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HISTORY 

FROM 

'ITEMPORARY WRITERS^ 



1189-92 




n: DAVID NUTT, 

VO, STRAND, LONE 



ENGLISH HISTORY FROM CONTEM 

CtiLX, 5g0. hlO 



Harvard College Library 




IN MEMORY OF 

JAMES RICHARD JEWETT 

Class of 1884 

Professor of Arabic 

1911-1933 

GIVEN BY HIS SON 

GEORGE FREDERICK JEWETT 

Class of 1 9 1 9 



/ reis/on of the 
the Annals of ( 
^^y Prancis P 



s version < 




SIMON OF MONTFORT AND HIB CAUSE 

(12f L-1265). Extracts from Matthew Paris, Robert of 
Gloucester, W. Rishanger, Chronicles of Melrose, French and 
Latin Contemporary Poems, etc. Selected and arranged by 
the Rev. W. H. Hutton, M.A., Fellow of St. John's College, 
Oxford. 

THE CRUSADE OF RICHARD I. Extracts 

from the Itinerarium Ricardi, the Chronicle of Boheddin, the 
Chronicle of Roger of Howden, &c. Arranged and edited by 
T. A. Archer, B.A. Oxford. With Map and Illustrations. 
398 pp. 2s. or 23. 6d. uncut. 



TO BE PUBLISHED SHORTLY, 

CHURCH AND STATE UNDER HENRY IL 

By Rev. W. H. Hutton. 

THE TROUBLOUS DAYS OF RICHARD II. 

By Miss L. TouLMiN Smith. 

CROMWELL'S RULE. By C H. Firth. 

ENGLAND UNDER CHARLES II. By W. 

Taylor. 

THE JEWS IN MEDIEVAL ENGLAND. By 

Joseph Jacobs. 

ALFRED AND THE DANES. By F. York 
Powell, Editor of the Series. 

Further Volumes will be edited by the following Scholars:^ 
Mrs. L. CREIGHTON. 

Rev. M. CREIGHTON, Professor of Ecclesiastical History in 

the University of Cambridge, Canon of Worcester. 
G. NOEL RICHARDSON. 
J. H. ROUND. 
Miss EDITH THOMPSON. 
G. GREGORY SMITH. 



-J- ~" . I . . 

f LONDON: DAVID NUTT, 470, ?,1"B.K^^- 

^tUMKAM PvaLrsiiBRs : G. P. PUTnmA'S SO-JiVS, ^^^^ 



ENGLISH HISTORY 
BY CONTEMPORARY WRITERS 



©tje (E^vittkobe of ^icijavii i. 



ENGLISH HISTORY BY CONTEMPORARY 

WRITERS. 

The series, of which the present volume is one, aims at setting 
forth the facts of our National History, political and social, in a 
way not yet systematically tried in this country, but somewhat 
like that which Messrs. Hachette have successfully wrought out 
in France under the editorship of MM. Zeller, Darsy, Luchaire, 
etc. It is planned not only for educational use but for the 
general reader, and especially for all those to whom the original 
contemporary authorities are for various reasons difficult of access. 

To each well-defined period of our history is given a little 
volume made up of extracts from the chronicles, state papers, 
memoirs, and letters of the time, as also from other contempo- 
rary literature, the whole chronologically arranged and chosen 
so as to give a living picture of the effect produced upon each 
generation by the political, religious, social and intellectual 
movements in which it took part. 

Extracts from foreign tongues are Englished, and passages 
from old English authors put into modem spelling, but otherwise 
as far as may be kept in original form. When needed a glossary 
is added and brief explanatory notes. To each volume is also 
appended a short account of the writers quoted and of their 
relations to the events they describe, as well as such tables and 
summaries as may facilitate reference. Such illustrations as are 
given are chosen in the same spirit as the text, and represent 
monuments, documents, sites, portraits, coins, etc. 

The chief aim of the series is to send the reader to the best 
original authorities, and so to bring him as close as may be to 
the mind and feelings of the times he is reading about. 

No definite chronological system of issue is adopted, but it is 
hoped that the entire period of Mediaeval and Renaissance his- 
tory may be covered in the space of two or three years- 

F. YORK POWELL, 

Editor of the Series. 
CJi. Ch., Oxford, 1887. 



ENGLISH HISTORY BY CONTEMPORARY 

WRITERS 



1189-92 

Extracts from the Itinerarium Ricardi, BohAdin^ 

Ernouly Roger of Howden^ Richard of Devizes ^ 

Rigord, Ibn Alathir, Li Livres Eracles, dfc. 



Selected and Arranged by 

T. A. ARCHER, B.A. 



LONDON 
DAVID NUTT, 270, 271, STRAND 

NEW YORK 

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 

1888 



AntdoL 5 - ^n _H 



t^ 



. ^ HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARf 
\r ^ JEWETT GIFT 

SEPT. 6. 1943 



P 



BEDFORD : 
ABTHUB BANSOM, PBINTEB, HIGH STBBBT. 



PREFACE. 



As a subject for historical study the Third Crusade 
possesses certain advantages that are wanting to 
most other periods of the Middle Ages. It is one of 
the few events for which we have a really ample 
volume of contemporary evidence — evidence not 
representing one party or section only, but Christian 
and Mohammedan, Frenchman, Englishman and 
Franco-Syrian alike. Here, at least, if no-where 
else in twelfth century literature, we can listen, 
almost as if we were on the scene ourselves, to the 
babble and rumour and prejudice of rival nations 
and rival religions. We can see not only what the 
Saracens thought of king Richard but also how he 
was regarded by the Frenchmen, the Teutons and 
the Syrian Franks who reluctantly followed his lead. 
We may temper the indignant rebukes of the Anglo- 
Norman chronicler on Philip-Augustus* return by 
the loyal, if somewhat feeble, excuses of this king's 
own biographer; and while, reading our native 
historians, we sympathise with Richard's troubles 
and misfortunes, or pity Guy de Lusignan for the 
loss of his kingdom, we may learn from writers of 
another nation how much the English "VAtv^^^ -^tv.^^ 
dnd, it may be, his suspected treacYiery Yv^A \.o ^o 



VI PREFACE. 

with the failure of the expedition ; and how Guy, 
though a brave soldier and a chivalrous knight, in 
other kingly qualities was no match for his Italian 
rival. It is thus that the various writers may be 
used to confirm, to modify or to supplement each 
other's narratives. 

Though almost all the chroniclers cited in the 
following pages were contemporary with the events 
they describe, and though many of them were in the 
Holy Land during the times of which they wrote, 
they are not all of equal credit. Bohadin and the 
author of the Itinerarium must be regarded as having 
the highest authority; but not everything that even the 
latter author tells us can be accepted as historic truth. 
Eichard de Templo, if he be the writer of the Itine- 
rari'um, could hardly have had any other foundation 
than his fancy or current rumour for the details he 
gives as regards the quarrel of the Mamelooks and 
Curds on their way to seize Richard when asleep 
outside Jaffa ; or again for the reproaches Saladin 
hurls against them when he hears of their failure. 
Other passages of a similar kind will doubtless strike 
the reader here and there throughout the work even 
in pages taken from the gravest writers. They are 
doubtless all or nearly all based upon historic truth, 
but are clothed with the garb of romance. To have 
entirely omitted them would have been to omit some 
of the most picturesque glimpses we get of the stir and 
movement of the Crusading camp ; for in the Third 
Crusade, such passages, to some extent, correspond 
to the Corbahan incidents of the First Crusade^ and 



PREFACE. Vll 

like these, were doubtless soon the theme for more 
than one minstreFs song. And yet in the heavy 
Latin of the chronicler such episodes have a some- 
what incongruous effect ; they read like a child's 
romance told in the imperfectly-mastered phrase- 
ology of a grown man. But the Norman-French, 
in which they doubtless passed from mouth to mouth 
before they were translated into a learned tongue, 
must have lent them a charm they have now lost ; 
and the few extracts given from Ernoul may help 
us to feel the glow and colour with which a 
contemporary writer, using his native language for 
his own people, could invest the story of his own 
days and of events in which he himself had taken 
a part. 

In the notes I have striven to illustrate the narrative 
mainly from other writers of the crusading times. 
All the distances have been measured, with what 
accuracy I could, on the Palestine Exploration 
Survey's Ordnance Map. These distances, it is 
hoped, will help to render the military movements 
clear. 

In conclusion, I have to express my thanks to 
several friends who have helped me in various parts 
of this book : to Mr. Oman of All Souls College, and 
to Mr. R. Lane Poole, both of whom have kindly 
found time to read and correct the notes on which I 
asked their advice. To Mr. J. H. Round I owe a few 
words of special thanks for the ready kindness with 
which he has, at all times, allowed me to draw u^otv 
the large stores of mediaeval learning o^ \ij\\\e\v\vt \s» 



Vlll 



PREFACE. 



the master. It is to him that, among much else, 
I am indebted for the Pipe Roll Extract (p. ii) and 
the note on Henry of Comhill. 



ANALYTICAL TABLE OF AUTHORS. 



A 

Contemporary 
writers who, for 
the most part, 
were in Palestine 
when the events 
they described 
took place. 



B 
Contemporary 
writers who, for 
the most part, 
were not in Pa- 
lestine when the 
events they de- 
scribe occurred. 



C D 

Writers of the Writers of the 
next generation next generation 
who lived in who were not in 
Syria or, havine the Holy Land, 
visited it, could 
there pick up the 
living tradition 
of the third cru- 
sade. 



1. Author of the Roger of Howden. 

Itinerarium. 

2. Bohidin. Benedict. 



3. Emoul. 

4. Ambrose. 

5. Ansbert. 

6. (Pipe Rolls). 

7. Epistoloe 
Cantuarienses. 

8. (Rymer's) 

Foedera, 



Rigord. 

William le Breton 
Ralph of Cogges- 

hall. 
Richard of 

Devizes. 
Ibn Alathir. 

William of New- 
burgh. 
Ralph de 

Diceto. 



Joinville. Vincent of Beau- 

vais. 
Le Esioire rf' Roger of Wen- 
Eracles. dover. 

Matthew Paris. 
Abulfaraj. 

Ca;sar of Heister- 
bach. 

Franciscus Pip- 
pinus belongs 
to a generation 
later still. 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 



The conquest of Jerasalem in 1099 was a success 
due rather to the weakness of the Mohammedans 
than the strength of their adversaries. The Moham- 
medan world in the East was divided into two sections, 
of which the nominal heads were the Sunnite Caliph 
of Bagdad, — ^the " Papa Turcorum " of our Western 
chroniclers, — and the Fatimite Caliph of Egypt at 
Babylon, i,e, Cairo. Neither of these caliphs, however, 
possessed any real power ; for all authority was exer- 
cised in the latter case by vizirs, in the former by 
the successive heads of the Seljukian Turks who 
since the days of Togrul Beg [103 7- 1063] had wrested 
all effectual authority from the hands of their nominal 
lords. 

In the latter half of the eleventh century the cities 
of Syria, which had long been reckoned part of the 
Egyptian caliphate at Cairo, fell into the hands of 
the Turks, who seemed to have taken upon themselves 
the duty of supplying a military guard for the feeble 
native inhabitants. Malek Shah, the last of the 
great Seljukian Sultans died in 1092 and, axciow^^^ 
dissensions to which his death gave nse,\Yv^^^V^^'^'^ 



X HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 

Caliph succeeded in regaining Jerusalem (1098) and 
several of the other towns along the coast. Thus 
the early Crusaders had to contend against a divided 
Islam, and their success was easy. Thirty years later 
Zengi, the Atabeg of Mosul, began to concentrate 
the power of the orthodox Mohammedans, and, 
towards the end of 1 144, the tide of Christian success 
was turned by the capture of Edessa. Zengi's son 
Nuradin continued his father's work and, before his 
death in 1 1 74 his lieutenant Saladin was ruling 
Egypt. Saladin soon dispossessed his old master's 
son, and before 1 187 waS lord of all the country from 
the Mediterranean sea and the Nile to the Euphrates, 
and even the Tigris. The great battle of Hittin laid 
the kingdom of Jerusalem at his feet (July 4, 1187). 
Within three months of this date the Holy City had 
fallen and hardly a castle or a town, through the 
length and breadth of the land held out against him. 
There was, however, one city in the kingdom of 
Jerusalem, properly so called, that Saladin could not 
conquer. Conrad of Montferrat who, sailing from 
Constantinople, had reached Acre only to find it in the 
hands of Mohammedans, managed to throw himself 
into Tyre just in time to prevent its surrender. Here 
he maintained himself, and is said to have refused 
to admit king Guy, who had been taken prisoner at 
the battle of Hittin (July 4, 1187), when released in 
May, 1188. Guy then, collecting what forces he 
could, sat down before Acre towards the end of 
August, 1 189. 
Meanwhile all Europe had been stirred to its 



HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. XI 

depths by the news of the fall of the Holy City. 
Henry II., Philip Augustus, and the emperor Frederick 
I. all took the Cross. Constant bickerings prevented 
the first two kings from starting at once, but the 
Emperor set out from Ratisbon about Easter, 1189. 
Richard I. had taken the Cross as count of Poitou 
in 1187 ; but neither he nor Philip actually began 
their journey till the summer of 11 90. 



CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY OF EVENTS 
AND TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



1 190 C.June 

Auf?. 16 
Oct. 12 

Oct. 21 

c. Apr. x-Sept 14 
Aug.-Sept. 
Sept. 23 
Sept. 28 
Sept. 28 
Oct. 4 
Oct. 8 
Oct. 8 
c. Nov. 
Dec. 25 

1191 Feb. 2 

March 

April 12 

April 13 

May 6- 1 June 

June 7 

June 8 

June 10- July 12 

Aug. 1 

Aug. 20 

Aug.22-Sept.xo 

Oct. X 

c. Oct. 29 

c. Nov. 6 

Nov. 6 

Oct. x5'Nov. xs 

c. Nov.i4-c.Dec.^t 



iCing Richard ... ... 

His ordinances ... ... ... ... 

Accounts for fleet 

Embarkation ... ... ... 

The Archbishop at Acre 

His letter home ... ... ... ... 

The great English fleet 

Richard in Italy 

His landing at Messina 

His demands on Tancred 

Queen Joan ... ... ... ... 

Messina taken 

The kings' oaths 

The Regulations 

Abbot Joachim 

The Christmas feast 

William des Barres ... 

Agreement with Tancred 

Agreement with Philip 

The great storm 

Philip reaches Acre... 

Conquest of Cyprus 

The Saracen Dromond 

Richard reaches Acre 

Siege of Acre .. ... ... ... 

Philip's sickness and return 

Massacre of the prisoners 

March from Acre to Arsuf 

Richard's letters home 

He leaves Jaffa 

Casal Maen and Casal of the Plains 
The Earl of Leicester and the Template 
Negotiations with Saphadin and Sa\ad\ii 
The camp near Kamleh and Lydda... 



PAGE. 

6 

8 

IX 

13 
16 

17 
19 

2X 
22 

«4 

28 
29 
36 
37 
39 
41 
43 
51 
I.. 53 
S7-6x 

.. 54-56 
62*69 

.. 69 
79 
83-X15 
115-123 
126- X3X 
131-167 

172-175 
175 
176 



CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

c.Dec.3z Advance to Beit-Nfiba 199 

1x92 c. Jan. 13-20 Return to Ramleh and Ascalon 205 

Jan -Feb The rebuilding of Ascalon 208 

Feb. The duke of Burgundy at'Acre 210 

Feb. The Pisans and the Genoese 2x1 

The Marquis of Montferrat 2x3-224 

April 27 His assassination 224-238 

c. May X King Henry 233 

Apr.-May Civil war among the Saracens 253-255 

May 17-22 Siege of Darum 235-240 

C.May 30 William the Chaplain 242-246 

June7-X2 The second march towards Jerusalem ... 247 

June XX The second camp at Beit Nfiba 248 

June X7 The convoy from Jaffa 256 

June 23 The great caravan 262-269 

June The despair of Saladin 25X, 269-273 

c. July 3 The twenty jurors 259 

July 4 The return towards Ramleh 261,273-275 

July Fresh negotiations 275-280 

July26-Aug.x Saladin's siege of Jaffa 28X-300 

Aug. 5 The night attack on Richard near Jaffa 301-3x3,320 

Aug. Peace negotiations 313-316 

Aug. King Kichard's illness 3x8,321-323 

Sept. 2 Peace concluded 3x4-3151324 

Sept. Pilgrims at Jerusalem 325-332 

Sept. Hubert Walter and Saladin 330"33i 

Oct.9-c.Nov.20 Richard's departure and shipwreck ... 332-340 

Dec. 2x His captivity 340-343 

1x93 March 4 Death of Saladin 343~349 

APPENDIX. 

Accounts of authors and books : — 

Itinerarium Per^n^norum 351 

Cannen Ambrosii ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 352 

£moul s Chronicle ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 355 

Li Livres £racles... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 35^ 

ajOuaCUu ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• Ow7 

x^uSDwI* ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 30 

JtrlUv ^^VAaO ••• •■• ••• •■• ••• •■• ••• ••• ••• «#d 

Epistolae Cantuarienses 359 

Thomas R3^mer ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 359 

^eo^dirt of Peterborough 359 

Roger of Howden 360 

99 ^^^ ■• **• ■•• ••• ••• ••• «•■ ••« •»• ••• Or* 



CONTENTS. 



• •• 

• •• 

• • • 





PAGE 


• • « ■ • • 


561 


• •• 


362 


• • • • • • 


363 


• • • 


363 


••• ••• 


364 


• •• 


365 


« • • • • • 


366 


• •• 


366 


• ■ ■ • « • 


366 


• •• 


367 


• • • • ■ • 


367 


••• 


368 


• •« • ■ « 


368 


• • • 


369 


••• ••• 


371 


••• 


372 



William le Breton 

Ralph of Coggeshall ... 

Richard of Devizes 

Ibn AlathSr 

William the Little [Parvus] of Newburgh 

Ralph de Diceto 

Jean, Seigneur de Joinville 

Abulpharagius 

Vincent of Beauvais 

Roger of Wendover 

Matthew Paris 

Cxsar of Heisterbach 

Franciscus Pippinus 

NOTES 

A. Mediaeval Coinage 

B. On the Esnecca Regis 

C. Topogpraphy of Acre 

D. On Mediaeval Warfare, &c. (i) Fortification ; (2) Armour : 

(3) Weapons ; (4) Engines 373»374»375 

E. The Mohammedan Calendar 375 

F. On certain disputed sites in Richard's March from Acre to Jaffa 

and Beit-Nuba to Khuweilfeh 376 

V7« .A.8SaSSins ••• ••• ■•• ••• •«• ••• •■• ••• 9«« 377 

H. On the Legend of the Old Man of the Mountain 379 

I. On the knowledge of Arabic among the Crusaders 381 

K. On the decapitation of the dead 382 

J><* vrU xjearQs ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ••• *«. 3^3 

M. On the Battle of Arsuf 385 

N. On the causes of the failure of the Third Crusade 386 

O. Saracen account of the loss of the Great Caravan 387 

P. On the Count of St. Pol, 8ic 388 

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Map of Palestine to illustrate the Third Crusade Fetciug 5 

dcal oi Jvicnarci x. ... ... •«» ••• ••• ••• ««« ««« j 

Ship of the Z3th Century 58 

Trapgct or War-Engine Fttcing -jz 

Later Form of the Mangonel „ 88 

Crusaders attacking Fortress • ... 95 

A Party of Crusaders returning from a Foraging Expedition Facing 178 

Incense-Burner of the Z3th Century „ 187 

Crac of the Knights-Hospitallers in Syria ^^ a-xn 

Machine for casting stones ... i» ^'^ 

Facade of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at ^^^^^^^^^^^ *** ^"^ ^^^ 



ERRATA. 

Page v., line 6, for " one party or section," read " one creed or 
party." 

Page vi., line 7 from bottom, for " They are doubtless all,'* read 
« Probably they are all, &c." 

Page 8, last note for " Chaucer, Prologue, of the Wife of Bath,'' 
read " Chaucer, Prologue ; — of the Wife of Bath ;" 

Page 100, Here and elsewhere in the book, for " Mahommedan," 
read << Mohammedan." 

Page 176, Here and elsewhere in the book, for "p. 257," read 
" p. 247." 

Page 223, First note line 7, for "p. 266," read " 276." 

Page 227, last line, after pp. insert 231-2. 

Page 255, First note, for "on " read " near." 

Page 273, for "July 5," read " July 4." 



6 A KNIGHT OF ROMANCE, 

A character of king Richard.* 

Itinerarium Regis Ricardiy ii., c. 45. 

The Lord of the ages had given him [Richard] 
such generosity of soul and endued him with such 
virtues that he seemed rather to belong to earlier times 
than these. . . His was the valour of Hector, the 
magnanimity of Achilles ; he was no whit inferior 
to Alexander,! or less than Roland in manhood. Of 
a truth he easily surpassed the more praiseworthy 
characters of our time in many ways. His right 
hand, like that of a second Titus, scattered riches, 
and — a thing that is, as a rule, but very rarely found 
in so famous a knight — the tongue of a Nestor and 
the prudence of a Ulysses (as they well might) rightly 
rendered him better than other men in all kinds of 
business, whether eloquence or action was required. 
His military science did not slacken his inclination 

♦ Richard I. was bom Sept. 8, 1157, at Oxford. About 
August, 1 1 87, he was made duke of Aquitaine. He took the cross 
in Nov. 1 187, and died Tuesday, April 6, 1199. 

t The allusions here are to various chansons de geste which 
seem to have been favourite reading with this writer. The 
twelfth century derived its knowledge of the Trojan war from 
the spurious prose writings of Dictys Cretensis and Dares 
Phrygrius. Both works profess to have been written by contem- 
poraries of the events they describe, but were really composed, or 
translated into Latin, after the Christian era. Benoit de St. 
Maur's Roman de Troie in octosyllabic French verse dates Irom 
about 1 1 80. The Chanson de Roland belongs to the latter half 
of the eleventh century. The Geste d^ Alexandre, which is said 
to have given its name to the French Alexandrian metre, was 
woven together out of earUer octosyllabic or decasyllabic poems 
by Alexander de Bemay or de Paris before the year 1191. The 



PORTRAIT OF RICHARD. 7 

for vigorous action ; nor did his readiness for action 
ever throw a doubt upon his military prudence. If 
any one chances to think him open to the charge of 
rashness, the answer is simple : for, in this respect, a 
mind that does not know how to acknowledge itself 
beaten, a mind impatient of injury, urged on by its 
inborn high-spirit to claim its lawful rights, may well 
claim excuse. Success made him all the better suited 
for accomplishing exploits, since fortune helps the 
brave. And though fortune wreaks her spleen on 
whomsoever she pleases, yet was not he to be 
drowned for all her adverse waves. 

He was lofty in stature, of a shapely build, with 
hair half-way between red and yellow. His limbs 
were straight and flexible, his arms somewhat long 
and, for this very reason, better fitted than those of 
most folk to draw or wield the sword. Moreover he had 
long legs, matching the character of his whole frame. 
His features showed the ruler, while his manners and 
his bearing added not a little to his general presence. 
Not only could he claim the loftiest position and 
praise in virtue of his noble birth, but also by reason 
of his virtues. But why should I extol so great a 
man with laboured praise ? 

Honour enough his merit brings, 

He needs no alien praise, 
In whose train, Glory, like a king's, 

Follows through all his days. 

Alexandreis of Walter de Chatillon or de Lille in Latin hexa- 
meters was written about the year 11 76. A century later it 
supplanted YbrgH in the Schools. It contains the iamou^Vvxvvi 
"Incjclh in Scyllain cupiens vitare Charybdim."' 



8 HANGING OF A ROBBER NOBLE. 

He far surpassed other men in the courtesy 
of his manners and the vastness of his strength ; 
memorable was he for his warlike deeds and 
power, while his splendid achievements would 
throw a shade over the greatest praise we could give 
them. Surely he might have been reckoned happy 
(I speak as a man) had not rivals envied his glorious 
deeds — rivals whose sole cause of hatred was his 
princely disposition ; for of a truth there is no * 
surer way of annoying the envious than by observing 
virtue. 

C. June, 1190.— Bichard's ordinances of Chinon. 

Roger of Howdctty iii. 35. 

Meanwhile the king of England set out for Gas- 
cony, and besieging William de Chisi*s castle took it. 
William himself the lord of that castle he hanged, 
because he had robbed the pilgrims to St. James* [of 
Compostella] and other folk passing through his land. 
Then came the king of England to Chinon, in Anjou, 
where he appointed Girard archbishop of Auch,t 

* Compostella in Galicia claimed to possess the body of St. 
James, and was the most famous place of pilgrimage in West 
Europe during the middle ages. It was largely frequented by 
the English ; e.g. Patrick, earl of Salisbury (who was slain on 
returning thence) in 1168, and Richard de Clare earl of Glou- 
cester, 1250. Cf. Dante, Vita Nuova and Chaucer, Prologue^ 
of the Wife of Bath : 

At Rome she had been and at Boloigne, 
In Galice at Seint Jame and at Coloigne. 

t Gerard de Barta, archbishop of Auch from 1 1 70 to 1192, 
died in the Third Crusade. 



REGULATIONS FOR THE FLEET 9 

Bernard bishop of Bayonne,* Robert de Sablun,t 
Richard de Camville, J and William de Forzof 01eron,|| 
leaders and constables of his whole fleet that was 
about to set sail for the land of Syria. And he gave 
them his charter as follows : 

Richard, by the grace of God king of England, 
duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Count of 
Anjou, to all his men who are about to journey to 
Jerusalem by sea — Health. Know that with the 
common counsel of approved men we have had the 
following regulations drawn up. Whoever on board 
ship shall slay another is himself to be cast into the sea 
lashed to the dead man ; if he have slain him ashore 
he is to be buried in the same way. If anyone be 
proved by worthy witnesses to have drawn a knife 
for the purpose of striking another, or to have 
wounded another so as to draw blood, let him lose 

* Bernard de Lescarre or de la Carre, bishop of Bayonne 
from 1 1 85 A.D. The date of his death is uncertain. 

t Robert de Sablun or Sabloil, like Richard de Camville, was 
one of the sureties to the treaty with Tancred (Nov. 11 90). A 
namesake of his was Grand Master of the Templars about this 
dme. 

X Richard de Camville, one of Henry II.*s statesmen. He 
had negotiated the marriage of Henry's daughter Joan with 
William II. at Sicily in 1 176, a.d. ; in June 1 191 King Richard 
left him joint-governor of Cyprus, where, however he soon fell 
Ql and, receiving leave to quit his post died at the siege of 
Acre (June or July, 1191). 

I William de Forz married Hawisia, daughter and heiress of 
William "le Gros'* earl of Albemarle (d. 1179) after the death 
of her first husband in Nov. 1189. In his wife's right bi& \sy:}»- 
the title of earl of Albemarle. He died Vn. 119^* 



10 A PIL GRIM KING, 

his fist ; but if he strike another with his hand and 
draw no blood, let him be dipped three times in the 
sea. If anyone cast any reproach or bad word against 
another, or invoke God's malison on him, let him for 
every offence pay an ounce of silver. Let a con- 
victed thief be shorn like a prize-fighter ; after 
which let boiling pitch be poured on his head and 
a feather pillow be shaken over it so as to make 
him a laughing-stock. Then let him be put ashore 
at the first land where the ships touch. Witness 
myself at Chinon. 

Moreover the same king in another writ enjoined 
all his men, who were going to sea, to yield obedience 
to the words and ordinances of the aforesaid justitiars 
of his fleet. Then the king went to Tours, where he 
received the pilgrim's staff and wallet from the hand 
of William archbishop of Tours.* And when the king 
leant on the staff it broke. 

* According to the Gallia Christiana this should be Bartholo- 
mew, archbishop of Tours from 1 174- 1206. The ceremony of 
presenting the intending pilgrim with the wallet (pera or sportaj 
as the sign of his having commenced his journey was performed 
for Philip Augustus at St. Denys, by his uncle William, arch- 
bishop of Rheims. Rigord gives a full account of the ceremony, 
telling how the king lay prostrate on the marble pavement before 
the shrine St. of Denys, and then, rising in tears, took down from 
over the relics two banners, blazoned with crosses wrought in 
gold, to carry >\ath him in his wars against the enemies of Christ. 
The sign of a completed pilgrimage was a branch of palm, 
generally plucked after the pilgrim had bathed in the Jordan. 
According to Rigord, Richard and Philip reached Vezelai 
Wednesday, 4th July, 1190. Roger of Howden makes it June 
29. 



THE ROYAL FLEET, 1 1 

Account of the purchase of the ships which went 

to Jerusalem and of wages paid to the underwritten 

pilots and sailors of the same for the voyage. 

Extract from Pipe Roll of 2 Richard /. 

Henry of Cornhill* renders account of £iy2^o 

which he had received from the Treasury by view of 
Peter of St. Mary church, clerk of the chancellor, 
John of Waltham, clerk of the treasurer, and Simon 
d* Avranches, of which sum ;^i300 were in white 
silver and £()S^ ^^ pence. And ;^25oo which he 
received from William Puintell, constable of the 
Tower of London. And of ;^ioo which he received 
from Richard, archdeacon of Canterbury, and Robert, 
archdeacon of Gloucester out of the moneys of Aaron 
the Jew. And of loo marks which he received from 
Alfwin Finke and Ralph of St. Helen the money- 
changer of London. And of £\o which he received 
from the sale of the equipment of William de Stute- 
ville*s ships. And of loo marks which he promised 
the king for the county of Kent. 

Sum ;^5,023 6s. 8d. In the Treasury nothing. 
And for 33 ships of the Cinq Ports, two parts of 
which were bought for the king's use for the transport 
of his garrison with him to Jerusalem. The price 

♦ Henry de Cornhill was the son and heir of Gervase de Corn- 
hill, a city magnate, who was sheriff of London and afterwards 
of Kent and Surrey. Henry succeeded his father about 1183, 
and like him was in constant oflicial employment. He was 
sheriff of London at the close of Henry IL's reign and again in 
the crisis of 1191, and had charge of the Mint in 3 Richard I. 
Both he and his father appear to have lent money to the nobUitY 
zDd to liave acquired landed possessions. — See Note A ouCoVaa.^^, 



12 SAILORS' WAGES. 

of which parts of the aforesaid ships is noted in the 

roll delivered into the Treasury by the said Henry 

;^ii26 13s. 9id. by the king's writ and by view of 

Peter of St. Mary church, clerk of the Chancellor, 

John of Waltham, clerk of the treasurer, and Simon 

d* Avranches who were assigned for this purpose. 

And in a whole year's pay of 790 captains and sailors, 

each captain of whom was reckoned at the rate of two 

sailors, ;^24oo 58s. 4d. by the same writ and view as 

aforesaid. And for 3 ships of Hampton and 3 ships 

of Shoreham, two parts of which were in like manner 

bought for the king's use by the hand of the aforesaid 

Henry, £2^^] 15s. 8d. by the same writ and view as 

aforesaid. And in a whole year's pay of 174 captains 

and sailors, each captain being reckoned at the rate of 

two sailors, of which number 42 sailors belonged to 

William de Braiosa's ship which he gave to the king, 

;^529 5s., by the same writ and view as aforesaid. 

And for the whole ship which belonged to Walter the 

boatswain's son £^b 13s. 4d. by the same writ and 

view as aforesaid. And in a whole year's pay of 61 

sailors belonging to the king's " Esnecche,"* the 

captain being counted as two, ;^i85 los. lod. by the 

same writ and view as aforesaid. And in repairs of 

the said ** Esnecche" ;^io by the king's writ and by 

view of Alan Trenchemer. And in pay of 50 sailors, 

captain counted as two, of William de Stuteville's two 
* Esneccae ** smacks '* were specially used for carrying the 
English lung and his treasure between England and Normandy. 
In the Ithierarium they appear as ships of burden, carrying 
horses. According to Jal they were round-shaped vessels. — But 
see Note B, 



RICHARD STARTS FROM TOURS. 13 

ships ;^i52 IS. 8d. by the king's writ and view as 
aforesaid. And in repairs of the said ships ;^io by 
the same writ and view as aforesaid. And for re- 
purchase of the ship which the king gave to the 
brethren of the Hospital, which was bought for 100 
marks, £q by the same writ and view as aforesaid. 
And in pay of one sailor additional in Eustace de 
Bumes' ship 60s. lod. by the same writ. And for 
the coinage of ;^i3oo in white silver paid to the 
aforesaid sailors £^^2 los. by the same writ and view 
as aforesaid. And for carriage of the aforesaid 
treasury and for chests, pouches, wax and other small 
matters for the same and in rations for the clerks and 
servants in charge of it on two occasions, ;^i2 2s. ojd. 
by the King's writ. And to Warin and Ermeric de 
Camberli and their partners ;^ 100 for the purchase 
of arms for the defence of the castles in England by 
the King's writ. And to William Puintell, Constable 
of the Tower of London £()0 for works there by the 
same writ. And in default of pouches for the said 
receipt, £% i6s. lod. by testimony of the aforesaid. 

And he is quit. 

Aug. 16, 1190.— K. Bichard embarks at Marseilles 

for the Crusade. 

Itin, Ric. II. ^ c. 7., 148. 

Thus, when the king with his followers quitted 

Tours, all the inhabitants of the land were moved bv 

the din of so great a multitude. . . It was in the first 

year after his coronation that the king of England 

started on his pilgrimage from Tours . ¥ lomT oxxi^V^ 



H LYONS. 

went to Laizi ; thence to Mont Richard, to Selles, to La 
Chapelle d*Anguillon, Donzi, and lastly to V6zelai. 
When the two kings met here according to their 
agreement, the host accompanying each was 

reckoned innumerable And here they 

made a bargain to divide equally all that they should 
acquire by war ; * and also that whichever of them 
should get to Messina first should wait patiently 
for the arrival of the other. . . . From V6zelai, 
stage by stage, the army came to Lyons on the Rhone, 
where it remained some days, owing to the difficulty 
of crossing so rapid and deep a river. After reach- 
ing the other side the kings fixed their tents in the 
open plain ; but part of the army lodged in the 
town, part in the suburbs, and part in the. green 
fields near. Afterwards the king of England, in his 
courtesy, accompanied the king of France and his 
men a space on their way to Genoa. For the 
king of France had already engaged the services 

of the Genoese! to carry him across 

Now whilst the crowd of pilgrims from every region 
was pressing down upon the narrow bridge across 

♦ This agreement is mentioned by various other chroniclers ; 
according to one account, the main cause of the dispute between 
the two kings in Syria was that Philip claimed half of Tancred*s 
treasure, and Richard retaliated by demanding half of the Count 
of Flanders'. 

t The Italian trading cities were among the first to profit by 

the Crusading movement. In iioi Baldwin I. promised the 

Genoese a street in every town they should help him to take. 

So too, when Tyre was captured in 1 124, a third part of the city 

was assigned to the Venetians. 



THE BR OKEN BRIDGE, 1 5 

the Rhone, a part of it fell through from the weight 
of those who were on it. More than a hundred men 
tumbled into the water, which here flows so swiftly that 
scarcely anyone who had fallen in could, in ordinary 
circumstances, have got out alive. But those who 
had fallen in, calling out with a loud voice and 
humbly begging for aid, despite their weariness, 
managed to struggle out unharmed, save two only, 
who were drowned, indeed, according to the flesh. 
Yet do their souls live in Christ ; for it was while* 
engaged in His service that they were cut off". . . 
. . . Then king Richard, pitying the plight of 
those who were still desirous of getting across, had 
boats lashed together so as to make a temporary 
bridge ; thus they crossed over, though somewhat 
sullenly and with difficulty. Then the king and 
his army tarried here for three days ; after which part 
of the host set out for Marseilles, part for Venice, 
Genoa, Barletta, or Brindisi. Several also set out 
for Messina, the haven at which the two kings had 
agreed to meet. After three days the king departed, 
and on the same day was the bridge broken up. . . 
. . . . At Marseilles wef tarried three weeks. 
• This idea, a commonplace in most Crusading literature, is 
beautifully worked out in St. Bernard's Liher ad Milites Templi. 
"Miles,** he says, " Christi securus interirait interit securior. 
. . . The Christian glories in the death of a Pagan because 
Christ is glorified ; while at a Christian's death the King's trea- 
sure-house is thrown open when His knight is brought forward to 
receive his reward.** 

t i^e.y The author of the Itinerarium and his comrades. 
Richard himself reached Marseilles July 31, and left Aug. 7. 
He did not reach Messina till Sept. 23rd, whereas "P\j^v^ \i^^ 
arrived there Sept i6th. 



i6 THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, 

Then on the day after the Assumption of the Blessed 
Mary (Aug. i6), the first year after king Richard's 
coronation, we put to sea and crossed between two 
islands that lay to our right and left, Sardinia and 
Corsica. 

The first English fleet reaches Acre.— 

12 Oct. 1190. 

Howden iii. p. 42. 

Meanwhile* Baldwin archbishop of Canterbury, 
Hubert bishop of Salisbury,! and Ranulf de Glan- 

* Baldwin, prior of the Cistercian house at Ford in Devon- 
shire, was consecrated bishop of Worcester in August, 1180. 
He was elected archbishop of Canterbury 16 Dec, 1184. He 
was a vigorous preacher of the Crusade after the fall of Jerusalem 
in 1 187. It was his eloquence that moved Giraldus Cambrensis 
to take the cross. This writer, who accompanied Baldwin on 
his preaching tour through Wales, has left a detailed account 
of his person and character in the Itinerarium Cambritu, 
Comparing him with his two predecessors in the metropolitan 
see, Thomas k Becket and Richard, it was said by a contempo- 
rary that, when the Church was wronged, Thomas felt anger 
and took steps to avenge the ofience ; Richard shewed the 
bitterest indignation, but never moved a step towards vengeance ; 
while Bald>\dn never dared to shew his anger in word or deed. 
Baldwin died at the siege of Acre, 19 Nov., 1190. He left 
Hubert Walter as his executor. 

t Hubert Walter, dean of York, was appointed bishop of 
Salisbury 15 Sept., 1189. On Saturday, 29 May, 1193, he was 
elected archbishop by the monks of Canterbury " ut in terris 
grande sibi nomen facerent.'* He helped to raise Richard I.'s 
ransom during his justiciarship (Sept. 1193-1198). He was 
chancellor during the early years of John's reign, and died July 
i^oj. Baldwin's party seems to have left Marseilles c. Sept. i. 



REACHES ACRE. 17 

ville* who had come with the king of England to 
Marseilles, went on board ship there. And the Lord 
gave them a prosperous voyage and brought them in 
a short time without hindrance over the great deep 
to the siege at Acre (Oct. 12, 11 90). But John 
bishop of Norwich, going to the pope, and getting 
leave to return home, put off his cross and went back 
to his own county. When this was made known to 
the king, his lord, he took of him a thousand marks 
redemption money at the hands of the Templars and 
Hospitallers.f 

Letter from archbishop Baldwin's chaplain to his 
convent at Canterbury (dated Sunday, 21 Oct., 

119^. 

Epp. Cantuar.y pp. 328-9. 

[The previous letter from Baldwin shews that he and the 
fleet reached Tyre safely on Sunday, Sept. 16, 1190, and after 
waiting there nearly a month on account of the general sickness 
reached Acre on Friday, 12 Oct., with the news that the kings 
of England and France would come soon.] 

• This is the famous justiciar of Henry II. and author of the 
"Tractatus de Legibus et Consuetudinibus Regni Angliae.'* 
He died at the siege of Acre, seemingly before Oct. i8th, 1190. 

t That is to say Richard borrowed the money from the two 
military orders, giving them a Hen on the bishop. The Templars 
and Hospitallers, especially the former, acted as bankers for the 
great sovereigns of Europe. They furnished both Louis VII. 
and Louis IX. with money in the Crusades of 1148 and 1250. 
It was in their treasure houses at Jerusalem that Henry II., 
during the latter years of his life, was accumulating the funds 
for his contemplated Crusade. From the time of Philip 
Augustus the treasure of the French kings was V&x^K. -aX >^^ 
Temple in Paris ; as was that of Hubert de Bxn^, xicka^w!^'^ 
justiciar, in the year of his fall in 1232. 



1 8 A LETTER HOME, 

I know that you are anxiously awaiting trust- 
worthy intelligence as to the condition of the lord 
[archbishop] of Canterbury and our army. . . 
When we had tarried some time for the kings [at 
Tyre], and they did not come, we proceeded to our 
army at Acre. There we found our army (I say it 
with grief and groaning) given up to shameful 
practices, and yielding to ease and lust rather than 
encouraging virtue. The Lord is not in the camp ; 
there is none that doeth good. The chiefs envy one 
another and strive for privilege. The lesser folk are 
in want and find no one to help them. In the camp 
there is neither chastity, sobriety, faith, nor charity 
— a state of things which, I call God to witness, I 
would not have believed had I not seen it. The 
Turks are besieging us, and daily do they chal- 
lenge us and persist in attacking us ; while our 
knights lie skulking within their tents and, though 
they had promised themselves a speedy victory, in 
cowardly and lazy fashion, like conquered men, let 
the enemy affront them with impunity. Saladin*s 
strength is increasing daily ; whereas our army daily 
grows smaller. On the feast of St. James (July 25) 
more than 4,000 of our choicest foot soldiers were 
slain by the Turks ; and" on the same day many of 
our chiefs perished. The queen of Jerusalem, . . 
. . . the earl of Ferrers, the earl of Clare's 
brother, .... Ranulf de Glanville, and in- 
numerable others are dead. The bearer of these 
letters leaves us on the Sunday after the feast of St. 
Luke the Evangelist (1.^., 21 Oct., 1190); but the 



THE GREAT ENGLISH FLEET 19 

kings have not yet arrived, nor is Acre taken. Once 
more, farewell. 

The main English fleet that went round by sea, 
and its fortunes. Apr. 1.— Sept. 14. 

Howdetif iii. 42. 

But the king of England's [main] fleet, commanded 
by the archbishop of Auch, the bishop of Bayonne, 
Robert de Sablun, Richard de Camville, and William 
de Forz of 016ron, started on its voyage to Jerusalem 
from the different harbours of England, Normandy, 
Brittany, and Poitou immediately after Easter.* Of 
this fleet a certain part met in Dartmouth harbour, 
where it tarried some days. Then these ships, ten 
in number, set sail towards Lisbon, passing by a 
certain promontory called Godestert.f And when they 
had coasted Brittany, having St. Matthew of Finis- 
terre, or of Finis PosierncBy on their left and the great 
sea by which men go to Ireland on their right, they 
[sailed along] leaving all Poitou, Gascony, and Biscay 
on the left. 

They had already crossed the seas of Brittany and 
Poitou and come to that of Spain, when on the day 
of the Lord's Ascension, {i.e., May 3, 1190) about 
the third hour, a fierce and terrible tempest 
swept down upon them ; in a moment, in the 
twinkling of an eye, the ships were parted one 
from the other. While the tempest yet raged, 
and all were calling upon the Lord in their dis- 
tress, the blessed Thomas the martyr, archbishop 
* Easter jigo fell on March 25. f Now Slait. PoVaX. 



