus testem

qui quidem . . . converterunt] Watson
thinks that this is an allusion to Lepidiis,
though it is just possible that it is a hint
that Octavian is really hostile ; for D.
Brutus appears to have had suspicions
that he was not to he trusted : cp. 854, 4,
neque Caesari imperari potest ; 877, 1, se
(Caesarem) non esse commissurum ut tolli
posset. The date of this letter will not,
of course, admit of any reference to the
declared hostility of Octavian.

Schiitz, Krause (inPauly), and Wesen-
berg say that the writer of this letter was
Lucius Cassius, nephew of Cassius the
conspirator. Appian, iv. 135, states that
this Lucius Cassius died fighting despe-
rately at Philippi. But Drumann (ii. 161-
163), Euete (56-7), Prof. A. S. Wilkins
(on Hor. Epist. i. 4, 3), and Mendelssohn
hold that the writer is Cassius Parmensis:
cp. with § 3 Appian v. 2, Kdcrtrios 6
Tlapfj.T]aios eTri/cArji/ inreXf\enrTo [Xiv (in

42 n.C.) vTrh Kaaffiov Kcd BpovTov nepl ttju
'Afftav iirl veaiv Koi ffTparov, xPVt'-'^'''"'
eKXeyeiv. Euete supposes that the C.
Cassius mentioned in Att. xv. 8 (741) is
also Cassius Parmensis. For more about
him cp. Teuffel, § 210, 7.

1. instauratione tuarum laudum'] 're-
vival of your glories.' Cassius is con-
gratulating Cicero on the victory of
Mutina, which the state had won by
reason of his policy.

Fatale nescio quid] ' a power as of
Fate.'

Est enim . . . felicior'] This was the
regular compliment to be paid Cicero.
He appears to have first paid it to himself
{Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laitdi)
in his poem JDe meis temporibus, 691 (63) r
cp. Pis. 73 fF., and Mayor's note on Juv.
viii. 240. The verse was generally con-
demned for its arrogance, Quintil. xi. 1,
24.

maximis . . . tenebris] ' in the darkest

^34

DCCCCL {FAAl. XII. 13).

nostri et in to et in couiuuctissimam tiLi rem puLlicam amoris, et,
quae saepe pollicitus es te et tacitiirum, dum serviremus, et
dieturum de me turn, cum mihi profutura essent, nunc ilia non
ego quideni dici tanto opere desiderabo quam sentiri a te ipso.
Neque enim omnium iudicio malim me a te commendari quam
ipse tuo iudicio digue ac mereor commendatus esse, ut liaec novis-
sima nostra facta non subita nee convenientia, sed similia illis
cogitationibus, quarum tu testis es, fuisse indices meque ad
optimam spem patriae non minimum tibi ipsi producendum putes.
2. Sunt tibi, M. Tulli, liberi propinquique digni quidem te et
merito tibi carissimi : esse etiam debent in re publica proximo hos
cari, qui studiorum tuorum sunt aemuli, quorum esse oupio tibi
copiam : sed tamen non maxima me turba puto excludi, quo
minus tibi vacet me excipere et ad omnia, quae velis et probes,
producere. Animum tibi nostrum fortasse probavimus : ingenium
diutina servitus certe, qualecumque est, minus tamen, quam erat,
passa est videri. 3. Nos ex ora maritima Asiae provinciae et ex
insulis quas potuimus naves deduximus : dilectum remigum,

Lour of the state.' Prob:ibly Cassiiis
means the few years that followed Phar-
salia. Perhaps Cassias had been kind to
Cicero when the latter was at Brun-
disium.

digne ac mereor'] Just as aeqne ac is
common, and pro eo ac is allowable (cp.
Sulpicius, Fam. iv. 5, 1 (555)), so ob-
jection cannot be raised against digne ac.
Similar unusual examples of atque are
also found in the Digest, ii. 14, 4 ; xix.
2, 54.

malim . . . ipse . . . commendatus esse]
cp. note to dcmorati esse (882, 4).

ut haec . . . putes] ' by your judging
that these recent acts of mine are not
hasty and inconsistent ones, but quite in
accordance with those principles you know
so well ; and by your reflecting that you
yourself should be the main cause of my
advancement to a position wherein our
country may entertain the highest hopes
of me.' The subjunctives ut indices and
ut putes are explicative subjunctives, de-
veloping tuo iudicio . . . commendatus
esse. We need not read nee inconveni-
entia with some inferior mss ; for nee
convenientia = et non convenientia, cp.
Prop. 2, 28, 52, Vobiscmn Europe nee
proba (=etimproba) Fasiphae; Ovid, Her.
12, 33, et vidi et perii nee notis (= et

ignotis) ifftiibus arsi. This usage may
pass in Cassius, but would make us pause
in Cicero, though some examples occur :
Acad. Post. 20, quod inchoatum est neque
ahsolutum (= et non absolutum). For other
examples cp. Drager, ii. 69, 70. Boot
(Obs. Crit. p. 24), after Gronovius, wishes
to read meque ad op)timam spem p)atriae,
non minimam tibi ipsi producendum putes,
' and by your holding the opinion that t
should be advanced to honour, so that high
hopes of me may be entertained by my
country, no trifling hopes of me enter-
tained by yourself. ' This makes an elegant
and well-balanced sentence, such as suits
this studied composition.

2. liberi] The plu. must not be pressed.
Cicero had only one child alive.

studiorum] 'rivals for yonr interest';
or, perhaps, ' rivals in your studies,' i.e.
highly cultured and learned young men.

sed tamen . . . videri] ' yet, for all
that, I do not think that, thougli they
are numerous, you will refuse to find
room for me, and to further my advance-
ment, as far as you think fit and proper.
Possibly I have already satisfied you as to
my principles : my talents, slight though
they are, were certainly dwarfed by the
long-continued despotism.'

3. deduximus] 'launched.'

DCCCCL {FAM. XII. 13).

235

magna contumacia civitatium, tamen satis celeriter liabuimus :
secuti sumus classem Dolabellae, cui L. Figulus praeerat : qui
spem saepe trausitionis praebendo neque umquam non decedeudo
novissime Corycum se contulit et clauso portu se tenere coepit.
Nos ilia relicta, quod et iu castra pervenire satius esse putabamus
■et sequebatur classis altera, — quam anno priorein Bitbynia Tillius
Cimber compararat, Turullius quaestor praeerat — Cyprum petivi-
mus. Ibi quae cognovimus scribere ad vos quam celerrime volui-
mus. 4. Dolabellam ut Tarsenses, pessimi socii, ita Laudiceni
raulto ameutiores ultro arcessierunt: ex quibus utrisque civitatibus
Oraecorum militum uumero speciem exercitus effecit. Castra
habet ante oppidum Laudiceam posita et partem muri demolitus
■est et castra oppido couiunxit. Cassius noster cum decern legioni-
bus et cohortibus viginti auxiliariis et quattuor milium equitatu a
milibus passuum viginti castra habet posita IlaArfj) et existimat se
sine proelio posse viucere. Nam iam ternis tetraclirais triticum

magna contumacia'] ' with stubborn
resistance on the part of the states.'
Wesenberg (E. A.., p. 46) wished to add
in, comparing Fam. iii. 11, 4 (266), in
smnmis tuis occ/ijxiiionibas ; Liv. i. 17, 3,
in va7'iis voluntatilus rcgnari tamen omnes
valebant. But it is not necessary to add
the preposition : cp. Verr. ii. 189, Tabtilas
in foro sumiiia homimim frequentia ex-
■scribo. If a preposition were required
cum might be suggested : it could readily
liave fallen out af ler gvm.

L. Figiihis'] The mss give Lucilius ;
but cp. Appian iv. 60.

neque umquam non decedenclo'] ' yet
iiCTer failing to draw back from these
oifers.'

in castra'] This is somewhat vague.
Possibly we should read in <Cassii>
■castra.

Tillius Cimber] He was one of Caesar's
assassins. Turullius was also one of the
conspirators, and afterwards a partisan of
Antony against Octavian : cp. Val. Max.
i. 1, 19. For the readings of the sentence
see Adn. Crit.

4. Laiuliccni] The inhabitants of Lao-
dicea in Syria.

Graecoynm militam numero] ' with a
horde of Greek soldiers.' For the con-
temptuous sense of numerus cp. Hor.
Epist. i. 2, 27, nos numerus sumus et
fruges consumere nati. Though the Roman
speaks thus contemptuously of the Greek

soldiers, no doubt they were respectable
enough as compared with the Orientals.
This passage is interesting, as showing
that the Greeks appear to have had an
organized militia of their own in these
Syrian towns : cp. Holm, Griechische
Geschichte, p. 165.

et quattuor milium equitatu] ' and a
body of horse consisting of four tliousand.'
For equitatus = ' a body of horse,' cp.
Caes. B. C. i. 61, 3 ; Sail. Jug. 46, 7,
where equitatus is used in the plural.

a milibus passuum] ' at a distance of
twenty miles.' For this use of a cp.
Caes. B. G. ii. 7, 3, ab milibus passuum
minus duobus castra jjosucrunt.

IT a A TO)] Manutius reads Ua\To7, as
he considers the dative would require a
preposition; yet cp. Thucyd. v. 18, 10,
Kal Uv6o7 Kal 'ladfic^ koI 'Adrjvais. Paltus
was a coast town in Syria, a little south
of Laodicea.

Nam . . . est] ' For corn in the camp
of Dolabella now costs three tetradrachms
the medimnus.' For the form Tfrpax/^ov
and tctraclimum Mendelssohn refers to
Hultsch, Metrologici Scriptores, Index,
pp. 220, 259, who gives many examples.
The form is common in Livy, xxxiv. 52,
6 ; xxxvii. 46, 3 ; 59. 4 ; xxxix. 7, 1,
quoted by "NYeissenborn. A tetradrachm
was about 3s. %d., and a medimnus about
Ii bushels. Accordingly, the price of corn
was about 52s. a quarter. The average

236

DCCCCII. [BRUT. 1. 0).

apud Dolabellam est. Nisi quid navibus Ijaudicuuoruni suppor-
tarit, cito fame pereat neoesse est : ne supportare possit, et Cassii
classis bene magna, cui praeest Sextilius Euius, et tres, quas nos
adduximus, ego, Turullius, Patiscus, facile praestabunt. Te volo
bene speraro et rem publicam, ut vos istic expedistis, ita pro nostra
parte celeriter nobis expediri posse eonfidei*e. Vale. Data Idibiia
lun, Cypro, a Crommyuacride.

DCCCCII. CICEEO TO BllUTUS (Brut. i. o).
home; JUNE 8 (about) ; a. u. c. 711 ; u. c. 43 ; aet. cic. 63.

Bnitiim morte Porciae suae lugentem consolalur Cicero et ad fortitudinem cohortatur.
CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1. Fungerer officio, quo tu functus es in meo luctu, teque per
litteras coiisolarer, nisi scirem iis remediis, quibus meum dolorem

price of wheat is now about 29*. a quarter.
The highest it ever reached in England
was 177s. a quarter in 1801.

I^^isi quid . . . supporiarit] ' unless
he procures a supply of corn in the ships
of ihe T.aodiceans.'

Sextilius Rufas] cp. Fam. xiii. 48
(929), where be appears as quaestor in
Cyprus. For Patiscus see note to 882, 2.

expedistis] ' you haA'e freed it of diffi-
culties.'

nobis'] dat. comm. There is no need
to add a.

Crommyitacride] ' Onion-point,' a pro-
montory on the north of Cyprus, looking
towards Pamphylia.

This is the celebrated Consolation sent
by Cicero to Brutus on the death of
his wife, ' a lady well-reputed, Cato's
daughter,' that paragon among w^omen
[id enim amisisti cui simile in terris nihil
fuit). In his letter to Atticus (865, 7)
Brutus alludes to her illness, and it is
perhaps reasonable to suppose that she
died of a pestilence which visited Italy
about this time, Dio Cass. xlv. 17, 8,
tTTiy^v^TO Kal 6 Koifihs naarj ons etireTc rr}
*lToA.ta iax^pos. It is strange that there

is no mention of Porcia's illness in the-
letters of Brutus to Cicero ; but we may
explain that by the fact that the whole
correspondence was of a purely business-
and political character. That the ordinary
A'iew that Porcia was daughter, and not
sister, of Cato of Utica is right, is con-
vincingly shown by Fr. Iliihl (Jahrb.
1880, p. 147 f.) against the arbitrary
theorizing of J^ommsen (Hermes xv. p.
99 ff.).

The ordinary account of the death of
Porcia is that she committed suicide after
the Battle of Philippi by 'swallowing fire,'
as Shakespeare says, following an account
which literally translated the Greek (Val.
Max. iv. 6, 5 ; Martial i. 42; Dio Cass.
xlvii. 49, 4 ; Appian iv. 136). Plutarch
(Brut. 53) relates this story, and also ano-
ther account of her death, which is more
in accordance with our letter : TlopKiav Se
ryjv 'Bpoiirovyvya7Ka'NiK6\aos 6 (pi\6cro<pos
icrrope'i Kal Ova\4pLos Md^i/nos 0ov\o/^euriv
anodavuv, cos ovbels eneTpeTre twv (piXtav,
dAAa TrpocreKeivro Kal irapifpvXaTTOv, e/c
rov TTvphs avapirdffaaav avdpaKas KaTairielp
Kal rh ar6ixa avyKKfiffaffav Kal fj.vaa(Tav
ovTW SiacpdapTJvai. Kairot (peperai ris
iinaToAT] BpovTov Trphs tovs (pi\ovs iyKa-

DCCCCII. [BRUT. I. 9).

237

tu levasses, te in tuo nou egere, ac velim facilius, qiiam tune mihi,
nunc tibi tute medeare ; est autem alienum tanto viro, quantus es
tu, quod alteri praeceperit, id ipsum facere non posse. Me quidem
cum rationes, quas collegeras, turn auctoritas tua a nimio maerore
deterruit ; cum enim mollius tibi ferre viderer, quam deceret
virum, praesertim eum, qui alios consolari soleret, accusasti me
per litteras gravioribus verbis, quam tua consuetude fere bat.
2. Itaque indicium tuum magni aestimans idque veritus me ipse
collegi et ea, quae didiceram, legeram, acceperam, graviora duxi
tua auctoritate addita. Ac mihi turn, Brute, officio solum erat et
naturae, tibi nunc populo et scenae, ut dicitur, serviendum est ;
nam, cum in te non solum exercitus tui, sed omnium civium ac

\ovvTOs avTo7s Ka\ 6\o(pvpo/x4vov Trepl Trjs
HopKias, oos a/uLf\r]9e'i.(r7js utt' avTwv Kal
TTpoeAo/j.ei'ris Sia v6(Tov KaraKiiruv rhv
Biov. "^oiKiv oiiv 6 'NikSAkos ijyvoriKevai
rhv XP^^O"' efei to ye Trddos Kal rov
epuiTo. TTfs yvvaiKhs Kal r'bv Tp6ivov ttjs
TeAeuTrjs vTrovorjaai SiSdxn Kal rh eiri-
arSXiov, eiiTfp &pa ruv yvr)cri(j}v
iffriu. Now it is ]ilain that Plutarch
appears to favour the more romantic
story, not only by the words in his life
of Cato Minor 73, Kal TrpoTj/caro {ri UopKia)
rhv B'lov a^iws ttjs evyeveias Kal Trjs ape-
rrjs, but also by his statement here that
the letter of Erutus is, perhaps, not
genuine. It is easy to account for the
more romantic story when we remember
the tone of the opposition literature of
the early empire, and its tendency to
exalt Brutus and all connected with him
to a plane of heroism on which they
never deserved to be placed ; but it is
hard to account for the more prosaic story,
unless it was virtually the truth. No
doubt in Plutarch's time there were forged
letters, purporting to have been composed
by Brutus ; but we cannot believe that a
forger, if he wrote such letters as we
possess in the interests of Augustus and
the Empire, would have represented
Brutus and his doings in a manner so
very similar to that in which other writers
exhibit them, and mingled with so very
little exaggeration or misrepresentation.
We cannot, of course, argue that a for-
ger on the Republican side, if composing
a correspondence of Brutus and Cicero,
would have adopted the romantic story
which Plutarch attributes to Nicolaus ;
for that story supposed that Porcia's death

did not occur till after the deaths of
Cicero and Brutus ; but he would surely
have given more prominence than is
given in these letters to the death of a per-
sonage who, according to the prevailing
account, won such high honour by the
coui-age and magnanimity displayed in
the closing scene of her life.

1. levasses'] This subjunctive is due to
the attraction of the other clauses : op.
Tusc. iii. 35, diceres aliquid et magno
qnidem philosopho dignum si ea bona esse
scntires quae essent homine dignissiina,
and many examples quoted by Drager, i.
318-9.

teque per litteras . . . posse] Some
writers have supposed that this sentence
has been copied from Fam. iv. 5, 5 (555),
the celebrated letter of condolence sent by
Seiwius Sulpicius to Cicero : they also
compare § 2 of this letter with ^ 6 of that
of Sulpicius. But letters of condolence,
no matter by whom written, of necessity
contain very similar thoughts : in them,
if anywhere, ' common is the common-
place.'

Me quidem'] Cicero refers to the letter
of consolation which Brutus sent him on
the death of Tullia.

gravioribus verbis] Cicero did not like
that letter of Brutus at all : cp. Att. xii. 14,
4 (546), De Bruti ad me litteris scripsi ad
te antea : prudenter scriptae sed nihil quod
me adiuvaret ; xiii. 6, 3 (554), cum illius
(sc. Bruti) obiurgatoria {epistola).

2. populo et scenae, ut dicitur] ' you
must pay regard to the people, and the
part we act, so to say, before the public ' :
cp. Hor. Sat. ii. 1, 71, tibi se a volgo et
scaena in secreta remoranf.

238 DCCCCIII. {FAM. XL 25).

paene gentium coniecti oculi siut, minime decet, propter quera
fortiores ceteri sumus, eiini ipsimi aiiinio doLilitatum videri.
Qiiara ob rem accepisii in qiiidem doloreni — id onini amisisti,"'cui
simile in terris nihil fuit, — et est dolendum in tam gravi vuluere,
ne id ipsum, carere onini sonsu doloris, sit miserius quam dolere^
sed, ut modice, ceteris utile est, tibi necesse est. 3. Scribereni
plura, nisi ad te haec ipsa nimis multa esseut. Nos te tuumque
exercitum exspectamus, sine quo, ut reliqua ex sententia succed-
ant, vix satis liberi videmur fore. De tota re publiea plura scribam
et fortasse iam certiora iis litteris, quas Veteri uostro cogitabaui
dare.

DCCCCIII. CICERO TO D. BRUTUS (Fam. xi. 25).

ROME ; JUNK 18 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero scribit omnem spem esse in Planco et D. Bruto. De M. Bruti lebus
certior fieri cupit.

M. CICERO S. D. C. BRUTO.

1. Exspeetanti mihi tuas cotidie litteras Lupus noster subito
denuntiavit, ut ad te scriberem, si quid vellem. Ego autem, etsi
quid scriberem non habebam — acta enim ad te mitti sciebam,
inanem autem sermonem litterarum tibi iniucundum esse audie-
bam, — brevitatem secutus sum te magistro. Scito igitur in te et
in collega spem omnem esse. 2. De Bruto autem nihil adhuo
certi : c[uem ego, quem ad modum praeeipis, privatis litteris ad

in iam gravi vulnere] 'in the case of id reliqua . . . succedant] 'even if

so severe a blow': cp. note to 842, 5. everything else turns out as prosperously

ne . . . necesse est] ' lest the very as we could wish.'

freedom from all feelings of grief should de tota re pul/lica'] cp. 897, 5, Habes

be itself a more wretched state than that totum rei p. statum.

of grief; but moderation in grief, while Veteril cp. 837, 5, and note to 909, 1.
advantageous to the rest, is essential to
you.'

ut modice'] se. doleas. "Wesenberg in- 1. Zuptis] see note to 809, 1.^

serfs ita before tibi, apparently on the inanem . . . litterarum] ' chit-chat of

ground that utile est ut is not found else- letters.'

where, and that necesse est ut is rare. brevitatem . . . magistro] ' I have-
According to that reading supply dolere followed your teaching in beings brief:
aiter modice. But the mss reading gives cp. note to 894, 1.
a satisfactory construction. collega] i.e. Plancus: cp. 905, 1.

DCCCCIV. (FAM. XII. 9).

239

belliim commune vocare non desino. Qui vitinam iam adesset !
intestinum urbis malum, quod est non mediocre, minus timere-
mus. Sed quid ago ? non imitor XaKwvKTfxbv tuum : altera iani
pagella procedit. Vince et vale. xiv. Kal. Quinctiles.

DCCCCIV. CICERO TO CASSIUS (Fam. xii. 9).

ROME ; MIDDLE OF JUNE ; A. U. C. 7ll ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero queritui- de Lepido et Cassium, ut ad rem publicam liberandam in
Italian! veniat, hortatur.

CICERO CASSIO S.

1. Bre vitas tuarum litterarum me quoque breviorem in scri-
bendo facit et, vera ut dicam, non satis occurrit quid scribam.
Nostras enim res in aotis perferri ad te certo scio, tuas autem
ignoramus. Tamquam enim clausa sit Asia, sic nihil perfertur ad
nos praeter rumores de oppresso Dolabella, satis illos quidem
constantes, sed adliuc sine auctore. 2. Nos, confectum bellum
cum putaremus, repente a Lepido tuo in summam sollicitudinem
sumus adducti. Itaque tibi persuade, maximam rei publicae spem
in te et in tuis copiis esse. Firmos omnino exercitus habemus,
sed tamen, ut omnia, ut spero, prospere procedant, multum inte-

2. intestinum . . . mediocre'] ' internal
troubles here in the city, no slight ones.'
The reference is probably to the intrigues
which were in progress to secure the con-
sulship for Octavian, cp. 897, 2, as
Manutius supposes, though these intrigues
did not begin to he really serious until
July: cp. 915, 3; 916, 6.

pagello] On account of the shortness of
this letter, which, nevertheless, required
a second page, it has been supposed that
this letter was written on codicilli, for
which cp. Fam. ix. 26, 1 (479).

Vince et vale] ' Success and health' —
a formula which occurs elsewhere : cp.
907 fin.

1. Brevitas tuarum litterarum'] Schmidt
(Cass. p. 52) considers that the present

letter is an answer to 822, which was
written on March 7. It may seem a bold
thing to suppose that a letter would take
over 100 days to reach Rome from Syria ;
but a letter took close on 70 days to reach
Cicero in Cilicia, cp. Fam. iii. 11, 1
(265) ; and the messenger of Cassius may
have been delayed, owing to his having
to take precautions against being captured
by Dolabella: cp. 856, 1.

actis] cp. 898, 1.

2. a Lepido tuo] cp. note to 790, 2.
The fact that the treachery of Lepidus
is mentioned in the middle of the letter as
a subject which had been treated of pre-
viously shows that the present letter was
written later than 898.

ut omnia . . . procedant] ' even sup-
posing everything goes on prosperously.' j

240

DCCCCV. {FAM. XL 15).

rest te venire. Exigua enim spes est rei publicae — nam nullam
lion libet dicere — , sed, quaeeumque est, ea dospondetur anno
oonsulatus tui. Yale.

DCCCCV. CICERO TO D. BRUTUS (Fam. xi. 15).
ROME ; JUNE (end of) ; A. u. c. 711 ; n. c. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Laudat M. Cicero officium D. Bruti et hortatur, ut secum iam ipse certet.

M. CICERO D. BEUTO COS. DES. S. D.

1. Etsi mihi tuae Ktterae iucundissimae sunt, tanien iucundius
fuit, quod in summa occupatione tua Planco collegae mandasti, ut
te mihi per litteras excusaret : quod fecit ille diligenter. Mihi
autem nihil amabilius officio tuo et diligentia. Coniunctio tua
cum collega concordiaque vestra, quae litteris communibus decla-
rata est, S. P. Q. R. gratissiina accidit. 2. Quod superest, perge,
mi Brute, et iam non cum aliis, sed tecum ipse certa. Plura
scribere non debeo, praesertim ad te, quo magistro brevitatis uti
cogito. Litteras tuas vehementer exspecto et quidem tales, quales
maxime opto.

despondetur'] 'is affianced to,' i.e. be-
longs wholly to, is entirely connected
with. For another figurative use of de-
spondere op. Att. i. 10, 4 (6), bihliothecam
tuam cave cinquam despondeas qiiaiiivia
acrem amatorem inveneris, and note to
890, 4.

For the date, see note to 895. On
June 3 Brutus was in camp at least one
day's march from Eporedia. From that
camp to Cularo was about 100 miles, so
that his union with Plancus could hardly
have been effected much befoi'e June 12 ;
for most of the journey was across the
Alps where a day's march cannot have
compassed the normal distance; and the
soldiers must have been allowed a day's

rest at least once during the journey. A
iustum iter was about 15 Roman miles.

1. collegae'] D. Brutus and Plancus
had been designated as consuls for 712
(42).

Comimctio] cp. App. iii. 81. It oc-
curred about June 12. News of it would
take thirteen days to reach Rome, so that
this letter must have been written at the
end of June at the earliest.

2. tecum ipse certa'] cp. 823, 2, Tufac
in awjenda gloria te ipsum vincas.

magistro brevitatis] Cicero elsewhere
complains of the shortness of the letters
of D. Brutus : cp. 894, I ; 903, 1, brcvi-
tatem secutus stem te magistro.

Litteras . . . opto] This same con-
clusion occurs in the next letter.

DCCCCVL [FAM. X. 22).

241

DCCCCYI. CICERO TO PLANCUS (Fam. x. 22).

ROME ; JUNE (end Of) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero L. Planco, qui agris dividundis praefici cupierat, respondet.

CICERO PLANCO.

1. In te et in collega omnes spes est, dis approbantibus. Con-
cordia vestra, quae senatui declarata litteris vestris est, mirifice et
senatus et cuncta eivitas delectata est. 2. Quod ad me scripseras
de re agraria, si eonsultus senatus esset, ut quisque bonorificenlis-
simam de te sententiam dixisset, earn secutus essem : qui certe ego
fuissem. Sed propter tarditatem sententiarum moramque rerum
cum ea, quae consulebantur, ad esitum non pervenirent, commo-
dissimum milii Plancoque fratri visum est uti eo s. C, quod ne
nostro arbitratu componeretur quis fuerit impedimento arbitror te
ex Planci litteris cognovisse. 3. Sed sive in s. c. sive in ceteris
rebus desideras aliquid, sic tibi persuade, tantam esse apud
omnes bonos tui caritatem, ut nullum genus amplissimae dig-

1. Concordia] This shows that Plancus
and D. Brutus had joined forces : cp.
905, introd. note.

2. de re agraria'] Both D. Brutus and
Plancus evidently wished to be on the
Commission which was to be appointed to
consider the distribution of lands to the
soldiers : cp. 877, 1.

si eonsultus . . . fuissem] This sentence
is somewhat awkward, as qui must refer
to quisque ; and there is a slight verbal
inaccuracy in Cicero's saying that he
would have followed a proposal, and then
saying that he would have originated it :
but the sense is plain. We are to suppose
that qui . . . fuissem is a sort of correction
on Cicero's part, ' If the senate had been
consulted, I should have adopted the
opinion of the proposer of the most com-
plimentary motion on your behalf, and
that proposer would assuredly have been
myself.' Various alterations have been
proposed. Mendelssohn suggests esse(, in
quis for essem qui, ' the senate would

have followed the most complimentary
opinion.' The long separation of the
relative from the antecedent is not a vital
objection to the passage ; for such sepa-
ration is found in Cicero (Tusc. i. 3),
and is frequent in other writers, e.g.
Caes. B. G. vii. 59, 2 {qui = Bellovaci) ;
Sail. Cat. 48, 1 {quae = plehes) ; Tac.
Ann. i. 74, 1 [qtii = Caepio) ; Veil. ii. 47,
4 {quem = Milonem) ; still it is bold to
change essem to esset in. We thought of
quoi ego certe favissem, ' which I should
certainly have approved of: cp. Tusc. i.
55. But it is safer, on the whole, to
adhere to the mss reading.

uti eo . . . cognovisse] ' to accept the
decree which was passed ; and I think
you have learned from your brother's
letters who hindered its being drafted
according to our wishes.' Most editors
since Manutius add s. c. ; or, with Orelli
and Baiter, think that eo took the place
of s. c. The person referred to by quis
was probably Servilius : cp. 838, 3.
E

242 DCCCCVIL (FAM. X. 26).

uitatis excogitari possit quod tibi nou paratum sit. Litteras
tiias vehomenter exspecto et quidem tales, quales maxime opto.
Vale.

DCCCCVII. CICEEO TO FURNIUS (Fam. x. 26).

ROME ; JUNE (end) ; A. U. C. 711 ; U. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Quod se Fiimius scripserat so ad comitia praetoria venturum, monet eum M. Cicero,
ut absens potius bene de re publica mereatur.

M. CICERO S. D. C. FURNIO.

1. Lectis tuis litteris, quibus deelarabas ant omittendos Nar-
bonenses aut cum periculo dimicandum, illud magis timui : quod
vitatum non moleste fero. Quod de Planci et Bruti concordia
scribis, in eo vel maximam spem pono victoriae. De Gallorum
studio nos aliquando cognoscemus, ut scribis, cuius id opera
maxime excitatum sit. Sed iam, mihi crede, cognovimus. Itaque
iucundissimis tuis litteris stomacliatus sum in extremo. Scribis
enim, si in Sextilem comitia, cito te : sin iam confecta, citius, ' no
diutius cum periculo fatuus sis.' 2. 0 mi Furni, quam tu tuam
causam nou nosti, qui alienas tam facile discas ! Tu nunc candi-

3. Litteras . . . opto^ cp. 905 fin. mined to throw up the whole business,

and come home and stand for a magis-

For Furnius see 880. tracy.'

1. illud'] sc. the loss of Narbonese Gaul. in extreme'] cp. 888, 3.

quod] Editors wrongly alter to hoc. si . . . cito te] = si in Sextilem comitia

The possible loss of Narbonese Gaul was {praetoria dilata sunt) cito te (rediturum).

what caused Cicero most fear, and he was For the ellipse of differre, a favourite one

glad that such a mishap had been avoided. with Cicero, cp. U. Fr. ii. 13 (15«),3

He seems to think that the other alterna- (141), sed in altcrum annum (sc. resdilata

tive wUl come to pass, and that a critical est), and Boot on Att. siii. 30, 2 (608),

engagement will take place; but he has nihil erat novi nisi auctionem hidimm (sc.

no fear for the result now that Decimus prolatam esse) : cp. 14, 1 (627), and

and Plancus are united. Heidemann, p. 91. The ellipse of a verb

concordia] cp. note to 905, 1 ; 906, 1. of motion after a verb dcclarandi is

Gcilorum studio] 'loyalty of the Gauls' common: cp. Att. xiii. 47 « (664), iPo^a-

(subjective genitive). bella scrihit se ad me postridie Idus (sc.

iuT-] Cicero hints that he knows that venturtim) ; cp. Heidemann, p. 55.

Furnius has played a large part in this '■ne diutius . . . fatmis sis'] 'that you

honourable work. Accordingly {itaque), may not any longer incur danger, as well

he goes on to say, 'when I was delighted as be a fool.' This is obviously a quota-

to hear that 3'ou were treading the path tion from Furnius's letter,

of dutj and glory, I was vexed to find at 2. alienas] Possibly, as Manutiua says,

the end of your btter that you had deter- Furnius had practised in the courts.

JDCCCCVIL [FAM. X. 26).

243

datum te putas et id cogitas, ut aiit ad comitia curras aut, si iam
confeeta, domi tuae sis, ne cum masimo periculo, ut scribis,
stultissimus sis ? Non arbitror te ita sentire : omnes enim tuos
ad laudem impetus novi. Quod si, ut scribis, ita sentis, non magis
te quam de te iudicium reprehendo meum. Te adipiscendi magis-
tratus levissimi et divulgatissimi, si ita adipiscare ut plerique,
praepropera festinatio abducet a tantis laudibus, quibus te omnes
in caelum iure et vere ferunt ? Scilicet id agitur, utrum hao
petitionean proxima praetor fias, non ut ita de republicamereare,
omni honore ut dignissimus iudicere. 3. Utrum neseis quam alte
ascenderis an pro uihilo id putas ? Si neseis, tibi ignosco, nos in
culpa sumus : sin intellegis, ulla tibi est praetura vel officio, quod
pauci, vel gloria, quam omnes seqviuntur, dulcior ? Hac de re et
ego et Calvisius, homo magni iudicii tuique amantissimus, te accu-
samus cotidie. Comitia tamen, quoniam ex iis pendes, quantum
facere possumus, quod multis de causis rei publicae arbitramur
conducere, in lanuarium mensem protrudimus. Viuce igitur et
vale.

id cogitas uf\ ' are planning this, either
to hasten back to the elections.'

impetus'] ' impulses': cp. Veil. ii. 55,
2, adolesceits impetus ad bella maximi.

adipiscendi . . . festinatio] ' this pre-
cipitous haste to acquire a magistracy,
which is most worthless and common if
you were to acquire it in the way most
candidates do, will draw you away from
the sphere of that fame with which all
men are legitimately and rightly immorta-
lizing you ' (or ' lauding you to skies ').

ut plerique] i.e. without having i^er-
formed any distinguished service which
might give you a claim to it.

Scilicet . . . iudicere] ' "We are to
suppose, are we, that the point is whether
you be chosen praetor at this election or

the next ; and not that you should de-
serve so well of the state as to be esteemed
most worthy of every honour.' Id agitur
is somewhat zeugmatic, (1) = 'the ques-
tion is,' (2) ' the object is.'

3. Calvisius] cp. note to 880, 3.

protrudimus] The dictionaries give no
other example of this use of protrudere.
Cicero generally uses detrudere : cp. Q.
Fr. ii. 11 (13), 3 (135) ; Att. iv. 16, 6
(144).

Vince igitur et vale] ' Success, there-
fore, and health.' The same conclusion
occurs 903, 2. Some editors insert te,
'conquer yourself,' i.e. give up your idea
of coming to Eome and abide at your
post. But 903, 2 shows that vince et
vale is a mere formula.

244 DCCCCVIIL [BRUT. I. 13).

DCCCCVIII. BRUTUS TO CICERO (Brut. i. 13).

CAMP IN MACEDONIA ; JULY I ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Brutus liberos Lepidi Ciceroni conimendat, rogatque ne ex lege cum iis agatur.

BRUTUS CICERONI SAL.

1. De M. Lepido vereri me cogit reliquorum timor : qui si
eripuerit se nobis, quod velim temere atque iniuriose de illo sus-
picati sint homines, oro atque obsecro te, Cicero, necessitudinem
nostram tuamque in me beuevolentiam obtestans, sororis meae
liberos obliviscaris esse Lepidi filios meque iis in patris locum
successisse existimes : hoc si a te impetro, nihil profecto dubitabis
pro iis suscipere ; aliter alii cum suis vivunt, nihil ego possum in
sororis meae liberis facere, quo possit expleri voluntas mea aut
ofl&cium. Quid vero aut mihi tribuere boni possunt — si modo
digni sumus, quibus aliquid tribuatur — aut ego matri ac sorori
puerisque illis praestaturus sum, si niliil valuerit apud te reli-
quumque senatum contra patrem Lepidum Brutus avunculus ?
2. Scribere multa ad te neque possum prae sollicitudine ac sto-
maeho neque debeo ; nam, si in tanta re tamque necessaria verbis
mihi opus est ad te excitandum et coufirmandum, nulla spes est
facturum te, quod volo et quod oportet : quare noli exspectare
longas preces; intuere me ipsum, qui hoc a te, vel a Cicerone,

\. De M. Lepido] The reason why si a te impetro . . . dubitabis'] For this

Brutus was so urgent in this matter consecution of tenses cp. note to 843, 6.

probably was not fear lest any injury in . . . liberis] ' in the case of the

should be done to the lives or persons of children.' For this common use of in cp.

the children of Lepidus, but fear lest Verr. iii. 6 ; Caes. B. G. vii. 21, 1.

theii" property might be confiscated to voluntas mea aut officium] ' whereby my

tlie state: cp. 861, 4, hostibus denique feelings of regard or duty can consider

omnibus iudicatis bonisque publicatis, themselves satisfied.'

and note to 909, 2. 2. stomacho] 'vexation.' The rest of

si eripuerit se nobis] ' if he has broken this letter shoM's that Brutus was so vexed

away from us,' implying perhaps that that he could hardly be courteous. If

Lepidus was previously on the republican you won't do this of yourself, he says in

side against his will. effect, there is no use arguing. We have

quod . . . homines] ' and I should be often drawn attention to the irritability

glad to think that this was a hasty and of Brutus, and he was especially irritable

erroneous suspicion on the part of the when it was a question of money : cp.

public' _ _ _ Att. vi. 1, 5 (212) ; vi. 3, 7 (264).

necessitudinemnostram] i.e. his friend- intuere . . . impetrare] ' Eegard me,

ship towards Cicero: cp. § 2. Brutus, who deserve to gain the request

DCCCCIX. {BRUT. I. 12). 245

coniunctissimo homine, privatim, vel a consulari viro remota
necessitudine privata, debeo impetrare. Quid sis facturus, velim
mihi quam primum rescribas. Kal. Quinctilibus ex castris.

DCCCCIX. CICERO TO BRUTUS (Brut. i. 12).
eome; JULY (beginning) ; a. u. c. 711 ; b. c. 43 ; aet. cic. 63.

Cicero excusat se Bruto quod matris eius et sororis precibus de liberis M. Lepidi
hostis a senatu iudicati, excipiendis satisfacere non posset. De Antistio liberaliter
promittit, et ipsum, ut in Italiam veniat, hortatur.

CICERO BEUTO SAL.

1. Etsi daturus eram Messallae Corvino continuo litteras,
tamen Yeterem nostrum ad te sine litteris meis venire nolui.
Maximo in discrimine res publica, Brute, versatur victoresque
rursus decertare cogimur : id aecidit M. Lepidi scelere et amentia.
Quo tempore cum multa propter earn curam, quam pro re publica
suscepi, graviter ferrem, tum nihil tuli gravius quam me non
posse matris tuae precibus cedere, non sororis, nam tibi, quod
mihi plurimi est, facile me satisfaeturum arbitrabar ; nullo enim
modo poterat causa Lepidi distingui ab Antonio omniumque
iudieio etiam durior erat, quod cum honoribus amplissimis a senatu
esset Lepidus ornatus, tum etiam paucis ante diebus praeclaras

from you, whether on private grounds, public enemy: cp. § \, nullo modo p ote-

because you are Cicero, a close friend, or, rat causa Lepidi distmgui ab Antonio;

private considerations apart, because you and before 913, written on July 11.

are a man of consular position,' i.e. a M. Lepidi scelere et amentia'] cp. Rutif.

public man, who has attained to high Namatianus 299. Ille tamen Lepidus peior

position in the state, and accordingly civilibus armis Qui gessit sociis impia

ought to have a calm judicial mind, and bella trihus, Qui libertatem Mtitinensi

not one capable of being hurried away by Marte receptam Obruit auxiliis orbe pavente

feelings of revenge. novis.

sororis] wife of Lepidus.

1. Veterem'] Cicero must have learned ab Antonio'] an instance of the ordinary

later than the time when he wrote 902 fin. comparatio compendiaria : cp. 864, 2 [liber-

that Yetus was not going to Brutus as atoribus) ; 866, 4 {cum qtcolibet).

soon as he had expected; most probably he durior] ' more flagrant,' ' more impu-

learned it after he had written 897, and dent.' Generally used with os in this

thensentthat letter by another messenger. sense: cp. Pro Quint. 77.

This letter was written later than June 30, praeclaras litteras] Probably a letter

the day on which Lepidus was declared a to the senate of the same tenor as 869,

246 JDCCCCIX. {BRUT. I. 12).

litteras ad scnatum misisset. Set repente non solum recepit

reliquias lioslium, sed Lellum acerrime terra marique gerit, cuius

exitus qui f uturus sit, incertum est : ita, cum rogamur, ut miseri-

cordiam liberis eius inipcrtiamus, nihil affertur, quo minus summa

supplicia, si— quod luppiter omen avertat ! — pater puerorum

vicerit, subeunda nobis sint. 2. Nee vero me fugit, quam sit

acerbum parentum scclera filiorum poenis lui, sed hoc praeclare

legibus comparatum est, ut caritas liberorum amiciores parentes

rei publicae redderet ; itaque Lepidus erudelis in liberos, non is,

qui Lepidum hostem iudicat. Atque, ille si armis positis de vi

damnatus esset, quo in iudicio certe defensionem non haberet,

eandem calamitatem subirent liberi bonis publicatis. Uuamquam,

quod tua mater et soror depreeatur pro pueris, id ipsum et multa

alia crudeliora nobis omnibus Lepidus, Antonius et reliqui hostes

denuutiant; itaque maximam spem hoc tempore habemus in te

atque exercitu tuo : cum ad rei publicae summam, tum ad gloriam

et dignitatem tuam vehementer pertinet te, ut ante scripsi, in

Italiam venire quam primum : eget enim vehementer cum viribus

tuis, tum etiam consilio res publica. 3, Yeterem pro eius erga te

876 (-written ISth and 22nd May). I nneqtie quietibus sedari poterat : Tac. Ann.

869, 2, he said, quod ad bellum hoc attinet xv. 37, per licita atque illicitafoedatus.

nee senatui nee rei p. deerinms. nihil affertur, quo minus] cp. Pro Quint.

Set repente'] We have added Set, which 99 ; Pro Domo 82, and note to 852, l._

prohably dropped out after misisset. An 2. bonis publicatis] Van der Vliet

adversative conjunction is required. (Jahrb. 1885, p. 374) justly considers

■marique] It is possible that Lepidus that this was the extreme penalty that

may have had a fleet on the south coast Cicero ever contemplated as right to be

of Gaul, and that he may have been inflicted on the children of Lepidus, and

acting in conjunction with Soxtus Pom- that Cobet's talk (Mnem. vii. 242) about

peius. But it is more probable, as Ruete Cicero's thirsting for blood is overstrained.

(p. 93) suggests, that Cicero exaggerated In 914, 1, misericordinm means pity to-

the hostile attitude of Lepidus, in order wards them, which would save them from

to justif J' to his brother-in-law, Erutus, being reduced to want by the confiscation

the sentence of outlawry which was passed of their property.

upon him by the senate. He accordingly ad rei p. summani] Cicero does not

used a strong proverbial expression, which generally use suiitnia as a substantive in

must not be taken in a strictly literal this connexion, but as an adjective. Yet

sense: cp. Plaut. Poen. prol. 125, mari- rei p. summa is quite correct: cp. Plan-

que ierraqueusquequaque quaeritat: Pseud. cus in 861, 1 ; and in this passage Cicero

i. 3, 98, aut terra aid mari aut alicuude deviates from the phrase he usually

id evolvam tibi : Vatinius ap. Fam. v. adopts, in order to get an antithesis to

9, 2{6'S9), Effotamenterrainariqueutcon- tuam. Zumpt on Verr. ii. 28, and Boot

quireretur praemandavi. Similar phrases on Att. i. 16,9 (22), would correct the

are fas nefasque ; aris et focis ; ferro genitive every place it occurs ; but it is

ignique : viris equisque (Off. ii. 116). better to hold that both expressions are

For rhetorical, but somewhat inapposite, correct, and that Cicero used res publica

additions, such as marique here, cp. Sail. summa by preference, except where there

Cat. 15, animus impurus neque vigiliis was some reason to use the other.