20 A VISION OF ST. THOMAS BECKET 

of Canterbury, appeared thrice very clearly to three 
persons who were in a vessel of London. On board 
this vessel were William Fitz Osbert and Geoffrey the 
goldsmith, citizens of London. To these three St. 
Thomas spake as follows : ** Be not afraid. I, Thomas 
archbishop of Canterbury, the blessed martyr Ed- 
mund, and the blessed confessor Nicholas have been 
appointed by the Lord guardians of this fleet of the 
king of England. If the men of this fleet keep 
themselves from evil deeds and do penance for their 
past offences the Lord will grant them a prosperous 
voyage and direct their steps in His paths." After 
repeating these words three times the blessed Thomas 
faded from their sight ; the tempest subsided at once, 
and there was a great calm on the sea. Now this 
London ship, where St. Thomas appeared, having 
already passed the harbour of Lisbon and Cape St. 
Vincent, had drawn close to the city of Silvia,* which 
at that time was the furthest outpost of all the Chris- 
tian possessions in those parts. Here the Christian 
faith was still young, seeing that the place had only 
been snatched from the hands of the Pagans and 
made Christian the preceding year, as we have shewn 
above. Now those who were in this ship, not knowing 
where they were, sent out a boat to shore and found 
that the land belonged to Christians, but that they 
could not safely pass on any further without a large 
escort. Accordingly they approached the city, and 
when their arrival was known the bishop of Silvia 
with his clergy and people received them gladly, 
* Silves in Algarve, in the south of Portugal. 



A SEA VOYAGE ROUND SPAIN. 21 

giving God thanks for their coming ; for there were 
in the ship a hundred young warriors well armed. 

[At this time the Emperor of Morocco was attacking Portugal 
and the men of Silvia broke up the English ship and retained 
its passengers, promising them pay and recompence in the name 
of their king. The other ships gradually came up and so heart- 
ened Sancho I. of Portugal that he refused the favourable 
terms proposed by his Moorish enemy. The English were very 
unruly, and Robert de Sablul had to put in force the ordinances 
given above. On Wednesday, 24th July, the fleet left Lisbon 
and fell in with William de Fors and his 30 ships, thus making 
up the total to 106 *• great ships laden with men, victuals, and 
arms.** After this they crept round the coast of Spain and 
came to the Straits of Africa (2.^., of Gibraltar) through which 
they passed on Thursday, August ist. " Here begins the Medi- 
terranean Sea, which is so called because it has only one entrance 
and one exit, of which the one is called the Straits of Africa, 
the other the Straits of St. George near Constantinople. And 
it is a noteworthy thing that from the Straits of Africa as far as 
Ascalon, as you sail, all the land on your right belongs to the 
Pagans." Creeping northwards up the coast of Spain by Tarra- 
gona and Barcelona, they at last reached Marseilles (Wednesday, 
22 August, 1 190), ** And it is to be noted that from Marseilles 
to Acre it is only a sail of fifteen days and nights if the wind is 
favourable. But then you must go over the great sea so that, 
after losing sight of the mountains of Marseilles, if you hold a 
straight course, you will see no land to right or left, till you 
reach the land of Syria. And if by chance you do see any land 
on the right it will belong to heathen folk ; but on the left it 
will belong to Christians." The fleet reached Messina on 
Friday, Sept. 14.] 

King* Richard's coasting voyage from Marseilles 
to Messina. — ^Aug. 7— Sept. 22. 
[Richard I. had left Marseilles on August 7 and made his 
way slowly round the coast of Genoa, where he \ia^ ;y.\ivcvV«t. 



22 A FALCON'S CALL, 

view with Philip Augustus (13 Aug.) ; Pisa (Aug. 20) ; Naples (28 
Aug.) Here he stayed till Sept. 8, on which day he rode to 
Salerno, where he remained till Sept. 13. On Sept. 21 he 
reached Mileto]. 

On Sept. 22 the king of England left Mileto, 
having only one knight in his train. And as he was 
passing through a small town he turned aside to a 
certain house whence he heard the sound of a falcon. 
This house he entered and took the bird ; but the 
rustics, who were unwilling to let it go, came running 
up from every side and attacked him with stones and 
staves. One of them even drew his knife upon the 
king. Upon this the king smote him with the side 
of his sword and broke it. The other assailants he 
overcame with stones, and thus with great difficulty 
he reached the priory of La Bagnara, where, how- 
ever, he made no delay, but crossed the great river 
which is called ** le Far de Meschines."* And that 
night he lay at a stone tower which is situated at 
the entrance of the Far, in Sicily. Now this River 
of the Far divides Calabria from Sicily, and at its 
entrance, near La Bagnara, is that famous sea- 
peril called Scylla, while at its exit is another called 
Carybdis. 

Richard's fleet, and his landing in Sicily (Sept. 23). 

Rich, of Devizes J p. 17. 

The ships that king Richard found ready at the 
sea-coast numbered one hundred together with 14 

* i.e. the Straits of Messina ; Le Far gets its name from the 
Pharos or stone beacon tower here mentioned. 



A SHIP'S EQUIPMENT, 23 

busses*, vessels of vast size, wonderful speed, and 
great strength. They were arranged and set in 
order as follows. The first ship had three rudders, 
thirteen anchors, 30 oars, two sails, and triple 
ropes of every kind ; moreover, it had everything 
that a ship can want in pairs — saving only the mast 
and boat. It had one very skilful captain, and 
fourteen chosen mariners! were under his orders. 
The ship was laden with forty horses of price, all 
well trained for war, and with all kinds of arms for 
as many riders, for forty footmen, and fifteen sailors. 
Moreover it had a full year's food for all these men 
and horses. All the ships were laden in the same 
way ; but each buss took double cargo and gear. 
The king's treasure, which was exceedingly great 
and of inestimable value, was divided amongst the 
ships and the busses so that if one part was en- 
dangered the rest might be saved. 

When everything was thus arranged, the king with 
a small following, and the chief men of the army with 
their attendants, put off from the shore, preceding 
the fleet in galleys. Each day they touched at some 
sea-coast town and, taking up the larger ships and 
busses of that sea as they went along, reached Messina 
without disaster On the morrow after 

♦ A buss (Late Latin busciay buza) was a big vessel of burden. 
It had two masts, but sometimes three. The word still survives, 
both in the ordinary French language and locally, as the name 
of a small vessel among the herring fishers of Dunkerque — 
buse, htiche and huis, cf. (O E) Butsa-carlas^ Boat-men. 

t i.e.^ there were fourteen captains, one for each huss^ all under 
the command of a, head captain. 



24 THE LAMB AND THE LION 

his arrival (23 Sept.) the king of England had gallows 
erected outside his camp to hang thieves and robbers 
on. Nor did the judges spare age and sex, but there 
was the same law to stranger and native. The king 
of France* winked at the wrongs his men inflicted 
and received ; but the king of England, deeming it 
no matter of what country the criminals were and 
considering every man as his own, left no wrong 
unavenged. For this reason the Griffonsf [Greeks] 
called the one king The Lamb and the other The 
Lion, 

Richard's demands on Tancred. English 
<< Long-tails."— c. 26 Sept.— Oct. 4. 

Rich, of Devizes, p. 18. 

The king of England sent his envoys to the king 
of Sicily demanding his sister Joan, J formerly queen 

* Philip Augustus was bom 22 Aug., 1165, and so was 
eight years younger than Richard. He was crowned king 
of France in the lifetime of his father, Louis VII. (Nov. i, 
1 1 79) at the age of fourteen. Louis died Thursday, 18 Sept., 
n8o. Philip took the cross along with Henry II. shortly 
after the fall of Jerusalem, 21st Jan., 11 88, between Gisors 
and Trie, on which occasion it was decided that the English 
Crusaders should wear white crosses, the French red, and the 
Flemings green. Philip died 14 July, 1223. His will, dated 
Sept., 1222, leaves large sums of money for the defence of the 
Holy Land. 

t Griffons - Griffon was the Latin crusaders' name for the Greeks. 

X William II., king of Sicily, ha\ing died (Nov. 16, 1189) 
without leaving any children, the throne should have gone to 
his aunt Constance, the posthumous daughter of king Roger, 
who died in 1154. In 11 85 she had married Henry, afterwards 



RICHARD BACK IN CALABRIA. 25 

of Sicily, and her dower, together with the golden 
chair and the whole legacy that king William had 
left to king Henry his father, to wit a golden* table 
twelve feet long, a silk tent, a hundred fine galleys 
fitted out for two years, 60,000 silincB] of corn, 60,000 
of barley, 60,000 of wine, 24 golden cups, and 
24 golden plates. The king of Sicily, thinking 
little of the king of England's threats and less of his 
demands, sent back his [Richard's] sister with just 
her bed gear ; but at the same time, because of her 
queenly rank, he sent 1,000,000 terrins\ towards her 
expenses. On the third day after this (Sept. 30) the 
king of England crossed the great river of Far, which 
parts Calabria from Sicily, and, entering Calabria in 
arms, took that most strongly fortified town called La 
Bagnara and turned out the Griffons. Here, when 
he had fortified the place with a band of knights, 
he set his sister. . . . 

Before king Richard's arrival in Sicily the Griffons, 
who were mightier than all the great men of that 

Henry VI., the eldest son of Frederic Barbarossa, to whom, 
as well as to his wife, the Sicilian nobles swore fealty before 
William's death. When William II. died Henry and Constance 
were both away from Sicily, and the crown was seized by 
Tancred, an illegitimate son of King Roger. 

* The golden table is not always a touch of romance in 
mediaeval historians. The rumour of such a discovery played 
a part in the romantic story of Richard's own death ; and in 
sober history, three silver tables and one table of gold are 
mentioned in the will of Charles the Great. 

t Said by Du Cange to be the same as the seam, sagma, or 
talma, i>., a mule's or ass's burden. 
X A small gold coin ; according to Dr. StubbsVl'wei^^^'i^ ^^^'s^^ 



26 THE ENGLISH TAILS, 

region, though they always hated the Ultramontanes, 
were now hotter against them than ever owing to 
what had lately happened. So keeping peace with 
all those who owned the king of France for lord they 
sought to take vengeance for all their wrongs from 
the king of England and his ** tailed men.*** For the 
Greeks and the Sicilians used to call all those who 
followed this king ** English ** and ** tailed.** 

The English were then by an edict cut off from all 
trade in the land, and were slain by forties or fifties 

day and night wherever they were found 

Roused by these rumours of wrong done him, that 
wrathful lion the king of England raged terribly, 

* " Caudati" or *• tailed men," was a term of reproach 
specially used against the English. James de Vitry (ob. c. 
1240) tells us that the English scholars at Paris University 
used to be called *^ potatores et caudatos^* ; and it was this 
word of reproach, flung at Heniy II.' s grandson, William 
Longsword, by St. Louis* brother, Robert of Artois, that drove 
the former to reply that he and his party would that day force 
their way so far within the Saracen ranks that Count Robert 
would not dare to follow even at the tail of William's horse, 
Cauda is the remote ancestor of the modem English coward^ 
but it seems uncertain by what steps the mediaeval word ac- 
quired its connotation of fear or shame. Du Cange suggests 
the English were so called because of the splendour of their 
pointed shoes (caudas calceorumj ; but it is perhaps better to 
take the word in its more natural sense as referring to cowards 
through the metaphor of timid animals sneaking off with their tails 
between their legs. Coart is the name of the hare in the great 
mediaeval fabliau of Reynard the Fox. The English, especially 
the men of Kent, were accused of having tails because of their 
insults to the first Christian missionaries, which were thought to 
be miraculously avenged. — See Robert of Gloucester — App. 



ROYAL ELOQUENCE, 27 

conceiving anger worthy of so great a soul. His 

wrath frightened his nearest friends, his court is in 

alarm, the chiefs of his army sit around his throne 

each in his own rank, and it would have been very 

easy to read in the president's features what he 

was thinking of, had anyone dared to lift his eyes 

and look him in the face. 

[The king then asks his soldiers how they imagine they will ever 
overpow«' the Turks and Arabs and restore " the kingdom of 
Israel " if they shew their cowardice before effeminate Griffons. 
Thus conquered on the very borders of their own land, are they to 
go further so that the sluggishness of the English maybe a proverb 
to the world's end ? They must avenge themselves here or old 
women and children will mock at them over sea. But no one 
need follow him unless of his own accord.] 

The king had scarcely made a good ending of his 
speech when all the men of valour trembled, being 
troubled that their lord seemed to distrust his own 
troops. They promise to obey whatever he may 
order and are ready to make a way through mountains 
and brazen walls. Let him move his eyebrow ; and 
the whole of Sicily shall be his if he order it, con- 
quered by their toil ; aye, if he wish it, the whole 
[host] will go even to the Columns of Hercules 
in blood. 

When the clamour ceased, quieted by the serious- 
ness of the king, he said : " What I hear pleases me 
and in thus preparing to throw off your shame you 
strengthen my heart. And because delay is always 
hurtful to those who are ready we must have none in 
order that our action may be sudden. I must first 
take Messina; and ihe Griffons must pay a Ta.w?>o\sx 



28 THE KINGS MEET, 

or be sold Each man shall have the 

booty he gets ; only the strictest peace must be 
preserved with my lord the king of the French who 
is resting in the city and all his men *' 

Sept. 28-Oct. 2.— K. Kichard comes to Messina 
and frees his sister, Q. Joan. 

Roger of Howden^ iii. 55. 

On Sept. 23 came Richard, king of England, to 
Messina with many busses and other great ships and 
galleys ; in such pomp he came with the sound of 
trumpets and horns that terror fell upon those who 
were in the city. But the king of France and all 
the great men of the city of Messina, and the clergy 
and people, stood on the shore marvelling because 
of all they saw and what they had heard concerning 
the king of England and his power. When the king 
of England had come ashore he at once had an 
interview with Philip, king of France. And after 
that interview the king of France at once went on 
board his own vessels as though he were desirous of 
setting out for the land of Jerusalem ; but directly 
he left the harbour the wind shifted and blew against 
him, upon which he returned unwillingly and sadly 
to Messina. But the king of England entered the 
house of Reginald de Muhec in the vineyards outside 
the city, where a lodging was being prepared him. 
On Sept. 24 and 25 the king of England came to 
the lodgings of the king of France to converse with 
him there, and the king of France visited the king 
of England. Meanwhile Richard, king of England, 



KING RICHARD'S SISTER, 29 

sent his envoys to Tancred, king of Sicily, and set 
free his sister Joan, formerly queen of Sicily. On 
Sept. 28 the king of England went out to meet Joan 
his sister, who on that day was sent in galleys from 
Palermo to Messina by king Tancred. On Sept. 29, 
to wit, on St. MichaeFs day, came the king of France 
to the lodging of the king of England's sister, whom 
he saw, and rejoiced. 

On Sept. 30 the king of England crossed the river 
of Far and took a most strongly fortified place called 
La Bagnara. Here on Oct. ist he brought his sister 
Joan and, leaving her there with many knights and 
sergeants, returned to Messina. On Oct. 2nd he took 
the monastery of the Griffons, a strongly fortified 
place in the middle of the Far, and here he stored 
the provisions that had come from England and other 
lands ; and, after driving out the monks and their 
attendants, he set there his own knights and guards. 
Now when the citizens of Messina saw what the king 
had done they began to conjecture that he would 
seize the whole island if he could ; and for this 
reason it became an easy matter to stir them up 
against him. 

1190, Oct. 8, 4.~K. Kichard takes Messina; 
Lombard treachery; French perfidy. 

Itin.y Ric. 158. 

Now it chanced on a certain day that one of our 
men was bargaining with a woman over some fresh- 
baked bread she had exposed for sale. And, as tKe^ 
were talking together and he was d\?»p>\\Sxv^ on^x ^^^ 



30 A QUARRELSOME BAXTER. 

price, the woman suddenly flew into a passion because 
he offered her less for the loaf than she wanted. 
And she began to call him names, and could scarcely 
refrain from smiting him with her fists or tearing out 
his hair. And lo ! suddenly there gathered together 
a crowd of citizens who had heard the woman's 
wrangling. These seized the pilgrim, beat him piti- 
fully, tore out his hair, and, when they had trod him 
under foot, left him almost lifeless. But king 
Richard, as soon as the uproar arose, came forth 
and begged for peace and friendship, declaring that 
he had come on a peaceful mission and merely 
to fulfil his pilgrimage ; nor did he cease from 
his efforts .till everyone had departed without anger 
to his own home. 

And yet, thanks to the industry of that old enemy 
of the human race, the contention was renewed on 
the morrow in a more deadly way. Meanwhile the 
two kings had been conversing with the justices of 
Sicily and the chief men of the city as regards the 
common peace and safety. And lo ! there rose up a 
shout of men crying out that the natives were already 
slaying the king of England's followers. As the king 
paid no attention to this — chiefly because the Lom- 
bards* declared it was not true — there came up a 

* " The Langobardi, or Lombardi, as they were more usually 
called in France, were Italian merchants, who flocked over in 

great numbers for the sake of commerce Because 

they were engaged not only in trade, but also in usury, the 
name afterwards came to connote an evil signification, and public 
usurers were everywhere called Lombards."— Z>m Cange, v. 25., 
ed. 1883. Probably in this passage the word stands for the 
Italian-speaking population generally. 



THE ADMIRAL OF SICIL K i i 

second messenger with news that the natives had set 
upon the pilgrims. The Lombards, though they 
had themselves just come from the contest, were dis- 
suading the king from believing this information, 
when there hurriedly appeared a third messenger run- 
ning up in haste and declaring that peace was not to 
be thought of while their very lives were in danger. 
Then the king leaving the conference at once went out 
on horseback to appease the quarrel. Now there were 
two false and cunning Lombards at whose prompting 
the city crowd had been stirred up against the pil- 
grims. Their names were Jordan del Pin* and Mar- 
garitus. When king Richard arrived on the spot, where 
the two parties were already contending with fists and 
cudgels as well as with words, the Lombards attacked 
him with scandalous reproaches, though he was eager 
to separate the combatants. At last, getting angry at 
their jeers, he put on his arms and driving them into 

* Jordan del Pin and Margaritus are called wardens of Mes- 
sina in Roger of Howden's account of Philip Augustus* reception 
at Messina. Margaritus is styled •* Admiral," and is found acting 
along the coast of Syria with a fleet in 1188. When Tancred 
made terms with Richard in Nov., 1 190, they fled from Messina 
by night. After Tancred' s death Margaritus aided the emperor 
Henry VI. to conquer the kingdom, and was made duke of 
Durazso (1194). Three years later, however, the emperor had 
him mutilated. One of his servants slew him at Rome in 1200 
while getting ready an expedition for making Philip Augustus 
emperor of Constantinople. His energy in 1188 helped to 
save the remnants of the Christian possessions in the East ; and 
so noted a sailor was he that his contemporaries called him 
" the King of the Sea*' and " a second Neptune." Robert of 
Auxerre describes him as '^de statu humlli in sublime ^ro-uectusT 



32 ATTACK ON HUGH DE LUStGNAN, 

the citybesieged them suddenly. . . . Then came 
the Lombards to the king of France, making submis- 
sion to him and praying him humbly for aid. Upon 
this the king of France took up arms (as a man who 
knew the real truth. told us) and was ready to aid the 
Lombards rather than the men of the king of Eng- 
land. And this though he was bound by an oath to 
lend the latter faithful assistance. The gates of the 
city were barred, watchmen were set on the walls, 
and there rose a great din from those attacking and 

defending The French acted with the 

Lombards, and together made as it were one people ; 
but the beseigers were not aware that their allies had 
become their adversaries. 

At the beginning (of the siege) certain Lombards 
had sallied out before the city gates were closed, to 
attack the dwelling of Hugh Brown* and were assault- 
ing it desperately when the king of England, hearing 
the news, came up quickly. On learning his approach 
the Lombards immediately took to flight, and in a 
moment were scattered like sheep before the wolves. 
As they fled the king followed close on their heels to a 

* This is Hugh IX. (le Brun) of Lusignan, the elder brother 
of Geoffrey and Guy de Lusignan. He married Matilda, 
daughter and heiress of the count of La Marche, after her father's 
death. He had been taken prisoner by Nuradin in 1163 at 
the disastrous battle of Harenc, near Antioch. About the year 
1206 he is said to have started for the Holy Land once more, 
but, being taken prisoner, purchased his release and retired into 
a monastery, where he died in extreme old age. His son, 
Hugh X., married John's divorced wife, Isabella of Angouleme, 
and so was the father of the Poitevin favourites of Henry III. 



THE TAKING OF MESSINA. 33 

certain postern gate in the wall, for which they made 
without daring to look behind them or to offer any 
resistance, though it is said that the king had not 
even twenty of his men when he first set upon them. 
At the postern entrance he laid low several of them, 
disabling them from fighting with pilgrims any more. 

. . . . As the enemies' darts and stones were 
flying thickly we lost three knights of special repute, 
to wit, Peter Torepreie, Matthew de Saulcy, and 
Ralph de Roverei. . . . The number of citizens 
and others defending the walls was reckoned at more 
than 50,000. There might you see our galleys 
attempting to besiege the city from the harbour near 
the palace. But the king of France kept them out 
of the main harbour, and hence it came to pass that 
some of them who were already within and would 
not depart perished by arrows. . . . But why 
say more } King Richard got possession of Messina 
in one attack quicker than any priest could chant 
matins. Aye and many more of the citizens would 
have perished had not the king in his compassion 
ordered their lives to be spared. 

Who can reckon the amount of money lost by 
the citizens 7 Whatever precious thing was found, 
whether gold or silver, became the possession of the 
conquerors. Moreover fire reduced the galleys [of the 
citizens] to dust. This was done to guard against 
their taking to flight and offering fresh resistance 
elsewhere. 



3+ RICHARD'S MODERATION. 

1190, Oct. 4.— Kichard's moderation after lie had 

taken Messina. 

Roger of Howdetiy iii., 68. 
The king of England's men [after taking the city] 
set up the banners of their king along the circuit of the 
fortifications. At this the king of France was very 
indignant, and demanded that the king of England's 
banners should be taken down and his set up. To 
this the king of England would not assent ; but to 
satisfy the king of France, he had his own standards 
hauled down, and gave over the city to the 
Hospitallers and Templars* to keep till king Tancred 
should fulfil all his demands. 

* In the same way in Ii6r, when Louis VII. and Henry II. 
were disputing over Gisors and Neafle, they were entrusted to 
the guardianship of the Templars. 

Of the three great military orders in the East the Hospitallers 
or Knights of St. John drew their origin from a foundation for 
destitute pilgrims in Jerusalem founded by the citizens of Amalfi 
before the days of the first Crusade. The Templars owed their 
beginning to a Burgundian knight, Hugh de Payens, who about 
the year iii8 bound himself and a few comrades to protect pil- 
grims on their way to the Holy City. They derived their name 
from the so-called Temple of Solomon (south of the great 
Temple of the Lord), which Baldwin II., whose palace it had 
once been, transferred to them. The Knights of St. John were 
named not after the Baptist, but after a more obscure St. John 
Elyemon of Alexandria. The cause of the Templars was very 
early undertaken by St. Bernard, under whose auspices the regu- 
lations of the order were drawn up at Troyes in 1128. By the 
middle of the Xlllth century they were the owners of countless 
possessions — amounting to 9,000 manors — extending over almost 
all kingdoms from the Atlantic to the Jordan. Nor were the 
wealth and power of the Hospitallers much inferior. 



BETROTHAL OF PRINCE ARTHUR, 35 

1190, Oct. 6.-— The lady Joan's dowry. 

Benedict Petr.y ii., 132. 

On the third day after the capture of Messina the 
chiefs of the city and province gave the king of 
England hostages for the preservation of the peace ; 
saying they would deliver this city and the lordship 
of the whole province freely into the king's hands 
unless that lord Tancred, king of Sicily, should 
quickly make peace and do what was required of 
him. For the king was demanding from king 
Tancred Mount St. Angelus, together with the whole 
county and appurtenances thereof, on behalf of his 
sister Joan,* to whom her husband William king of 
Sicily had given it in dower 

To him Tancred, king of Sicily, replied in these 
words : " I gave your sister Joan 1,000,000 terrins, in 
lieu of her claim, before she left me. As for the rest 
of your demands I will act in accordance with the 
custom of this realm." So it came to pass that by the 
advice of his men the king of Sicily gave the king of 
England 20,000 ounces of gold in quittance of his 
sister Joan's dower; and another 20,000 ounces of 
gold in quittance of all the other claims set up in 
regard of the bequest of the dead king William, and 

♦ Joan, third daughter of Henry II., was bom Oct., 1165, 
and died Sept., 1199. In Feb., 1177, she married William II. 
of Sicily, who died Nov., 1189. In Oct., 11 96, she married 
Raymond VI. of Toulouse, and so became mother of the 
unfortunate Raymond VII. She died at Rouen in 1199 and, 
like her brother Richard, was buried at Fontevraud. 



36 THE KINGS' OATHS, 

to secure a marriage between Arthur* duke of Brittany, 
[Richard's] nephew, and one of king Tancred*s 
daughters. 

1190, Oct. 8. -The kings' oaths. 

Howdeity iii. 58. 

On Oct. 8 the king of France and the king of 
England in the presence of their counts, barons, the 
clergy and the people swore on the relics of the 
saints to keep good faith to one another both as 
regards their own persons and the two armies 
during that pilgrimage. The counts and barons also 
swore that they would keep the same oath firmly. 
Then, with the good-will and advice of the whole 
army of pilgrims the two kings decreed that all pil- 
grims who should die on the way might dispose of 
their personal equipment and that of their horses as 
they wished. So, too, as regards the half of their 
property, always providing that they remitted nothing 
home. The clerks of the chapels were to dispose of 
things pertaining to the chapel and of all their books 
at their discretion. The other half was to be deli- 
vered into the hands of Walterf archbishop of Rouen, 

* Arthur of Brittany, son of Geoffrey third son of Henry 
II., was bom March 29, 1187. The rumours of the time make 
him to have been murdered by his uncle king John in 1203. 
This betrothal in the text came to nothing. 

t Walter de Coutances was made bishop of Lincoln in 1 183, 
whence he was next year transferred to Rouen. In 1192 
Richard sent him home to England with scaled instructions 
which resulted in the fall of Longchamp. He seems to have 
died in 1207 a.d. 



FRESH REG ULA TIONS. 3 y 

of Manasser bishop of Langres,* the masters of the 
Templet and the Hospital,! Hugh duke of Burgundy, || 
Drogo de Merlou, Robert de Sablun, Andrew de 
Chaveni, and Gilbert de Wascuil. These were to 
spend the money thus acquired for the aid of the 
Holy Land as they saw necessary. And both the 
kings swore personally to keep this order leally and 
firmly during the whole journey on this side of the 
sea as well as the other. It was to hold good for the 
pilgrims of each kingdom both as regards those 
already arrived and others yet to come. 

Oct. 8, 1190.— Kegtilations for English and French 

Crusaders. 

Moreover let no one in the whole army play at any 
game for a stake — saving only knights and clerks, 
who, however, are not to lose more than 20 solidi in 
the 24 hours. And if any knights or clerks lose 
more than this sum in the natural day they shall 
for every offence give 100 solidi to the archbishop 
[of Rouen] and his fellow-treasurers to be added 

* Manasser of Bar-on-Seine was bishop of Langres from 
1 1 79-1 192. 

t According to Du Cange this should be the Robert de 
Sabl^ or Sablun mentioned below. This, however, is hardly 
possible, though we have no notice of a grand master intermediate 
between Gerard de Rideford (ob. Oct. 4, 1189) and Robert. 
J Ermengard de Daps, grand master 1187-1192. 

II Hugh III , son of Eudes II. duke of Burgundy, succeeded his 
father in Sept., 1162. He had made a previous pilgrimage to 
the Holy Land in 11 71. When Philip returned home he left 
the French troops under Hugh's command. Hugh died at 
Acre in July, 1 192, He was descended fromRobetX.W.ol'^x^xikK.^, 



38 PROHIBITION OF GAMBLING, 

to the aforesaid fund. The kings, however, may 
play at their good pleasure ; and in the royal 
lodgings the kings' servants may play for twenty 
solidi if the king so choose. Also, by leave of the 
archbishops, bishops, counts, and barons and in 
their presence, servants may play for twenty solidi. If 
any sergeants, mariners, or other servants are found 
playing by themselves the sergeants shall be beaten 
naked through the army for three days unless they 
will pay a fine at the discretion of the aforesaid 
[trustees] ; so too with the other serving men. But, if 
the seamen gamble, they are in seaman's fashion to be 
ducked in the sea at early morn once every day, unless 
they too purchase exemption. 

If, after starting on the journey, any pilgrim has 
borrowed from another man he shall pay the debt ; 
but so long as he is on the pilgrimage he shall 
not be liable for a debt contracted before starting. 

If any hired mariner, hired servant, or any one else, 
saving only clerks and knights, shall desert his lord 
on the pilgrimage no one shall take him in except 
with his lord's consent. . . . All transgressors of 
these statutes are subject to excommunication, and 
shall be punished in accordance with the aforesaid 
rules at the will of the aforesaid trustees. 

Moreover, the kings have decreed that no merchant 
of any kind may buy bread or flour in the army to 
sell it again, unless indeed some stranger has brought 
the flour and the seller has made it into bread. . . 
But it is utterly forbidden to buy any light bread, neither 
may it be bought in or within the banlieue of the 



RICHARD'S PENITENCE. 39 

town.* If anyone buys com to make bread with, his 
profit shall only be one terrin in every quarter and the 
bran. Other merchants, no - matter of what calling, 
shall only make a profit of one penny in ten. No 
one may sound the king's money on which his stamp 
appears unless it be cracked within the circle. No 
one is to buy any lifeless carcass for the purpose 
of selling it again, nor any live animal, unless he have 
killed it in the army. No one is to raise the price 
of his wine after he has once had it cried. No one 
is to make bread for sale except at a penny cost. 
And let all merchants take note that the whole Far\ 
is within the banlieue of the town, and that one 
English penny shall be given in all mercantile trans- 
actions for four Anjou pennies. And it is to be 
understood that all the aforesaid decrees are promul- 
gated with the consent and good-will of the kings of 
France, of England, and of Sicily. 

Oct.-Dec.,1100. — Kichard's penitence and interview 

with abbot Joacliim. 

Howderif iii., 74. 

In the same year Richard king of England, in- 
spired by the Divine grace, called to mind the 
foulness of his past life, and after contrition of heart 
gathered the bishops and archbishops who were with 
him at Messina together in Reginald de Moyac's 
chapel. Then, falling naked at their feet he did not 
blush to confess the foulness of his life to God in 

* This was to prevent the waste of grain in making fine cake 
bread. 

t Far is here probably the whole strait of Messina with the 
islands near. 



40 THE GIFT OF INTERPRETA TION. 

their presence. For the thorns of his evil lusts had 

grown higher than his head, and there was no hand 

to root them up. Yet did God the father of mercies, 

who willeth not the death of a sinner but that he 

may be converted and live, turn on him once more 

the eyes of His mercy, giving him a penitent heart 

and calling him to repentance. For he in his own 

person received penance from the aforesaid bishops ; 

and from that hour once more became a man fearing 

God, shunning ill and doing good. Happy he who 

so falls only to rise up stronger. Happy he who 

after repentance has not slipt back into sin. 

In the same year Richard king of England, hearing 

by common fame and the report of many, how that 

there was in Calabria a certain monk named Joachim,* 

a Cistercian and abbot of Corazzo, sent for him and 

willingly heard the words of his prophecy, his 

wisdom and his teaching. For this Joachim had 

* Abbot Joachim is said to have been bom in 1130 or 1145, 
and to have died in 1201 or 1207. In his younger days he 
visited the Holy Land, and later was made abbot of Fiore. 
About 1 1 70 he commenced a fierce attack on Peter Lombard's 
Book of Sentences J which he denounced as heretical. He taught 
that, as the age of the God of the Old Testament had given 
place to the reign of Christ the Son, so the reign of Christ was 
ultimately destined to be supplanted by that of the Spirit. This 
view, which is not altogether unlike one maintained by Mazzini 
in his earlier years, found a cordial reception in many minds, 
and about 1256 it was reported to be publicly taught by the 
Dominicans at Paris. The beginning of the new era was fixed 
for 1260 A.D., and Joachim's doctrines were embodied in the 
famous Everlasting Gospel. Joachim's contentions against Peter 
Lombard had been condemned at the Lateran Council of Nov., 
12 15, in the second chapter of its decrees, and by Gregory IX. 



CHRISTMAS DAY AT MA TTEGRIFFUN, 4 i 

the spirit of prophecy and used to foretell what was 

going to happen. Moreover he was a man learned 

in the Divine Scriptures and used to set forth the 

meaning of S. John*s visions — those visions which S. 

John narrates in the Apocalypse and wrote with 

his own hand. In hearing his words the king of 

England and his followers took much pleasure. 

[Then follows an account of the abbot's explanation of the 
seven kings of Revelation, of whom five had already fallen 
including Mahomet. Saladin was the sixth, but he would soon 
lose Jerusalem.] 

Then the king of England asked him : When will 
this be .'* And to him Joachim made answer : When 
seven years have passed from the day on which 
Jerusalem was taken. Then said the king : Where- 
fore then have we come here so soon ? To which 
Joachim replied : Thy coming was an urgent necessity 
because the Lord will give thee the victory over 
his enemies and will exalt thy name above all the 
princes of the earth. 

EUng Kichard's Christmas feast. 
Fr. The Song of Ambrose, *De Ricardi I. Itinere Sacro.* 

Pertz, xxvii. 54. 

The day of Nativity (I tell you truth) did king 
Richard cry that all should come and hold the feast 
with him. And he brought the king of France to 
feast with hi'm ; such trouble did he take. At 
Mattegriflfun was the feast in the hall that the king of 
England had reared by his power, in despite of them 
of the land. I was eating in the hall, but never did 
I see there a dirty cXoihy nor a cup or spoon of ^ood* 



42 KING RICHARD'S GENEROSITY, 

And there I saw vessels so richly edged with ovre 
trifoirey^ and over- wrought with figures and with 
precious stones, that they were right pleasant to 
behold. And I saw there such a fine service 4hat 
each one had what pleased him. Nor ever did I see 
— so I think — any one give such rich gifts as king 
Richard gave on this occasion. For he left to the 
king of France and his folk vessels of gold and silver. 

Howdetiy iii. 93. 

On the same day after breakfast the Pisans and 
the Genoese made a seditious attack upon the oars- 
men of the king of England. Now the noise came 
to the king's ears where he sat at meat in his castle 
Mattegriffun.f And there were banqueting with him 
Reginald! bishop of Chartres, Hugh duke of Burgundy, 

* opus triforiatum^ open work patterns are so called. Cf. tri- 
foriuniy pierced upper arcade of cathedrals. 

t The Castle of Matte-griflfun — a wooden structure— had been 
built by Richard close to the walls of Messina. It was intended, 
as its name "Kill-Greek" or " Check- Greek '* implies, to 
overawe the Griffons. Before leaWng the island Richard 
destroyed this fortress in accordance with his promise to Tancred. 
The stem mate in Matte-Griffun may be borrowed from the same 
Persian word to which we are said to owe the check-mate of 
modern chess— in which case we have here an allusion to this 
game already popular in the eleventh century ; or, as is less 
likely, it may correspond to the French word mater to slay, 
overcome, from the Latin mactare. Richard carried the 
materials of this castle over sea with him and rebuilt it before 
the walls of Acre (10 June). 

X Reginald de Mocon, grandson of Theobald, Count of Blois, 
was elected bishop of Chartres in 11 82, or, according to the 
"Gallia Christiana," in 1183. The same authority makes him 
die in 121^. 



ENGLISH SAILORS AND THEIR QUARRELS, 43 

. . . . many other of the king of France*s 
household. Then, after removing the table, all these 
men rose, armed themselves, and followed the king 
for the purpose of putting an end to this quarrel. 
Yet, for all this, they could not do so ; but when 
night came on the disputants were parted one from 
the other. And, on the morrow, when the people 
was gathered together in the church of St. John of 
the Hospital, to hear the divine service there, a 
certain Pisan drew his knife and wounded one of the 
king's oarsmen in the church ; upon which the Pisans 
and the galley-men fell to again and many were slain 
on either side. Then came the king of France and 
the king of England, with an armed following, and 
made peace between the two parties. 

1191, Feb. -Mar. —The three kings in Sicily. 
Richard's betrothed wife comes out to Sicily. 

HowdeHy iii., 93. 

In February on Saturday the day of the Purification 
of Blessed Ever-virgin (Feb. 2), after breakfast Richard 
king of England and many of his suite and that of the 
king of France met, as they were wont to do, outside 
the city of Messina, bent on diversions of various 
kinds. As they went home through the middle 
of the city they fell in with a certain rustic coming 
from a neighbouring hamlet. Now his ass was laden 
with reeds that people call canes. Of these 
reeds the king of England and those with him each 
took one, using them to tilt against each other. 
And it chanced that the king of England axvd W\VVvaxcw 



44 KING RICHARD UNHORSED, 

des Barres,* a very noble knight belonging to the king 
of France*s suite, charged one another, shattering 
their reeds to pieces. By this blow the head-piece 
of the king of England was broken ; whereon the 
king, being wroth, set upon William so furiously 
as to make him and his horse stagger. And as 
the king was attempting to throw William to the 
ground, his own saddle was upset ; and the king came 
down quicker than he liked. Then a fresh horse, 
stronger than the other, was brought up. This the 
king mounted and made another attack on William 
des Barres, striving to bring him down, but without 
success. For William stuck fast to his horse's neck 
despite the king's threats. Now when Robert de 
Breteuil, son of Robert earl of Leicester,! whom the 
king had on the preceding day girt J with the sword of 

* William des Barres, one of Philip's greatest warriors. He 
was taken prisoner by Richard in 1188, but breaking parole 
escaped. He afterward saved Philip Augustus' life at the 
battle of Bovines (27 July, 12 14). He married Amicia the 
daughter of Robert III., Earl of Leicester (d. 1190), after the 
death of her first husband, Simon de Montfort (ob. c. 1181), 
father of Simon de Montfort, the persecutor of the Albigeois, 
and grandfather of their namesake, our English patriot. 

t Robert de Breteuil, earl of Leicester, was the grandson of 
Robert U., earl of Leicester (ob. April, 1168), Henry II. 's 
great justiciar. Robert's father, bearing the same name, is said 
to have died in Romania Aug. 31, 1190. Robert IV. died in 
Oct., 1206. The marriages of his sister and co-heir, Amicia, 
are noted above. 

X Belting the earl was the ceremony of investiture for a man 
of that rank. Richard was giving Robert the earldom after his 
father, 



HIS ANGER AGAINST HIS OPPONENT. 45 

his father's earldom, began to lay hands on William 
des Barres so as to aid his lord the king, Richard cried 
out : ** Hold off and leave us alone." And after 
these two had striven together for a long while both 
with words and deeds the king said to his antagonist, 
** Get thee hence and take care thou appear not before 
me any more, for from this moment I shall ever be 
an enemy to thee and thine." So William des Barres 
departed from the king's face confused and grieving 
at the royal indignation. But he went off to his lord 
the king of France demanding his aid and counsel 
as regards this which had fallen out. And on the 
morrow the king of France came to the king of Eng- 
land on behalf of William des Barres, asking for peace 
and mercy in humble style ; yet would not the king 
of England hear him. Next day the bishop of 
Chartres, the duke of Burgundy, the count of Nevers,* 
and many other French nobles cast themselves with 

♦ Peter de Courtenay II., son of Peter de Courtenay I., and 
so grandson of Louis VI. and first cousin of Philip Augustus. 
In 1184 the king granted him the county of Nevers, together with 
the hand of Agnes, daughter of the late Count, Guy (ob. 1181). 
Peter's goods suffered shipwreck in the Christmas tempest of 
1 190, and Philip had to relieve his necessities by a present of 
600 marks. Nearly thirty years later he put forward a claim to 
the imperial dignity and was crowned Emperor of Constantinople 
by Honorius III. (Apr. 9, 121 7). He then attacked Theodorus 
by whom he was taken prisoner. He is said to have been dead 
before the end of January, 12 18. Earlier counts of Nevers had 
l>een ardent Crusaders, e.g,^ Guy's elder brother, William IV., 
who died in the Holy Land in 1168 a.d., and their father 
William III. (ob. 1161) who took part in the second Cmsade. 
Peter de Courtenay was also Count of Auxerre \iv\\\^\. olVv&NiSJv^. 



46 WHO HAS TO LEAVE MESSINA, 

the humblest prayers at his knees, begging peace and 
mercy for William des Barres ; neither would the king 
hear them. 

Accordingly on the third day William left Messina 
because the king of France would no longer keep 
him in his service against the will of the king of 
England. But some time after, when the time for 
crossing over drew near, the king of France with all 
his archbishops, bishops, counts, barons, and the 
chiefs of the whole army came once more to the king 
of England, and casting themselves at his feet begged 
peace and mercy for William des Barres, shewing 
what loss and inconvenience the absence of so valiant 
a knight would cause. At last, after much difficulty, 
they got the king of England to consent to the 
peaceable return of the said William, Richard under- 
taking to do him no ill or harm, and not to proceed 
against him so long as they were both busied in the 
service of God. 

Then the king of England gave many ships to the 
king of France and his men ; after which he distri- 
buted his treasures lavishly to the whole company of 
knights and to the sergeants of the whole army, till 
many said that none of his predecessors had given 
away in a year so much as he gave away in that 
month. And of a surety we may believe that by this 
generosity he ** won the favour of the Thunderer," 
since it has been written '* God loveth a cheerful 
giver.'* 

In the same month of February the king of Eng- 
land sent his galleys to Naples to meet queen Eleanor, 



THE ARRIVAL OF RICHARD'S BETROTHED, 47 

his mother, Berengaria,* the daughter of Sancho, 
the king of Navarre (whom he was about to wed), 
and Philipt count of Flanders who accompanied them. 
But the king's mother and the king of Navarre's 
daughter put in at Brindisi, where the admiral Mar- 
garitus and other of king Tancred's men received 
them with all honour and reverence. The count of 
Flanders however came to Naples, where, finding the 
king of England's galleys, he went aboard, and 
arriving at Messina became a supporter of the king 
of England. The king of France, angered at this, 
brought it about that the count should leave the king 

of England and return to him 

On the first of March Richard king of England, 
leaving Messina, came to Catania, where rests the 

♦ Berengaria, wife of Richard I., was the daughter of Sancho 
VI. of Navarre, who reigned from 12 50- 1294. She seems to 
have died in the second quarter of the Xlllth century, after 
taking the veil in the abbey of L'Espan, which she had herself 
founded. 

t Philip, the son of Theodoric count of Flanders, by Sibylla, 
daughter of Fulk of Anjou (king of Jerusalem 1131-1144), suc- 
ceeded his father in 1 168. Both father and sons were indefatig- 
able Crusaders; the former in 1138, 1148, 1157, 1164; the 
latter in 11 77 and 11 90. In 1177 Philip was offered the 
guardianship of the kingdom of Jerusalem, but refused. He 
died in |une, 1 190, at the siege of Acre. Tn explanation of his 
conduct, now and later on, it must be remembered that he was 
bound by special ties to Henry II. Nearly thirty years before 
both he and his father had been in this king's pay ; whilst his 
mother Sibylla, who was Henry II. 's aunt, had also partaken of 
her nephew's bounty during the ten-year seclusion of her later life 
m theabbeyofSt. Lazarus at Jerusalem. .Sdd Gen. 7 ahles I.^ IL 



48 RICHARD VISITS THE TOMB OF ST, AGATHA, 

most holy body of the blessed Agatha, virgin and 
martyr, for the purpose of having an interview with 
Tancred king of Sicily, who had come there to meet 
him. Now when king Tancred heard of the king of 
England's approach he went out to greet him with the 
utmost reverence, and brought him into the city with 
all the honour due to royal worth. As the two kings 
went in company to visit the blessed Agatha's tomb 
the clergy and people met them before the entrance 
of the temple, praising and blessing God, who had 
made them such close friends. After prayer at the 
blessed Agatha's tomb the king of England entered 
Tancred's palace with that king and there tarried 
three days and three nights. On the fourth day the 
king of Sicily sent many and great presents, gold, 
silver, steeds, and silken cloths to the king of Eng- 
land, who, however, would accept none of them save 
one little ring as a sign of mutual love. On the 
other hand the king of England gave Tancred that 
best of swords which the Britons call Caliburne,* 

* Or Excalibur, as it is called in the "Idylls of the King." In 
the first half of the twelfth century Geoffrey of Monmouth 
spread the fame of king Arthur through Europe by the Celtic 
legends related in his Historia Britonum. Though discarded 
by graver historians, such as William of Newburgh, the Arthurian 
stories soon worked their way deep down into the popular 
mind. In 1191, according to Ralph of Coggeshall, Arthur's 
tomb was discovered at Glastonbury with the inscription : '* Here 
in the valley of Avallion lies buried the renowned king Arthur.** 
The penading influence of the legend may be seen in the fact 
that Arthur's name was given to the posthumous son of Geoffrey, 
the third son of Ilenrv II. 



PHILIP'S TREACHEROUS LETTER. 49 

formerly the sword of Arthur, once the noble king of 
England. Moreover king Tancred gave the king of 
England four great ships that they call ursers* and 
fifteen galleys ; and when the king of England was 
departing he brought him on his way as far as Taor- 
mina, two stages from Catania. 

And on the morrow when the king of England 
wished to be off, king Tancred handed him a certain 
letter which the king of France had sent him by the 
duke of Burgundy. This letter declared that the 
king of England was a traitor, and would not keep 
the peace he had made with Tancred. If Tancred 
himself, the letter went on, would attack the king of 
England or set upon him by night he [i.e, Philip] 
and his men would help him to destroy the king of 
England and his army. To Tancred the king of 
England made answer : ** I am not a traitor, neither 
have I been one nor will I be. Moreover I have not 
broken the peace I have made with you, nor will I 
do so as long as I live. But I cannot easily believe 
the king of France has sent you this message con- 
cerning me, for he is my lord and my sworn comrade 
in this pilgrimage." To him Tancred replied : ** I 
hand you the letters which he has himself sent me 

♦ According to Jal these were round vessels rather than long. 
They went by sail not by oar, and, if we may take the instance 
he quotes from Geoffrey of St. Pantaleon, may on an average 
have contained 24 men and 40 horses. They are generally 
identified with the Xlllth. century huissiers^ of which a good 
description may be read in William of Tyre xx., c. 11 (cf. 
the old French version) — especially as regards the arrangements 
for homes. Cf. also Joinvillc (c. 28) and see ivole lo ^. Vi » 



50 DECLARED TO BE SPURIOUS. 

by the duke of Burgundy; and if the duke shall 
deny having brought me these letters on behalf of 
his lord, the king of France, I am ready to prove 
my words against him by one of my lords." 
And so, after receiving these letters from the hand 
of king Tancred, the king of England went back to 
Messina. 

On the same day came the king of France to Taor- 
mina for an interview with Tancred and, after resting 
there one night, on the morrow returned to Messina. 
But the king of England, being wroth, made no pre- 
tence to pleasure or good-will, but kept on the look- 
out for an opportunity of departing with his men. 
In answer to the king of France's inquiries as to why 
he was thus treated the king of England sent him by 
Philip count of Flanders [a copy of all] the disclo- 
sures the king of Sicily had made to him ; and in 
proof thereof shewed him the aforesaid letters. 
When this was made clear to the king of France he 
was struck speechless by his evil conscience, and had 
no word of reply. At last, coming to himself, he 
said, " Now I see plainly how the king of England is 
seeking occasion to malign me ; for all these words 
are forged lies. Truly I believe he is plotting 
against me thus so that he may put away my sister 
Alice, whom he has sworn to marry. But he may 
rest assured that if he discards her and marries 
another wife I shall be his enemy as long as I live.*' 
Upon hearing this the king of England swore that 
he could never marry [Philip's] sister, because his 
father the king of England had begoltcn a daughter 



TANCRED'S PA YMENT TO RICHARD, 5 1 

on her. Moreover he brought forward many witnesses 
who were ready to maintain this by every method 
[that is were ready to prove it by a judicial oath or 
by a judicial combat or ordeal]. 

Richard's greed toward Philip. 

This is a French account of the transactions, and to be com- 
pared with the English accounts above. 

Rigord^ 31. 

When king Philip came to Messina in August* he 
was lodged with great honour in the palace of king 
Tancred, who gave him abundantly of his own pro- 
visions ; and would have given him a countless sum 
of gold if he or his son Louis would have married 
one of his daughters. But king Philip, because of 
the friendship he had for the emperor Henry,t declined 
either engagement. Later on the strife between the 
king of England and Tancred for his sister's dowry 
was terminated in the following way, thanks to king 
Philip's intervention and efforts : — 

The king of England received 4.0,000 ounces of 
gold from king Tancred. Of this king Philip had 
only the third part, when he ought to have had the 
half. Yet for the sake of peace was he contented 
with the third. 

* Philip really reached Messina Sept. 16, 1190. 

t Frederick Barbarossa was drowned in the river Salef on his 
way towards Acre (June 10, 1190). The claim of his son, 
Henry VI., has been explained above (page 24 note). He died 
28 Sept., 1 197. His son was the brilliant Frederick II., the 
* stupor mundi et immutator mirabilis * of MaU\ve\J Vm'a. 



52 RICHARD REFUSES TO fVED ALICE, 

Philip begs Richard to sail at once. 

Rigord, 32. 

Now when some days had passed the king of 
France begged the king of England to get ready to 
make the March passage* with him. But the king of 
England replied that he could not cross before 
August. Then the king of France sent once more 
urging him as though he were his own vassal to cross 
the sea along with him. If he would he might 
marry the king of Navarre's daughter ... at 
Acre ; but if he would not go he must wed his (the 
king of France's) sister, as he was bound to do by 
oath. The king of England flatly refused to do 
anjthing of the kind ; upon which the king of 
France called on those who had given sureties for 
this oath to do as they had sworn. And Geoffrey de 
Rancogne and the viscount of Chateaudun, in the 
name of all the rest, declared they would do as they 
had sworn and go whenever he wished it. At this 
the king of England was vehemently wroth and swore 
to disinherit them — a threat which the subsequent 
course of things brought about. And from this 
moment envy and quarrels began to rise between the 
two kings. 

* Passagiufn was the name given to the voyage to and from 
Jerusalem. There were ordinarily reckoned two great *passagia^ 
in the course of the year from the towns of the Mediterranean 
coast to the Holy Land. They usually took place in the early 
sjDring Cpassagitim Martii) and the late summer or beginning of 
autumn (passagium Augnsti or SepteinhruJ ; but it is not very 
easy to assign them exact dates. 



THE FINAL ARRANGEMENT, 53 

March, 1191.— Agreement made by Philip as to 
his dispute with Richard. 

Rigordy 32, Rymer (ed. 18 16), p. 54. 

This was the final arrangement between the kings before they 
parted. 

In the name of the Holy and undivided Trinity, 
Amen. Philip by the grace of God king of France : 

Know all men present and to come that a firm 
peace hath been made between us and our friend and 
faithful liege Richard, the illustrious king of Eng- 
land, — 

I . Of a good heart and will we grant the aforesaid 
king to marry whomsoever he will, notwithstanding 
the covenant made between ourselves and him 
regarding our sister Alice whom he ought to have 
married. 

5. If the king of England have two male heirs or 
more he hath willed and granted that the elder shall 
hold of us in chief all that he ought to hold on this 
side the sea of England ; while the other shall hold 
in chief one of the three baronies, to wit that of 
Normandy, of Anjou and Maine, or of Angouleme 
and Poitou. 

6. And by reason of the aforesaid covenant the 
king of England hath granted us 10,000 silver marks 
— Troy weight ; 3000 marks of which he will pay us 
or our true representative on the feast of All Saints 
at Chaumont*; and another 3000 at the next feast 
of All Saints; 2000 more at the third and 2000 more 
at the fourth feast of All Saints 

♦ In the Vexin. 



54 PHILIP REACHES ACRE. 

1 1 . If the aforesaid terms as above written be 
observed on both sides, we will and grant the king of 
England to have and hold in j)eace all the tenements, 
both fiefs, and domain lands that he held on the day 
when he started for Jerusalem 

14. Moreover the king of England hath agreed to 
send back to France without any let or hindrance our 
sister Alice, within a month after his return whether 
we be alive or dead 

All which things, that they may be lasting, we 
confirm with the authority of our seal. Given at 
Messina in the month of March in the year 1190 of 
the Incarnate Word. 

The king of France goes to Acre and reconnoitres. 

13 or 20 April, 1191. 

VEstoire d^EracleSj 155. 

Philip the king of France came straight to Syria with 
all his host and arrived at the harbour of Acre, where 
the siege was then progressing. The gentle-folk who 
were already there had been long and eagerly expect- 
ing his coming, and on his arrival he was received with 
great honour as becomes so high a man as the king of 
France. The host was overjoyed at his coming. In 
his train he brought great store of vessels filled with 
provisions and many other good things ; and in his 
company he had barons and knights as befitted the 
crown of France : to wit, count Philip of Flanders, 
Hugh duke of Burgundy, and William des Barres, on 
whose account the discord between the two kings in 
great measure arose. 

As soon as he arrived he got upon his horse and 



QUEEN ELEANOR STARTS FOR HOME. 55 

made a circuit of the whole city to see from what 
part it might most easily be taken. When he had 
made his survey he remarked: ** It is strange that 
with so many warriors at the siege, the city has been 

so long in getting taken.** 

The king of France might have taken the city of 
Acre had he wished ; but he waited for the coming 
of the king of England because they were companions 
and had made alliance from the time they left their 
own lands to conquer everything in common. It was 
for this cause that he waited — viz., that he wished* 
[the king of England] to share in the joy and con- 
quest of the afore-said city of Acre. 

March 30, 1191.— Philip leaves Sicily. 

Howden iii., 95. 

And in the same month of March, Saturday the 
30th, Philip with all his fleet set sail from the harbour 
of Messina, and on the twenty-second day following, 
to wit the Saturday in Easter week,t came with his 
army to the siege of Acre. But the king of England 
and his army remained at Messina after the departure 
of the king of France. And on the very day when 
the king of France left Messina, queen Eleanor,J the 

♦ This statement of Philip's generosity is confirmed by Rigord 

(See p. 56.) 

t !>., April 20, 1 191. Rigord, however, gives the date as 
April 13; Ralph de Diceto as March 21. Easter Day fell on 
April 14 this year. 

X Eleanor, daughter of William X., duke of Aquitaine, married 
Louis VII., July, 1137, but was divorced 21 March, 1152. The 
same year she became the wife of Henry II. She died ist April, 
1 204, at the abbey of Beaulieu, and was buried at FowX^nx-^w^* 



56 JOY AT A CRE WHEN PHILIP ARRIVES, 

mother of Richard king of England, arrived there. 
With her she brought Berengaria, the daughter of 
Sancho king of Navarre, whom the king of England 
was going to marry. On the fourth day queen 
Eleanor went back to England, intending to pass 
through Rome ; and when she had gone the king of 
Navarre's daughter remained in the guardianship of 
the king of England, together with his sister Joan 
queen of Sicily. 

1191, 13 April.— King Pliilip reaches Acre. 

Rigord, 33. 

But Philip the king of the Franks, earnestly de- 
siring to finish the journey he had begun, set sail in 
March and after a few days, having a favourable breeze, 
reached Acre on Easter Eve (/.^., 13 April, 1 191) with 
all that belonged to him. Here he was received with 
the greatest joy by the whole army, which had been 
besieging the city for so long a time. [He was 
welcomed] with hymns and songs of praise and floods 
of tears, as though he had been an angel of God. He 
at once had his house set up so near the city walls 
that the enemies of Christ often shot their quarrels 
and arrows right up to it and even beyond. Then, 
after having erected his stone-casters, his mangonels, 
and his other engines of war, he so battered the walls 
before the king of England's arrival that it only 
wanted an assault for the city to be taken. For he 
was unwilling to storm the city so long as the king 
of England was away. 



RICHARD'S POMP 57 

Richard leaves Sicily the Wednesday before Good 
Friday, 1191. (April 10, 1191.) 

Ric, of Devizes ^ 46. 

The fleet of Richard king of the English launched 
forth and proceeded in the following order : — In 
the first line went three ships only. One of these 
held the Queen of Sicily and the girl from Navarre. 
The other two carried part of the king's treasure and 
arms ; in all three there were men as a guard and 
food. 

In the second line, what with ships, busses, and 
dromunds,* there were thirteen vessels ; in the third 
fourteen ; in the fourth twenty ; in the fifth thirty ; 
in the sixth forty ; in the seventh sixty ; and last 
followed the king himself with his galleys. f Between 
the several ships and the lines the space was so 
wisely arranged that from one rank to another you might 

• Dromund was a name given in the Mediterranean to the 
largest class of ships of burden. According to Jal generally they 
had two rows of oars, but sometunes three. William of Tyre 
defines them as "[naves] maximae" in contrast with "naves 
majores" (which the old French version renders by " huissiers ") 
and "naves longae rostratae, geminis remorum instructac ordinibus, 
bellicis usibus habiliores quae vulgo galece dicuntur " (Lib. xiv., 
20). 

t The galley was emphatically the mediaeval war ship and 
corresponded to the Roman Liburna. It is described as long, 
slender, and rather low built. In the twelfth century the galley 
generally had but two rows of oars. The prow was furnished 
with wooden beam, called a spur {calcar)^ with which to trans- 
fix an adversary. In the thirteenth century, according to Vin- 
cent of Beauvais, Liburnce had occasionally three, four, and 
even five rows of oars. Sec preceding note. 



58 AS HE LEAVES SICILY. 

hear a trumpet's blast, and from one ship to another 
a man's voice.* This too was a wonderful thing, that 
the kingt was no less hearty and healthy, strong and 
hale, light and active, on sea than he was wont to be 
on land. From this I conclude that there was not 
any man in the world stronger than he, either on 
land or sea. 




The stormy passage of king Bichard, and his faith 
in the Cistercian prayers. 

Ciesar of H/isterhach, x. 46. 
In the first expedition against Jerusalem Richard 
" According to Roger of Howden, Richard set sail with 150 
great ships and 53 well-armed jjallcys. 

t Richard of Devizes a few pages earlier implies that Philip 
could not well aland a sea-voyage: " Francus {i.e. rex Fran- 



THE STORM A T SEA 59 

king of England crossed over with a multitude of 
pilgrims and very great host.* Now on a certain day 
towards twilight there rose a mighty tempest, so that 
the ships were battered by the storm and driven 
hither and thither by the force of the winds. But 
the king and all the others having death before their 
eyes cried out all through the night : " O when will 
the hour come for the Grey Monks f to rise and praise 
God. For I have done them such great kindnesses 
that I cannot doubt that as soon as they begin to 
pray for me God will look down and pity us." 

Wonderful was the king's faith ; and the Lord who 
says ** If ye have faith as a grain of mustard seed 
ye shall say to this mountain * be thou removed ' and 
it shall be removed" rewarded his faith by a clear 
miracle. 

For about the eighth hour of the night, towards 
morning, the Lord roused by the prayers of the 
rising monks, and rising himself in all his might, 
commanded the winds and waves and there was a 
great calm ; so that all wondered at the sudden 
change. Wherefore the king on his return, in recom- 
pense for this miracle, did still more honour to the 
order, enriching certain of its houses with alms and 

founding new ones. 

* The following story will be found repeated later on as regards 
Philip Augustus, to whom in all probability it really belongs. 
But its substance is also told of other mediaeval heroes, from 
Irish saints to English earls. — See Percy MS. i. 258. Earls of 
Chester. 

t The Grey Monks are the Cistercians, of the reformed order 
of Citeaux. 



6o DRIVES BERENGARIA TO CYPRUS. 

1101, April 12-June 8.— K. Richard leaves Messina, 
acquires Cyprus, goes thence to Acre. 

Manuel I., Emperor of Constantinople, had died 3rd October, 
1 1 80. His young son Alexius was soon supplanted by his 
cousin Andronicus, who murdered him in 1184, but met with a 
similar fate in September next year. Before his death Andron- 
icus had sent Isaac Comnenus, a nephew of Theodora (the wife 
of Baldwin III. of Jerusalem and Manuel's niece), to Cyprus, 
where however he declared himself Emperor, and succeeded in 
maintaining his power long after Andronicus at Constantinople 
had been supplanted by another Isaac (Angelus 1185-95). Ac- 
cording to Howden, Isaac Comnenus of Cyprus had been taken 
prisoner by Rupin de la Muntaine (of Armenia), who delivered 
him to his lord "Raymond** (a mistake for Boamund III., 
prince of Antioch). The same writer makes him Manuel's 
nephew. Boamund demanded 60,000 besants as his ransom ; 
and the men of Cyprus, hearing of his danger and fearing the 
cruelty of Andronicus sent an offer to pay 30,000 besants down. 
Hostages were delivered for the other half and Isaac was set free. 
He died in 1195. See Genealogical Table III. 

Roger of Howden^ iii., 105. 

On Good Friday (April 1 2), about the ninth hour of 
the day, a fearful wind, coming up from the S., scattered 
his navy. The king with his part of the fleet took 
shelter in the Isle of Crete and then at Rhodes. 
But a great buss, on board which were the queen 
of Sicily and the king of Navarre's daughter, with 
many intimate friends of the king, and along with 
it two other busses** were driven by stress of tempest 

* Corresponding with the first line in Richard of Devizes. The 
author of the Itinerarium shews that there were two storms on 
April 10 and 24. Richard had a huge wax candle lit on board 
his own vessel as a sign to the rest of the fleet. He was driven 
to Rhodes (April 22) and stayed there till May 1st. The queen 



THE VICE-CHANCELLOR DROWNED, 6 1 

to Cyprus, the king being quite ignorant what had 
become of them. 

When the storm gave over the king sent out 
galleys to look for the ship that held his sister and 
the king of Navarre's daughter. And they were 
found outside the harbour of Limasol. As for the 
two other ships, that accompanied this one as 
far as Limasol, they had perished ; and many 
knights and servants belonging to the king's suite 
were drowned (at the same time). Amongst these, 
alas ! there was drowned master Roger Malus 
Catulus, the king's vice-chancellor (April 24). The 
king's seal, which he used to wear hung round his 
neck, was found [later], Isaac emperor of Cyprus 
laid his hands upon the goods of those who were 
drowned ; and at the same time took and imprisoned 
all who escaped shipwreck, and confiscated their 
money. Intoxicated with a mad frenzy of cruelty, he 
went further, inasmuch as he would not suffer the 
vessel, in which were the queen of Sicily and the 
king of Navarre's daughter, to enter the harbour. 

When this had been made known to the king 
of England he came to their aid, with all speed, 
with many galleys and a great store of ships, and 
found them lying outside the harbour, exposed to the 
winds and the sea. Being greatly enraged at this, he 
sent his messengers once, twice, thrice, to the emperor 

reached Limasol May 2nd, and was on the point of trusting her- 
self to Tancred's generosity three days later, when on Sunday 
evening (May 5) two ships appeared on the horizon. They were 
the leaden of Kich^d's fleet, 



62, ISAACS HARSHNESS 

of Cyprus, humbly begging him for the love of God 
and reverence for the life-giving Cross to free the 
captive pilgrims whom he held in chains and to restore 
with their goods the. goods of those who had been 
drowned. These goods he desired in order that 
by their aid services might be offered to God 
for the souls of the dead. To these envoys the 
emperor made a haughty answer, sajdng that he 
would neither restore the pilgrims nor the goods. 

Now the king, hearing that the wicked emperor 
would do nothing for him unless constrained by force, 
ordered his whole army to take up arms and follow 
him, saying, ** Follow me and we will take vengeance 
for the wrongs which this perfidious emperor has 
done to God and to us in thus unjustly keeping our 
pilgrims in chains. Do not fear his men, for they 
are unarmed and fitted for flight rather than 
for war. We, on the other hand, are well armed ; 
for he who 

* When asked for simple right says, " No," 
Yields all things to an armed foe.' 

It behoves us to fight manfully to free God's people 
from destruction, knowing that we must win or die. 
But I have confidence in God that He will this day 
give us the victory over this perfidious emperor and 
his people " (May 6). 

Meanwhile the emperor had lined the sea-shore 
everywhere with his men. Few of them were 
armed and almost all were unskilled in battle. Yet 
they stood on the shore equipt with swords, lances, 
and clubs, and holding stakes, bits of wood, seats, 



AND RICHARD'S VENGEANCE. 63 

boxes before them for a wall. When the king of 
England and his men had armed themselves, leaving 
their great ships, they rowed ashore in boats and 
galleys with great speed. The archers went first 
to clear a way for the rest. And when they had 
reached land, under the king's leadership, they made 
an attack all together upon the emperor and his 
Griflfons, and, as a shower upon the grass, so fell 
the arrows upon the combatants. When they had 
been fighting a long while the emperor and his men 
took to flight, pursued by the king of England, who 
slaughtered those opposing him at the sword's edge. 
Many also he took alive, and had not night inter- 
vened maybe the king would on that day have taken 
the emperor himself. But as the king and his folk 
were on foot and did not know the mountain paths along 
which the emperor and his men were fleeing, they 
returned to Limasol and found it forsaken by the 
Griffons. There they discovered abundance of com, 
wine, oil, and flesh. 

On the same day, after the king of England's 
victory, his sister the queen of Sicily and the king 
of Navarre's daughter entered Limasol harbour ac- 
companied by the rest of the king's fleet. But the 
emperor, collecting those of his men who were 
scattered about the valleys and thickets, on the same 
night pitched his camp some five miles from the 
king of England's army, swearing with an oath that 
on the morrow he would again give battle to the 
king of England. Now when the king's scouts 
brought him word o{ this, [Richard] made his army 



64 THE GIFT TO ST. EDMUND, 

take up its arms a long while before it was light. 
Marching along without any noise they came to 
the emperor's host and found it sleeping. Then 
with a great and terrible cry the king entered their 
tents, whilst the enemy, being roused from sleep, 
became as dead men, not knowing what to do or 
where to flee, because the king of England's army 
was setting on them like ravening wolves (May 7). 

But the emperor with a few of his followers, 
escaping unarmed, left behind him his treasures, 
his steeds, his arms, his beautiful tents, and his 
imperial banner all inwrought with gold. This the 
king of England despatched at once to St. Edmund,* 
the glorious king and martyr. Then after his great 
victory and triumph over his enemies he returned 
to Limasol. 

On the third dayf from this there came to the king 
of England in the island of Cyprus GuyJ king of 

* That is to the monastery at Bury St. Edmunds. Carlyle's 
** Abbot Sampson" (1182-1210) was then the head of this great 
foundation. 

T On Saturday, May nth, according to the Itinerarium. 

X Guy de Lusignan, son of Hugh de Lusignan, fleeing to the 
Holy Land married Sibylla, the elder daughter of Amalric I. of 
Jerusalem, and sister of the young king Baldwin IV. (Easter 
1 180). Sibylla had previously been married to William of Mont- 
ferrat, the brother of Conrad of Montferrat. Baldwin IV. when 
his own illness incapacitated him from ruling, made his brother- 
in-law Proctor of the Realm, but soon revoked his concession. The 
feuds between Raymond III. of Tripoli and Guy had much to do 
with the dissolution of the kingdom. On the death of Baldwin V. 
(Sept. 1 186) Sibylla had her husband crowned along with herself. 



A GREETING FROM ACRE, 65 

Jerusalem, Geoffrey* deLusignan his brother, Amfridf 
del Tursin, RaymondJ prince of Antioch, with his 
son, Bohemund count of Tripoli, || and Leo§ brother 
of Rupin de la Muntaine. These offered their services 
to the king and became his men, swearing fealty 
to him against all folk. On the same day the emperor 
of Cyprus, seeing himself utterly deserted, sent envoys 
humbly to the king of England, offering him peace 
on these terms : He (Isaac) would give 20,000 marks 
of gold in recompense for the money of those who 

Guy was taken prisoner at the battle of Hittin (4 July, 11 87), 
but set free in the course of the next year. He began the siege 
of Acre Aug. 22, 1189. In 1192 Conrad was made king of 
Jerusalem and then Henry of Champagne ; while Guy had to 
content himself with the island of Cyprus. He died in 1195. 
William of T5rre speaks very unfavourably as to his capacity. 

* Geoffrey de Lusignan, the elder brother of Guy, was given 
Jaffa and Ascalon by Richard I. He played a distinguished 
part at the siege of Acre. 

t Henfrid de Toron in November, 1183, married Isabella the 
younger sister of Sibylla mentioned above. The recalcitrant 
barons wished to make him king in 1 186, but he escaped and did 
homage to Guy and his wife. About November, 1190, he was 
divorced from Isabella, who then married Conrad of Montferrat, 
He is said to have died in 1 198. See Genealogical Tables 11^ IV, V. 

X Should be Boamund III. whose father Raymond died in 
1 149. Boamund is said to have died in 1201 a.d. 

II Boamund I., Count of Tripoli, younger son of the above, 
became coimt of Tripoli by concession of his elder brother Ray- 
mond, to whom Raymond III. of Tripoli had bequeathed his 
coimtry on his death (1187). 

§ This is Leo, the first king of Armenia, who was crowned as 
a sovereign dependent on the Western Empire in January 1198. 
He died 12 19 a.d. 



66 ISAAC SURRENDERS 

had been drowned ; those who had been captured 
after the shipwreck he would set free with their 
goods ; while he himself, in his own person, would 
go with [Richard] to Jerusalem and tarry there in 
his service and in that of God with loo knights, 
400 mounted turcoples,* and 500 well-armed footmen. 
Moreover, [Isaac] promised his only daughter, who 
was also his heir, as a hostage ; he would deliver up 
his castles as pledges, would swear eternal fealty to 
[Richard] and his [successors], and would hold his 
empire of him. When these terms had been agreed 
to on either side, the emperor came to the king 
of England, and, in presence of the king of 
Jerusalem, the prince of Antioch, and the other 
barons, became the king of England's man and swore 
fealty to him. Moreover, he swore that he would 
not leave [Richard] till all he had bargained should 
be accomplished. But the king handed the emperor 
tents for himself and his men, assigning knights and 
sergeants to guard them. 

But on the same day after breakfast the emperor 
repented him of his bargain with the king of 

* The light-armed native horseman of the Greek armies. They 
formed a prominent part in the armies of the great military orders 
in the East. With the Templars their head officer, the Turcopolier, 
had command of all the men-at-arms, as well as of his own 
special troops, during action. In the battle a Turcople bore the 
Beauseant or Templars* banner, and, in the regulations for food, 
the Turcoples were allowed meat and wine, as compared with 
the Templar knights, in the proportions of two to three and five 
to three ; as compared with the men-at-arms in the proportion 
of three to two. 



AND RICHARD CONQUERS THE ISLE, 67 

England, and while the knights who should have 

been guarding him were taking their mid-day sleep, 

he went off slyly, sending the king word that he 

would keep no peace or agreement with him. This, 

as it turned out, pleased the king very well. For he, 

like the wise and prudent man he was, at once 

handed over a good part of his army to king Guy, 

the prince of Antioch, and the other new comers 

with orders to pursue the emperor, and, if possible, 

take him prisoner. The king himself dividing his 

galleys into two squadrons, instructed Robert de 

Tumham with one half to surround the island on the 

one side and take whatever vessels or galleys he 

might find. This was accordingly done ; whilst the 

king with the remaining half of his galleys coasted 

the other part of the island. Thus he and Robert 

took as many vessels and galleys as they found in the 

circuit of the whole island. But the guards of the 

cities, castles, and harbours, fleeing off to the 

mountains, left their charges empty in every place 

where the king and the aforesaid Robert came. . . 

Meanwhile the emperor's men came pouring in to 

the king of England, and becoming his men held 

their lands of him. Now, on a certain day, when the 

aforesaid emperor and his comrades had sat down to 

breakfast, one of them said to him : " My lord, it is 

our advice that you make peace with the king of 

England, lest your whole people perish/* And the 

emperor, being angered at this speech, smote the 

speaker with the knife he held, cutting off the nose 

of the man who had given this couivsel\ ^Vv^^^xs?;^^'^ 



68 RICHARD'S MARRIAGE. 

after breakfast he who had been thus smitten went 
off to the king of England and adhered to him. . . 

On Sunday, May 12, the feast of SS. Nereus, 
Achilles, and Pancras, Martyrs, Berengaria the king 
of Navarre's daughter was married to Richard king 
of England, in the island of Cyprus at Limasol. . . 

Then, after the celebration of his wedding, the 
king of England moved his army forward, and the 
noble city of Nicosia was delivered up to him. On the 
king's coming with his army to the strongly-fortified 
castle which is called Cerine,* the emperor's daughter 
who was there came out to meet him, and cast her- 
self prone on the earth before the king's feet, yielding 
up the castle and praying for mercy. The king, 
taking pity on her, sent her to the queen ; and, as 
he journeyed on, the following castles surrendered : 
Paphos, Buffevent, Deudeamur, and Candare. Then 
all the other cities and fortresses of the empire 
surrendered. But meanwhile the unhappy emperor was 
lying hid in a certain abbey-fortress called Cape St. 
Andrew; and, when the king came here for the purpose 
of taking him, the emperor went out to meet him, cast 
himself at his feet, and placed himself at the king's 
mercy, life and limb, without making any stipulation 
as regards the realm. For he well knew that all 
things were now in the king's power, and therefore he 
only begged not to be put in iron fetters and 
manacles. The king having heard his petition, 

* In the N. of Cyprus, looking towards Armenia. It is 
described by Ralph of Diceto as the place *' quo naves ascendunt 
JerosoJJmmn visitMuri^" 



DBA Tff OF PHILIP OF FLANDERS. 69 

handed him over to Robert Fitz- Godfrey, his 
chamberlain, with orders to have gold and silver 
chains made for his safe keeping. All these things* 
were done in the island of Cyprus, on Saturday, the 
first day of June, which was also Whit-Sunday eve. 

On the same day, to wit on Whitsun eve, died 
Philip count of Flanders, at the siege of Acre ; and 
the king of France, laying hands on all his treasures 
and ever}^thing he possessed, from that hour began to 
seek an opportunity for withdrawing from the siegfc, 
and returning to his own lands, in order that he 
might reduce the county of Flanders. 

And on the same day, to wit Whitsun eve \j,e,j June 
I ], the queen of England, the queen of Sicily (sister 
to the king of England), and the daughterf of the 
emperor of Cyprus, landed at Acre with the greater 
part of the king of England's fleet. 

June 6 or 7.— Richard's voyage to Acre; the 
taking of the Saracen Dromond. 

Itin. ii., c. 42. 

And so, having concluded these matters, Richard 

• According to the Itinerarium this should be Friday, 3 1 May. 

f Accordiijg to Emoul, Richard took Isaac's daughter back 
with him to his own dominions. On his death she was set free 
and started for Cyprus, but was detained at Marseilles and 
forced to marry Raymond VI. of Toulouse, who, however, put 
her away later, so as to marry the king of Arragon's sister. She 
then became the wife of a Flemish knight, who, on the strength 
of his marriage, set up a claim to Cyprus and appeared before 
king Amalric with a demand that he should resign in his favour. 
*' When king Amalric," Emoul adds, *• heard of this demand he 
held the knight for mad and ordered him to quit his laud.*' 



70 RICHARD, LEAVING CYPRUS, 

straightway turned his thoughts towards his passage 
across [to the Holy Land] ; and, when he had arranged 
his baggage, set sail with a favourable wind. The 
queens put out to sea in busses with their own equi- 
page. The king had appointed energetic men to be 
his wardens and captains in Cyprus, leaving them 
instructions to send after him what victuals were 
necessary, to wit wheat, barley, and the flesh of all the 
animals in which Cyprus abounded. And lo ! there 
now went abroad a report that Acre was on the point 
of being taken ; upon hearing which the king with 
a deep sigh prayed God that the city might not fall 
before his arrival, " for," he said, " after so long a 
siege our triumph ought, God willing, to be one of 
exceptional glory." Then with great haste he went 
on board one of the best and largest of his galleys at 
Famagusta; and being impatient of delay, as he 
always was, he kept right ahead, though other and 
better appointed galleys followed him from every 
side 

And so, as they were furrowing the sea with 
all haste, they caught their earliest glimpse of 
that Holy Land of Jerusalem. The castle of Margat* 

* All these places would be full of memories for the Crusaders. 
Margat was a great fortress of the knights of St. John, to whom 
it had been sold in 1186 by its lord, Reynald. It lies rather 
more than half-way from Laodicea to Tortosa. Saladin failed to 
take it in July, 1 188. It was built, says a German writer, who 
saw it in 12 1 1, on a lofty hill that seemed, like Atlas, to support 
the sky and served as a permanent check on the Assassins. It 
\vas /inaJJy lost to the Christians 25 May, 1285. 



SIGHTS THE HOL Y LAND. 7 1 

was the first to meet their eyes ; then Tortosa,* set 
on the sea-shore, Tripolis,t Nephyn, Botron,! and 
not long after the lofty tower of Gibeleth.|| At 
last on this side of Sidon near Beyrout§ they descried 
afar off a certain ship filled with Saladin*s choicest 
warriors the pick out of all his pagan realm, and 
destined to bring aid to the besieged in Acre. 
Seeing that they could not make direct for Acre on 
account of the nearness of the Christians, the Sara- 
cens drew back to sea a little and waited their 

• Tortosa, the ancient Antaradus, an old Phoenician settle- 
ment, was taken by the first Crusaders in 1099 and again 
in 1 102 by duke William of Aquitaine and his party on their 
way to Jerusalem. In the latter half of the Xllth century its 
castle belonged to the Templars. Saladin failed to take it in 
July, 1 188. It was lost to the Christians 3 Aug., 1291. 

t Tripoli, said to have been originally a colony founded by 
the three cities of Sidon, Tyre, and Aradus. It was taken by 
Baldwin I. and Bertrand, son of count Raymond, in 1 109. It 
was the chief city of the great county of Tripoli, which stretched 
from a little north of Beyrout to near Margat. It was lost 
to the Christians 25 March, 1289. Like Tortosa it was the 
seat of a bishopric. 

X Botron, rather less than half-way between Tripoli and 
Beyrout, is noted in old crusading legend as the stronghold, for 
the sake of which there rose the deadly feud between count 
Raymond II. of Tripoli and Gerard de Riderfort, which resulted 
in the disastrous battle of Hittin and the fall of Jerusalem. 

li Giblet (the modem Jebeil) between Tripoli and Beyrout is 
ancient Byblos— a town perhaps of earlier foundation than 
either Tyre or Sidon. It was the seat of the worship of Adonis. 
Of its strong mediaeval castle remains exist. 

} Beyrout was taken by Baldwin I. May 13, mo. Saladin 
recaptured it Aug. 6, 1187. Almaric II. regained it in 1 197 or 
1 198, and it was finally lost to the Christians towards 0&& ^\>l^^ 
July, 1291. 



72 THE STRANGE VESSEL, 

time to make a sudden rush into the harbour. 
Richard, who had taken note of the ship, calling up 
one of his galley-men, Peter des Barres, bade him 
row hastily and enquire who commanded it. Word 
was brought back that it belonged to the king of 
France ; but Richard, as he drew near eagerly, 
could neither hear any French word nor see any 
Christian standard or banner. As it ^proached he 
began to wonder at its size, its firm and solid build. 
For it was set off with three masts of great height 
and its smoothly wrought sides were decked here 
and there with green or yellow hides.* Added to 
which it was sq well rigged out with every fitting 
appointment and so well furnished with provisions of 
every kind as to leave no room for improvement. 
There was a man present on the king's ship who said 
he had been at Beyrout when this vessel was loaded. 
He had seen her cargo sent aboard, to wit, a hundred 
camel-loads of arms of every kind : great heaps of 
arbalests, bows, spears, and arrows. It contained 
also seven Saracen emirs and eight hundred chosen 
Turks, to say nothing of a great stock of food exceeding 
calculation. There was also a supply of Greek firef 

* See Joinville's account of John of Ibelin's vessel (c. xxxiv.), 
which was ornamented within and without with its owner's 
escutcheons. The coloured hides in the text, however, were 
probably intended primarily as a protection against Greek fire, 
which would burn in the water, but secondarily as an ornament. 

t Greek fire, the most destructive agent known to mediaeval 
warfare, was passed on from the Byzantine Greeks to the 
Saracens. The manufacture is thus described in the De 
Mirdbilibus Mundi^ attributed to Albertus Magnus (ob. 1280) : 
'* You make Greek fire thus : Take quick sulphur, dregs of 



SAILING UNDER FALSE COLOURS, 73 

closed up in vessels and two hundred most deadly 
serpents, destined to work havoc among the Christians. 

The king now sent other messengers to enquire 
more particularly as to who the strangers were ; and 
this time they received a different reply : that the 
strangers were men of Genoa bound for Tyre. 
Whilst all were in doubt, as to what this contradiction 
could mean, one of our galleymen kept confidently 
affirming that the ship belonged to the Saracens. He 
told the king he might cut off his head or hang him 
on a tree if he failed to make good his assertion by 
incontrovertible proof. ** Let us,*' he said, ** now that 
they are skurrying away, send a second galley after 
them without giving them a single word of greeting ; 
in this way we shall see what their intention is and 
what faith they hold." 

Accordingly at the king's command a galley started 
after the strange ship at full speed. Seeing this, 
its sailors began to hurl arrows and darts against the 
crew of the galley, as it drew up alongside of them 
without offering any greeting. Noting this, Richard 
gave the word for an immediate onset. On either 
side the missiles fell like rain and the strange ship 
now went on at a slower rate, for the oarsmen had to 
slacken their efforts and there was not much wind. 
And yet, frequently as our galley-men made their 
circuits round the enemy, they could find no good 



wine, Persian gum, * baked salt * {sal coctum), pitch {piccolo), 
petroleum, and common oil. Boil these together. Then what- 
ever is placed therein and lighted, whether wood or iron, cannot 
be extinguished except with vinegar or sand." 



74 ^S SURROUNDED BY RICHARD'S GALLEYS 

opportunity of attacking ; so strongly was the vessel 

built and so well was it manned with warriors, who 

kept on hurling their darts without a pause. Our 

men, on the other hand, were grievously bestead by 

these darts, falling, as they did, from a vessel of such 

extraordinary height ; for it is no little advantage to 

have the blind forces of nature on one's side ; and it 

is much easier for a dart to do damage to things 

beneath it, if it is hurled from above, seeing that it 

falls downwards of its own accord. For these 

reasons our men began to falter and relaxed their 

efforts, wondering what the peerless courage of the 

unconquered king Richard himself would deem the 

best course under these circumstances. But he 

boldly called out to his own men as follows : 

** What ! are you going to let that vessel get off 

untouched and unharmed } Shame upon you ! 

After so many triumphs will you let sloth get hold of 

you now and give way like cowards ? 

* Never so long as any foes 
Remain, are you to seek repose.' 

Well do you know, all of you, that you will deserve 
to be hung on a gallows and put to death if you suffer 
these enemies to escape." 

On hearing these words our galley-men, making a 
virtue of necessity, plunged eagerly into the sea and 
getting under the enemy's ship bound the helm with 
ropes so as to make the vessel lean to one side and 
hinder its progress. Others, pushing alongside with 
great skill and perseverance, grasped hold of the 
cordage and leapt on board. The Turks were ready 



AND SUNK 75 

for these and slew them promptly, cutting off one 
man*s arms, another man's hands or head, and 
pitching the dead bodies out to sea. This sight 
roused the other Christians to greater valour. . . 
so that scrambling over the ship's bulwarks they 
hurled themselves upon the Turks and gave no 
quarter to those who offered any resistance. 

But the Turks emboldened by despair used every 
effort to repel the galley-men, and succeded in 
cutting off a foot here, a hand or a head there ; whilst 
their opponents, straining every nerve, drove the 
Turks back to the very prow of the ship. Upon this 
other Turks came rushing up from the hold of 
the vessel and, massed into one body with their fel- 
lows, offered a stout resistance, being determined to 
die bravely or repulse their adversaries like men. 
For these were the very flower of the Turkish youth 
— a band skilled in warlike exploits and well 
armed. So the fight continued and warriors fell 
everywhere on either side till at last the Turks, 
pressing on with greater vigour, forced our men back 
and compelled them to quit the ship. Our galley- 
men accordingly betook themselves to their own 
galleys and again began to row round the ship, 
looking out for a place suitable for attack. 

Meanwhile the king, noting the danger of his men, 
and seeing that it would be no easy thing to take the 
Turkish vessel with all its arms and stores intact, 
gave orders for each of his galleys to prick the enemy 
with its spur {i.e, with its iron beak). Accordingly the 
gallejTS, after drawing back a space, aie otvc^ \s\syt^ 



76 WITH NEARL Y ALL ON BOARD, 

swept forward under the impulse of many oars 
to pierce the enemy's sides. By these tactics the 
ship was stove in at once, and, giving an inlet to the 
waves, began to sink ; while the Turks, to avoid going 
down with their vessel, leapt overboard into the sea, 
where they were slain or drowned. The king, how- 
ever, spared thirty-five of them, to wit the emirs and 
those skilled in the making of warlike engines. All 
the others perished ; the warlike gear was lost, and the 
serpents were drowned or tossed about here and 
there on the sea waves. 

Had that ship got safe into Acre the Christians 
would never have taken the city. Thus did God 
bring disaster upon the infidels, while to the Christians 
who trusted in him he gave help at the hands of king 
Richard, whose warlike endeavours prospered without 
intermission. 

Certain Saracens who had been watching all 
that took place from the distant hills were grieved 
beyond measure and carried the news to Saladin.* 

* Saladin (Selah-ad-Din al Malec an-Nasr Abu U ModafFer 
Yussuf) was the son of Ayub (Job), the governor of Tecrit on 
the Tigris, between Mosul and Bagdad. In this capacity Ayub 
saved the fortunes of Zengui, who made him governor of Baalbec. 
In December, ii68, Saladin unwillingly accompanied his uncle, 
Shircuh, Nuradin's lieutenant, for the conquest of Egypt. 
Shircuh died 23 March, 1169, and was succeeded by his 
nephew. Saladin' s growin^^ power soon excited the suspicion of 
Nuradin, who died while preparing to march against him [ob. 
15 May, 1174). By the end of October Saladin was master of 
Damascus and in 1 1 75 threw off" all dependency on Nuradin's 
son, Al Malec as-Salah Ismail. In November, 1182, he was 



SALADIN'S GRIEF. 77 

He immediately, on hearing their story, seized 
his beard and in his rage plucked out the hair. 
Then with many sighs he burst out into speech, 
**0 Alia kibar ychalla," ue„ "O God Almighty, 
now have I lost Acre and those chosen men in 
whom I placed my trust; I am overcome and op- 
pressed by the harshness of my fate.*' In the Saracen 
host — so those who witnessed the whole occurrence 
tell us — there was great weeping and howling, inso- 
much that men cut off their hair for grief and tore 
their garments, cursing the hour and the star that 
brought them to Syria; for in the ship we have 
been talking of there perished the very choicest 
flower of their youth, in whom they had most trust. 