DCCCCX. [FAM. XII. 10). 247

iDenevolentia singularique officio libenter ex tuis litteris complexus
«um eumque cum tui, turn rei publicae studiosissimum amantissi-
mumque cognovi. Ciceronem meum propediem, ut spero, videbo;
tecum enim ilium [fet te] in Italiam celeriter esse venturum
confido.

DCCCCX. CICEPvO TO CASSIUS (Fam. xii. lo).

ROME; JULY (beginning) ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero Lepidum hostem iudicatum scribit et Cassium cum exercitu in Italia
■exspectari.

CICERO CASSIO S.

1, Lepidus, tuus adfinis, meus familiaris, pridie Kal. Q-uinc-
tiles senteutiis omnibus hostis a senatu iudicatus est ceterique, qui
una cum illo a re publica defecerunt : quibus tamen ad sanitatem
redeundi ante Kal. Septembr. potestas facta est. Fortis sane
senatus, sed maxime spe subsidii tui. Bellum quidem, cum baec
scribebam, sane magnum erat scelere et levitate Lepidi. Nos de
Dolabella cotidie quae volumus audimus, sed adhuc sine capite,
sine auctore, rumore nuntio. 2. Quod cum ita esset, tamen litteris
tuis, quas Nonis Mails ex castris datas acceperamus, ita persuasum
erat civitati, ut ilium iam oppressum omnes arbitrarentur, te autem
in Italiam venire cum exercitu, ut, si baec ex sententia confecta
essent, consilio atque auctoritate tua, sin quid forte titubatum, ut

3. et te] That these words cannot be sania: cp. 791, 3, fur or em.

allowed to stand is plain, both from tecum scribebam . . . eraf^ epistolary tenses,

and from the singular venturum. They levitate'] ' want of principle.'

are perhaps a gloss on tecum. sine capite'] ' without definite source.'

Andr. refers to Plane. 67, si quid sine

1. Lepidus, tuus adfinis] cp. 790, 2. capite manabit ant quid erit eiusmodi ut

meus familiaris] ' my (quondam) non exstet auctor : cp. Plane. 18. For

friend': cp. 792, 2, Antonius, noster these unauthenticated rumours cp. 898, 2;

familiaris. 904, 1.

ad sanitatem rcdetmdi] ' of returning 2. litteris tuis] i.e. 856, written from
to their senses.' Sanies and itisanus are Syria on May 7th. It thus took about
occasionally contrasted as referring to loyal fifty days to reach Eome.
and disloyal conduct: cp. Att. ix. 7, 3 titubatum] ' if there was any stumb-
(362), wiisi ^'^isw C«^m?-!s ilitteras) ad eos ling'; niteremur, 'we should have the
■Sana mente scriptas, quomodo in tanta in- support of,' governed by ut before si.

248 DCCCCX. {FAM. XII. 10).

fit in bello, exercitu tuo niteremur. Quern quidem ego exercitum
quibuscumque potuero rebus ornabo : cuius rei turn tempus erit,
cum, quid opis rei publicae laturus is exorcitus sit aut quid iam
tulerit, notum esse coeperit ; uam adhuc tantuni conatus audiun-
tur, optimi illi quidem et praeclarissimi, sed gesta res exspectatur:
quam quidem aut iam esse aliquam aut appropinquare confido.
3. Tua virtute magnitudine auimi nihil est nobilius. Itaque
optamus, ut quam primum te in Italia videamus. Rem publicam
nos habere arbitrabimur, si vos habebimus. Praeclare viceramus,
nisi spoliatum, inermem, fugientem Lepidus recepisset Antonium.
Itaque numquam tanto odio civitati Antonius fuit quanto est
Lepidus. Ille enim ex turbulenta re publica, hie ex pace et
victoria bellum excitavit. Huic oppositos consules designatos
habemus : in quibus est magna ilia quidem spes, sed anceps cura
propter incertos exitus proeliorum. 4. Persuade tibi igitur in te
et in Bruto tuo esse omnia, vos exspectari, Brutum quidem iam
iamque. Quod si, ut spero, victis hostibus nostris veneritis, tamen
auctoritate vestra res publica exsurget et in aliquo statu tolerabili
consistet. Sunt enim permulta, quibus erit medendum, etiam si
res publica satis esse videbitur sceleribus hostium liberata. Yale.

potuero'] The future perfect often qui quidem pnlcherrime viceramus nisi

differs little from the simple future : cp. Lepidus perdere omnia et perire ipse cum

Madv. 340, Obs. 4, who quotes Att. v. 1, suis conciipivisset.

3 (184), ego accivero pueros. This use is spoliatum'] 'stripped' (Jeans).

coraxnonvii\h.videro: cp. Eoby, § 1485. ex turbulenta re publica] 'from a dis-

ornabo] ' I shall make honourable pro- ordered state of things.'

vision for': cp. the request of Cassius, consules designatos] D. Brutus and

856, 3, 4. Plancus. Watson thinks that no mention

gesta res] * some action.' is made of Octavian, because Cicero did

quam . . . confdo] ' and, indeed, I not trust him, and that it is Octavian's

hope that there has been some action ambiguous attitude which is referred to

already, or will be soon.' in § 4, permulta quibus erit medendum.

3. virtute, magnitudijte animi] asyn- anceps cura] ' anxiety^

deton of two words as often : cp. Leh- 4. iam iamque] ' every moment.' But

mann, p. 26. Brutus never came ; he went off instead

viceramus . . . recepisset] Just as in to Asia.

English we can say ' we had conquered ' tamen] 'even so'; i.e. even though

for ' we should have conquered,' so the we shall not require the aid of you and

Latins say viceramus for vicissemus. The your army to put down the rebels, yet we

usual parallel to quote is Her. Od. ii. 17, shall require your influence in the ad-

27, me truncus illapsus cerebro sustulerat ministration of the state, in order to raise

nisi Faimus ictum Dextra levasset ; Seneca, it once more to a firm condition.

De Ira, i. 11, 5, Ferierat imperium . . . permtilta] cp. note to § 3.

si Fabius tantum ausus esset quantum ira sceleribus . . . liberata] ' freed from

suadebat ; 914, 12, sive enim vicerimus — the traitorous assaults of its enemies.'

BCCCCXIL [FAM. XL 22). 249

DCCCCXI. CICEEO TO APPIUS CLAUDIUS (Fam. x. 29).

ROME ; JULY 6 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero consolatur Appium exsulantem et eum bona spe esse iubet.

CICERO APPIO SAL.

De meo studio erga salutem et incolumitatem tuam credo te
cognosse ex litteris tuorum, quibus me oumulatissime satis feoisse
oerto scio : nee iis concedo, quamquam sunt singulari in te bene-
volentia, ut te salvum malint quam ego. Uli mihi necesse est
concedant, ut tibi plus quam ipsi hoc tempore prodesse possim :
quod quidem nee destiti facere nee desistam, et iam in maxima re
feci et f undamenta ieci salutis tuae. Tu fac bono animo magnoque
sis meque tibi nulla re defuturum esse confidas. Pridie Nonas
Q/uinctiles.

DCCCCXII. CICEEO TO D. BEUTUS (Fam. xi. 22).

EOME ; JULY 6 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

M. Cicero D. Bruto commendat App. Claudium, qui cum M. Antonio se coniunxe-
rat, ut ex hostium numero eximatur.

M. CICERO S. D. D. BRUTO.

1. Cum Appio Claudio C. F. summa mihi necessitudo est
multis eius officiis et meis mutuis constituta. Peto a te maiorem

Probably 912 was sent with this letter : matter,' i.e. as regards his not losing his

cp. introductory note to that letter. For citizenship: cp. 912, 2.
Appius Claudius cp. 912, 1.

incolumitatem'] ' restoration': cp. note It is probable that this letter was

to 885, 1. despatched on July 6th by the messen-

hoc tempore] Cicero was recognized at ger who brought Cicero's letter to Appius

this time as the head of the constitutional (911): cp. the letter recommending

party. Caecina to Furfanius, which was sent at

feci et] Gitlbauer (p. 263) needlessly the same time as the letter to Caecina

wishes to eject these words. (527, 528).

in maxima re] * in the most essential 1. Appio Claudio] He was son of Gains

250 DCCCCXIII. {BRUT. I. U).

in Diodum vcl liumanitatis time vel mea causa, ut eum auctoritate
tua, quae pluriniuiu valet, conservatum velis. Yolo te, cum for-
tissimus vir coguitus sis, etiam clementissimum existiraari. Magno
tibi erit ornamento nobilissimum adolescentem beneficio tuo esse
salvum ; cuius quidem causa hoc melior debet esse, quod pietate
adductus propter patris restitutionem se cum Antonio coniunxit.
2. Qua re ctsi minus veram causam liabebis, tamen vel proba-
bilem aliquam poteris inducere. Nutus tuus potest hominem
summo loco natum, summo ingenio, summa virtute, officiosissi-
mum praeterea et gratissimum, incolumera in civitate retinere.
Quod ut facias, ita a te peto, ut maiore studio magisve ex animo
petere non possim.

DCCCCXIII. CICEEO TO BRUTUS (Brut. i. u).

ROME ; JULY 11 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIG. 63.

Cicero paucitatem et brevitatem epistolarum Bruti accusat : logat ut, Ciceronem
fiKum secum retineat : et in Italiam quam primum ut veniat hortatur.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1. Breves litterae tuae, breves dico ? immo nullae : tribusne
versiculis his temporibus Brutus ad me ? nihil scripsissem potius.

Clodius, and was spoken of as a probable slave. Whether he was this Appius

accuser of Q. Cicero on his return from Claudius or not we cannot say.

Asia, 696 (58): cp. Att. iii. 17, 1 (75). multis . . . mutuis constitiUal 'brought

This Gains Clodius had been governor of about by the many good services we have

Asia in 699—700 (55-54), and on his done one another.'

return he was condemned for extortion, 2. veram'] ' sound'; proiahilem, 'plaus-

but appears to have been restored to his ible.'

rights as citizen after a short time by inducere] ' bring forward ' — a meta-
Antony. He died before the prosecution phor from the stage : cp. sermo inducitur
of Milo came on in 702 (52) : cp. As- and such like expressions.
conius 35, qui f rater f tier at Clodi. His officiosissimum] ' most serviceable.'
son, the Appius Claudius of whom Cicero maiore studio . . . animo] ' more ear-
writes, was one of the most vigorous nestly or sincerely.'
prosecutors of Milo (cp. Mil. 59) ; but we

see from this letter that Cicero did not 1. Breves] Plutarch (Brut. 2) says

feel any resentment against him for his that Brutus, in Ms Greek epistles, often

conduct on that occasion. There is an adopted a laconic style, and we may

Appius Claudius mentioned by Appian suppose that occasionally he did the same

(iv. 44) who was proscribed by the trium- in his Latin letters.

yirs, but was saved by the devotion of a nihil scripsissem] ' you should have

DCCCCXIIL [BRUT. I. U).

251

Et requiris meas : quis umquam ad te tuorum sine meis venit ?
quae autem epistola non pondus babuit ? quae si ad te perlatae
non sunt, ne domesticas quidem tuas perlatas arbitror. Ciceroui
scribis te longiorem daturum epistolam : recte id quidem, sed baec
quoque debuit esse pleuior. Ego autem, cum ad me de Ciceronis
abs te discessu scripsisses, statim extrusi tabellarios litterasque ad
Ciceronem, ut, etiamsi in Italiam venisset, ad te rediret ; nihil
enim mihi iucuudius, nihil illi honestius. Quamquam aliquoties
ei scripseram sacerdotum comitia mea summa contentione in
alterum annum esse reiecta — quod ego cum Ciceronis causa elabo-
ravi, turn Domitii, Catonis, Lentuli, Bibulorum, quod ad te etiam
scripseram — : sed videlicet, cum illam pusillam epistolam tuam ad
me dabas, nondum erat tibi id notum. 2. Quare omni studio a
te, mi Brute, contendo, ut Ciceronem meum ne dimittas tecumque
deducas, quod ipsum, si rem publicam, cui susceptus es, respicis,

written nothing rather.' For this use of
the plupf. siibj., cp. our note to Att. ii.
1, 3 (27), ne poposcisses ; also Dr. Eeid on
Sull. 25, and Dr. Holden on Sest. 45, who
calls this subjunctive the past jussive.

pondus] ' weighty matter ': cp.Att. xiv.
14, 1 (719), nccepi tuas lilttras et magni
quidem ponderis ; i. 13, 1 (19), epistolam
paullo graviorem ; Fam.ii. 19, 2(262), iuae
litter ae . . . maxim i sunt apud me ponderis.

de Ciceronis abs te discessti] This may
mean ' concerning my son's intended de-
parture from you, ' and does not necessarily
imply that he had actually departed when
Brutus wrote the letter which Cicero is
answering. As an excuse for the brevity
of his letter, Brutus said something like
this, ' Your son will be leaving me
shortly, and I shall give him a longer
letter.' But Brutus did not say ^vhen
young Cicero was leaving ; and, accord-
ingly, the elder Cicero, knowing that the
comitia were postponed, made haste to
stop his son's return, if possible, before
he reached Italy. The route along the
Egnatian Way, and across from Dyr-
rhachium to Brundisium was the regular
one used by travellers, so that there was
every probability that Cicero's letter-
carriers would meet his son. The reason
why Cicero wished his son to remain
with Brutus was that he would occupy a
more distinguished position in coming
back to Italy with his commander-in-

chief than by himself, especially as Brutus
would have a sort of triumphal return.

litterasque'] sc. dcdi : cp. Att. xii. 38,
1 (581).

sacerdotum comitia] cp. note to 852, 3.

quod . . . elaboravi] There is no other
example quoted in the dictionaries of
elaborare used in the active with the ace.
in writers of the Ciceronian age ; but the
passive is frequently found, Att. i. 8, I
(5), quid mild elaborandum sit; Phil. vii.
7, omne enim curriculum . . . elaboratum
est; Leg. Man. 1, Cael. 54. For the
neuter Becher compares Fam. vi. 8, 2
(527), quid tibi sim auctor ; N. D. i. 31,
eadem fere peccat.

Domitii . . . Bibuloricm] cp. note to
868, 2. Cato was son of Cato of Utica.
"We are not sure what Lentulus is referred
to. For the Bibuli cp. note to 868, 1.

quod ad te etiam scripseram] This letter
must have been lost: it is not in the
collection.

2. deducas] The force of de- appears
to be the same as in deportare Kardyeiv, to
bring home from the provinces : cp. Leg.
Manil. 61. Becher, with some hesitation,
proposes <exercittimque> tecum deducas.

cui susceptus es] ' for whose welfare
you have been born and reared'; cp.
Verr. iii. 161, susceperas enim liberos non
solum tibi sed etiam patriae. For suscipi,
the passive, in the sense of 'being reared,'
cp. Att. xi. 9, 3 (423).

252

DCCCCXIII. {BRUT. I. U).

tibi iam iamque faciendum est : renatum enim bellum est, idque
non parviim scelcre Lepidi; exercitus autem Caesaris, qui erat
optimus, uon niodo nihil prodest, sed etiam cogit exercitum tuum
flagitari, qui si Italian! attigerit, erit civis nemo, quern quidem
civem appellari fas sit, qui so non in tua castra conferat ; etsi
Brutum pracclaro cum Planco coniunctum liabemus, sed non
ignoras, quam sint incerti et animi hominum infecti partibus et
exitus proeliorum. Quin etiam, si, ut speio, vicerimus, tamen
magnam guberuationem tui consilii tuaeque auctoritatis res desi-
derabit : subveni igitur, per decs, idque quam primum, tibique
persuade non te Idibus Martiis, quibus servitutem a tuis civibus
depulisti, plus profuisse patriae quam, si mature veneris, profutu-
rum. V. Idus Uuinctiles.

renatuni] cp. 886, 3, sed bellum istuc
renatum mirantur homines.

exercitus autem Caesaris . . . Jlagitari']
During July the army of Octavian appears
to have exhibited a tendency to put pres-
sure on the goveruuient, and to insist
that their general should be elected con-
sul; but the peremptory demand of the
400 centurions was most probably not
made until August. Such a striking
event, and one which impressed future
ages so powerfully (cp. App. iii. 87 ; Suet.
Aug. 26 ; Dio Cass. xlvi. 42) would cer-
tainly have been mentioned more defi-
nitely in this letter if it had already been
made ; and Cicero could hardly have
written of Octavian as he did in 915, 4,
if such a very overt act of insubordination
had occurred in his army.

Brutum cum Planco coniunctum'] This
occurred about June 12, and must have
been known in Eome before the end of
the month. Cicero was so occupied in

defending the measures taken by the
senate against Lepidus that he did not
mention this news in 909.

partibus] ' party spirit': cp. Sail. Cat.
4, 2, quod mihi a spe metu partibus ret p.
animus liber erat.

Quin . . . desiderabit] cp. 910, 4 (to
Cassius).

depulisti] ^o'EiYw.iov repidisti. The two
words differ : depellere is to drive away an
evil already affecting you ; repellere to
ward off an approaching evil : cp. Madvig,
Fin. i. 33. Meyer excellently compares
deicere and rcicere, Caec. 38, Isne apud
vos obtinebit caicsam suam, qui se ita de-
fenderit : 'Jieieci ego te armatis komi-
nibtis non deieci,^ tit tanttim facinus non
in aequitate defensionis, sed in una littera
latuisse videatur. He also refers to 914,
4, pestis depulsa ; 842, 2, rcpcllit onmes
reprehensiones. Cicero designedly uses de-
pulisti,iovhe. always considered that they
were slaves under the tyranny of Caesar.

DCCCCXIV. {BRUT. I. 15).

253

DCCCCXIV. CICERO TO BRUTUS (Brut. i. 15).

ROME ; BETWEEN JULY 11 AND 27 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ;
AET. CIC. 63.

Cicero Messallam mirifice laudat, et reprehensionem nimiae in tribuendis honoribus
facilitatis, in poenis autem decernendis severitatis accurate dUuit.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1 . Messallam habes : quibus igitur Htteris tarn accurate scriptis
assequi possum, subtilius ut explicem, quae gerantur quaeque
sint iu re publica, quam tibi is esponet, qui et optime omnia novit
et elegantissime expedire et deferre ad te potest ? cave enim exis-

This letter was written after July 11th
(the date of 913), and before the 27th (the
date of 915), on which day Cicero had an
interview with Servilia ; for he makes no
mention of that interview in this long
letter. It is not to he considered as
merely an answer to 857 (of May 15th).
Doubtless Brutus had been writing to
several friends at Rome, complaining of
Cicero's general policy towards Octavian,
and Cicero felt bound to write a formal
justification. Perbaps even, as Schmidt
(Jahrb. 1890, p. 122) suggests, this letter
M^as written before the receipt of Brutus's
letter of July 1 (908), cp. 915, 6, that is,
before July 15.

Messalla, who was one of the fellow-
students of young Cicero at Athens, was
on intimate terms with Cicero, cp. Att. xvi.
16a, 5 (767), and was accordingly entrusted
with this political letter, which opened
with an introduction of Messalla to Bru-
tus. Once having become acquainted with
Brutus, Messalla could be regarded by him
somewhat in the light of an ambassador,
and could support and advance the case
already urged by Cicero. This letter then
is something more than a mere epistola
comniendaticia. Thai; Cicero was intending
to give Messalla a letter of some import-
ance to convey to Brutus is probable, cp.
909, 1, etsi dalurus eram Messallae Cor-
vino continuo lit (eras, as he would hardly
speak in these terms of a mere letter of
introduction.

For another example of an epistola
comniendaticia which develops into a po-
litical document cp. Fam. i. 8 (119),
where the bearer, Plaetorius, probably
played much the same part as Messalla
does here Another letter of introduction,
which goes on to treat of other matters, is
Fam. xiii. 77 (638).

1. 3Iessallain habes] ' Messalla is now
with you': cp. Att. ii. 22, 4 (49), si te
habebo ; xiii. 9, 1 (623), cum habcrem
Dolabellam. A chronological difficulty is
caused by the fact that Appian (iv. 38)
appears to imply that Messalla did not
leave Rome for the camp of Brutus until
the proscriptions had been already set on
foot. But what Appian is interested in
relating is that Messalla was one of those
who were proscribed, who escaped death,
and who afterwards were advanced to
honours : he was not careful to be strictly
accurate as to the exact date on which
Messalla repaired to the camp of Brutus.

quibus igitur . . . potest^ ' by what
letters of mine, be they ever so carefully-
composed, can I succeed in describing with
more minute accuracy the course and
situation of affairs in the political world
than his narrative will give ? He has the
most thorough knowledge of everything,
and can set it forth and relate it to you in
the most perfect style.' For tain in this
sense Becher compares Att. viii. 4, 2
(335), numqnam reo cuiquam tam humili
. . . tam praecise negavi quam hie mihi

254 DCCCCXIV. [BRUT. I. 15).

times, Brute — quamqiiam nou necesse est oa me ad te, quae tibi
nota sunt, scribero, sed tamen tantam omnium laudum excellen-
tiam non queo silentio praeterire — , cave putes probitate constantia,
cura studio rei publicae quidquam illi esse simile, ut eloquentia,
qua mirabiliter excellit, vix in eo locum ad laudaudum habere
videatur, quamquam in hac ipsa sapientia plus apparet : ita gravi
iudicio multaquo arte se exercuit in verissimo genere dicendi ;
tanta autem iudustria est tantumque evigilat in studio, ut non
maxima ingenio, quod in eo summum est, gratia habenda videa-
tur. 2. Sed provehor amore : non enim id propositum est huic
epistolae, Messallani ut laudem, praesertim ad Brutum, cui et
virtus illius non minus quam milii nota est et haec ipsa studia,
quae laudo, notiora ; quem cum a me dimittens graviter ferrem,
hoc levabar imo, quod ad te tamquam ad alterum me proficiscens
et officio fuugebatur et laudem maximam sequebatur. Sed haec
hactenus. 3. Venio nunc longo sane iutervallo ad quandam
epistolam, qua mihi multa tribuens unum reprehendebas, quod in
honoribus decernendis essem nimius et tamquam prodigus. Tu
hoc : alius fortasse, quod in animadversione poenaque durior, nisi

plane nulla cxccptione praecidit, where Orat. ii. 346, hace hahent nherrimam

with turn hiimili supply in thought qtiani copiam ad laudandum ; Roby, 1377.

qui htimiUimns : De Orat. i. 226: Pis. gravi iudicio] ' sound judgment.'

10, and similarly i<rt in Brut. 197. Ele- verissimo] cp. Brut. 23, qnieloquentiae

gantiu is often applied to what is expressed verae dat operani, dat prudentiae.

with neatness and precision. Fox expedire 2. quem cum . . . ferrem] 'and when,

cp. 890, 5, and note ; Tac. Hist. iv. 12. on parting from him, I felt sad.' la

For adsequi ut cp. Eep. i. 50. strict grammar we must not take graviter

tantam . . . excelloitiam] ' so great ferrem as governing dimittens, for that

pre-eminence in every kind of distinc- would be a Greek construction not allow-

tion.' able in prose. Similarly, in Att. iv. 5, 1

eloquentia] Between 70S and 710 (46 (108), senseram, noram, inductus, rclictits,

and 44) occurred the trial of Aufidia proiectus ah iis, we must take the parti -

(Quintil. X. I, 22), in which Messalla ciples by themselves, 'I perceived and

appeared -with considerable success against learned (their perfidy), taken in as I was

Servius Sulpicius. As regards Messalla's by them ': cp. Fam. xv. 20, 2 (702) ; also

eloquence, cp. Dial, de Orat. 18, Cicerone below, § 3, trihuens. For graviter ferre

mitior Corvinus et dulcior et in verbis magis used absolutely, Ruete (p. 113) compares

elaboratus ; Senec. Controv. ii. 12, 8 Att. ii. 19, 3 (46).

(= p. 198 Kiessl.), /««< autem Messalla tamquam ad alterum me] cp. Fam.ii.l5,

exactissimi ingenii quidem in omnes studi- 4 (273), quoniam alterum me reliquissem ;

orum partes, Latini utique sermonis obser- vii. 5, 1 (134) ; Att. iv. 1, 7 (90).

vator diligentissimus ; Quintil. x. 1, 113, 3. epistolam] ThiAs a very plain refer-

At Messalla nitidus et candidus et quodam ence to 857, 2-3 : ^fG, 3-5, which pas-

modo praeferens in dicendo nobilitatem sages Guilitt holds supplied a cue to the

suam, viribus minor. (as he believes) forger of ^^ 3-11.

in eo] ' in his case.' nimius . . . prodigus] ' extravagant

locum ad laudandum] For this passive and, so to speak, wasteful.'

use of the gerund Hermann compares De Tu hoc] sc. reprehendebas, supplied

DCCCCXIV. {BRUT. I. 15).

255

forte utrumque tu ; quod si ita est, utriusque rei meum indicium
studeo tibi esse notissimum, neque solum, ut Solonis dictum
usurpem, qui et sapientissimus fuit ex septem et legum scriptor
solus ex septem : is rem publicam contineri duabus rebus dixit,
praemio et poena ; est scilicet utriusque rei modus, sicut reliqua-
rum, et quaedam in utroque genere mediocritas. Sed non tanta
de re propositum est hoc loco disputare. 4. Quid ego autem
secutus hoc bello sim in sententiis dicendis, aperire non alienum
puto. Post interitum Caesaris et vestras memorabiles Idus Mart.,
Brute, quid ego praetermissum a vobis quantamque impendere rei
publicae tempestatem dixerim, non es oblitus : magna pestis erit
depulsa per vos, magna populi Romani macula deleta, vobis vero
parta divina gloria, sed instrumentum regni delatum ad Lepidum
et Antonium, quorum alter inconstantior, alter impurior, uterque

from the previous sentence. Meyer (p.
129) notices the number of ellipses in this
sentence and in § 10.

forte'] The Mss. give fortasse ; but that
word cannot be used after si or nisi (Anti-
barb, i". 551). The corruption arose
either from the proximity of fortasse in
the line before, or possibly essem was
originally written after durior, and some-
how was transposed out of its proper place,
and made to follow /orte.

neque solum'] It is difficult to suggest
any reasonable correction for this sen-
tence. If we could suppose that facere
fell out after solum, all would be right ;
but we cannot see any reason why the
word should have been lost. Commenta-
tors generally regard the sentence as an
anacoluthon, the clause with sed etiam
having been omitted.

nsttrpein'] 'to adopt': cp. Att. vii. 2,
8 (293), usurpavi vetus illud Drusi. Dr.
Eeid, on Lael. 28, says, ' The word pro-
perly means [usu-rip-are = to seize on for
use) "to constantly put a thing in prac-
tice," or of thoughts, "to con over."'
Cicero might simply have appealed to
Solon's judgment, but he preferred to
set forth at length his own opinion on the
question.

qui . . . septem] ' who was not only
the wisest theoretical philosopher of the
Seven Wise Men, but was also the only
one of them who was a practical legis-
lator.' M- has sapiens umis, which Becher
wishes to read, comparing Lael. 59, a

Biante qui sapiens habitus esset unus e
septem ; and he might appeal to the Dres-
densis, which has sapiensumus. But it is
better to adhere to the reading of M^, as
it makes the sentence stronger, and bal-
ances legum scriptor solus better than the
reading of M- does.

is . . .poena] cp. Fam. i. 9, 18 (153),
where a similar sentiment is attributed to
Plato, cumque populum Atheniensem nee
persuadendo nee nisi cogendo regi posse
vidisset. For appeals to the conduct of
statesmen of the old time, cp. the refer-
ence to Solon and Themistocles, Att. x. 1,
2 (378) : and to Themistocles, x. 8, 4, 7
(392) ; vii. 3, 11 (304) ; ix. 10, 2 (365).
"We may add, to Agamemnon and Nestor
in Fam. ix. 14, 2 (722).

mediocritas] 'moderation,' 'mean':
cp. Hor. Carm. ii. 10, 6, Auream quisquis
mediocritatem Diligit.

4. Tost interitum] As the reference in
this clause is to Cicero's often-expressed
opinion that Antony ought to have been
slain with Caesar, we must take post with
dixerim, not wiihpraeter?nissum. Schmidt,
however, thinks (Jahrb. 1884, p. 636) that
it may refer to the indulgence shown by
the consph-ators to Lepidus, to their ne-
glect to summon the senate to the Capitol
on March 16, and to the sin of omission
committed by D. Brutus in not bringing
his troops to Rome in April, 710 (44),
when Antony had left the city : cp. Att.
XV. 11, 2 (744), and Schmidt, Die letzten
Kampfe i. 713.

256

DCCCCXIV. [BRUT. I. 15)

pacem metuons, inimicus otio ; his ardentibus perturbandae rei
publicao cupiditato quod opponi posset praesidium, non habeba-
mus — erexerat enim se civitas in retineuda libertate consentiens,
5. nos turn nimis acres, vos fortasse sapieutius excessistis urbe ea,
quam liberaratis, Italiae sua vobis studia profitenti remisistis.
Itaque, cum teueri urbern a parricidis viderem neo te in ea nee
Cassium tuto esse posse eamque armis oppressam ab Antonio,
mihi quoquo ipsi esse excedendum putavi — tetrum enim spectacu-
lum opprcssa ab impiis civitas opitulandi potestate praecisa — ;
sed animus idem, qui semper, infixus in patriae caritate disoessum
ab eius periculis ferre non potuit. Itaque in medio Acliaico
cursu, cum etesiarum diebus Auster me in Italiam quasi dissuasor
mei consilii rettulisset, te vidi Yeliae doluique vehementer, cede-
bas enim. Brute, cedebas — quoniam Stoici nostri negant fugere
sapientes — ; 6. Romam ut veni, statim me obtuli Antouii sceleri
atque dementiae, quem cum in me incitavissem, cousilia inire

inimicus otio] cp . Att. xiv. 21, 2, 4
(728), timere otium.

erexerat . . . consentiens'] In order to
explain enim, a simple course to adopt
would be, witli Kayser and Meyer, to
transfer erexerat .... consentiens to
follow re?nisistis. Schmidt (Jahrb. 1889,
p. 184) alters hahebamus to carcbamus ;
Van der Yliet to desiderabamus ; but these
alterations are nearly as desperate as the
insertion of a negative. Doubtless the
true explanation is that suggested by
Becher, that the foice of enim does not
come into operation until we arrive at vos
fortasse, the previous clauses being vir-
tually equivalent to qmimvis se erexisset.
For this use of cnini cp. Nagelsbach (ed. 6),
523-524; Madv. Fin. i. 18.

5. nos turn nimis acres] cp. 842, 1,
ratio quibusdam in rebus — non enim omni-
bus— paullo fortasse vehementior. Cicero
is, perhaps, here alluding to his action on
the evening of the Ides of March and on
the following days. He advised that
there should be no dealings with Antony,
and urged that the praetors Brutus and
Cassius should summon the senate to the
Capitol while their opponents were still in
a panic : cp. Att. xiv. 10, 1 (713); Phil,
ii. 89 (Euete, p. 95). Cicero adhered to
this opinion even after another course of
action had been adopted.

remisistis] ' you declined to use it.'

infixus in patriae caritate] It is hard to

find an exact parallel for this expression ;
but Phil. xiv. 3 (quoted by Meyer), qui
omncs sitas curas in rei p. salute defigunt
is almost similar ; for caritas can be viewed
as an object on -which one's attention is
directed almost as well as salus, ' concen-
trated on patriotism,' i.e. acted on by no
other motive than patriotism : Phil. vii.
5 ; Fam. ii. 6, 3 (177). For caritate
Schmidt proposes to read integritate.

in medio Achaico cursu] ' in the middle
of my journey to Achaea': cp. Epiroticae
litterae, ' letters for Epirus, ' Boot on Att.
xii. 53 (600). On the strength of medio
here we read medio for meo of the best
Mss in Fam. x. 1, 1 (787).

quasi dissuasor] cp. Fam. xii. 25, 3
(825), in Graeciam rapiebar, cum me
etesiae quasi boni cives relinquentem rem
publicam prosequi noluerunt, austerque
adversus maxinio flatu me ad tributes tuos
Megifnn rettulit.

cedebas] i.e. you wei'e ' retiring.' Such
is the word to use, not ' flying,' for Stoics
never fly.

sapientes] So Wesenberg, for sapientis.
for the ellipse of esse with sapientis is
harsh. Cobet (p. 288) proposes sapientem,
as the characteristics of the stoical wise
man are generally represented by a series
of statements like 6 ff6<pos oh (pevyn : cp.
Fam. ix. 22, 5 (633).

6. me obtuli] cp. Pis. 21, unummepro
omnium salute obtuli.

nccccxir. {brut. i. u).

257

coepi Brutina plane — vestri enim baeo sunt j)i"opria sanguinis —
rei publicae liberandae. Longa sunt, quae restant, et praeter-
eunda, sunt enim de me : tantum dico, Caesarem hunc adolescen-
tem, per quem adhuc sumus, si verum fateri volumus, fluxisse ex
fonte consiliorum meorum. 7. Huic habiti a me bonores, uulli
quidem, Brute, nisi debiti, nuUi nisi necessarii ; ut enim primum
libertatem revocare coepimus, cum se nondum ne Deeimi quidem
Bruti divina virtus ita commovisset, ut iam id scire possemus,
atque omne praesidium esset |in puero, qui a cervicibus nostris
avertisset Antonium, quis bonos ei non fuit decornendus ? quam-
quam ego illi tum verborum laudem tribui, eamque modicam ;
decrevi etiam imperium, quod quamquam videbatur illi aetati
honorificum, tamen erat exercitum babenti necessarium, quid
enim est sine imperio exercitus ? Statuam Pbilippus decrevit,
celeritatem petitionis prime Servius, post maiorem etiam Servilius :

et praetereimda] The insertion of et is
due to Wesenberg, and is sanctioned by
Becher.

Jluxisse ex fonte consiliorum tneoruni]
' is a stream whicb derives its source
from my advice.' For equally strong
metaphors of 'jSowing,' cp. Nagelsbach^,
469.

7. divina virtus'] It is hard to believe,
•with Ruete (p. 113) and Schmidt (Jahrb.
1889, p. 184), that this is ironical. No
doubt Cicero does sometimes censure D.
Brutus, Att. XV. 4, 1 (734) ; 897, 2 ; but
these passages would not justify such
bitter sarcasm as divina virtus used ironi-
cally ; nor could Cicero have said in § 8,
atque illo die cognovi haud paullo 2^lures in
senatu malevolos esse quam gratos, if he
had a very contemptuous opinion of the
services of D. Brutus ; and it would be
too glaringly inconsistent with the tone of
Cicero's letters to him. Whatever may
have been the faults of D. Brutus, he had
stood firmly for the cause of the state.
He was perhaps the least inefficient soldier
of all the senatorial generals.

se . . . commovisset'] 'had stirred itself.'
For this use of commovere with an imper-
sonal subject personified, Becher compares
Mil. 85, religiones mehercule ipsae . . .
commosse se videntur ; Lucr. iv. 886, ergo
animus cum sese ita commovet ut velit ire.

id] i.e. nos libertatem revocasse. For
id referring to a preceding clause, op.

Eeid on Senect. 8 ; so that there is no
need to read with Schmidt (Jahrb. 1889,
p. 184), tU iam quid {? aliquid) sperare
possetnus, nor his later conjecture (Jahrb.
1890, p. 135), ut iam respirare piossemus.,
comparing Att. ii. 24, 5 (51) ; x. 1, 1
(378).

decrevi . . . exercitus] cp. Phil. v.
45, Demus igitur imperium Caesari, sine
quo res militaris administrari, teneri exer-
citus, bellttm geri non potest : sit pro
praetore eo iure quo qui optima : qui honos
quamquam est magniis ilia aetate, tamen ad
necessitatem rerum gerendarum, non solum
ad dignitatem valet.

primo Servius post . . . Servilius] It
might seem from Phil. v. 46, that the
proposals referred to were Cicero's own ;
but when we remember that Servilius
was on other occasions in 711 (43) asked
his opinion before Cicero (Phil. vii. 27 ;
xiv. 11), we may readily suppose that
such was also the case on January 1 ; and
that, as Cicero had made a long speech on
that occasion, he, in regular fashion, coir-
cluded it by once more stating the motion
which had been abeady made by Servius
Sulpicius and Servilius : see Cohet, p.
289. Probably whenever a senator spoke
to his opinion, and did not merely express
his assent to a motion already made, he
was at liberty, if he pleased, to conclude
his speech by again reading the motion in
fuU.

258

DCCCCXIV. {BRUT, I. 15).

nihil turn nimium videbatur. 8. Sed nescio quo modo homines
facilius ill timore benigni quam in victoria grati roperiuntur : ego
enim, D. Bruto liberato cum laetissiraus ille civitati dies illuxisset
idemque casu Bruti natalis esset, decrevi, ut in fastis ad eum diem
Bruti nomen ascriberetur, in eoquo sum maiorum exemplum
secutus, qui hunc houorem miilieri Lareutiae tribuerunt, cuius vos
pontifices ad aram in Velabro sacrificium facere soletis, quod ego
cum dabam Bruto, notam esse in fastis gratissimae victoriae
sempiteruam volebam ; atqui illo die cognovi pauUo plures in
senatu malevolos esse quam gratos. Eos per ipsos dies effudi
— si ita vis — Lonores in mortuos, Hirtium et Pansam, Aquilam
etiam, quod quis reprehendit, nisi qui deposito metu praeteriti
periculi fuerit oblitus? 9. Accedebat ad beueficii memoriam
gratam ratio ilia, quae etiam posteris esset salutaris : exstare enim
volebam in crudelissimos hostes monumenta odii publici sempi-

8. homines] Cobet inserts tMs word,
comparing 864, 8.

laetissitnusille . . .dies'] i.e. the day on
which the news of the Battle of Mutina
reached Eome (April 26 or 27) : op. 886,
3 (to D. Brutus), nam die tuonatali victoria
nuntiata in multa saccula vidchamus rem p.
liberatam. Cicero appears to have pro-
posed that there he added to that day in
the Calendar nat. d. ivni brvti. Festi-
vals in honour of victories were often
celebrated in subsequent years, on the
anniversary of the day on which the news
arrived in Rome : thus the festival in
commemoration of the Battle of Munda
(fought March 17) was celebrated on April
21 (Dio Cass, xliii. 42, 3 ; Marquardt iii.
551).

mulieri Larentiae] Various stories are
told as to the character and adventures of
Acca Larentia, who was specially honoured
in the feast to the dead called Larentalia,
celebrated Dec. 23. For these stories see
Mommsen, Kcim. Forsch. ii. 1 ff., and
Wissowa, in the new ed. of Pauly, i. 132.
She was a mortal, and not a goddess —
that may be regarded as settled (cp. "Wis-
sowa, p. 134) ; and what Cicero means
here is, that if he had carried his motion,
Acca Larentia and D. Brutus would have
been the only two mortals whose names
were inserted in the Calendar : cp. Van
der Vliet (Jahrb. 1885. p. 376).

sacrijicium facere] Though no doubt

facere can be used by itself in the signifi-
cation of ' to perform a sacrifice,' cp. Att.
i. 12, 3 (17) ; Mur. 90 ; Liv, x.42, 7, yet
there is no sufficient reason, with Manu-
tius and Becher, to suppose that sacrificium
is a gloss : cp. Balb. 55, sed cum illani
quae Graecum illud sacrum monstraret et
faceret ex Graecia deligcrent, tamen sacra
pro civibus civem facere voluerunt.

paullo] So the mss. Editors since
Vict, read haud paullo. But the ungrate-
ful majority in the senate may not have
been large : and the absence of the nega-
tive renders the sentence more consonant
with the studied moderation of expression
which is preserved throughout the whole
letter.

malevolos] cp. D. Brutus, 854, 1 ;
855, 1. The motion of Cicero fell through
owing to the jealousy of some enemies of
Brutus.

effudi] ' squandered.'

honores in mortuos] The consuls were
granted a public funeral : cp. Liv. Epit.
119 ; Veil. ii. 62.

reprehendit] For the consecution Becher
(505) compares Att. x. 8, 5 (392), qiiodsi
iam misso officio periculi ratio habenda est,
ab illis est periculum si peccaro, ab hoc si
recte fecero ; Ter. Andr. 3, 3, 33, qui scis
ergo istue, nisi periclum feceris ? There
is no need to alter to reprehendet, with
Orelli and Wesenberg.

9. ratio] ' consideration.'

DCCCCXIV. {BRUT, I. 15).

259

terna. Suspicor illud tibi minus probari, quod a tuis familiaribus,
optimis illis quidem viris, sed in re publica rudibus, non proba-
batur, quod, ut ovanti introire Caesari liceret, decreverim ; ego
autem — sed erro fortasse, nee tamen is sum, ut mea me maxime
delectent — nihil mihi videor lioc bello sensisse prudentius ; cur
autem ita sit, aperiendum non est, ne magis videar providus fuisse
quam gratus: [hoc ipsum nimium,] quare alia videamus. D.
Bruto decrevi houores, decrevi L. Planco : praeclara ilia quidem
ingenia, quae gloria invitantur, sed senatus etiam sapiens, qui.
qua quemque re putat, modo honesta, ad rem publicam iuvandam
posse adduci, hac utitur. At in Lepido reprehendimur, cui cum
statuam in rostris statuissemus, iidem illam evertimus : nos ilium
honore studuimus a furore revocare ; vicit amentia levissimi
hominis nostram prudentiam, nee tamen tantum in statuenda
Lepidi statua factum est mali, quantum in evertenda boni.
10. Satis multa de honoribus: nunc de poena pauca dicenda sunt;
intellexi enim ex tuis saepe litteris te in iis, quos bello devicisti,
clementiam tuam velle laudari. Existimo equidem nihil a te nisi

familiaribus] Probably Casca was one
of these : cp. 865, 1. The separate party
of adherents of Brutus is also mentioned
in 915, 1.

gnod . . . decreverim'] This is the vir-
tual oblique subjunctiTS after the verb of
censure.

ovanti] cp. 865, 2, where Brutus says
that a triumph was granted to Octavian,
But, as Ruete (p. 99) points out, an ovatio
was often called a triumph : cp. Mon.
Ancyr. i. 21, bis ovans triumphavi iris egi
curules triumplws; and the Greek expres-
sion for an ovatio is ire^bs Qpiafx^os
(Dionys. ix. 36 ; Marquaidt iii. 671).
Livy, Epit. 119, thinks that the senate
showed little gratitude to Octavian in
granting him only this secondary honour.

hoc ipsum nimium] We venture to
think that tbis is a gloss of a reader who
wished to express the just opinion that
the preceding statement of Cicero was too
highly coloxu-ed. If the words were
Cicero's own we should probably have
some qualification added like sed fort-
asse.

praeclara] Euete supposes that this
M'ord, as well as divina virtus in § 7, is
ironical, with which opinion we cannot
agree. Cicero means that D. Brutus and

Plancus are noble souls, who are influenced,
by love of renown, and not by any selfish
considerations : fame is that last infirmity
of a noble mind. And not only are they
athirst for fame, which itself is in some
measure a reason why the honours should
be granted them, but the senate too is
acting wisely in acceding to theii- wishes,
and adopting all honourable means where-
by anyone can be induced to do good ser-
vice to the state.

quae gloria invitantur] cp. Lig. 12,
praemiis etiam invitabat ; 834, 2, is autem
qui vere apjicllari potest honos non invita-
mentum ad tempus sed perfectae virtutisest
praemitim.

evertimus] This was done by the de-
cree of June 30, which declared Lepidus
a public enemy : cp. 910, 1.