The Saracen account of the great Ship's loss. 

Bohddin^ 102. (Cf. Itin.y ii., 42.) 

On the sixteenth of Jomada I. {i,e, 11 June, 1191) 
there came to Beyrout a ship of vast size, laden 
with warlike implements, with arms, provisions, and 
valiant men. This ship the sultan had ordered his 
people of Beyrout to fit out and furnish with many 
soldiers that it might force its way into the city, 
despite the enemy. It held six hundred and fifty* 

conquering along the banks of the Tigris. Though he failed to 
take Mosul, he was now by far the greatest prince in Western 
Asia and, within a few years, was ready to undertake the conquest 
of Palestine, a short account of which has been given in the 
preface. He died on Wednesday, or rather Thursday, 4 March, 
1 193, after an illness of twelve days. Genealogical Table VI. 

* Howden makes tke vessel hold 1,500 men, of whom Richard 
only spared 200 according to Ralph de Diceto. 



78 THE VAUANT CAPTAIN, 

Pliant men of war; but the English [king] sunk 
it after surrounding it with a fleet of forty sail. 
For just as the battle began, by some fatal chance, 
the wind dropped and the enemy climbed up the 
sides after much slaughter, though not without loss 
to themselves. Our men, however, burnt a vessel of 
vast bulk belonging to the enemy ; and all who were 
within, many though thQy were, perished to a man. 
But, for all this, the enemy, thanks to their numbers^ 
harassed our seamen greatly. Now when the captain, 
a man of great valour and much warlike experience, 
saw that all things boded imminent disaster and that 
there was no way of escaping death, he called aloud : 
** By Allah, we will seek a noble death ; and we will 
not yield even the smallest morsel of our craft into 
the hands of the foe." Thus he spoke ; and those on 
board began straightway with axes to cleave and bore 
through their own vessel, until they had, as it were, 
flung wide the gates by which the water might enter 
on every side. All men on board were drowned and 
with them there went down the warlike gear, the 
victuals, and everything else, so that the enemy 
carried off" no booty. Now the name of this captain 
was Jacob of Aleppo. One only, of our men who 
were in the water, did they rescue from drowning. 
Him they took up into their ships and granting him 
his life they let him go to the city with the news of 
our disaster. On hearing the misfortune, all the rest 
were grievously distressed ; but the sultan accepted 
this also with the hand of resignaticyi for the sake of 
God, who will not suffer the reward of them that love 
righteousness to perish. 



TYRE. 79 

1101, June 8.— Bichard reaches Acre. The illumi- 
nation. The French king begins the attack. 

When Guy de Lusignan was set free in May, Ii88, he seems 
to have spent a year in Tortosa, Antioch, and Tripoli collecting 
troops for the siege of Acre. On August 22, 1189, he sat down 
before this city with 700 knights and 9,000 men at arms gathered 
out of every Christian nation. Two days later the first instal- 
ment of warriors from W. Europe came. After more than one 
futile assault on the city, which they were not numerous enough 
to blockade completely, they had to trench themselves in from 
sea to sea, as a protection against Saladin, who was now holding 
the neighbpuring heights. The Christians had thus at the time 
of king Richard's arrival been themselves besieged for consider- 
ably over a year and a half. 

Itin» iii., i, 210. 

After destroying this ship king Richard and all his 

company hastened with joy and eagerness towards 

Acre, where he longed to be. Thanks to a favourable 

wind on the very next night his fleet cast anchor off 

Tyre. Early next morning he hoisted sail once more, 

and had not gone very far before they caught sight 

of that place we have mentioned before — Scandalion;* 

thence passing by Casal Imbert \ the lofty tower of 

* Scandalion was built by Baldwin I. probably on the ruins 
of an earlier fortress. Fulcher of Chartres and Marino 
Sanuto place it between Tyre and Acre, five miles from the 
former city. The Franks called it by folk-etymology Camp de 
Lions, ** This place," says William of Tyre, ** do people now call 
Scandaltum, For in Arab speech Alexander is called Scandar 
and Alexandrium Scandarium, But the common tolk pro- 
nounce it Scandaltum^ changing an R into an L," xi., c. 30. 

t Casal Imbert is said to be now represented by the hill-ruins 
of El Hamsin, lying left of the road between Tyre and Acre, some 
four leagues (French) from the latter town. — See Note p. 211. 



8o THE TURKISH HOST ROUND ACRE. 

Acre * rose up in the distance, and then by degrees 
the other fortifications of the city. 

Acre was then girt round on every side by an infi- 
nite number of people from every Christian nation 
under heaven — ^the chosen warriors of all Christian 
lands, men well fitted to undergo the perils of war. 
Now this host had been besieging the city for a long 
time in spite of hunger, toil, misfortune, and every 
kind of distress, just as has been related in the earlier 
parts of this book. Moreover beyond them lay an 
innimierable army of Turks swarming on the moun- 
tains and valleys, the hills, and the plains, and having 
their tents, bright with coloured devices of all kinds, 
pitched everywhere. Our men couldalso see Saladin's 
own pair of lions and those of his brother Saphadin f 
and Takadin \ the champion of heathendom. Saladin 

* Acre was taken by Baldwin I. 26 May, 1 104 ; surrendered 
to Saladin about July 8, 1187; recaptured by the Christians 
July 12, 1 191. It was the last Christian stronghold to fall in 
the Holy Land (17 June, 1291), of which since the taking of 
Jerusalem in 1187 it had been the capital. 

t Al Malecal-Adil Saf-ad-Din Abu-Bekr Ahmed (d. 31 Aug. 
1 2 18) was Saladin's brother. On Saladin' s death he was lord 
of lands east of the Euphrates. He timied the feuds of Saladin's 
sons to his own advantage, establishing himself as Atabec in Feb. 
1200. In 1202 he established himself at Damascus and became 
Soldan of Syria, Upper Mesopotamia, and Egypt. See Genea- 
logical Tables VI. 

X Al Malec al Modaffer Taki-ad-Din Omar, one of Saladin's 
nephews and greatest warriors, was lord of Edessa and Harran. 
It was he who, in 1171-2 advised Saladin to resist the orders of 
Nuradin. He died 10 Oct. 1191. Besides being a soldier he 
was a poet of some renown. He was great -great-grandfather of 
Abulfeda the historian. See Genealogical Table VI, 



PHILIP WELCOMES RICHARD. 8 1 

himself was keeping a watch on the sea-coasts and 
harbours without however ceasing to contrive frequent 
and fierce attacks upon the Christians. King Richard 
too, looking forth, reckoned up the number of his 
foes ; and as he reached the harbour the king of 
France, together with the chiefs of the whole army, 
all the lords and mighty men, welcomed him with 
joy and exultation ; for they had long been very eager 
for him to arrive. 

It was on [June 8] the Saturday before the feast of the 
blessed Barnabas the apostle, in Pentecost week, that 
king Richard with his followers reached Acre. On 
his arrival the whole land was stirred with the exulting 
glee of the Christians. For all the people were in 
transports, shouting out congratulations and blowing 
trumpets. He was brought ashore with jubilant 
cries ; and there was great joy because the desired 
of all nations had come. The besieged Turks on the 
other hand were in the utmost terror and distress 
because of his arrival ; for they saw well that all 
chances of entrance to and egress from their city 
were at an end, owing to the number of the king's 
galleys. 

The two kings came down from the harbour 
together and shewed their respect for one another 
by graceful courtesies. Then king Richard, with- 
drawing into the tents that had been prepared for 
him, set about arranging his affairs, giving special 
consideration to the question as to what kind of 
engines were best fitted for taking the city. No pen 
can describe the joy of the people at his arrv\^JL\ \v^ 



/ 



82 THE CAMP ILLUMINATED, 

tongue can express it. Even the cloudless night was 
thought to smile upon his coming with a clearer air 
than usual. Here the trumpets thundered and there 
the clarions blared. Here the flutes mingled their 
shriller tones with the din of drums and the harsher 
murmurs of the "troinae" till it seemed that all these 
many discordant sounds blended together in a sym- 
phony very pleasant to the ear. Nor was it easy to 
find any one who did not share in the general joy 
and welcome ; to which all bore witness by thunder- 
ing out popular songs or, 

*' Ringing out the praise 
And deeds of earlier days," 

enumerated old achievements as incentives to the 
men of their own day. Some served the minstrels 
with wine in precious goblets, others, the mean 
mingling with the mighty, welcomed all comers in- 
differently and passed the night in utmost glee. More- 
over, the fact that Richard had reduced Cyprus was 
an additional cause of joy ; for this island was very 
handy and well furnished with all things needful for 
an army. Lastly, as a proof of the delight that was 
now springing up in all hearts, the gloom of night was 
everywhere dispelled by the gleam of waxen lights, 
till, as the number of the candles increased, night 
seemed to have borrowed the brightness of day and 
the Turks thought the whole valley was in a blaze. 

The Pisans, wondering at Richard's magnificence 
and glory, came to him, ofi"ering their homage and 
fealty and, of their own free will, binding themselves 



RICHARD'S MUNIFICENCE, 83 

to his rule and service. But the crafty Turks early 
on the Sunday morning (June 9) made a show of 
attacking us. . . . 

And now that the host of both kings was united 
the whole Christian army, vast as it was, became as 
one. With the king of France, who had reached 
Acre on the octave of Easter, there had come the 
counts of Flanders and St. Pol, William de Garlande, 
William des Barres, Drogo de Amiens, William de 
Merlo, and the count of Perche.* With them also 
returned to Acre the marquis of whom we have 
spoken before, who now held Tyre and aspired to 
the kingdom of Jerusalem. There was no man of 
great power or fame in France who did not come 
then or later to besiege Acre. 

King Richard arrived about Whitsuntide with his 
host and warlike stores. When he learnt that the 
king of France had paid each of his knights three 
aurei \ a month, and by this means had gained great 
popularity, king Richard that he might not be 
outdone or equalled in generosity, made heralds 
proclaim throughout the whole army that upon cer- 

* Rotrode III. count of Perche was the son of Rotrode II. 
(ob. 1 144) and the sister of Patrick earl [of Salisbury]. In 1158 
he married a daughter of the house of Blois. He took the 
Cross Jan. 13, 1188, and died at the siege of Acre in 1 191. 
His father was one of the warriors in the first Crusade. 

t This aureus, or gold piece, was the bezant of the Greek 
Empire, about the size and weight of a Napoleon. It formed the 
regular gold currency of all Europe, for the Western States 
practically did not coin gold but used a silver currency. See 
note A on Mediaeval Coinage. 



84 HE FALLS ILL 

tain terms he would give knights of any land four 
gold pieces a month if they needed pay. For this 
cause all people gave open praise to king Richard, 
saying that he must excel all other men in worth 
and kindly feeling because he surpassed them in 
his gifts and magnanimity. "This is the man," they 
would say, ** for whom we have so eagerly waited. 
How soon then, now that he is come, will the assault 
be made } At last the most peerless of kings has 
arrived, the most skilful warrior among Christian 
men ; now let God*s will be done." For, of a surety, 
the hope of all rested on king Richard. 

Now when the king had tarried at Acre but a few 
days he fell ill of a grievous sickness commonly 
known as Arnoldia^, This disemper is due to the 
climate of an unknown region that sorted ill with his 
constitution ; but, none the less for this, did he during 
the whole course of his illness continue the construc- 
tion of his petrariae and mangonels and the erection 
of a castle before the city-gate. For he devoted his 
whole energies to the preparation of warlike engmes. 

Then the king of France, wearied at so long a 
delay in commencing the attack, sent word to king 
Richard that now was a fitting time to begin and to 
move up the army to the onset by herald proclama- 

♦ Philip was taken ill of the same disorder. William le 
Breton attributes this disease to poison, and tells us how in 
the course of the illness Philip lost the nails of his hands and 
feet, his hair, and his skin. From Bohadin we gather that this 
illness lasted from before June 24 to at least July 4, when 
Richard was perhaps convalescent. 



AND THE KING OF FRANCE ATTACKS. 85 

tion. Richard, in reply, said he was not yet at 
leisure for carrying out such a plan, because of the 
serious illness that was on him and also because 
adverse winds were keeping back his men ; never- 
theless, he trusted they would come with the next 
fleet and bring with them materials for making 
engines of war. The king of France, however, 
deeming this no sufficient ground for delaying the 
execution of his project, ordered the heralds to 
proclaim the attack throughout the army. So on the 
Monday after St. John's Nativity* the king of France, 
having his engines of war ready, bade all his soldiers 
arm. Then might one see an innumerable host of 
men, all fairly armed, with many a bright coat of ring- 
mail, and many a glittering crest. Then might you 
see noble steeds covered with their shining trappings 
and neighing [for the combat] ; and chosen knights 
— in such numbers as had never been beheld there 
before : so many henchmen of great valour, so many 
pennons, so many banners wrought with different 
devices. 

The progresa of the siege of Acre from c. June 17- 

July 3rd. 

Itin. iii., c. 6. 

Now while the army, owing to the sickness of the 
two kings, pined away from excessive grief at having 
no prince left to be its leader in the battles of the 
Lord, its misfortunes were aggravated by the unex- 

* If this date is right it should be July i, 1 189. 



86 " TRE BAD neighbour:' 

pected death of the count of Flanders. The general 
grief was however somewhat assuaged by the arrival 
of several fresh vessels, which, after a prosperous 
voyage, brought many bishops and great lords — each 
with his own train of followers — to the Christians* 
aid. The names of the new-comers were the bishop 
of Evreux, Roger de Tooney, several brothers and 
kinsmen sumamed de Corneby, Robert de Newburgh, 
Jordan de Humez, the chamberlain de Tankerville, 
count Robert of Leicester, Gerard de Taleboz, Ralph 
Taisson ; also the knights called Torolenses, the 
viscount of Chdteaudun, Bertram de Verdun, Roger 
de Hardencourt, the knights of Pr6aux, Warin Fitz 
Gerald, Henry Fitz Nicholas, Emald de Magneville, 
the men of Stutteville, William Marcel, William Malet, 
Andrew de Chavigny, Hugh Brown, &c., &c., and 
Hugh de Fiert6. This latter had been present at 
the conquest of Cyprus, whence he had come to 
Acre. The two kings continued ill, but yet God had 
preserved them to take the city. 

When the king of France got well from his sickness 
he devoted himself to preparing his engines and 
setting up his stone-slings in fitting places, from which 
he kept them working night and day. He had one 
very good engine of war called** The Bad Neighbour"; 
and, within the city, the Turks had another which they 
called **The Bad Kinsman," by whose assistance they 
frequently managed to destroy the ** Bad Neigh- 
bour." The king of France on his part kept 
rebuilding the latter machine till by constant blows 
he had partly overthrown the chief wall of the city 



THE STONE'SLING OF GOD. 87 

and shattered the " Accursed Tower." On one side 
the stone-sling of the duke of Burgundy used also to 
work, and not without effect; on the other that of 
the Templars wrought the Turks vast injury, whilst 
that of the Hospitallers — equally dreaded by the 
Turks — kept plying always. 

Besides all these there was a certain stone-sling, 
built out of common funds, which they used to 
call God's stone - sling. Close by it a certain 
priest, a man of the greatest integrity, was always 
preaching and at the same time begging money 
for its reconstruction or for the payment of those 
who collected the stones it discharged. By its 
blows the wall near ^^the Accursed Tower^^ * was shaken 
for a length of two perches. The count of Flanders, 
too, had a peculiarly choice stone-sling, to say nothing 
of a smaller one. King Richard took possession of 
the former on the count' sdeath. These two stone-slings 
kept plying at a tower near one of the gates, much 
frequented by the Turks, till it was half smashed in. 
Moreover king Richard had made two other new 
stone-slings of remarkable material and workmanship, 
and these hit the mark at an incredible distance. 
He had also built an engine of the strongest construc- 
tion of beams. It had steps fitted to it for getting up, 
and was commonly known as the belfry.f This engine 

* See note C on the topography of Acre. 

t This Berefridus or Belfry is but another name for the great 
wooden castle (castrum, castellum;, built by besiegers to assist 
in taking a stronghold. They were so built as to be movable 
and generally were of such a height as to over-top the walls of 



88 THE BELFRY, 

was covered with closely-fitting hides, with ropes, 
and strong planks of wood, so as not to be destroyed 
by the blows of the stone-slings or even by Greek fire. 
[Richard] had also got ready two mangonels* — 
one of them of such power that it could hurl 
its charge into the very middle of the city market. 

King Richard's stone-slings were plying night and 
day, and it is a known fact that a single stone 
discharged from one of this king's engines slew 
twelve men. This stone was sent to Saladin for him 
to look at. The messengers who carried it said that 
that devil the king of England had brought from the 
captured city of Messina [a store of] such sea- 
flints and most lustrous stones for doing execution 
on the Saracens. Nothing, they went on, could 
resist the blows of these stones without being 
shattered or ground to powder. Meanwhile the king, 
whose fever was getting worse, lay on his bed, 
chafing sorely when he saw the Turks challenging 

the city. They were divided into several stories, called ccenacula 
or solaria. They are emphatically the * machina * of mediaeval war- 
fare, and were often covered with raw hides so as to render them 
more invulnerable to fire. The great machina used by Godfrey de 
Bouillon at the capture of Jerusalem had three coenacula and the 
duke himself fought on the top. That used by Amalric I. at the 
siege of Damietta in 1 169 was seven stories high. The machina 
was moved by human force from below and went on wheels, 
sometimes called pedes. To the lower part a battering-ram 
(aries) was attached ; midway was a drawbridge, and on the top 
were set the archers, &c. See Note D, 

♦ Mangonels were instruments for casting gieat stones— as much 
to beat down walls as to slay the enemy. 



THE CAT, 89 

our men, whilst his sickness prevented him from 
attacking them. For the constant onsets of the 
Turks caused him keener pangs than the most fiery 
throes of his fever. 

Acre seemed a city very hard to take, not only 
because of the natural strength of its position, but 
also because it was defended by the very choicest 
Turkish troops. It was all to no purpose that the 
French had spent so much pains on constructing 
engines of war and implements for pulling down the 
walls ; because the Turks by a sudden volley of 
Greek fire would destroy everything their enemies 
had prepared, no matter at what expense, and con- 
sume it utterly with fire. Now, among the other 
engines made by the king of the French was one 
which he had constructed with the utmost care. It 
was intended for scaling the walls, and for this 
reason was called ** The Cat,"* because after creeping 
up in the manner of a cat it got a grip of the wall 
and stuck fast to it. He had also finished another 
contrivance of hurdles very strongly fastened together 
with twigs, and this the people used to call the circleia. 
Under this little hurdle, covered with raw hides, 
the king used to take his seat anxiously discharging 
bolts from his cross-bow and watching his oppor- 
tunity to strike any unwary Turk on the battlements 

♦ The Cattus was, properly speaking, a kind of vinea or 
hurdle protection, under whose shelter men could conduct 
military operations, such as undermining, &c. The name was 
also given to a movable tower. Bohadin describes the cat as a 
covered gallery with a pointed head like a plough-share in form* 

1 



90 PHILIP'S CIRCLBIA BURNT. 

of the city. Now it chanced one day, while the 
French were drawing too close to the walls in their 
eagerness to bring up the cat, that the Turks cast 
a heap of dry wood over the walls on to the cat. 
Then, without any delay, they discharged a quantity 
of Greek fire down upon the citcleia that had been 
prepared with such great care. After this they set up a 
stone-sling, taking aim at the same place, when lo ! 
suddenly everything is in flames or destroyed by the 
blows of the stone-sling. Upon this the king of France, 
madly wrath, began to curse with horrid oaths at 
all who were under his rule and to chide them with 
shameful reproaches for not taking vengeance against 
the Saracens who had done him such a wrong. In 
the heat of his anger, as evening drew on, he pro- 
claimed an attack for the morrow by herald's voice. 
Early next morning chosen guards were set at the 
outer ditches to keep off sudden attacks of the 
Saracens [outside]. For Saladin had bragged that 
on the same dav he would cross the trenches in full 
force and shew his valour, to the destruction of the 
Christians. But he did not keep his word ; for he 
did not come himself, but his fierce and persistent 
army, under his lieutenant Kahadin,* hurling itself 
in great masses against the trenches, was valiantly 
opposed by the French. There was no small 
slau«>;hter on either side. The Turks, dismounting, 
advanced on foot. The fight went on at close 
quarters with drawn swords, daggers, and two-headed 

axes, not to mention clubs that bristled with 

* />., Takadin, see note p. 80. 



TURKISH A TTA CK, q I 

sharpened teeth. The Turks press on ; the valorous 
Christians, drive them back ; each side rages with 
a twofold fury ; for it was the time of summer heat. 

That part of the army destined to take the city 
continued hurling darts, undermining the walls, 
pounding away with engines or creeping up to scale 
the walls. The Turks, dreading the courage of these 
assailants, signalled to their fellows outside by raising 
aloft the standard of Saladin in the hopes that [their 
friends] would come to their aid at once or draw off 
the enemy by an attack [in the rear]. Seeing this 
Kahadin and his Turks, pressing on with all their 
vigour, filled the ditch, but were resisted and driven 
back by our men, who, thanks to God, stood like an 
impenetrable wall. Meanwhile the king of France's 
diggers gradually burrowing by subterranean passages 
reached the very foundations of the walls and filled the 
chasm they had made with logs, to which they set fire. 
Then, when the fire had consumed the beams 
upholding the wall, a great part of it gave way, 
sloping down by degrees, but not falling flat. Very 
many Christians ran up to this spot in the hope of 
entering, whilst the Turks came up to drive them 
back. Oh ! how many banners might you then see and 
devices of many a shape, not to mention the desperate 

[valour] of the Turks as they hurled Greek fire against 
our men. Here the French brought up ladders, and 
attempted to scale the wall that was not quite pros- 
trate ; there the Turks on the other hand used 
ladders to defend the breach. 

A noble exploit wrought on this occasiotv ycvxvsJv. ^^\. 



gz ALBEHIC CLEMiENTS. 

be passed over in silence.* There was a man famoiis 
for his valour, Alberic Clements by name. He, seeing 
the French sweating from their urgent efforts and yet 
profiting little, called out " To-day I will either die or, 
with God's will, enter Acre." So saying he boldly 
climbed the ladder, gained the top of the wall, and slew 
many of the Turks, who rushed upon him from every 
side. When the French were on the point of follow- 
ing him up the ladder it broke,t owing Xo the numbers 
on it ; for it could not bear so many. Some of them 
were crushed to death, others were drawn off heavily 
wounded. The Turks surrounded and overcame 
Alberic Clements, who, being left alone on the top 
of the wall, was pierced with countless wounds. He 
thus made good his promise to die a mart>T. At 
this misfortune the Turks were as much delighted as 
the French were downcast. 

1191, July 5.— E. Bichard besieges Acre and forces 

it to yield. 

Itin. Ric.y 224, iii., c. 12. 

King Richard was not yet quite recovered from 
his illness ; yet, anxious to be doing something, he 
turned his thoughts to the capture of the city, and 
had it attacked by his men in the hopes of gaining 
♦ Howden dates this Wednesday, 3rd July. Bohadin seems 
also to place this attack at 2nd— 3rd July. 

t Not an unfrequent accident at mediaeval sieges, as, for 
example, if we may trust Albert of Aix, when the Christians of 
the 1st Crusade were making their midnight entry into Antioch. 
The ladders were of rope, wood, or leather. For Alberic 
Clements sec note to p. 94. 



THE BRA VER Y OF KING RICHARD, 93 

some success with God*s assistance. Accordingly he 
had a kind of hurdle-shed (commonly called diCircleia) 
made and brought up to the ditch outside the city 
wall. Under its shelter were placed his most skilful 
crossbow-men; whilst, to hearten his own men for the 
combat and to dispirit the Saracens by his presence, 
he had himself carried there on silken cushions. From 
this position he worked a crossbow, in the manage- 
ment of which he was very skilful, and slew many of 
the foes by the bolts and quarrels he discharged. His 
miners also, approaching the tower against which 
his stone-casters were being levelled, by an under- 
ground passage dug down towards the foundations, 
filling the gaps they made with logs of wood, to 
which they would set fire, thus causing the walls, 
which had already been shaken by the stone-casters, 
to fall down with sudden crash.* 

Thereupon the king, seeing how difficult the work 
was and how valiant were the enemies, knowing also 
how needful it was to kindle men's valour at critical 
moments, thought it more fitting to encourage the 
young [warriors] on by promises of reward than to 
urge them on by harsh words. For who is there 
whom the prospect of gain will not entice } Accord- 
ingly he proclaimed that he would give two gold piecesf 

♦ On the night of Friday, 5th July, according to Howden. 

t Richard, who was well-read in history and romance, may 
possibly in this piece of magnificence have aimed at emulating 
that of Raymond of St. Giles at the siege of Jerusalem ; Ray- 
mond offered a penny for every three stones cast into the ditch 
he wanted to fill up for his ** machina " to cross. 



94 WHO A VENGES ALBERKPS DEA TH. 

to any one who would detach a stone from the wall 

near the before-mentioned tower. Later he promised 

three and even four gold-pieces for each stone. Then 

might you see the young men with their followers 

leap forth and rush against the wall and set themselves 

zealously to lugging out the stones — and this as much 

for the sake of praise as of pay. . The height of the wall 

was very great and it was of no slight thickness ; yet, 

dispelling danger, by courage, they extracted many a 

stone. The Turks rushing against [the assailants] 

in bands strove to cast them down from the walls ; 

and, while thus engaged in driving back their enemies, 

unwarily exposed themselves to darts ; for in their 

haste they rashly neglected to put on their armour. 

One of the Turks who to his cost was glorying in the 

arms of Alberic Clements,* with which he had girded 

himself, did king Richard wound to death, piercing 

him through the breast, with a dart from his cross-bow. 

Grieving over the death of this warrior the Turks 

recklessly rushed forward for vengeance, and, just as 

though energetic action were a cure for pain, showed 

themselves so bold that it seemed as if they feared 

neither darts nor any other missile. Never were our 

men engaged by warriors — of any creed whatever — 

more valorous or apter at defence. Memory staggers 

* Rigord calls this Alberic " Marshal of the king of the 
French.** Roger of Howden gives additional details, telling 
how he had advanced to the wall with Philip's banner ; was 
deserted by Conrad of Montferrat and, after mounting a ladder, 
had been drawn up over the walls by an iron hook with which 
the Turks had seize'l him. The date of his capture was Wed- 
nesday, July 3rd, 1 191. 



THE TOWER FALLS 95 

at the recollection of their deeds. In the press of 
this conflict neither armour of strongest proof nor two- 
fold coat of mail nor quilted work was strong enough 
to resist the missiles hurled from the stone -casters. 
Yet, for all this, the Turks kept countermining from 
within till they compelled our men to retreat ; and 
then they began to raise a furious cry as though 
their object had been attained. 

At last when the tower had fallen prostrate before 
the blows of our stone-casters and when king Richard's 




(arty koVo/nm <-«'J '■-. 
men began to stop digging, our men-at-arms,* in 

■Thursday, nth July, according to Howden; or posably, 
as the exact chronological order of the details given in the 
Itinerarium is hardly to be pressed, Saturday, July 6lh. 



96 AND THE ENGLISH MEN-AT-ARMS 

their greed for fame and victory, began to don their 
arms. Amongst the banners of these were the earl 
of Leicester's ; that of Andrew de Chavigni and of 
Hugh Brown. The bishop of Salisbury also came 
up, equipt in the noblest fashion, and many more. 
It was about the third hour, i.^., about breakfast 
time, when these valorous men-at-arms began their 
work, going forth to storm the tower, which they 
boldly scaled at once. The Turkish watchmen, on 
seeing them, raised a shout, and lo ! the whole city 
was soon in a stir. The Turkish warriors, hurriedly 
seizing their arms, came thronging up and. 
flung themselves upon the assailants. The men- 
at-arms strove to get in ; the Turks to hurl them 
back. Rolled together in a confused mass they 
fought at close quarters, hand against hand, and 
sword against sword. Here men struck, there they 
fell. Our men-at-arms were few, whereas the 
numbers of the Turks kept on increasing. The Turks 
also threw Greek* fire against their enemies, and this 
at last forced the men-at-arms to retreat and leave 
the tower, where some of them were slain by weapons, 

* Joinville describes the method of discharging Greek fire as 
follows : — •' Now the way of discharging Greek fire was such 
that it came on like a vessel of verjuice, while the tail that issued 
thence was big as a big lance. As it came on it would make a 
noise like a thunder-bolt ; it seemed as if a dragon were flying 
through the air. So clear a lustre did it shed round that, through- 
out the army, one could see as if it were day by reason of great- 
ness of the fire that cast forth this great light. Thrice did they 
cast the Greek fire against us that night, and four times did they 
shoot it from the arbalestre a tour,^^ 



NEARLY TAKE THE CITY. 97 

Others burnt by that most deadly fire. At last the 
Pisans, eager for fame and vengeance, scrambled up 
the tower itself with a mighty effort ; but, bravely as 
they comported themselves, they too had to retreat 
before the onset of the Turks, who rushed on as 
if mad. Never has there been such a people as 
these Turks for prowess in war.* And yet, for all the 
enemies' valour, the city would on that day have been 
taken and the whole siege finished if the entire army 
had displayed an equal valour. For, you must know, 
by far the larger part of the army was at that hour 
breakfasting ; and, as the attack was made at an 
unsuitable time, it did not succeed. 

• ••••••• 

Though its walls were partly fallen and partly 
shaken, though a great part of the inhabitants were 
slain or weakened by wounds, there still remained in 
the city 6,000 Turks. With these were the leaders, 
Mestocf and Caracois,J who began now to despair 

• A similar tribute is paid the Turks byTudebode, the historian 
of the first Crusade : *' The Turks say they are Franks by origin, 
and that no man has warlike instincts by nature saving the 
Franks and themselves. Of a surety, did they but believe 
in Christ and His holy faith, no one could find more valiant 
men, or soldiers better fitted for v^rar." 

t Saf ad-Din Ali Ibn Ahmad al Meshtub, a Curdish chief, 
was sent into Acre at the head of a fresh garrison, 1 3 February, 
1 191. He was set at liberty 15 May, 1192, and employed in 
negotiating the truce. He died six months later, i November. 

X Beha ad-Din Kara-kush was left governor of Acre by 
Saladin in Moharrem (19 Feb.-20 Mch), 11 89. He was set at 
liberty by 20 Oct., 1192, and Saladin gave him leave to %o to 
Damascus to procure his ransom of 100,000 pieces of gold. cf.p. 253. 



98 RICHARD RECUSES TERMS 

of receiving aid. They imagined the Christian army 
had been very keenly touched at the death of Alberic 
Clements and at the loss of sons and kinsmen who 
had fallen in the war ; and had determined to die or 
master the Turks — holding that no other course was 
consistent with honour. So, by common consent and 
counsel, the besieged begged a truce while they sent 
notice of their plight to Saladin, hoping that, in accord- 
ance with their Pagan ways, he would ensure their safety 
— as he ought to do — by sending them speedy aid or 
procuring leave for them to quit the city without 
disgrace. To obtain this favour, these two noble 
Saracens, the most renowned [warriors] in all 
Paganism, Mestoc and Caracois, came* to our kings, 
promising to surrender the city, if Saladin did not 
send them speedy aid. They stipulated, however, 
that all the besieged Turks should have free leave 
to go wherever they wished with their arms and 
all their goods. The king of France and almost 
all the French agreed to this ; but king Richard utterly 
refused to hear of entering an empty city after so 
long and toilsome a siege. Wherefore, perceiving 
king Richard's mind, Caracois and Mestoc went 
back to Acre without concluding the business. 
Saladin, meanwhile, having received envoys from 
the besieged, bade them hold out stoutly in the 
certainty that he would shortly send them efficient 
aid. He declared that he had certain news of the 
approach of a mighty host of warriors from Babylon 

♦ Friday, 12th July, according to Howden. 



TO THE BESIEGED, 99 

{i,e, Cairo) in ships and galleys. These he had sent 
for some time ago and had given orders to Muleina 
(their leader) to come within eight days at the 
furthest. Moreover he swore that, if these reinforce- 
ments should not arrive, he would do his best to get 
the besieged honourable terms and liberty to depart. 
So the envoys returned to the city; and, after the 
publication of Saladin*s promises and exhortations 
to hold out, the Turks remained anxiously looking 
out for the succour they expected. 

Meanwhile, the Christians' stone - casters never 
ceased battering the walls night and day. Seeing 
this a panic seized the inhabitants and some, in 
utter despair, giving way to fear, threw them- 
selves headlong from the walls by night.* Many 
of them humbly begged to be baptized and made 
Christians. There is considerable doubt as to the 
real merits of these [converts], and not without duef 
reason, since it is to be presumed that it was terror 
rather than divine grace that caused them to make 
this request. But the ways of salvation are many. 

Meanwhile, frequent envoys kept Saladin well- 
informed of the danger involved in continuing the 

• On the night of July 3rd — 4th, according to Bohadin. 

t The true converts from Mohammedanism seem to have been 
very few. Perhaps the most famous of all was Boamund*s pro- 
t^g^, Pyrrhus, who negotiated the surrender of Antioch, but lapsed 
back into his old faith. That some were converted, however, 
seems evident from the fact that the word ** sarrasinois " became 
a common term for an interpreter in the East, and Sarrazin 
appears as a not uncommon surname both in England and France* 



100 SALADIN, UNWILLINGLY, 

defence ; for the city could no longer be held 
against the Christians. So Saladin, seeing that 
further delay would be perilous, at last granted 
the petitions of the besieged ; and this he did the 
more readily because his emirs, his satraps, and 
his powerful friends urged him in the same direction ; 
for [many of] these were friends and relatives of the 
besieged. They alleged that Saladin was bound 
by the oath he had taken to protect the besieged 
[Mahommedans] according to the forms of their 
law, and to secure honourable terms for men who 
were in such extreme peril, and who otherwise 
might, by the law of war, be put to a shameful 
death. This would be to break, so far as lay in 
his power, the Mahommedan law — so carefully 
observed by his predecessors ; while it would be 
most dishonouring to his fame if he suffered the 
Christians to capture the worshippers of Mahomet. 
They begged Saladin to consider how, in obedience 
to his commands, the flower of the Turks had en- 
dured so long a siege and defended his city. Let 
him remember their wives who were cooped up 
[within those walls] and their miserable families 
whom they had not seen since the beginning of the 
siege, three years before. 

By such prayers Saladin was persuaded to con- 
sent to make a peace with as good terms as he 
could get ; and, when the envoys brought back 
Saladin*s reply, there was great joy in the city. 
And lo ! the chief men of the city came out to 
our kings offering, by an interpreter, to give up 



ALLOWS ACRE TO SURRENDER. loi 

Acre, to restore the Holy Cross, and set free two 
hundred and fifty noble Christian captives whom 
they had. But, as these terms did not seem -satis- 
factory to our kings, they offered two thousand 
noble Christians and 500 captives of inferior rank, 
whom, they added, Saladin would have sought out 
throughout his whole land. In return for this, the 
Turks merely stipulated for leave to quit the city, with- 
out arms or food, and carrying nothing save their 
shirts. Moreover, they would give the two kings 
200,000 Saracen talents for their life ; and as a 
pledge for the faithful observance of these terms, 
they handed over the noblest Turks in the city as 
hostages. These terms our kings, after consulting 
their wise men, with the consent of all determined 
to accept. 

Thus, on the Friday after the translation of the 
Blessed Benedict \j.e. July 12], the wealthier and 
nobler emirs were proffered and accepted as hostages, 
one month being allowed for the restoration of the 
Holy Cross and the collection of the captive Christians. 
When the news of this surrender became known, the 
unthinking crowd was moved with wrath ; but the 
wiser folk were much rejoiced at getting so quickly and 
without danger what previously they had not been 
able to obtain in so long a time. Then the heralds 
made proclamation forbidding any one to insult the 
Turks by word or deed. No missiles were to be 
hurled against the walls or against the Turks if they 
chanced to appear on the battlements. On that day, 
when these famous Turks, of such wonderful valour 



102 THE CAPTIVES DIVIDED. 

and warlike excellence, began strolling about on the 

city walls in all their splendid apparel, previous to their 

departure [our men] gazed on them with the utmost 

curiosity. They were wonder-struck at the cheerful 

features of men who were leaving their city almost 

penniless and whom only the very sternest necessity 

had driven to beg for mercy : men whom loss did 

not deject, and whose visage betrayed no timidity, 

but even wore the look of victory. It was only their 

superstitious rites and their pitiful idolatry that had 

robbed such warriors of their strength. 

At last, when all the Turks had quitted Acre, the 

Christians entered the city in joy and gladness, 

glorifying God with a loud voice and yielding Him 

thanks for having magnified His mercy upon them 

and brought redemption to His people. Thus did 

the kings set their banners and varied ensigns on the 

walls and towers ; while the city, together with all it 

contained in the way of victuals and arms, was 

equally divided between them. The captives too 

they reckoned up and halved by lot. To the king 
of France fell the noble Caracois and a great host 

of other folk ; to king Richard, Mestoc and many 

more. Moreover, the king of France had the noble 

palace of the Templars with all its appurtenances, 

while the royal palace fell to king Richard, who 

established the two queens there with their maidens 

and attendants. Thus each king had his own part of 

the city in peace, whilst the army was distributed 

over its whole area, enjoying pleasant rest after 

so long and continuous a siege. On the night 



f 



WITHIN THE WALLS. 103 

that followed our entry, Saladin retreated with his 
army from the place where he had camped and 
settled on a more distant hill. 

On the day of its surrender the city had been 
in the hands of the Saracens four years.* It was 
surrendered, as has been already said, on the morrow 
of the translation of St. Benedict. But not without 
horror could the conquerors see the condition of the 
churches within the city; nor can they even now 
remember the shameful sights they witnessed there 
unmoved. What faithful Christian could, with tear- 
less eyes, see the holy features of the crucified Son 
of God, or even of the saints, dishonoured and 
defiled } Who would not shudder when he actually 
saw the insulting way in which the accursed Turks 
had overthrown the altars, torn down and battered the 
holy crosses ? Ay, and they had even set up their own 
images of Mahomet f in the holy places, introducing 
foul Mahommedan superstitions, after casting out all 
the symbols of human redemption and the Christian 
religion. 

The siege and capture of Acre (Saracen account). 

Bohddifiy 95, iii., p. 212 of French Translation. 

From this moment J the war commenced afresh ; for 

• Acre was really taken by Saladin almost immediately after 
the battle of Hittin, and apparently between 8-20 July 11 87. 

f This curious charge of idolatry against such strict Monotheists 
as the Mohammedans is found repeated in all mediaeval literature. 
Even so early as the time of the first Crusade Ralph of Caen 
gives a full description of an idolatrous image that Tancred 
destroyed in the Temple. 

{ ue, Rabiii I. A. H. 587, corresponding to April 1191 a.d. 
i>9e Note £ on the Mohammedan Calendar, 



1 04 THE MOHAMMEDAN MUSTER. 

the milder weather gave either army an opportunity 
of renewing the Holy War. Soliman, an old man, 
famous for his fights and victories, was the first to 
arrive from Aleppo. He was no less skilled in 
counsel than in warfare, for which reason the Sultan 
held him in great honour and reckoned him a close 
friend. Next came the prince of Baalbec, after whose 
arrival our troops came up from every side. As 
regards the enemy, they, in the same manner, so 
often as they approached our cavalry kept threatening 
us with the speedy coming of the king of France. 
Now the king of France is a great ruler among them 
and pre-eminent above all their other kings in valour 
and majesty. To him they saw all the Christian forces 
would yield obedience as to an arbiter of supreme autho- 
rity. At last this king, with whose arrival we had so 
often been threatened, came with six ships, carr)ing 
himself, his comrades, food, and horses. He reached 
Acre on Saturday, the 23rd of Rabia I.* . . . 

We must now speak of the king of England. 
Amongst our enemies he was a man of great activity, 
and of high soul, strong-hearted, famous for his many 
wars and of dauntless couraq:c in battle. He was 
reckoned somewhat less than the king of the Frenchf 
so far as regards his royal dignity ; but as much 
wealthier as he was more renowned for his warlike 
valour. When he reached Cyprus on his way he 
deemed that he ought not to pass it by without 

* 20 April, 1 191. 

t Fj'gfich means in the Saracen account French, hwi Fran kxa^zjis 

any Western European. 



ARRIVAL OF RICHARD. 105 

conquering it, and so, leaving his ships, he attacked 
the island. Thereupon the lord of Cyprus advanced 
against him with huge forces, and a fierce battle was 
fought ; after which the Englishman sent to Acre for 
king Guy* and his brother Geoffrey, who came to aid 
him in his project with a hundred and sixty knights. 
Meanwhile the Frenchmen waited the issue of this 
undertaking at Acre. On the last day of Rabia II. 
[26 May] there came letters to Beyrout telling how 
five of the English ships had been captured while 
engaged on an expedition against our host. There 
was also taken a swift vessel laden with men, women, 
provisions, wooden beams, engines of war and various 
other things. It also contained forty horses. So 
signal a victory the Mussulmans regarded as a most 
joyful omen. . . . 

On Saturday, the thirteenth day of Jomada I. [8 
June], the king of England, after having arranged 
matters with the lord of Cyprus and subduing the 
island, arrived [at Acre] with a great show of splendour 
and might. For he brought with him twenty-five ships 
of war all stored with men, arms, and weapons. For 
• joy of his arrival the Franks broke forth into public 
rejoicings, lighting mighty fires in their camps all night 
long. These fires, being great and terrible to bihold, 
denoted the vast number of our new enemies. Now 

♦ According to the Itinerarium Guy came to complain of 
Philip's conduct in supporting Conrad of Montferrat's pre- 
tensions to the throne of Jerusalem. Richard, of coursej 
would naturally take the part of Guy, who was one of his own 
vassals. 

8 



io6 THE BRASS DRUMS IN ACRE. 

the kings* of our enemies had been threatening us 
constantly with the arrival of the king of England, 
and fugitives had brought us the same kind of news 
as to how the hostile army was delaying to undertake 
the siege till he had come. For he was a warrior old 
in war and wise in counsel. Wherefore the hearts of 
the Musulmans were lessened for fear and dread ; 
but the Sultan took all things, as they came, with 
unmoved soul, relying on that God who always gives 
amply to the man who trusts in Him. 

The besieged sent to their friends. Why Saladin 
would not meet Richard. The hard straits of 
the besieged. 14 June — c. 28 June. 

Boh&difiy c. 104, p. 220. 