10. saepe] For attributive adverbs cp.
N. D. ii. 166, deoruin saepe praesentiae, on
which Professor Mayor quotes Ter. Andr.
i. 2, 4, eri semper lenitas; Plant. Pers. iii.
1, 57, non tu nunc homimim mores vides.
Becher compares 864, 3, tmius vix etiam
nunc viri; 915, 3, pro adulescentulo ac
paene puero. Add Sest. 93 and Off. ii.
20, where Dr. Holden quotes 1 Tim. v.
23, ' Use a little wine for thy stomach's
sake and thine often infirmities.' We
S2

260 DCCCCXIV. [BRUT. I. 15).

sapieuter ; sod scoleris poenam praotermittero — id enim est, quod
vocatur ignosccre — , etiamsi iu ceteris rebus tolerabile est, in hoc
bello porniciosuni puto : nullum enim bellum civile fuit in nostra
re publica omnium, quae memoria mea fuerunt, in quo bello non,
utracumque pars vicisset, tamen aliqua forma esset futura rei
publicae ; lioc bello victores quam rem publicam simus habit uri,
non facile affirmarim, victis certe nulla umquam erit. Dixi igitur
sententias in Autonium, dixi in Lepidum severas, neque tarn
ulciscendi causa, quam ut et in praesens sceleratos cives timore ab
impugnanda patria deterrerem et in poster um documentum statu -
erem, ne quis talem amentiam vellet imitari. 11. Quamquam
haec quidem sententia non magis mea fuit quam omnium, in qua
videtur illud esse crudele, quod ad liberos, qui nihil meruerunt,
poena pervenit ; sed id et antiquum est et omnium civitatum, si
quidem etiam Themistocli liberi eguerunt, et, si iudicio damnatos
eadem poena sequitur cives, qui potuimus leniores esse in hostes P
quid autem queri quisquam potest de me, qui, si vicisset, acerbio-
rem se in me f uturum fuisse confiteatur necesse est ? Habes
ratiouem mearum sententiarum de hoc genere dumtaxat honoris
et poenae ; nam, de ceteris rebus quid senserim quidque censuerim,
audisse te arbitror. 12. Sed haec quidem non ita necessaria :
illud valde necessarium. Brute, te in Italiam cum exercitu venire

may also compare Shakespeare, M. for M. writers, Nep. Att. 12, 5; Sail. Cat. 16,

V. 1, 534, 'Thanks good friend Escalus 3; Liv. ii. 42, 7, and Miiller's note,

for ihy much goodness'; Bacon, Adv. of documentum statuercm, ne] cp. Plaut.

Learning, 274, ' By her only aspect she Capt. iii. 5, 94, illis documentum dabo ne

turned men into stones.' tale quisquam facinus incipere audeat.

sapieuter^ sc. factum esse or Jieri, a not 11. qtd, si vicisset'] ' who must needs

infrequent ellipse: cp. Att. xv. 10 (743); confess that if he had conquered he would

Off. i. 82 ; Drager i. p. 199. have himself acted with far greater cruelty

id enim est"] Becher (Philol. xliv. p. against me.'

496) wants to know 'what in all the Habes . . .poenae"] 'You have now a

world does this parenthesis mean?' It statementof my sentiments on this system

means that, though Brutus and others at least of rewards and punishments ': cp.

may be pleased to call his treatment of Phil. xi. 3, for the sentiment.

C. Antonius 'pardoning' his opponents, quid senserim quidque coisuerim'] 'my

it is really ' neglecting' to visit guilt M'ith opinions and motives.'

its due punishment. Cicero uses no audisse] He would hear of them from

stronger word tlianjj?'«c<«7Mi<<cr<?, because the letters of his friends and from the

his meaning could not be mistaken, owing Acta. Schmidt (Jahrb. 1890, p. 135)

to the strong word sceleris. thinks that we should read adnuisse, ' as-

in praesens] Cicero generally does not sented to,' an attractive, but not neces-

omit tempus ; yet cp. the mss in Fam. ii. sary, alteration.

10, 4 (225), t«j»TO«eH^i, generally altered 12. haec] This refers generally to the

to in praeientia, perhaps rightly. The whole discussion, which Cicero had just

omission is common enough in other concluded.

DCCCCXV. {BRUT. I. 18). 261

quam primum. Summa est exspectatio tui ; quod si Italiam atti-
geris, ad te concursus fiet omnium : sive enim vicerimus — qui
quidem pulcherrime viceramus, nisi Lepidus perdere omnia et
perire ipse cum suis coneupivisset — , tua nobis auctoritate opus
est ad collocandum aliquem civitatis statum ; sive etiam nunc
certamen reliquum est, maxima spes est cum in auctoritate tua,
turn in exercitus tui viribus. Sed propera, per deos ! scis, quan-
tum sit in temporibus, quantum in celeritate. 13. Sororis tuae
filiis quam diligenter consulam, spero te ex matris et ex sororis
litteris cogniturum : qua in causa maiorem habeo rationem tuae
voluntatis, quae mihi carissima est, quam, ut quibusdam videor,
constantiae meae ; sed ego nulla in re malo quam in te amando
constans et esse et videri.

DGCCCXV. CICEEO TO BRUTUS (Brut. i. is).

ROME ; JULY 27 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C. 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

Cicero scribit de exercitus in Italiam adducendi necessitate, de sollicitudine sua in
retinendo OctaA'io pro quo spoponderat pop. Eomano, de rei pecuniariae difficultate, et
de Lepidi filiis.

CICERO BRUTO SAL.

1. Cum saepe te litteris bortatus essem, ut quam primum rei
publicae subvenires in Italiamque exercitum adduceres, neque id
arbitrarer dubitare tuos necessaries, rogatus sum a prudentissima
et diligentissima femina, matre tua, cuius omnes curae ad te
referuntur et in te consumuntur, ut venirem ad se a. d. viii. Kal..

vicerimus] cp. 910, 3, and note. the most heart-felt words spring to his
in auctoritate'] in was added by Cobet. lips, as if he could thereby warm the cold,
It is also found in some mss, e.g. Dres- calculating mind of his friend, and by the
densis. power of his strong feeling carry the
13. Sororis tuae] She was the wife of other away with him.' Schmidt has done
Lepidus. This connexion between the more than anyone else to put the char-
families of Brutus and Lepidus is the acters of Cicero and Brutus in the right
reason why Cicero is so anxious to justify light.
to Brutus his treatment of Lepidus.
Schmidt (Jahrb. 1890, p. 133) finally

says: — 'At the end of this long letter, 1. saepe] Meyer (p. 19) quotes a large

Cicero's warm heart makes him forget all number of similar exhortations, 897, 1,

irritation at the " three-line-letter" of 4, 5 ; 902, 3 ; 909, 2, 3 ; 913, 2 ; 914, 12.

Brutus, all contention about Octavian : matre iica] Servilia.

262 DCCCCXV. [BRUT. I. 18).

Sextiles : quod ego, ut debui, sine mora feci ; cum autem venissem,
Casca aderat et Laboo ot Scaptius. At ilia rettulit quaosivitque,
quiduam mihi videretur, arcesseremusue te atque id tibi couducere
putaremus an tardare ac commorari te melius esset. 2. Respoudi
id, quod sentiebam, et diguitati et existimationi tuae maxima
couducere te primo quoque tempore ferre praesidium labonti et
inclinatae paene roi publicae ; quid enim abesse censes mali in eo
bello, in quo victoros exercitus fugiontera hostem persequi nolue-
rint et in quo iucolumis imperator, Lonoribus amplissimis fortuuis-
que maximis, coniuge, liberis, vobis affinibus ornatus, bellum rei
publicae indixerit ? Quid dicam ' in tanto senatus populique
consensu,' cum tautum residcat intra muros mali ? ^ 3. Maximo
autem, cum haec scribebam, afficiebar dolore, quod, cum me pro
adolescentulo ac paene puero res publica accepisset vadem, vix
videbar, quod promiseram, praestare posse ; est autem gravior et
difiicilior animi et sententiae, maximis praesertim in rebus, pro
altero quam pecuniae obligatio : haec enim solvi potest et est rei
f amiliaris iactura tolerabilis ; rei publicae quod spoponderis, quem-
admodum solvas, ;//si is dependi facile patitur, pro quo spoponde-

Laheo et Scaptius] Labeo was one of talem semper fore civem qualis hodie sit

the conspirators. lie died fighting bravely qualemque euni maxime esse velle et oplare

at Philippi (Phit. Brut. 51; App. iv. debemns. Cp. the fragment of the letter

135). Scaptius was an agent whom Brutus of Cicero to Octavian ap. Nonius, 371, 7,

often employed in his affairs in Asia: cp. written shortly after Jan. 1, Tu si meant

Att. vi. 1, 5 (252) ; 840, 1. Jidem praestiteris quod conjido te essefac-

tardare'] It is rare to find this word turmn.

used intransitively : cp. Publilius Syrus, nisi is dependi facile patitur] "Wesen-

227, audoidocrescit virtus, tardando iimor. berg reads nisi for si, ' Unless he is ready

But there is no reason v,hj tardare should to allow payment to be made.' For de-

not = tardus esse, when durare = durus pendi cp. Fam. i. 9, 9 (153), dependendum

esse: see Furneaux on Tac. Ann. i. 6, 3. tibi est quod mihi j)ro illo spopondisti ;

2. labenti et inclinatae] ' slipping and Att. i. 8, 3 (5). It is forcing the mere
almost falling.' For lahcnti Wesenberg words unduly when Markland and Meyer
wishes to read /aiffM^i, 'tottering.' argue that facile patitur is not a correct

honoribus . . . ornatus] ' distinguished, expression, facile being .superfluous ; but
as he is, by the highest honours ana the the two words mean nothing more than
best gifts of fortune, by his M-ife, by his 'is ready,' or 'is willing.' Becher de-
children, and by his relationship with fends the mss si, translating ' How can
you.' you pay your suretyship to the state when

resideat] a favourite word with Cicero. he for whom you have gone surety is

3. adolescentulo ac paene puero] cp. quite satisfied that you should pay ' (i.e.
Phil. iii. 3, C. Caesar adolescens, paene that he should not pay) ? But we think
potius picer. For the attributive adverb that, besides the awkwardness of the ex-
cp. note to 914, 10. pression (' How are you to pay when you

vadem] cp. the fine passage, Phil. v. have to pay ? ' which implies that you

51, Audebo etiam obligare jidem meam, can by some means pay), the emphatic

p. e., vobis populoque Homano . . pro- "words a te should be added, in order to

mitto, reeipio, spondeo,p. c., C. Caesarem obtain the sense which Becher requires.

DCCCCXV. {BRUT. I. 18).

263

ris ? 4. Quamquam et hunc, ut spero, tenebo multis repugnantibus :
videtur enim esse in eo indoles, sed flexibilis aetas multique ad
depravandum parati, qui splendore falsi honoris obiecto aciem
boni ingenii praestringi posse confidunt. Itaque ad reliquos hie
quoque labor mihi accessit, ut omnes adhibeam machinas ad
tenendum adolescentem, ne famam subeam temeritatis : quam-
quam quae temeritas est ? Magis enim ilium, pro quo spopondi,
quam me ipsum obligavi, nee vero paenitere potest rem publicam
me pro eo spopondisse, qui fuit in rebus gerundis cum suo ingenio,
turn mea promissione constantior. 5. Maximus autem, nisi me
forte fallit, in re publica nodus est inopia rei pecuniariae : obdu-
rescunt enim magis quotidie boni viri ad vocem tributi, quod ex
centesima collatum impudent! censu loeupletium in duarum legio-
num praemiis omue consumitur ; impendent autem infiniti sumptus
cum in hos exercitus, quibus nunc defendimur, tum vero in tuum
— nam Cassius noster videtur posse satis ornatus venire. Sed
et haec et multa alia coram cupio, idque quam primum. 6. De
sororis tuae filiis non exspectavi, Brute, dum scriberes : omnino
ipsa tempora — bellum enim ducetur — integram tibi causam reser-
vant ; sed ego a principle, cum divinare de belli diuturnitate non

4. indoles'] ' he seems to have charac-
ter.' There is no need to add an adjec-
tive, such as bona, or pi aeclara: cp. note
to Att. X. 12 b, 7 (398); Plant. End. ii.
4, 10, quae indoles in savio ; Liv. i. 3, 1,
tanta indoles in Lavinia erat. We have
added in eo, with the old editors.

aciem boni ingenii] ' the keen percep-
tion of his loyal nature.'

mach'mas] cp . Plant. Mil. iii. 2, 1,
quantas moveo machinas.

paenitere . . . rem publicam me] The
accusative and infinitive after paenitere is
rare. We do not know of any other
example in Cicero, except Sest. 95, quoted
by Meyer, who justly says that it is not
an exact parallel, as the subject is se.

5. obdurescunt] 'have grown callous
to': cp. Att. xiii. 2, 1 (602), sed iani ad
ista obdurtiimus; Fam. ii. 16, 1 (394).
obduruisset aniinus ad dolorem novum.
But this expression is somewhat harsh
■with ad vocem ; so that we feel strongly
inclined to read with Manutius, obsur-
descimt, a good Ciceronian word : cp.
Lael. 88.

quod ex centesima . . . loeupletium]
In Dio Cass. xlvi. 31, 3, the taxes stated
to have been raised at this time were
4 p. c. income tax, and 2f sesterces on
each tegula. Owing to the fraudulent re-
turns of income made by the rich, the
amount of money raised sufficed only to
pay the rewards promised to two legions.
Madvig puts a long stop after tributi, and
supplies est after collatum : he also sug-
gests consensu for censu. These altera-
tions improve the passage, but are not
absolutely required.

6. non exspectavi . . . dum scriberes] It
would appear that Cicero discharged all
his vindictive feelings against the children
of Lepidus by writing 909 ; and that
before he received 908 (dated July 11) he
took measures to ensure their safety,
knowing, as he did, how deeply anxious
their uncle, Brutus, would be that they
should not suffer for the sins of their
father.

integram tibi causam reservant] ' the
very course of events is keeping the case
open for settlement by you': cp. 893, 6.

264 DCCCCXVL [FAM. X. 2U).

possem, ita causam ogl pueroriira in sonatu, \\i to arbitror e matris
litteris potuisse cognoscere, hoc vero ulla res erit umquam, in qua
ego non vel vitae periculo ea dicam eaque faciam, quae te velle
quaeque ad te pertiuere arbitrer. vi. Kal. Sextiles.

DCCCCXVI. PLANCUS TO CICERO (Fam. x. u).

CAMP IN GAUL ; JULY 28 ; A. U. C. 711 ; B. C 43 ; AET. CIC. 63.

L. Plancus M. Ciceroni memorcm se beneficiorum fore pollicctur, suas copias
narrat, subsidium exercitus poscit, Octavianum carpit.

PLANCUS IMP. COS. DES. S. D. CICERONI.

1. Facere non possum quin in singulas res meritaque tua tibi
gratias agam. Sed mehercule facio cum jDudore. Neque enim
tanta necessitudo, quantam tu mihi tecum esse voluisti, desiderare
videtur gratiarum actionem neque ego lubenter pro maximis tuis
beneficils tam vili munere defungor orationis, et malo praesens
observantia, indulgentia, adsiduitate memorem me tibi probare.
Quod si mihi vita contigerit, omnes gratas amicitias atque etiam
pias propinquitates in tua observantia, indulgentia, adsiduitate
viucam. Amor enim tuus ac indicium de me utrum mihi plus

\. Facere non possum'] Cicero bad before tbe same \rords above; for it is unusual

stated tbat Plancus and be M'cre on suf- to say vincere in re, and tua observantia

ficiently friendly terms to refrain from for observantia ttii (or in, or erffa, te).

thanking one another for services : cp. Perhaps these editors are right, for habent

879, 1, and 848, 1. in § 6 has, undoubtedly, crept into the text

ill sinffittas res meritaque tua'] The i« is from the adjacent habent. Klotz reads

not directly governed by gratias agam, for mutua for in tua, very cleverly. Gitlbauer

that phrase would recjuire ^)ro or ob. (p. 252) thinks in tua observantia, indul-

Neque . . . vincam] ' Nor is it my desire, gentia, assiduitate is a gloss on mutuo,

in acknowledgment of your very great which has expelled the latter from the

kindnesses, to make such a poor return as test. But perhaps it is better to adhere

mere language can convey : I prefer in to the text, as Plancus may very well

person, by respectful, courteous, and con- have wished to lay especial stress on these

stant devotion, to show you that I am not words. For amicitiae and propinquitates,

forgetful ; and if my life is spared, I shall the abstracts for the concretes, Watson

surpass all the gratitude of your friends, compares Q. Fr. i. 1, 12 (30), quosveroaut

andeven the affection of your relations, by ex domesticis convictionilus aut ex neces-

my respectful, courteous, and constant de- sariis apparitionibus tecum esse voluisti :

votion to you.' Some editors have omitted cp. also Sest. 109, and Dr. Holden's note,

intua observantia, indulgentia, adsiduitate, who quotes dignitates = 'dignitaries,'

as having been repeated bythe copyist from from Liv. xxii. 40, 4.

DCCCCXVI. {FAM. X. 2Ij).

26&

dignitatis in perpetuum an voluptatis cotidie sit adlaturus non
facile dixerim. 2. De militum commodis fuit tibi curae : quos
ego non potentiae meae causa — nihil enim me non salutariter
cogitare scio — ornari voliii a senatu, sed primum quod ita meritos
iudicabam, deinde quod ad omnes casus coniunctiores rei publicae
esse volebam, novissime ut ab omni omnium sollicitatione aversos
eos tales vobis praestare possem, quales adhuc fuerunt. 3. Nos
adliuc hie omnia integra sustinuimus. Uuod consilium nostrum
etsi quanta sit aviditas hominum non sine causa ftalis victoriae
scio, tamen vobis probari spero. Non enim, si quid in his exer-
citibus sit offensum, magna subsidia res publica habet expedita,
quibus subito impetu ac latrocinio parricidarum resistat. Copias

adlaturus] The predicate is made to
agree with amor, the most important ■word
in the sentence : cp. § 6, Qtiae mens eum
aut quorum consilia . . . avocarit . . .
transiulerit ; also 861, 5, and note; Hor.
Sat. ii. 6, 66, Ipse meique . . . rescor.

2. De militum commodis fuit tibi curae]
For this impersonal construction cp. Att.
vii. 5, 2 (296), De Tirone video tibi curae
esse; 787, 1, and note; 883, 4. For com-
moda = 'interests,' cp. Fam. xi. 2, 3
(740) ; Tac. Ann. i. 26. The commoda in
tliis case were grants of land. Cicero was
himself on the Commission of Ten ap-
pointed to distribute the lands : cp. 877,
3 ; 893, 2.

quos . . . ornari] ' to whom I wished
this honour to be paid.'

scio] Nodell and Wesenberg needlessly
alter to scis.

novissime] This word would not have
been used by Cicero for ' lastly.' Cicero
uses novissiimis only once (Rose. Com. 30) ;
D. Brutus uses it often, cp. Fam. xi. 1,
3, 4, 6.

ut . . . fuerunt] ' that they might he
preserved from being tampered with in
any way by any one, and that I might be
able to present them to j-ou as loyal a
body as they have been up to this.' Plan-
cus had already said that his army was
being tampered with (833, 3).

3. Nos . . . sustinuimus] ' Up to this
we have taken no decisive step.' For
omnia Integra cp. 893, 6.

"Stalls victoriae] So the best mss.
Wesenberg adds <belli> from some in-
ferior MSS, and understands talis belli to
mean ' a war such as the present,' i.e.

teterrimi periculosissimique, 879, 2. Koch
ingeniously reads fatalis, which must
apparently mean ' such as fate may de-
cide.' Andr. thinks the reference is to a
lost letter, and proposes ut ais. Lehmann
(p. 60) suggests consularis (cp. 832, 2),
noticing that M^ has in 908, 2, a some-
what similar error, a consulari tali viro.
He had previously proposed capitalis,
' decisive,' which Mendelssohn regards
with favour. Nettleship suggested a^ie^rrMs
(altis for talis), and Gitlbauer (pp. 253-5)
soars into the realms of fancy with non
sine causa <usa> alis Victoriae. Rhodius
(p. 38, note) thinks that we should read
non sine casu fatali, ' how eager all are
for victory, impelled by the force of fate,'
and supposes that Plancus, in order not
to offend Cicero, spoke of this eagerness
on the part of the men at Rome, and
especially Cicero, for a decisive battle
(cp. Epp. 853, 858, 879, 884) as being
due, not to their calm judgment, but to the
force of f ate.

offensum] ' reverse.'

subito . . . parricidarum] ' by which
he can withstand the sudden rebellious
outbreak of these traitors': impetu is,
doubtless, the dative ; indeed, the dative
of the fourth declension in -us is mostly
confined to special expressions, e.g. recep-
tui canere, usui, derisui esse, &c. J. H.
Schmalz, however (in a review of the 8th
edition of Nagelsbach in Berliner Philol.
Wochenschrift, 1889, p. 1632), holds that
impetu is ablative, and resistat is to be
taken absolutely, 'by which, when the
traitors make a sudden assault, he may be
able to make resistance.'

266

nCCCCXVL {FAM. X. ^h)-

vero nostras notas tibi esse arbitror. In castris meis legiones sunt
veteranae tres, tironum vel lueulentissima ex omnibus una : in
castris Bruti una veterana legio, altera bima, octo tironum. Ita
univcrsus cxercitus numcro amplissimus est, firmitate exiguus.
Quantum autem in acio tironi sit committondum nimium saepe
expertum babcnms. 4. Ad hoc robur nostrorum exercituum sive
Africanus exercitus, qui est veteranus, sivo Caesaris accessisset,
aequo animo summam rem publicam in discrimeu dcduceremus,
Aliquanto autom propius esse, quod ad Caesarem attiuet, vide-
bamus : nihil destiti eum litteris hortari, neque ille intermisit
adfirmare se sine mora venire : cum interim aversum ilium ab
hac cogitatione ad alia consilia video se contulisse. Ego tamen ad
eum Furnium nostrum cum mandatis litterisque misi, si quid
forte proficere posset. 5. Scis tu, mi Cicero, quod ad Caesaris
amorem attinet, societatem mihi esse tecum, vel quod in familiari-

Jirmxtate\ 'steadiness' ("Watson).

Quantum autem .... committcnduni\
'But the degree of trust to be placed in
them.' In using autem the thoughts of
Plancus reverted to octo tironum.

expertum hahemHf\ For cxpertus, used
previously in the Latin of the Eepublican
time, op. Cato, R. R. 157, 10; Attius
681 ; Pollio ap. Priscian, viii. p. 386
(Keil). It is common from the Augustan
age.

4. Afi'icanus exercitus'] op. § 8.

summam . . . dcduceremus'] ' We should
have risked the fortunes of the state on a
decisive engagement.'

Aliquanto . . . videhamus] 'But we
(D. Brutus and myself) saw that what
belonged to Caesar was nearer at hand.'
Quod ad Caesarem attinet is a somewhat in-
elegant expression for ' Caesar's forces.'
Schmalz says that attinere ad, in the
sense of ' belonging to,' is modem Latin;
this usage, if sound, approximates to it.
Most editors omit ad and attinet, suppos-
ing that those words were inserted from
quod ad Caesaris amorem attinet, § 5 ; cp.
note to § 1 for the repetition.

adfirmare se . . . venire] Andr. compares
Caes. B. G. vi. 29, 5, sese confestim sub-
sequi dicit, for the present infinitive used
vividly for the futui-e: cp. B. G. ii. 32, 3.

alia consilia] i.e. seeking for the con-
sulship.

Furnium'] cp. introductory note to

903.

5. Scis tu . . . possunt] 'You know,
my dear Cicero, as far as regards love for
young Caesar, that I share it with you ;
whether because, being an intimate friend
of Julius Caesar while he was alive, I was
under an obligation to protect and regard
the youth ; or because young Caesar him-
self was, as far as I could judge of
him, possessed of the most sensible and
kindly nature ; or whether it is that, in
consequence of such a marked friend-
ship as existed between me and Julius
Caesar, it appears to me disgraceful to
refuse to acknowledge as his son one
who was adopted as such in the judgment
both of him and you. But whatever I
write to you I write more in sorrow than
in anger. That Antony is this day alive,
that Lepidus has joined forces with him,
that they have armies far from despicable,
that they cherish hopes, that they show
boldness — all this men may put down as
due to Caesar.'

ad Caesaris amorem] Note that in this
section Caesaris is used three times — in
the first referring to Octavian, in the
second and third to Julius ; while at the
end Caesari occurs, referring again to
Octavian.

in familiaritate Caesaris] The prep.
in is often used in this sense ; the sentence
= cum familiaris essem Caesaris. Andr.
compares Fam. xi. 28, 2 (785), in victoria

DCCCCXVI. [FAM. X. 2U).

267

tate Oaesaris, vivo illo, iam tueri eum et diligere fuit mihi necesse,
vel quod ipse, quoad ego nosse potui, moderatissimi atque huma- ^
nissimi fuit sensus, vel qviod ex tarn insigni amieitia mea atque
Caesaris hunc filii loco et illius et vestro iudicio substitutum non
proinde habere turpe mihi videtur : 6. Sed — quidquid tibi scribo,
dolenter mehercule magis quam inimice facio— quod vivit Antouius
hodie, quod Lepidus una est, quod exercitus [habeut] non contem-
nendos habent, quod sperant, quod audent, omne Caesari acceptum
referre possunt. Neque ego superiora repetam, sed ex eo tempore,
quo ipse mihi professus est se venire, si venire voluisset, aut
oppressum iam bellum esset aut in aversissimam illis Hispaniam
cum detrimento eorum maximo extrusum. Quae mens eum aut
quorum consilia a tanta gloria, sibi vero etiam necessaria ac
salutari, avocarit et ad cogitationem consulatus bimestris summo
cum terrore hominum et insulsa cum eflSagitatione transtulerit
exputare non possum. 7. Multum in hac re mihi videntur neces-

hominis necessarii ; 827, 7, in damno meae
laudis = etsi damno meae laudis affcctus
ero.

vestro'] Octavian could not be formally
and legally recognized as Caesar's son
until after the curiate law of adoption
had been passed ; and this law was not
passed until Octavian came to Rome in
August. But he had been previously
acknowledged as Caesar's son by Cicero
(Phil. iii. 15, C. Caesaris JiUo ; v. 46, C,
Caesar, Gai JUixs), though at first Cicero
refrained from addressing him as Caesar :
cp. Att. xiv. 12, 2 (715), Octavius, quern
quidem sui Caesarem salutahant, Philippus
non item, itaque ne nos quidem.

proinde] ' as such.' Andr. compares
Columella xi. 2, 68, nonnuUi gustu explo-
rare maturitatem tentaverunt, ut, sive
dulcis esset sapor uvae sive acidus, proinde
aestimarent.

6. facio] like the auxiliary verb ' do'
in English, and ^pav (Thucyd. ii. 49, 5) :
cp. Fin. ii. 79, vadem te ad mortem tyranno
dahis pro amico, ut Pythagoreus ille Siculo
fecit tyranno.

Caesari acceptum referre] The common
book-keeping phrase : cp. Att. i. 14, 3
(20); xi. 1, 2 (406); xv. 19, 1 (751).

sed ex eo tempore] There is a slight
anacoluthon in this sentence. Plancus
had meant to say something like ' from
the time Octavian promised to come, if
only he had come, from that time we

should have commenced a successful war,
which would now be finished'; but he
continued the sentence from atit oppres-
sum, as if he had not begun with ex.

aversissimam'] ' most hostile ' : cp. Hor.
Sat. i. 5, 29, aversos soliti componere
arnicas ; Tac. Hist. iv. 80. There is no
necessity to read adversissimam with
Wesenberg.

sibi . . . salutari] ' which, indeed,
his own life and safety also require.'
Instead of sibi, we should have expected
ipsi.

avocarif] For the singular after mens
and consilia, see note to § 1.

bimestris] This is, of course, an ex-
aggeration, prompted by petulance, 'a
couple of months.' It was only July now,
so that five months of the year would re-
main. Octavian was elected on August 19.
Manutius proposes quinquemestris (= v.
mestris), of which 0. E. Schmidt (Jahrb.
1890, p. 129) approves, ii. and v. are
constantly interchanged in mss. Lange
(R. A. iii. 543, 17) reads semestris (= vi.
mestris).

mimmo . . . efflagitatione] ' spreading,
too, panic throughout society, and making
most fatuous demands.' For the rare word
efflagUatio, cp. Fam. v. 19, 2 (390). Mr.
jeans translates, ' with a most offensive
appearance of demanding.'

exputare] 'fathom,' 'thoroughly probe,'
a rare word: cp. Plant. Trin. ii. 1, 12.

268

DCCCCXVL (FAM. X 2/^).

sarii eius et rei publicae et ipsius causa proficere posse, plurimuni,
ut puto, tu quoque, cuius illo tanta merita habet, quanta nemo
praeter me : numquam euim oWiviscar maxima ac plurima me
tibi debere. De bis rebus ut exigeret cum eo, Furnio mandavi.
Quod si quautam debeo babuero apud eum auctoritatem, pluri-
mum ipsum iuvero. 8. Nos interea duriore condicione bellum
sustinemus, quod neque expeditissimam dimicationem putamus
neque tamcn refugiondo commissuri sumus, ut mains detrimentum
res publica accipere possit. Quod si ant Caesar se respexerit aut
Afrieanae legiones celeriter venerint, securos vos ab bac parte
reddemus. Tu, ut instituisti, me diligas rogo proprieque tuum
esse tibi persuadeas. v. Kal. Sext. ex castris.

7. tifcessariil Probably L. Marcins
PMlippiis, cp. Att. xiv. 12, 2 (715), Avho
had luanied Octavian's mother Atia, and
C. Marcellus, cp. xv. 12, 2 (745), consul
in 704 (50), who had married his sister.
See also Phil. iii. 17.

chIks ilk- tanta inerita hahet~\ 'from
•whom he has received greater kindnesses
than anyone except myself.' On Jan. 1
Cicero had proposed that Octavian should
sit and vote in the senate among the
praetorii, and should be allowed to stand
for magistracies as if he had been quaestor
the year before (Phil. v. 46) ; and in
April, after the news of the Battle of
Forum Gallorum had reached Rome, he
proposed that the two consuls and Oc-
tavian should have a supplicatio of fifty
days celebrated in their honour (Phil.

xiv. 37).

exigeretl ' that he should have a tho-
rough discussion.' Exigere is a strength-
ened agcre : cp. Plin. Epp. vi. 12, 3 ;
Quintil. vi. 5, 5.

iuvero] ' he will find that I have
helped him very much.'

8. expeditissimani] ' quite free from

se respexerit'] ' has taken thought for
himself,' ' has considered his own case ':
cp. Fin. ii. 79 ; Tcr. Heaut. i. 1, 18 ; v.
1, 46.

Afrieanae legiones] When the two
African legions (cp. § 4) did come to
Italy, they almost at once deserted the
senate, and went over to Octavian (App.
B. C. iii. 91).

PART XII.

TE TOTUM IN LITTERIS VIDI

PART XII.

LETTERS OF UNCERTAIN YEARS
EPP. DCCCCXVIl.-DCCCCXXXI.

DCCCCXVII. [FAM. XIIL 76).

273

DCCCCXYII. CICEEO TO THE QUATTUOEVIRI AND
DECURIONES (Fam. xiii. 76].

ROME ; YEAR AND MONTH UNCERTAIN.

M. Cicero a quattuorviris et decurionibus petit, ut C. Valgio Hippiano immuni-
tatem possessionis in agro Fregellano emptae concedant.

M. CICERO aUATTUORVIRIS ET DECURIONIBUS S. D.

1. Tantae mihi cum Q. Hippio causae necessitudinis sunt, ut
nihil possit esse coniunctius quam nos inter nos sumus. Quod
nisi ita esset, uterer mea consuetudine, ut vobis nulla in re
molestus essem. Etenim vos mihi optimi testes estis, cum mihi
persuasum esset nihil esse quod a vobis impetrare nou possem,
numquam me tamen gravem vobis esse voluisse. 2. Vehemeuter
igitur vos etiam atque etiam rogo, ut honoris mei causa quam
liberalissime 0. Valgium Hippianum tractetis remque cum eo
conficiatis, ut, quam possessionem habet in agro Fregellano a vobis
emptam, earn liberam et immunem habere possit. Id si a vobis
impetraro, summo me beneficio vestro adfectum arbitrabor.

We do not know what was the muni-
cipium to the magistrates and senate of
which Cicero addressed this letter. It
was not Fregellae, for after its capture by
L. Opimius in 629 (125), it ceased to be
a corporate town, and was a mere village:
cp. Mommsen in C. I. L. x. p. 547.
Perhaps it was Fabrateria, which was, in
a measure, a restitution of Fregellae under
a new name. The mention of IVtiri
shows that this town was a municipium :
cp. vol. P. p. 408. 0. E. Schmidt (ap.
Mendelssohn, p. 449) places, with hesi-
tation, this letter in the year of Cicero's
consulship, 691 (63).

1 . Q. Hippio] Probably be was father

of the C. Valgius Hippianus (§ 2) in
whose interest this letter was written.
The younger Hippius was adopted by a
C. Valgius : cp. § 2.
gravem vobis] ' a burden to you.'
2. immuneni] ' clear of obligations.'
It must be confessed that this is a rather
audacious request ; but it is interesting,
as showing the kind of pressure which
was put upon the provincial towns by
the magnates of the city. If the con-
scientious Cicero does not hesitate to
make such a request, it is quite certain
that the average Roman grandee made
really oppressive demands.

adfectum] cp. Leg. Agr. i. 13.

274 DCCCCXVIII. {FAM. XIII. U3).

DCCCCXVIII. CICERO TO QUINTIUS GALLUS
(Fam. XIII. 43).

ROME ; A. U. C. 696 (?) ; 15. C. 58 (?) ; AET. CIC. 48 (?).

M. Cicero Qiiintio Gallo commendat L. Oppium L. Egnatii nogotia procurantem.

M. CICERO aUINTIO GALLO.

1. Etsi plurimis rebus spero fore ut perspiciam, quod tamen
iam pridem perspicio, me a te amari, tamen ea causa tibi
datur, in qua facile declarare possis tuam erga me benevolentiam.
L. Oppius M. F. Philomelii negotiatur, homo mihi familiaris.
Eum tibi unice commendo eoque magis, quod cum ipsum diligo,
turn quod negotia procurat L. Egnatii Rufi, quo ego uno equite
Romano familiarissime utor et qui cum consuetudine cotidiana
tum officiis plurimis maximisque mihi coniunctus est. 2. Oppium
igitur praesentem ut diligas, Egnatii absentis rem ut tueare,
aeque a te peto ac si mea negotia essent. Yelim memoriae tuae
causa des litterarum aliquid, quae tibi in provincia reddantur, sed
ita conscribas, ut tum, cum eas leges, facile recordari possis huius
meae commendationis diligentiam. Hoc te vehementer etiam
atque etiam rogo.

QriNTIO GALLOI For the reading, I. Fhilomelii'] A town on the road

see Adn. Grit. This and the three follow- between Synnada and Iconium. In 703

ing letters were probably written in the (51) it was an assize-town of the province

same year. We have letters from Cicero of Cilicia: cp. Fam. iii. 8, 5, 6 (122).

recommending Egnatius and Oppius to Q. In the time of Pliny (11. N. v. 95) it

Marcius I'hilippus, governor of some pro- belonged to Asia.

vince, probably Asia, Fam. xiii. 73, 74 negotiatur'] ' has a banking business.'

(165, 128). and to bis quaestor, Appuleius Er/natii liuji] Both Marcus and Quin-

(920) : and it is probable that Gallus was tus Cicero had money dealings with this

a legate of Philippus. The year in which Egnatius, Att. vii. 18, 4 (316) ; x. 15, 4

Philippus was governor of Asia is un- (401) ; xi. 3, 3 (411); xii. 18, 3 (549).

certain. Schmidt (ap. Mendelssohn, p. 2. in provincia] This shows that the

449) dates this letter 696 (58) ; Willems present letter was written to Gallus be-

(Le Senat. i. 478) seems to assign the fore he left for his province,

governorship of Philippus to 699 (55) or sed ita conscribas] ' written too in such

700 (54) ; Holzl (Fast. Praet. pp. 94-5) a way.' For this use of sed cp. note to

puts it as late as 709 (45). Att. xiv. 1, 2 (703).

DCCCCXX. {FAM. XIIL U5). 275

DCCCCXIX. CICEEO TO THE SAME GALLUS
(Fam. XIII. 44).

ROME ; A. U. C. 696 (?) ; B. C. 58 (?) ; AET. CIC. 48 (?).

M. Cicero Gallo commendat L. Oppiiim una cum L. Egnatii negotiis.

CICERO GALLO S.

Etsi ex tuis et ex L. Oj^pii, familiarissimi mei, litteris cognovi
te memorem commendationis meae fuisse, idque pro tua summa
erga me benevolentia proque nostra necessitudine minime sum
admiratus, tamen etiam atque etiam tibi L. Oppium praesentem
et L. Egnatii, mei familiarissimi, absentis negotia commendo.
Tanta mibi cum eo necessitudo est familiaritasque, ut, si mea res
esset, non magis laborarem. Quapropter gratissimum mibi fece-
ris, si curaris ut is intellegat me a te tantum amari, quantum ipse
existimo. Hoc mibi gratius facere nibil potes idque ut facias
vebementer te rogo.

DCCCCXX. CICERO TO APPULEIUS (Fam. xiii. 45).

ROME ; A. U. C. 696 (?) ; B. C. 58 (?) ; AET. CIC. 48 (?).

M. Cicero Appuleio proquaest. Asiae L. Egnatii seryum et negotia commendat.

CICERO APPULEIO PROaUAESTOEI.

L. Egnatio uno equite Romano vel familiarissime utor. Eius
Ancbialum servum negotiaque, quae babet in Asia, tibi commendo

commendationis] cp. 918. This letter pro-quaestor cp. introductory note to
was written to Gallius after he had 882.

reached his province. «<«o] ' Lucius Egnatius is the one

si mea res esset] cp. 918, 2. For the Eoman knight with whom' I am on quite

order cp. 929. the most friendly relations possible.'

Lehmann rightly defends rel, which Cra-

This Appuleius was pro-quaestor of Q. tander and Wesenherg wish to eject, by

Marcius Philippus : cp. note to 918. For showing that not only in epistolary style,

276

DCCCCXXI. [FAM. XIII. UO).

non minore studio quam si rem moam commondarem. Sic enim
existimes velim, mihi cum eo non modo cotidianara consuetudinem
summam intercedere, sed etiam officia magna et mutua nostra
inter nos esse. Quam ob rem etiam atque etiam a te peto, ut
cures ut intellegat me ad te satis diligentor scripsisse : nam de tua
erga me voluntate non dubitabat. Id ut facias, te etiam atque
etiam rogo. Vale.

DCCCCXXI. CICEEO TO THE SAME APPULEIUS

(FaM. XIII. 46).

ROME ; A. r. C. 696 (?) ; B. C. 58 (?) ; AET. CIC. 48 (?).

M. Cicero eidem Appuleio L. Nostium Zoilum coheredem suum commendat.

CICERO APPULEIO S.

L. Nostius Zoilus est coheres mens, heres autem patroni sui.
Ea re utruraque scripsi, ut et mihi cum illo causam amieitiae
scires esse et hominem probum existimares, qui patroni iudicio
ornatus esset. Eum tibi igitur sic commendo, ut unum ex nostra
domo. Yalde mihi gratum erit, si curaris ut intellegat banc
commendatiouem sibi apud te magno adiumento fuisse.

but even in more studied works, excessive
emphasis is laid on a point by an accumu-
lation of words, e.g. Plane. 95, qtiocum
me uno vel inaxime cum vetustas turn ami-
eitia . . . turn respublica sociarat.

rem meam commendareni] So M Pal.
Wesenberg needlessly alters to meam rem,
comparing for the order Fam. xiii. 23, 2
(518), metis liberties ; 918, 2, mea negotia;
919, mea negotia.

Sic enim existimes'] ' For I would have
you consider that we have not only tlie
closest daily intercourse, but also im-
portant reciprocal services have been done

by each to the other.' "Wesenberg (E. A.
45) reads multa for mutua of the Mss,
comparing for the confusion 808, 4, where
M has multo, whereas H Pal have mutuo :
if mutua is read he considers that nostra
is superfluous ; but it is a pardonable
pleonasm, cp. 876, 3.

L. Nostitis Zoilus'] Zoilus was a freed-
man of L. Nostius. For names of f reed-
men, cp. Fam. xiii. 21, 2 (516).

ornatus esset] ' has received a marked
compliment.'

DCCCCXXIII. {FAM. XVL 13).

277

DCCCOXXII. CICEEO TO P. OAESIUS (Fam. xiii. 51).

ROME ; YEAR QUITE UNCERTAIN.

M. Cicero P. Caesio P. Messienum commendat.

CICERO P. CAESIO S. D.

P. Messienum, equitem Eomanum, omnibus rebus ornatum
meumque perfamiliarem, tibi commendo ea commendatione, quae
potest esse diligentissima. Peto a te et pro nostra et pro paterna
amicitia, ut eum in tuam fidem recipias eiusque rem famamque
tueare. Yirum bonum tuaque amicitia dignum tibi adiunxeri&
mihique gratissimum feceris.

DCCCCXXIII. CICERO TO TIRO (Fam. xvi. 13).

CUMAE ; APRIL 10 ; A. U. C. 700 OR 701 ; B. C. 54 OR 53 ; AET. CIO. 52

OR 53.

M. Cicero cohortatur Tii'onem ad valetudineni curandam.

TULLIUS TIRONI SALUT.

Omnia a te data mihi putabo, si te valentem videro. Summa
cura exspeetabam adventum Menandri, quem ad te miseram.
Cura, si me diligis, ut valeas et, cum te bene confirmaris, ad nos
venias. Yale. iv. Idus April.

Schmidt (ap. Mendelssohn, p. 449) as-
signs, with hesitation, this letter (922) to
698 (56). It appears to be addressed to
P. Caesius (or his son) of Eavenna, who
is mentioned in Balb. 50 as having been
made a Eonian citizen by Pompey's
father in 664 (90). Schiitz says the ad-
dressee is the Caesius who Mas made
aedile at Arpinum, Fam. xiii. 11, 3 (452),
but the prenomen of the latter was
Marcus.

Menandri] Some editors alter this to
Andrici (924, 1) ; others alter Andrici
there to j\lcnandri.

It has been long agreed that Fam. xvi.
13, 14, 15, 10, 16 (923 to 927) form a
definite group of letters, and belong to
the same year, treating, as they do, of
the manumission of Tiro. The month in
which the first four letters were written
was April (923 fin.). The day of the

278

DCCCCXXIV. [FAM. XVI . U).

DCCCCXXIV. CICERO TO TIEO (Fam. xvi. u).

CUMAE ; APRIL 11 ; A. U. C. 700 OR 701 ; B. C. 54 OR 53 ;
AET. CIC. 62 OR 53.

M. Cicero de Tironis valctudine ob serum adventum Andrici, se sollicitum fuisse
scribit, hortaturque Tironem ut valetudini operam det.

TULLIUS TIRONI SAL.

1. Audricus postridie ad me venit quam exspectaram. Itaque
habui noctem plenam timoris ac miseriae. Tuis litteris nihilo sum
f actus certior quo modo te haberes, sed tamen sum recreatus.

month on which Tiro was manumitted
was probably April 28, for Cicero says he
would be at Formiae on that day, and
hoped to find Tiro there in good health
(926, 1). The question is, to what year
do these letters belong ? The generally
accepted year is 700 (54) ; but Kijrner, in
a fine discussion (Jahrb. 1891, pp. 130-
132), argues that it was in 701 (53). He
lays doM'n the following facts to guide
us: — 1°. Quintus was probably absent
from Italy; his letter (927) reads as if he
longed to see his kindred. 2°. Cicero was
in Cumae on April 18 (926, 2). 3°. Pom-
pey was there also on the same day.
4^. The manumission of Tiro was subse-
quent to that of Statins by Quintus, and,
accordingly, after 695 (59), cp. Att. ii. 18,
4 (45) with 927, 2, and prior to 705 (49),
for in the March of that year Pompey
left Italy for ever. Now examine the
intervening years. In April, 696, 697
(58, 57), Cicero was in exile; in April,
698 (56), Pompey was in Africa, Sardinia,
perhaps Luca, certainly not in Campania:
-cp. Fam. i. 9, 9 (153); Q. Fr. ii. 5, 3
(106). In Apiil, 699 (55), Pompey did
not come to Cumae till the Parilia (Apr.
21): cp. Att. iv. 10, 2 (121). Early in
May, 700 (54), about the 5th, Quintus
left for Gaul (cp. Q. Fr. ii. 13, 1(141),
where Cicero states that he received a
letter fi-om Quintus, from Placentia, early
in June), and, accordingly, was probably
with his brother in April. In April, 702
(52), Cicero was busy at Eome defending
Milo and Saufeius, and Pompey, consul

sine coUega, had too much work as presi-
dent of the state to spend his time rusti-
cating in Campania. Early in May, 703
(51), Quintus and Tiro accompanied
Marcus Cicero to Cilicia; and in April,
704 (50), they were in that province.
Accordingly, 701 (53) alone remains the
possible year for the manumission of Tiro.
As a confirmation, we have a letter of
April 8, 701 (53), addressed ex Pomptino
to Trebatius, viz. Fam. vii. 18 (173).
Cicero, doubtless, wrote that letter on his
journey south. Tiro probably started
with him from Rome, but could not pro-
ceed beyond Formiae.

Except for one point, all the above
reasoning is conclusive. Might not the
year be 700 (54) ? Quintus, no doubt,
left for Gaul early in May, as Korner
elsewhere (Quaest. Chron., p. 40) satis-
factorily establishes; but there does not
appear to be any conclusive evidence that
he was with Marcus up to the very
moment of starting on his journey. Ac-
cordingly, he mny not have heard of the
manumission of Tiro in Formianum until
the very eve of departure from Rome, or
even until he was on the road : the
opening words of 927 may well have been
dictated by sadness when on the point of
leaving home for a long period.

For date see introductory note to 923.

1. Andricus'] cp. note to 923. Klotz
thinks that Menander was the man's real
name, and that Andricus {avBpiK6s) was a
nickname.

DCCCCXXV. [FAM. XVI. 15), 279

Ego omni delectatione litterisque omnibus careo : quas ante quam
te videro attingere non possum. Medico mereedis quantum poscet
promitti iubeto : id scripsi ad Ummium. 2. Audio te animo angi
et medicum dicere ex eo te laborare. Si me diligis, excita ex
somno tuas litteras humanitatemque, propter quam mihi es carissi-
mus. Nunc opus est te animo valere, ut corpore possis. Id cum
tua turn mea causa facias a te peto. Acastum retine, quo com-
modius tibi ministretur. Oonserva te mihi : dies promissorum
adest : quern etiam repraesentabo, si adveneris. Etiam atque
etiam vale. iii. Idus bora vi.

DCCCCXXV. CICERO TO TIEO (Fam. xvi. 15).

CUMAE ; APRIL 12 ; A. U. C. 700 OR 701 ; B. C. 54 OR 53 ; AET. CIC.

52 OR 53.

My Cicero suam de Tironis valetudine sollieitudinem significat.

TULLIUS TIRONI SAL.

1. Aegypta ad me venit pridie Idus Apriles. Is etsi mihi
nuntiavit te plane febri carere et belle habere, tamen, quodnegavit
te potuisse ad me scribere, curam mihi attulit, et eo magis, quod
Hermia, quem eodem die venire oportuerat, non venerat. In-
credibili sum sollicitudine de tua valetudine, qua si me liberarin,
ego te omni cura liberabo. Plura scriberem, si iam putarem

Medico'] Probably Metrodorus : cp. corpus Ubenter obtulerim si repraesentari

Fam. xvi. 20 (693). Ummius was, per- morte mea liberlas civitatis potest; Fam.

haps, Cicero's household steward {dispcn- v, 16, 6 (529), non debemus exspectare

sator) at Tusculum. temporis medicinam quam repraesentare

2. ex eo\ ' from that,' i.e. from distress ratione possimus; Att. xvi. 2, 3 (772);

of mind. Caes. B. G. i. 40, 14. It is frequently

excita ex somno] ep. a very similar used in the mercantile sense of ' paying

metaphor; cp. 926, 2, Zitterulae meae sive down ready money,' e.g. Att. xii. 25, 1

nostrae iui desiderio oblanguerunt . Sac (561).
tamoi cpistola quam Acastus atftdit oeulos

paullum sustulerunt. For date see 923.

dies promissorum'] i.e. the day on which 1. Aegypta] formerly a slave, after-

I promised to manumit you. wards a freedman, of Cicero : cp. Att.

quem . . . repraesentabo] 'which I viii. 15, 1 (350) ; xii. 37, 1 (657).

shall discount.' 'Fox repraesentare = *to belle habere] ' and were doing nicely':

do at once,' cp. Phil. ii. 118, Quin etiam cp. belle fiiisse, Att. xiv. 16, 4 (721).

280 DCCCCXXVI. {FAM. XVI. 10).

lubenter te legere posse. Ingenium tuum, quod ego maximi facio,
confer ad te mihi tibiquo eonservandum. Cura te etiam atque
etiaui diligenter. Yale.

2. Scripta iam epistola Hermia veuit. Aecepit tuam epistolam
vacillaiitibus littenilis, nee minim tarn gravi morbo. Ego ad te
Aegyptam misi, quod nee inbumanus est et te visus est mihi
diligere, ut is tecum esset, et cum eo cocum, quo uterere. Vale.

DCCCCXXVI. CICERO TO TIRO (Fam. xvi. lo).

CUMAE ; APRIL 17 ; A. U. C. 700 OR 701 ; B. C. 54 OR 63 ; AET. CIC.

52 OR 53.

M. Cicero Tironem ad se venire cup it, sed viam timet, ne valetudini eius noceat.
Operam Tironis in studiis laudat et exigit.

TULLIUS TIRONI S.

1. Ego vero cupio te ad me venire, sed viam timeo. Gravis-
sime aegrotasti, inedia et purgationibus et vi ipsius morbi con-
sumptus es. Graves solent offensiones esse ex gravibus morbis, si
quae culpa commissa est. Iam ad id biduura, quod fueris in via,
dum in Cumanum venis, accedent continue ad reditum dies
quinque. Ego in Formiano a. d. iii. Kal. esse volo. Ibi te ut
firmum oifendam, mi Tiro, effice. 2. Litterulae meae sive nostrae
tui desiderio oblanguerunt. Hac tamen epistola, quam Acastus
attulit, oculos paullum sustulerunt. Pompeius erat apud me, cum

IngeniuDi] ' apply all that intelligence ut is tecum esset'\ This goes M'ith misi.

of yours, which I value so highly, to 1. ofettsiones'] 'disorders,' 'compli-

fieeping yourself well, both for your own cations.'

sake and my sake.' accedent . . . qxdnqiie'^ ' you will require

2. Scripta . . . Vale'] a postscript: the five succeeding days for your return.'

cp. Fam. viii. 6, 5 (242). iii. Kal.] sc. Maias. On this day

Hermia] cp. Q. Fr. i. 2, 12 (53). Cicero probably intended to manumit

rfl'ci//rt??!'iJ!?i' /i/<f>-K?w] 'in small writing, Tiro: cp. 923.

quite shaky,' ablative of quality, Roby, 2. oblanguerunt] 'have become re-

§ 1232. Tiro was suffering from fever : laxed,' ' have collapsed.' For the meta-

tam gravi morbo, ablative of attendant phor cp. 924, 2.

circumstances, Roby, § 1242, 'with such Pom2Hiiis] No doubt Pompey the Great.

a severe attack.' Editors who alter to Fomponitis do so not

inhumanns] ' uncultivated,' as we only without mss authority, but need-
might expect a slave to be. lessly.

nCCCCXXVIL {FAM. XVl. 16).

281

haec seribebam, hilare et lubenter. Ei eupienti audire nostra
dixi sine te omnia mea muta esse. Tu Musis nostris para ut
operas reddas : nostra ad diem dictam fient, Docui enim te, fides
irv/xov quod haberet. Fac, plane ut valeas. Nos adsumus. Vale.
xiiii. Kal,

DCCCCXXVII. QUINTUS CICEEO TO MARCUS CICERO

(FaM. XVI. 16).

ROME, OR ON HIS JOURNEY, OR TRANSALPINE GAUL ; MAY (BEGIN-
NING OR end) ;
A. U. C. 700 OR 701 ; B. C. 54 OR 53 ; AET. CIO. 52 OR 53.

Q. Cicero M. fratri de Tirone manu misso et gratias agit et gratulatur.

a. M. FRATRI SAL.

1. De Tirone, mi Marce, ita te meumque Ciceronem et meam
Tulliolam tuumque filium videam, ut mihi gratissimum fecisti,
cum eum indiguum ilia fortuna ac nobis amicum quam servum
esse maluisti. Mihi crede, tuis et illius litteris perlectis, exsilui
gaudio et tibi et ago gratias et gratulor. 2. Si enim mihi Statii
fidelitas est tantae voluptati, quanti esse in isto haec eadem bona

audire'] We should say 'read,' not
* hear '; but the Romans, for the most
part, judged of literary works by the
effect which they produced w^hen read :
cp. Fam. yi. 7, 3 (532), and note.

operas reddas] ' pay your service due.'
The plural marks the various cases in
which the service will be rendered. J^os-
tra, i.e. my promise to manumit you.

Jides iTvixov quod haberet] ' the deri-
vation of fides'': cp. Rep. iv. 21, Fides
enim nomen ipsum mihi rideiur habere cum
fit quod dicitur. But, in Off. i. 21, he
seems to think that this derivation may
appear ' strained ' [durius) to many.

Nos adsumus] ' We are ready here '
(to fulfil our part), a phrase belonging to
the law-courts.

xiiii. Kal.] sc. 3Iaias: cp. § 1.

For date cp. 923.

1. meam] Wesenberg (E. A. 56) reads

tuam for meam of the mss. It is, un-
doubtedly, harsh to have meum, ' my
own,' immediately followed by meam,
' my dear '; but it is safer to adhere to the
MSS. Everyone loved Tullia.

fortuna ac nobis] So the mss, ' you
pi-eferred that he should be undeserving
of that condition, and should be our friend
rather than our slave.' The inelegance,
if any, is trifling. Wesenberg (E. A. 57)
wishes to read fortuna ac <condicione> :
cp. Mil. 92 ; Off. i. 41 ; Lehmann, for-
tuna ac <nomine>, comparing for nomine
Har. Resp. 29, Verr. iii. 159. BUcheler
(Q. Cic. reliq. p. 64) reads <indicasti> ac
nobis, omitting eum.

e.rsUui gaudio] 'I jumped for joy.'
Without this evidence, we should hardly
have considered that the English expres-
sion could be rendered literally into Latin.
2. fidelitas] Lambinus adds atquefrt^
galitas; Boot (Obs. Grit. 27), et utilitas,

282 DCCCCXXVIII. {FAM. XII I. J^7).

debent, additis litteris, sermonibus, Immanitate, quae sunt his ipsis
conimodis potiora ! Amo te omnibus equidem de maximis causis,
veruiu etiam propter liane, vel quod mihi sic, iit debuisti, uuntiasti.
Te totum iu litteris vidi. 8abini pueris et promisi omnia et
faciam.

DCCCCXXVIII. CICERO TO SILIUS (Fam. xiii. 47).

ROME ; A. U. C. 703 (?) ; B. C. 51 (?) ; AET. CIC. 55 (?).

M. Cicero P. Silio propr. Bithj-niae L. Egnatium, communem amicum, commendat.

CICERO SILIO S.

Quid ego tibi eommendem eum, quern tu ipse diligis ? Sed
tamen, ut scires eum a me non diligi solum, verum etiam amari,
ob earn rem tibi haec scribo. Omnium tuorum offieiorum, quae
et multa et magna sunt, mihi gratissimum fuerit, si ita tractaris
Egnatium, ut sentiat et se a me et me a te amari. Hoc te
vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo. Ilia nostra scilicet cecide-
runt. Utamur igitur vulgari consolatione: *Quid, si hoc melius?'
Sed haec coram. Tu fac, quod facis, ut me ames teque amari a
me solas.

because they consider tliat the plural his This was probably P. Silius J^^erva, who

ipsis cohtmodis shows that at least tico was propraetor of Bithynia and Pontus

characteristics of Statius must have been in 703 (51) : cp. Fam. xiii. 61 (233).

mentioned, and the corruption could easily The business alfairs of Egnatius probably

have occurred ex homoeoteleuto. But cp. extended from Asia into Bithynia.

note to 929, quae. diligi . . . amari'] cp. note to 873, 1.

litteris, sermonibus'] The Mss add a Ilia nostra] It is hard to know what

superfluous et. Retaining this, Lehmann this can refer to. Some commentators

(p. 61) reads Immanitate que, noticing place this letter in 709 (45), and suppose

many examples of -qiie after e, 886, 2, it addressed to the Silius mentioned in

Caesareque; Fam, xiii. 19,1 (514), com- Att. xii. 22, 3 (558), and, accordingly,

mendationeque. think the reference is to the negotiations

veT] 'I mean,' an extension of the use to buy the gardens of Silius. But it is

oirel, ' for instance.' quite possible that Cicero is ajjuding to

Te totum in litteris vidi] ' I saw your some futile efforts he made to escape from

whole self in your letter.' The criticism having to go to his province : cp. sed haec

is strictly true. M. Cicero lives before us coram.

still in his correspondence. Quid. . . melius?] cp. Att. vii. 3, 2 (294).

BCCCCXXIX. {FAM. XIII. U8).

283

DCCCCXXIX. CICEEO TO SEXTILIUS RUFUS

(FaM. XIII. 48).

ROME ; BETWEEN A. U. C. 704 AND 707 J B. C. 50-47 ; AET. CIC. 56-59.

M. Cicero C. Sextilio quaestori Ciliciae omnes Cyprios et in primis Paphios commendat.

CICERO C. SEXTILIO RUFO QUAEST. S. D.

Omnes tibi commendo Cyprios, sed magis Paphios, quibus tu
quaecumque commodaris erunt mihi gratissima, eoque facio liben-
tius, ut eos tibi commendem, quod et tuae laudi, cuius ego fautor
sum, conducere arbitror, cum primus in eam insulam quaestor
veneris, ea te instituere, quae sequantur alii : quae, ut spero,
facilius consequere, si et P. Lentuli, necessarii tui, legem et ea,
quae a me constituta sunt, sequi volueris. Quam rem tibi confido
magnae laudi fore.

This letter must have been written
before 707 (47), for in that year Cyprus
was separated irom Cilieia, and handed
over to Arsinoe and Ptolemy, son of
Ptolemy Auletes (Dio Cass. xlii. 35, 5):
and after Cicero's return from Cilieia at
the end of 704 (50). Rufus was, perhaps,
sent out to Cyprus as proquaestor by
Caesar in 705 (49). He appears as com-
mander of the fleet of Cassius in 711 (43) :
cp. 901, 4.

ea te instituere] ' that you should adopt
a course of action.' These words read
like an injunction to a young governor on
his first essay at administering a province.

quae, ut'\ "Wesenberg (E. A. 45) alters
to quod, apparently on the ground that the
antecedent is ea te instituere quae sequan-
tur alii, not simply ea. But Lehmann
(p. 78) conclusively shows that the plural
is quite allowable, though in strictness it
refers only to one fact : cp. 876, 3, wliere
quae . . . gratissima refer to the one fact,
ea te moderate aecepisse neque temere cre-
dendum iudicasse ; Att. viii. 12, 3 (345),
haec extrema refers only to quod mare non
transierim.

P. LentuW] P. Lentulus Spinther, who
was governor of Cilieia 698 to 701 (56 to
53).

284 DCCCCXXX. {FAJU. XI I. SO).

DCCCCXXX. CICERO TO CORNIFICIUS (Fam. xii. 20).

ROME ; SPRING (?) ; A. U. C. 708 (?) ; B. C. 46 (?) ; AET. CIC. 60 (?).

M. Cicero iocatus de Sinuessanae villae hospitio crchras litteras a Q. Cornificio
poscit.

CICERO CORNIFICIO.

Gratae mihi tuae litterae, nisi quod Sinuessanum deversorio-
lum contempsisti. Quam quidem contumeliara villa pusilla iniquo
animo feret, nisi in Cumano et Pompeiano reddideris Travra irepl
vavTwv. Sic igitur faeies meque amabis et scripto aliquo lacesses.
Ego enim respondere facilius possum quam provocare. Quod si,
ut es, cessabis, laeessam, nee tua iguavia etiam niihi inertiam
adferet. Plura otiosus : haec, cum essem in senatu, exaravi.

0. E. Schmidt (Brief wechsel, p. 252) lacesses'] ' stimnla,te'; provocare, ' chal-

supposes that this letter was written to lenge.'

Corniticius shortly after his departure for ut es] 'true to your character': cp.

the east, whither he was sent hy Caesar Att. xiii. 10 fin. (624), ut erat, constantius

ahout the spring or early summer of 708 respondisse, cp. a very fine note of Leh-

(46) : cp. introductory note to Fam. xii. mann, p. 83. Pal reads ut es <delicatus>,

i7 (493). which is possible, hut, as being the easier

Simiessanum deversoriolmii] ' my little reading and redolent of the glossator, it is

lodging-house at Sinuessa.' Besides his to he rejected.

larger villas, "Cicero had also several 7tcc . . . adferet] ' and your sloth wiU

houses at which he could lodge for the not induce indolence in me also,' i.e. in

night in travelling from one estate to me as well as in you. There is no marked

another {deversoria), e.g. Tarracina, Fam. diflerence between ignavia and inertia.

vii. 23, 3 ; perhaps Sinuessa, xii. 20 ; We have added mihi with Lambinus.
Cales, Att. viii. 3, 7; Anagnia, xii 1, 1." Flura otiosus] sc. scribam: cp. Att.

— Watson. xiv. 6, 2 (708), and often: cp. Heide-

Qitani . . . iravToiv] 'and, indeed, mann, p. 67.
my little villa will he very much insulted exaravi] ' I am jotting down.' This

unless (by staying) in my houses at word seems to shoM' that the letter was

Cumae and Puteoli you make an amende written on codicilli : cp. note to Fam. ix.

honorable.'' 26, 1 (479).

BCCCCXXXL {FA3L XIII. 52).

285

DCCCCXXXI. CICERO TO Q. MARCIUS REX
(Fam. xui. 52).

rome ; a. u. c. 708 ; b. c. 46 ; aet. cic. 60.

M. Cicero Q,. Marcio Regi A. Licinium Aristotelem, hospitem suum, commendat.

CICERO REGI S.

A. Licinius Aristoteles Melitensis antiquissimus est hospes
meus et praeterea coniunctus magno usu familiaritatis. Haeo
cum ita sint, non dubito quin tibi satis commendatus sit. Etenim
ex multis cognosco meam commendationem plurimum apud te
valere. Hunc ego a Caesare liberavi. Frequens enim fuerat
nobiscum, atque etiam diutius in causa est quam nos commoratus :
quo melius te de eo existimaturum arbitror. Fac igitur, mi Rex,
ut intellegat has sibi litteras plurimum profuisse.

Eex is said to have been propraetor of
Sicily in 708 (46). Sclimidt (Briefwech-
sel, p. 255) thinks that this letter belongs
to the autumn of that year, when Cicero
entertained liigh hopes that Caesar would
restore the constitution : cp. vol.iv., p.liii.

A. Licinius Aristoteles'] Dr. Reid (on
Arch. , p. 9) notices as strange that Archias
should have assumed a prenomen Aulus,
which is never found among the Luculli,
and refers to Aristoteles here as an ex-
ample of another Greek who took the
names of Aulus Licinius. Aristoteles
may have been manumitted by one of the
Murena family, and Archias may have
taken the name of Aulus, in compliment
to some other Roman who interested him-
self in his advancement ; just as Cicero's

slave Dionysius, in whom Atticus took an
interest, assumed the prenomen of Cicero,
and the nomen and cognomen of Atticus,
and thus appeared as Marcus Pomponius
Atticus: cp. Att. iv. 15, 1 (143), and note
to Earn. xiii. 35, 1 (687).

coniunctus'] ' an association of long and
friendly intercourse.' Lambinus and
Wesenberg add mihi aftev coniunctus ; but
Mendelssohn aptly compares Nep. Att.
7, 1, ipsum Fompeiicni coniunctuni offendit;
also Quintil. vii. 4, 21, alienus an con-
iunctus.

a Caesare liberavi] ' I secured his
freedom from Caesar': liberavi probably
= liberatmn effeci (or acccpi).

in catisa] ' in the cause,' i.e. the cause
of Pompey.

[ 286 ]

PSEUDO-CICERO TO OCTAVIANUS.

PLACE UNCERTAIN ; SUPPOSED TO HAVE BEEN WRITTEN BETWEEN
AUGUST 19 AND DECEMBER 7; A, U. C. 71i; B. C, 43; AET. CIC. 63.

Gravis et vehemens invectiva in Octavianum qui, subito commutata voluntate,
optimatium et senatus partes reliquerat et iirbem militibus suis tenebat.

CICERO OCTAVIANO SAL.

1. Si per tuas legiones mihi licitum fuisset, quae nomini meo
populoque Eomano sunt inimicissimae, venire in senatum coram-
que de re publica disputare, fecissem, neque tarn libenter quam
necessario, nulla enim remedia, quae vulneribus adhibentur, tain
faeiunt dolorem, quam quae sunt salutaria. Sed, quoniam cohor-
tibus armatis circumsaeptus senatus nihil aliud vere potest decer-
nere nisi se timere — in Capitolio signa sunt, in urbe milites
vagantur, in Campo castra ponuntur, Italia tota legionibus ad
libertatem nostram conscriptis ad servitutem adductis equitatuque
exterarum nationuni distinetur — , cedam tibi in praesentia foro et
curia et sanctissiniis deorum immortalium templis, in quibus
reviviscente iam libertate deinde rursus oppressus senatus nihil
consulitur, timet multa, adsentatur omnia. 2, Post etiam paullo
temporibus ita postulantibus cedam urbe, quam per me conserva-
tam, ut esset libera, in servitute videre non potero ; cedam vita,
quae quamquam soUicita est, tamen, si prof utura est rei publicae,

That this letter is the work of a rheto- -which we shall call T, reads non faeiunt

rician, and a very foolish one too, is dolorem quamvis sint salutaria. So also

evident. The complete lack of dignity, the Dresdensis Dc. 112 (D), H (= Harl.

the feeble impotent abuse, and the utter 2682), and Erf. It is possible that T may

aimlessness of the whole production stamp be one of the Memmiani codices (cp.

it at once as entirely alien from Cicero's Turnebus, Adversaria, xxiii. 29, xxx.

style. It is quite needless to argue against 13).

its genuineness, which no one would think se] H ; om. M.

of defending. The sole interest of the 2. cedam vita . . . me consolatur'] 'I

document consists in the fact that it is shall depart from life, which, although

found in most mss of Cicero's Epistles, fraught with anxiety, yet if it is likely to

and affords some important indications of benefit the state, affords me consolation

the value of certain German mss. Our by the fair hope of future fame.' For

notes are almost entirely confined to these posteritas in this sense cp. Tusc. i. 35,

points. veri simile est, ami optimus qtiisque maxime

1. tarn faeiunt . . . salutaria'] A codex posteritati serviat, esse aliquid, cuius is

of Turnebus (see his Adversaria, xvi. 8), jixjs^ mortem sensum sit habiturus.

PSEUDO-CICERO TO 0CTAVIANU8. 287

bona spe posteritatis me consolatur, qua sublata non dubitanter
oceidam atque ita cedam, ut fortuna iudicio meo, non animus
mihi defuisse videatur. Illud vero, quod et recentis doloris habet
indicium et praeteritae iniuriae testimonium et absentium sensus
siguificationem, non praetermittam, quin, quoniam coram id facere
prohibeor, absens pro me reque p. expostulem tecum — atque ita
dico ' pro me,' si quidem mea salus aut utilis rei publicae est aut
coniuncta certe publicae saluti — ; nam, per deum immortalium
fidem — nisi forte frustra eos appello, quorum aures atque animus a
nobis abhorrent — perque Fortunam populi Romani — quae, quam-
quam nobis infesta est, fuit aliquando propitia et, ut spero, futura
est — , quis tarn expers humanitatis, quis huius urbis nomini ac
sedibus usque adeo est inimicus, ut ista aut dissimulare possit aut
non dolere aut, si nulla ratione publicis incommodis mederi queat,
non morte proprium periculum vitet ? 3. Nam, ut ordiar ab
initio et perducara ad extremum et novissima conferam primis,
quae non posterior dies acerbior priore et quae non insequens hora
antecedente calamitosior populo Romano illuxit ? M, Antonius^
vir animi maximi — utinam etiam sapientis consilii fuisset ! — ,
C Caesare fortissimo, sed parum feliciter a rei publicae domina-
tione semoto coucupierat magis regium, quam quern libera eivitas
pati posset, priucipatum : publicam dilapidabat pecuniam, aerarium
exhauriebat, minuebat vectigalia, donabat civitates immunitate et
nationes ex commentario ; dictaturam gerebat, leges imponebat,
prohibebat dictatorem creari, plebiscita contemnebat, ipse reg-
nabat in consulatu, unus provincias omnes concupierat : cui

absens .... me, si] So H Erf. D 3. dilapidabat pecuniam'\ ' made ducks

except for reque p., it has et p.) ; T (ex- and drakes of the money.' This is a good

cept that it omits reque p.). Omitting classical word: cp. Ter. Phorm. v. 8, 4,

the intervening words, M reads absens priusquam dilapidat nostras triginta minas

prosimsi. The reading of these mss is ob- — but it is a comic one. For the squand-

viously light, and not at all of the nature ering of money by Anton)^ cp. Phil. ii.

of an interpolation. "What M gives is an 93 ff.

emendation after the words from the one immunitate et natio7ies'\ omitted in M ;

pro me to the other dropped out. For the added from T D H Erf. and Cratander's

words which follow H Erf. gives si salus ed. (but D H Erf. omits et).

mea t(f His est rei p. aut coniuncta publicae creari . . . conc^ipieraf] So T D, ex-

saluti. From a critical point of view the cept that the former, after creari, omits

importance of this passage is very great. plebiscita contemnebat, and D apparently

a nobis (ib])orrent'\ We do not know of omits omnes : cp. 0. E. Schmidt, Die

any other passage in which abhorrere is handschriftHche Ueberlieferung, &c., p.

used in the sense of 'being averse from' 98. M reads creari legibus, senatus con-

a person. It is generally used of 'being sulti {consulto E, : consultis Aid.) ipse

averse from ' a thing. regnabat [repugnabat R) in senatu,

288 PSEUDO-CICERO TO 0CTAVIANU8.

sordeLat Macedonia provincia, quam victor sibi sumpserat Caesar,
quid de hoc sperare aut exspectare nos oportebat ? 4. Exstitisti
tu viudex uostrae libertatis, ut tunc quidem, optimus — quod
utinam neque nostra nos opinio nequo tua fides fefellisset ! — et
veteranis in uuum couductis et duabus legionibus a pernicie
patriae ad salutem advocatis subito prope iam desperatam et
afflictam ac prostratam rem publicam tuis opibus extulisti. Quae
tibi non ante, quam postulares, maiora, quam velles, plura, quam
sperares, detulit senatus ? dedit fasces, ut cum auctoritate
defensorem haberet, non ut imperio se adversum armaret ;
appellavit imperatorem hostium exercitu pulso tribuens hono-
rem, non ut tua caede caesus ille fugiens exercitus te nomi-
naret imperatorem ; decrevit in foro statuam, locum in senatu,
summum honorem ante tempus. 5. Si quid aliud est, quod dari
possit, addet : quid aliud est mains, quod velis sumere ? sin autem
supra aetatem, supra consuetudinem, supra etiam mortalitatem
tuam tibi sunt omnia tributa, cur aut ut ingratum crudeliter aut
ut immemorem beneficii tui scelerate circumscribis senatum ? Quo
te misimus ? a quibus reverteris ? Contra quos armavimus ?
quibus arma cogitas inferre ? A quibus exercitum abducis ? quos
adversus aciem struis ? Cur hostis relinquitur, civis liostis
loco petitur ? Cur castra medio itinere longius ah adversari-
orum castris et propius urbem moventur ? Cogit illorum spes
aliquid nos timere. 6. 0 me numquam sapientem et aliquando
id, quod non eram, frustra existimatum ! quantum te, popule
Eomane, de me fefellit opinio ! 0 meam calamitosam ac prae-
cipitem senectutem ! o turpem exacta dementique aetate cani-

provincias omnes nnus coneupicrat. The di- ' not that it should arm one with supreme

Tergences between these German mss and authority against itself.' It is unusual,

M are of a very remarkable nature, and and un-Ciceronian, to find adversum placed

until some intermediate ms is discovered after the word it governs. Perhaps we

baffle explanation. That deliberate emen- should read te. Two lines below the mss

dation has been at work is probable from give sua for tua.

prosim (§ 2) in M, and from the variant tua caede caesus] So RI (except that
conabitur M, potcrit H Erf. Crat. in ^ 7. they have sua), ' defeated by the defeat
Wunder makes the interesting remark that you caused.' M has sua caede atisus,
the divergences of the mss of the spurious which Baiter adopts. Is it ironical, ' em-
works attributed to Cicero are much boldened by its own defeat ' ? H Erf. are
greater than those of his genuine writings. corrupt, sua caede rursus.

4. desperatam .... prostratani] So decrevit] op. Phil. v. 46.

Baiter. T D H Erf . Crat. have despera- b. Cogit . . . timere] SoHErf. ; om.

tam et afflictam ; M has iam affectam ac M.

prostratam. ^ 6. o turpem . . . canitiem] ' 0 the

non ut imperio se adversum armaret] disgrace to my grey hairs, now that my

P8EUD0-CICER0 TO 0CTAVIANU8. 289

tiem ! ego patres conscriptos ad parricidium induxi, ego rem
publicam fefelli, ego ipsum senatum sibi manus adferre coegi,
cum te lunonium puerum et matris tuae partum aureum esse
dixi ; at te fata patriae Paridem futurum praedicebant, qui
vastares urbem incendio, Italiam bello, qui castra in templis
deorum immortalium, senatum in castris habiturus esses. 7. 0
miseram et in brevi tarn celerem et tam variam rei publicae
commutationem ! quisnam tali futurus ingenio est, qui possit haec
ita mandare litteris, ut facta, non ficta videantur esse ? quis erit
tanta animi facilitate, qui, quae verissime memoria propagata
fuerint, non fabulae similia sit existimaturus ? eogita enim Anto-
nium hostem iudicatum, ab eo circumsessum consulem designatum
eundemque rei publicae parentem, te profectum ad consulem
liberandum et hostem opprimendum hostemque a te fugatum et
consulem obsidione liberatum, deinde paullo post fugatum ilium
hostem arcessitum tamquam coheredem mortua re publica ad bona
populi Romani capienda, consulem designatum rursus inclusum
eo, ubi se non moenibus, sed fluminibus et montibus tueretur :
haec quis poterit exponere ? quis credere audebit ? Liceat semel
impune peccare, sit erranti medicina confessio. 8. Verum enim
dicam : utinam te potius, Antoni, dominum non expulissemus,.
quam hunc reciperemus ! non quo ulla sit optanda servitus,
sed quia dignitate domini minus turpis est fortuna servi, in
duobus autem malis, cum fugiendum mains sit, levins est eligen-
dum. Ille ea tamen exorabat, quae volebat auf erre : tu extorques.
lUe consul provinciam petebat : tu privatus concupiscis. Ille ad
malorum salutem indicia constituebat et leges ferebat : tu ad per-
nieiem optimorum. Ille a sanguine et incendio servorum Capito-
lium tuebatur : tu cruore et flamma cuncta delere vis. Si, qui

life is finished, and become crazed.' This eluding paragraph of the life of D. Brutus

is too unnatural even for the rhetorician. sketched in the Introduction.

We should probably alter, with Wesen- j^o^^^'^f-'] S. Erf. Crat. ; conabitur M.

berg, to labentique. S. provinciam'] Gallia Cisalpina, which

lunonium ptiertcm'] If Cicero ever ap- Antony obtained in exchange for Mace-
plied to Octavian these affected titles, donia hj the Zex Ariionia de permtttaiione
they may possibly have reference to the proviticiarum.

dream he is related to have had about that indicia constituebat] The Lex Antonia

young man, Plut. Cic. 44. The dream is iudiciaria added a third class of jurymen to

related differently in Dio Cass. xlv. 2 and the senators and equites. This third class

Suet. Oct. 94. was to consist of centurions and soldiers

7. Jiuminibus et montibus] cp. the con- of the legion Alauda, Phil. i. 19 ; v. 12.

VOL. VI. U

290 PSEDDO-CICERO TO 0CTAVIANU8.

dabat provincias Cassio et Brutis et illis custodibus nominis nostri,
regnabat, quid faciei, qui vitam adimit ? si, qui ex ui*be eiiciebat,
tyrannus erat, quern hunc appellemus, qui ne locum quidem relin-
quit exsilio ? 9. Itaque, si quid illao maiorum nostrorum sepultae
reliquiae sapiunt, si non uua cum corpore sensus omnis uno atque
eodem consumptus est igni, quid illis interrogantibus, quid agat
nuuc populus Eomanus, respondebit aliquis nostrum, qui proxi-
mus in illam aeternam domum discesserit ? aut quem accipient de
suis posteris nuntium illi veteres Africani, Maximi, Paulli, Scipi-
ones? quid de sua patria audient, quam spoliis triumphisque
decorarunt? an esse queudam aunos xviii. natum, cuius avus
fuerit argentarius, adstipulator pater, uterque vero precarium
quaestum fecerit, sed alter usque ad senectutem, ut non negaret,
alter a pueritia, ut non posset non oonfiteri: eum agere, rapere
rem publicam, cui nulla virtus, nullae bello subactae et ad im-
perium adiunctae provinciae, nulla dignitas maiorum conciliasset
eam potentiam, sed forma per dedecus pecuniam et nomen nobile
consceleratum impudicitia dedisset, qui veteres vulneribus et aetata
confectos lulianos gladiatores, egentes reliquias Caesaris ludi, ad
rudem compulisset, quibus ille saeptus omnia misceret, nullis
parceret, sibi viveret, qui tamquam in dotali matrimonio rem
publicam testamento legatam sibi obtineret? 10. Audient duo
Decii servire eos eives, qui ut hostibus imperarent, victoriae se
devoverunt ; audiet C. Marius impudico domino parere nos, qui
ne militem quidem habere voluit nisi pudicum ; audiet Brutus
eum populum, quem ipse primo, post progenies eius a regibus
liberavit, pro turpi stupro datum in servitutem : quae quidem, si
nuUo alio, me tamen internuutio celeriter ad illos deferentur ;
nam, si vivus ista subterfugere non potero, una cum istis vitam
simul fugere decrevi.

uppellemus] H Erf. ; vocemiis M. schools, and such a sword was given to

9. aeternam domum'] cp. Accius, quoted gladiators on their discharge. As far as

in N. D. iii. 41. we know, the phrase does not occur else-

adstipulator'] ' Designari videntur hoc where. A modem would probably use an

loco ii qui in f oro ad argentariorum taher- expression taken from the prize-ring. We

nas adsistebant et mercede aliqua accepta find, in inscriptions, a gladiator called

aliorum contractus sua adstipulatione et prima rudis, and another secunda ricdis.

fide firmabant.' — Forcellini. Such were discharged gladiators _ who

ad rudem compulisset^ ' forced hack to taught in the schools : cp. ' first violin,'

the ring.' Rudis was the wooden sword, ' second violin.'
used for practice in the gladiatorial 10. C. Marius'] cp. Mil. 9.

[ 291 ]

FRAGMENTA EPISTOLARUM.
I. Ad M. Titinnium.

L. Plotius Gallus. De hoc Cicero in epistola ad M. Titinnium sic refert :

Equidem memoria teneo pueris nobis primum Latine docere
coepisse L. Plotium quendam : ad quern cum fieret concursus,
quod studiosissimus quisque apud eum exerceretur, dolebam mihi
idem non licere : continebar autem doetissimorum hominum aue-
toritate, qui existimabant Graecis exercitationibus ali melius in-
genia posse. (Suetonius de rhet. c. 2.)

II. Ad Oornelium Nepotem Lib. ii.

1. Cicero in libro epistolarum ad Comelium Nepotem secundo sic ait:

Itaque nostri, eum omnia, quae dixissemus, dicta essent, quae
facete et breviter et acute locuti essemus, ea proprio nomine
appellari dicta voluerunt. (Macrobius, Saturn, ii. 1, 14.)

AD EUNDEM EX LIBRO INCERTO.

2. Cicero ad Nepotem :

Hoc restiterat etiam, ut a te fictis adgrederer donis [' adgre-
derer ' passive dixit, iveSpevOCo. in eodem] qui habet, ultro ad-

I. TITIJSINIUM'l Nothing is known the reading of L. Miiller. The Schol.

of him. Bob. on Arch. 20 is certainly wrong in

L.Plotiuwi] Eusebius' Chronicon places giving Z. Clodium as lemma to the com-

him in 01. 171, 3 = 88 b.c. This suits ment Ric primus Romae stadia Latina

the date as given by Suetonius, Seneca, docuisse <fertur>. It should have been

who says (Controv. ii. Praef.) that he L. Plotium, as in the text of Cicero,

taught Latin rhetoric at E.ome Cicerone The passage in Suetonius given above

puero, and QuintUian (ii. 4, 42), who proceeds thus : Hunc eundem [nam diutis-

places him extremis L. Crassi temporibus. sime vixit) M, Caelius in oratione qiiam

He wrote a treatise Z)e Gestu (Quintil. xi. pro se de vi habiiit, signijicahat dictasse

3, 143). Varro scoffs at him as teaching Atratino accusatori suo actionem, sub-

his pupils to be bumpkins, and to bawl tractoque nomine ordearium eum rhe-

like cattle - drovers : cp. Varro ap Non. tor em appellat, deridens ut injlatum ac

1 Q, 'I'd, Auto medo meus quod apud Plotium levem ac sordidum — for we are told a

rhetorem bubulcitare <institueraf>, ' late- barley diet makes one swell.

rails dolor ^ (cp. Ennius, Annal. 601 II. 1. quae. . .essemus'] 'our witty,

(Vahlen), Turn lateralis dolor certissimus terse, and pointed remarks are specially

nuntius mortis) non defuit, according to called " sayings".'

292 FRAGMENT A EPISTOLARUM.

petitur ; qui est pauper, aspernatur, [passive, l^ovd^vfiTaC].
(Priscianus viii. 4, 17 = 2, 383, 1 Keil.)

3. Cicero ad Cornelium Nopotem de eodem (Caesare) ita scripsit :

Quid ? oratorum quern huic antepones eorum, qui nihil aliud
egerunt ? quis sententiis aut acutior aut crebrior ? quis verbis aut
ornatior aut elegantior ? (Suetonius, lul. e. 55.)

4. Ut Tullius quoquc docet crudelitatis incrcpans Caesarem in quadam ad Nepotcm
epistola :

Neque enim quidquam aliud est felicitas nisi honestarum
rerum prosperitas vel, ut alio modo definiam, felicitas est fortuna,
adiutrix consiliorum bonorum, quibus qui non utitur felix esse
nullo pacto potest. Ergo in perditis irapiisque consiliis, quibus
Caesar usus erat, nulla potuit esse felicitas, feliciorque meo iudicio
Camillus exsulans quam temporibus isdem Manlius, etiam si, id
quod cupierat, regnare potuisset. (Ammianus, Marcell.xxi. 16, 13.)

5. Haec quidam veterum formidantes cognitiones actuum variorum stilis uberioribus
explicatas non cdidere superstites, ut in quadam ad Cornelium Nepotem epistola
Tullius quoque testis reverendus adfirmat. — Idem xxvi. 1, 2.

III. Ad C. Caesarem Epist. Lib. I.

1. M. Tullius epistolarwwj ad Caesarem lib. I. :

Turn, cum ea, quae es ab senatu summo cum honore tuo con-
secutus. (Nonius v. consequi p. 270, 15, v. honor p. 319 sq.)