On Friday the 19th day [of Jomada I., /.^., 14 
June] the enemy commenced a fierce attack on 
the city and pressed it hard. Now it had been 
agreed between us and the townsmen that they 
should beat their brass drums whenever the enemy 
made an assault. These now began to beat; and, 
the Sultan's drums making answer, our armies were 
soon in motion and bearing down upon the foe with 
such vigour that the Musulmans crossed the fosse 
and bursting into the tents beyond, carried off the 
pots with the food in them. Part of this booty was 
brought to the Sultan while I was looking on. 

On Monday the 23rd f the town drum was heard 

♦ The plural is justified by the presence of Guy of Jerusalem 
as well as of Philip Augustus. 

t i.e.y 18 June, which however was a Tuesday. 



RICHARD AND SALADIN, 107 

going again ; the Sultan's drum made answer and 

a fierce contest waged once more 

When the enemy saw the valour of the Mussul- 
mans and the wonderful way in which they held 
out against their misfortunes, they sent a special 
messenger to beg that passage might be given for an 
envoy. The permission was granted and the envoy 
betook himself first to Al-Malek Al-Adil, and in his 
company went to the Sultan's quarters. At this time 
Al-Malek Al-Afdal was with the Sultan. Then [the 
envoy] told his message and instructions which 
amounted to this, that the king of England desired an 
interview with the Sultan. On hearing this the 
Sultan made answer straightway, without any thought 
or counsel : ** Kings," he said, ** do not meet for pur- 
poses of speech except a treaty has been already struck; 
it would not be seemly for them to wage war one 
against the other after they have talked and banqueted 
together. If [your king] desires an interview we 
must first agree on terms of peace. An interpreter 
must also be found to go between us in order that we 
may understand each other ; and he must be a man 
in whom we can both feel confidence. If these con- 
ditions be rigidly fulfilled we will with God's, will 

have a meeting." 

On the Sunday, the 29th of Jornada I.,* the 
enemy came forth again with his footmen in close 
array along the bank of the Nahr-al Halou. f 
A squadron of our cavalry met them and an engage- 

* June 24, a Monday not a Sunday, 
t See note C on the Topography of Acre. 



108 THE FUGITIVE SLAVES. 

ment followed, . . . They slew a Musulman 
whom they had taken prisoner and burnt him. Our 
men soon returned the compliment by burning one of 
the enemvwhom they had in like manner captured. I 
myself saw the two pyres burning at one and the 

Meanwhile there was no lack of frequent messen- 
gers from the besieged townsmen who brought us 
news of their distress and made complaints of the 
close attack that lasted night and day. They told 
us also how wearied they were from such a stem and 
lengthened series of misfortunes as had befallen 
them from the time when the Englishman arrived. 
He indeed, they reported, was now afflicted with a 
grievous disease and lay at death's door. The king 
of France also had been wounded. And yet by 
these pieces of good fortune they gained nothing 
but this, that the siege was pressed on with more vigour 
than ever. 

Now the king of England's sister had two slaves who 
had been in her service in Sicily while she was wife 
of the king of that island. These slaves were secretly 
attached to the Musulman faith. When, after the 
king of Sicily's death, the queen's brother had crossed 
over into that island, he had carried her away to his 
army. About this time these two slaves fled to us, 
were received into fealty by the Sultan, and treated 
with great generosity 

Meanwhile (c. 3 Jom. II., i.e., 18 June) the king 
of England's illness had grown so much worse 
that, because of its vehemence, the Franks were 



THE ARAB ROBBERS, 109 

drawn off from besieging the city. This was a 
plain token of the Divine favour towards us ; for 
the town and all who were within it were in the 
very last stage of weakness, and were being as it were 
strangled without power to utter a cry, because 
the engines were beating the walls down to a man's 
height. 

During this time Arab robbers hired by the Sultan 
used to enter the enemy's tents and rob them of 
what they could find. They even used to take pri- 
soners without any fighting. And this was the way 
they did it. They would enter a man's tent while he 
was asleep and wake him by putting a dagger at his 
throat. Then by signs they would give him to 
understand that if he said a word they would finish 
him off; after which they led him outside the camp 
bound and brought him to our army, while the pri- 
soner dared not open his mouth. This took place 
several times. 

Ricliard's negotiations with Saladin. 

Bohadifiy 1 07. F. Translation^ p. 227. 

I have made mention above of the envoy who 
begged an interview with Saladin on the part of the 
Englishman. I have also told on what pretext the 
Sultan refused the petition. Some time after he 
presented himself anew on the same business. He 
had an interview with Al Malec al Adil first, and this 
prince carried all he said to the Sultan. At last it 
was decided that Al Adil should have a meeting with 
the Englishman in the plain. Both the armies were 



1 1 o THE PRESENT OF FALCONS 

to be present and an interpreter was to be found* 
When all had been arranged the envoy made a delay 
of some days on account of the Englishman's illness. 
And now it became noised abroad that the princes 
[of the enemy] had gathered together and reproached 
him [i.e, Richard] vehemently, saying that he had 
been the cause of a most urgent peril to the Christian 
religion.* But his envoy returning [to us] a little later 
delivered us this message in his name: **Do not 
imagine that I have been delayed in this business for 
the reason that is currently reported. For the reins of 
my rule have been delivered into my hand ; and I am 
the arbiter of my own affairs and subject to the will of 
no one. But at this time a grievous distemper has 
seized me so that I am not able to stir. This is the 
sole cause of my delay. Now it is the wont of kings 
when they are near to send one another gifts, and I 
have a present that will not be unpleasing to the 
Sultan, whom I beg to grant me an opportunity of 
offering it." To this proposal Al Adil consented on 
condition of being allowed to make a present in 
return ; and the envoy, agreeing, began again : **Our 
gift consists of certain falcons f which have been 

♦ This is corroborated by William le Breton, who says that 
Richard was sending frequent messengers to Saladin. Gifts 
were also passing between them, and for this reason Philip began 
to suspect his comrade. Bohsldin tells us how Richard's envoys 
came to the Saracen camp for fruit and snow ; and Roger of 
Howden makes Saladin send pears and Pyra Damascena 
[damsons] and other fruits to Richard and Philip soon after 
the former's landing. 

t The Western princes did not leave behind them their love 



AND AL-ADIUS WISDOM, 1 1 1 

brought from beyond the sea. These are unwell now ; 
and it would be advisable that pullets and hens should 
be sent us. By such diet may our birds recover their 
strength and be sent to you." To this Al-Adil 
merrily made answer, (for being a wise man he knew 
well what reply he ought to make) : " Your king 
himself wants some fowls for his own table, and 
is trying to wheedle them from us on this pretext." 
The interview was then brought to an end in such 
a manner that the envoy asked : ** Pray, then, what 
is it that you demand of us. Come, tell it out 
if you really have anything to say, so that we may 
hear it." To him we made answer: **Nay, we seek 
nothing of you ; it is you that ask of us ? Wherefore 
if you have anything to say tell it out that we may 
hear it." Then was that negotiation broken off till 
the sixth of the later Jomada \i,e, i July], when the 
envoy of the Englishman went forth bringing with 
him a certain man from Maghreb* — a Musulman 
whom the enemy had held captive for a long time, 
but whom they now set free as a gift to the Sultan. 



of sport. Boamund II. of Antioch, coming from Apulia in 

1 1 26 to secure his father's principality, sent his hawks and his 

dogs before him ; Fulk of Jerusalem broke his neck while chasing 

a hare ; and Philip Augustus himself, at the siege of Acre, had 

with him a pet falcon of enormous size, which however escaped 

to the enemy, and the king could not purchase its release 

though he offered a thousand pieces of gold. Stranger still, 

Roger of Antioch went out to hunt with hawk and hound on 

the very morning of his disastrous defeat and death at Artasium 

in 1 1 19. 

♦ i.e. West Africa. 



1 1 2 THE TERMS OF SURRENDER. 

This captive the Sultan received with honour, and 
after bestowing splendid gifts upon him sent him 
back to his lord. It was the intention of that 
[Englishman] by sending these embassies to find 
out whether we were strong-hearted or weak ; more- 
over our aim in admitting them was the same. 

On Friday, the 17 of Jomada II. \j,e, 12 July], a 
swimmer arrived from the town with letters. These 
announced that the garrison being reduced to the 
last extremity was now too weak to defend the 
breach in the wall which had now become very large. 
The inhabitants saw nothing but death before them 
and did not doubt that they would all be mas- 
sacred if the town fell by assault. For which reasons 
the garrison had concluded a treaty of peace ac- 
cording to the terms of which the town, with 
all the warlike engines it contained, was to be 
delivered to the Franks. They were also to pay 
200,000 pieces of gold and to restore five hundred 
prisoners of ordinary condition and a hundred others 
of noble rank, whom the Franks might ask for by 
name. They engaged also to give up the Holy 
Cross. If these terms were accepted the Musulmans 
might go forth without any harm, carrying their money 
and their personal effects with them, and accompanied 
by their wives and children. It was bargained* in 

* Conrad had left Acre June 25. Howden assigns him a 
similar payment. Conrad, a younger son of William III., Marquis 
of Montferrat, started for the East in 1186, where his elder brother, 
William Longsword, had in 1 180 married Sibylla, the daughter of 
Amalric I. of Jerusalem. Contrary winds drove him to Con- 



SALA DIN'S DISAPPROVAL, 113 

addition that the marquis should have 4,000 pieces 
of gold for effecting the treaty. 

The sultan, after learning the contents of these 
letters from the town, was much annoyed and, call- 
ing together a council, took advice as to what he 
should do. Opinions varied and no conclusion 
was arrived at. In his distress he made up his 
mind to despatch the swimmer by night with 
another letter, expressing his formal disapproval 
of the conditions agreed on. He was still in 
this troubled state when suddenly the Musulmans 
saw the banners of the enemy with their crosses 
and distinguishing emblems fixed on the walls. 
Fires of joy were also gleaming from the ram- 
parts. All this took place on Friday, 17th of the 
later Jomada, in the year 587 (12 July, 1 191), at mid- 
day. The Franks uttered cries of joy, but the Musul- 
mans, stunned and saddened by so sudden a blow, 

stantinopic where he succeeded in maintaining Isaac Angelus on 
the throne, during a dangerous rebellion, and received his sister 
Theodora in marriage. Leaving Constantinople by stealth next 
year he reached Acre only to find it already in the hands of the 
Saracens. FalHng back upon Tyre he persuaded this city to hold 
out against Saladin, and thus saved the Holy Land fi-om entire 
conquest. In Nov., 1190, he was married to Isabella, Amalric's 
other daughter, who had just been divorced from her first hus- 
band, Henfrid of Toron. For this act he was excommunicated 
by Archbishop Baldwin of Canterbury. During the siege of 
Acre the Christians accused him loudly of treachery, and attri- 
buted their famine in the winter of 1190-1 to his neglect. He 
was murdered by the envoys of the Old Man of the Mountains, 
as will be seen later on, April 28, 1192. See Genealogies IV, 6r* V, 



1 14 THE ROYAL BANNERS. 

made their camp resound with their groans and lamen- 
tation. The marquis entered the town with the kings* 
banners and on the same Friday planted them where 
the banners of Islam had stood. One was set on 
the castle ; another on the minaret of the great 
mosque, a third on the Templars* tower, and a fourth 
on the Tower of Combat. The Musulmans were 
forced to dwell in a separate quarter of the town. 
At that moment I was in attendance on the Sultan 
and, seeing him as much dejected as a mother who 
has just lost her child, I tried to console him with 
the commonplaces so often used on such occasions, 
bidding him think of what would happen to the 
other towns along the sea-coast (if he did not bestir 
himself) and consider means for the deliverance of 
the Musulman prisoners in Acre. All this took 
place on the night preceding Saturday the 18th. 

The hospital and cemetery of S. Thomas at Acre. 

Ralph of DicetOf ii., p. 80. 

Towards the beginning of the siege of Acre, a 
certain Englishman, William by name, chaplain to 
Ralph de Diceto, the dean of London, bound him- 
self on his way to Jerusalem by a vow that if he 
came speedily and safely to the harbour at Acre he 
would build there, so far as his means permitted, 
a chapel to St. Thomas the Martyr, and would get a 
cemetery consecrated in the same place in honour of 
the martyr. This he did and, when many people 
from all parts began to offer themselves for service at 
the said chapel, William took the title of prior and. 



THE ENGLISH PHILANTHROPIST, 1 1 5 

though he proved himself to be Christ's knight by 
the devotion of his whole self, took special care for 
the poor and for the burial both of those who fell 
victims to the sword and disease. So earnestly and 
diligently did he busy himself in these works that to 
men's sight he seemed the nearest counterpart of the 
great Tobit.* There is also at Acre another cemetery 
which is called the Hospital of the Germans, and a 
third, more ancient than the other two, called the 
Hospital of St. Nicholas, in which, before the siege 
was over, 124,000 men were buried in the course of 
one year. 

duarrels between the kings (French account). 

EracleSf 179. 

After this Philip count of Flanders fell ill of a 
severe sickness of which he died. Now he, dreading 
the illness in which he was, sent for the king of 
France, having a great longing to speak with him 
before he died. So the king came to where the 
count lay ill and, while they were speaking together, 
the count warned the king to be on his guard, 
because there were many people in the army who 
had sworn his death. I cannot tell who they were, 
[but] the king, keeping this word in his heart, was 
sore troubled and angered till he too fell very ill of a 
double tertian. So severely did this ailment attack 

♦ This is not the only act of charity performed by Englishmen 
during the course of this crusade. During the winter of 1 190 
Hubert Walter raised a collection for the starving poor, and 
archbishop Baldwin's will provided for alms of a similar kind. 



/^ 



1 1 6 A FRENCH LEGEND 

him that he was well-nigh dead. Now, while he lay 
thus sick, king Richard conceived a great felony, 
casting about how he might slay the king of France 
without laying a hand on him. For he felt that he 
was guilty towards that king whose reproaches could 
not help reaching his ears. . . . 

While the king of France lay sick of this illness 
the king of England went to pay him a visit. Now, 
in visiting him, he made inquiries as to how he was, 
to which the king replied that he was in the hands 
of God, but felt very much weakened by his illness. 
Then said king Richard, "And how do you console 
yourself [in the matter of] Louis your son ? " Then the 
king of France demanded : " What then hath hapt to 
Louis my son, for which I should need consolation ?" 
" For this very reason am I come," said the king of 
England, ** to comfort you ; because he is dead ! ** 
Then said king Philip, ** Needs must I now take 
heart all the more seeing that, if I die in this country, 
the realm of France will be without an heir.'* 

From that moment his illness abated and the fever 
left him, while king Richard took leave of him and 
departed. Full well he deemed he had achieved his 
end ; but malice cannot prosper where God is minded 
to be merciful. Foul felony it was that king Richard 
had meditated against the king of France ; yet did he 
not rejoice in success but shame fell upon him and 
his heirs. When king Richard had departed [king 
Philip] called the duke of Burgundy and William des 
Barres and others of his privy council and demanded 
of them on their oath and the fealty they had done him 



CONCERNING RICHARD'S CRAFT, 1 1 7 

to let him know if they had had news of his son Louis' 
death. Then answered him the duke of Burgundy* : 
** Since you came to the siege of Acre there has 
arrived no vessel from beyond the sea that could 
bring such news. But the king of England has told 
you this in felony and malice, thinking to grieve you 
in your illness from which he would have you not 
recover." 

King Philip's sickness [another account]. 

JVilL le Breton^ Philippeisy iv. 

While these things were doing Philip lay sick in 
Acre attended by but a few followers ; for he was taken 
with a fierce fever and frequent tremblings. Such 
violent irritation, so fierce a heat, laid waste his bones 
and all his limbs that every nail fell off his fingers 
and all the hair from his brow ; wherefore it was then 
thought (nor is this rumour at rest even now) that he 
had been poisoned. 

But the divine grace spared him to us, lest France, 
too soon robbed of her horn, should mourn one through 
whose ceaseless care she was in later times to enjoy 
the ease of lengthened peace. And thus, though he 

♦ Rigord tells us that Louis (afterwards Louis VIII. ), Philip's 
eldest son, sickened of dysentery on 15 July 1191. His life was 
almost despaired of, and there was a solemn procession to S. 
Lazarus to offer up prayers for his recovery. He was cured by 
the touch of a nail from the Cross ** and on the same day and at 
the same hour his father Philip in lands beyond the sea was 
cured of a like disease." It will be seen that chronology utterly 
disposes of the story in the text, so far, at least, as its dramatic 
details are concerned. 



Ii8 THE DISPUTED CROWN, 

long lay sick, afterwards he began to recover by slow 
degrees ; and since he could not be entirely healed 
where he was, on the kindly advice of his nobles and 
leeches he became eager to return to his own land 
and his native fields. But before starting he told out 
from his private means pay to support 500 knights for 
three years. To these he added 1000 foot soldiers, 
whose business it was watchfully and faithfully to 
fight in his stead for the Lord's Sepulchre. The 
leadership of these troops he entrusted to the duke of 
Burgundy. 

1191, July.— King Bichard and king Philip quarrel 
over the claimants to the throne of Jerusalem. 
Philip swears to respect Richard's rights in 
Europe and goes home, sailing from Acre, July 

31 (English account). 

Itinerary, iii., c. 21. 

As time went on there arose a fierce quarrel between 
the two kings. Of this quarrel the marquis was the 
occasion. For the king of France favoured his claim 
and was minded to grant him all that he had acquired 
or might yet acquire in the Holy Land ; whereas king 
Richard, out of pity for king Guy*s misfortunes, 
would not agree to this, thinking that the latter had 
the better claim. After a long dispute, the chiefs 
injprvened and the two kings were pacified on the 
following conditions : That the marquis, who seemed 
to be heir to the kingdom in virtue of his marriage 
and who had been of such assistance during the siege, 
should receive the county of Tyre — to wit Tyre, 
Sidon, and Beyrout ; while king Guy's brother. 



THE BASENESS OF 1 19 

Geoffrey de Lusignan, should have the county of 
Joppa — ^to wit, Joppa and Ascalon — in payment for 
all he had done. If king Guy should die before 
the marquis, then this latter, who had, although 
nefariously, taken the heiress to wife in the hopes of 
reigning, should be crowned as his successor. More- 
over the ultimate disposal of the kingdom should be 
left to king Richard, if Guy, the marquis and his wife 
should all die while he was still in those parts. So 
under these terms the contention was ended. 

In this state of affairs, towards the end of July 
within which [month] the Turks had promised to 
restore the Holy Cross, there ran a rumour through 
the army that the king of France, on whom the hopes 
of the people were fixed, wanted to return home, and 
was making great preparations for his departure. Oh ! 
how shameful, how disgraceful a thing it was to 
entertain such a project while the great aim [of the 
expedition] was yet unattained. Oh ! why had he 
come so long a distance if he intended to return so 
soon, almost before he had accomplished anything ? 
It was truly a noble fulfilment of his vow to have just 
set foot on the land and to have gained this meagre 
triumph over the Turks ! 

And why forsooth did the king of France wish to go 
home ? Because he alleged that sickness demanded 
his return ; and that he had fulfilled his vow so far as 
he was able. But his chief plea was that when he 
assumed the cross with king Henry between Trie and 
Gisors he was in full health. No one was found to 
credit this assertion. However it is not to be denied 



140 itmaMtitip'sJt&TVRN. 

that the king of France had worked well at the siege, 
and spent money and given good assistance, so that 
he was rightly deemed of all Christian kings the one 
most powerful. . . . Now when it became known 
to all that the king of France's will in this matter 
was firmly fixed and that he would not give way at 
the tearful entreaties of his followers, the French 
loathed his lordship and would have thrown off his 
rule, had it been possible. But, though they invoked 
all kinds of misfortune upon his head, the king has* 
tened on his preparations, leaving however the duke 
of Burgundy with a great host in the [Holy] Land. 
He begged king Richard to let him have two galleys ; 
and this king sent him two of his best.* His thank- 
lessness for this service appeared later on. 

King Richard got the king of France to covenant 
that they should keep peace with each other. . He 
exacted from the king of France an oath that he 
would not wittingly or wilfully do any harm against 
his men or lands so long as king Richard continued 
in his pilgrimage.f And if king Richard, after his 
return, should seem to be distinctly reprehensible 
in any matter, he should be allowed forty days for 
correcting the wrongs complained of, before the 
king of France should proceed against him. All 
these things did the king of France swear that he 
would faithfully observe, giving as hostages the duke 

♦ See the French account of this in Rigord, further on. 

t The text here seems very corrupt, and I have accordingly 
translated so as Jto make sense, though not, by any means, in 
harmony with the literal meaning of the words. 



PHILIP EMBARKS FOR TYRE 12 1 

of Burgundy, count Henry,* and some five others 
whose names I forget. How faithfully he kept this 
oath and agreement all the world knows well enough. 
For directly he reached home [the king of France] 
stirred up the whole land and threw Normandy into 
confusion. What need for more words .^ Among 
the curses and malisons, not benisons, of all, he took 
leave and left the army at Acre. 

It was on the day of St. Peter-ad- Vincula (Aug. i ) 
that the king of France went aboard ship f and 
sailed for Tyre, leaving the greater part of his army 
with king Richard. With him also there went that 
wicked marquis and Caracois and all the Saracen 
hostages that had fallen to his share ; for whose 
redemption the king of France reckoned he would 
receive 100,000 gold pieces or more, which would 
help to keep his army in the [Holy] land till Easter. 
But, when the time for payment came, the [Saracens] 
seemed to care nothing about the release of their 
[fellows]. Thus it happened that the greater part of 
them perished, it being a known fact that not a 
farthing or even an q%% had been paid for their 
ransom. Nor, on the plea of having to maintain 
them, did the French get anything at all, nor even the 
half of the victuals found when the city was taken. 
Wherefore the French kept it green in their memory 
that they received no remuneration from the king of 
France ; and, by reason of this, there arose no small 
♦ i,e, the Count of Champagne, afterwards king of Jerusalem. 

t Philip went home by way of Rome. He was at Fontevraud 
by Dec. 25. 



122 BY ADVICE ^ OF HIS LEECHES, 

Strife and mtumur until king Richard, at the request 
of the duke of Burgundy, lent him 5,000 silver marks 
to pay his people with. 

How Philip went home. 

L'Estoired^ Erodes iSi, L. 26, c. 6. 

The king of France knowing what was in the mind 
of the king of England no longer hid his intentions 
but sent to seek leeches, to whom he gave lair jewels, 
praying for their advice as to the best way of curing 
his malady. The leeches took counsel together and 
God gave them His grace, so that he recovered of 
his ailment. Then at once he gave orders that they 
should make ready his galleys for his passage across 
the sea. When this was done, he called the duke of 
Burgundy and all the knights of France, bidding the 
latter hold themselves at the bidding of the duke, to 
whom he gave a great part of his treasure and the 
right of ruling in his stead. Then the king set forth 
in his galleys over the sea. 

Now when they were in the gulf of Satalie* a great 
tempest came down upon them for a day and night. 
Then the king demanded what hour it was and they 

* t\e. of Attalia, so called from the ancient city of Attalia in 
Pamphylia. It lay somewhat more than half-way between 
Cyprus and Rhodes to a vessel creeping along the shore. 
Earlier in the l2th century it was deemed to be haunted, but 
Roger of Howden shrewdly resolves the popular dragon into a 
waterspout. Chaucer's knight was present wl^en Attalia was 
taken by Peter I. of Cyprus : 

"At Lyeys was he, and at Satalye, 
When they were wonne." 



THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, 123 

told him midnight. Then said the king, " Have no 
fear ! At this very moment are the monks in France 
awake and praying God for us. Let us have no 
further fear of danger.** Then the sea grew calm 
and they proceeded by due stages till they reached 
Brindisi, whence the king went to Rome. There he 
spoke with the Apostolic,* to whom he shewed the 
progress of the army in the land of Jerusalem. People 
said he was hastening lest any one should lay hands 
on the county of Flanders, which, now that count 
Philip was dead, had fallen to him. 

[Emoul omits the story, but agrees that Philip 
was desirous to get Flanders.] 

Why Philip went home [another French account] . 

Rigord, 35. 

What provisions were found [at Acre] the Christians 
divided among themselves, giving a greater share to 
the inany and a less to the few. But the kings had 
all the captives for their part and divided them equally. 
The king of France however handed over his half to 
the duke of Burgundy, together with much gold and 
silver and an infinite quantity of provisions. To the 
same duke he also entrusted his armies. For he was 
then sick of a very grievous illness, and besides this 
looked upon the king of England with much suspicion 
because the latter king was sending envoys to Saladin 
and giving and receiving gifts. 

For which cause, taking familiar counsel with his 
chiefs and receiving their permission, he set his army 

♦ i.e, the Pope Ccelestine III. [1191-1197]. 



1 24 THB RESTORA TION OF A CRE. 

in order and, entrusting himself with sobs and tears 
to the sea, was carried by God's will to Apulia. He 
had only three galleys and these Rufus de Volta, of 
Genoa, had got him. 

1191, Aug^st.—King Bichard's negotiations with 
Saladin and the injustice of them. 

Itin, Ric. iv., i. 

King Richard now distributed gold and silver 
in great abundance to the French knights and to the 
strangers of every nation, by means of which they 
recruited their strength and redeemed their pledges. 
Moreover, while the king of France was hastening 
home, king Richard was paying heed to the repair of 
the city walls, building them higher and stronger than 
before. He himself was always making the round 
of them, encouraging the workmen and masons, just 
as if his sole business were to regain God's heritage. 
He was still awaiting the end of the time fixed lipon 
between himself and the Turks, occupying hin.self 
in the meanwhile with collecting his mangonels and 
baggage ready for carrying them away. After the 
period agreed upon for the return of the Holy Cross 
and the captives had been overpassed by three weeks 
to see if Saladin would keep his word ; when the Sara- 
cens kept demanding a further delay, the Christians 
began to enquire when the Holy Cross was coming. 
One said ** Already has the Cross come ! " another 
said: "It has been seen in the Saracens' army." But 
each was deceived, for Saladin was not even setting 
about its restoration ; nay, he neglected the hostages, 



A MISS/ON TO CCyNRAD, 1 25 

in the hope that he would get better terms if 
he kept it in his possession. And all the while he 
kept sending frequent presents and envoys, while he 
made it his aim to waste time in long talks and 
ambiguous words. 

Meanwhile word was sent to the marquis at Tyre 
bidding him return to the [main] army, and bring 
with him the hostages the king of France had left in 
his charge. On his arrival he was to receive his 
share of the ransom, viz., the king of France's 
half. On this mission were sent the bishop of 
Salisbury,* earl Robert [of Leicester], and Peter de 
Pr^aux, a very excellent knight [Aug. 5, 1191]. To 
them the marquis made reply that he would not come 
on any account — pretending that he feared to venture 
into king Richard's presence. Moreover he bragged 
that if the Holy Cross ever was recovered he would 
have half for the king of France ; nor was he going 
to resign the captives till he had got it. When soft 
words would not prevail, the envoys offered to leave 
one of their number as a hostage for his safe return ; 
but not even so would he agree, swearing with an oath 
that, he would never go. So the envoys returned 
having effected nothing, and the king was very wroth. 

Yet at the king's request the duke of Burgundy, 
Drogo de Amiens, and Robert de Quenci were de- 
spatched on a second mission ; for in that he was a 
claimant for the kingdom the marquis's presence 
seemed necessary, notwithstanding all his slackness 
in the eflforts made for its conquest. It was also wished 
♦ ue, Hubert Walter ; see Note ^,16. 



126 EXECUTION OF THE CAPTIVES, 

that he should give facilities to those sailing with 
victuals by way of Tyre ; for after his wonted fashion 
the marquis had been hindering their arrival. When 
the envoys prayed him in king Richard's name to come 
to his help in Syria — a country over which he hoped 
to rule — he replied arrogantly that he would never 
come, but would stay and look after his own city. 
At last after long discussions it was agreed that the 
three envoys should take back the Saracen hostages 
to king Richard. 

When the term was far overpast and it was evident 
that Saladin was not going to redeem the hostages, 
a council of the chiefs was called, at which it 
was declared useless to wait any longer. Orders 
were then given to cut off the heads of the hostages 
with the exception of a few of the nobler prisoners, 
who perhaps might yet be relieved or exchanged 
for captive Christians. King Richard, always eager 
to destroy the Turks, to confound the law of Mahomet 
utterly, and vindicate that of Christ, on the Friday 
after the Assumption* bade 2,700 Turkish hostages to 
be led out of the city and beheaded. Nor was 
there any delay. The king's followers leapt forward 
eager to fulfil the commands, and thankful to the 
Divine Grace that permitted them to take such a 
vengeance for those Christians whom these very 
[captives] had slain with bolts and arrows. f 

♦ i.e, 16 Aug. 1 191. 

t Tuesday, 20 Aug., 1191, according to Howden, who tells 
us that Saladin had two days previously beheaded all his Chris - 
tian prisoners. 



DEPARTURE FROM ACRM. 127 

When evening came on the herald made proclama- 
tion that the army should proceed on the morrow 
aad cross the river of Acre advancing, in the name of 
Grod the giver of all good things, on the way to 
Ascalon, conquering the coast as they went. So 
they put on board ship ten days* provisions for the 
army, to wit, bread, biscuit, flour, flesh, and wine. 
Strict orders were given to the seamen that they were 
to sail along shore with their cargo-vessels and 
smacks. These, carrying victuals and armed men, 
were to keep close to the army* that marched by 
land. So the army proceeded in two battalions, one 
going by sea, the other by land ; for in no other way 
could they possess themselves of the land occupied by 
the Turks. 

August 2, 1191.— Saracen account of negotiations. 
Massacre of Moslim prisoners by Richard. 

BoMditty 240. 

The same day* Hossam ad-Din Ibn Baric issued 
from Acre accompanied by two of the Englishman's 
officers. He brought news that the king of France 
had set out for Tyre, and that they had come to talk 
over the matter of the prisoners and to see the true 
cross of the Crucifixion if it were still in the Musul- 
man camp, or to ascertain if it really had been sent 
to Bagdad. It was shewn to them, and on beholding 

♦ In a similar way the warriors of the first Crusade marched 
along the coast from Tripoli to Csesarea, accompanied by a small 
fleet. 

♦ Le, August 2nd. 



1 18 TOE FIRST INSTALMENT 

it they shewed the profoundest reverence, throwing 
themselves on the ground till they were covered with 
dust, and humbling themselves in token of devotion. 
These envoys told us that the French princes had 
accepted the Sultan's proposition, viz., to deliver all 
that was specified in the treaty by three instalments at 
intervals.of a month. The Sultan then sent an envoy 
to Tyre with rich presents, quantities of perfumes, 
and fine raiment — dW of which were for the king of 
the French. 

In the morning of the tenth day of Rajab,* Ibn 
Baric and his comrades returned to the king of 
England while the Sultan went off with his body- 
guard and his closest friends to the hill that abuts on 

Shefa'Amr Envoys did not cease to pass 

from one side to the other in the hope of laying the 
foundation of a firm peace. These negotiations 
continued till our men had procured the money and 
the tale of the prisoners that they were to deliver to 
the French at the end of the first period in accord- 
ance with the treaty. The first instalment was to 
consist of the Holy Cross, 100,000 dinars and 1,600 
prisoners. Trustworthy men sent by the Franks to 
conduct the examination found it all complete saving 
only the prisoners who had been demanded by name, 
all of whom had not yet been gathered together. 
And thus the negotiations continued to drag on till 
the end of the first term. On this day, the i8th of 
Rajab, t the enemy sent demanding what was due. 

♦ i.e, 3rd August, 
t II August. 



OF THE RANSOM REFUSED. 1 2 9 

The Sultan replied as follows : 
. " Choose one of two things. Either send us back 
Ofur comrades and receive the payment fixed for this 
term, in which case we will give hostages to ensure 
the full execution of all that is left. Or accept what 
we are going to send you to-day, and in your turn 
give us hostages to keep until those of our comrades 
whom you hold prisoners are restored." To this the 
envoys made answbr: '^ Not so. Send us what is 
due for this term and in return we will give our 
solemn oath that your people shall be restored you." 

This proposition the Sultan rejected, knowing full 
well that if he were to deliver the money, the cross, 
and the prisoners, while our men were still kept 
captive by the Franks, he would have no security 
against treachery on the part of the enemy, and this 
would be a great disaster to Islam. 

Then the king of England, seeing all the delays 
interposed by the Sultan to the execution of the 
treaty, acted perfidiously as regards his Musulman 
prisoners. On their yielding the town he had 
engaged to grant them life, adding that if the Sultan 
carried out the bargain he would give them freedom 
and suffer them to carry off their children and wives ; 
if the Sultan did not fulfil his engagements they were 
to be made slaves. Now the king broke his promises 
to them and made open display of what he had till 
now kept hidden in his heart, by carrying out what 
he had intended to do after he had received the 
money and the Frank prisoners. It is thus that 
people of his nation ultimately admitted . 



130 THE MASSACRE. 

In the afternoon of Tuesday, 27 Rajab,* about 
four o'clock, he came out on horseback with all 
the Prankish army, knights, footmen, Turcoples, and 
advanced to the pits at the foot of the hill of Al 
'Ayidiyeh, to which place he had already sent on his 
tents. The Franks, on reaching the middle of the 
plain that stretches between this hill and that of 
Keiscln, close to which place the sultan's advanced 
guard had drawn back, ordered" all the Musulman 
prisoners, whose martyrdom God had decreed for this 
day, to be brought before him. They numbered 
more than three thousand and were all bound with 
ropes. The Franks then flung themselves upon 
them all at once and massacred them with sword 
and lance in cold blood. Our advanced guard had 
already told the Sultan of the enemy's movements 
and he sent it some reinforcements, but only after the 
massacre. The Musulmans, seeing what was being 
done to the prisoners, rushed against the Franks and 
in the combat, which lasted till nightfall, several were 
slain and wounded on either side. On the morrow 
morning our people gathered at the spot and found 
the Musulmans stretched out upon the ground as 
martyrs for the faith. They even recognised some 
of the dead, and the sight was a great affliction to 
them. The enemy had only spared the prisoners 
of note and such as were strong enough to work. 

The motives of this massacre are differently told ; 
according to some, the captives were slain by way of 
reprisal for the death of those Christians whom the 

♦ August 20. 



THE ARMY LEA VES A CRE 1 3 1 

Musulmans had slain. Others again say that the 
king of England, on deciding to attempt the con- 
quest of Ascalon, thought it unwise to leave so many 
prisoners in the town after his departure. God alone 
knows what the real reason was. 

AasT- 22.— The Franks leave Acre. The Saracens 

retire before them. 

BoMdin, 244. 

On the 29th of Rajab* the Franks mounted their 
horses and after loading their beasts of baggage with 
the tents they had just taken down, they started to cross 
the river and camp on its western bank near the road 
that leads to Acre. Whilst thus shewing his intention 
of following the sea-coast the Englishman sent back 
the rest of his people to Acre, whose fortifications 
he had repaired. The army that was now setting out on 
its march included a great many persons of high rank 
and had the Englishman himself for leader. On the 
first of Shibdn, f at daybreak, the enemy lit several 
fires, according to their custom on breaking up the 
camp. The Sultan, on learning from his advanced 
guard that the Franks were in movement, gave orders 
to pack up the baggage, while his troops remained in 
the saddle. On this occasion a great many traffickers 
who followed the camp lost much of their goods and 
other possessions ; for they had not enough horses or 
other beasts of burden to carry all their possessions. 
A single man can carry enough to supply his needs for 

♦ August 22, a Thursday, 
t 24 August. 



13* AND PITCHES IN THE PLAIN 

a month ; but every one of these traffickers had such 
great stores that it would have taken them several 
journeys to transport them elsewhere. Now this 
time no one could stay behind because of the Franks 
at Acre. 



1191, August 20 to August 80.— Full report of king 
Itichard's march along the coast to C»sarea. 

Itin,y Ric.f iv., c. 7. 

After the execution of the Turks, and the recovery 
of his health, king Richard, leaving Acre with all his 
followers had pitched his tents in the plains outside 
the city. He compelled all his own men, even 
though they were unwilling, to leave the city, and so 
his army tarried in the aforesaid plains — beyond our 
trenches — ^till things were ready for the march. 
Some of the French too he induced by fair words, 
some by money ; and others by violence he com- 
pelled to come forth. The king made a host of foot 
followers remain in their tents round his pavilions, 
as an extra protection against the frequent attacks of 
the Turks. It was the king*s custom always to be 
first in attacking the Turks and doing them damage 
if the divine will suffered it. 

On a certain day the Turks, as their manner was, 
threw our camp into confusion by a sudden onset. 
While our men were arming the king advanced 
on horseback at a greater speed than the rest, 
and with him a certain warrior from Hungary, and 



TURKISH TA CTICS. 1 3 3 

several Hungarians. These pursued the Turks 
further than was expedient ; owing to which some of 
our men, despite their valour, were taken prisoners. 
Amongst the captives was this Hungarian count, a 
man of great worth and fame. With him there was 
carried off a knight of Poitou, Hugh by name, the 
king's marshal. On this occasion the king, taking 
no heed for his own safety, urged on his horse, 
sparing no effort to rescue his marshal who was, 
however, swept away by the superior speed [of his 
enemies]. . . . The Turks are not weighted 
with armour like our men, and for this reason, thanks 
to the quickness of their movements, they often 
ihflict severe damage on our men. They are almost 
weaponless, carrying only a bow, a club furnished 
with sharp teeth, a sword, a lance of reed with iron 
head, and a lightly hung knife. When routed they 
flee away on the swiftest of horses — than which none 
in the world are fleeter — horses that may be com- 
pared for their speed to the flight of swallows. It is 
a Turkish habit, to cease fleeing when they see their 
pursuers slacken in the pursuit, like a pertinacious 
fly, which, though you may drive it off", will return 
directly you cease your efforts ; which will keep its 
distance so long as you make it, but is ever ready 
[to renew the attack] should you cease [to be on the 
alert]. It is no otherwise with the Turks. When 
you stop your pursuit and return, the Turk follows 
you up. 

King Richard was dwelling in his tents waiting for 
the army to leave the city ; for they left it slowly 



1 34 THE MARCH ON JAFFA BEGINS. 

and surlily, not of their own will. Owing to this 
his numbers swelled but slowly, while the city was 
still filled with a very great host. Now the whole 
army, including those who had not yet left the city, 
was reckoned at 300,000. The people given up 
to sloth and luxury were loath to leave a city so 
rich in comforts, to wit, in the choicest of wines and 
the fairest of damsels. Many, by too intimate an 
acquaintance with these pleasures, became dissolute, 
till the city was quite polluted by the luxury of these 
foolish folk and the inhabitants, whose gluttony and 
wantonness put wiser men to the blush. To remedy 
this reproach it was ordered that no woman should 
leave the city with the army, except the washer- 
women who would go on foot, and could not be a 
burden or an occasion of sin. 

On the appointed day the host armed early, and 
ranged itself in decent order. At the very rear 
went the king to guard against the Turks who 
hung threateningly near. That day's journey was 
but short. From the very moment this accursed 
race saw our army on the move, like mountain 
torrents they began to rain down the heights in 
many separate bands : here may-be by twenties, 
there by thirties, and so on. And being so scat- 
tered they took every opportunity of doing our 
army what damage they could, for they grieved 
sorely at the death of their relatives, whose mangled 
bodies they had seen ; wherefore they harassed our 
army more keenly, constantly following it up and 
annoying it by every means in their power. But by 



THE STANDARD. 135 

the divine grace our army crossed the river of 
Acre unharmed, pitched on the other side not far 
beyond the river, and waited here till the whole army 
should be collected on Friday, the eve of St. 
Bartholomew [23 Aug., 1191]. On the following 
Monday two full years had passed since the Chris- 
tians began to besiege Acre. 

' So, on Sunday, the morrow of St. Bartholomew [25 
Aug.], at early morn the army was ranged in battalions 
for its march along the sea-shore. King Richard led 
the van-guard. The Normans stood like a wall round 
the Standard which it will not be amiss to describe in 
order that it may be better known. It consists of a 
very tall pole, as it were the mast of a ship, made up 
of most solid timber work well jointed, cunningly 
carved, and covered with iron, so as not likely to 
fall a prey to sword, or axe, or fire. On the very 
top of this mast floated the royal flag — commonly 
called the banner. There is usually a chosen body 
of knights appointed for its guard ; especially when 
the fight is upon the open plain, lest it should 
be prostrated or damaged by any hostile attack; 
for if by any chance it is cast down, the army is 
thrown into confusion and flight. For the timid- 
hearted know not where to rally if they believe 
their leader overcome when they do not see his 
sign erect. It is not easy for any people to offer 
strong resistance, if, from the fall of their banner, 
they have reason to fear for their leader's safety, 
whereas so long as that standard remains upright they 
have a safe refuge to which they may betake them- 



136 A TTACK ON THB REAR. 

selves. To it the sick and the wounded are 
brought for cure ; aye, and even those men of rank 
or renown who have been cut off in the fight. 
Wherefore, because it stands so strongly fitted 
together as a sign for the people, it is, from its thus 
standing, called the Standard. It is set on wheels 
with no small advantage, in that, according as the 
fortune of the battle varies, it can be brought forward if 
the enemy give way, or drawn back if they press on. 
Round this standard stood the English and the 
Normans. 

The duke of Burgundy and his French who were 
in the rear followed at less speed, and, thanks to their 
delay, came near to suffering a most terrible loss. The 
army was marching having the sea on its right, 
whilst from the mountain heights on the left the 
Turks kept a watch on all our movements. Suddenly 
there swelled up a black and dangerous cloud, and 
the air grew troubled. The army had now reached a 
narrow passage along which the provision wagons 
had to go. Here on account of the narrowness 
of the way there was some confusion and disorder, 
which the Saracens noting swept down upon the 
packhorses and wagons, cutting off unwary men and 
steeds, plundering much of the baggage, breaking 
through and dispersing those who offered any re- 
sistance, and driving them in flight and slaughter to 
the brink of the sea. There both sides fought 
with manful courage for dear life. On this occa- 
sion when a Turk had cut off the right hand of 
a certain Everard, one of the bishop of Salisbury's 



RICHARD TO THE RESCUE. 137 

men, he without changing countenance, seized his 
sword with the left hand and, closing with the Turks, 
stoutly defended himself against them all, brandishing 
his weapon. 

The rear of the army was exceedingly perturbed 
at this onset till John Fitz Luke, urging his 
horse forward at full speed bore news of all that had 
happened to king Richard, who, coming up with a 
band of his own men, brought aid to the rear and 
thundered on against the Turks, slaying them right and 
left with his sword. Nor was there any loitering, but 
right and left, as of old the Philistines fled from the 
face of the Machabee,* so now did the Turks scatter 
and flee from the face of king Richard till they gained 
the mountain heights, leaving, however, some of 
their number headless in our hands. In this conflict 
one of the French, William des Barres by name, who 
had formerly incurred Richard's displeasure, was now 
restored, thanks to his signal valour, to his former 
favour. 