2. ilovQevilTai] ' is set at nought': is done by most historians), i.e. did not
cp.Lukexxiii.il; Romans xiv. 10. write lengthy histories of their own

3. ornatior aid elegantior'\ ' more times.

dignified and refined.' III. C. CAESAEEM'\ L. Gurlitt, in

4. Manlius] He saved the Capitol from an acute and learned pamphlet {Nonius
the Gauls in 390 ; but six years later was Marcellus und die Cicero-Briefe, Steglitz,
accused of aiming at royal power, and put 1888), holds that these letters 'to C.
to death (Cic. Phil. i. 32; ii. 114; Liv. Caesar' were addressed, not to Julius
vi. 20). Caesar, but to Octavian; for (1) the quo-

5. haec] "When in the course of his tations from letters ' to Caesar ' and ' to
history Ammianus reaches his ovua. time Caesar junior ' mostly come from the
he notices two reasons for M'hich he might alphabetically arranged Book tv. of No-
avoid writing of that period — (1) the nius, and generally as the principal iUus-
danger of telling the truth (pcricnla veri- tration of the word treated. They were,
tati contigua) ; (2) the minuteness and accordingly, in all probability, taken
detail which critics require. Haec refers straight from a special glossary of words
to the censiu-es of such critics. occurring in a definite body of correspon-

cognitiones] ' did not publish for pos- dence. (2) The quotations from the letters
terity their knowledge of multifarious 'to Caesar junior ' and • to Caesar ' occur
events written in a fuller manner' (than in and out of one another, e.g. under

FRAGMENT A EPI8T0LARUM.

293

2. M. Tullius in epistola ad Caesarem lib. I. :

Balbum quanti faciam quamque ei me totum dicaverim, ex
ipso scies. (Idem v. dicare p. 287, 25.)

3. Epistolan«M ad Caesarem lib. I. :,'

Debes odisse improbitatem eius, quia impudentissimum nomen
delegerit. (Idem v. improbum p. 327, 5.)

4. M. Tullius epistolarum ad Caesarem lib. I. :

Ut sciret tuenda maiore cura esse quam parta sunt. (Idem v.
tueri p. 413, 29.)

5. M. Tullius epistola>7<;« ad Caesarem lib. I. :

Itaque vereor ne ferociorem eum faciant tua tam praeclara
iudicia de eo. (Idem v. ferox p. 305, 5.)

letter d, Non. 283, 33, to C. j. ; 286, 12,
to C. ; 287, 25, to C. ; 288, 25, to C. j.
(3) None of the letters ' to Caesar ' need
necessarily be letters addressed to Julius,
and all would fit more appropriate!}' into
a correspondence with Octavian. This is
allowed by L. Miiller in the case of Non.
32, 16, and 436, 22. (4) It is unlikely
that Tiro, at the end of 710 (44), would
have been able to collect a large body of
correspondence between Cicero and Caesar
when Caesar's papers were in the hands
of Antony, unless we suppose that Cicero
kept copies of all the letters he despatched,
which is improbable. (5) The three com-
mendatory letters in Fam. addressed to
the dictator (Fam. xiii. 15, 16; vii. 6) were
probably recovered by Tiro from the men
who were recommended therein to Caesar,
viz. from Precillius, Ciassus, and Tre-
batius.

The chief objection that may be urged
against this theoiy is that we must sup-
pose either — (1) that the volume of corre-
spondence was called ' ad Caesarem,' and
Nonius himself added in the greater
number of cases ' iuniorem,' M'hich we
should hardly expect from the foolish,
but mechanical. Nonius ; or (2) that in a
dozen cases ' iuniorem ' fell out for some
reason or another, perhaps because it was
written ivn, and the copyist did not
Tinderstand it, or took it for the number
of a book. Stni, notwithstanding this
grave objection, we are of opinion that
the balance of argument lies decidedly in
favour of Gurlitt's theory.

1 . ea quae . . . consecutus'] These words
refer to the honours bestowed on Octavian
by the senate on Dec. 20 (Phil. iii. 38, 39;
iv. 2, 4) and Jan. 2 (Phil, v., vi.) viz.
propraetorian rank, seat in the senate
among the consulares, permission to stand
for the consulship ten years sooner than
the normal time, a statue, &c. (App. B. C.
iii. 64).

2. JSalbum'] This fragment is probably
taken from a letter in which Cicero intro-
duced Balbus to Octavian. It is impos-
sible to fix the date. We know that
Balbus met Octavian at Naples on April
19, 44 : cp. Att. xiv. 10, 3 (713).

3. eius'] probably Antony, who assumed
the title of Imperator (cp. Phil. xiii. 22)
when he blockaded Decimus Bi-utus in
Mutina at the end of December, 710
(44).

quia] So the mss of Nonius ; qui old
edd. ; qtcei L. Miiller.

4. ut sciret . . . sunt] Gurlitt (p. 7)
supposes that this refers to Dec. Brutus :
cp. Fam. xi. 5, 2 (809), written Dec. 9,
44, tu si dies noetesque niemineris . . .
quantam rem gesseris, non oblivescere pro-
fecto, quantae tibi etiam nunc gerendae
sint. L. Miiller compares the proverbial
verse, Nee minor est virtus quam quaerere
parta Uteri.

5. tua tam . . . eo] For tua tam the
MSS of Nonius give tutam and tela for de
eo ; Quicherat suggests de illo. The re-
ference is in either case to Antony. The
passage refers to the speech delivered by
Octavian in November, 710 (44) : cp.

294 FRAQMENTA EPISTOLARUM.

6. jr. Tullius in cpistolis ad Cacsarcm lib. I. :

Quod sapientes homines ac boni putant. (Idem v. putare p.
369, 30.)

AD EUNDEM EPIST. LIB. II.

1. Monumenti proprictatem a moncndo M. Tullius exprimendam putavit ad
Caesarem epistolary;/! lib. II. :

Sed ego, quae monumenti ratio sit, nomine ipso admoneor : ad
memoriam magis spectare debet posteritatis quam ad praesentis
temporis gratiam. (Nonius p. 32, 16.)

2. Locandi significatio manifesta est, ut aut operis locandi aut fundi. M. Tullius
epistola?'«w ad Caesarem lib. II. :

Vel quod locatio ipsa pretiosa. (Idem p. 340, 15.)

AD EUNDEM EPIST. LIB. III.

1. Dimittere est derelinquere. M. Tullius ad Caesarem lib. III. :

Quae si videres, non te exereitu retinendo tuereris, sed eo
radito aut dimisso. (Idem p. 286, 12.)

2. Contemnere et despicere eo distant, quod est despicere gravius quam contemnere
M. Tullius ad Caesarem lib. III. :

Amiei non nulli a te contemni et despici ac pro nihilo haberi
senatum volunt. (Idem p. 436, 22.)

Att. xvi. 15, 3 (807). It probably does 2. locatio] This probably refers to the

not refer to the speech delivered in May contract for the honours which were

(cp. Att. xiv. 21,4 (728) ; xv. 2, 3 (732) ), granted to the consuls who fell in the war

as it cannot be proved, and is unlikely, at Mutina (Phil. xiv. 38).
that Cicero was in correspondence with in. 1. derelinquere'] 'surrender.'

Octavian before the autumn of 710 (44), te] Nipperdey ; de mss of Nonius.

when he exchanged many letters with tuereris] So Madvig, A. C. ii. 245,

him : cp. Att. xvi. 8, 1 (797) ; 9, 1 (798) ; and L. Miiller for tueri of the mss. Hir-

11, 6 (799). tins, about the end of January, took

6. putant'] Gurlitt (p. 8) refers this command, as consul, of all the forces in

fragment to the attempt by Octavian on North Italy, among which were the

Antony's life in October, 710 (44) : cp. Fourth and Martian legions, who had

Fam. xii. 23, 3 (792), prudenten autem et deserted Antony, and attached themselves

loni viri et credunt factum et proba7}t. to Octavian : cp. Phil. xiv. 27; Fam. x.

II. 1. Caesarem] L. Miiller adds 30, I (841) ; xi. 14, 2 (886) ; Appian, iii.

iuniorem. 75 (Pansa to Octavian), avarpaTriyuf ae

monumenti] The reference is to the Tifui/ aTre<privav "pa crov to, dvo tsAtj ri

statue granted to Octavian on January 2 : wpaKTiKcoTfpa onroo-Traa-to/xej'. Cicero here

cp. App. iii. 64, eVe6ii;a€rTo 8e (sc. Octavian seems to urge Octavian to hand over his

thought of the way in which the senate legions to the consul,
had tried to cajole him) Kal Trjs is avThv 2. Caesarem] L. Miiller adds iunio-

iis fxeipaKLOv Te'xfTjs e^Kova /xev avT(^ Kal rem.

irpoeSpiaf Trapaa-xouToiv Kal avriarpa- a] added by Lipsius. Patricius reads

rriyov airoip-qvavruiv. te . . . a senatu.

memoriam] cp. Phil. v. 17, an illanon senatum] This refers probably to the

gravissimis ignominiis monimentisque claims for the consulship laid by Octavian

huius ordinis ad posteritatis memor- before the senate in July, 711 (43), as

iam sunt notanda. Gurlitt (p. 10) has pointed out.

FRAGMENTA EPISTOLARUM. 295

AD EUNDEM EX LIBRO INCERTO.

1. Consequi, exprimere, definire. M. Tullius ad Caesarem :

Extrema vero nee quanta nee qualia sint, verbis consequi
possum. (Idem p. 270, 19.)

2. M. Tullius epistolarum ad Caesarem:

lam amplitudinem gloriamque tuam magno mihi ornamento
esse et fore existimo, fquid me levas cura. (Idem v. levare p. 336,.
22.)

lY. Fragmentum Epist. Caesaris ad Ciceronem.

VeiTius Flaccus, inquit Plinius, eorum nominum, quae ns finiuntur casu nomi-
nativo, ablativus in e dirigendus est. Itaque Caesar epistularum ad Ciceronem

Neque (inquit) pro cauto ac diligeute se castris continuit.
(Charisius i. 21, m (= 1, 126, 9 K).)

V. Ad Caesarem Iuniorem Epist. Lib. L

1. Aditus, adventus. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Et aut ad cousules aut ad te aut ad Brutum adissent, his fraudi
ne esset, quod cum Antonio fuissent. (Nonius p. 238, 2.)

2. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Roga ipsum, quem ad modum ego eum Arimini acceperim,
(Idem V. aecipere p. 239, 22. v. rogare p. 383, 7.)

Ex LIB. iNCERT. 1. coHseqiii] It is qui cum 31. Antonio sunt, qui ab armis

impossible to say in what connexion this discesserint et aut ad C. Pansam aut ad C.

fragment occurred. Hirtium cousules aut ad Decimum Brutum

2. mihi ornamento'] Cicero, in a glowing imjKratorem, consulem desit/natiim, aid ad

passage (Phil. v. 51), went surety for C. Caesarem pro praetore ante Idas Martias

Octavian that he would be loyal to the primas adierint, iis fraudi ne sit, quod cum

state; cp. note to Brut. i. 18, 3 (915). M. Antonio fuerint .

fquid] qui (abl.) L. Miiller ; quod me 2. ad Caesarem] This letter is really

levat cura (Mercer). from Octavian. The title of the book of

IV. neque . . . continuit] For this use letters was ' M. Tullius ad Caesarem,'
oi pro with an adjective in an adverbial just as Fam. ix. 20 is called 'Cicero ad
sense, cp. Plaut. Men. ii. 2, 24, pro sano Varronem epistula Paeti ' (to Paetus) by
loqueris ; Sail. Jug. 22, neque recte neque Non. 83, 28. In the titles and endings of
pro bono facturum. The reference is the books ad Fam. in the mss the book
possibly to some neglect on the part of bears the name of the correspondent to
Hirtius in the skirmishes before Mutina, whom the first letter is addressed.
perhaps to the desertion of the Gallic roga . . . acceperim] rogo . . . acceperit,
cavalry (Dio Cass. xlvi. 37). So the mss Lugd. Harl. Guelf. Genev. at

V. I. 1. adissent] This fragment is Non. 239, 22; but at 383, 7, all the mss
part of the same letter as that from which have roga . . . acceperim (or -em). L.
frag. 16 is taken. The decree was passed Miiller reads as in the text.

on February 3 : cp. Phil, viii. 33, Eorum., Hirtius left Eome on January 5, and

296 FRAGMENT A EPISTOLARUM.

3. Cunctari est dubitarc, dissiparo. — M. Tullius ad Cacsarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Sed cito pneuituit domumque rediit, ceteri cunctabantur.
(Idem p. 52, 17.)

4. Comparare, adaeqiiarc. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :
Neminem tibi profecto hominem ex omnibus aut anteposuis-

gem umquam aut etiam comparassem. (Nonius p. 255 sq.)

5. Conficere, colligere. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

In singulas tegulas impositis [sescentis] seseenties confici
posse. (Idem p. 268 sq.)

6. Conficere, consumere, finire. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Bellum, ut opinio mea fert, consensu civitatis confeetum iam
haberemus. (Nonius p. 269, 16.)

7. Ducere, trabere, differre. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Ne res duceretur, fecimus ut Hercules Antonianus in alium
locum transferretur. (Idem p. 283 sq.)

8. Expedire, colligere. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Ex ceteris autem generibus tunc pecunia expedietur, cum
legionibus victricibus erunt, quae spopondimus, persolvenda.
(Idem p. 298, 20).

probably met Octavian at Ariminum about 6. helium . . . haberemits] Euete (p.

the middle of the month: cp. App. iii. 45) sees a reference to D. Brutus: cp.

46, 6 /xev 5rj (Kalffap) Xanirpws ovrats is Fam. xii. 5, 2 (821), qui si, t(t speraba-

rb 'Apinivov TrpoeTrf/xTTfro '69ev iffrl ^ ttjs mus, erupisset Mutina, nihil belli rcliqui

KeATiKTjs apx-t]- foi'e videbatur. § 3. Fopuli vera Eomani

3. pacnitidt] We are unable to offer totiusque Italiae mira consensio.

any opinion as to the reference in this 7. Antoniamts] This is the brilliant

fragment. emendation of Hirschfeld for Antianus.

4. neminem'] Gurlitt (p. 18) thinks that There is no evidence that Hercules was
perhaps this is a fragment of a letter worshipped at Antium, and even if there
frofn Octavian. Certainly the young man was, the adjective would be Antiatinus.
flattered Cicero as long as he required On the other hand, Antony claimed de-
his assistance : cp. Att. xvi. 8, 9, 10 scent from "Avtoov, a son of Hercules
(797-9). (Plut. Ant. 4, 36), and, like that hero,

5. sescentifi] This word is omitted by used to ride in a chariot drawn by lions
several MSS. L. Miiller supposes a lacuna (Pliu. H. N. viii. 55). As Antony found
before in sitiguhs. Euete (p. 44) sug- statues to Hercules which bore the titles
^Qiistribtis sestertiis{= ^ dho\s) : a^.Tiio. Hercules Sullanns, Hercules Fompeianus
xvli. 31, 3, where it is stated that, in (Vitruv. iii. 5), he, doubtless, saw no
addition to an income tax of 4 per cent. reason why he should not erect a statue
payed by all citizens, the senators were to Hercules Antonianus.

required" to pay recraapas 6$o\ovs Kad' 8. pectmia'] probably comes from the

eKoiffT-nv KepafxTSa tS)v (v tj) ir6\ei o'iKioiv same letter as Frag. 5 : cp. Phil. v. 53,

'6(Tas ^ avTo] eKiKT-qvTo ^' &\\as ovaas for the rewards which Cicero voted to be

■pKow. given to the veterans.

FRAGMENTA EPISTOLARUM. 297

9. Involvere, implicare. M. Tulliusad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

SeJ quod viderem nomine pacis bellum involutum fore. (Idem
p. 328, 19.)

10. Opinio est fama. M. TuUius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Erat opinio bona de Planco, bona de Lepido. (Idem p. 156,
13.)

11. Praestare, exhibere. M. Tiillius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Tu si meam fidem praestiteris, quod confido te esse facturum.
(Idem p. 371,7.)

12. Kelatum [dicitur] perlatum, dictum a M. Tullio ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Sed haec videbimus, cum legati responsa retulerint. (Idem
p. 380, 29.)

13. Spurcum, vehemens, asperum. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Cum iter facerem ad Aquilam Claternam tempestate spurcis-
sima. (Idem p. 394, 7.)

14. Vindicare, revocare. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Qui si nihil ad id beneficium adderes, quo per te me una cum
re publica in libertatem vindicavissem. (Idem p. 419, 13.)

15. Ignoscere et concedere quemadmodum inter se distent, aperit M. Tullius ad
Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :

Quod mihi et Philippo vacationem das, bis gaudeo : nam et
praeteritis ignoscis et concedis futura. (Idem p. 436, 17.)

9. involutimi] Ruete (p. 42) compares as almost certain. For Aquila, cp. Brut.
Phil. vii. 19, nee ego pavem volo sed pacis i. 16, 8 (914) ; Fam. xi. 13, 1 (859), and
nomine lellum involutum reformido. Phil. xi. 14, xiii. 27.

10. Lepido'] The good opinion which Claternam'] cp. Fam. xii. 5, 2 (821),
the senatorial party entertained of Lepidus erat autem Claternae noster Sirtius, ad
at the beginning of 711 (43), cp. Dio. Forum Cornelium Caesar. It was on the
xlvi. 29; Fam. x. 33, 1 (890), was im- Via Aemilia, between Forum Cornelium
paired in March ; cp. Fam. x. 27 (827) ; and Bononia.

Phil. xiii. 13-15. spurcissinui] ' most foul weather.'

W. Jidem praestitei-is] cp. note to Foedus is often used in this connexion,

Frag. III. 2 (ex libro incerto). Liv. xxv. 7, 7.

12. dicitio-] om. Quicherat. 14. vindicavissem] -cassent or -cavissent
legaii] The ambassadors, sent by the is given by the mss. This letter was

senate to Antony, were absent from probably written after December 20 : cp.

January 5 to February 2. Phil. iii. 28, in possessionem libertatis

13. facerem] This word shows that pedem ponimus ; Fam. xii. 24, 2 (817), i«
the fragment belongs to a letter from spem libertatis ingressus sum . . . funda-
Octavian. menta ieci rei p.

Aquilam] So Gurlitt (p. 12) for hiqui- 15. Quod mihi] So ed. 1476 of Nonius.

iam of the mss. We adopt this correction The mss give quo : Halm and L. Miiller

298 FRAGMENT A EPISTOLARUM.

16. Sagum, vestimcntum militare. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. I. :
Pridie Nonas Februarias cum ad te litteras mane dedissera,
desceudi ad forum sagatus, cum reliqui consulares togati vellent
descendere. (Idem p. 538, 20.)

AD EUNDEM EPIST. LIB. II.

1. Insulsum propric fatuum, quasi sine sale. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem
Epistolar?«« secundo :

Sed ita locutus insulse est, ut mirum senatus convicium exce-
perit. (Nonius p. 33, 13.)

2. Ignavum et segne, toipidum, feriatum, et sine igni. M. Tullius ad Cae
iuniorem II. libro :

In quo tua me provocavit oratio, mea consecuta est segnis.

(Idem p. 33, 18.)

3. Constat, convenit, manifestum est. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. II. :
Cum constaret Caesarem Lupercis id vectigal dedisse : qui

autem poterat id constare ? (Idem p. 273, 3.)

4. Deicere, elidere. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. II. ;

Ad statuam nescio cuius Clodi, quam cum restitui iussisset
Ancone, cum hero deiectam esse ex senatus consulto . . . (Idem
p. 288, 25.)

read guom, ' touching j'our grant of leave a fragment of a letter /ro?w Octavian.

of absence to Philippus and myself, I feel 3. constaret'] Halm, L. Miiller ; constat

a twofold pleasure ; for it implies pardon {-et) codd. Nonii.

for the past, and indulgence for the J?<j';rr«.5]Therewas a debate in January,

future.' These are the last words of 7ll (43), with reference to certain reve-

Cicero which remain to us. They were nues which had been granted by Julius

written in August, after Octavian's elec- Caesar to the Luperci (Phil.vii. 1), 'pro-

tion to the consulship. Kuete (p. 4) bably as an endoM'ment for the third class

compares Appian iii. 92, KiKepwv Se rwv of Juliani, which he added to the Luperci

airovSwv Trv6ofj.fvos ivpa^e Sia twv Kai- in his own honour, and of which he made

aapos (piXoiv ivTvxe'tv avr<^ Kal eVruxcoj' Antony high priest ' (King). Before the

d7r€A.o7€rTo. middle of March these revenues had been

16. sarjatus'] So Abeken rightly, for taken from the Luperci (Phil. xiii. 31).

togatus of the Mss : cp. Phil. viii. 6 (de- 4. Ad statuam'] Baiter ; ad est atba,

livcred February 2), saga eras siimentur, or adba, or adah, codd. Nonii; de statua

and 0. E. Schmidt (Cass. pp. 25, 26). (Mercer, L. Miiller).

II. 1. exceperit] "We do not know to cum'] ed. princeps ; <?< codd.

whom reference is here made — perhaps Aneotie] For Clodii at Ancona, cp.

Servilius : cp. Brut. ii. 2, 3 (839) ; or pos- Clu. 40.

sibly Calenus. emn hero] Hirschfeld ingeniously sug-

2. feriatum] 'idle,' 'lazy.' Gurlitt gests comperio ; Gurlitt, less probably,

(p. 19) thinks that perhaps here we have cum heroo, ' with the hero's shrine,' or

FRAGMENTA EPISTOLARUM.

299

5. Insolens, impudens et audax dicitur consuetudine. M. Tullius ad Caesarem
iuniorem lib. II. :

Insolens, arrogans, iaetans. (Idem p. 322, 11.)

6. Meret, meretur. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. II. :

Quern perisse ita de re publica merentem consulem doleo.
(Idem p. 344, 19.)

7. Secundum, prosperum. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. II. :

Scriptum erat equestre proelium valde secundum, in his autem
potius adversum. (Idem p. 389, 23.)

8. Loeupletis non magnarum opum tantummodo, sed et ad quamUbet rem firmos et
certos M. Tullius dici voluit ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. II. :

Nihil omnino certi, nee locupletem ad hoc auctorem habe-
bamus. (Idem p. 462, 10.)

9. Paludamentum est vestis, quae nxinc chlamys dicitur. M. Tullius ad Caesarem
iuniorem lib. II. :

Antonius demens ante lucem paludatus. (Idem p. 538 sq.)

AD EUNDEM EPIST. LIB. III.

1. Invehi, adgredi, increpare. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem lib. III. :

Itaque in eam Pansa vehementer est invectus. (Nonius p.
329, 26.)

cum hero, 'with the hero bimself.' For
Anconae cum hero, L. Miiller reads An-
tonius iterum, but this is far too daring.
"We venture to suggest that the whole
fragment should be read thus: At est
(= e) statua nescio cuius Clodi quam cum
restitui iussisset Anconae cum hero deiec-
tam esse ex senatus coitsulto (sc. scito, or
same such word) ; and understand the
reference to be to Dolabella, who may
have erected, at Ancona, a statue to a
protege of his called Clodius, as he ap-
pears to have erected a statue of the
notorious Clodius at Rome : cp. note to
Att. xi. 23, 3 (437). When DolabeUa
was declared a public enemy his statues,
and those of his proteges, were i^robably
pulled down. This was a common pro-
ceeding when a great man fell : cp.
Mayor on Juv. x. 58. Cum hero will then
mean ' with the master.'

6. Quern . . . doleo'] This fragment is
taken from a letter written by Octavian.
Cicero learned of the deaths of both consuls
at the same time. As Pansa did not die
until the day after the battle, Octavian is

probably here speaking of Hirtius: cp.
Fam. xi. 13, 1, 2 (869).

7. Scriptum erat] L. Miiller supposes a
lacuna before scriptum, and thinks in illis
has fallen out. Madvig (A. C. ii. 245)
wishes to read peditis, or militis, for in
his. Some cavaliy engagements took
place in March between the forces of
Antony and those of Octavian and Hir-
tius (Dio Cass. xlvi. 37).

8. ad hoc] adhuc L. Miiller. It is un-
certain to what rumours Cicero is refer-
ring— possibly he is complaining of the
lack of definite news about Cassius : cp.
Fam. xii. 5, 1 (821).

9. Antonius] Antony left Rome No-
vember 28 or 29, 710 (44). Cicero was
then in the country, while Octavian had
been in Rome since November 10. Oc-
tavian is, accordingly, the informant here.
The date of the letter seems to show that
lib. ii. must be wrong, since lib. i. con-
tained letters of February, 711 (43) : cp.
Frag. 16 above.

III. 1. eam] sc. sententiam. Euete
(p. 46) refers to Fam. xii. 7, 1 (823),

300 FRAGMENT A EPISTOLARUM.

2. Anticus ct antiquior lit gradu, ita ct intelloctu distant : nam anticus significat
vetus, antiquior molior. M. TuUius ad Caesarem iuniorcm lib. III. :

Ego autem autiquissimum, oriundum Scytliis, quibus antiquior
laetitia est quam lucrum. (Ideru p. 426, 12.)

AD EUNDEM EX LIBRO INCERTO.

1. Opinio, spes, opinatio. M. TuUius ad Caesarem iuniorem :

Posthac quod voles a me fieri scribito : vincam opinionem
tuam. (Nonius p. 356, 22.)

2. Promittere est poUiceri. M. Tullius ad Caesarem iuniorem :

Promissa tua memoria teneas. (Idem p. 362, 24.)
VI. Ad C. Pansam Epist. Lib. I.

1. Humaniter. M. Tullius ad Pansam lib. I. :

De Antiocbo fecisti humaniter, quern quidem ego semper
dilexi meque ab eo diligi sensi. (Nonius p. 509, 17, c£. Prisciauum
XV. 3, 13 (=3,70, 13 K).)

2. Inaudire, audiie. M. Tullius ad Pansam lib. I. :

Quorum erupit ilia vox, de qua ego ex te primum quiddam
inaudieram. (Nonius p. 126, 18.)

AD EUNDEM EPIST. LIB. III.
Concalfacere, exercitare vel incendere vel hortari. Cicero ad Pansam lib. Ill :
Nos Ventidianis rumoribus calfacimur. (Nonius p. 92, 18.)

quae onea sententia in senatu facile vahiisset ex lib. incert. 1. vincam opinionem

nisi Pansa vchementer obstitisset. There iuaml op. Fam. v. 12, 1 (109), ffcnus

is no necessity to alter eain to eum with enim scriptorum tuorum, etsi erat semper a

Junius. me vehementer exspectatum, iamen vicit

2. anticus'] anticus and antiquior differ opinionem meant.

in meaning ; the former means ' ancient,' Ti. i. 1. Antiochol So Priscian; de

the latter not 'more ancient,' but 'more Antic (codd. Nonii) ; de anno (ed. princ.

important.' Nonii) ; de Antistio (Quicherat), of which

antiquissimuni] ' I consider him a man L. Miiller approves: cp. Q. Fr. ii. 1, 3

of the old times, sprung from the Scythians, (93).

to whom cheerfulness was preferable to 2. inaudieram"] cp. Plaut. Mil. li. 2,

gold.' We do not know to whom Cicero 27 ; Aul. ii. 2, 88. The word means to

is referring. Madvig, A. C. ii. 245, pro- overhear by chance, or catch part of a

poses antiqiius sum, oriundum; Lucian discourse: cp. Fam. ix. 24, 1 (820). In

Miiller, ego autem (sc. contendo) antiquissi- Plautus the form indaudire is found.

mis oriundum Scythis quibus antiquior iii. Ventidianis rumoribus] 0. E.

iustitia est quam lucrum, comparing Schmidt (in Philologus, li., 1892, pp.

Horn. II. xiii. 8. 200-204) refers this to rumours that Veu-

FRAGMENT A EPISTOLARUM. 301

AD EUNDEM EX LIBRO INCERTO.

Barones

dicendum, sicut Cicero ad Pansam. (Gramm. inc. de generibus nominum n. 19
ed. Otto.)

VII. Ad a. Hirtium Epist. Lib. II.

Error masculini est generis. . . . neutri M. Tullius ad Hirtium lib. II. :

Qua in re si mediocriter lapsus sum, defendes meum tolerabile
erratum. (Nonius p. 204, 10.)

AD EUNDEM EPIST. LIB. V.

Impertire est participare et partem dare. M. Tullius ad Hirtium lib. V. :

Et quoniam, ut hoc tempus est, nihil habeo patriae quod im-
pertiam. (Idem p. 37, 21.)

AD EUNDEM EPIST. LIB. VII.

Vetustiscere et veterascere quid intersit, Nigidius commentator grammaticus Ub. X.
deplanavit : dicemus, quae vetustate deteriora fiunt, vetustiscere, veterascere, quae
meliora. M. Tullius ad Hirtium lib. VII. :

Cum enim nobilitas nihil aliud sit quam cognita virtus, quis
in eo, quem veterascentem videat ad gloriam, generis antiquitatem
desideret ? (Idem p. 437, 24.)

tidius was raising forces in Apulia and vii. veterascere] So cod. Harl. Nonii

Lucania in tbe summerof 710 (44), when (m. 1), ed. princ, L. Miiller; vetustascere

Cicero was desirous of escaping fi-om Harl (m. 2), and all other mss.
Italy. Hence, he thinks, arose the absurd ]S!igidius] cp. vol. iv., p. Ixxvi.

rumour that Cicero fled from Rome in commentator grammaticus'\ Quicherat

711 (43) before an attack by Ventidius proposes Commentariorum grammatico-

(Appian iii. 66). rum.

calfacimur'] cp. Q. Fr. iii. 2, 1 (150), dicemus'] Nigidius uses the future, as

Gabinium ad populnm luciilente calefecerat the distinction which he points out is not

Memmius. There is no need to read coti- usually observed.

calfacimur, with L. Miiller : cp. De Orat. veterascere] ed. princ. ; inveteraseere

ii. 316. _ Harl., GueK.

barones] cp. Fam. ix. 26, 3 (479) ; Tullius] add. ed. princ.

Att. V. 11, 6 (200) ; Fin. ii. 77 ; De Div veterascentem . . . ad gloriam] ' ripen-

ii. 144. ing with age in renown.' There is no

VII. ii. erratum] cp. Att. vi. 1, 18 need to alter to veterascente videat gloria,

(252) ; Fam. v. 20, 8 (302). with L. Miiller.

302 FRAOMENTA EPISTOLARUM.

AD EUNDEM EPIST. LIB. IX.

Interfici ot occidi et inanimalia votercs posse vehcmcnti auctoritate posuerunt. M.
TuUius ad Hirtium lib. Villi. :

Dicis quasi istuo intoreat ? nescio, nisi tamen erat mihi iucun-
dum ; sed veritus ue qui casus perimeret superioris. . . . (Nonius
p. 450, 2.)

AD EUNDEM EX LIBRO INCERTO.

Lutum genere neutro; et apud Ciceronem in epistolis ad Hirtium lectum est
plurali numero :

Luta et limum adgerebant.

(Idem p. 212, 14, cf. Caprum p. 2244 P. (= 7, 101, 46 K.) ; Hoc lutum atque
macellum kviKws [singulai-iter] exire memento | Memmius ista macella licet, Caesar
luta dicat.)

VIII. Ad M. Brutum Epist. Lib. I.

Ex alto ; . . . argumentatione longe repetita. Est autem de usu dictum, Cicero
primo libro ad Brutum :

Si Pompeius non ex alto peteret et multis verbis me iam
hortaretur, (Servius ad Yirg. Aen. viii. 395.)

ix. lih. viiii.'] Gm-litt (p. 23, note 1) sed veritus . . . casus j So L. Miiller.

cannot believe in nine books of correspon- The mss give severiius nequi casum.

dence with Hirtius, which appears to superioris . . . .] Some words are

have begun in 708 (46) — cp. Fam. ix. 16, lost.

7 (472) ; 20, 2 (475) —and ended in 711 luta et Umutn] This fragment was pro-

(43), when Hirtius was killed ; especially bably written by Hirtius, and refers to

when we consider that for a considerable the siege of Mutina in the foul weather

portion of that time Cicero and Hirtius noticed in v. 13.

were in the same place. viii. i. Si Pompeius'] 0. E. Schmidt,

Dicis .... intereaf] "We have re- in a most ingenious reconstruction of the
tained the reading of the mss, though we first book of Cicero's Epistles to Brutus
do not know to what Cicero is refer- (in Philologus, 1890, p. 47), quotes Alt.
ring, perhaps some generality like ' life ' vi. 2, 10 (256), pro Appio nos hie omnia
{aevum). ' You speak as if that is all facimtis, honeste tamen, sed plane lihenter:
passing awav ; perhaps so, but it was, nee enim ipsum odimus et Brutum amamus,
nevertheless, very pleasant to me.' Just et Pompeius mirific e a me con-
before this passage Nonius had quoted a tendit, quem mehercule plus
line of Lucilius in which interire is used plu sq iie in dies dilicj o. The frag-
as the passive of interficere. The ed. ment there means, [' I should have done
princ. of Nonius altered intereat to inter- everything possible for Appius even] if
erat, and L. Miiller reads Dices: quaeso Pompey had not urged his request on most
istuc <tua> intererat ? Nescio : nisi tatnen fundamental grounds, and with many
erat mihi ioeundum. words exhoiied me to that course.'

FRAGMENT A EPISTOLARUM. 303

AD EUNDEM EPIST. LIB. VII,

Experiri, scire. M. TuUius epistolarwwi ad Brutum lib. VII. :
His contraria atque fl?«sparata, ut esse solet, expertus sum.
(Nonius p. 296, 8.)

AD EUNDEM EPIST. LIB. VIII.

Vel pro etiam est. M. Tullius epistolarz«« ad Brutum lib. VIII. :

Et quod te tantum amat, ut vel me audeat provocare. (Nonius
p. 527, 25.)

AD EUNDEM EPIST. LIB. IX.

Inter amare et diligere hoc interest, quod amare vim habet maiorem, diligere autem
est levius amare. Cicero ad Brutum :

Sic igitur facies et me aut amabis aut, quo contentus sum,
diliges.

Et Ubro Villi.,:

Lucius Clodius, tribunus plebis designatus, valde me diligit,
vel, ut lix(^aTiKbjTipov dicam, valde me amat. (Nonius p. 421, 27.)

AD EUNDEM EX LIBRIS INCERTIS.

1. Contentus dicitur, cui res etiam parva abunde est. M. Tullius ad Brutum :
Sic igitur facies et me aut amabis aut, quo contentus sum,

diliges. (Nonius p. 264, 5 : cf. p. 421, 27.)

2. Aliquando bonis suadentur parum decora, dantur parum bonis consilia, in
quibus ipsorum qui consulunt spectatur utilitas. Nee me faUit, quae statim cogitatio

vii. disparata\ Orelli ; parata mss. gradually became corrupted into Lih. viiii.

ut esse solet'] cod. Bern, alter, L. Liccius Clodius . . . amat'] = Brut.

Miiller; ut esse soleat, all other mss ; ut i. 1, 1 (873). The same distinction is

assolet, Bardili, comparing Phil. ii. 82. noticed in Isidore, DifP. 17. L. Miiller

Orelli reads the whole fragment thus, his notes that diligere is sometimes stronger

contraria ac disparata ut esse soleant ex- than amare, as the former is based on

perttts sum. reason, the latter on appetite. He refers

viii. vel me] The mss omit vel ; it is to St. Augustin, Civ. Dei, xiv. 7, on the

added in ed. of 1476. distinction generally.

ix. Sic . . . diliyes] cp. § 2, below. ex libris incertis. 1. quo] ed. of

Ubro viiii.] The numeral viiii. is sus- 1476 ; qtiod (codd. Non. 421) ; quid (codd.

picious, as no note of the book had gone 264). At 264 L. Miiller reads qui (abl.),

before. L. Miiller thinks that Lucius, at 421 quod, referring to Kiihner, Lat.

written as a correction over Lucilius, Gramm. ii. 212.

304 FRAGMENT A EPI8T0LARUM.

subire possit logentem : hoc ergo praocipis ? ct hoc fas putas ? poterat mo liberare
Cicero, qui ita scribit ad Brutum, praepositis plurimia, quae honeste suaderi Caesaii
possint :

Simue bonus vir, si haec suadeam ? minime ; suasoris euim

finis est utilitas eius, cui quisque suadet. At recta sunt : quis

negat ? sed non est semper rectis in suadendo locus. (Uuintili-

anus iii. 8, 42.)

3. Argumentum plura significat. Nam et fabulae ad actum scenarum compositae
argumeuta dicuntur et orationum Ciceronis vclut thema exponons Pedianus ' argumen-
tum' inquit ' tale est '; et ipse Cicero ad Brutum ita scribit :

Yeritus fortasse ne nos in Catonem nostrum transferremus
illim mali quid, etsi argumentum simile non erat. (Quintilianus
V. 10, 9.)

4. Eecte Cicero his ipsis ad Brutum verbis quadam in epistola scribit :

Nam eloquentiam, quae admirationem non habet, nullam
iudico. (Idem viii. 3, 6.)

5. Et quae vetera nunc sunt, fuerunt olim nova, et quaedam sunt in usu perquam
recentia. ' Favorem ' et ' urbanum ' Cicero nova credit. Nam et in epistola ad
Brutum

Eum (inquit) amorem et eum, ut hoc verbo utar, favorem in
consilium advocabo. (Idem viii. 3, 34.)

6. Maxima in orando valebit numerorum ilia libertas ; nam et Livius saepe sic
dicit 'Eomanus proelio victor,' cum Romanos vicisse significat, et contra Cicero ad
Brutum

Populo (inquit) imposuimus et oratores visi sumus,

cum de se tantiun loqueretur. (Idem viii. 6, 20 : cf . § 55.)

2. si haec suadeam'] In 709 (45) Cicero 5. favorem'] cp. Sest. 115, qui rumore
wrote a letter on public affairs to Caesar, et ut ipsi loquuntiir favore ('applause')
of which mention is made in his letters to populi ienetur. With regard to this criti-
Atticus, e.g. xiii. 31, 3 (607). Cicero, in cism of Quintilian's, Dr. Eeid (in Dr.
this fragment, implies that in practical Holden's Sestius, 1. c.) says, ' As urbanus
matters one must often diverge from ideal is old enough, and favor is used by Sal-
morality. Harm would be done by urging lust, it is clear that Cicero can only have
Caesar to adopt a thoroughly republican referred to special meanings of the words,
position : it must be sufficient if he be In the case of favor this passage of the
urged to pursue a course which, in the Sestius gives the clue. The new sense of
eyes of the constitutionalists, is the least urbanus was probably that of ' witty,'
of evils. Bonus vir is the ideally moral aareTos.'

man. *" consilium advocabo] ' call to my sup-

3. Catonem] cp. vol. iv. p. 1. port.'

<i.. admirationem]- Aristotle, Khet. iii. 6. orando] ' rhetorical style.'

2, 1, urges a diction that is sometimes out imposuimus] For this sense, cp. Q. Fr.

of the common, for men are dav/jtaa-Tal ii. 6, 5 (117), cui tamen egregie imposuit

Tuv o.irSvTwi', rjBv Se t6 ■ 6avfj.acrT6p iariv. Milo noster.

FRAGMENT A EPI8T0LARUM. 305

7. Hanc frequentiorem repetitionem irXoK^v vocant, quae fit ex permixtis figuris,
utque se habet epistola ad Brutum :

Ego cum in gratiam redierim cum Ap. Claudio, et redierim
per On. Pompeium,

et
ego ergo cum redierim. (Idem ix. 3, 41.)

8. Quae per detractionem fiunt figurae brevitatis novitatisque maxima gratiam
petunt, quarum una est, cum subtractum verbum aliquod satis ex ceteris intellegitur,
ut Cicero ad Brutum :

Sermo nuUus scilicet nisi de te ; quid enim potius ? tum
Flavins ' eras ' inquit ' tabellarii, et ego ibidem has inter cenam
exaravi.' (Idem ibid. § 58.)

9. Yidendum ne syllabae verbi prioris ultimae sint, primae sequentis. Id ne quis
praecipi miretur, Ciceroni in epistolis excidit :

Res mihi invisae visae sunt, Brute. (Idem ix. 4, 41.)

10. Quod si ea in quoque animalium est virtus, qua praestat cetera vel pleraque,
ut in leone impetus, in equo velocit;is, hominem porro rations atque oratione excellere
certum est, cur non tam in eloquentia quam in ratione virtutem eius esse credamus,
recteque hoc apud Ciceronem dixerit Crassus 'est enim eloquentia una quaedam de
summis virtutibtis,' et ipse Cicero sua persona cum ad Brutum in epistolis tum aliis
etiam locis virtutem earn appellet ? (Idem ii. 20, 9 sq.)

11. Tres libros [epistolarum Ciceronis excerptarum a Frontone], duos ad Brutum,
unum ad Axium, describi iubebis, si quid rei esse videbitur, et remittes mihi ; nam
exemplares eorum excerptorum nullos feci. (Fronto p. 107 Naber.)

IX. Fragmenta. Epist. Bruti ad Ciceronem.

1. Composita ab eo (status) varie vetustissimi protulerunt, praesto, praestitum et
praestatum. Brutus in epistolis:

Occiso C. Caesare, postquam mare transierat, praestatum est.
(Priscianus ix. 7, 38 = 2, 474, 3 K.)

7. irAoK-nv'} cp. xvi. 8, below. taxat, qiiihus inesset aliqua de eloquentia
figuris] For the very extended use of vel philosophia vel de re p. disputatio :

this word in Quintilian, cp. ix. 1, 4, praeterea siquid eleganti aut verba notahili

figura, sicut nomine ipso patet, conf or- dictum videretur, excerpsi. Quae in usu

matio quaedam orationis remota a communi meo ad manum erant excerpta misi tibi.

et primum se offerente ratione. Axium'] see below, xii.

ergo] For this resumptive use cp. note si quid rei esse videbitur] ' if anything

to Att. i. 10, 1 (6). seems to be of importance.' Rei is pre-

8. Flavim] Possibly the man men- dicative dative, like usui, 'of use': cp.
tioned in Att. xii. 17 (ooO). Koby ii., p. xxxvi.

^ eras,'' inquit, 'tabellarii'] sc. pro- feci] After this follows the words we

jiciscentur : cp. Att. v. 21, 9 (250), ex have quoted as introductory to the whole

Idibus Maiis in Ciliciam [sc. proficiscar). correspondence — Omnes autem Ciceronis

10. Crassus] cp. De Orat. iii. 55. epistolas legendas censeo mea sententia, vel

11. Tres libros] The preceding words mag is quam omnes eius oi-ationes. Epistolis
of Fronto are worth quoting — Memini me Ciceronis nihil est perfectins,
excerpsisse ex Ciceronis epistolis ea dum- ix. 1. praestatum] This form is found

VOL. VI.

306

FRA GMENTA EPI8T0LAR UM.

2. Pcius cludit finis hexametri, iit Brutus in cpistolis :

Neque illi malunt habere tutores aut defensores, quamquam
soiunt placuisse Catoni. (Quintiliauus ix. 4, 75.)

3. Brutus de dictatura Cn. Pompeii :

Praestat enim nemini imperare quam alicui servire ; sine illo
enim vivere houeste licet, cum hoc vivendi nulla condicio est.
(Quintilianus ix. 3, 95.)

X. Ad M. Filium Liu. I.

Sunt quacdaui verba, quae, quamvis eandcm significationem servent, diversae tamen
sunt coniugationis in usu, ut excello excellis et excelleo excelles. Cicero in I. episto-
larum ad filium :

Qua re effice et elabora, ut excelleas. (Priscianus viii. 17, 96
= 2, 445, 1 K. : cf. x. 6, 36 = 2, 527, 8 K.)