Saladin was not far off" with all the flower of his 

army ; but, after this repulse, the Turks, despairing 

of gaining any advantage, contented themselves with 

* Judas Machabaeus was the mediaeval type of the true patriot. 
So Pope Urban II. exhorts the Christian warriors at the council 
of Claremont by an appeal to the * Mackabaei ' ; the Song of 
Lewes calls Earl Simon a second Mattathias ; and in their 
famous letter to John XXII., the Scotch nobles designate 
Robert Bruce as their Joshua and Machabseus. Caxton, in the 
preface to his edition of the Mort d*Arthur, recognizes Judas 
Machabaeus as belonging to the second trio in the * nine worthy 
and the best that ever were, to wit, three Paynim, three Jews, 
and three Christian men.' 



ijS TWO DAYS AT HAIFA. 

watching our movements from a distance. Ac- 
cording!)' our army, resuming its line of march, 
came to a river and cisterns, which they found to 
be good. There, in a pleasant plain, they fixed their 
tents ; for they saw indications that Saladin had 
pitched there before them and, noting the way in 
which so wide a district was trodden down, judged 
his army to be verj' large. 

Saladin with his Turks was ever on the look out 
to do us harm ; for which purpose he would seize the 
narrow precipitous pathways, by which our army had 
to pass, in tlie hope of slaying or capturing some of 
our men as they straggled in the rear. But our 
people proceeded from this river warily and in good 
order till, after a moderate march, they came near 
Cayphas,* where they pitched their tents and waited 
for the crowd that followed. Here, between the sea 
and tlie town, our army tarried for two days, over- 
hauhng the baggage, part of which they threw away 
seeing that they could do without it. For the crowd 
of footmen was very heavily weighted with food and 
arms, on which account very many of them had 
endured much toil and thirst in the late battle. 

On the Tuesday, that is on the third day after the 
delay at Cayphas {i.e., 27 Aug.), the army advanced 
again in due order, having the Templars in the van 
and the Hospitallers in the rear, both of which orders 
bore themselves so manfully as to be a very pattern of 

■ Cayphas, the modem Haifa at the foot of Mt. Carmel, 
originally belonged to Tancted before he was called off to under- 
take the rule of Atitioch, during Boamund's captivity [July 1 100]. 



A TOILSOME MARCH, 139 

virtues. On this day the army went more warily than 
usual ; for there stretched a great way before them, 
so covered with bushes and rank growth of herbs 
that the [soldiers'] faces were being constantly torn, 
especially those of the footmen. Also in these sea 
places there was found a great abundance of wild 
animals, that were constantly leaping out from 
beneath our feet in places thick set with grass 
and shrubs. Of these they used to catch many 
without the trouble of chasing.* When the king 
had come somewhere near Caphamaum — which 
the Saracens had laid level with the ground — 
he dismounted to eat ; and whilst the army was 
waiting, those who wished took a snatch also. 
Immediately after they proceeded on their way to the 
Casal of the Narrow ways, where the roads become 
narrow. Here they fixed their tents and rested. 

Now it was a custom in the army that every evening, 
before men went to rest, a certain person, deputed 
for this very purpose, should cry out in the middle of 
the host the common exhortation ** Sanctum Sepul- 
CHRUM adjuva" (Help us, O Holy Sepulchre!) 
On hearing these words the whole multitude would 
take up the cry, stretching out their hands to heaven 
and, with copious tears, praying God for aid and 
mercy. Then a second time would the herald repeat 
the same words, calling out as before, "Sanctum 
Sepulchrum adjuva," after which the words were 
repeated by the whole host ; likewise, when he cried 

* This was the jerboa, Dipodida C.y a little rodent that leaps like 
a kangaroo. It is thought to be the ** coney '* of the BibU. 



140 THE TARANTULA STINGS. 

aloud for the third time all imitated him with the 
utmost sorrow of heart and bursts of tears. WTio 
would not have acted thus in such a strait, seeing 
that the very mention of this custom can draw pious 
tears from the hearers ? By this cry the army seemed 
to be refreshed in no small degree. 

Every night, certain creeping insects, commonly 
called lannles,* used to annoy our men with burning 
stings. By day they did no harm; but, as night 
drew near, they pressed upon [us], armed with 
the most baleful stings. After they had stung 
a person the wound swelled out with the poison 
they had planted, and the patient suffered the 
most acute agony. Noble men and wealthy could 
assuage these tumours at once by ointments, and 
ease their pangs by an eflectual antidote. Afterwards 
the wiser folk, learning that these plaguing insects 
ivere put to iJight hy any great noise, began, when- 
ever the tarantulas drew near, to make a frightful 
din and clatter by clashing together shields, helms, 
saddle-gear, poles, jars, flagons, basins, pans, plates, 
and anything else that was handy for making a noise ; 
for on hearing the clatter these insects decamped. 
At this Casa! the army stayed two days;t for it was a 
large place and a very convenient one in which 

• Tbe spiders known to us as iareniula. Albert of AU 
recounts thai the Christians of the first Crusade suffered from 
these same "serpents," " quos vocant Tarenla." The same 
method was used for driving them away. He adds that (hose 
who had been stong went to be touched (as though for the king's 
e»il) by one of the chiefs of the expedition. 

t i-e. Aug. zi and sg, according to Dr. Stuhbs. 



THE GREA T HE A T, 141 

to await the arrival of the ships they expected ; to 
wit, barges and galleys laden with the victuals they 
had need of. These ships, sailing near the coast, 
alongside of those marching by land, carried food. 

The army advanced to the town of Merle,* where 
the king had passed one of the previous nights ; but 
here it had to guard against the Turks, who threatened 
from one side. The king had determined to lead the 
first rank in person on the following day to guard 
against the expected attacks of the Turks. The 
Templars, however, were still to guard the rear, 
for the Turks were ever threatening. On that 
day the king, putting spurs to his horse, was borne 
against the Turks and, but for the sloth of his 
followers, would have reaped great glory. For as he 
went ahead, driving the Turks before him, some of his 
men stayed their pursuit. For this slackness they 
were rebuked in the evening, and rightly too ; because 
had they helped the king to pursue the fleeing Turks 
they would have accomplished a right noble feat- 
of-arms. Yet [for all this slackness of his own men] 
the king drove the Turks wholesale before his face. 

Now the journey along the sea-shore was very 

grievous to the army by reason of the great heat; 

for it was summer and they were making a very long 

stage. Many, fainting from the heat and outwearied 

by the labour of the long march, dropped down 

dead and were buried where they fell. But on many 

others who were exhausted by the journey the king 

took compassion, and had them transported in 
• Aug. 30 according to Dr. Stubbs. See Note F. for Merle^ &.c. 



(+2 THE HALT AT C^SARBA. 

the galleys and ships to the halting place. At last, 
after a toilsome day's march, the army came to 
CBBsarea, where the Turks had already partly de- 
stroyed the town with its walls and towers so far as 
they were able. But at the approach of our men they 
fled. Pitching their tents here our people passed 
the night* close to a river very near the city. 
This river is called the River of Crocodiles \ because 
the crocodiles had foimerly devoured two knights 
who were bathing in it, The city of Csesarea J is 
very large and its buildings are constructed with 
wonderful art. Christ used to come here oftentimes 
with his disciples, and he made the city illustrious by 
his divine miracles. The king gave orders for his 
ships to join the array at this place. 
• August 30. 
+ The Nahr-Zerka, which reaches the sea some 3 mUes N. 
of CsESatea. bo Fulcher of Charlres (iii. c. 49) about the yeir 
1135 saw crocodiles in the river of Cjeiarea. He gives a detailed 
description of these " crocodilli," whom he surmises to have 
only lately t>een imported fiom the Nile. In this river, according 
to local repori, crocodiles are still to be found. 

% Cxsarea ties something more than 20 miles from Cayphas. 
Baldwin I. took il with the aid of the Genoese in I loi A.D. 
Louis IX. fortified the city c. 1150 A.D; hut only to fall into the 
hands of Bibars il Feb. 1265. The author is of course con- 
founding Czesarea, ibe city of Herod the Great, of which in later 
times Eusebius was bishop, with Cssarea Philippi, beyond the 
Lake of Gcnncsaret. Such blunders arc frequent in medieval 
writers ; t.g.y Albert of Aii takes Cxsarea on the Orontes to be 
the city in the text (xii. c. ao) ; and Sir John Mandeville Ibinks 
the Cayphas of p. 138 was named after and founded by Caiaphos, 
the High Priest. 



THE LOITERERS FROM ACRE, 143 

The march from CsBsarea to Arsuf ; the battle of 
Arsuf, Sunday, Sept. 1st— Sunday, Sept. 8, 1191. 

Itin. Ric.y iv,, c. 14. 

Meanwhile the king had issued a proclamation in 

the city of Acre that all the slothful folk tarrying 

there should get aboard the ships he sent and come 

to the army for the love of God, for the honour of 

the Christian faith and the fulfilment of their vow. 

In accordance with the king's mandate, very many 

came with the royal fleet to Caesarea. And he made 

arrangements for the fleet, which was well stocked 

with victuals, to advance alongside of the army. So a 

great multitude of ships being united, and the army 

being armed and arranged in squadrons, on a certain 

day* about the third hour they advanced from Caesarea, 

going at a steady pace because the Turks were 

always threatening them. For [the enemy] whenever 

the army began to move forward — every day alike — 

pressed as close as they dared, doing what damage 

they could. And on this day they harassed us 

more persistently than usual, though, with God's 

help, we issued safely, forcing them to leave 

behind them one of their emirs, whose head our 

men cut off"-! He was a warrior of the greatest 

* i.e.^ Sunday, September i. 
t The Crusaders seem to have cut oft' the heads of their 
slaughtered enemies much as the Red Indians take scalps. At 
the siege of Antioch they sent two mule-loads to the Caliph of 
Babylon ; and at the siege of Nicaea they flung the heads of a 
defeated party of rescue over the city walls ; and Albert of ^ix 
tells us how Godfrey and his comrades, after having driven off 
an ambush, rode into Antioch with the heads of their slaughtered 
foes hanging from their saddle-bows. The custom prevailed ici 
Ireland and Scotland as well as among \.Vve TmyVl^, Ixoxcv ^<9)>D>Ricsw 
Guibert ofNogent thinks the Crusader* bonovjedW. V.^t^^Xfc'^ 



144 -^^^S ESTOY. 

courage, of signal valour, and the most illustrious 
name. He was said to have been a man of such 
strength that no one had ever been able to unhorse 
him, and hardly anyone dared even to attack him. 
For he bore a lance thicker in the shaft than any 
two of ours. His name was Aias Estoy.* At his fall 
the Turks were afflicted with such grief that they 
cut off their horses* tails and would gladly have 
carried off the emir's corpse had they been permitted. 
But our men proceeded thence to the stream which 
is called the Dead jRwer,-\ which the Saracens, before 
our arrival, had covered over so that we might not 
see it and so might run the risk of tumbling in. But 
here too God preserved us, arid our men drank out of 
the river when laid open; and stayed there two nights. J 
On the third day [Sept. 3] the army proceeded from 
the Dead River slowly over a waste and empty land. 
On this day the army was forced to journey along 
the hills because they could not make any way along 
the coast, as it was obstructed with grass which 
flourished in greatest luxuriance. The army marched 
in closer array than usual, the Templars still bringing 
up the rear. And on this day the Templars lost 
so many horses from the attacks of the Turks, that 
they were almost in despair. The count of St. Pol || 

* Boh&din also mentions the death of this warrior, 
t The Nahr Akhdar according to Dr. Stubbs, but according 
to the Palestine Exploration Fund's Survey Report it is the Nahr 
al Mefjir, which reaches the sea between 2 and 3 miles S. of 
Caesarca. 

J i.e.f nights of Sept. I and 2. j| See Note at end of book. 



IHE KING WOUNDED. 145 

also lost very many horses there ; and truly so great 
was his valour on that day in guarding the line of 
march that he gained exceeding great favour and 
applause of the whole people. On the same day 
was king Richard wounded with a spear in the side 
whilst slaughtering the Turks. Yet did this light 
wound serve rather to excite him against the ene- 
mies, by making him more eager to avenge the pain 
he suffered. Wherefore he fought right fiercely 
throughout the whole day, vigorously driving back 
the Turks as they came on. 

The Turks, pertinaciously keeping alongside of 
our army, strove to work us all the harm they could, 
by hurling darts and arrows thick as rain. Alas ! how 
many horses fell down here pierced through with 
darts ; how many, being once severely wounded, 
died a little later on. Aye, and so thickly fell the 
rain of darts and arrows there that you could not 
find so much as four feet of earth all along the 
army's route entirely without them. This grievous 
tempest overhung us all the day until, as night came 
up, the Turks drew off to their own tents ; whilst 
our folk pitched theirs near a certain water called 
the Salt River,^ and there abode two days. It was on 
the Tuesday after St. Giles' day \i.e, Sept. 3] that they 
arrived here. At this place there was no small run 
upon the bodies of the fat horses that had died of 
their wounds ; and the people in their greedy con- 

♦ i.e. Nahr Iskandenineh, which according to the Survey is 
some 15 yards wide and flows through a marshy district. It 
reaches the sea 7 or 8 miles S. of Caesarea. 



146 2HB RIVBR CAMP. 

tention for the right of purchasing the flesh — though 
at a high price — came to blows. Upon this the king 
proclaimed, by voice of an herald, that he would 
give a live horse to anyone who would divide his 
dead steed among the most valiant of the needy men 
at arms. And so men ate horse flesh as though 
it were the flesh of deer, and, having hunger to 
season it instead of sauces, they deemed it a most 
pleasant food. 

On the third day \i,e, Thursday, Sept. 5] about 
the third hour the army proceeded in ordered ranks 
from the Salt River ; for there was a rumour the 
Turks were lying in wait for them in the forest of 
Arsuf. This wood it was said they were going to 
burn so as to prevent our men from passing through 
it ; who however, issuing unharmed, chanced on a 
pleasant plain near the river that is commonly 
called Rochetailie. Here they pitched tents for the 
night, and the scouts who were sent out brought 
back news that an innumerable host of Turks, 
reckoned at 300,000, covered the face of the whole 
land, and awaited our coming at no great distance. 
The Christian army did not exceed 100,000. It 
was on the Thursday [i>. Sept. 5] before the Nativity 
of the Blessed Mary that [our] army came to the 
river Rochetailie ;* where it tarried the next day. 

On Saturday [Sept. 7] the eve of the Nativity of the 

Blessed Mary, at earliest dawn all prepared themr 

selves most carefully as though the Turks were going 

* Nahr Faluik, or River of the Cleft, is nearly 16 miles S. of 

Cassarea and 9 S. of the Sa\t K\\e.t. 



A NEW DISPOSITION 147 

to attack immediately ; for they knew the enemy to 
have forestalled our path, and that the insolence of 
the Turks would not abate before a very severe 
contest had taken place. Indeed the Turks were 
already setting their men in order, and always draw- 
ing a little nearer. For this reason all our men 
looked to their own affairs very carefully, and the 
ranks were ranged with the utmost precaution. King 
Richard, who was very skilful in military matters, drew 
up the squadrons according to a special scheme, 
arranging who had better lead the vanguard, and who 
bring up the rear. With this intent he appointed 
twelve squadrons ; and arranged [his whole army] 
into five battalions, assigning to each men of great 
skill in warfare — warriors whose betters were not 
to be found on earth had their hearts only been firmly 
staid in God. On this day the Templars led the 
first rank ; after them went the Bretons and the men 
of Anjou in due order ; next went king Guy with 
the men of Poitou ; in the fourth rank were the 
Normans and the English, with the royal banner 
under their charge. Last of all went the Hospitallers 
in due rank. This last array of all was made up of 
choice knights divided into squadrons, and its mem- 
bers marched so close together that an apple could 
not be thrown to the ground without touching the 
men or their horses. Our army occupied the whole 
space between Saladin's and the sea-shore. There 
might you see [the squadrons each] with its appro- 
priate badge, banners of different forms, various 
ensigns, and a f whole] people fuW ot V\%cyv\\^\i<^^ 



148 OF THE ARMY, 

and very apt at war. There was the earl of 
Leicester, Hugh de Gurnay, William des Barres, 
Walkelin de Ferrars, Roger de Tony, James de 
Avesnes,* count Robert de Dreux f and his brother 
the bishop of Beauvais \\ William des Barres, William 
de Guarlande, Drogo de Merle, and very many of 
his kin. Count Henry of Champagne kept guard on 
the side of the mountains : as did also the followers 
on foot. Last of all were drawn up the bowmen and 
the crossbow-men closing the rear. The packhorses 
and wagons carrying provisions, baggage, &c., 
journeyed between the army and the sea so as to be 
safe from attack. 

Thus did the army advance at a gentle pace so as 
to guard against separation ; for, if loosely scattered, 
the battalions would be less able to resist the enemy. 
King Richard and the duke of Burgundy with a 
choice train of knights went hither and thither, to 
right and left, observing the position and bearing of 
the Turks, that they might regulate the course of the 
army according to circumstances. And indeed their 
watchfulness was very necessary. 

The third hour was now drawing on, when lo ! a host 
of Turks, 10,000 in numbers, swept rapidly down upon 
our men, hurling darts and arrows, and making a 
terrible din with their confused cries. After these 
came running up a race of daemons very black in 
colour ; for which cause, because they are black, they 
are not unfittingly called the negro pack (nigrcduli). 

* See note p. 156. f See note p. 156. 
t See note p. 1^6. 



CLARIONS AND TRUMPETS. 149 

[Then too came on] those Saracens who live in the 
desert and are commonly called Bedawin, rough, 
darker than smoke, most pestilent footmen with their 
bows and round targets — a people light of foot and 
most eager for battle. These were ever threatening 
our army. And beyond those we have mentioned, 
you might see along the smoother ground well-equipt 
phalanxes of Turks advancing with their several 
ensigns, banners, and emblems. They seemed to 
number more than 20,000 men. On steeds swifter 
than eagles they thundered down upon us, till the 
whirling dust raised by their rapid flight blackened 
the very air. Before the emirs there went men 
clanging away with trumpets and clarions ; others 
had drums, others pipes and timbrels, rattles, gongs, 
cymbals, and other instruments fitted to make a din. 
To raise these noises was the special business of 
certain men ; and the louder their din the fiercer did 
their comrades fight. Thus from every part, by land 
and sea, did 'these accursed Turks press upon our 
army, so that for two miles there was not a hand's 
breadth of space where this hostile race was not 
to be found. 

That day our own losses and the sufferings of 
our horses, who were pierced through and through 
with arrows and darts, shewed how persistently 
the enemy kept up the attack ; and then indeed we 
found out the use of our stalwart cross-bowmen, 
our bowmen, and those closely-wedged followers 
who at the very rear beat back the Turkish onset 
by constant hmWng of their weapoxv^ ^o lax ^^ 'Cwe^ 



ISO THE KNIGHTS OF ST. JOHN 

could. Yet for all this, the enemy in a little while 
rushed on them again like a torrent of waters, 
redoubling their blows and so drunk with fury that 
at last many of our cross-bowmen could hold out no 
longer, but, throwing away their bows and cross-bow, 
in sheer dread of death, gave way before the 
intolerable onset of the Turks and forced a path 
within the close ranks of our main army, lest they 
should be cut off from their comrades. 

But the better men and bolder, whom shame 
forbade to yield, faced about and strove against 
the Turks with unflagging valour. So they marched 
backwards in their anxiety to keep themselves 
from the danger they would run by advancing 
too confidently in the ordinary method ; and all 
that day they went on, picking their way rather 
than marching, with their faces turned toward the 
Turks, who threatened at their rear. Ay ! in the 
stress and bitter peril of that day there was no one 
who did not wish himself safe at home, with his 
pilgrimage finished.* And of a truth our little 
[handful of] people was hemmed in on every side by 
so vast a multitude of Saracens that it could not 
have escaped had it been so minded ; and, like a 
flock of sheep within the very jaws of the wolves, 
our men, cooped up as they were, could see nothing 
around them excepting the sky and their pestilent 
enemies [swarming up] on every side. 

♦ Cf. Fulcher of Chartres in his account of Baldwin I.'s march 

from Edessa to Jerusalem : "At that time I for my part would 

rather have been at Chartres or Orleans*, asvjovild others too." 



AND THEIR ENDURANCE 151 

Lord God ! What were then the feelings of that weak 
flock of Christ ? . Who ever had to bear up against 
such cruel oppressors ? Who was ever ground down 
by such want of all things ? There you might see our 
soldiers, after losing their good steeds, march along 
on foot with the footmen, shooting arrows or any- 
thing else that chance supplied them with. The 
Turks, too, whose special pride it is to excel with the 
bow, kept up the shower of arrows and darts till 
the air resounded and the brightness of the sun 
itself grew dark, as with a wintry fall of hail or snow, 
byreason of the number of their missiles. [Ourjhorses 
were transfixed with arrows and darts, which covered 
the surface of the ground so thickly everywhere that 
a man could have gathered twenty with a single 
sweep of his hand. 

The Turks pressed on so stoutly that they nearly 
crushed the lines of the Hospitallers, who sent word 
to king Richard that they could bear up no longer 
unless their knights were allowed to charge the 
enemy : 

But he, forbidding, bids them wait 
In closer line and patient state. 

Wherefore, for all the peril they were in, they 
endured on ; though with many a heavy gasp, since 
they were not suffered to breathe freely. So they 
pursued their way, the excessive heat adding to their 
toil. Men might well augur that ill things were 
in store for so small an army hemmed in with so 
great a host. And now our assailants smote 
on the backs of our men as they ^.dv^.wc^^^ "^^ M 



152 A GAINST SALADIN'S BEST TROOPS, 

with mallets; so that it was no longer a case 
for using arrows and darts from a distance, but for 
piercing with lances or crushing with heavy maces 
at close quarters : for hand to hand attacks with 
drawn swords, whilst the blows of the Turks 
resounded as if from an anvil. The battle raged most 
severely in the rear rank of the Hospitallers because 
they might not repay the enemy, but had to go along 
patient under their sufferings, silent though battered 
by clubs, and, though struck, not striking in return. 
At last, unable to bear up against so vast a host, 
they began to give way and press upon the squadron 
ahead of them. They fled before the Turks, who 
were madly raging in their rear. 

Who can wonder at their failing to bear up against 
so persistent an attack, forbidden as they were to strike 
back or make an onset on their foes : and such foes 
too ! For the very flower of all Paganism, from 
Damascus and Persia, had gathered here ; from 
the Mediterranean Sea to the East there was no bold 
warrior even in the most distant comer, no valiant 
race or people whom Saladin had not called in to 
his aid by prayer, or pay, or right of dominion, 
and all in the hope of utterly sweeping the race 
of Christians from off" the face of the earth. But in 
vain ; for, thanks to God, he was not strong enough 
to achieve his wish. And the best flower of all the 
youth of Christendom — a soldiery tried in war — had 
flowed thither [to oppose him] and, like the finest 
grain shaken from the ears, was united there from the 
furthest ends of the earth. If anyone had broken and 



AN APPEAL TO THE KING, 153 

exterminated this host without a doubt there would 
have been no one left in the world able to offer resist- 
ance. . . At last more than 20,000 Turks made a 
sudden confused rush, battering at close quarters 
with clubs, ^nd swords, redoubling their blows against 
the Hospitallers and pressing on in every way, when 
lo ! one of this brotherhood, Garnier de Napes, cried 
out with a loud voice, " O illustrious knight St. 
George,* why dost thou suffer us to be thus con- 
founded ? Christendom itself is now perishing if it 
does not beat back this hateful foe !" Thereupon, 
the Master of the Hospital going off to the king 
said, ** Lord king, we are grievously beset and are 
likely to be branded with eternal shame as men who 
dare not strike in their own defence. Each one of 
us is losing his own horse for nothing, and why 
should we put up with it any longer ?" To whom 
the king made reply, " My good master, it must 
needs be endured, [seeing that] none can be every- 
where." So the Master returned to find the Turks 
pressing on and dealing death in the rear, while 
there was no chief or count who did not blush for 

* St. George was par excellence the warrior Saint of the Eastern 
Crusades. In 1097 he was seen issuing with two other saints 
from the mountains to help the Christian army at the battle of 
Dorylaeum and, when almost within sight of Jerusalem, the army 
tarried at Lydda to restore his ruined church there. Even the 
Saracens feared his valour, and at the battle of Nazareth (May i, 
1 187) deemed they had slain the Christian Saint in the person 
of JakeUn de Mailly, the Templar. St. George was represented 
as riding on a white steed in glittering white armour, like 
Spenser's Red Cross knight whose prototype he was. 



1 54 THE SIX TR UMPETS. 

very shame, saying one to the other, ** Why do we not 
give reins to our horses ? Alas ! alas ! we shall be 
convicted of cowardly sloth for evermore, and de- 
servedly too. To whom has such a thing ever 
happened before ? Never has shame of so dark a 
dye been inflicted on so great an army. Unless we 
charge them speedily we shall earn ourselves ever- 
lasting ignominy ; and the longer we delay the greater 
will be our disgrace." 

O how blind is human fate 1 on what slippery 
joints it totters 1 Alas, on what doubtful wheels it 
rolls along, evolving human events in uncertain suc- 
cession. Truly an incalculable host of Turks would 
have perished if matters had been carried out 
according to the previous arrangement. . . . For 
whilst our men were treating together and had at 
last determined that the time for charging the enemy 
had come, two knights, impatient of delay, overthrew 
the whole plan. For it had been decreed that, when 
the moment for settmg upon the Turks arrived, six 
trumpets should sound in three several parts of the 
army, to wit, two in the front and two in the rear, and 
two in the middle. The object of this was to dis- 
tinguish the Christian note of onset from that of the 
Saracens, and to let each [section of our army] know 
its distance from the other two. If this plan had 
only been carried out the whole body of the Turks 
would have been cut off and routed ; but thanks to the 
over-haste of these two knights the order was not ob- 
served, to the great disadvantage of the common weal. 
For these two, you must know, breaking from the ranks 



THE CHAR GE A GAINST ORDERS, I S 5 

Spurred their steeds against the Turks, overthrowing 
and transfixing each his man. One of these knights 
was the Marshal of the Hospitallers ; the other was 
Baldwin de Carro, a stout knight and bold as a 
Hon, a boon companion of king Richard, who 
hid led him hither as his comrade from his own 
land. 

Now when the other Christians saw these two 
rushing against the Turks so boldly and calling upon 
St. George for aid in so loud a voice, they all in a 
body, wheeling round their steeds, in the name of 
Christ the Saviour followed and flung themselves 
against the foe with one mind. There was no delay; 
but the Hospitallers, who all that day had ridden in 
unbroken order and were much distressed at being 
set in such close wedges, shot across the intervening 
ground and manfully attacked the foe in the wake of 
the two knights. So each squadron in its appointed 
order, turning round its horses, charged the enemy 
in such a manner that those who had been first in 
the march were brought up last to the attack, 
according to their position ; whereas the Hospitallers 
who formed the rear joined battle first. These also 
sprang forward with the Hospitallers : the Count of 
Champagne* with his chosen band ; James de Avesnes 

♦ Henry II., count of Champagne, succeeded his father 
Henry in 1182. His mother was Mary, daughter of Louis 
VII. and Eleanor of Aquitaine, who in 115 1 or 11 52 married 
Henry of Normandy, afterwards Henry II. of England. He 
was thus nephew of both Richard I. and Philip Augustus. 
He was crowned king of Jerusalem, after marrying Conrad*s 



156 GENERAL ENGAGEMENT, 

with his * kinsmen, Robert earl of Dreux, \ and the 
bishop of BeauvaisJ his brother, and the earl of Lei- 
cester, whose steed bore him on at a maddening 
pace towards the sea on the left. But why mention 
individuals ? All the rear advanced boldly and at 
once; behind them rushed in the swift- footed men 
of Poitou, the Bretons, the Angevins, and others 
whose valour was such that they transfixed each Turk 
as he came against them with their lances and bore 
him to the ground. In this encounter the air grew 
black with dust, and the whole body of the Turks 

widow in 1192. In 1197 he was killed at Acre by falling through 
a window. 

* James de Avesnes arrived at Acre with the bishop of Beau- 
vais, the Count of Dreux, two days after the commencement of 
the siege, i.e,^ on Aug. 24, 1189. He is described as better than 
Nestor in counsel, than Achilles in valour, and than Regulus in 
faith. He had been leader of the Crusaders at the siege till the 
arrival of Henry, Count of Champagne, in July 1190. 

t Robert II., Count of Dreux, was the son of Robert I. and 
grandson of Louis VI. He succeeded his father in the country 
in 1188. He was brother of Philip mentioned below, and is said 
to have died 28 Sept , 1218 or 1219. His father had taken part 
in the Crusade of Louis VII., whose brother he was. 

X Philip, bishop of Beauvais from 1 175 to 1217, was grandson 

of Louis VI. He had been in the Holy Land in 1178. He was 

a great warrior, and is elsewhere compared by our author to 

Archbishop Turpin. Twenty-three years later he distinguished 

himself, fighting with his mace at the battle of Bouvines. In 

1196 he and his archdeacon had both been taken prisoners by 

Richard's mercenary captain, Marcadeus, who presented them 

armed as they were to the king. The Pope wrote for the release 

of ''his son,** and Richard sent back the bishop's coat of mail 

asking if he reco^ised his son's tumc 



kMG ktCHAkb'S PR0JVMS3. l S 7 

who had of set purpose dismounted so as to aim 
their darts and arrows better had their heads cut off, 
for our foot soldiers decapitated those whom our 
knights had overthrown. 

King Richard, seeing the army in confusion, put 
spurs to his horse and flew up to the spot, not 
slackening his course till he had made his way 
through the Hospitallers, to whose aid he brought 
his followers. Then he bore on the Turks, thun- 
dering against them and mightily astonishing them 
by the deadly blows he dealt. To right and left they 
fell away before him. Oh ! how many might there be 
seen rolled over on the earth, some groaning, others 
gasping out their last breath as they wallowed in 
their blood, and many too maimed and trodden under- 
foot by those who passed by. Everywhere there 
were horses riderless. How different from and how 
unlike the peaceful meditation of cloistered monks 
musing by their pillars ! Then king Richard, fierce 
and alone, pressed on the Turks, laying them low ; 
none whom his sword touched might escape ; for 
wherever he went he made a wide path for himself, 
brandishing his sword on every side. When he had 
crushed this hateful race by the constant blows of 
his sword, which mowed them down as if they were 
a harvest for the sickle, the remainder, frighted at 
the sight of their dying friends, began to give him a 
wider berth ; for by now the corpses of the Turks 
covered the face of the ground for half a mile. At 
last the Turks are [really] routed ; they leap from 
their saddles ; a dust, full of danger to our merv^ \vsfc's» 



1 S 8 TURKISH DBSPATR. 

from the combatants. For when our warriors, fatigued 
with slaying and eager to catch even a breath' of 
air, left the thick of the fight, they could not recog- 
nize one another owing to the cloud of dust ; but 
began to lay about them indifferently to right and 
left, slaying friends in mistake for foes. 

But still the Christians pounded away with their 
swords till the Turks grew faint with terror, though 
the issue is doubtful yet. Oh ! how many banners and 
standards of many shapes, what countless pennons 
and flags might you see falling to earth ; aye, 
and just as many good swords lying everywhere, 
lances of reed tipt with iron heads, Turkish bows and 
clubs bristling with sharpened teeth. Twenty or 
more wagon loads of quarrells, darts, and other 
arrows and missiles might have been collected on 
the field. There you might see many a bearded 
Turk lie maimed and mutilated, but still striving to 
resist with the courage of despair until, as our men 
began to prevail, some of the enemy, shaking them- 
selves free from their steeds, hid among the bushes 
or climbed up the trees, from which they fell dying 
with horrid yells before the arrows of our men. 
Others leaving their horses strove to slip off" by 
circuitous ways toward the sea, into which they 
plunged headlong from the promontories, some five 
perches high. Truly in a notable manner was that 
hostile race driven back, so that for two miles vou 
could see nothing but the flight of those who just 
before had been so pertinacious in attack, so haughty, 
and so fierce. But with God's aid, thus did their 
pride perish. ..... 



THE FIGHT NEAR THE STANDARD, 1 59 

And indeed our whole army, ranged in its several 
ranks, had borne down upon the Turks. The 
Normans and English chosen to guard the Standard 
drew up gradually and with cautious steps towards 
that part of our army that was fighting, keeping 
no great distance from the battle, so that all might 
have a sure place of refuge. At last, having finished 
their slaughter our men paused, but the Turks 
continued their flight till, seeing our slackness, they 
regained their courage, and immediately more than 
20,000 strong fell upon our men in the rear, threaten- 
ing them with clubs in the hope of releasing our 
captives. With deadliest effect they kept launching 
forth their darts and arrows ; smashing, lopping, 
bruising the heads, arms, and other limbs of our 
knights, till these bent stupidly over their saddle 
bows. At last our men recovering their courage, 
fierce as a lioness robbed of her whelps, rushed upon 
them again, forcing a way through them as if they 
were merely tearing through meshes 

Over this host of Turks there was a certain Emir, a 
kinsman of Saladin. This warrior had a banner 
marked with a wonderful device, to wit, a pair of 
breeches. These he bore — a device well known to 
his men. This Tekedin pursued the Christians with 
a peculiarly fierce hatred ; and he had with him on 
this occasion more than 700 choice and sturdy 
Turks, attached to his person. They were selected 
from Saladin*s special followers. Each squadron 
of this body carried a yellow banner in front with a 
pennon of a different colour. And now, coming oa 



1 60 WILLIAM DBS BARRES. 

at full speed, with noise and pride they fell upon our 
men who began to turn off from them towards the 
Standard. , . . Our men held out unmoved, 
repelling force by force. . . . Yet could not 
this part of our army easily make its way back to the 
standard, hemmed in as they were by so great a host 
of enemies. ... At last William des Barres, 
seeing their plight, and breaking through the line 
galloped headlong against the foe, attacking them 
with such energy that, after he had slain some with 
his sword, the rest took to flight. Then the king, 
sitting on his peerless Cyprian steed, with his 
chosen band made towards the hills, routing all 
the Turks he met ; helmets clinked as the enemy fell 
before him, and sparks leapt out from the battery 
of his sword. So fierce was his onset this day that 
the Turks very soon all turned off from his irresistible 
attack, and left a free passage to our army. Thus at 
last, despite their wounds, our men reached the 
Standard, the ranks were formed again, and the host 
proceeded to Arsuf, outside which town it pitched 
its tents. 

Whilst busied in this work a huge mass of Turks 
fell upon our rear. Hearing the din of conflict 
king Richard, calling his own folk to battle, gave 
reins to his horse, and with only 15 comrades rushed 
against the Turks, crying out with a loud voice 
** God and the Holy Sepulchre aid us/' This 
cry he uttered a second and a third time and, when 
the rest of his men heard his voice, they hurriedly 
followed him, fell upon the foe, and drove them in 



DBA TH OF JAMES DE A VESNES. 1 6 1 

headlong rout right up to the wood of Arsuf, whence 
they had formeriy come. . . . Then the king 
returned to his camp, and our men, wearied 
with so fierce a combat, rested for the night. Those 
who were eager for spoil went back to the battle 
field and got as much plunder as they desired. 
Men who in this way returned used to say that they 
counted thirty-two emirs whom they found lying 
dead — all cut off on this day. These they reckoned 
to be men of the greatest authority and power, from 
their splendid arms and costly gear; and the 
Turks afterwards begged leave to carry them off 
because of their rank. In addition they brought 
back news of 7,000 Turkish corpses, to say nothing 
of the wounded, who, straggling here and there out 
of the fight, died later on, and lay scattered over the 
fields. But thanks to God's protection, hardly a 
tenth or even a hundredth of this number fell on 
our side. 

Of all whom the Turks cut off James de Avesnes 
was the one whose loss is most to be lamented. 
Whilst he was fighting in the deadly stress of combat, 
his horse staggered and laid its rider on the earth. 
Then the Turks crowded round and slew him after 
much labour. But, before his death, according to 
the report of those who brought back his body, 
he had slain some 15 Turks. And these were found 
lying dead in a circle round him. With him were also 
found slain three of his kinsmen, to whom certain 
of our men — shame be on them — who were present 
at the time did not bear aid, but left them struggling 



l6l THE SEARCH FOR HIS BODY, 

against the Turks as they came on. For this 
cause the count of Dreux and his men were stamped 
with indelible infamy. Oh how various are the 
chances of war ! how many groans and sighs were 
there in the army that night because of the absence 
of James de Avesnes, James that fearless knight, 
that illustrious warrior whom [his comrades] sur- 
mised to have been slain since he was not with the 
others. By reason of this apprehension was the 
whole army perturbed and stunned at the thought 
of so irreparable a loss. 

The battle had been fought on the Saturday before 
the Nativity of the Blessed Mary (/>., 7 Sept., 
1 191), and on the day following, Sunday, orders 
were issued to search for the body so as to give it 
burial. Then the Hospitallers and the Templars, 
taking with them many valiant Turcoples and others, 
donned their armour. These reaching the place, made 
anxious search, and at last found the body. The 
face was so thickly covered with blood that before 
washing it with water they hardly recognised the 
features ; so smeared with gore was he, so swollen 
with his wounds, and so utterly unlike his former 
self. Then wrapping the body up decently they 
carried it down with them to Arsuf.* There 
might you see a great host of knights coming forth 

* Arsuf was taken by Baldwin I. shortly after Easter, iioi. 
It was finally lost to the Christians in Jornada II. A. H. 663 
[i.e., between 21 March and 18 Apr., 1265 a.d.]. It lies on the 
coast some 22 miles S. of Cjesarea, 44 from Haifa, and 52 or 53 
from Acre. It is 6 J miles N. of the Nahr el-Aujeh of p. 166. 



AND ms BURIAL. 163 

to meet the body. The whole army grieved over the 
death of so great a man, recollecting his valour, his 
liberality, and his large dower of virtues. King 
Richard and king Guy were present at his burial ; 
and for his soul mass was solemnly celebrated with 
no small offerings in the church of our Lady, the 
Queen of Heaven, whose natal day it was. After- 
wards noble men, taking the body up in their arms, 
laid it in the grave with sobbing and with tears. 
Then the burial being done, the clergy honoured 
the day of the Blessed Mary with due solemnity. . . 

Saladin'8 Council after the Battle of Arsuf. 

Now Saladin hearing that his choicest troops in 
whom he placed most trust had been thus routed, was 
full of wrath and confusion. Then calling his emirs 
together he upbraided them thus ; **Lo! truly splendid 
are the deeds of my comrades, and right well have 
they, to whom I have given so many gifts, prospered 
after all their boasts and pride. See the Christian 
host now wanders at its will over all Syria with no 
one to resist it. . . . Here you have the war 
for which you craved ready to hand, but where is the 
victory of which you vaunted ? How miserably do 
we of this generation fall short of our noble an- 
cestors, who waged such memorable wars against 
the Christians, and whose memory will last for ever. 
. . . Compared with them we are as nothing — 
we are not worth an ^%^,^ 

At these reproaches the emirs stood silent with 
downcast looks, till one of them, Sanscunsus of 



164 SALADIN^S COtMCiL 

Aleppo by name, made answer thus : " Most sacred 
Soldan, saving the respect due to your presence, 
you blame us unjustly, for we attacked the Franks 

with all our might But nothing is 

able to injure them, fortified as they are with im- 
penetrable armour that gives no passage to any 
kind of missile or sword. It is owing to this that 
-all our attempts against them fell as useless as if 
expended on very flints. Moreover, one there is of 
their number at whom we have the greatest cause 
to wonder. He himself confounds and routs our 
people. Never have we seen his like ; or met 
with his peer. He is ever foremost of the enemy 
at each onset ; he is first as befits the pick and 
flower of knighthood. It is he who maims our folk. 
No one can resist him or rescue a captive from his 
hands. In their own tongue [the Christians] call him* 
Melee [king] Richard. Rightly ought such a king to 
have dominion over the earth ; for a man endued 
with such valour is strong to subdue all lands. What 
can we do more against so mighty and invincible a 
foe?" 

Then Saladin, in the heat of his anger, called up 
his brother Saphadin, and spake as follows : ** Know 
that I wish to see how far I can trust my people in 
this emergency. Therefore without delay go forth 
and lay the walls and towers of Ascalon level with 
the ground ; so too with Gaza. But have Darum f 

* For Richard's reputation among the Saracens see the 
quotation from the Estoire d* Eracles^ on p. 315. 

t See note p. 218. 



THE STRONGHOLDS TO BE DESTROYED, 165 

kept safe to afford a passage to my people. Like- 
wise destroy Galatia and Blancheguard, Joppa, the 
Casal of the Plains and Casal Maen, St. George* and 
Ramula, Beaumont, Toron, Castle Arnold, Belvoir, 
and Mirabel. Moreover thou must beat down our 
mountain strongholds ; nor shall thine eye spare any 
city, castle or village [casal]. Destroy everything, 
lay everything low, saving Cracf and Jerusalem only." 
And Saphadin going forth without delay accomplished 
all that Saladin bade him. 

Meanwhile a certain most renowned and powerful 
Saracen, Caysac by name, began to urge Saladin to 
send out spies into the plain of Ramula J to see 
where the Franks were turning. "For," said he, *'with 
gallant comrades I have hopes of cutting off a great 

* i.e. Lydda, where was the great church of St. George. See 
Notes to p. 153 and 166. 

t Crac or Karak was the great fortress near the S.E. extremity 
of the Dead Sea. It was one great aim of Saladin's policy to 
secure this stronghold, which had belonged to his great enemy 
Reginald de Chatillon, and which lay in the path of the great 
caravans crossing the desert from Egypt or the holy cities of 
Arabia to Damascus. Crac did not fall till nearly a year and a 
half after the battle of Hittin [Nov. 1188]. Its importance is 
shewn by the fact that when Al Adil's sons offered to restore 
the whole of Palestine to secure the safety of Damietta [retaken 
5 Nov., 1 2 19] the restitution of Crac was specially excluded. 

J Ar Ramleh, in the tenth century the chief town of Palestine, 
lies about 11 miles S.E. of Joppa, about 19 from Arsuf, and 
about 22 miles W. of Jerusalem. It is situated about 2 J miies 
from Lydda, just where the low lands of the coasts begin to give 
place to the hill district. 



1 66 BY THE RIVER OF ARSUR 

part of the Franks should they propose to go in that 
direction." . . . Then at his prompting Saladin 
sent 30 emirs of might and fame to hold the river of 
Arsuf.* Each emir led well-nigh 500 sturdy Turks, 
and they kept watch lest the Franks should cross the 
river. 

On the third day after the battle, i.e,, on 
Monday the morrow of the Blessed Mary's Nativity,! 
King Richard set out with his army from Arsuf. 
The Templars marched warily in the rear in 
order to guard against a sudden onset. But even 
after reaching the aforesaid river they found no 
obstacle ; for the Turks lay in ambush hoping to 
overwhelm the French with darts and arrows as they 
came on. But 'twas all to no purpose ; for which 
reason, not unmindful of the late battle, they with- 
drew% and our men pitched their tents for that 
night above the river of Arsuf. Thence early [Sept. 
10] in the morning the common folk and our foot 
soldiers who had hardly borne up against the hard- 
ships of the way went ahead with the harbourers \ to 
Joppa II — a place which had already been destroyed 
so utterly by the Saracens that the army could not 
dwell there except in its left part. So the army 

♦ The Nahr aPAujeh reaches the sea about 6 miles S. of Arsuf, 
and 3j N. of Jaffa. f Sept. 9th. 