AD EUNDEM LIB. II.
Commodare, cum commodo dare. M. Tullius ad filium lib. II. :

Cui ego, quibuscumque rebus potero, libentissime commo-
dabo. (Nonius p. 275, 16.)

AD EUNDEM EX LIBRO INCERTO.
1. Deleor, delitus et deletus. Cicero ad filium :

Ceris delitis. (Diomedes p. 372 P. 1, 375, 27 K.)

in Pomponius Digest, 18, 1, 66 (someMSS
have praestitt(in) ; praestatus occurs in
Plin. H. N. XXV. 25 : cp. Neue-Wagener
iii'^. 575.

2. Hit] These are probably the Sala-
minians in Cyprus, of whom Brutus and
Cato were patrons : cp. Att. v. 1, 5 (252).
Cicero appears to have written to Brutus
that he could not tolerate that the Sala-
minians should be utterly ruined ; and
that they would he ruined if the demands
of Brutus were enforced. He confidently
stated to Atticus that the course which
he adopted would commend itself to
Cato: cp. Att. v. 21, 13 (250), avttnculo
ekes certe probabitur ; vi. 2, 8 (256),
Catoni certe probabo. Brutus, in his

usual arrogant manner, replied, Att. vi.
2, 9 (256), Volunt principes, sc. Scap-
tium praefectum esse, and probably in
the same letter tbis fragment occurred.
This is the admirably ingenious view of
0. E. Scbmidt in Pbilologus, 1890, p. 46.

3. servire'] This fragment is quite in
accordance with tbe ultra-republican sen-
timents of Brutus ; cp. such passages as
Brut. i. 16, 8 (864).

X. i. excelleas] Except in this passage,
Cicero always uses excellere. Neue-
Wagener, iii^. 280, quote 34 certain pas-
sages. In Balb. 15, Pis. 94, the balance
of evidence is much in favour of the third
conjugation.

1. delitis] cp. xi. i. below.

FRAGMENTUM EPI8T0LARUM. 307

2. Quam confessus fueris philosopMae veritatem, docent ad filium composita
praeeepta, qiiibus mones

PhilosopMae quidem praeeepta noscenda, vivendum autem
civiliter. (Laetantius Inst. iii. 14, 17.)

3. Cicero per epistolam culpat filium dicens male eum dixisse

Direxi litteras duas,

cum litterae, quotiens epistolam significant, numeri tantum pluralis sint. (Servius ad
Virg. Aen. viii. 168.)

4. Nihil ex grammatica nocuerit nisi quod supervacuum est : an ideo minor est M.
Tullius orator, quod idem artis huius (grammaticae) diligentissimus fuit et in filio, ut
epistolis apparet, recte loquendi asper quoque exactor ? (Quintilianus i. 7, 34.)

5. eirtcrToAal Ttapa rod KiKfpwvos elal Trphs rhv vt6u, eyKeXevo/xevov av)x(pi\o(To<pilv
Kpar'{.irv(f. (Plutarchus Cic. c. 24.)

XI. Ad C. Licinium Calvum Lib. I.

A deleo deletum, a delino deHtum nascitur. Cicero epistularum ad Calvum primo :

Tuli moleste, quod litterae delitae mihi a te redditae sunt.
(Priscianus ix. 10, 54 = 2, 490, 8 K.)

Deleor, delitus et deletus. Cicero ad Calvum :

Delitae litterae. (Diomedes 1, 376, 1 K.)

EX LIBRO INCERTO.

1 . Nunc ad epistolam venio, cui copiose et suaviter scriptae nihil est quod multa
respondeam : primum enim ego illas Calvo litteras misi, non plus quam has, quas nunc
legis, existimans exituras ; aliter enim scribimus, quod eos solos, quibus mittimus,
aliter, quod multos lectures putamus. Deinde ingenium eius maioribus extuH
laudibus, quam tu id vere potuisse fieri putas. Primum, quod ita iudicabam ; acute
movebatur, genus quoddam sequebatur, in quo iudicio lapsus, quo valebat, tamen
adsequebatur, quod probarat. Multae erant et reconditae litterae ; vis non erat. Ad
earn igitur adhortabar. In excitando autem et in acuendo plurimum valet, si laudes
eum, quern cohortere. (Cicero C. Trebonio ad famil. xv. 21, 4, Ep. 450.)

2. PhilosopMae] The practical Komau Zib, 11, 'KeiV) r\m5 ihixs, deJeor, delitus et
view of the place of philosophy in ordinary deletus: Cicero ad filium ^ certs delitis.'
life is well expressed in this passage: cp. Varro in praetoriana ^delitae litterae^:
Ennius 340 Eibb., Fhilosophari est mihi Calvus alibi ad uxorem ^ prima epistola
necesse, at paucis, nam omnino haud placet. videtur in via delita.^ Oehler and Eitschl
\_Deffustandiim ex ea non in earn ingurgi- refer the Praetoriana to Vario's ' Flax-
tandum censeo']. tabula irepl iirapxi-Siv.' Keil thinks that

3. litteras duas] cp. vol. v., p. Ix. we should read Plutotorijne.^ Owing to
note. Priscian's quotation, Keil thinks that the

5. KpaTiTTTTij)] cp. note to Fam. xii. quotation from Varro is lost, and that we
16, 5 (736). should read the -whole passage as follows :

XI. 1. The passage in Diomedes (i. Cicero ad filium ' ceris delitis,' item ad

308 FRAGMENT A EPISTOLARUM.

2. Auguro. Cicero ad Calvum :

Praesentit animus et augurat quodam modo, quae futura sit
suavitas. (Nouius 4^9, 10.)

XII. Ai). Q. AxiuM.

In familiaribus littcris primo brevitas obscrvanda : ipsarum quoque scntcntiarum
ne iliu circuniforatur, quod Cato ait, ambitio, sed ita recidantur, Tit numquam verbi
aliquid decsse vidoatur : unum te scilicet, quod intellegentia suppleatur, in epistolis
TuUianis ad Atticum et Axium f requentissimum est. (C. lulius Victor, c. 27, p. 448>
5 ed. Halm.)

EX LIBRO I.

1 . Adit ad ilium. Cicero ad Axium :

Ad M. Bibulum adieruut. (Arusianus Messius 7, 453, 13 K.)

2. Adiuta hoc illos. Cicero ad Axium I. : ]

Si tu nos aliquid adiutare potes. (Idem 7, 453, 23 K.)

EX LlBRO II.
Humaniter. M. Tullius ad Axium lib, II. :

Invitus litteras tuas seinderem ; ita sunt humaniter scriptae.
(Nonius p. 509, 20.)

EX LIBRO INCERTO.

1. De bac (coniuratione) significare videtur et Cicero in quadam ad Axium epistula
referens, Caesarem in consulatu confirmasse regnum, de quo aedilis cogitarat. (Sue-
tonius lul. c. 9.)

Calvum ' delitae Utterae,^ alibi ad uxor em 15, 5 (143). In 705 (49) he appears to

^ prima epistola videtur in via delita,'' have owed Cicero some money, Att. x.

Varro in I'lutotoryne . . . Priscian's 11, 2 (396). In 708 (46) Cicero paid

view, that ddifus comes from delino is, of another visit to Axius, Att. xii. 1, 2

course, right : cp. Neue-Wagener iii^. (505).

526. i. 1. Ad . . . adierunf] cp. Ter. Andr.

2. augurat] Nonius also quotes for the iv. 1, 15, adeamne ad earn.

active form Ennius 245, Pacuvius 78. 2. aditdare] cp. Ter. Eun. i. 2, 70, id

Neue-Wagener, iii^. 26, add Plaut. Cist. adiuta me. Also with the dative, adiuta

iv. 2, 26; Cic. Rep. iv. 8 ; Leg. ii. 21 ; hoc illis, Ter. Hec. iii. 2, 24.

Virg. Aen. vii. 273. ii. Axium'] So cod. Lugdunensis (m. 1) ;

XII. ipsarum . . . ambitio] ' that the attium (Lugd. m. 2, H, G.) ; auxilium

sentences may not for a long time, as Cato (Bamb.). In Fronto 107 Nab. (see above,

says, continue to display themselves be- viii. ii.) there is thesame corruption. In

fore the public' Non. 137, 4, where he quotes Varro (453

Axium] Q. Axius was a Roman banker Biich), noster Atticus rivalis, homo item

with whom Cicero was on intimate terms. lectus in ctiriam \ cum macescebat ; H (m. I)

He appears as an interlocutor in Varro, has Attius ; the other mss Atticus. L.

R. R. iii. 2. He had a villa at Reate Miiller corrects to Axius, comparing

(Varro, 1. c. § 10), at which he enter- Varro, R. R. iii. 2.

tained Cicero in 700 (54) : cp. Att. iv. ex libro incerto. 1. coniuratione]

FEAGMENTA EPI8T0LARUM.

309

2. Quam flebiles voces exprimit (Cicero) in quadam ad Axium epistola iam victo
patre Pompeio, adhuc filio in Hispania fracta arma refovente.

Quid agam (inquit) hie, quaeris? moror in Tusculano meo
semiliber. (Seneca de brev. vit. c. 5.)

XIII. Ad Catonem.

Plus, sicut in plerisque, [quae] maioris modi [est] quam necessarium est ; atque
ideo M. Tullius [maius] discrevit epistola ad Catonem :

Nec idcirco mihi deserendam esse dignitatem meam, quod earn
multi impugnarint, sed eo magis recolendam, quod plures desider-
arint. (Nonius p. 438 sq.)

XIV. Ad Caerelliam.

1. Etiam illud (potest inter ridicula numerari), quod Cicero Caerelliae scripsit
reddens^rationem, cur ilia C. Caesaris tempora tarn patienter toleraret:

Haec aut animo Catonis ferenda sunt aut Ciceronis stomacho ;

Stomachus enim ills habet aliquid ioco simile. (Quintilianus vi. 3, 112.)

2. Meminerint eruditi in praeceptis Ciceronis extare severitatem, in epistulis ad
Caerelliam subesse petulantiam. (Ausonius in Centonis nuptialis epilogo, p. 218 ed.
Peiper.)

XV. Ad Hostilium.

Eequies accusativo non facit raquietem, sed requiem, quamvis Cicero requietem
dixerit ad Hostilium. (Charisius p. 85 et 114, P. 1, p. 110, 1 et 142, 7 K.)

The first Catilinarian conspii-acy, in 688
(66).

2. Axium'] So Lipsius ; the mss give ad
Actium and ad Atticum. Haase reads the
latter : cp. note to ii. above.

semiliber'] cp. Att. xiii. 31, 3 (607),
written about the same time, in 709 (45),
Obsecro abiciamus ista et semiliberi '< saltern
simus, quod adsequemiir et tacendo et la-
tendo.

XIII. plus] If we omit the words in
brackets, with L. Miiller, a tolerable sense
can be imported into this fragment. He
supposes tnaitcs arose from dittography of
Marcus (so Lugd.), or M. Tullius.

deserendam] So Madv. A. C. ii. 245,
for desiderandam of the mss.

multi] The mss give multnm ; but
multi forms a better balance to plures.

recolendam] 'recovered.' Possibly this
fragment is from a letter asking Cato to

use his good offices to secure Cicero a
triumph, and thus firmly re-establish his
dignity.

XIV. 1 . Caerelliae] see vol. iv. p. Ixxi.
stomacho] 'irritability': cp. Att. xiv.

21, 3 (728), stomachor omnia.

2. subesse petulantiam] 'there is a
lurking wantonness.'

XV. ad Hostilium] We do not know
anything about this Hostilius. Martyni-
Laguna thinks that we should read ad
Metellum, and refer it to Fam. v. 14, 1
(585)— Fam. v. being called ad Metellum,
because the first letter of that book is
addressed to Metellus : cp. note to Frag-
ment V. 2, above — a letter from Lucceius
to Cicero ; but there M has reqidrem, HP
requiem. Cicero, however, often uses re-
quietem, De Sen. 52, Fin. v. 54, Leg. ii.
2, 29 ; requiete De Div. i. 22 (verse) : cp.
Neue i-. 568.

310 FRAGMENTA EPI8T0LARUM.

XVI. Ex Epistolis Incertis.

1. Nee ego illiul quidcm aposiopesin semper voco, in quo res quaecunque relinquitut
intcllcgenda, iit aeque in epistolis Cicero

Data Lupercalibus, quo die Antonius Caesari ;

Non enim obticuit aut lusif, quia nihil hie aliud intellegi poterat quam hoc :
' diadenia imposuit.' (Quintilianus ix. 3, 61.)

2. In epistolis Cicero haec Bruti refert verba :

Ne illi sunt pedes faceti ac deliciis ingredienti molles. (Idem
vi. 3, 200

3. Piissimus

vituperat Cicero in Philippicis (xiii. 43) ; tamen Caper ille magister Aiigusti
Caesaris laboravit vehementissime et de epistolis Ciceronis collegit haec verba, ubi
dixerat ipse Cicero piissimus. (Pompeius p. 132, liindem = 5, 154 K.)

4. KaiTOi Tiveg tCjv TTQOairoiovfiivwv orjfJiocrOeviZeiv tiri^vovTai
<f>(i)vy Tov KtKtpMvog, i]v Trpoe nva tcjv iraipwv WtfKev tv iiriaToXy
ypaxpag, Ivia^ov rwv \6yu)v ctTrovvarat^eiv tov Arifioadivri. (Plu-
tarclius Cic. c. 24.)

Et labuntur aliquando (optimi auctores) et oneri cedunt et indulgent ingeniorum
suorum voluptati nee semper intendunt animum, non numquam fatigantur, cum
Ciceroni dormitare interim Demosthenes, Horatio vero etiam Homerus ipse videatur.
(Quintilianus x. 1, 24.)

5. Cicero non contentus in quibtisdam epistolis scripsisse, a satellitibus eum
(Caesarcm) in cubiculum regium eductum in aureo lecto veste purpurea decubuisse
floremque aetatis a Venere orti in Bithynia contaminatum, quondam etiam in senatu

xvj. I. Antotiius Caesai't] Such ellipses est, id propter tuam divinam pietatem

are frequent in the letters, e.g. Att. xii. novum inducis. Pompeius quotes difFer-

5, 3 (681), Tiihuhis quo crimine (sc. con- ently — et hoc piissimis vituperavit

demnatus sit). Cicero in Philippicis: dicit ^ non potest

2. /scf^J] The words in Quintilian which piissimus did per rernm naturam.'

precede this quotation are worth quoting — Insidtabat Antonio ' Tu'' ait ' utere semper

facetum qimque non tantum circa ridiciila hoc vcrho piiss imu «.' It does not ap-

opinor consist ere : neque enim diceret Ho- pear in any of the Ciceronian writings

ratius [Sat. i. 10, 44], facetum carminis which we possess. It is introduced by

yenus natura concessum esse Vergilio. De- Haupt into CatuU. xxix. 23 (Q,u. read

eoris hanc magis et excultae cuiusdam there putissimi). It is common in post-

elegantiae appellationem puto : ideoque in Augustan writers, e.g. Senec. Controv.

epistolis, &c. ix. 27, 14 ; Consol. ad Polyb. 7 (26), 4 ;

mollis'] So Badius and Halm, for mol- Tac. Agr. 43 : cp. Neue- Wagoner ii*.

lius of the Mss, 'his feet are cliarming 204—5.

and move softly as he walks daintily 4. eiri(p\)ovTa.i] 'fasten upon,'

along.' ' attack.' For copious examples of the

Z. Philippicis'] xiii. 43, Tuporronepios use of this word in Plutarch, see Dr.

quidem sed piissimos quaeris, et, quod Holden's note to Plut. Nicias, 10, 3.
verbum omnino nullum in lingua Latina Horatio] A, P. 359.

FRAGMENT A EP±STOLARUM. 311

defendenti ei Nysae causam, filiae Nicomedis, beneficiaque regis in secommemoranti
* Remove ' inquit ' istaec, oro te, quando notum est et quid ille tibi et quid illi tute
dederis.' (Suetonius lul. c. 49.)

6. P. Ventidium Cicero (auctor est) mulionem castrensis furnariae fuisse. (Plinius
N. H. vii. 135.)

7. Parum fortis (Cicero) videtur quibusdam, quibus optime respondit ipse, non se
timidum in suscipiendis, sed in providendis periculis : quod probavit morte quoque
ipsa, quam praestantissimo suscepit animo. (Quintilianus xii. 1, 17.

8. irXoKT], copulatio, ea figura elocutionis, in qua idem verbum aut nomen, bis
continue positum, diversa significat, ut est illud :

Sed tamen ad ilium diem Memmiiis erat Memmius.
(Aquila Eom. § 28, p. 31, 8 ed. Halm. Martianus Capella de rhet. c. 40, p. 481,
10 ed. Halm.)

XVII. Ad Cn. Pompeium.

1. Hie tu epistolam meam saepe recitas, quam ego ad Cn. Pompeium de meis
rebus gestis et de summa re publica misi, et ex ea crimen aliquod in P. Sullam quaeris,
et, si furorem incredibilem biennio ante conceptum erupisse in meo consiilatu scripsi,
me hoc demonstrasse dicis, Sullam in ilia fuisse superiore coniuratione. (Cicero pro
Sulla, § 67.)

2. Te aiebas de tuis rebus gestis nullas litteras misisse, quod mihi meae, quas ad
aliquem misissem, obfuissent : quas ego mihi obfuisse non intellego, rei publicae video
prodesse potuisse. (Cicero pro Plancio, § 85.) Significat epistolam non mediocrem ad
iustar voluminis scriptam, quam Pompeio in Asiam de rebus suis in consulatu gestis
miserat Cicero, aliquanto, ut videbatur, insolentius scriptam, ut Pompei stomachura
non mediocriter commoveret, quod quadam superbiore iactantia omnibus se gloriosis
ducibus anteponeret. Obfuerunt autem revera ; nam sic effectum est, ut ei Pompeius
contra Clodianam vim non patrocinaretur. (Schol. Bob, in orat. p. Plancio p. 270 sq.
ed. Or.)

3. Escipit, opprimit vel circumvenit. M. Tullius ad Pompeium lib. IIII. :

Q-uod si est, non modo iter meum interclusum, sed me ipsum
plane exceptum putabat.

6. Kysae'] Nysa was a common name Memmim'] op. vol. iii., p. Ixxvi. We
of princesses in Asia Minor. A sister and can form no conjecture as to the day re-
a daughter of Mithridates the Great, the ferred to.

wives of Nicomedes II. and III. of Bi- xvii. 1, 2. epistolani] Cicero doubtless

thynia, also bore this name. did write a rather arrogant and self-

Nicomcdis] the Third, who reigned 91 laudatory letter to Pompey concerning his

to 74 B.C. services to the state in suppressing the

Q. furnariae] 'of the camp bakery.' Catilinarian conspiracy. The cold tone

So Turnebus, Adv. 29, 18, iox fufinariae, of Pompey's reply may be gathered from

ov fusinariae oi the mss. Cicero's answer to that reply, Fam. v. 7,

7. timidum'] Baiter refers to Fam. vi. 2,3(13).

21, 1 (573), me timidum esse dicebant — 3. Quod si] These two quotations are

eram plane : timeham enim ne evenirent ea found in Att. viii. 11 d, 2, 3 (343), except

quae aceiderunt. that for est M has ita esset, and ior putabat

8. irAo/cij] cp. VIII. 7, above. it has putabam.

312

FRA OMENTA £P IS TOLA R UM.

Et rursum :

Admoniti surans ut caveremus ne exciperemur a Caesare.
(Nonius p. 203, 19.)

XVIII. EpisTOLAiiUM SYNArorH.

Mearum epistolarum nulla est ffwaywyfi, sed habet Tiro instar septuaginta et
quidcm sunt a to quacdam sumendae : cas ego] oportet peispiciani, comgam ; turn
deniquo edentur. (Cicero ad Att. xvi. 5, 5, Ep. 770.)

XIX. Ad Atticum.

1. Yid. supra, p. 47, xii. lib. inc. n. 2.

2. Yectigaliorum

Cicero ad Atticum. (Charisius p. 118, P. 1, p. 146, 31, Keil.)

3. Sed et dativo casu idem Cicero dixit ad Atticum :

Propius grammatico accessi. (Diomedes, p. 405, P. = 1, 410,
8, K.

XX. Ad Gorgiam. Ad Herodem. Ad Pelopem.

iiri(TTo\a\ irapa rod KiKepwvos eiffl Trphs 'HpiiSriv, erepai 5e irphs rhu vl6v, . . .
Topylav 5e rbj/ pT)Topa aiTici/j.ei'os els TjSouas Kal irSrovs frpodyeiv jrh jxupaKiov

XIX. 2. Vcctigaliorum'] Cicero usually
adopts the form vectigalimn, EuU. ii. 15.
Tbe form vectigaliorum is, however, used
by Varro and Asinius Pollio, Suet. Aug.
101 ; Cal. 16 ; C. I. L. iii. 249 : cp. Neue
i-. 287.

3. Sed et] The whole passage in Dio-
medes is given as follows in Keil's text :
Trope, prope me est, ut dicit Cicero in
Fisoyiem dixit. Item ^proximus Fompeium
sedebam^: sed et dativo casui idem Cicero
dixit ad Atticum 'propius grammatico
accessi.^ Halm (p. 1067 of Orelli's Cicero)
thinks Xh&t prope me est occurred in a lost
portion of the in Pisonem : he reads ut
dicit Cicero in Pisonem: dixit idem ^ Proxi-
mus, ^-c' In Att. i. 14, 3 (20) M has
Ponipeio, but Z (= the Tornesianus), on
the evidence of Lambinus, has Pompeiitm.
Cicero, in his speeches and philosophical
works, always uses propius, Phil. vi. 5,
vii. 26 ; proxime, Mil. 59, Phil. x. 26,
with the accusative, but never propior,
proximus with a simple accusative. How-
ever, that construction is found in the
Ciceronian and Augustan ages : cp. pro-
pior, Hirtius, B. G. viii. 9 ; Sail. Jug. 49 ;
proximus, Caes. B. G. iii. 7, 2 ; Liv. viii.
32, 12. For other examples see Drager
i. 589. Keil suggests the following re-

storation of the passage of Diomedes —
prope, ^ prope me'' ut dicit Cicero (omitting
in Pisonem) : sed et dativo casu idem Cicero
dixit ad Atticum ' Proximus Pompeio
sedebam\' item ' propius grammatico ac-
cessi'; or as follows — prope, '■prope me
est^ ut dicit Cicero . . .; item 'Proximus
Pompeium sedebam ' idem Cicero dixit ad
Atticum : sed et dativo casui iungitur
^propius grammatico accessi.'' The first
example he thinks may be Fam. vii. 23,
4 (126), or Mil. 59. Possibly propius
grammatico accessi is due to some gram-
marian.

There can be no question but that Pom-
peium was the reading of the archetype,
as it is found both in the Tornesianus and
in Diomedes. Lehmann (De epistulis ad
Att. recensendis, pp. 163-4) rightly
points to this passage as showing that
an excessive respect must not be paid
toM.

XX. 'H p c6 8 yj !<] He appears to have
been one of the authorities at the Univer-
sity of Athens, with whom Cicero has
correspondence about his son's conduct,
Att. xiv. 16, 3 (721); xv. 16« (746).
Cicero does not appear to have thought
much of him as an author, cp. Att. ii. 2,
2 (28).

FRAGMENT A EPISTOLARUM. 3ia

aTTehavvei t%s avvovaias avrov. Kal (rxeS^i/ auTij T€ twv 'EW-qviKiov fxia Kai Bevrdpa
IT ph s VlfAoira rhv Bu^dfTLov iv opyy riifi yeypairrai, rov fxev Fopyiav avrov wpoarj-
k6vtu>s iiTiKoinovros, unep ?iv (pavXos koI anSXaffTos, yirep i56K€t, Trphi Se rhv TiiKo-wa
fj.iKpo\oyov/x€fov Kal fiefj.i\iLfxoi.povvTos SiffTrep afie\r)ffavTa rifids rivas avr^ Kal ^ri(pi-
(Tfxara irapa Bv^avriaiv yevecrOai. (Plutarchus, Cic. c. 24.)

[XXI. Ad Marcellum.

Cicero ad Marcellum
Simiolum

deminutive dixit. (Charisius, p. 84, P. = 1, 108, 26, K.)]

Topyiav'] cp. note to Fam. xvi. 21, fioipovvros'] 'written in a small-

6 (786). minded and querulous manner.'

ne'AoTra] cp. note to Att. xiv. 8, xsi. ad Marcellum'] Fabricius suggests

1 (JIO)- ^ _ «<?/¥«)•»««.- cp. Fam. vii. 2, 3 (182), /itc

f] ire p eS6Ket] ' as he was considered simiohis animi causa me in quern invehe-

to be. retur delegerat.

/xiK p o Koy ov/jie v 0 V Kal ixejx^i-

[ 314 ]

ADDENDA TO THE COMMENTARY.

I.— OCTAVIUS, OCTAVIANUS, CAESAR.

(Fam. XVI. 24, 2, Ep. DCCCVI.)

In a learned and careful discussion on the use of these names, as applied to Julius
Caesar's nephew. Dr. 0. E. Schmidt, in the Jahrhiicher fiir Philologie, 1884, p. 631,
has arrived at the following results : —

1. Up to May, 710 (44), 'yoimg Octavius' had not gone through the formalities
of adoption (cp. Lange, R. A. iii. 507), and, accordingly, is called by Cicero Octavius,
Att. xiv. 5, 3 (707) ; 6, I (708) ; 10, 3 (713) ; 11, 2 (714) ; 12, 2 (715) ; 20, 5 (727) ;
21, 4 (728) ; XV. 2, 3 (732). And though his friends called him Caesar, his step-
father, Philippus, called him Octavizts.

2. On June 9th we find Cicero calling him Octavianus, as all the recognized
formalities of adoption had been completed, and the adoption approved by the people,
Att. XV. 12, 2 (745) : also in the letters of the autumn he calls him Octavianus : cp.
797, 1 ; 799, 6 ; 805, 1 ; 806, 2 (where H Erf. rightly have Octavianus, while M Pal
have Octavius). So, too, PoUio in 711 (43) ; 890, 3, 4.

3. In consequence of the cordial relations -which subsisted between Cicero and
Octavian after their union against Antony, in November, 710 (44), Cicero calls him
Caesar: cp. 811, 2; 816, 2; 819, 3; 821, 2; 886, 2; 893, 1, 2 ; as did Matius, in
August of the same year, Fam. xi. 28, 6 (785). Similarly D. Brutus, 854, 4; 859, 1 ;
877, 14; Galba, 841, 4; Plancus, 916, 4, 5, 6, 8.

4. In the correspondence with Brutus Cicero calls him Caesar Octavianus in
842, 2, and Caesar, 844, 1 ; 846, 4 ; 897, 4 ; 913, 2 ; 914, 6, 9. So does Brutus,
866, 4, 5. Tet suddenly Octavius re-appears in the two manifestoes, 864, 1, 2, 7,
8, 11 ; 865, 5, 6 : cp. note to 864, 1.

ADDENDA TO TEE COMMENTARY. 315

II.— THE LEGIONS ENGAGED IN THE CAMPAIGN NEAE MUTINA.

(Fam. X. 33, 4, Ep. DCCCXC.)

* HrRTiNO autem proelio et quartam legionem et omnes peraeque Antonii caesas, item
Hirtii : quartam yero, cum castra quoque Antonii cepisset, a quinta legione concisam
esse ; ibi Hirtium quoque perisse et Pentium Aquilam.'

Antony had the 2nd, 5th, and 3oth legions, besides two praetorian cohorts (841, 1) ;
Hirtius had the 4th and 7th legions (Phil. xiv. 27) and two praetorian cohorts (841, 1).

As the 4th legion was under the command of Hirtius, it was argued by Mendelssohn
(Jahrbiicher fiir Philologie, 1891, pp. 343-4), that the first sentence above cannot be
right. Manutius had altered quartam (IV.) to secundam (II.), a very slight change.
But Mendelssohn asks, how could PoUio, who is at least a tolerable writer, use
such an expression as omnes peraeque Antonii for tico legions only (viz. 5 and 35) ?
He considers peraeque stands for pr aet. (= praetorias) ; and that we should read —
(a) if PoUio first speaks of the Kepublican forces, Hirtino autem proelio et IV. (or VII.)
legionem et omnes pr aet. Antonii caesas, item Hirtii : VII. (or IV.) vero, &c. ; or [b) if
he speaks of the forces of Antony, Hirtino autem proelio et II. legionem et omnes praet.
Antonii caesas, item Hirtii ; IV. (or VII.) vero, &c. He also thinks that probably
omnes stands for cortes (= cohortes).

We venture to suggest another interpretation with some diffidence. Possibly item
Hirtii was originally t. Hirtii (= id est Hirtii), and was a gloss either on peraeque ('as
much as those of Hirtius'), or on quartam legionem, in order to signify to whom it
belonged. Then, if we bear in mind the distinction between caesas and concisas, we
may translate, ' In the battle which Hirtius fought one of his legions, the 4th,
sustained severe loss, as did all those of Antony to an equal extent ; the 4th indeed, when
it took the camp of Antony also (as well as winning the battle), was cut to pieces by
the 5th, and on that occasion Hiitius and Pontius Aquila lost their lives.' There is no
difficulty in using omnes of three legions, just as in English we can say ' all the three,'
but not 'all the two.' Feraeque is a word used by Cicero, Att. ii. 8, 1 (35) ; 19, 2
(46) ; Verr. iv. 46.

' Ventidium quoque se cum legione VII., VIII., Villi, coniimxisse.' Manutius
feels a difficulty in these numbers, for the 7th legion was with Hirtius, and the 8th
took no part in the war (Phil. xi. 37). Furthermore, as Ventidius, on his own
responsibility, had enrolled three legions from the veterans of Caesar (App. B. C. iii.
66), it is difficult to suppose that regxilar official numbers would have been attached
to the legions formed by such irregularly raised forces ; or, even if Ventidius had given
them such numbers, that Pollio would have known and recognized them. Mendelssohn,
accordingly, writes Ventidium quoque se cum leg (= legionibus) III. (= tribus)
veteranorum coniunxisse ; he considers that the words III. veteranorum were
corrupted into VII., VIII., Villi. With respect to the forces of Ventidius he com-
pares D. Brutus, 854, 3, Hoe accessit munus Fentidii quae . . . se cum Antonio

316 ADDENDA TO TUB COMMENTARY.

cotiiiinxif. Est fiiaiifriis retcranoriim et armatorton satin frcqucns cum Ventidio : 869, 1,
P. Vetitidius sitas lef/ioiics trcs coniunxit cum co (i.e. Antonio).

This is a brilliant emendation ; but. as Mendelssohn himself was willing to allow,
perhaps the view of 0. E. Schmidt is preferable. That scholar holds (Philologus, li.
p. 18G, note 3) that in all probability the six Macedonian legions, which Julius Caesar
had intended for the Parthian war, bore officially the numbers I. to VI., and that
•when the Caesarians proceeded to enrol additional legions they designated them by the
succeeding numbers. These may be considered to have acquired an official character,
as being additions to a regularly recognized series of legions ; and thus being officially
numbered, PoUio would naturally speak of them by these numbers, especially as we
may suppose that I'ollio's informant spoke of them in the p;imo way. Of the six legions,
Schmidt thinks that Antony had II., III., V. (= Alauda), in addition to XXXV. ;
that Octavian had IV. and Martia (= I. ?) ; and that VI. went with Dolabella to Asia.

ADNOTATIO CEITICA.

[Ut saepe diximus quaecunque ex Pal. allata sunt omnia Mendelssohnio debemus.]

Ep. dcclxxxvii. (Fam. X. 1).

1. medio] Man. vulg. ; meo libri.
factis] Pal- ; facetiis Pal^ M {ex fa-

cetis) ; facetus H.

mi] H Pal ; me M.

tempus] om. H Pal.

impotentissimi] libri ; impudentissimi
alii.

2. cum] om. H.

tuaeque curae] H ; om. M Pal.

3. etiam] Was. ; tamen libri, quod
vix retineri posse in Comm. docuimus.

4. iudicii] libri, recte, vide Comm. ;
sttidii Pluygers, Lebmann.

Ep. DCCLxxxTin. (Fam. x. 2).

2 . neque officium] PaP ; eque off. PaP ;
aeque off. MH.

neeesse sit] H Pal ; necessit M.

poterunt] H, Dresd. tertius ; potestiir
M ; possunt Pal^ Harl. 2591.

Ep. dcclxxxix. (Fam. x. 3).

1. ignotam] Harl. 2591 et alii codd. ;
ignatam M ; ignaram H Pal, fort, recte ;
nam etsi ignarics non invenitur apud
Ciceronem sensu passivo, tamen nonnun-
quam ita verbo utuntur et Sallustius et
Tacitus, of. Kritz. ad Jug. 18, 6 ; Cat.
10, 4.

2. tuo constitutam] om. constitutam
codd. aliquot ; fort, ex consociatam Or.

debere esse] Yict., Btr., "Wes. ; habere

esse M ; habere et esse H Pal ; habere Ern.
Pro statuo habere esse luculenter coni. C. F.
"W. Miiller statutum habeo esse, coll. Fam.
iv. 2, 4 (389) ; vi. 2, 1 (675) ; xii. 25, 5
(825).

3. te arbitrabar] M; prudenter [pru-
dentem H) te arbitrabar'3. Pal, quodlegere
debuimus.

in] add. Em.

orbitale] orbitata M.

devexata] divexata Lamb., Wes.

Ep. dccxc. (Fam. xii. 2).

1. in me] H Pal ; inter me M.
modo] M ; quomodo H Pal.
commentatus] M ; commendatns H Pal,

idemque mox commendatio.

vomere suo more] H Pal ; vomeres
votnere M.

2. qui quia] qui quia <quae>Qrs.i.'Riv.
Wes. C. F. W. Miiller conicit libereque.

senserint] senserint <qtiaeque senserint>
Lehmann, baud necessario ; vid. Comm.

3. dignum] om. H.

sin id] M ; si id R Pal.

qui si quae ad me referent] H Pal ;
qui sive ad me referent M (cum rasura dua-
rum litterarum post me) ; qui sive ad me
referent <sive non referent> Orelli, Men-
delss. : qui si quidem ad me referent Ruhl.

mea tibi tamen] mea tibi tamen in M;
mea tibi H Pal, fort, recte ; sed tamen
elliptice usurpari videtur hoc sensu, —
(etsi auxilium vel parvum vel nullum
adferre potero) tamen benevolentia prae-
stabitur ; Anglice ' at any rate.'

320

ADNOTATIO CRITIC A.

Ev. Dccxci. (Fam. XII. 3).

1. optime] M ; optimo H Pal.

\i] sex H, vid. Comm.

2. Caiinutio] libri ; a fratre Lucio
Cobet.

Ep. dccxcii. (Fam. xii. 23).

1. dignitas] <?i<7Hi<(7s <«<> Lamb,
eo, quae] H Pal ; eoqiie M.

et animi et ingenii] Mendelssohn ; et
animi ingenii Mil ; ct animi ingcnui Pal ;
animi el ingenii Frag. Heilbronnense.

fers a te] H Pal Frag. Heilbr. (sed id
fere) ; ferstea M ; fers ea Vict.

2. Antonius autem] om. autem H.
A. d.] itaque a. d. H Pal.

3. in quo] Ern. ; in qua libri.

Ep. Dccxciii. (Fam. xvi. 25).

intermissionis] Crat. ; iutermissione
libri ; de inter missione alii.

nuntiis certior fio] M Pal ; nuntiis H ;
m<ncius Erf.

perscribit] M Pal ; perscribis H Erf.

minima] M Pal ; niinime H Erf.

desiderem] M Pal Erf. ; desiderarem
H.

Ep. dccxciv. (Att. xy. 13).

1. tu edendum] Vict. ; tuenda M.

2. quod scribis] quo scribis M.
legiones] C ; legationes M.

3. iam probo] Man. ; improbo M.
'HpaK\eLSe7ov] k; HPAKAEIAEPONI

mavis] mains M.

licet enim] ins. Lehm. ; ad scrihendum
tibi, vere dicam Or.

acriorem] alacriorem Lamb.

ad tuum] tit tuum M.

quod egerit] M, quam lect. bene vin-
dicavit Lehm. ; quid egerit Man. ; quid-
quid eqer it Peerlk. Vid. ad Ep. 754, 1.

Gallo Caninio] Corrad. ; Gallo animo
M.

0 hominem] 0 om. M.

4. Selicia] M; Servilia M-an. Corrad.;
fort. Cilicia.

t non qua pompa] adsuevisset ins. add,
nonnulli ; mmc ad Pompeiunt coni. Boot. ;
non magna pompa Fr. Schmidt.

Ep. dccxcv. (Att. xv. 13«).

5. est. Etsi] Or. ; sed si M.

monctalis] Schiitz ; homo talis M.

qui vis] Mai. ; quis M.

scribes] scribis M.

commovebit] me ins. Boot, et Wes.,
frustra, ut docet Lehm.

G. (j)i\o<To^ovfjiiv~\ Ji; 2)hilosophimena
M.

/co0?j/corTos] KA0ONTOC M.

patcat] valet M ; pareat "Wes.

7. perlatam. Hui] C ; praebuit M.

quid ad me] M, quod iure vindicat
Lehm. ; quid id ad me Wes.

Ep. dccxcvi. (Fam. xi. 4).
2. beUicosissimis] H Pal ; bellicosis'K.

Ep. dccxcvii. (Att. xvi. 8).

1. quiquij Isi; qui quidem'&oot.^ioxt.
recte ; qid Or. Wes.

2. quendam] quondam M.

sub signis] Man. ; suis signis M.
evKaipiav] ETKAIPAN M.
venio . . . maneo . . . fugiam] M ;
veniam . . . maneam . . . fugiam Wes.

Ep. dccxcviii. (Att. xvi. 9).

uno die] in die M.
addit] Man. ; adiit M.
ille] ilia M.

o-K^TTTOAtai] Mai. ; SKEOTOMAI M.
mihi non sic] Boot. ; mihi non M ;
mihi non si Zb et Crat.

Ep. dccxcix. (Att. xvi. 11).

1. Nonis] )>o)t Mis M.

avd-ri] Lamb. ; ante M.

florentiora] C ; Jlorentia M.

t Asta ea] M ; ast Vict. ; at st! Bos. ;
ab ista Boot ; a Sepfimia uos ; hetis tu aHi.

aut] ut M.

sciant] Vict. ; sciam M.

t sine vallo Luciliano] sine felle coni.
Or.; sine (p p ay fiifi nos.

ex Gain Fadii filia'] marg. ed. Lamb.
1584 ; ex galifa dijilia M.

quod fuit illis Illviris] M ; quofuerint
illi Illviri Gron.

nisi facete] I ; facete nisi M.

Caleni] talem M.

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

321

2. aUKi<Txos] Vict. ; AIAOEAE2X02

esset] Kl. ; etM; sit CoiTad.

ac tamen] Wes. ; attamen M.

isto] ista M.

bella] MC ; Bolahella c.

ter contra] Corrad. ; per contra M.

indignissimum est hunc] Bos. ; in-
digniiis esse Imnc M; nil indignius^esse
qiiam hunc coni. Btr. Kl.

3. 'HpafcAeiSeio;/] HPAKAEIAEION M.
0 Tite] M ; librum metiin ilium 0

Tite Zl.

4. absolvi] Man. ; absolvit M.
Kara] KA M.

5. Di istis] Bos. ; de istis M.

6. ob hoc] ab hoc M.

7. interpres] Vict. ; in tres M.

eis Valerius] Vict. ; ei Valerium M.

8. feriis] Corrad. ; feris M.
negotiolo sciturum] negotio lositurum

des volo] des volo. Oppii Z ; de sua-
loppi M.

Ep. dccc. (Att. XVI. 12).

epistolae] epistolam M.
Bonum animum. De] Vict. ; bo7iam
enim unde M.

Ep. dccci. (Att. xvi. 10).

1. VII. Id.] Lallemand. ; CX M.
Caesariana] R ; Caesarina M.

v] Mongault. ; ij M.

2. Attice, tota mente] AniEETO tamen
ieM.

Siauessano] suasseno M.

Ep. dcccii. (Att. xvi. 13a).

1. ad eas] Man. ; ad has M.

2. altera] alteras M.
Wiixavra] MIMA M.
eV] iv MC.

mala] Popma ; inata M ; matta Z.

Ep. dccciii. (Att. xvi. 13 5).

1. an etiam] a«<e tarn M.
putes] Corrad. ; putas M.
manabit] manebit M.

Ep. dccciv. (Att. xvi. 13 c).

1. temere] Lamb. ; timere M' ; del.

2. censoribus'\ ins. Crat.

Ep. dcccv. (Att. xvi. 14).

2. in Tusculano] in Tusculanum M.
idne] marg. ed. Lamb. ; ne id M, k,

Wes., fort, recte.

an hie] Or. ; an hoc M.

3. quadret] C. F. "W. Miiller; caderet
M.

consulum] consultum M.
imperatoris officium] Crat. ; om. M.

4. omni] omnia M.
avi tui] Mur. ; qui tui M ;

tui alii: Qiiintus avi tui TJrsin.
explicaturum] expUcatorem MC.
scribes] scribis M.

Ep. dcccvi. (Fam. xvi. 24).

1. darem] da M.
de] om. M.

saepius] M Pal ; om. H Erf.

Ian] libri recte, ut deinonstrat Ruetius
vid. Comm. ; lun edd. nonnulli.

confides] MH Erf. ; co)iJicias Pal.

rebus] vulg. Wes. ; eius M ; om. H.
Pal Erf.

2. Octavianus] H Erf. recte ut 0. E.
Schmidtius aliis rationibus enucleavit ;
Octavius M Pal. Vid. Addenda ad Comm.

Sed st !] Man. ; sed si M ; sed (om. si)
H Pal Erf. fort, recte, de quo in Comm.
disputavimus.

Hirtium] H Pal ; hyium Erf. ; om. H
(spatio relicto).

quod egeriut] Hanc librorum lectionem
praeclare vindicavit Lehmann ; vid.
Comm. tam ad hunc locum quam ad Fam.
xvi. 23, 1 (754).

Ep. dcccvii. (Att. xvi. 15).

1. quod dicam] quid dicam M.
ut ilium] R, Or. ; cut ilium M ; eur
ilium Man. ; qui ilium Boot. ; me ante

mea om. M.

deseruerit . .
fuerit M.

2. Sucr coir toj']

appellentur]
mur M ; non «
lentur cum Ursin. k.

. fuit] R ; deseruit . . .

ATnniAN M.

Bos. et Lamb. ; appelle-
us Or. ; non appel-

322

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

proc. introd.] procuratorcm interducere

nee dubito] C ; et dnbito M.

3. potest et] Gron. ; postea M ; post
prvtcipia (coll. Sest. 118) Or.; add. all
postea delent, alii rctundcre Icgunt ; mul-
tum potest Wes. ; sed posse absolute posi-
tum pro pollere recto so habere docet
Lehm.

Oppio] Appio M.
nullo] uUo M.
ni milii] ni ova. M.
perspiciemus] Vict. ; persciemus MC.
reliquum est] reliquo inest = reliquom
est M.

tabellavios] tahellarius M.

quod seribas] Lamb.; qindscribas M.

cTTpaTuAAal] Bos. ; stratillax M.

delectus] dUectus M.

gradu] gradus M.

4. priores] ctsi res malit Boot,
commota] enmmoda MR.

5. aut sil] Yiut. ; aiisit M^ ; ea sit M-.
rem] res Boot., recte, ut videtur.
solvam] Man. ; solum M.
Terentiae] Lamb. ; Terentiam M.
pudentissime] prudentissime solito er-
ror e M.

uti de suo] Vict. ; inde (vel vide) suo
M ; fide sua Z.

Erotique] pro teque M.

ut sepositum] ut se positum M.

Non modo sed] M ; non modieo sed
Btr. ; non modo versurum facer e sed cum
Pio Wes.

Cocceii responsum] Coecei rusum M.

si quisquam male intellegit] si qtiic-
quam male intellegit Boot. ; sed vid.
Comm.

6. consent! . . . sum] nos; eonsenti
in hac cura vui sum M ; nieciim pro ubi
sum Boot. ; contende pro eonsenti Wes. ;
contendi Kl. ; consenui Madv. (Adv. Crit.
iii. 192).

venit quidem] veni quidem M.
certi] Or. ; certe M.

Ep. dcccviii. (Fam. X. 4).

1. scii] sciis M ; scivi H Pal.

3. committam] omittatn libri.

4. ut sciam] Vid. Comm.
nuituo] HPal; multo M.

Ep. dcccix. (Fam. xi. 5).

1 . Idus] libri ; Kal Euete ; vid. Comm.
optabam] H Pal ; ortabam M^ ; orta-
bar M* ; optaram Wes.

2. certo] cerfc H.
spem] om. II Pal.

3. ca] vel del. Boot. (Obs. Crit. 22),
' ut faciamus Ciceronem de more scriben-
tem,' vel in iam mutat.

meal om. H.

ipsij codd. aliquot ; ipse M Val ; om.

tuis] me iuis libri.

Ep. dcccx. (Fam. x. 5).

1. attulcrunt] MH ; protulerunt "Pal,
Vid. Comm.

3. quod sentiam] libri ; quid sentiam
Wes.

non potuisses] M- Btr. Wes. ; «o»
potuisset M' ; fieri non potuisset H Pal,
quod legere debuimus.

proprie] Lamb., coll. Fam. ix. 15, 1
(481) ; pi-oprium. libri.

faveo] suadeo L. Miiller, Wes., baud
necessario.

Ep. dcccxi. (Fam. xi. 7).

2. volo] Wes. : volam libri ; volumus
et velim alii ; velim C. F. W. Miiller.
Vid. Comm.

est res] et res, libri.
civesque] cniusqu.e H.
dementes] clcmentes H : cf. 825, 1.
legionem quartam] M Pal ; om. le-
gionem H.

3. proxime] proximo H : cf. M in Att.
iv. 18, 5 (154), ubi proximo a plerisque
edd. et a nobis ipsis in proximis mutatur :
sed dubitamus an recte.

ita animatus] Pal ; sit an. M^ ; sen
an. M} ; et an. H.

non lit nihil] ut non nihil H.

Ep. dcccxii. (Fam. xi. 6).

1. dignitatem] del. Ern. sine causa:
cf. Lehmann, p. 42.

2. non venire] om. nooi H.

3. contione] M ; conuentione H [te a
man. prima) ; contentione Pal.

Ep. dcccxiii. (Fam. xii. 22).

Ganter (Philologus, 1894, p. 140) in
libello de Q. Cornificioputat ^§ 1-2 unam
esse epistolam, circiter idem tempus ac x.
1, 2 (787, 788) scriptam. §§ 3-4 alteram
esse epistolam ad finem anni pertinentem.

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

323

1. nos] H Pal; non M.
nostro] vestro libri.
arbitror] M ; arbitrahor H Pal.

2. tyrannoctoni] M; tyranni octoni'3.
Pal.

3. senatus frequens] senatiis ant fre-
qiiens libri. Vid. Comm.

4. adeptus] MH ; consecutus Pal.

Ep. dcccxiv. (Fam. XVI. 26).

1. poenam] ponam M.
commentata] M : commendata H Pal

Erf.

2. lagonas] M ; lagoenas H Pal ; lao-
genas Erf.

Ep. dcccxv. (Fam. xvi. 27).

1. tua] add. "Wes.

de consulibus] Pal ; de cos. M ; quos
H Erf.

animi] om. Pal Ern.

2. sciani] Wes. ; scio M Pal ; om. H
Erf. Vid. Comm.

Cossiitianarum] M ; quos sutianariim
H Erf. Pal.

f eram in oculis] Ern. C. F. W. Miiller;
om. in libri.

Ep. dcccxvi. (Fam. xi. 8).

1. qui quid] M^ Pal; quidquid M} ;
c

qui quid H.

2. meus] om. H.

Ep. dcccxvii. (Fam. xii. 24).

1. laudandi . . . ornandi] ornandi . . .
laudandi Gronov. Vid. Comm.

hoc est animi] om. H Pal.

2. defendi] libri; defendendi'EiTn.. 'Eir.,
praeter necessitatem.

3. procurat] procurata M.
plurimum . . . facies] pluriimim ea

tibi commendo tamen sed non debeo com-
mendare facies H.

Ep. dcccxviii. (Fam. xii. 4).

1. reliquiarum nihil fuisset] M; om.
H ; Pal supra lineam a man. sec.

me] M ; mehercule H Pal, fort, recte.
infimo] M ; injimum H Pal.

Philippo] M ; ni lippo H ; Nilippo
Pal.

legatis nihil] om. H.

nuntiarent] libri ; denmitiarent Gronov.
vix recte ; vid. Comm.

2. te esse in Syria] Kl. : cf. verba
proxime sequentia et 82 1 , 1 , ' loquebantur
omnes in Syria te esse ' ; isse in Si/ria M ;
isse in Syriam H Pal, Crat. marg. baud.
bene.

cito] om. H.

Ep. dcccxix. (Fam. x. 20).

1 . epulas] M Pal- ; epistulas (eplas)
H PaP.

in] om. libri.

2. egique] eigne H.

animi . . . viribus] M, marg. habet
sile obseo-o jnami recentiori; vid. Comm.
Servio] servitio H Pal.

Ep. dcccxx. (Fam. ix. 24).

1. Eufum] rursuni H.
possem] possum H.

me virum] Wes. ; metcm MH ; me
mecum Pal ; me unum Btr. ; meimi <ani-
mum> KL, C. F. W. Muller.

2. itare desisse] M PaP ; ita resedisse
H PaP.

exposuissem . . . superiorem] om. H' ;
add H- in summa pagina.

3. sed] M; ei! H Pal.
iocum] Pal ; locum MH.

id est . . . concenationes] del. Boot
(Obs. Crit. 20).

4. mecum] meum H.

Ep. dcccxxi. (Fam. xii. 5).

1 . simile veri] Pal ; simile vere (vel
vero) M ; veri simile H.

2. reliquum] Lamb. ; reliqui libri.
Claternae] M ; datne H ; daternae Pal.
Forum Cornelium] M, cf. Strabo 216 ;

forum Gornelii H Pal, Dio Cass. xlvi. 35,
7 ; forum Gorneli Plin. H. N. iii. 116.

compararat] Pal Mendelss. ; comparat
MH ; comparabat Ern. Andr.

Ep. dcccxxii. (Fam. xii. 11).

1. fortissimo animo] M; fortissime
(om. animo) H Pal.
eduxit] duxit H.
quattuorque . . . scito] om. Pal.
Y2

324

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

2. quantum est in tc-] Pal ; quantum
in te est H ; om. in te M.

non decssc] Pal ; om. non MH ; adesse
Btr. ; vid. Comm.

optima spc ct maximo animo] M ; op-
tiiiio I't maximo animo Pal ; optima maxi-
moque animo 11.

aget] aijfat H.

vale] valde M.

d] dilecte II Pal.

Er. Dcccxxiii. (Fam. xii. 7).

1. a tribune] Pal; ad ir. MH. De
ab et ad inter se confusis vide C. F. W.
Miiller.

niliil unquam] ntinquam H.
maleham] valebant Krause, Wes.,
C. F. W. Miiller; movebant Orelli.

2. et] om. libri.
istis] M ; /n'? M Pal.

ipse vincas] Ern. ; ipsuincas M ; ipsum
vincas H Pal, quod fortasse legere debui-
nius.

Ep. dcccxxiv. (Fam. x. 31).

1. scrutantur] scmtatur M.

2. movear] moveare libri.

nihil non] del. non Cobet, male ; vid.
Comm.

utrubique] M ; utrolique H Pal, quam
formam Scbmalz praefert (Ueber den
Spracbgebrauch des Pollio, p. 9) ut ab
antiquis Yarrone (L. L. 190, 248 m.)
Plauto (Mil. 466), ab Horatio poeta (Ep.
i. 6, 10) usurpatam.

plane] om. "Wes.; essem plane, pericula
Lehmann.

3. probarit] prohant H.

atque ita] M ; atqui ita H ; atque vi
■it a Pal.

4. senatui] M^ H Pal ; senatu W-.
quod . . . fuit] om. H.

5. nemo] of. Biicheler Rhein. Mus.
xi. 519 ; ne libri.

traditurum] tradituram M.
tricensima] M ; tricesima H Pal : of.
Schmalz, p. 12.
contentiones] contiones libri.

6. numero] <in> numero Lamb. Btr.
De hoc loco docte disputavit C. F. W.
Miiller.

id] om. libri.

provincia an ducendo] provincia man-
ducendo M ; provinciam an ducendo H.

possunt] possint Wes., vix necessario ;
vid. Comm.

misi] mihi M.

Er. Dcccxxv. (Fam. xii. 25, 1-5).

1. altero vicensimo] altero viccm sum
hodic M ; altera vice summo die H.

nico] vel simile quod ut omnium, nostra
addendum est.

ut] ant M.

clementior] dementior II, of. 811, 2.

3. graecum tcmpus] M ; caecum tempus
II Pal ; Sov\iov -tifiap Cobet. Vid. Comm.

dignitatisque] Pal "Wes. ; diqnitatique
MIL

rettulit] MH ; attulit H Pal.

4. conieci] confeci\ihr'\.

5. et quidem] M ; equidem H Pal.

Ep. dcccxxvi. (Fam. x. 6).

1. tuae] om. M.

litterae sunt] M ; sunt litterae H Pal,
rectius ut nunc putamus.

aut positis armis] autpossit eis armis M ;
haud possint {possunt Pal) armis H Pal;
positeis Mendelssohn.

2. es . . . amplissimos] om. H.

3. consulares] Kleyn Btr. ; consules
libri.

rem p. consularis] libri; rem p. eonsu-
lari alii, Mendelssohn, C. F. W. Miiller.
Vid. Comm.

turn] tu M.

ea ratione] in ea ratione libri ; inita
ratioiie Kleyn quem Boot (Obs. Crit. 21)
sequitur, coll. Fam. v. 20, 4 (302) ; Verr.
iii. 110 ; Leg. Agr. ii. 67.

Ep. dcccxxvii. (Fam. x. 27).

1. summa] siimma <mea> Or. Wes.
seiungis] Pal ; se lungis M ; se iungis

corr. ex se aungis H ; seiunges Ern. Wes.

restitutura est] M ; restitura est Pal ;
restituta est H.

sanos] <esse> sanos Or. Wes.

2. facies] M ; facer es H Pal.
interpones] interponeres libri.

Ep. dcccxxviii. (Fam. xii. 28).

L nenimis fortisne nimiste] ne minus
fortis ne minus te libri.

2. appellaretur] H Pal ; appellaret M.
XX ] |XX| Mendelssohn, C. F. W.

Miiller.

mutuumve] Or. ; mutuumque libri.

3. afuisset] M ; fuisset H Pal.

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

325

Ep. dcccxxix. (Fam. XII. 26).

1 . Saturninum] M ; Saturniiim H
Pal.

Rubellium] Rubellimmi libri.
liberalitate se] liberalitatest M ; lile-
ralitate esse H Pal.

2. usus es] H Pal ; tistis est M.
a me] om. H Pal.

quod . . . rogo] om. H Pal.

Ep. dcccxxx. (Fam. xii. 27).

splendorem] H Pal ; splendere M.
equiti Eomano] equitis Romani libri.

Ep. dcccxxxi. (Fam. xii. 29).

Alterum exemplum biiius epistolae in-
venitiir in MH post xiii. 77 (^t).

1 . consule relegatus] M ; consulare le-
(jatus H Pal.

delector] delectetur H.

Non puto te iam] libri ; nonto iam te
jj. ; ?/ou diibito iam te h.

conimendem] fih. Lebmann p. 92 ;
commendarim M Pal ; commendaverim H.

2. bominibus] omnibus H Pal.
quanquam] ct quaiiquam H.
fieret] Pal ^ub ; Jttrct MH.
omnia] Ab boc verbo incipit Erf.
turn] tam H.

me censes] MH Pal fj. ; metenses Erf. ;
me tenses b.

fui] turn f HI Erf. |ub.
re recenti] om. re H Erf.

Ep. dcccxxxii. (Fam. x. 7).

1. exhortatione] H ; ethortatione M^ ;
et exhortatione Pal.

Ep. dcccxxxiii. (Fam. x. 8).

2. mibi ipse] Eutiliiis ; in spe libri :
ipse Mendelssohn, Landgraf .

salutis] H Pal ; satis 'M.

3. eliciendae] alliciendae "Wes.
exercitibusqiie] om. -que H Pal.
praefuerunt] praestmt Man. "Wes. Rbo-

dius ; sed vide Coram.

partiremur] patiremur M.

4. invitis] invictis libri.
denuntiatio] M ; enuniiatio H Pal.
6. liberalitate] lihertate H Pal.

ut vel provinciam] H Pal, C. F. "W.
Miiller ; om. tit M ; vide Corrigenda.
7. rebus] om. H.
accedam] H Pal ; accedam ad M.

Ep. dcccxxxiv. (Fam. x. 10).

1. disceptaturj "Wes. ; disceptat libri.
Vid. Coram.

modo non] om. H.

quidem] om. H.

et datur] del. Kleyn.

2. adiuva] H ; adlua M Pal, cf. 845, 2.

Ep. dcccxxxv. (Fam. xii. 6).

1. Titio] tidio libri.
commeudabit] commendavit M.

2. si] H Pal ; sin M.
est] erit Ern.

Ep. dcccxxxti. (Brut. ii. 1).

De bis litteris, quae a codice Cratandri
iam amisso veniunt, vide quae in Coram,
et in initio libri disputavimus.

1. publicam] add. Lamb. ; om. Crat.
ut agerentur] om. Streng, iniuria.

2. in eo] Lamb. Wes. ; eo Crat. Btr.

3. Ex me autem] extremnmlsia.divig.
in aciera] Crat. ; in acie Lamb. Wes.

Btr. Vide Coram.

Maioris autem partis animi] Madvig,
Ruete, Streng; maiores autem partes animi
vulg.

Ep. dcccxxxvii. (Brut. ii. 3 = 3 et 5).

De ordine epistolnnim Brut. ii. qui in
codice invenitur vide Coram, ad 839, 3.

1. erit post recuperari] Crat. ; erit si
potest non recuperari alii.

5. ab ipso senatu] nos addidimus ; vid.
Coram.

altera . . . doleo] altera qtio magis:
. . . reliquorum, hoc magis doleo Streng.

Ep. dcccxxxviii. (Fam. x. 12).

1. complectar] amplectar II.
adfert] Mi Pal ; adferat W H.
gratiores] graviores libri.
exspectata] spectata libri.
quoad] qtiod M ; quo H Pal.

2. de domo] ora. de H Pal.

326

ADNOTATIO CRITIC A.

at ego ci] JI ; at rao rt 11 Pal ; Jeqo ci
Boot (Obs. Crit. 21)/ Mendelssohn, fort,
rectc ; seJ iltdi subaudiri posset, vid.
Comm.

nihildum] vihil H Pal.

sibi a te] Pal ; tibi a xe Mil.

4 . gravior] M ; gratior H Pal.
qnani turn] Pal ; quantum Mil.

5. fiK'ata] II Pal ; fiiija/ia {ia in ras.)
M : ftigacia alii, C. F. W. Miiller, vido
Comm.

existima. Yerum] existimarerim M.
es et tenes] 11 Pal; es, iene M. Vid.
Comm.

Ep. dcccxxxix. (Buiit. II. 2.)

2. expediendo] expedienda Crat.

3. sed quo] Vide Comm.

Ei'. DcccxL. (Brut. ii. 4 = 4 et 6).

1. HI.] Wes. ; VI. Crat.

3. erit] Vict. ; esset Id. April. Crat. ;
sed vide Comm.

4. quod ne] om. quod Crat.

5. et matrem] add. Wes.
quomodo etiam nunc] qiioniam etiam

mine Or. Btr. Streng.

6. debeo] debet Em.

Ep. dcccxli. (Fam. x. 30).

1. xTiii.] XVII. libri. Vide Comm.
millia passus] libri, recte, cf. 872, 1 ;

millia passuum alii.

potuissemus] H Pal ; posuissemus M ;
potis essemus Hellmuth, Mendelssohn ;
possemus vulg. C. F. W. Miiller.

2. equitatum et] om. H Pal.

3. passus D] H Pal ; om. I) M.
cornum] M ; cormt H Pal, qua forma

et ante et post utitur Galba ; vide Comm.
me insequi] H Pal ; aninie insequi M.

4. venit] reiiisset Wes.

amisit] H Pal ; amici sit M : cf .
851, 6.

fugavit eodemque] fugavit eodeni die
eodemque Wes. ; fugavitqne eodem Btr. ;
aut sic aut delevit, fugavit eodeni loco
scripsisse Galbam arbitratur C. F. W.
MiiUer.

5. redit] rediit alii.

Nee id tamen sine] M ; nee id tamen
ne Pal- ; nee tamen ipsi ne H PaP.

praetoriarum] praetortatiarum MH ;
praetorianorum Pal.

Res] H Pal ; re M.

xvu.] XII. libri. Vid. Comm.

Ep. ncccxLii. (Brut. ii. 5 = 7).

1. sint] sunt Crat.
poterat] potcrant Crat.

2. fuoiit] full Crat.

3. Celer Pilius] Ruote, egregie ; celer
Pilus vulg. Vide Comm.

4. duceret] dicort Crat.
tamen] add. nos.

5. agitur] ngalur Crat.

xviii.] Gurlitt; xiii. Crat.; xvi. 0. E.
Schmidt. Vide Comm.

Ep. dcccxliii. (Brut. i. 2, §§ 3-G).

De huius et scqucntium epistolarum ad
Brutum turbato ordine vide Comm.

4. pertinuit] pertimiit M.

ut nunc iudico] om. lit et supra iudieo
habet ' al. video ' M ; nt nunc video h.
(= Harl. 2491).

5. otio] M ; animo Man. ; odio Lamb. ;
negotio Ruete ; sed otio bene a Gurlitto
defenditur. Vide Comm.

6. provideritis] m (= Med. 49, 24)
Ern. ; providetis Mh : cf. 0. E. Schmidt
in Comm. laudatum.

XV.] Gurlitt ; xii. M; xiii. h ; xiv. RI.

Ep. dcccxliv. (Brut. i. 3, §§ 1-3).

1. esse] add. nos.

virtutis] M^ ; virtutis est Biicheler,
cf . Wes. Em. p. 18, fort, recte ; virtutis
eCMi.

tenere] cernere M^.

2. a qua] Crat. niarg., Btr. ; ea cum
Mh ; ab ea cum Lamb.

deductus] Forte deductus <etpostea re-
ductus>.

3. facias] faciamus M}.

hostes digniores] hostis dignioris Mh.

Ep. dcccxlv. (Fam. x. 9).

1. de] om. M.

2. adiuvante] adluante libri : cf. 834,
2.

suspicio] suscipio H Pal.

3. equites mille] equitum III. millia
Wes. propter 848, 2, ut adnotat Mendels-
sohn.

via] tita M.

is] Kl. ; in MH ; cm. Pal.

opposuerit] Vid. Comm.

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

327

Ep. dcccxlvi. (Brut. i. 3, J 4).

bonosj I vulg. ; honos constdes CMh.
idque] Wes. ; itaque cum id super-
scripto M ; Itaque id h.

v.] X. MCh, sed vide Comm.

Ep. dcccxlvii. (Fam. xi. 9).

1. elabatur] H manu prima ut nobis
quidem videtur : elaboratur M ; elahora-
retur Pal.

persuasissimum] Pal ; p. et M ; p. sit
H.

id] om. Ern.

III.] libri, 0. E. Schmidt ; vi. vel
VII. Schelle.

Ep. dcccxlviii. (Fam. x. 11).

1. cognoscis] cognosces H.

2. copias] M ; copias omnes H Pal.
tribus milibus] tria millia M,

in his partibus] libri ; in has partes
"Wes. Vid. Comm.

spes] om. H.

constiti] constituti M.

hoc] M; hue H Pal: cf. Neue ii^.
613.

confert] vid. Comm.

secum] M ; hue Pal ; om. H.

3. Furnio] fiirtio M.
vobis] om. H.

Ep. dcccxlix. (Fam. xi. \Za).

Parmenses miseros] Haec verba tantum
in Indice M servata sunt.

Ep. dcccl. (Brut. i. 11).

1 . in] add. "Wes.
cum] add. "Wes.

|XX.|] = vicies (centena millia) Meyer ;
■cf . 854, 5 ; xx. libri.

2. cupiimus] Vict. ; cupimus M Crat.
marg. ; cepimus M- ; caepimus hRI.

sed] add. nos.

eundum domum] nos ; eimdum PaP,
H ; id M ; statuit id sihi corrupta esse et
negavit id Jieri posse su^^lendia, putat 0. E.
Schmidt.

esse debere] cod. Dresdensis ; esse debet
Ml; esse (om. dehere) CM-h : cf. 0. E.
Schmidt, Jahrb. 1889, p. 183.

deterreri] detineri Cod. Guelferby-
lanus.

Ep. DCCCLi. (Fam. xii. 25, §§ 6, 7).

6. Lucceium] luccium M ; luctium H :
lutiuin Pal.

amisimus] amici simus M, cf. 841, 4 :
amicissimos H Pal.

Ep. dccclii. (Brut. i. 5).

1. consistat] M-h ; constat M^.

2. ante] in te Mh.

3. cooptari] coaptari Mh.
indicatum] 0. E. Schmidt, bene, vid.

Comm.; indicatlihii; iudicat 0.

non petentis] <etiam> non petentis M^
(sc. Coluccio).

de Catone] <et> de Catone I Kl.

Ep. dcccliii. (Fam. x. 14).

1. Atqui] Man. Wes. ; alque libri.

2. exspectabam] spectahuin libri.

et cum re p. esse] Orelli ; et rei p. esse
M PaP ; et re p. esse H ; et rei p. satis
esse PaP ; esse (om. et cum rep.) Graevius,
Mendelssohn ; tecum c re p. esse Biicheler,
Btr. Gitlbauer, C. F. W. Miiller.

Ep. dcccliv. (Fam. xi. 10).

1 . posse] nosces Madvig.
sint] sunt H Wes.

si tamen . . . tuuni] Vict. ; sit an hoc
tempore is vidcantur did causa malle me-
tuuin M ; sit an hoc tempore is dici rideatur
causa malle me tuum H ; sit an hoc temporis
videatur dici causa malle me tuum Pal ;
Exploratum habe etsi forsitan hoc tibi
temporis videatur dici causa malle me tuum
Kl. (ed. 2); Exploratum habes vita {ne
haec temporis videantur dici causa) malle
me tuum Madvig, A. C. iii. 164, quod
Mendelssohnio probatur.

a certo] aperto Or.

2. honoris] H ; om. M Pal.

iniciat vacuitas] M ; initiatu {-a m. 2)
Pal ; initiata civitas H ; iniciat vacua
civitas Madv. ; iniciat r. p. vacuitas Or.

3. Hoc] libri; hue alii : cf. 848, 2.

4. rursus] H Pal ; rustis M, fort, recte,
cf. Neue ii^. 749.

5. HS. mihi fuit pecuniae] om. H PaP;
ins. Pal- in marg.

|CCCC|] Mendelssohn; cccc. libri:
cf. 850, 1.

328

ADXOTATIO CRITIC A.

nnnicrum nunc Icgioniim] lilni ; manero
nunc hyiones Or. ; nimirum nunc Jegioncs
Boot, bono ; fort. legioncs legendum et
numerum lit plossoma eiciondum.

thcnsauros] M ; thesaitros H Pal.

Ep. DCCCLV. (FaM. XI. 11).

1. in itinoro est] om. eat II Pal.

2. consolabcre] libri ; <te> consolahere
TVfan. Btr., cf. Comm. ; consolabor me
Koch.

ex finibus] "Wes., cf. 876 fin. ; om. ex
libri.

Ep. Dcccivi. (Fam. xii. 12).

1. voluerint] libri ; vohicrunt Lamb.
Btr. Wes.

2. poUulum morae] polhdiim more M ;
pollufiim morcm H Pal.

quos] M PaP ; quod H PaP.

3. misere] M ; miser H Pal.

4. adsidue] M ; assidue H Pal.

Ep. DcccLvii. (Biit'T. I. 4, §§ 1-3).

1. rebus] lifter is h.
est] essct M^.

2. equidem] quidem M.
concedere possit respublica] M'h; con-

ducere possit rei p . M'-.
potentibus] pctenfibus h.

3. quasi non liceat] quasi non liqueat
Madvig:.

Ep. dccclyiii. (Fam. x. 13).

1. mihi] add. Index M ; om. libri.
esset] H Pal; est M.

2. nobis] om. H Pal.
existimavi] Pal ; existimari M ; exis-

timarini H.
Aiaeem] alancem M.

Ep. dccclix. (Fam. xi. 13, ^ 1-4).

1. potui eram] M; potiieram'S.Vai.
Aquilam perisse nesciebam] H Pal et

alii codd. ; om. M.

2. fecit] H Pal Dresd 3 ; om. M.

3. et se] et se <ei> Btr. coll. 890, 4 :
cf. Lebmann, p. 18.

et frequenter] ei frequenter 'Koch, "Wes.
C. F. W. Miiller.

Ventidianis] venditianis M.

Ep. dccclx. (Fam. x. 15).

1. scdulitas] sed titiVitas 11 Pal.

2. decern] sesceiili Sibcllo ; <dccuriae>
decern Khodnis. Yid. Comm.

transierant] "Wes. ; transierunt libri.

3. mco] libri quos optimo defendit
Mendelssohn coll. Fam. viii. 8, 4 (223),
vid. Comm. ; meo <A)itoinii»i> Or. ; mco
<pcrditii)n latronciii> Lebmann.

possem] pos.sc II.

IV.] libri; vii. vol viii. Nake, fort,
recte.

III.] Wes., quem dubitanter scquimur ;
V. libri. Vid. Comm.

4. Italiam] M; Italiamque H Pal;
<ui> Italiam Wes.

Ep. dccclxi. (Fam. x. 21, ^ 1-6).

2. exspectarem] 'R\ spcctarem'U.VaX.
delibare] delibcrare libri.

3. nimisquc] H Pal; miisque M' ;
meisque M- ; nimis quam Mendelssolm,
C. F. W. Miillcr. Vid. Comm.

ca quibus credidi] Lamb. ; etquxhusc.
H Pal ; ex quibus c. M.

4. ut] M : qui H Pal.
conclamarint] conclamaruntWhri ; con-

clamarcnt Wes.

singularibus] M Pal (sed superscrip.
tum) ; om. II ; singularibus <viris>
Lamb. De voc. viris omisso vide Comm.

5. Hoc] MH, cf. § 6 et 848, 2 ; hue
Pal.

defutiiram] H Pal Wes. ; defuturum

6. exercitum] M ; ut exercitum H Pal,
fort, recte.

habeam] M^ ; habeho JP.
hoc] MH PaP ; hue PaP : cf. § 5 et
infra.

Ep. dccclxii. (Fam. x. 21, 7).

7. excusem] excuse M^ ; excuses IM- ;
excusa H Pal ; excuso Mendelssohn. Yid.
Comm.

excusem litteris] excuso si mitti vis
Ehodius.

istoc] M ; isttic H Pal : cf. 861, 5.

Ep. dccclxiii. (Fam. xi. 12).

1. Vibii] vibulinus JlTai.

et ex Graeceii orationo] et ex grecei
oratione Pal ; ut ex grecaei oratione H ; ut
ex graeceio raiione M.

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

329

tua ilia] sua ilia libri.
perterritis] pertcrris M ; per terras
HPal.

2. maximeqiie] Pal ; maximique MH.

Ep. dccclxiv. (Brut. i. 16).

1. Utteranim] Mh ; literularnm C.
scripta] Mh ; scriptae alii,
exspectetiir] expetetur Dresd. h., quod

nisi ex mero errore ortum est, forsitan
expetatur sit legendum.

nolit] noluit Dresd. ; nolet "Wes.

2. ad versus] apud Dresd.
me yideri] me add. nos.

3. ita extulit] ita add. Lamb.

4. privatim] MI ; privatum h, Kl.,
iniuria.

recusatum] M ; rectisandum alii.

bono] <suh> bono Kayser, vix neces-
sario.

negaret iis] Crat. ; negotiis M' ; neget
lis M-.

6. aestimet] extimet Mh ; existimet I
Dresd. Guelf.

per se] add. nos. Vid. Comm.

Ceterum . . . adhibetur] De hoc loco
in Comm. disputavimus.

eo] add. Cobet.

ab aliis] EI ; om. M, fort, recte eodem-
que sensu.

id non] id add. nos.

si prius] M ; oiisi priiis Crat.

6. odero] M, in marg. ' al. duxero^;
adero h.

recidisse] cecidisso Mh.

si] add. Btr. Meyer ; cum alii.

7. illi largiris] om. ilU W-.
illis] Lehmann ; icllis\ibv\.

8. revocari] C ; provocari M.
istuc] istoc M quod legere debuimus :

cf. 862, 7.

is sum] om. M^.

10. incognitae] incogitate M^
eveniunt] veniunt M.
maxima] CM ; magna alii.

11. animi] add. Yict., quod numomitti
possit dubitamus.

nihil . . . exstat] om. Kayser.
quia] quin Or.
decet] decet quam te I.

Ep. dccclxv. (Brut. i. 17).

2. an Antonium] om. an Madv. Wes.
triumphum] Pal 4, codd. Lamb. ;
triumphus MKI.

decernit] Lamb. ; deeernitur Crat. Pal
4 B ; om. MI. Quae de toto loco iudicat
Madvigius in Comm. exposuimus.

hortatur ue eius] Orelli (ed. 1) Wes. ;
hortatiotiis M^ ; /lortationibus M-h; hor-
tatur^; ornafur 1 ; hortatur cum 7d\ A.

hoc] codd. aliquot teste Wes. Crat. ;
om. MRI.

aut] R ; ut MI ; an Crat. Lamb.

3. ex Flavio] libri ; in Flavio Lamb.
Wes.

4. haec mihi videntur] haec <levia>
vide?itur Madv. ; haec niminnn vid-entur
Stangl.

6. referat] M ; deferat Or. Fort. <ad
Cic€ronem> referat.

nostra] nostra <refert> Wes. Sed
vid. Comm.

6. ut scribis] om. M^.

Antonius] sine dubio corruptum. Vid.
Comm.

existimavi] estimavi M.

diligi se] Lamb. ; om. se MBI.

7. Atticae] M marg. ; tacitc M.

Ep. dccclxvi. (Brut. i. 4, §§ 3-6).

3. Nunc agendum] id agendum Cod.
Oxon. ; nunc cavendum Becher, Cobet.

neu . . . peius] De hoc loco fusius
disputavimus in Comm.

4. tuae virtutes] ut glossema eiciunt
Man. Btr. Becher.

a] add. Lamb.

desiderant] libri ; desiderat Man. Btr.
Becher.

quam inde .... descensurus] Cod.
Ursini ; quam inde consul f actus sit
descensurus Becher ; quam inde si consul
/actus sit descensurus Euete. Pro descen-
surum Madv. legit escensurum, Man.
ascensurum. Vid. Comm.

5. facilitatem] M ; felicitatem Crat.
Prorsus alienae] om. alienae Madv.

Kayser, Becher.
possis] posses Wes., vix necessario.

Ep. dccclxtii. (Brut. i. 6). .

1. Glycona] M ; Clitona E. ; Clytona
h ; Helicona I.

3. C. Treboni] g. trlhuno M^.

4. xiiii.] M^h ; xvii. M^. Vid. Comm.

Ep. dccclxviii. (Brut. i. 7).

1. Is] add. Wes.
sumus] simus'iii.

330

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

Ep. dccclxix. (Fam. X. 34, kk 1. 2).

1. ab confluente Ehodani] ahconflucnte
rho.iano Pal ; rhodatio ab coiijliicutc II ;
ah confliini/e ah rhodaiio M ; quod C. F. W.
Miiller dcfcndit coll. Liv. xxxvii. 44, 4,
a jMai/iii'sia ab Sipi/lo scd Mat/iicsia ab
Sipi/lo \it iirmm tautum nomen habctur
quo ab aliis Maguesiis distiiiguatur ; ab
conjUientc <Arari et> lihodano Hiibner ;
ab confluente <Durentiae ac> lihodani
"Wes.

Yoconii] Man. ; vocontium M Pal ;
vocantiuin H.

Antonianos] edd. ; Antonios libri, fort,
recte, sed expectes eis.

ultra me] M ; ultra a mc H Pal.

inermorum] ineriniorum H.

habet] M ; habebat H Pal.

ruilia quiuquc] INIadvig, optime ; equi-
tinii M itaque H Pal ; equitum ilaqucM.
niaiit

2. Iiumanitatis] humilitatis {mani m.
2) H.

deerimus] M Pal ; decedhnus in rasura
H.

egerinius] gerimus MH.

Ep. dccclxx. (Fam. x. 18).

2. prope] cm. H.
eius] H ; es M.

et cautius] elsi cautius Lamb,
exercitu . . . sentiente] H et codd.
alii ; om. M.

3. babebat . . . absit] libri, quos Men-
delssohn optime defendit ; habebat . . .
ahenset vel habeat . . . absit alii. Vid.
Comm.

vulneris] ulceris Puteanus.
• nisi] Ubri; si Man. Madvig.
meae quae me] H ; meaeque M.

4. XII.] codd. nonnulli; x.?<M; xv.
H.

duobus] om. H.

Ep. dccclxxi. (Fam. xi. 18).

1. putares] smpicarer putares M; ti-
mendum siispicandumqiie putares edd. non-
nulli.

3. xiv.] libri ; xtii. 0. £. Schmidt.

Ep. dccclxxii. (Fam. x. 17).

1. Id. Maias] Idas Maias MH ; ad
Idas Maias Pal.

passus] libri : cf. 841, 1, et Neue ii^
306.

2. sciat] II Pal ; sciam M.

3. tamcn]^ ta>idem Man. Wes.
fide] MPaP ; fldci H fort, recte.
In ca re] om. M.

Segaviano] M ; cganiano H Pal. Vid.
Comm.

ci sum] om. sum H.
singulari] singula MH.

Ep. dccclxxiii. (Brut. i. 1).

1. dicam] om. Mb.
a me] it a mc Mb.
Clodii] bRI ; at Clodii M.
eius] eius <rei> Cobet, Kayser.

2. si] uncis inclusit Cobet.

Ep. dccclxxiv. (Brut. i. 2, §§ 1-3).

1. loco] add. Wes. Vid. Comm.

2. Tuum] et tuuin M.

3. legions qtiarta] legione qiiadam C.
F. Hermann. Fort, legionibus vel legione
capta. Vid. Comm.

fraude C. AntoniiJ C. F. Hermann ;
de Cntoniis libri ; in legione de <cima
fraudo C. Antonii Madvig.

dementia] vel simile vocabulum add.
Wes.

Ep. dccclxxv. (Fam. xi. 19).

2. Vicetini] MH ; vicentini Pal.

rem p.] re p. libri, quos defendit C.
F. W. Miiller, coll. Fam. vi. 22, 3 (465),
studio et officio in meis rebus.

inertissimum] MH^ ; incertissimum H^
Wes.

i: indicitis

Vercellis] Vercellis H, quod Oedi-
pum requirit.

Ep. dccclxxvi. (Fam. x. 34, §§ 3, 4).

3. officii mutuo] officii miitui Madv. ;
officiaque mutua Lamb.

animo] <in> animo Wes.

4. diligentissime] studium diligentiam
Lamb. ; diligentiam et egisse me Opitz.

sunt] sint Wes. bene.

Ep. dccclxxvii. (Fam. xi. 20).

1 . sibi simillimus] H Pal ; siui simil-
lius M ; sui simillimus C. F. W. Miiller.
Vid. Comm.

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

331

posset] "Wes. ; possit libri.

2. iKiiulum] M ; om. H Pal ; non alii.
Quod diximiis in Comm. nonduinm arehe-
typo pro certo fuisse, id nunc quidem
nullo modo tarn praecise affirmamus. Ees
dubia est.

3. Sullanis] edd. vett. Btr. Wes. ;
Silani M Pal ; scillani H ; ex agris Stellati
ct Campano Schiitz.

4. non] om. libri.
armo] om. H.

Eporedia] M ; eporegia H Pal.

Ep. dccclxxviii. (Fam. XI. 23).

1. nobis] de nobis libri.

2. quot] H Pal; quod M (= quot) : cf.
Mendelssohn, qui confert Fam. yiii. 12,
2 (279), aliquod = aliquot.

poterunt] Btr. Wes. ; poterint libri.
Eporedia] M ; eporagia H Pal.

Ep. dccclxxix. (Fam. x. 19).

1. erant] fiierunt Em. Wes.
dedere] dcderunt Or. Kleyn. Vid.
Comm.

Ep. dccclxxx. (Fam. x. 25).

1. navitatem] H Pal ; nativitatem M.
scientiaque] sententiaque Man. Wes.

2. satisfacturum rei p.] M ; satisfac-
tuni officio rei p. satisfacttim H Pal.

quid] M ; om. H Pal.
non est] om. H Pal.
consule] Pal ; cos M ; eos H.

3. necesse] om. H Pal.

dignitate malim] Pal ; dignitatem ma-
lim dignitatem aliam M.

Ep. dccclxxxi. (Fam. x. 16).

1. ad unum] <omnes> ad unum'Wes. ;
sed, cf. Lehmann, p. 82.

2. hue] H ; huic M Pal.
subitis] subditis libri.

aliquod] libri ; aliquid C. F. W.
Miiller.

putarimus] M ; putaremus H Pal.

Ep. dccclxxxii. (Fam. xii. 15, §§ 1-6).

1. L.] L. <Q> Lamb.
E. v.] E. E. a. V. Pal.

vastata . . . celeriusque] vastataque
. , . celerins Wes.

omnibus] om. H Pal.

divenditis] divexatis Lamb.

quidque] Wes. Btr. ; qidcquid libri,
Mendelss. C. F. W. Mviller, coll. Att. xi.
10, 2 (425) ; xii. 33, 1 (566) ; xiv. 5 (707);
XV. 6, 4 (738).

2. sensibus] senibus MH ; a senibus
Pal.

deverti] Wes. ; reverti libri.

quo] M ; quod H Pal.

deminutionemque . . . Eomani] demi-
nutionemque non solum itiris nostri sed
etiam maiestatis imperiique popiili JRomani
Em. Om. -que post populi Or. Fort,
excidit s : (= senatus), vel vestri post im-
perii.

4. Haec sive timore . . . noluerunt]
Locus nondum sanatus : de quo f usius in
Comm. disputavimus. Wesenbergii sen-
tentiam plerumque amplectimur.

5. demorati] M ; demoratos H" Pal ;
demoratus H^.

sumus] M ; fuimus H Pal.

studium et diligentiam] H Pal; stu-
dium diligentiam M, fort, recte.

omnibusque rationibus] omnibusque
<cum> rationibus alii. Vid. Comm.

praestiterunt . . . inierunt] praesti-
terint . . . inerint Wes., vix necessario.
Vid. Comm.

Ep. DCCCLXXXII! . (Fam. xii. 14).

3. desperaverint] spreverint Kleyn,
Boot ; despexerint C. F. W. Miiller, in-
geniose.

quam revera . . . scripsi] H Pal et
codd. alii; om. M.

moverunt] marg. M mauu recentiori ;
add. in textu Wes.

in nostra salute] in nostrum salutem
edd. vett. Wes. : cf. 895, 4.

pati] putati W- ; putavi H Pal ; pari

4. ceteris rebus] ceteris <in> rebus
alii : sed cf . Kbhlerum, p. 26, qui confert
Fam. xiii. 66, 2 (506).

obtineant] libri ; obtineat Cobet ; ob-
tinerent Kayser,

hoc] cf. ad 848, 2.

Laodiceam] laudiceam H Pal.

Dolabellam] minime delendum, vid.
Koblerum in Comm.

5. acturos] M ; peracturos H Pal.
coram] horam libri.

nive] M ; neve H Pal : cf . Neue ii'.
969.

332

ADNOTATIO CRITIC A.

nisi] n\s\ <\i> Em. Kiililcr ; scd vid.
Comm.

7. At tnnion] adlamen M ; attamen H
Pal ; ^ic iamcii Wes.

8. rergac] M ; prrgas II Pal ; Ferga
Or. Wcs.

El', nccci.xxxiv. (Fam. x. 20).

1. istim] M : istis H.

2. certius] M : rectius H.
iani] om. Btr. Wes.

Ep. rcccLxxxv. (Fam. x. 35).

PR. TR. PL.] Pal ; R. p. Til. PL. H ;
om. IM.

1. conscrvandis] obscrvaiidis Xihri.

III.] libri ; hit. Kuete.

lun.] om. libri ; add. codd. nonnuUi.

Ep. dccclxxxvi. (Fam. xi. 14).

1. Tant\im . . . videantur] Vid. Comm.
(TKiayuox'"'] sciamnchnlac M ; sciam me

achaine 11 I'al.

2. valde] iinde libri.

3. renatum] rcnovatmn Eleyn, Wes.
tam] M Pal ; tamcn H.

Hi] H Pal ; om. M.
iis] M ; littcris his H Pal, fort, recte.
non extimcsco] libri ; ne extimescam
Crat. Wes.

Ep. dccclxxxtii. (Brut. i. 8).

1 . commendabo] Crat. ; commendavi
M ; commendo alii.

2. Is] add. Wts.

octavum] octavo in (= octavom) M.
vult] marg. M ; ralcat M'h ; valuit
M- ; rohiit Crat. ; rcllet E Em.

Ep. dccclxxxviii. (Fam. xi. 16).

2. consule relegatus] consulare ligatus
MH ; consulare legatus Pal.

meminit] H Pal ; mcmini M ; memine-
rit edd. vett.

est] esset Kleyn, Btr.

3. petere] praetere M.

non tenebo] fion ego tencho H.

El", nccci.xxxix. (Fam. xi. 17).