X Men whose duty it was to quarter the army. 

II Joppa lies on the coast some 10 miles S. of Arsuf. II was 
the port whence the first Crusaders received their provisions at 
the siege of Jerusalem. It surrendered to Malek Adel 9 July, 
1187, and was finally lost to the Christians in March 1268. 



THE ORCHARDS OF JAFFA, 167 

coming to Joppa fixed its tents in a very fair olive - 
orchard, and there abode [Tuesday, Sept. 10]. But 
why say more ? Three weeks had already passed 
since the army first left Acre.* 

Now the army resting outside Joppa in the open 
country enjoyed an abundance of different kinds of 
fruits. For in that place was there plenty of grapes, 
figs, pomegranates, and huge almonds, with which 
the branches were overladen everywhere. And 
lo ! king Richard's fleet, and with it the 
vessels of other [chiefs], came up in the wake of 
the army. And ships went to and from between 
Joppa and Acre unmolested, bringing victuals and 
all that was necessary ; at which the Turks grieved 
much, seeing they were unable to hinder it. 

Meanwhile Saladin had caused the towers and 
walls of Ascalon to be pulled down ; and certain 
common folk, fleeing thence to our army by night, 

brought the news By the advice of his 

nobles, king Richard sent Geoffrey de Lusignan 
and William de Stagno in a swift galley to investigate 
the truth of these rumours. These and many others 
with them sailed right up to Ascalon and, staying 
before the city, noted the truth of these reports, and, 
finding them to be correct, rowed back speedily to the 
king. Thereupon king Richard called a council of 
the chiefs and leaders of the people to consult 
whether it would be better to set out for Ascalon 
so as to save it from utter destruction or advance 

* i.e, reckoning from the day when the Saracen prisoners 
were massacred. 



1 68 TO ASCALON OR NOT? 

towards Jerusalem. On these points opinions varied ; 
till at last king Richard set forth his own opinion 
in the presence of the duke of Burgundy and the 
other chiefs: "All seem to be of different minds — 
a circumstance which may do us no slight harm — 
though God forbid it. The Turks, who are destroying 
Ascalon, dare not make war on us ; for which reason 
I would have you know I think it will be the wisest 
plan to put the Turks to rout and so save Ascalon.* 
For the route through Ascalon is recognized to be 
of the utmost importance to pilgrims the whole world 
over." The French persistently opposed this scheme 
on the plea that Joppa ought to be restored first; 
because if this were done the journey to Jerusalem 
would be shortened. Why waste words ? The 
acclamation of the crowd supported their view. O 
blind counsel of sluggards ; fatal persistency of the 

lovers of ease ! For had they but 

cleared Ascalon of the Turks the whole land would 
have been freed at once. Howbeit the people's cry 
prevailed and it was decreed to make a collection 
for the restoration of Joppa ; and straightway men 

♦ The importance of Ascalon lay in its being the frontier sea- 
port town towards Egypt. So long as it remained in Saracen 
hands the Sultan could at any moment mass his troops by sea or 
land against the kingdom of Jerusalem. It was almost the last 
conquest made by the great Latin kings in the East (12 Aug. 
1153), and it only fell into Mohammedan hands after the battle 
of Hittin in exchange for king Guy Sept. 4, 1187. The Chris- 
tians lost it finally in the year of the Hejira 645 {i.e. between 
8 May, 1247, and 25 April, 1248). It lies about 30 miles S.W. 
of Jaffa. 



KING RICHARD AS A PREACHER. 169 

began to set to work at digging ditches and repairing 
the towers. There the army rested a long time in 
ease and pleasure ; while day after day its manifold 
sins increased — to wit, drunkenness and luxury. 
For the women from Acre began to return to the 
army and were a source of iniquity to corrupt the 
whole people whose love for pilgrimage diminished 
as its religious zeal abated. 

Towards the end of September, when Joppa was 
partly repaired, the army quitted the suburbs and 
spread its tents near the Casal of St. Habakkuk.* It was 
lessened in number, because no small part had sailed 
back to Acre, where it dwelt in taverns. King 
Richard, noting the general sloth and falling away, 
despatched king Guy as his envoy to Acre to exhort 
the pilgrims to return to Joppa; and when only 
a very few obeyed his bidding, Richard himself 
took sail for Acre and there he delivered to the 
people a most moving discourse about faith and 
trust in God and the remission of sins — if indeed 
they did not mean to be pilgrims in the name only. By 
such words he stirred up many and brought them 
back with him to Joppa. He also made the queens 
with their maidens come to Joppa, where it was 
reckoned that the army waited almost seven weeks 
whilst [our] people, who had scattered themselves 
in all directions, were coming together. But, when 
once collected, the army was much larger than 
before, (c. Oct. 30.) 

* According to Dr. Stubbs about three miles N. of Lydda. 

za 



1 70 FALCONE V IN WAR-TIME, 

1191.— (P Sept. 29)— X. Richard rescued from the 
Saracens by sir William of Pr^aux. 

Itin, Ric, iv., c. 28. 

At this time it happened that king Richard went 
out attended by a very small company of his friends 
to take the air along with his falcons. Now he had 
also intended to note the condition of the Turks 
should he see any, and seize them if he came upon 
them unprepared; but, being worn out with his journey 
and his exertions, it chanced that he fell asleep. 

And lo ! of a sudden the Turks, learning this, 
swooped down at full speed hoping to take him 
prisoner. The king, however, roused by the noise of 
their approach, had just time to mount his Cyprian* 
bay, and his companions to get on their steeds, when 
the Turks rushed up and attempted to seize him. 
Drawing his sword he set upon them whilst they at 
once, making a pretence of flight, drew him off to an 
ambush, from which a great host of Turks suddenly 
burst forth in such numbers as to surround the king 
and his little band. But, bravely brandishing his 
sword, he kept his assailants at bay, nothwithstanding 
all their efforts ; and, though it was the aim of each 
enemy to take him prisoner he soon forced them to 
hold off their hands. Even then, perchance, he would 
have been taken prisoner — deprived as he was of all 
human aid — had the Turks been quite sure which he 
was. But in the stress and din of the combat one of 

♦ This is the famous horse that Richard brought with him to 
the Holy Land. He used it in the Cyprus campaign, on which 
occasion it is described as being of unparalleled speed. 



A TRUE LIEGEMAN. 171 

the king's comrades, William de Prdaux, calling out 
in Saracen tongue that he was the Melee (which turned 
into Latin means rex), was at once surrounded by the 
Turks and carried off captive to their army. 

In the same engagement was slain one of the 
king's comrades, Reynier de Marun,* an illustrious 
knight, but (on this occasion) almost unarmed. His 
nephew Walter was also slain, as were Alan and Luke 
de Stabulo. When this incident was bruited abroad 
all our army was thrown into confusion ; and, hastily 
seizing its arms and pricking on its steeds, went out 
to look for the king, until they fell in with him 
as he came back. On meeting him they rejoiced 
exceedingly over his safety, while he, going on with 
them, pursued the Turks precipitately. But their 
endeavours were vain, for they could not overtake 
the enemy, who had gone off at full speed with their 
captive William, exulting mightily at the thought of 
having taken the king prisoner. But the king, thanks 
to God's mercy, was reserved to accomplish greater 
deeds. At last, seeing that the Turks galloped off too 
quickly, our folk returned to the army delighted that 
they had recovered the king safe and whole, and 
rejoicing in the Lord all the more because they 
had so nearly lost him. 

But there was great sorrow for William de Prdaux 
who by so generous a sacrifice of his own body 

* A Reynier de Marun figures conspicuously in Saladin's siege 
of the Henfrid of Toron*s castle (Toron between Tyre and 
Damascus) in May, 1179. He shot a great Emir through the 
heart, and this loss forced the Saracens to withdraw. ( William 
of Tyre xxi., c. 25.) 



1 71 THE KING'S RASHNESS, 

had purchased the safety of his lord the king, fo 
fealty worthy of all renown ! O rare devotion that | a 
man should willingly subject himself to danger if^n 
order to spare another ! Now some of the king^s 
most intimate friends, out of their great love, r Re- 
proached him for his frequent rashness and prayed 
him not to ride abroad in this lonely way any mc^ve 
for fear of falling into the enemy's hands. F(*or, 
they said, the safety of all depended on that of 
the king. . . . With such words and with all the 
daring of friendship they strove to convince the king. 
But he none the less delighted to be first in all onsets 
and last in all retreats ; for " who can entirely turn 
his nature out of doors, even with a pitch-fork ? " 
And, whether by reason of his valour or by 
Divine aid, things almost always turned out accord- 
ing to his wish, so that he would bring back with him 
a number of Turkish prisoners, or, if they offered 
any resistance, beat them down and maim them. 

1191, Oct. 1.— King Bichard's letter home, telling 
of his progress after the king of France left. 

Roger of Ifowden, iii. 128. 

*' Richard by the grace of God king of England, 
duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjou, 
to N. his beloved and faithful [servant], sends 
greeting. Know that after the taking of Acre and 
the departure of the king of France, who there, 
against the will of God and to the eternal dishonour 
of his kingdom, so shamelessly failed in his vow, we 
set out for Joppa. And as we were nearing Arsuf 



A LETTER HOME. 173 

Saladin came fiercely swooping down upon us. But, 
of God*s mercy, we lost no man of importance that 
day, saving one only — James de Avesnes ' — a 
man right dearly beloved by the whole army ; 
and rightly so too, for he had proved himself, 
by many years* service in the Christian host, to 
be vigorous, devout, and, as it were, a very 
column [of support] in holiness and sincerity of 
word. Thence by God's will we came to Joppa, 
which we have fortified with ditch and wall in our 
desire to do everything that can promote the Christian 
cause. On that day, to wit on the Vigil of the 
Nativity of the Blessed Mary, Saladin lost an infinite 
number of his greatest men ; and being put to flight, 
in the absence of all help and counsel, he has laid 
waste the whole land of Syria. On the third day before 
Saladin*s defeat we were ourselves wounded with a 
spear on the left side ; but, thanks to God, we have 
now regained strength. Know also that by twenty 
days after Christmas we hope, through God's grace, 
to receive the Holy City of Jerusalem and the Lord's 
Sepulchre, after which we shall return to our own 
land. Witness our own [hand] at Joppa, ist Oct." 

1191, Oct. 1.— King Richard's letter to the abbot of 
Clairvaux respecting his progress and asking for 

aid. 

Roger of Howden^ iii. 130. 

(After greeting his correspondent, Richard tells his story thus.) 

Within a brief space of time after the arrival of the 
king of France at Acre we reached the same place under 
the Lord's guidance. There after a great lapse of time 



1 74 RICHARD'S OWN ACCOUNT 

the city of Acre was restored to the lord king of the 
French and to us, who granted life to the Saracens on 
this understanding, — fully signed on Saladin's part 
— ^that he would restore us fifteen hundred captives. 
A day was set for the fulfillment of all these con- 
ditions, and, as it passed by without the terms of the 
treaty being carried out, about 2,600 Saracens whom 
we had in custody were put to death. We spared, 
however, a few of the nobler ones, in the hope of 
recovering the Holy Cross and certain captive 
Christians in exchange for them. 

Now when the king of France had gone back to his 
own land, and after we had repaired the walls of 
Acre, we proposed to go to Joppa, in company with 
the duke of Burgundy and his men, count Henry and 
his followers, many other counts, barons, and an in- 
numerable host of people. . . As our fore-guard 
was pitching its camp near Arsuf, Saladin swooped 
down upon our rear, but in God*s mercy was put to 
flight by the four squadrons, who alone were opposed 
to him. On that day, to wit, on Saturday the eve of 
the Nativity of St. Mary the Virgin, there was so 
great a slaughter of Saladin's best Saracens as he has 
never experienced for forty years. . . . After 
this defeat Saladin, not daring to encounter the 
Christians, laid snares for them afar off, lying hidden 
like a lion in his cave. And having heard that we 
should go steadily on to Ascalon, he laid that town 
level with the earth ; for which reason with God's aid, 
we have good hope of speedily recovering the heritage 
of the Lord 



OF HIS CAMPAIGN. i 75 

And now that the heritage of the Lord is partly 
recovered ; now that, with this object in view, we have 
borne the burden and heat of the day ; now that we 
have spent not only all our money, but our strength 
and our flesh too, we signify to you our utter in- 
ability to stay in the parts of Syria beyond Easter. 
The duke of Burgundy and his Frenchmen, count 
Henry and his men, and other counts, barons, and 
knights who have spent their [wealth] in God*s 
service, will also go home unless by your activity in 
preaching to the people [at home], means are 
provided for peopling the land, and money procured 
to be spent more freely in God's service. Wherefore, 
falling at your knees, we beg you with tears and 
earnest prayers to stir up the chiefs and noble men 
and the [common] folk throughout all Christendom 
to the service of the living God. Make it your 
business [to ensure their arrival] after Easter in 
defence of God's heritage ; for with His favour, we 
shall hold till then what we shall win. . . Do you 
therefore, in this extremity, rouse the people of God 
to the same vigorous action as you urged upon us 
and God's other people for the restitution of His 
heritage, before we started. Signed with our own 
[hand], at Joppa, ist Oct. 

Circ. Oct. 29 to c. Nov. 14.— Richard leaves Jaffa 

and moves in the direction of Bamleh, rebuilding 

two fortresses on the way. 

Itin.y iv., c. 29. 

Now when the army had regained its strength the 
king decreed an expedition of the whole host for the 



1 76 THE START FROM JAFFA 

reconstruction of the Casal of the Plains * — 2l move- 
ment that was deemed very needful to secure a safe 
passage for pilgrims. The king appointed men 
to guard Joppa and to complete its walls ; with 
orders to keep the gates most closely lest any one, 
excepting the merchants who brought provisions, 
should get away. To this office he deputed the 
bishop of Evreux, the count of Chalons, and Hugh 
Ribole, with some others. 

Bichard restores Casal Maen (Oct. 30— c. Nov. 14). 

Jtin, Rtc» iv. «. 29. 

Now on the Wednesday before All Saints, as the 
king was roving in the plains of Ramula, he set upon 

♦ The Casal of the Plains and Casal Maen must be looked for 
somewhere between Jaffa and Ramleh or Lydda. Perhaps, as 
Dr. Stubbs suggests, the former may be the village of Beit Dejan ; 
the latter Saferiyeh, on the way from Jaffa to Ramleh. Beit 
Dejan lies 5 J miles S.E. of Jaffa and 5 miles N.W. of Lydda, 
Saferiyeh 7 miles S.E. of Jaffa, ij miles from Beit Dejan, and 
4 N.W. of Lydda. Guerin would identify Casal Maen with the 
village of Deir Ma'in, about 8 miles S.E. of Ramleh and Lydda, 
where he saw the ruins of an old fortress. The resemblance of 
the name is tempting, but it seems hardly probable that Richard 
should have been allowed to reconstruct a castle whence he 
could command the communications between Saladin's advanced 
guard at Lydda or Ramleh and his main body at Latroon, 4J 
miles S.W. of Deir Ma'in. A mile N.E. of Deir Ma'in is the 
village El Burj^ so called from the ruins of a fortress that 
still crown its height. This position dominates the surround- 
ing country and, from the hill top, the Mediterranean can 
be seen (nearly twenty miles off). El Burj is about 15 miles 
N.W. of Jerusalem in the Survey Map, and is perhaps really 
to be identified with Castle Arnold. See note to p. 257. 



OVER THE PLAINS OF RAMLEH, 177 

some Saracen scouts whom he chanced to see, and, 
thundering on like a wild boar, put them to flight, 
slaying some. Amongst the dead he left a certain very 
noble emir lying headless on the plain. But the 
Turks fled. On the morrow, to wit on All Saints 
Eve, the king, after a short journey, pitched his tents 
between the Casal of the Plains and Casal Maen, 
The Turkish army was then at Ramula, from which 
place their men often made sudden sallies against us. 
In this place the king dwelt fifteen days or more and 
restored Casal Maen to its old strength. The 
Templars rebuilt Casal of the Plains^ despite the 
incessant attacks of the Turks. One dav when a 
great number of the enemy, together with near a 
thousand horsemen, threatened us, the king, mounting 
his horse, went out to meet them. Our army was 
thrown into confusion and, as they were rushing to 
arms, the Turks were routed ; twenty-six of them 
slain and sixteen taken prisoners. But the others, 
scampering off" on their fleet steeds, were not 
captured, though the king followed them with the 
utmost persistence till he came within full sight of 
Ramula where the Turkish army was camped. Then 
our men returned to the army. 

1191, Nov. 6.— K. Richard rescues a company of 

Templars. 

///«., Ric. iv., c. 30. 

On the sixth day after All Saints, that is on the 
Feast of St. Leonard,* there went out into the country 
certain camp followers and men-at-arms to seek 
grass for the horses and fodder for the mules. The 

♦ r.^., Wednesday, Nov. 6, 1191. 



178 A FORAGING PARTY 

Templars went ahead of the men-at-arms so as to 
ensure them safety as they wandered away from one 
another over the valleys on the look out for 
grassy places. For they were wont to scatter them- 
selves in this way when in quest of herbage — herbage 
which they not seldom washed with their blood 
owing to their lack of caution. While the Templars, 
as we have said, were keeping a watch over the 
men-at-arms, suddenly from the direction of Bombrac 
some 4000 Turkish horsemen, orderly drawn up in 
four squadrons, leapt forth and attacked the Templars 
boldy. So closely did they hem the Templars in as 
to bid fair to destroy or take them captive. This 
band of Turks was constantly being increased by 
fresh-comers, till the Templars, hedged in as they 
were, and seeing it was a case of emergency, dis- 
mounted from their steeds. Then, setting back to 
back firmly, and turning their faces to the enemy, 
they began to defend themselves manfully. But 
the Turks swooping down killed three Templars on 
the spot. 

Then might be seen indeed a fierce fight, 
and blows most valorous. Helms rang and 
fiery sparks darted out where sword clashed with 
sword ; armour rattled, and there was a din of 
[many] voices. The Turks pressed on like men ; 
the Templars [as] firmly hurled them back : the one 
body threatened ; the other repelled. The Turks 
came on bravely ; the Templars defended them- 
selves with the utmost courage. At last the Turks, 
swarming up in greater numbers, put out their hands 



ATTACKED BY THE TURKS. 179 

to seize the Templars who were now almost over- 
powered, when lo ! Andrew de Chavigni, coming up 
to their aid at full speed with 15 knights, rescued them 
from the hands of their foes. Most valiantly did the 
same Andrew bear himself on this occasion, as did 
also his comrades when they set upon this crowd of 
enemies and routed it. But, for all this, the host of 
the Turks kept on growing larger ; now they pressed 
on ; now they fled ; then once more the battle was 
renewed. Meanwhile king Richard who was care- 
fully supervising the fortification of Casal Maen, 
hearing the din of conflict, bade the two earls of St. 
Pol and Leicester ride with all speed to the Tem- 
plars' aid. With them he sent William de Cageu 
and Otho de Trasynges. 

As these knights were on the point of starting 
there rose a cry for help from the before-mentioned 
men-at-arms. Hearing this the king bade the 
earls make speed and, seizing his own arms as 
fast as he could, followed in their wake. Now, 
as the two earls were hastily riding along, on a 
sudden about 4000 of the enemy, leaping out of an 
ambush from the neighbourhood of a certain stream, 
formed themselves into two masses. Of these two 
thousand attacked the Templars, while the other two 
thousand turned against the two earls and their 
comrades. Seeing this the earls, drawing up their 
men in fitting order, got ready for battle. It was 
then that the earl of St. Pol made an unseemly 
proposition to the noble earl of Leicester: to wit 
that the earl of St. Pol should engage with the 



1 80 THE EARLS OF LEICESTER AND ST POL, 

enemy, whilst the earl of Leicester should watch the 
action from a distance and bring aid if necessary ; or 
that the earl of Leicester should engage with the 
Turks, leaving the earl of St. Pol to look on, 
watching over the • safety of his fighting comrade, 
but standing apart from the battle. The earl of 
Leicester chose to attack, for he could not brook to 
watch the battle and do nothing. And so, taking 
his own men with him, he hurled himself where the 
crowd of Turks was densest, and manfully rescued 
two of our captive knights from the hands of the 
enemy. So valourously, so stubbornly did he combat, 
here laying men low, there lopping off their limbs, 
that by his achievements on that day his glory was 
largely increased. 

The battle was already waging more fiercely 
on either side, when Richard came up trembling 
[with wrath]. Some of his followers reckon- 
ing the men he led too few to attack so vast a host 
of enemies, said to him : * Lord king, we judge 
it unwise to begin what we are not sure of being 
able to carry out. We do not judge it safe to attack 
so great and so valiant a force with only a few 
[warriors]. Even if you are minded to make so 
bold a venture you will not be able to bear their 
onset or to gain your object, if it is your intention to 
succour our friends by driving off their assailants. 
For our numbers are not sufficient against so many. 
Surely it were better to let these men — surrounded 
as they are by our foes — perish than for thee to get 
encompassed by the Turks. For, in that case, the 



KING RICHARD'S CHIVALR K 1 8 1 

very hope of Christendom would perish, and the 
mainstay of all our confidence fall. We deem it 
the wiser counsel to secure your safety and decline 
the fight." 

To their persuasion the king replied, changing 
colour : " When I sent my loved comrades out to war it 
was with the promise of bringing them aid. And if I 
fail to do this, so far as I can, I shall deceive those 
who trusted to me. And should they meet with 
death in my absence — which I pray may never 
happen — never more will I bear the name of king.*' 
Uttering no more words he spurred forward his 
steed, bursting upon the Turks with wonderful fury, 
by his vigorous onset scattering their close ranks 
like a thunderbolt, and laying many low by the mere 
vigour of his movements. Then, turning back to his 
own, men he scattered the whole body of the enemy, 
brandishing his sword, going hither and thither, 
backwards and forwards, bold as a lion. . . . 
Amongst others, he smote and slew a certain emir 
of gigantic strength and great fame, Ar-al-chais by 
name. Why recount details ? When the enemy had 
been routed and pursued our men returned to their 
own quarters with very many captives. Thus was 
the battle waged on this day without any aid from 
the French. On the same day three Turkish 
apostates, renouncing their vain superstition and 
becoming Christians, submitted to king Richard — 
it may be through fear of death. 



1 82 NBGOTIATIONS WITH SALADIN, 

1191, c. Not. 6.—King Bichard's negotiations with 

Saladin and Bapliadin. 

//m. Ric,^ iv., c. 31. 
When these two casals were repaired .... 
Richard sent noble and wise envoys to Saladin and 
his brother Saphadin demanding the whole realm of 
Syria with all its appmtenances just as the Leper Kin^ 
had held it. He also demanded tribute from Babylon 
[i>., Cairo] just as the kings,t his predecessors, had 
received it. He claimed by hereditary right all that 
had from any time [however remote] belonged to 
the kingdom of Jerusalem, by right of kinship to 
the preceding kings who had acquired and held it. 
When the envoys had clearly put forward the sub- 
stance of the king's demand, Saladin would not 
acquiesce. " Your king," he said, ** demands what 
I cannot assent to without dishonouring Paganism. 
Nevertheless I will send by my brother Saphadin, 
offering him the whole land of Jerusalem, to wit 
from the river Jordan to the Western Sea, on this 

* Baldwin IV., who reigned from 1174 to c. 1184, shewed signs 
of leprosy, while yet a schoolboy under the care of William of 
Tyre. As he grew older the disease progressed till in 1183 his 
eyesight failed him and he lost the use of his limbs. It was 
then that he appointed Guy de Lusignan his proctor and thus 
roused the jealousy of Raymond II., Count of Tripoli. The 
feud of these rivals led to the loss of the kingdom. 

t Egypt, if we may trust a casual phrase of William of Tyre, 
paid tribute to Baldwin III. (c. 1143-1163). The refusal of this 
payment was the excuse for Amalric's first expedition In 1163 ; 
after which the scale of payment was raised to 60,000 aurei a 
year. Of course the tribute lapsed when Saladin's uncle, Sira- 
con, possessed himself of the land in Nuradin's name in 1 168-9. 



AL'ADIL AS AMBASSADOR. 183 

one condition, that neither Christian nor Saracen 
shall ever rebuild Ascalon." Now when Saphadin 
came to king Richard with these proposals, the king 
would not have an interview with him that day, 
because he had just been bled.* But, at the king's 
order, Stephen of Turnham entertained Saphadin at 
breakfast with all manner of delicate foods. This 
banquet took place between the Casal of the Temple 
and that of Josaphat. 

On the morrow Saphadin sent king Richard 
seven precious camels and a beautiful tent, f 
Now when Saphadin, coming to the king, had 
disclosed Saladin*s offers, the king, thinking 
matters were in a troubled state and that the 
chances of war were doubtful, saw fit to temporize ; 
for he did not perceive the guile with which they 
were spinning out the negotiations, so that in the 
meanwhile they might destroy the cities, castles, and 
strongholds of the land. In short Saphadin so 
imposed upon the unsuspecting king with his 
cunningly-fashioned speeches, that they seemed to 

* In the Middle Ages bleeding was part of the recognised 
cure for almost all ailments. Moreover it was specially recom- 
mended as a general prophylactic in Spring (cf. Vincent of 
Beauvais, Speculum Doctrinale XII. cc. 5 and 23) and, as it is 
said, in Autumn also. Vincent also recommends it to those 
about to make a journey {Ihid c. 47). 

t Cf. gift of St. Louis in Cyprus to the king of Tartars. 
Joinville c. 47. It was a scarlet tent, in form like a chapel, 
* qui cousta mout.' The Armenian king sent St. Louis a tent 
worth ;^500, which had been given him by a Tartar noble (c. 31). 

»3 



1 84 FAILS IN HIS EFFORTS FOR PEACE. 

have contracted an intimate friendship with one 
another. For the king consented to receive Saphadin's 
presents ; and messengers were always running 
between them bearing little gifts from Saphadin to 
king Richard. 

The king's conduct seemed very blameworthy 
to his men, and it was a common saying that 
friendship with the Gentiles was a heinous crime. 
But Saphadin declared himself to be anxious to 
establish a fixed and lasting peace. So the king 
deemed himself acting wisely in making an open and 
fair peace for the enlargement of the bounds of 
Christendom ; more especially because the king of 
France had already gone away ; [and king Richard] 
had cause to dread his inconstancy and guile, seeing 
that [Philip's] friendship had sometimes turned out 
to be a very hollow sham. When, however, king 
Richard found all S.aphadin's proffers to be mere 
words and that the negotiations did not turn out 
as he wished — especially as regards Crac de Mont- 
realy whose dismantling the king sought to secure 
as part of the treaty — he broke off entirely. After- 
wards, when it was notorious that the peace would 
come to nothing, you might uee the Turks attacking 
us right and left ; whereon king Richard went 
out to fight them more frequently than ever; and 
to clear his name of the scandal attached to it carried 
off the heads of those enemies he had slain as a 
token that no amount of gifts would make him less 
cnercretic a'^^ainst the foe. 



SARA CEN A CCOUNT OF THE NEGOTIA TIONS 1 8 5 

13 Oct.— Arab Freebooters in Saladin's Service. 

Bohddiriy 273. 

On 22 Ramadan* some thieves brought the Sultan 
a horse and a mule that they had stolen from the 
enemy's camp into which they had penetrated. The 
Sultan had taken into his pay three hundred Arab 
freebooters, robbers by profession, whose duty it was 
to make their way into the enemy's quarters and steal 
his money and his horses. They would also carry oflf 
men while still alive. This is how they managed. 
One of their number would creep up to a sleeping 
Frank and wake him by putting a dagger to his 
throat ,' the sleeper, seeing the thief armed with a 
dagger, dared not utter a word and let himself be 
carried outside the camp. Some who dared to cry 
had their throats cut on the spot ; others, finding 
themselves in such a plight, said nothing, preferring 
captivity to death. This state of things went on till 
peace was concluded. 

13 Oct. -Nov. 15. — Negotiations between Richard 

and Saladin. 

Bohddiriy 273. 

The same day [22 Ramadan] there came a mes- 
senger from the front announcing the arrival of a body 
of troops from Acre. These troops our vanguard had 
attacked and made twenty-one prisoners, who con- 
firmed the news of the king of England's return to 
Acre, as also of his illness. The garrison at Acre 
they added was very weak, food was becoming scarce, 
and there was little or no money. The same day 

* i.e. Sunday, 13 Oct., 1191. 



1 86 BETWEEN RICHARD AND SALADIN 

there came up a numerous fleet from Acre [as they 
say] with the king of England on board. These 
ships had a great many men intended as a garrison 
for Ascalon or, according to others, meant to march 

against Jerusalem In the evening 

[of the 24th]* there came a messenger from the king 
of England with a beautiful horse as a present to Al 
Adil in return for those he had himself received from 
the prince. 

On Ramadan, the 26,* Al Malec al Adil who was 
then commanding our advanced guard received an 
intimation from the king of England to send him a 
messenger. Al Adel sent a goodly young man who 
was his secretary. The interview took place at 
Yazour whither this prince had come with a con- 
siderable number of infantry. . . . Some time 
was passed in conversation about the peace and the 
king uttered these words : ** I will not withdraw the 
word I have given my brother and friend ** — terms 
by which he designated Al Malec al Adil, to whom 
he then despatched the same messenger with the 
propositions he offered. In the same spirit he wrote 
the following letter to the Sultan : — 

" Greet him, O my letter, and tell him that both 
Musulmans and Franks are reduced to the last ex- 
tremity ; their towns are destroyed and the resources 
of both sides in men and goods are reduced to 
nothing. Surely we have had enough of this state 
of things ; and it is only a question of Jerusalem, the 

♦ i.e. Tuesday, Oct. 15. 

* i.e. Thursday, Oct. 17. 



WHO SHALL HAVE JERUSALEM} 187 

Holy Cross and (our old) possessions. Jerasalem we 
are resolved not to renounce so long as we have a 
single man left ; and, as regards the Holy Cross, to 
you it is nothing but a worthless bit of wood, whereas 
it has great value in our eyes and thfe Sultan will be 
doing us a great favour if he restore it. Every thing 
will then come right of itself and we shall enjoy a 
pleasant rest after our long toils.*' 

After reading this letter the Sultan gathered his 
counsellors together to consult them as to his reply, 
which finally ran as follows : — 

** To us Jerusalem is as precious, aye and more 
precious, than it is to you, in that it was the place 
whence our Prophet made his journey by night to 
heaven and is destined to be the gathering place of 
our nation at the last day. Do not dream that we 
shall give it up to you or that we can be so obliging 
in this matter. As to the land — it belonged to us 
originally, and it is you who are the real aggressors. 
When you seized it it was only because of the sudden- 
ness of your coming and the weakness of those 
Musulmans who then held it. So long as the war 
shall last God will not suffer you to raise one stone 
upon another. Finally as regards the cross, its pos- 
session is very profitable to us and we should not be 
justified in parting with it unless to the advantage of 
Islam." 

Such was the answer the envoy brought back to 
the king of England. 

On the 29th day of Ramadan* Al Adil sent for me 
* i.e, Sunday, Oct. 20, 1191. 



1 88 PROPOSAL FOR SAPHADIN TO MARRY 

and four others to tell us of the proposal that had 
been made to him by the king of England's mes- 
senger. Its substance was as follows : That Al Adil 
should wed the king's sister, whom he had brought 
with him from Sicily at his crossing over ; for her 
husband, the king of Sicily, was then dead. She 
was to be established in Jerusalem and her brother 
would yield her all the places he held in the Sahel* — 
to wit. Acre, Jaffa, Ascalon, and their dependances. 
The Sultan, on his side, was to give Al Adil all that 
he possessed in the Sahel and declare him king of 
that country. Al Adil was to retain all the towns 
and the fiefs he actually owned ; but the Holy Cross 
was to be restored to the Franks. The villages were 
to be given up to the Templars and Hospitallers, 
while the strongholds were to be reserved for the 
newly-married pair. The Musulman and the Prankish 
prisoners were to be set free and the king of England 
was to embark for his own land. That is the way, 
said the king, to settle everything. 

Al Adil, who was pleased with the proposal, sent 
for us and charged us to carry the communication to 
the Sultan. I was to be spokesman for those who 
accompanied me. Should the Sultan approve of 
this arrangement and see the advantages it brought 
to the Musulmans, I was to call my colleagues to 
witness his approbation and consent ; whereas, if he 
rejected the definite offer now made, they might bear 
witness to his refusal. 

Accordingly we presented ourselves before the 
* Le^ the low plain country bordering the Mediterranean. 



RICHARD'S SISTER, QUEEN JOAN OF SICILY, 189 

Sultan and I acted as spokesman, telling him what 
had happened in the conference ; after which I read 
Al AdiFs letter in the presence of my colleagues. 
The Sultan eagerly gave his consent, knowing full 
well that the king of England would not hold to the 
engagement, which was only a piece of trickery or a 
joke on his part. At my request he gave his formal 
consent, saying ** Yes " three times and calling all 
the bystanders to take note of it. We then returned 
to Al Adil and told him all that had passed. My 
colleagues declared that I had warned the Sultan 
several times that I was going to hold his words in 
evidence and that he had persisted in approving 
everything. And, this being so, the proposition 
might be accepted with his consent. 

On the second day of Shawall,* Ibn al Nahdal 
set out for the enemy's camp as Al AdiFs envoy. 
When the king heard of his arrival he sent word that 
the princess had flown into a passion at the very 
suggestion of such a marriage, and had rejected it in 
the most formal manner, swearing that she would 
never become the wife of a Musulman. Her brother 
added : " If Al Malec al Adil will only become 
a Christian we will carry out the marriage." Thus 
did he leave the door open for a continuance of the 
negotiations. 

16 Shawall. f Towards evening Al Adil received 

a messenger from the king of England. This envoy 

came to complain of the ambuscade and demand 

* i.e, Wednesday, Oct. 23. 
t i.e.f Wednesday, 6 November, 1191. 



iqo SAFSADIN ENTERTAINS RICHARD. 

that Al Adil would grant his master an interview. 
On the 18 of Shawall Al Adil accordingly went to 
the front, where a large tent had been set up to 
receive him. He also brought with him delicate 
meats and drinks, objects of art, and ever)ihing thai 
it is customary to be offered by one prince to another. 
When minded to make gifts of this kind no one. as 
is well known, could surpass him in magnificence. 
When the king of England reached his lent he 
received him with the greatest honour, ushered him 
in, and had him served with those dishes of his 
nation which he believed would be most agreeable 
to him. Al Adil. the king, and those who accom- 
panied him all ate of the dishes offered. The 
interview lasted the greater part of the day and they 
parted with mutual assurances of perfect friendship. 
The same day the king begged Al Adil to get him 
V with the Sultan, who, on receiving this 
isulted his council as to what reply he 
should make. But, for all this, the advice of no 
counsellor resembled the answer sent by the Sultan — 
which ran as follows : " It would be a shameful thing 
for kings to continue disputing after they have once 
met. Better let the questions at issue be settled 

first Moreover, I do not know your 

tongue any more than you understand mine ; and so 
we should have to find an interpreter in whom we 
could each place confidence. Later, when definite 
terms have been agreed on. we will have a meeting 
to ratify our sincere friendship." The king of 
England was struck with the wisdom of this answer 



CONRAD'S COUNTER-PROPOSITIONS. 191 

and saw that his end could only be reached by con- 
forming to the Sultan's wishes. 

On the 19 Shawall* the Sultan gave audience to the 
lord of Sidon in order that he might learn the object 
of his mission. I was present at the introduction of 
the envoy and his train. The Sultan received him 
very honourably, said a few words to his suite, and 
had them served with a magnificent banquet. Then, 
making everyone else withdraw, he remained alone 
with them to hear their propositions. . . . After 
listening to the envoy the Sultan promised to give 
him a reply later on 

At evening on the same day there arrived at the 
Sultan's quarters the son of Humfrey,f one of the 
great Frank lords, with a message from the king of 
England. In his train was an aged man, said to be 

one hundred and twenty years old The 

king's message ran thus : ** I love your uprightness 
and desire your friendship. You have already pro- 
mised to give your brother all the coast 

But it is absolutely necessary that we should have 
part of Jerusalem. It is my wish to make such a 
division, that your brother may incur no blame from 
the Musulmans and I none from the Franks." The 
Sultan immediately replied with fair words . . . ; 
but his object was to shake the foundations of the 
treaty. . . . After the envoys had left he turned 
to me and said : " If we were to make peace with 
this people nothing would secure us against their 

♦ Saturday, 9 November. 
+ i,e, Henfrid IV. of Toron. See note p. 65, and Gen. Table V. 

an4 Note I. 



192 SALADJnrS DIFFICULTY; SHALL HE ACCEPT 

bad faith. If I chanced to die, there would be great 
difficulty in collecting such an army as we have here ; 
and in the meanwhile the enemy would have grown 
very strong. And so it is better to continue the 
Holy War till we have either driven them from the 
sea-coast or are ourselves dead." This was his 
private opinion, but that of the general public forced 
him to conclude peace. 

On the 2ist day of Shawall* the Sultan called his 
emirs and his counsellors together for the purpose of 
laying the propositions of the Marquis before them. 
These propositions he was very eager to accept. . 
. . . At the same time he laid the propositions of 
the king of England before them. The king de- 
manded a certain number of towns along the coast 
by name, but would leave the hilly parts to the 
Mussulmans, or, failing this, all should be equally 
divided. In either case the Christians were to have 
priests in the monasteries and churches of the Holy 
City. . . . The Sultan submitted the conditions 
of the king and the marquis to his emirs .... 
to see which they would prefer. He also charged 
them to decide which of the king's two proposals 
was to be preferred. 

The council delared that, if peace must be made, 
it should be with the king ; for they could scarcely 
reckon on a real alliance between the Musulmans 
and the Franks (of Syria) ; but must always look out 
for treachery on the part of the latter. Then the 
assembly broke up, but the peace conferences 

* ie, Monday, Nov. ii. 



THE O VER TURES OF RICHARD OR CONRAD f 193 

continued, messengers never ceasing to pass to and 

fro till the basis of the treaty was settled 

On the marriage question the king, in his last com- 
munication with Al Adil said : ** The whole Christian 
commonwealth blames me for wishing to marry my 
sister to a Musulman without obtaining the pope's 
leave. Accordingly I am sending him an ambassador 
to treat of this matter and I shall have an answer in 
six months. If he consents, the business will be 
done ; if not, I will give you my brother's daughter 
to wife — for in this case there will be no need to ask 
the pope's leave." 

During all this time the hostilities were going on 
. . . and the lord of Sidon sometimes would ride 
out with Al Adil to examine the Frankish positions 
from a hill-top. Every day that the enemy saw these 
two together they renewed their efforts to get the 
peace signed. So great was their fear lest the marquis 
should conclude an alliance with the Musulmans and 
thus break up the power of the Franks. Things 
remained in this state till the 25 of Shawall.* 

On the following Friday . . the Sultan had the 

envoys of the Franks from beyond the sea brought 

in [before his council]. The son of Humfrey acted 

as interpreter. . . To the new marriage proposals 

it was replied : ** If the marriage is to take place 

let it take place according to the original agreement, 

for we will not be false to our word. But, if this 

cannot be, there is no need to search out any other 

* i.e. till Friday, Nov. 15. The French translation reads ii 
and 15 Shawall, seemingly by mistake for 21 and 25. 



1 94 THB NBGOTIA TIONS BREAK DO WN. 

woman." With . this declaration ended the con- 
ference. . . And the Sultan set out for Jerusalem, 
the Franks for their own territories. As the winter 
was rough and rain fell in torrents the Sultan went 
off to the Holy City and we passed the whole winter 
in Jerusalem. . . The king of England set out 
for Acre, where he remained some time. He left, 
however, a garrison in Jaffa. 

The Camp between Lydda and Samleh. — Circ. Nov. 

14— c. Dec. 5, 1191. 

The Camp at Samleh and Lydda.— Circ. Dec. 5, 1191 

— c. Dec. [81], 1191. 

liin. Ric. iv. 32. 

After repairing the two casals and leaving guards 
there the king led his army towards Ramula. On hear- 
ing this Saladin, not daring to join battle, issued orders 
to destroy Ramula utterly ; whilst he himself went off 
towards Darum, having confidence in the hills. Our 
army pitched its tents between St. George* and 
Ramula, and there abode twenty days waiting for 
reinforcements and provisions. There we were 
troubled by constant attacks ; moreover the heavy 
rains drove us from our position, so that the king of 
Jerusalem and our people had to remove into St. 
George and Ramula. ... At Ramula we dwelt 
about six weeks. And truly ^ve were not in pleasant 
quarters ; but a merry ending when it chances makes 
amends for hard beginnings. . . . On the eve 
of St. Thomas' day,* when king Richard with only a 

* i.e, Lydda. See p. 165. It lies from 2 to 3 miles N.E. of 
Ramleh. 

* i,e, Friday, Dec. 20. 



THE CHRISTIAN CAMP AT RAMLEH, 195 

small following was going from our camp towards 
the casal of Blanche-garde,* to lay an ambush for the 
Saracens, he turned back owing, as it is believed, 
to some divinely sent instinct that warned him of his 
peril. And lo ! at that very hour two Saracens, who 
had fled to him, told him how Saladin had a little 
before despatched three hundred chosen warriors to 
Blanche-garde, whither the king had intended to go. 

♦ Alba Specula or Blanche-garde is identified with Tel es- 
Safi, a hill which rises some 700 feet above the level of the sea 
some 13 or 14 miles due south of Ramleh. It was founded the year 
after Ibelin (see p. 207), i.e. c. 1144 ; and, like Ibelin, by the united 
efforts of the king, patriarch, nobles, and clergy. ** It lay," says 
William of Tyre, *' in that part of Judaea where the hill country 
slopes down to the plains ; in a spot which, compared with the 
neighbouring mountains, might be called a hill, but, in contrast 
with the level district near, a lofty mountain. In Arabic it is 
called Telle Saphe, that is to say in our tongue * Afons or Collis 
Clarus.^ " It was built like Ibelin as a protection against 
Ascalon, which lies 18 miles to the S.W. " From its heights 
there was an unbroken view of the hostile city — a thing that our 
foes greatly dreaded when they wished to go out on a foray. It 
was commonly called Blanca Guarda^ that is in Latin Alha 
Specula.'''' Tel es-Safi (the clear or bright hill) derives its 
name from its chalky sides, which are so prominent a feature in 
the surrounding landscape, and can be plainly seen from Ascalon. 
"It rises," says M. Guerin, "some 28 metres above the plain, 
and so is not a mountain. But from its solitary position in the 
plain it commands a very wide view over the ancient Shepheleh 
from Ramleh to Gaza, and from the Mediterranean to the hills 
of Judaea." An unsuccessful attempt has been made to identify 
it with Gath. M. Guerin would make it the Mizpeh of Juda 
(Josh. XV. 38), but there seem to be no ruins either of mediaeval 
fortress or Judaean town. Later research would identify it with 
Gath. 



196 ATTACK ON THE EARL OF LEICESTER. 

. . . . At midnight of Holy Innocents' day* the 
Hospitallers and the Templars left the camp and 
returned at early dawn with 200 oxen, which they 
drove in from the mountains near Jerusalem. 

The Earl of Leicester's Adventure.— December. 