1. Magna] M ; magna sioit II Pal.
Is] II Pal ; iis M.

oxiitari] codd. aliquot ; excitare libri;
exsfarc coild. duo AlLni nostii.

2. te niibi] II Pal ; vie tihi M.
Lamiani] iamiam libri.

Ep. dcccxc. (Fam. x. 33).

1. scd] a luiiltis suspectum : retinuit
C. F. W. IMiiller sensu, iit ita dicamus,
intensitivo, coll. Q. Fr. ii. 3, 4 (102) ;
iii. 1, 17 (148).

neque] neqneo libri.

et duces] Pal ; ut duces MH.

2. palparer] Vict. ; palmarer M ; palma
rernm 11 Pal.

3. impositis] H Pal ; imposui[l) M.
earn] cum Btr. Vid. Comm.

earn diem] om. H.
Et hercules] M ; et ego me herciilcs
H Pal, fort, recte.

nibil ncn] M ; nihil II Pal.
gessisse] M ; cessissc H Pal.

4. quarlam] De legioiiibus quae in
Mutinensi bello pugnarunt vide Addenda
ad Comm.

Pentium . . . cecidisse] M ; pontium
qiiidam dicunt etinm Octavianum cecidisse
Pal; pontium quidam dicunt Octavianum
quoque cecidisse II.

reliquisse] om. H.

equitum v.] Man. ; om. v. libri.

pupilli] I'ublii edd. vett. Wes. Men-
delss. coll. Fam. xiii. 14, 1 (455) ; populi
yelpopelli 0. E. Schmidt; Po^i^^i Gardt-
hausen (Pbilol. li. p. 518).

se] se <ei> Btr.

septima octava nona] Vid. Addenda
ad Comm.

5. XVII.] xviii. H.
supersint] supersunt H.

Ep. dcccxci. (Fam. xii. 15, § 7).

7. vi introire] M ; ut introirel II Pal.

DC] H Pal : c. M.

Laodiceam] laodicheam M ; laudiccam
H.

Amanum] manum MH PaP; mare
PaP.

Laodicea afuisse] M ; laudicea {-ia H)
fiiisse H Pal ; <a> Laodicea afuisse Crat.
Wes.

Pergae] Perga Or. Wes.

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

333

Ep. dcccxcii. (Fam. XI. 26).

Maximo] <In> maxima Btr. "Wes.
Mendelss.

ex Sardinia] Vid. Comm.

dent an decernant] dent an <iion> de-
cernant edd. vett. ; denegent an decernant
Mendelss. C. F. W. Miiller. ; dent an
deinatit Kl. (ed. 2) ; demant an decernant
C. F. Hermann.

fiunt] M ; fant H Pal, C. F. W.
Miiller.

Ep. dcccxciii. (Fam. xi. 21).

1. magnum] magni H Pal.

2. sententiam ferri] M ; sententiam
Jieri Pal ; scienliam Jieri H ; s. c. fieri Or.

recentem [novam]] Ursinus et Kleyn ;
recentem novamlihii; re entem <ac> novam
Boot.

3. id pro me] id pro me <facere> Crat.
Wes. ; <.fncere> id pro me 'Kl. Lehmann.

4. metuam] vulg. Wes. ; metum M ;
meftio H Pal.

5. ab ntrisqiie vestrum] libri, lociitione
sane iniisitata ; ab utroqiie vestrum Lamb.
"Wes. C. F. W. Miiller, qui putat iitris-
que ex agris assignandis ortum esse.

vobis] edd. vett. Btr. Wes. ; nobis
libri ; at non senatui sed D. Bruto et
Octaviano res integra servanda erat.

reconditum] <.magis> recouditum Wes.

Ep. ncccxciv. (Fam. xi. 24).

1. esse] om. H.
sin] si in libri.

2. nihil tibi] Wes.; nihilWhxi.
tui] Dresd 3, Wes. ; om. librr.

Ep. dcccxcv. (Fam. x. 23).

1. si uno] libri; nisi uno C. F. W.
Miiller, sed vid. Comm.

2. salutariter] H Pal ; salutari M.
fideliter mihi pateret iter] M PaP ;

jideliter mihi pater et f rater Pal-; mxhi
Jideliter pateret f rater H.

3. ferventibus] furentibus codd. dett.
ut spatium ad colligendum se] (cum

nota pro et supra spatium) H ; ut spatium
et colligendum se M Pal ; et spatium colli-
gendi se Wes.

4. in rem p.] in re p. libri, quos de-
fendit C. F. W. MuUer. Vid. Comm.

5. Magno] cmagno M' ; Ego magna
Lamb.

Lepidi missos] lepidi dimissos libri.

vetueram] vetuerat M.

ad eum] Man. Wes. C. F. W. Miiller;
ad me libri.

exceperam] exegeram Mendelssohn.

numeroque hostis habueram] H Palet
codd. alii ; om. M.

6. hoc] hue Or.; sed cf . 848, 2.
quas habemus] om. H.

7. iam] etiam Starker.
Cularone] cuiarone libri.

Ep. dcccxcvi. (Fam. x. 32).

1. Calpem] libri; Calpen a\n.
Bogudis] H Pal ; bogutis M.

2. fecerat] om. H.

3. praetextam] praetextatam Or.
posuit] libri ; composuit nescio quis ap.

Boot (Obs. Crit. 22) ; praetextam . . .
<agi> poposcit Boot.

auctorare] Madv. (A. C. ii. 233) ;
aiictorari E, Wes. ; auctore libri.

coniecti] conlecti M ; coUecti H Pal.

c. R. NATVS svm] om. Kleyn Btr.

circulatorem] circum latorem libri.

4. praestat] libri; restat C. F. W.
Miiller.

quingenos] M ; quingentos H Pal ;
quingenos <se> Lamb.

finem] e,yifidem M^ ; fidem H.

si uno loco habuissem] om. H Pal.

utpote] H Pal ; utpute M' ; utputa M^.

5. imperassetis facturum] M ; impe-
trassetisfacturum H ; imperassetis futurum
Pal ; imperassetis^ facturum <me> Or.,
hand necessario.

excessi] discessi H.
decedentes] discedentes Or.

Ep. dcccxcvii. (Brut. i. 10).

3. in magistratu] in add. nos.

4. quatefeci] quo te feci M^

fide] Biicheler ; idem libri. Vide
Comm.

est in te] M^ ; extincte M}.

quam virtute atque] om. M.

ad te f uturus] M- ; attestaturusM^.

5. prineipiis] praesidiis R, alii,
dehebat] debeat MI h.

Ep. dcccxcviii. (Fam. xii. 8).

1. meo] M{arco) Gronov., fort, recta.

2. perfici atque] perficiat quae H Pal,
ante correctionem.

334

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

Er. Dcccxcix. (Fam. xii. 30).

1. Itane] JI ; ita id TI Tal.
tuas] 11 Tal ; quax M.

2. (hstincbar] M ; dcstincbttr Pal ; ^c-
titH'har II, iilciiiquo iiiox.

rem p.] om. libii.
aegrofuiit ii] aegrotantur II Pal.
vidercntur] Man. Wes. ; videiitur libri
Mendelss.

conannir] libii ; coflamiir Man. "Wes.

3. a te] Crat. ; adM ; oni. H Pal.

4. orbus est] Lamb. Wes. ; om. est
libri.

5. tu sis] H Pal; iiissis M; eiits sis
vulg.

compromisso] M ; cum promisso H Pal.
7. Yt'imleio] renulegio H.
lictori-s] om. H.

honoie] ho)iore <dig>ii> Man. "Wes. ;
hoiiore <,enim cum digni sint> Lebmann.

Ep. dcccc. (Fam. XI. 13, §§ 4, 5).

4. Planci . . . neque] om. H.
Quos] quod H Pal.

adroganter] abroganter M ; arrogantcr
<approjnnquantes> Lchmann; 'mihisub-
esse videtur audacter, coiistaiiter, acritcr
aut sim., abroganter autem ex proximo
vocabulo ' X\\{ohrog)cs' natum esse,' C. F.
"W. MuUer.

5. comparabant] comparabunt M ; com-
pararunt Pal ; comparatur H.

Ep. dcccci. (Fam. xii. 13).

1 . habebimus] habemus H Pal.

nee convenientia] libri ; nee incon-
venientia codd. dett.

minimum] libri ; minimam Gronov.
Boot. Vid. Comm.

3. magna contumacia] <i«> magna
contumacia Wes. ; fort, magna <cum>
contumacia si opus esset additamento.

L. Figulus] edd. coll. App. iv. 60 ;
Liicilius libri.

in castra] Fort, in <Cassii> castra.

quam] H Pal ; qui M, quod corruptum
ex quoi [cui) Lehmann putat qui totum
locum ordinal in hunc modum elassis
altera cui — anno . . . compararat Turul-
lius; editores plerumque cum Btr. Wes.
quam anno . . . compararat, <cui> Tu-
rullius.

4. Laudiceni] Graevius ; lauidiceni
libri.

Laudiceam] H Pal ; laodiceam M>

ex quibiis] M ; uUro II Pal, ex proximo
' ultro ' ortum videtur.

auxiliariis] II Pal ; auxi/iaris M.t

naAT(fi] M ; trdvTtf} II ; na\To? Man.

tetracbmis] tetracmhmis M ; tetrachi-
nis Pal; te trachiis JL; tetradrachmis
vulg.

ccleritcr] celeriter iter libri.

a Crommyuacride] acromamgacride'M. ;
ae roma myacride II Pal.

Ep. dccccii. (Bkut. i. 9).

1. in tuo] om. M.

tunc mibi] R ; in tuo mihi M ; mihi I.
quantus] Crat. ; quam M ; ut alii.

2. amisisti] admisisti M.
tibi] iia tihi Wes.

Ep. dcccciii. (Fam. xi. 25).

1. brevitatem] Btr. addit <tamen Lupo
non potui nihil dare> vel simile quid.

Ep. dcccciv. (Fam. xii. 9).

CASsio] MH indices; Attica liht'i.
2. cum] H ; quam M ; cum iam Pal.

Ep. dccccv. (Fam. xi. 15).
2. tales quales] qiialis talis M.

Ep. dccccvi. (Fam. x. 22).

2. earn . . . qui] qui earn secutus esset
Graevius ; cam secutus esset in quibns
Mendelssobn. '\''ide Comm. ubi libros
defendere conati sumus.

S. C] add. Man.

Ep. dccccvii. (Fam. x. 26).

1. quod] hoc Post, C. F. W. MiiUer
olim, vix recte.

2. candidatum] Pal- ; canditum M;
conditum H PaP.

iudicere] iudicare libri.
protrudimus] producimus H.
Vince igitur] te add. Or. Btr. sine
causa.

ADNOTATIO CRITIC A.

335

Ep. Dccccvin. (Brut. i. 13).

1. in me] om. M.

liberis] M Crat. ; liberos alii.

Ep. dccccix. (Brut. i. 12).

1. ab Antonio] libii ; ah A
Lamb.

3. et te] delendum ; esse Man.

Ep. dccccx. (Fam. xii. 10).

1. spe] H Pal ; spes^\.

2. opis] H Pal ; opus M.

laturus is] laturus sis M Pal ; laticrus
sit H.

Ep. dccccxi. (Fam. x. 29).

te] Pal ; et MH.

benevolentia] henivolentia H Pal ; heti
(sic) M.

ieci] H Pal ; led M.

magnoque] magno animoque M.

nulla re] <in> nulla re Btr. coll. 816,
2.

Ep. dccccxii. (Fam. xi. 22).

1 . se cum] mecum libri.

2. Nutus tuns] mitims M ; nuncius'B. ;
tnifius, vel nuntius Pal.

Ep. dccccxiii. (Brut. i. 14).

1. scripsissem] libri; scHpsissesMidi-
dleton.

Ciceronem] Ciceronem dedi E.

BibulonimJ Forte BihuU, <ali>ormn
coll. 868.

2. deducas] adducas I ; ducas h.

et aninii hominum] Lamb. ; animi
hominum et M,
depulisti] Em. ; repulisti libri.

Ep. dccccxiv. (Brut. i. 15).

1. is] M-; seM}.

videatiir] M^ ; sed W ; sit Btr.

3. forte] fortasse libri. Vide Comm.
sapientissimus] M^ ; sapiens iinus M^.

4. erexerat] De hoc loco in Comm.
multa disputavimus.

5. liberaratis] liber arasf is M ; libera tis

profitenti] M Crat. ; promittenti ed.
Cratandrina.

sapientes] Wes. ; sapientis M ; sapi-
entem Cobet.

6. etj add. "Wes.

7. id scire] respirare coni. Schmidt.

8. homines] add. Cobet.
reperiuntur] M Crat. ; reperimur alii,
cuius vos] Man. ; ros cuius (vel eui-

vis) M.

atqui] Middleton ; atqite libri.
paullo] <haud> paullo edd.
reprehendit] reprehendet Or.

9. esset salutaris] posset esse salutaris
alii.

hoc ipsum nimium] fortasse glossema.

10. in praesens] M ; in praesenti Crat.

11. de me] M^ ; deseTsl-.
audisse] adnuisse Schmidt.

12. in auctoritate] Dresd. ; om. in M.

13. in te] add. in Btr. Cobet.

Ep. dccccxv. (Brut. i. 18).

1. a. d. VIII.] M- ; audivi M^.
ac] Btr. ; an MR ; et I.

2. labenti] labanti Wes.
inclinatae paene rei p.] inclinante pene

r. p. h.

3. nisi] h I Wes. ; si libri, quod de-
fendit Beeher.

4. in eo] add. I.

indoles] bona indoles I, hand neces-
sario.

flexibilis] Jlebilis M^.

obdurescunt] obsurdescunt Man. Lamb.

Ep. dccccxvi. (Fam. x. 24).

1. meritaque] H Pal; meraqueM..
pro maximis tuis] M ; proximam istius

H ; pro eximiis tuis Pal.

indulgentia] industria ^ooi ; diligentia
Lamb.

in tua . . . assiduitate] del. edd. non-
nuUi. De toto loco vide Comm.

2. scio] seis Nodell, "Wes., iniuria.

3. talis] libri ; talis <belli> "Wes. ;
fatalis Koch ; ut ais Andr. ; consularis
(vel capitalis) Lehmann ; alterius Nettle-
ship.

6. habent] in textum ex proximo ir-
repsit.

aversissimam] adversissimam Crat.
"Wes.

avocarit . . . transtulerit] -int . . . -inf
Klotz.

336

ADNOTATIO ClilTICA.

bimcstris] v. mcstrls (= qiiiiique racs-
ti-is) Man. Schmidt ; vi. meslria (= semes-
tris) Lange. Vide Comm.

7. iuvero] ivero M; tueroVoX; tueor
H.

8. V. . . . castris] oui. 11.

Ep. dccccxvii. (Fam. XIII. 76).

1. testes estis] H Pal ; testis est M.
cum] qnaiii libri ; quamquam Or.

Ep. dccccxviii. (Fam. xiir, 43).

z
QUiNTio GAixo] quint'w gallo M ;

Qiiintio GaUio Mil indices ; quUitio gallo

(ex gallio) Pal ; qumlio sal H ; Q. Gallio

Mail.

1. ea] H Pal ; mea M ; nunc ca Bene-

dictus ; iam ea Koch; magna coni. C. F.

W. Muller.

Ep. Dccccxix. (Fam. xiii. 44).

gallo] Pal, vide ep. praecedentem ;
Gallio MH et indices.

familial issimi mei] edd. vett. ; om.
mei libri ; familiaris mei Mendelssohn
coll. 918, 1.

Ep. dccccxx. (Fam. xiii. 45).

vel] delent, Crat. "Wes., recte defendit
Lehmann.

rem meam] meam rem "Was., haud
necessario.

mutua] multa "Wes. coll. M ad 808,
4 fin.

Ep. dccccxxiii. (Fam. xvi. 13).
Menandri] Andrici coll. 924, 1.

Ep. Dccccxxiv. (Fam. xvi. 14).

1. Andricus] Menandrus Man. coll.
923.

miseriae] H Erf. ; miserius M ; mise-
riis Pal.

TJmmium] Manium Man. ; TTmmidium
Lallemand.

Ep. dccccxxv. (Fam. xvi. 15).

1. conservandum] M Pal ; co»/r;«flSM-
dnm II Erf.

2. Scripta iam epistola] M ; scrips i
iam (om. iam Pal) cpisluhun H Krf. Pal.

et te visus est] om. II Erf. Pal.
cocum] M Pal ; vnm U ; om. Erf.

Ep. dccccxxvi. (Fam. xvi. 10).

2. Pompeius] libri; Fomponius Man.
male.

Xal.] Kal.febr.VaX.

Ep. dccccxxvii. (Fam. xvi. 16).

1. meam] <?<«)» "Wes., sine causa,
cum] M Pal ; quod H Erf.

ilia fortuna . . . maluisti] De addita-
mentis ad hunc locum vix necessariis vide
Comm.

2. fidelitas] et friigalitas addit Lam-
binus, ct ntilitas Boot, propter pluralem
casum his eommodis.

sermonibus] et sermonihus libri, quo
conservato <el> humanitate vel humani-
tate<que> dedit Lehmann.

eommodis] om. H Erf.

Ep. dccccxxix. (Fam. xiii. 48).

et] om. Lamb. Btr. ; id C. F. "W,
Miiller.

quae ut] quod ut "Wes. Vide Comm.

Ep. dccccxxx. (Fam. xii. 20).

ut es] MH ; cf. Lehmann, p. 83 ; tit es
delicatus Pal ; ut escessator Koch; diutius
coni. C. F. "W. Miiller.

mihi] add. Lamb.

Ep. dccccxxxi. (Fam. xin. 52).

coniunctus] <mihi> coniunctus Lamb.
"Wes., haud necessario.

Ep. Ad Octavianl'm.

Inter H et Erf. summa est coniunctio :
sed post § 1 non dedimus lectiones eorum
codicum congruentes, nisi aliter memoratu
dignae sunt. Immane quantum inter se

ADNOTATIO CRITICA.

337

disciepant codices Germanici et Italic! in
hac epislola.

1 . libentei] id Uhenter fecissem H Erf.
nulla . . . salutaiia] vid. Coram,
nisi se timere] H ; om. se M.
Italia] et Italia M.

ad servitutem adductis] om. H Erf.
equitatuque] equitatidqne H Erf.
distinetur] destinatur H Erf.
iatii libertate] tyrannide H Erf.
deinde] om. H Erf.
adsentatur] H Erf. Crat. ; assentitur
M.

2. Post . . . postulantibus] om. H
Erf.

bona] om. H Erf.

recentis] Crat. ; praesentis MH Erf.

habet] H Erf. Crat. ; est M.

expostulem . . . pro me] H Erf. TD
(de quihus vid. Comm.) (T = Codex Tur-
nebi) ; om. M.

quamquam] etsi H ; et Erf.

propitia] M ; prospera H Erf.

inimicus] M ; infcstus H Erf.

proprium periculum] propria malum
HErf.

3. ptiblieam] pul
creari] om. M'.

Comm.

4. prope iam . . .
Comm.

tribuens honorem]

caesus] au.sus M.

fi. ingratum] ingratnm ingratus M'.

relinquitur, civis hostis] om. H Erf.

petitiir] II Erf. Crat. ; ponittir M.

medio] ex medio H Erf.

ab] add. Wes.

H Erf.
De hoc loco vid.

prostratam]
om. H Erf.

vide

Cogit . . . timere] H Erf. ; om. M.

6. dementique] libri; labenliqueWes.
ipsum] Crat. ; ipse libri.

dixi] edixi M.

patriae Paridem] patrem patriae H
Erf.

praedicebant] Lamb. ; praedicabant
Ubri.

7. verissime memoria] M ; verissimae
memoriae H Erf.

consulem] quos H Erf., et idem mox.
et bostem] om. H Erf.
poterit] H Erf. Crat. ; conabitur M.
peccare] libri ; peccnss. viilg.

8. concupiscis] H Erf. Crat. ; concu-
pisti M.

malorum] maioriim M.
si qui ex] om. si M.
appellemus] H Erf. ; invocemus M' ;
vocemus vulg.

9. sepultae] om. M^ ; sepiilturae H
Erf. T.

reliquiae] om. H Erf.

omnis] honiinum H Erf.

decorarunt] decoravere H Erf.

XVIII.] M (marg.) ; tredeciin M ; xvi.
H Erf.

ut non posset non confiteri] autconfite-
rettir H Erf.

posset] possit M.

eam potentiam] eiem potentiuin M ; eum
(om. potentiam) U. Erf.

qui] add. Wes.

lulianos] villianos vel itillianos M.

rem p. . . . obtineret] testamcnto sib%
rem p. legatam viderit H Erf.

10. vivus] visis H Erf.

LIST OF ABBREVIAT[()NS

USED IN ADNOTATIO CRITIC A.

\_The Edilors mentioned very rarely are referred to in the Adn. Crit. by their full nnmes.l

fort.

om.

coni.

lect.

Comm.

Adn. Crit.

del.

ins.

libri

edd.

W-

niarg.
H

T
Pal

Crat.
Z
Zl
Zb
X, Y

= correxit ; corr. Vict, means Victorius suggested the emended reading

which appears in the text.
= fortasse (i.e. perhaps the right reading is ' so and so ') ; qii. indicates

less degree of probability.
= omisit.

= coniecit or coniectura (in all its cases).
= lectio (in all its cases).

= Commentarium (in all its cases), that is, the English foot-notes.
= Adnotiitio Critica (in all its cases).
= delevit.
= inseruit.

= the consensus of the best mss.
= the reading of most editors.

= codex Mediceus.

= codex M a prima manu.

= codex M a secunda manu.

= secundum corrcctionem marginalem,

= codices Harleiani (described in Introd. to vol. I-, pp. 74 ff., and in
Pref. to vol. I-, and in Introd. to vol. II.

= codex Parisinus 17812 (see Introd. to vol. II., p. Ix; vol. IV., p. c).

= codex Turonensis (described in Introd. to vol. I', pp. 78 ff.).

= codex Palatinus 598, called by Gruter Palatinus Sextus (see Introd. to
vol. II., p. Ixxxiii).

= codex Erf urtensis, now Beroliuensis 2o2 (see Introd. to vol. II.,
p. Ixxxiv).

= codex Cratandrinus.

= editio Cratandrina (1528).

= Cratander.

= codex Tornaesianus.

= codex Tornaesianus teste Lambino.

= codex Tornaesianus teste Bosio.

= pseudo-codices Bosiani (commonly called, respectively, codex Crusellinus
and Decurtatus).

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.

339

A
F

R
I

Yict.

Coirad.

Mur.

Mai.

Lamb.

Ursin.

Man.

Bos.

Glut.

Graev.

Gron.

Era.

Face.

Sch.

Or.

Matth.

Hofm.

Boot.
Boot, Obss.

Grit.
Miill.
Btr.
Kays.
Koch.
Biich.

Madv.

Wes .
Wes. Em.
Wes. Em. I
Alt. j
Teerlk.
Pluyg.
Streicher

= codex Antonianus.

= codex Fiierninus.

= editio princeps Romana (Rome, 1470).

= editio lensoniana (Venice, 1470).

= ed. Neapolitana (Naples, 1474).

= Victorius (Venice, 1536—1571).

= Corradus {Epp. ad Att. Venice, lo44).

= Muretus [Variae lectiones, Venice and Paris, 1559-86).

= Malaspina (Venice, 1564).

= Lambinus (Paris, 1566 ; 2nd, 1584, with notes of Orsini).

= Orsini.

= Ed. of Manutius (Aid. 1575 ; Ven. 1579).

: Simeo Bosius [Epp. ad Att. Limoges, 1580).

= Gruter (Hamburg, 1618).

: Graevius (Amsterdam, 1677).

: Gronovius (Lyons, 1692).

: Ernesti_(Leipsic, 1737).

: Facciolati (Padua, 1738).

: Schtitz (Halle, 1809).

: Orelli (Zurich, 1845).

: Matthiae (Leipsic, 1849).

: Klotz (1st ed., Teubner, Leipsic, 1858).

: Klotz (2nd ed. Teubner, Leipsic, 1869, 1870).

: Hofmann, Ausgewahlte Briefe (Berlin, ed. 1, 1860 ; ed. 2, besorgt von

K. Lehmann, 1892).
: I. C. G. Boot. [Epp. ad Att. Amsterdam, ed. 1, 1865 ; ed. 2, 1886).

Boot's Olservationes Criticae ad Cic. Epp. (Amsterdam, 1880).

C. F. W. Miiller (Progr. Landsberg, 1865).

Baiter & Kayser's ed. (Leipsic, 1867).

Kayser.

Koch (Einladimgs-Progrnmm, May, 1868).

Biicbeler (Q. Cic. Reliqiciae, Teubner, Leipsic, 1868, and Mus.

Ehen. xi.).
Madvig [Adversaria Critica, vols. i., ii., Copeiihagen, 1871-3 ; vol. iii.,

1884).
Wesenberg (Teubner, Leipsic, 1872, 1873).
'W tBen\ievg' s Emendationes (Hauniae, 1840).

Wesenberg's Emendationes AUerae, Teubner (Leipsic, 1873).

Peerlkamp.

Pluygers.

Oscar Stieicher's De Ciceronis Ei)istulis ad Familiares emendandis (in

vol. iii. of the Commentationes Philohgae Icnenses) (Teubner, Leipsic,

1884).
Lehmann = Quaestiones Tullianae, Pars Prima, de Ciceronis epistolis, scripsit C. A .

Lehmann (Prague and Leipsic, 1886).

340

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.

Lehmiinn, Pe\ = De Ciceronis ad Atticum epistulis recensendis et emendandis,
epp. ad Aft. ) scripsit C. A. Lehmann (Berlin, 1892).

Mendelss. = M. Tullii Ciceronis Epistularum libri sedecim edidit L. Mendels-

sohn (Leipsic, 1893).
Schmidt = Der Briefwechsel des M. Tullius Cicero von 0. E. Scliniidt

(Leipsic, 1893).
Sihniidt, 0. E. j = De epistulis eta Cassio et ad Cassiuni post Caesarem ot cisum datis

(Cass.) I Quaestiones chronologicae (Leipsic, 1877).

Schmidt, 0. E. 1 = Die letzten Kanipfe der riJmischen Republik, erster Theil
{Letztcn Kdmpfe) ) (Jahrbuch fiir klass. Philologie, Suppl. Band xiii. 665-672).

Schmidt, 0. E. \ = Die handschriftliche tlberlieferung der Briufe Ciceros an Atti-
{Diehandschiift- ' cus, Q. Cicero, M. Brutus in Italien (in vol. x. of the

liche Uebtrliefe- i Abhandlungender philologisch-historischen Classe der KiJnig-

rutig) / liche Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften), 1887.

Heidemann, A. = De Ciceronis in epistulis verborum ellipsis usu. Berlin, 1893.
Otto, A = Die Sprichworter, &c., der Rcimer (Leipsic, 1890).

Gitlbauer = in ' Wiener Studien,' i. 75-97, 246-268.

Rhodius, A. = De L. Munati Planci sermone. Bautzen, 1896.

Heilniuth, H. = Ubcr die Sprache der Epistolographen S. Sulpicius Galba und L.

Cornelius Balbus. Wiirzburg, 1888.
Schmalz, J. H. = Uber den Sprachgebrauch des Asinius Pollio. Munich, 1890

(ed. 2).
Gebhard, E. = De D. Junii Bruti genere dicendi. Jena, 1891.

Kiihler, A. = Uber die Sprache der Briefedes P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther.

Niirnberg, 1890.
Meyer, Paul = Untersuchung iiber die Frage der Echtheit des Briefwechsels

Cicero ad Br utum. Stuttgart, 1881.
Becher, Ferd. = Tiber die Sprache der Briefe ad Brutum, Rheiiiisches Museum,

xxxvii. (1882), 576-597 ; and Die sprachliche Eigenart der

Briefe ad Brutum, Pbilologus xliv. (1885), 471-501.
Ruete, Edm. = Die Correspondenz Ciceros in den Jahren 44 u. 43. Marburg,

1883.
Schirmer, Karl = Tiber die Sprache des M. Brutus. Mefz, 1884.
Streng, A. V. = De Ciceronis ad Brutum epistolarum libro qui secnndus inscribi-

tur. Helsingfors, 1885.
Schelle, E. = Beitrage zur Geschichte des Todeskampfes der romischen Re-

publik. Dresden, 1891.
GurHtt, L. = Die Briefe Ciceros an M. Brutus, in Pbilologus, Supplementband

iv. (1883), 551-630.
,, = Drei Suasorien in Briefform, in Pbilologus, Supplementband v.

(1886) 591-626.
„ = Die Archetypus der Brutusbriefe, in Jahrbiicher fiir klassische

Philologie (1885), 561-576 ; (1892) 410-416.
,, = Nonius Marcellus und die Cicerobriefe. Steglitz, 1888.

Professors 0. E. Schmidt and L. Gurlitt have, besides the works mentioned above,
■written many valuable monographs, to which full reference has been made when they
are mentioned in the Commentary.

OEDEE OF LETTEES.

Part X.

This Edition.

Baiter.

Year of

Cicero's

Life.

DCCLXXXVn.

DCCLXXXVIII.

DCCLXXXIX.

DCCXC.

DCCXCI.

DCCXCII.

DCCXCIII.

DCCXCIV.

DCCXCV.

DCCXCVI.

DCCXCVII.

Dccxcviir.

DCCXCIX.
DCCC.
DCCCI.

Dcccir.

DCCCIII.

DCCCI V.
DCCCV.

DCCCVI.

DCCCVII.
DCCCVIII.

DCCCIX.
DCCCX.

DCCCXI.

DCCCXII.
DCCCXI II,
DCCCXIV.

Fam.

Att.

Fam.
Att.

Fam.

Att.

Fam.

X.
X.
X.

XII.
XII.

xn. 23

XVI. 25

XV. 13

XV. 13a

XI. 4

XVI. 8

XVI. 9

XVI. 11

XVI. 12

XVI. 10

XVI. l'3n

XVI. 136

XVI. 13c

XVI. 14

XVI. 24

XVI. 15

X. 4

XI. 5

X. 5

XI. 7

XI. 6

xn. 22

XVI. 26

710

342

ORDER OF LETTERS.

Paut X. — continued.

Year of

This Edition.

Baiter.

A. U. C.

11. C.

Cicero's
Life.

DCCCXV.

Fam.

XVI. 27 .

710

PCCCXTI.

XI. 8 .

711

DCCCXVII.

))

XII. 24

DCCCXVIII.

XII. 4

DCCCXIX.

X. 28 .

))

DCCCXX.

IX. 24 .

))

ncccxxi.

XII. 5

))

DCCCXXII.

XII. 11 .

DCCCXXIII.

XII. 7 .

DCCCXXIV.

X. ;n .

DCOCXXV.

XII. 25 (1- o) .

))

DCCCXXVI.

X. 6 .

))

DCCCXXVII.

X. 27 .

))

Dcccxxviir.

))

XII. 28 .

))

DCCCXXIX.

XII. 26 .

> >

])CCCXXX.

))

XII. 27

)»

PCCCXXXl.

XII. 29 .

Dcccxxxir.

))

X. 7 .

Dcccxxxiir.

X. 8 .

))

DCCCXXXIV.

X. 10 .

DCCCXXXV.

»1

XII. 6

DCCCXXXVI.

Brut.

II. 1 .

DCCCXXXTII.

II. 3 (= 0 & 3)

))

DCCCXxxTra.

Fam.

X. 12 .

DCCCXXXIX.

Brut.

II. 2 .

DCCCXL.

II. 4 (= 4 & 6)

DCCCXLI.

Fam.

X. 30 .

))

DCCCXLII.

Brut.

II. 5 (=7) .

»)

DCCCXIJII.

))

I. 2 (3-6) .

))

DCCCXIIV.

I. 3 (1-3) .

ORDER OF LETTERS.

343

Part XI

This Edition.

Baiter.

Year of

Cicero's

Life.

DCCCXLV.

Fam.

9 .

DCCCXLVr.

Brut.

3(4) .

DCCCXLVn.

Fam.

XI.

9 .

DCCCXIiVIII.

11 .

DCCCXLIX.

XI.

136 .

DCCCL.

Brut.

11 .

DCCCLI.

Fam.

xn.

25(6,7) .

DCCCLII.

Brut.

DCCCLIII.

Fam.

14 .

DCCCLIV,

XI.

10 .

DCCCLV.

XI.

11 .

DCCCLVI.

, J

XII.

12 .

DCCCLTII.

Brut.

4(1-3) .

DCCCLV III.

Fam.

13 .

DCCCLIX.

XI.

13 (1-4) .

DCCCLX.

))

15 .

DCCCLXI.

))

21 (1-6) .

DCCCLXn.

))

21 (7)

DCCCLXIII.

, J

XI.

12 .

DCCCLXIV.

Brut.

16 .

DCCCLXV.

17 .

DCCCLXVI.

))

4(3-6) .

DCCCLXVn.

6 .

DCCCLXvrn.

1 J

7 .

DCCCLXIX.

Fam.

34 (1, 2) .

DCCCLXX.

18 .

DCCCLXXI.

»>

XT.

18 .

DCCCLXXII.

17 .

DCCCLXXHI.

Brut.

1 .

DCCCLXXTV.

2(1-3) .

DCCCLXXV.

Fam.

19 .

DCCCLXXVI.

))

34 (3, 4) .

DCCCLXXVII.

»)

20 .

DCCCLXXVni.

23 .

DCCCLXXIX.

19 .

DCCCLXXX.

25 .

DCCCLXXM.

, J

16 .

DCCCLXXXII.

)»

XII

15 (1-6) .

DCCCLXXXIII.

))

XII

14 .

DCCCLXXXIV.

))

20 .

DCCCLXXXV.

))

35 .

DCCCLXXXVI.

14 .

711

344

ORDER OF LETTERS.

Paut XL — conlinued.

This EJition.

Baiter.

A. U. C.

11. c.

Year of

Cicero's

Life.

DCCCLXXXVII.

Brut.

T. 8 .

711

43 ' 63

DCCCLXXXVIII.

Ymw.

XI. 16

,, 1

DCCCLXXXIX.

xr. 17

DCCCXC.

X. 33

PCCCXCI.

»)

XII. 15 (7)

pcccxcir.

XI. 2r.

DCCCXCIII.

)»

XI. 21

DCCCXCIV.

»>

XI. 24

DCCCXCV.

X. 23

DCCCXCVI.
DCCCXCVII.

n'rut.

X. 32
I. 10

DCCCXCVIII.

Fam.

xn. 8

UCCCXCIX.

»>

XII. 30

DCCCC.

XI. 13 (4,

ncccci.

DCCCCII.

Brut.

XII. 13
I. 9

DCCCCIII.

Film.

XI. 25

DCCCCIV.

XII. 9

DCCCCV.

XI. 15

DCCCCVI.

))

X. 22

DCCCCVII.
DCCCCVIII.

Brut.

X. 26
I. 13

DCCCCIX.
DCCCCX.

Fam.

I. 12
XII. 10

DCCCCXI.

X. 29

DCCCCXII.
DCCCCXIII.

Brut.

XI. 22
I. 14

DCCCCXIV.

I. 15

DCCCCXV.
CCCCXVI.

11
Fam.

I. 18 .
X. 24 .

ORDER OF LETTERS.

345

Part XII.

Letteks of Uncertain Years.

Year of

This Edition.

Baiter.

A. U. C.

B. C.

Cicero's
Life.

DCCCCXVII.

Fam. XIII. 76

691?

6.}?

43?

DCCCCXVIII.

,, XIII. 43

before 696 ?

58?

48?

DCCCCXIX.

,, XIII. 44

DCCCCXX.

,, XIII. 45

))

J J

DCCCCXXI.

„ xiii. 46

nccccxxii.

,, XIII. 51

697?

57?

49?

DCCCCXXIII.

,, XVI. 13

701?

53?

DCCCCXXIV.

,, XVI. 14

J J

DCCCCXXV.

,, XVI. 15

DCCCCXX VI.

„ XVI. 10

y y

DCCCCXXVII.

„ XVI. 16

))

DCCCCXXTIII.

,, XIII. 47

703?

51?

55?

DCCCCXXIX.

xni. 48

707?

47?

59?

DCCCCXXX.

XII. 20

708?

46?

60?

DCCCCXXXI.

,, XIII. 52

))

2 A

346

ORDER OF LETTERS.

II.

Letteus to Atticus.

Baiter.

This Edition.

Baiter.

This Edition.

Att.

XV. ];j .

DCCXCIV.

Att. XVI. 11 .

DCCXCIX.

XV. V6a .

DCCXCV.

,, XVI. 12 .
., XVI. V^a .
„ XVI. Wih .

DCCC,
DCCCII.
DCCCIII.

Att.

XVI. 8 .

nccxcvii.

,, XVI. i;ic .

DCCCIV.

XVI. 9 .

DCCXCVIII.

,, XVI. 14 .

DCCCV.

XVI. 10 .

DCCCI.

,, XVI. 15 .

DCCCVII.

Letters ad Familiarrs.

Baiter.

This Edition.

Baiter.

This Edition.

Fam. IX. 24 .

DCCCXX.

Fam. X. 28 .

DCCCXIX.

X. 29 .

DCCCCXI.

Fam. X. 1 .

DCCLXXXVII.

X. 30 .

DCCCXLI.

X, 2

DCCLXXXVIII.

X. 31 .

DCCCXXIV.

X. 3

DCCI.XXXIX.

X. 32 .

DCCCXCVI.

X. 4

DCCCVIII.

X. 33 .

DCCCXC.

X. 5

DCCCX.

X. 34(1,2)

DCCCLXIX.

X. 6

DCCCXXVI.

X. 34 (3, 4)

DCCCLXX VI.

,, X, 7

DCCCXXXII.

X. 35 .

HCCCLXXXV.

X. 8

DCCCXXXIII,

X. 9

DCCCXLV.

Fam. XI. 4 .

DCCXCVI.

X. 10

DCCC XXXIV.

,, XI. 5 .

DCCCIX.

X. 11

DCCCXLVIII.

XI. 6 .

DCCCXII.

X. 12

DCCCXXXTIII.

,, XI. 7 .

DCCCXI.

X. 13

DCCCLVIII.

XI. 8 .

DCCCX VI.

X. 14

DCCCLIII.

XI. 9 .

DCCCXLVII.

X. 15

DCCCLX.

XI. 10 .

DCCCLIV.

X. 16

DCCCLXXXI.

XI. 11 .

DCCCLV.

X. 17

DCCCLXXn,

XI. 12 .

DCCCLXIII.

X. 18

DCCCLXX.

XI. 13 (1-4)

DCCCLXIX.

X. 19

DCCCLXXIX.

XI. 13 (4, 5)

DCCCC.

X. 20

DCCCLXXXIV.

,, XI. 136 .

DCCCXLIX.

X. 21 (1-6)

DCCCLXI.

XI. 14

DCCCLXXX VI.

x.21(7)

DCCCLXII.

XI. 15

DCCCCV.

X. 22 .

DCCCCVI.

XI. 16

DCCCLXXX VIII.

X. 23

DCCCXCV.

XI. 17

DCCCLXXXIX.

X. 24

DCCCCXVI.

XI. 18

DCCCLXXI.

X. 25

DCCCLXXX.

XI. 19

DCCCLXXV,

X. 26

DCCCCVI I.

,, XI. 20

DCCCLXXVn.

X. 27

DCCCXX VII.

XI, 21

Dcccxcni.

ORDER OF LETTERS.

Letters ad Familiares — coiitinued.

347

Baiter.

This Edition.

Baiter.

This Edition.

Fam.

XI. 22 .

DCCCCXII.

Fam. XII. 25 (6, 7) .

DCCCLI.

XI. 23

DCCCLXXVIII.

XII. 26 .

DCCCXXIX.

XI. 24

DCCCXCIV.

XII. 27 .

DCCCXXX.

))

XI. 25

DCCCCIII.

XII. 28 .

DCCCXXVIII.

XI. 26

DCCCXCII.

XII. 29 .
XII. 30 .

DCCCXXXI.
DCCCXCIX.

Fam.

XII. 2

DCCXC.

XII. 3

DCCXCI.

Fam. XIII. 43 .

BCCCCXVIII.

XII. 4

BCCCXVIII.

„ XIII. 44 .

DCCCCXIX.

XII. 5

DCCCXXI.

,, XIII. 45 .

DCCCCXX.

XII. 6

DCCCXXXV.

„ XIII. 46 .

DCCCCXXI.

XII. 7

DCCCXXIII.

,, XIII. 47 .

DCCCCXXVIII.

XII. 8

DCCCXCVIII.

,, XIII. 48 .

DCCCCXXIX.

XII. 9

DCCCCIV.

,, XIII. 51 .

Dccccxxn.

XII. 10

DCCCCX.

,, XIII. 52 .

DCCCCXXXI.

XII. 11

DCCCXXII.

XIII. 76 .

Dccccxvn.

XII. 12

DCCCLVI.

XII. 13

DCCCCI.

Fam. XVI. 10 .

DCCCCXX VI.

XII. 14

DCCCLXXXIII.

„ XVI. 13 .

DCCCCXXIII.

XII. 15 fl-6)

DCCCLXXXII.

,, XVI. 14 .

DCCCCXXIV.

XII. 15 (7)

DCCCXCI.

,, XVI. 15 .

DCCCCXXV.

XII. 20 .

DCCCCXXX.

,, XVI. 16 .

DCCCCXXVII.

XII. 22 .

DCCCXIII.

„ XVI. 24 .

DCCCVI.

XII. 23 .

DCCXCII.

,, XVI. 25 .

Dccxcni.

XII. 24 .

DCCCXVII.

,, XVI. 26 .

DCCCXIV.

XII. 25 (1-5)

DCCCXXV.

,, XVI. 27 .

DCCCXV,

Letters to Brutus.

Baiter.

This Edition.

Baiter.

This Edition.

Brut.

I. 1 .

DCCCLXXIII.

Brut.

I. 12

DCCCCIX.

I. 2 (1-3) .

DCCCLXXIV.

>»

I. 13

Dccccvin.

I. 2 (3-6) .

DCCCXLIII.

)»

I. 14

DCCCCXIII.

I. 3 (1-3) .

DCCCXLIV.

I. 15

DCCCCXIV.

I. 3(4) .

DCCCXLVI.

I. 16

DCCCLXIV.

I. 4(1-3) .

DCCCLVII.

))

I. 17

DCCCLXV.

I. 4(3-6) .
I. 5 .

DCCCLXVI.
DCCCLII.

I. 18

DCCCCXV.

I. 6 .

DCCCLXVII.

I. 7 .

DCCCLXVIII,

Brut.

II. 1

DCCCXXXVI.

I. 8 .

DCCCLXXXVII.

))

II. 2

DCCCXXXIX.

I. 9 .

DCCCCII.

II. 3(=

0&3)

DCCCXXXVII.

I. 10

DCCCXOVII.

II. 4(=

4&6)

DCCCXL.

I. 11 .

DCCCL.

II. 5 (=

= ') •

DCCCXIII.

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if^'^f^DihSCa SECT.

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius
Correspondence

y 6

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