Ibid, 

One day it chanced that the noble earl of Leicester, 
with only a few followers, attempted to drive back a 
large number of Turks who were insolently approach- 
ing our line. Three of his comrades pursuing the 
Turks too hotly were captured and carried off. 
Seeing this the earl hurled himself against more than 
a hundred of the enemy in his eagerness to free his 
friends. And lo ! while he was following the Turks 
up beyond a certain river about 400 Turkish horsemen 
came up from one side with their reed lances and 
bows, cutting off the earl and his few comrades at 
the rear. Having thus surrounded the earl they 
made every effort to take him prisoner. Already had 
they felled Warin Fitz Gerald from his horse and 
battered him with their iron clubs : . . , and 
lo ! not much later Drogo de Fontenillo and Robert 
Nigel were unhorsed too ; while so great a host 
of Turks and Persians pressed round the earl in 
the hopes of seizing him that at last they threw 
him from his horse, severely wounded him, and almost 
drowned him in the river. He, brandishing his 
sword, dealt blows to right and left ; and in that 
moment of peril there came to his aid Henry Fitz 

• i.e. Saturday, Dec. 28. 



HEROISM OF ROBERT OF NEWBURGH. 197 

Nicholas and Robert de Newburgh of memorable 
renown, whose noble self-denial has gained him such 
eternal fame. He, seeing the earl so cruelly bestead, 
dismounted from his own steed and offered it to the 
earl, whose life he deemed more precious than his 
own. I fear that a deed of this kind begets 
very few imitations ; though, on the contrary, every 
evil deed is largely copied. Thus by his brave act 
did this noble Robert preserve his own life and the 
earFs.* Besides these there were with the earl 
Ralph de Sancta Maria, Arnold de Bosco, Henry de 
Mailoc, William and Saul de Bruil. ... At last 
the Turks had so wearied the earl and his few fol- 
lowers that they could no longer bear up against the 
heavy brunt of the engagement but, clinging on to 
their horses' necks, stood out motionless receiving all 
the blows thundered down upon them. Finally they 
were almost stupified and, offering no further resist- 
ance, were carried off captives towards Darum. 

* It was doubtless in accordance with the ideal spirit of 
chivalry that a vassal should at all times be ready to yield up 
his steed to secure his lord*s safety. In this spirit the nobles of 
Jerusalem in the disastrous expedition against Bostrum (c. 1146 
A.D.) counselled their boy-king Baldwin III. to see to his own 
safety by riding off on the horse of Lord John Goman, which 
in speed and endurance surpassed all other steeds in the army. 
This proposal, however, the young king refused to consider, adding 
that he would scorn to secure his own life if his people perished. 
On the other hand, at the battle of Hastings (see Freeman iii.) 
when Duke William's first horse had been slain under him, one 
of his vassals refused to surrender his horse for his lord's use, 
and was promptly knocked off his charger by a blow from the 

ducal fist. See too the story of James d' Avesnes' rescue. Itin, 
I. c. 30. 



I9B ANDREW DE CHAVIGNY TO THE RESCUE, 

O how good a thing it is to hope in the Lord ! for 
He who guards Israel does not slumber, nor does He 
suffer anyone to be tried beyond what he is able. 
When our army heard the news of these exploits, the 
knights hurriedly armed themselves and went out, 
pursuing, attacking, scattering, mauling the Turks. 
Amongst our men, on this occasion, were Andrew 
de Chavigny, Henry de Gray, Peter des Pr6aux, and 
many other most renowned men of valour. Each 
slew his Turk at the first outset. One Turk attacked 
by Peter des Pr6aux was of such prowess that Peter, 
though assisted by several of his comrades, failed to 
take him prisoner alive ; nay it was with difficulty 
that they managed to get the better of him and slay 
him. Andrew de Chavigny pierced the emir who 
encountered him through the middle with his lance, 
and hurled him from his horse smitten with a deadly 
wound. Never more could he gather his host around 
him. The same Turk pierced Andrew's arm with 
his reed-spear and broke it. On their emir's fall, 
the Turks rushed up together striving hard to rescue 
his body ; but, so far as he was concerned, it was 
all up with him. Yet, for all this, the Turks pressed 
on against our men vigorously, and they would pro- 
bably have prevailed had not our numbers increased. 

The arrival of succours renewed the valour of the 
first warriors despite their fatigue. Then the battle 
raged fiercely ; the earl dealt blows and received 
them, hurled down the Turks, was battered in his 
turn, cut off many a head, received many a blow 
from many antagonists, but for himself had never 



EAGER ADVANCE OF THE CHRISTIAN AkMV tg^ 

need to deal a second. Two horses were slain 
under him ; wherefore it is truly said of him that no 
man so young and of so small stature ever performed 
such splendid feats of arms. At last there came up 
to his aid so great a host of chosen knights from our 
army that — despite the crowd of combatants — none 
of our men fell. For, you must know, that the Turks 
now broke up and scattered in different directions, 
being pursued by our men until they were tired out 
and returned to the army in peace. 

The Army advances towards Jerusalem and reaches 
Beit Ntiba [c. Dec. 31] where it stays till [c. Jan. 
18] 1192. 

When Saladin knew that we were ready to advance 
on Jerusalem the Holy City and were only two miles 
away from his army, thinking it not safe to fight with 
the Christians, he gave orders to lay Darum level 
with the ground and fled to Jerusalem. The Turks 
too left the plains and occupied the heights, . . . 
while our army in due order set forth for the Casal* 
of Betenoble,t where we were discomforted by 
heavy rain and unwholesome weather, owing to which 
very many of our beasts of burden died. Indeed, so 
great was the tempest and such the downpour of 

* c. Dec. 31 according to Dr. Stubbs. 

t i.e. the present Beit-Nuba, which lies on flat ground, though 
really more than 700 feet above the level of the sea. It is 12 or 
13 miles N.W. of Jeiiisalem, and about 10 miles S.E. of Lydda. 
William of Tyre identifies it with Nob, the ancient city of the 
priests (Sam. I. c. 21.), and M. Guerin half supports this view, 
which, however, is by no means generally accepted. 



100 FROM RAMLEH TO BEIT NUBA 

rain and showers, coupled with the blasts of violent 
winds, that the stakes of [our] tents were torn up 
and whirled away, whilst our horses perished of 
cold and wet. A great part of our food and biscuit 
was also spoiled ; and the swine flesh, commonly 
called bacon, grew rotten. Our aimour and breast- 
plates became fouled with rust and could not be 
restored to their original brightness by any amount 
of rubbing ; clothes began to wear out and very 
many people, from long sojourn in a foreign iand, 
lost health and were afflicted with great ills. This 
comfort alone sustained them ; the hope that they 
were at last on the point of visiting the Lord's 
sepulchre ; for beyond measure did they desire to 
see the city of Jerusalem and finish their pilgrimage. 
Each man carried his own food so as to get the siege 
finished soon ; and you might see people gladly 
volunteer in large numbers for any expedition. 
Those also who had been lying sick at Joppa had 
themselves borne down in couches and beds to the 
army in the hopes of advancing towards Jerusalem. 
There also kept flowing in from every side an over- 
numerous host hoping to visit our Lord's sepulchre 
with the army. This one hope was strong enough to 
overcome all inconveniences. But the Turks fell 
upon the sick as they were being borne down, slaying 
alike those who carried and who were being carried. 
Now was the army glad in heart at the hope of 
reaching the Lord's sepulchre which it had so long 
desired to see. Breast plates were scoured lest any 
rust should stain them ; helms were furbished up 



ON THE WAY TO JERUSALEM, 201 

with cloths lest the creeping damp should dim their 
gleam ; swordblades are smeared with grease lest any 
moisture should tarnish their brightness. But why 
enumerate details ? All got ready for the journey, 
boasting that no hostile attack and no obstacle 
should hinder them from accomplishing their pil- 
grimage. 

But the wiser set of men did not fall in with 
the too hasty zeal of the common folk. For the 
Templars, the Hospitallers, and the PuUani* having a 
sharper view of the future, dissuaded king Richard 
from going towards Jerusalem at that moment ; 
because, they said, if he were to lay seige and set 
himself with all his might to take Saladin and all 
the Turks cooped up in the city with him, the 
Turkish army that lay on the mountain heights out- 
side would be making sudden attacks. Thus there 
would be a double danger in every fight from the 
f enemy in Jerusalem and the enemy outside. Nor, 
they continued, if they were successful in capturing 
the city would their success avail much unless they 
had very stout warriors to whose care they might 
entrust the city. And this they did not think was 
likely to be the case, for, in their opinion, the 

♦ " The Pullani are those who are bom of a Fraokish father 
and a Sjiian mother, or of a Syrian father and a Frankish 
mother.'* Such in the middle of the i2th century was Suger*s 
definition of the word Pullanus. In later times it probably had 
a somewhat extended signification. 

t i.e. J The Christians would be in the same position as they 
had been at the seige of Acre between two enemies. 



202 FURTHER ADVANCE ON JERUSALEM 

people were showing all eagerness to get their 
pilgrimage finished, in order that they might get 
home without delay, being already unspeakably 
wearied at what they had undergone. For all these 
reasons they recommended the king in their subtlety 
to put off the advance in order that their warlike 
strength and numbers might not be diminished, and 
their [ranks] would hold together so long as the 
pilgrimage was not completed. But their plea was 
not listened to at all. 

The new year was already beginning, to wit, the 
year of the Lord 1192 — a Bissextile year having D 
for its second dominical letter. And lo ! on the 
third day after the Circumcision* while our army was 
eagerly preparing to advance, a host of hideous 
Turks, who, during the preceding night had lurked 
among the thickets near the Casal of the Plains leapt 
forth at dawn to keep a guard on the road along which 
our army was about to move. It thus happened that 
they slew two of our followers, whom they saw going 
abroad early ; for whose death God took a speedy 
vengeance. For king Richard (who, being fore- 
warned of the Turkish ambush, had that same night 
lain hid near the Casal of the Baths)] came up to 
them now at full speed, hoping to rescue the two 
men. When however the Turks recognised Richard 
by his banner, they cut off their prisoners' heads and 

* i.e,^ Friday, 3 Jan., 1192. 

t Now Umm el Homm^m, 2 miles N.E. of Mejdel Yaba 
and 13 or 14 (N.) E. of Jaffa, 12 to 13 N.E. of Ludd and from 
18 to 19 miles N. of Beit Nuba. 



OPPOSED BY THE MILITARY ORDERS. 203 

took to flight at once. They were almost a hundred 
in number, of whom the king slew or captured seven 
as they made for the hills. But the king, spurring 
on his Cyprian bay, caught up eight Turks in their 
flight towards Mirabel ;* and in the first encounter 
unhorsed two and maimed them, before any of his 
comrades could come up. Such was the incom- 
parable swiftness of his steed. On this occasion 
Geoflrey de Lusignan with some other [knights] slew 
or captured twenty of these Turks and, had they 
followed up the fugitives closer and further, would 
assuredly have taken more. 

8 Jan., 1192.— The Coimcil of the Franks. 

Ibn Alathiry ii. p 55. 

On the 20th* of Dulheggia the Franks returned to 
Ramleh. And this was the reason of their return. 

They used to draw all their supplies from the coast; 

but when they had moved far inland the Musulmans 

began attacking their convoys and pillaging them as 

♦ Identified with the present Mejdel YSba, about 12 miles E 
(by N.) of Joppa ; 9 or 10 miles N. (E.) of Ludd ; and 27 N. 
W. of Jerusalem. It rises on the edge of the great Sharon 
plain nearly 500 feet above the level of the sea. On the top of 
the hill are ruins of a Crusading church. According to the 
Ordnance Survey Mirabel is now represented by the ruins at Ras 
el Ai'n, 2J miles N.W. of Mejdel Yaba above the Springs oi 
Aujeh. The outer walls of the castle here are very perfect ; but 
Conder thinks the stones look like 13th century work. Ras el 
*Ain and Mejdel Yaba are about 10 miles N. and N.E. of Ludd 
and from 16 to 20 mUes N. of Beit-Nuba, the present head- 
quarters of Richard's army. 

• i.e., Wednesday, 8 Jan., 1192. 



104 -^ PLAN OF JERUSALEM. 

they went along the road. Then said the king of 
England to the Franks of Syria who were with them ; 
" Draw me a plan of Jerusalem ; for I have never 
seen it." And they drew him up a plan of the city. 
And, looking thereon, he saw the valley which sur- 
rounds the town everywhere except for a small space 
towards the North. Then began he to question 
concerning this valley and its depth. And they told 
him how it was deep and difficult to cross ; whereon 
he said : 

" It will be impossible to take this town so long 
as Saladin lives and the Musulmans are at peace one 
with the other. For if we lay siege on this side the 
other sides will be unbeleagured, and by them will 
men and provisions be able to enter. Whereas if 
we divide our host and siege it on either side Saiadin 
will gather his army and attack one section. Nor will 
the other party be abie to come to help its fellows for 
fear lest those in the town should make a sally on its 
quarters." 

The determination to retire from Beit-Nftba to the 
coast.— [c. Jan. 13] 1193. 

Ilin.Ric.v.c. 1. 

In the year iigz, not many days after Epiphany, 
the wise men [of the army] held a council, to which 
they summoned the more discreet natives of the 
land, for the purpose of deciding whether they 
should advance towards Jerusalem or turn aside else- 
where. By the recommendation of the Hospitallers, 
the Templars, and the Pullani, all idea of an advance 



THE RETREAT FROM BEIT NUBA TO RAMLEH 20^ 

was given up on the plea that they ought to busy them- 
selves in rebuilding Ascalon, from which stronghold 
an eye might be kept on the carriage of food from 
Egypt to Jerusalem. . . . Now when the order 
for retreat became known to the army, the common 
folk were taken with great grief ; all groaned and 
sighed at finding the dear hope of their heart to visit 
the Lord's sepulchre so suddenly cast away. . . . 
They invoked every ill on the authors of this decree, 
they cursed the delay and those who brought about 
such untoward things. But had they known from 
what want those who were in Jerusalem then suffered 
they would have drawn some consolation from the 
misery of their foes. For the Turks, who were at that 
time cooped up in Jerusalem, were sorely straitened 
by reason of the heavy fall of snow and hail and 
the hillside floods that swept off their horses and 
mules. In truth, had our men known the true con- 
dition of the enemy, beyond a doubt Jerusalem might 
easily have been taken. 

The return to Kamleli. 

c. Jan. 13, 1192.— The French go back to Jaffa 

and elsewhere. 

Itin, Ric.f v., c. 2. 

The feast of St. Hilary* was now drawing on, and 
so great a grief and anxiety for return urged our 
people that a good many almost apostatized, 
cursing the very day of their birth, and grieving at 
having been destined to such misfortunes. More- 
over sickness and want weakened many to such a 

♦ Monday, 13 Jan., 1192. 



20b AND FROM RAMLEH V 

degree that they could scarcely bear up ; added to t 
which many were not strong enou^'h to cany their 
own food ; whilst, thanks to the cold and rain, the 
horses and mules were constantly falling down 
through lack of strength. . . . Many of the sick 
would have run great peril had not king Richard, 
moved by a touch of divine piety, taken thought for 
them. For he sent out messengers in all directions 
to collect those who were fast perishing and, gather- 
ing them all into one body, had them carried down 
to Ramleh, whither the whole army now returned, 
though it had left the place so short a time before. 

Now, whilst the army was staying at Ramleh in the 
utmost grief, very many began to desert, either 
through a distaste for the tiresome march or indigna- 
tion. Owing to this the army was diminished in no 
small degree ; for the greatest part of the French 
went off in anger to Joppa, and there abode at their 
ease. Some also went off to Acre where there was 
no lack of food. Some also accepted the urgent 
invitations of the Marquis of Tyre ; whilst some, in 
their wrath and indignation, accompanied the duke 
of Burgandy when he turned off to the Casal of the 
Plains, at which place he dwelt eight days. 

19-20, Jan. 1182.— The marcli &om Bamleh to 
Aacalon. 

But king Richard, enraged at the turn matters were 
taking, set out with his nephew Henry count of 
Champagne, and the rest of his diminished army 
to IbeJin. Moreover so marshy and clayey did they 
had the ways that at the time of pitching their tents 



TO IBELIN 207 

they could thipk of nothing but how best to rest their 
wearied heads. At Ibelin* he stayed for one night, 
outworn with grief and toil such as no tongue 
nor pen can describe. At earliest dawn the army 
went forward in due order, preceded by those whose 
business it was to pitch the tents. But the misery of 
the previous day was as nothing to this day's march. 
For, as our men plodded on wearily, bitter snow drifted 
in their faces, thick hailstones rattled down, and 
pouring rain enveloped them. The marshy land too 
gave way beneath their feet ; baggage, horses and men 
sank in the swamps, and the more men struggled the 
deeper they became involved. . . So battered, so 

• Identified with Yebneh or Jamnia, 13 miles S. of Jaffa, 18 N.E. 
of Ascalon, and 8 or 9 S.W. of Ramleh. It stands on a hill 
about 4 miles from the Mediterranean. The mosque has 
remnants of an old Crusaders* Church. The fortress of Ibelin, 
from which the great Palestine and Cyprian family of Ibelin 
took its surname (see note p. 223), was founded about the year 1 143 
by the common efforts of king Fulk, the patriarch, and the other 
nobles and prelates of the kingdom. It was, according to 
William of Tyre, built on a slightly elevated hill and intended 
to protect the plain of Ramleh against the forays of the Egyptian 
garrison, that for ten years yet continued to hold Ascalon. The 
same writer identifies it with the Philistine city of Gath. This, 
however, is a mistake, and according to M. Gu^rin it is rather 
the Jabneel on the northern border of Judah (Josh. xv. n). 
Close to Ibelin was fought the great battle of Ascalon or Ibelin 
(Aug. 1099). Here again Baldwin I. won one of his great 
victories over the Egyptians of Ascalon, on Sunday, 27 August, 
1105. William of Tyre makes Ibelin 10 milliaria from Ascalon ; 
Yebneh lies 18 miles N.E. of the same town. But the mediaeval 
mile is a vague measure and often equivalent to an hour's march. 



*o8 AND ASCALON. 

wean-, and so worn, cursing the dav on which they 
were bom, and smiting themselves they at last 
reached Ascalon- — oniy to find it so levelled by tlie 
Saracens thai they could barely struggle through the 
gates over the heaps of stones. This day was loth* 
Jan. . . . Ascalon lies near the Greek sea, nor 
is any city better situated as regards the strength of 
its position, its pleasant suburbs or its good harbour, 
though indeed this last is dangerous because the 
violence of the sea often breaks the vessels riding 
there. Hence it happened that, because of the 
storm then raging, no ships dared to enter the haven 
with provisions for eight days. So there was great 
want in the army, nor did men or muies taste aughi 
for eight days save the little food they had brought 
with them. A last, when the weather calmed a little, 
transports came in with victuals; but the bad weather 
soon began again, bringing want to the army ; for 
the vessels, that people call barges, and the galleys 
sent to bring provisions, were wrecked by the violence 
of the winds, and almost all on board them were 
drowned. All the sneccae [smacks] belonging to the 
king and others were also broken. Out of their 
wood the king had his long ships built, in the vain 
hope of navigating by their aid. 

Jau.-Feb., 1192.— The rebuilding of Ascalon. 

Jtin. Ru., v.. 5. 

Saladin, hearing that our army was scattereil along 

the coast, suffered his chiefs to return home and see 

to their private concerns till Way — the time fitted 

• A Sviuday, 



THE FRENCH JOIN RICHARD AT ASCALON 209 

for renewing warlike operations — came round. 
Meanwhile the Turks, who had now warred at 
Saladin's side for four years, departed to revisit their 

families They grieved inconsolably at 

the loss of their chiefs — the emirs, and others whom 
Saladin had neglected to redeem according to his 
agreement and whom king Richard had had beheaded 
at Acre as we have told before. Hence they nurtured 
an inexorable hate and indignation against Saladin. 
So, with groaning and lamentation, Saladin's army 
departed for a season. 

As the month of January drew to an end and the 
weather became more healthful the king, ill-pleased 
at seeing his army dispersed, sent envoys to the 
French to induce them to Ascalon that the army 
might be united and take counsel in common as 

regards its future movements The 

French, on hearing these proposals, declared them- 
selves willing to obey the king up to Easter,* but 
only on this condition — that they were then to be 
allowed to return to France, if they wished it, without 
any opposition. To all these terms the king agreed, 
thinking it well to dissimulate for a while. So the 
French came back and the army was once more 
consolidated. Now it seemed good to rdpair the 
walls of Ascalon and rebuild the city by a common 

effort. But the nobles were so impoverished that 
they could each do but little ; and yet, for all 
that, each set to work according to his own 
capacity, .... till you might see the whole 
♦ Easter Sunday this year, n92, fell on April 5. 



1 1 o TItE WALLS OF ASCALON REBUIL T. 

army toiling together — chiefs, nobles, knights, men- 
at-arms, sergeants, and all passing stones from hand 
to hand. Nor was there any distinction between 
laymen and clerks, high or low, servants and 
masters ; all shared in the same labour ; toil made 

all on an equality The king himself 

was distinguished for his efforts, working at the 
building with his own hands, urging others on by 
word of mouth, and distributing money. At his 
exhortation each of the nobles took in hand part 
of the work [engaging] to finish it at his own 
expense according to his means ; and if any had 
to stop working from lack of money, this high-souled 
king, whose heart was greater than even his royal 
dignity, gave them of his own wealth so far as he 
knew them to be in want. To sum up, by his earnest 
endeavours things proceeded so well and so much 
energy and money did he expend that three parts 
of the city were said to have been built at his 
expense. 

1192, Feb.— King Bichard's quarrel with the duke 
of Burg^undy, who goes off to Acre. 

Itin. Ric.y c. 8. 

These things being done, Richard sent envoys to 
the marquis, as he had done many times before, 
bidding him come to Ascalon and take his share in 
the expense, as was fitting considering the claims he 
advanced upon the kingdom. And he called upon 
him to do this by the oath he had formerly taken in 
the king of France's presence. But that craven and 
perverse-minded marquis sneeringly made answer 



RICHARD REFUSES A SECOND LOAN 2 1 1 

that he would not come at all, unless he had an 
interview with Richard first. To his army however 
he spoke differently, declaring that he would not 
budge a foot. But, for all this, they had a conference 
later at Casal Imbert.* 

Then while the walls of Ascalon were being rebuilt 
there rose dissensions between the king and the 
duke of Burgundy. For, now that their provisions 
were for the most part consumed, the French began 
to ask the duke about the pay he owed them, without 
which they declared they could not fight any more. 
The duke, being hard pressed and having no money 
himself, thought fit to ask Richard for a further loan ; 
for, as we have said before, Richard had lent him a 
certain sum at Acre — a loan which was to be repaid 
from the ransom of the captive Turks. But there had 
been no repayment, inasmuch as the prisoners 
redeemed themselves with their heads and not with 
money ; for which reason king Richard did not 
now accommodate the duke. Now, seeitig that some 
took the duke's part, the matter became a fruitful 
source of quarrels till the duke, in anger, took his 
departure for Acre, and the Franks hurriedly followed 
him. 

The quarrel of the Genoese and the Pisans at 

Acre [c. Feb. 15]. 

Now when they reached Acre they found the 

Genoese and the Pisans in fierce confiict with one 

* Khurbet Hamsin (the ruins of Hamsin) is marked on the 
Ordnance Survey maps from 9 to 10 miles N. of Acre. They 
are 2 or 3 miles from the sea, above whose level the lull on 
which they stand rises 300 ft. in height. Cf. p. 79. 



212 TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, WHO 

another. For the Pisans out of simple generosity 
and justice favoured king Guy ; whereas the Genoese 
were on the side of the marquis, more especially 
because of the oath of fealty which bound the mar- 
quis to the king of France. From this there arose 
mutual attacks, slaughter, civil war, and general dis- 
turbance in Acre, by which the whole city was thrown 
into confusion. As the French drew near, they heard 
a great hubbub and the din of folk urging one 
another on to fight. Taking note of this, the duke 
and his Frenchmen got their arms ready and thus 
advanced desirous of helping the Genoese, who were 
above measure delighted at their arrival. 

But the Pisans, foreseeing that they would be 
attacked, went out boldly to meet the new comers, 
knowing that they came with no friendly intent. Set- 
ting upon the duke of Burgundy, who seemed to be the 
leader, they surrounded him, pierced his horse with a 
lance, and flung him to the ground ; after which they 
betook themselves back to the city, closed the gates 
firmly and waited for what would happen next. For 
the Pisans had already learnt that the Genoese had 
sent to the marquis, calling upon him to come to 
Acre as soon as he could and pledging themselves 
to deliver up the town to him. Nor was there any 
delay ; the marquis came in his galleys with an armed 
host, hoping to seize the city suddenly. At his 
arrival the Pisans plied their petrarioe and mangonels 
without intermission, and held out for three days 
relying on their valour and the justice of their cause. 

And so the two parties strove together manfully until 



ON THIS GOES OFF TO ACRE AND TYRE, 213 

the Pisans sent word to king Richard of their state, 
with a request that he would come up at once. The 
king had reached Caesarea on his way to a conference 
with the marquis, when the envoys met him and 
urged him on behalf of the Pisans to come speedily 
and preserve Acre. Then, under cover of night, 
they went back to Acre, while the marquis, having 
heard that Richard was advancing, turned back to 
Tyre ; for, having an evil conscience, he mistrusted 
the purpose of the king's coming. The duke of 
Burgundy and his French had already gone off to 
the same city. The king, who had reached Acre on 
the first Thursday in Lent,* next day took upon him- 
self the management of everything, as if he were the 
only man left in the land. Calling the people 
together he showed them by the clearest arguments 
that between colleagues nothing was better than 
friendship, peace, and unity ; nothing worse than 
quarrels. By such arguments he conciliated the ' 
Genoese with the Pisans, and renewed their old 
friendship with the kiss of peace. 

1192, March.— E. Bichard and the Marquis of 

Monteferrat. 

Itin, Ric,, v., c. n. 

Then king Richard sent word to the marquis to 
meet him for a conference at Casal Imbert, . . 
where indeed they did have an interview but to 
little purpose. For the marquis made a pretence of 
the withdrawal of the duke of Burgundy and the 

♦ Feb. 20. 

15 



214 RICHARD'S CONFERENCE WITH CONRAD, 

French ; and, by such wordy pretexts, strove to 

excuse his inaction. And so, alleging the absence 

of the French as an excuse, he went back to Tyre 

and hid himself in his wife's chambers, keeping 

aloof from military affairs. Richard, seeing that 

the duke of Burgundy and the marquis had, of 

their own free will, absented themselves, took 

counsel with the leaders and more discreet men 

as to the best course of action ; and they, after 

careful consideration, declared the marquis to have 

forfeited the privileges formerly assigned to him in the 

kingdom. Wherefore, by reason of his prevarication, 

he was to be deprived of his possessions. Owing to 

this, the ill-feeling between king Richard and the lords 

of France, and specially the marquis, took deeper 

root. The latter, indeed, renewed his old invitation 

to all the French to leave Ascalon and come to him 

at Tyre. By these means he threw the kingdom 

into such confusion that king Richard from the day 

after Ash Wednesday till the Tuesday before Easter* 

could not leave Acre. . . . On Palm Sunday 

(March 29) king Richard at Acre in great state 

girded with the belt of knighthood Saphadin's son 

who had been sent there for this purpose. 

Meanwhile the duke of Burgundy and the marquis 
sent envoys to Ascalon bidding those French who 
still remained there to come to Tyre as quickly as 
they could to take a share in the plan (concocted 
there) and to concert one mode of action according to 
the oath already sworn to the king of France. Then 
♦ i.e.^ from Thursday, Feb 20. — 31 March, 1192. 



RICHARD RETURNS FROM ACRE TO ASCALON 2 1 5 

was it made clear how long-premeditated the plot 
had been, extending indeed from the very time 
when the marquis had made his treaty with the 
king of France and his people. The agreement 
was that after this king's departure the marquis 
should have the French as his allies in the accom- 
plishment of his designs. So the Marquis, as 
though the Frenqh were specially bound to him, 
strove to withdraw them from the [general] expedi- 
tion in order that king Richard, left alone, might 
have less power to dispose of the kingdom. 

On the Tuesday before Easter the king returned 
from Acre to the army at Ascalon, very sad and 
ill at ease. Next day on the Wednesday* the chief 
men of the French came before him, demanding 
that he would give them guides and free leave to 
depart as he had promised. Agreeing to this he 
immediately granted them very many comrades in 
their journey, to wit, the Templars, Hospitallers, 
earl Henry of Champagne and many others. He 
also went with them a space, praying them with 
many tears to stay with him a little while at his 
expense. As they still refused, he let them go 
and returned to Ascalon, whence he sent a swift 
messenger to Acre with instructions to the guardians 
of that city not to admit the French. No insult or 
harm, however, was to be done them, lest* it should 
give rise to contention. And so the French, coming 
to Acre, had to take up their station outside the city. 

* i.e., April i, 092. 



2l6 AND IS DESERTED BY THE FRENCH, 

Now on the day of our Lord's Supper* the army 
was greatly distressed at this departure of the 
French, by which its strength was in no small 
degree lessened. For there had gone off almost 
700 knights, men of proved valour. . . . But 
the Turks rejoiced on hearing the news, and S^ladin 
immediately sent off messengers on horseback to 
all his subjects, bidding them make no excuse but 
return in haste to the land of Jerusalem. 

c. April 1. — Conrad of Montferrat negotiates with 
Saladin on his own account. 

Bohddin p. 294. 

[According to Bohidin Richard still kept sending messages 
to " his good brother *' Al-Adil begging him to negotiate a 
peace. Saladin was agreeable to this on the understanding 
that, if his brother found out that Richard was not in earnest, 
he should drag out the negotiations so as to give time for the 
reinforcements to come in. Accordingly Al-Adil left Jerusalem 
on Friday, 20 March, 1192, and soon wrote word from Keisan 
that Henfrid of Toron had been with him and that Richard's terms 
seemed advantageous, for he offered to leave the Temple and 
the citadel in the hands of the Saracens provided the half of 
the Holy City was given up to the Christians. On April ist, 
however, Al-Adil returned, and the same evening news came to 
Jerusalem that the Franks had been plundering in the neigh- 
bourhood of Darum.] 

Joseph the lord of Sidon's page came to demand 
peace on the part of the marquis. The Sultan 
consented, but annexed many conditions : After 
ratifying the treaty the marquis was to break with 
his compatriots and make war upon them ; he was 

* i.g.y Thursday, April 2. 





CONRAD* S NEGOTIA TlONS WITH SALADW. i 1 7 

to keep the towns he might take from the Franks, 
and we likewise were to keep what we might take ; 
those that were taken by the combined forces should 
(save the citadels) belong to the marquis, whilst we 
should have the Musulman prisoners and the booty. 
The marquis was to set free all the Musulman 
prisoners in his estates ; and, if the king of England 
should grant him the government of the country, he 
was to take care that the peace should be continued 
on the terms expressed in our treaty with the king of 
England. We, however, would except from this the 
town of Ascalon and the district beyond it. The 
territory on the sea-coast was to belong to the 
marquis, but what we still held should remain ours. 
The land and the towns lying between the territory 
of the Franks and the Musulmans were to be divided 
between the two nations. 

1192, April 5. — E. Richard keeps Ms Easter at 
Ascalon. Counsels of return. Negotiations as to 
crown of Jerusalem. Marquis Conrad chosen king. 

Itin, Ric, v., continued. 

The feast of Easter, which this year fell on 5 
April, king Richard celebrated with great splendour 
at Ascalon offering food and drink in abundance to 
all who desired them. He had his tents fixed in the 
plains near Ascalon, and for the entertainment of his 
people got together everything that might help the 
splendour of the festival. Never was there seen a 
more lavish, free-hearted expenditure. 

On Easter Monday the king zealously renewed his 



2i8 EASTER WEEK NEAR ASCALON, 

work at the city walls, urging on the rest of the host 
so earnestly that before long, thanks to his assistance 
and labours, the work was entirely finished at his 
expense. . . OnEasterTuesday the king set out with 
a few comrades to inspect Gaza* ; and on Wednesday 
he made a circuit of Darumf to see on what side it lay 
most open to assault. . . . When the French 

* Gaza lies from 12-13 miles S.W. of Ascalon and from 2-3 
miles from the sea. It stands on an isolated hill some 100 ft. 
above the surrounding plain and 180 ft. above the level of the 
sea. Its ancient walls are probably represented by the great 
mounds lying to the E. and S. beyond the houses [Pal. Expl. 
Fund Survey^ iii.]. The ancient Xllth century crusaders' 
Chiu-ch of St. John the Baptist is now a mosque. The town seems 
to have been deserted at the time of the first Crusade, but was 
rebuilt by Baldwin III. (c. 1150 ad.) and given to the Templars 
to keep. Hardly any place in Palestine was more famous in the 
I2th and 13th centuries. Its citadel resisted the Saracens in 
1170; but fell shortly after the battle of Hittin (n87). Its 
destruction was ordered by the terms of Richard's treaty with 
Saladin. In 1239 (Nov. 13) it was the scene of a defeat of the 
Christians, and on Oct. 14th, 1244, of that fatal battle to the Holy 
Land when the three great MiUtary Orders were nearly annihilated 
by the Charismian horde at the very time when they hoped to 
have recovered Jerusalem. 

t Now represented by the village of Deir-el-Belah (the con- 
vent of Dates), which lies about 8^ miles S.W. of Gaza and one 
mile from the sea A cenotaph in the church here professes to be 
the tomb of St. George, whose name is very famous in the S.W. 
part of Palestine — the scene of the exploits of his mythological 
prototype Perseus. Darum was founded by Amalric out of the 
ruins of an older stronghold ; its citadel held out against 
Saladin (in 1170), when the town was stormed. It lies beyond 
the Wady Ghuzzeh — William of Tyre's * torrens -^gypti.' 

Milton's 

** stream that parts 

Egypt from Syrian ground ". 



FRENCH PR OFLIGA CY AT TYRE. 1 1 9 

had gone away those who, at the king's bidding, had 
escorted them to Acre, returned to the army. 

It is not out of our province to note to what kinds of 
pursuits the French devoted themselves on reaching 
Tyre. For they, though reported to have made their 
pilgrimage to the Holy Land out of devotion, never- 
theless on quitting the camp abandoned themselves 
to wantonness, women's songs, and banqueting with 
harlots. Those who saw them brought us word how 
they were applauding bands of dancing women,* and 
how the very luxury of their costume bespoke their in- 
dolent effeminacy. . . . Round their necks were 
jewelled collars and on their heads garlands wrought 
with every kind of flowers; goblets thej^ brandished in 
their hands not swords ; their nights were spent in 
potations and profligacy. . . . Why should I say 
more } Their outward appearance proved their 
inward levity. Shame ! indeed it was, for the 
French to devote themselves to such pursuits. Yet, 
in spite of this, we do not assert that they were all guilty 
of such folly without exception ; some there were 
whom the dissoluteness of their fellows grieved not a 
little and who mourned over the quarrel with the king. 

When Easter was over and the time of passage had 

arrived, there came an envoy to Richard with news 
♦ According to Ibn Alathir, Richard had himself been enter- 
tained in a similar manner at his interview with Saphadin two 
or three months before. '* Then king Richard begged Al Adil 
to let him hear the Musulman's way of singing. Al Adil caused 
a singer to appear before him and she accompanied herself on a 
guitar. Thus did she sing before the king of England to his 
delight." 



ZZO BAD NEWS FROM ENGLAND DETERMINES 

calculated to stir the whole army. The envoy was 
the prior of Hereford in England, and he came 
with letters from the king's chancellor, William, 
bishop of Ely, informing the king how this pre- 
late and those whom the king had associated 
with him in the government of the realm had 
been driven out of their strongholds ; and how 
some of the chancellor's adherents had been cut off 
in seditious disturbance ; and how, by the intrigues of 
earl John, the king's brother, the chancellor had been 
driven out of the kingdom whilst there was no money 
left in the king's treasury or anywhere else, unless per- 
chance what remained hidden in the churches. More- 
over the prior brought word how the aforesaid earl, 
after, by many injuries and oppressions, driving the 
chancellor, who was at once priest and bishop, into 
Normandy, was steadily exacting the oath of fidelity 
and submission from the earls and nobles of the 
realm as well as depriving them of their castles. . . 
On hearing these things the king was thunderstruck 
and remained thinking much but speaking little ; for 
a deed of such villany seemed hardly credible. . . 
When his trouble came to the knowledge of the rest 
they too were disturbed. . . For, if the king were 
to depart no one would remain, seeing that there was 
such strife between those at Ascalon and Tyre ; and 
so, beyond a doubt, all the land now liberated would 
fall into the possession of the Turks for ever. 

On the morrow king Richard laid the news before 
the chiefs, interpreting the words of the prior, and 
declaring that he must go home. At the same time, 



RICHARD TO RETURN HOME AND ill 

if he went away, he promised to maintain three 
hnndred knights and two thousand choice foot 

soldiers at his expense After taking 

counsel together the wise men replied . . . : that 
they thought it specially needful to create a new 
king, whom all might obey. To him the whole land 
might be entrusted, he might wage the wars of the 
people, and lead the whole army. If this were not 
done before king Richard's departure, they declared 
that they would all go away, seeing that they were 
not strong enough to guard the land. In reply, the 
king at once asked whether they would elect Guy or 
the Marquis for their king ; whereupon, without any 
delay, the whole people together, weak and mighty, 
prayed with bended knees that they might have 
the Marquis for their chief and defender. For him 
they reckoned the more necessary to the kingdom 
seeing that he was the more powerful man. Then the 
king, after hearing their petition, reproved them in a 
quiet way for the fickleness [with which they now 
chose] the Marquis, whom they had so frequently 
abused before. 

King Richard, after weighing the petition of the 
whole people on behalf of the marquis, gave his 
assent and had noble envoys despatched to Tyre 
for the purpose of bringing the marquis with due 
honour to Ascalon. So, by decree of the whole as- 
sembly, Henry count of Champagne, Otho de Tran- 
synges, and William de Cageu, were elected and sent 
on this mission. With their train of followers these 
went to Tyre in galleys, hastening to bear to the 



222 ALLOW CONRAD TO BE ELECTED KING, 

marquis the news he had so long desired. But as 
they say in proverbs : 

** There's many a slip 
'Twixt the cup and the lip." 
And, it may be, God rejected the marquis as a man un- 
worthy of the kingdom. In proof of his un worthiness, 
we may note that Richard had many times, both 
since the king of France's departure as well as before, 
begged the marquis for aid in conquering the king- 
dom ; but had always met with a refusal. 

Moreover, the marquis had contrived things pre- 
judicial to the honour of the kingly crown and 
detrimental to the army at Ascalon. He had even 
attempted to strike a bargain with Saladin on these 
terms : that he [the marquis] should hold half of 
Jerusalem of Saladin, together with Beyrout, Sidon, 
and half the land on this side the river. Saladin 
was well enough inclined to this peace and would 
have granted it but for the constant opposition of 
his brother Saphadin, who, as we learnt later, dis- 
suaded Saladin from coming to terms with any 
Christian unless with the assent of king Richard. 
** For," he said, ** there is no better Christian to be 
found anywhere than king Richard, nor any man like 
him in uprightness. Without his knowledge and his 
assent I will be a party to no concord." Thus was 
that wicked plan brought to nought ; thus was the 
progress of treason broken short. That such a 
bargain had been contemplated was shewn afterwards 
by the most absolute evidence ; for, while two miser- 
ah\c ^>-o-betweens in this business — men who were 



THE TWO '.TRAITOR-NOBLES OF PALESTINE. 223 

employed in carrying messages between Saladin and 
the marquis, were issuing from Jerusalem Stephen 
of Turnham chanced to meet them. Their names 
were then sufficiently branded with ignominy; one 
of them being called Balian of Ybelin,* the other 
Reginald of Sidon.f But let us pass them by in 
silence ; for like dust that a man throws against the 
wind all their labour and exertion, as was fitting, 
came to nothing. 

* Balian II. of Ibelin, third son of Balian I., and one of the 
greatest lords in the Holy Land, derived his surname from the 
fortress of Ibelin, between Jaffa and Ascalon (see note to p. 207). 
Balian I. received Ibelin and Mirabel from king Fulk, and, 
dying, left three sons, Hugh, Baldwin, and Balian II., who, about 
Oct., 117 7, married Mary Comnena, the widow of king Amalric, 
and thus became lord of Neapolis (Nablus, see p. 266). It was 
he who held the little king Baldwin V. in his arms at his coro- 
nation (1184 A.D.). He fought at the battle of Hittin and, 
receiving Saladin's permission to cany his wife in safety from 
Neapohs to Jerusalem, effected an entrance into the Holy City. 
Once there, the citizens forced him to break his promise of im- 
mediate return and undertake the defence against the Sultan. 
Of this he was the very soul, and seems to have been the last 
man to leave the place after its surrender. He was probably 
bom between 1140 and n50, but the date of his death is unknown. 
It is to his squire Emoul that we owe almost all the details pre- 
served about the last years of the kingdom of Jerusalem before 
the battle of Hittin. See Genealogical Table V. 

t Reginald of Sidon was connected with Balian, as he had 
married Agnes de Courtenay, widow of Hugh of Ibelin, divorced 
wife of king Amalric and mother of Baldwin IV. After putting 
away Agnes, he married Balian's daughter. He was the grand- 
son or great-grandson of Eustace Garnier, to whom Baldwin I. 
granted Sidon in iin. The date of his death is uncertain but 
was probably before 1204, about which time his widow married 
Guy de Montfort. See Genealogical Table V. 



il4 COlfkAl^S PRAYBk, ON BBCOMIHO KING, 

The ambassadors, coming to Tyre, explained their 
mission, telling the marquis in detail how he had 
been mianimously elected king with king Richard's 
assent ; that the crown had been granted him to the 
intent that he might come like a man, with all his 
army to transact the business of the realm, to inflict 
vengeance on the Turks, and to take steps for estab- 
lishing his rule over the rest of the kingdom of 
Jerusalem which now belonged to him. On hearing 
this the marquis in the overjoy of his heart, stretch- 
ing out his hands towards heaven, is said to have 
prayed thus : " O Lord God, who hast created me 
soul and body, thou who alone art the true and 
tender king, grant I beseech thee that, if thou 
deemest me worthy of ruling thy kingdom, I may be 
crowned. But, if otherwise, may I never attain that 
honour." After the news was known in Tyre there 
was great joy among the people, every man busying 
himself in procuring things to add splendour to the 
coronation 

1192, Monday, April 27.— K. Conrad assaflsinated 

at Tyre. 

Itin, Ric, v., 27. 

Meanwhile count Henry, after discharging his 
mission turned off to Acre with his fellow envoys. 
Whilst they were equipping themselves in comely 
fashion there, and were on the point of returning to 
the army at Ascalon, the marquis was cut off by 
sudden death at Tyre. For, on a certain day, as he 
was returning in a very happy and mirthful mood 



IS FULFILLED BY HIS MURDER, 225 

from a banquet given by the bishop of Beauvais, 
and had already reached the custom-house before 
the city, lo ! two young men, assassins, who for 
greater speed wore no cloaks, ran up to him 
quickly and, whipping out two knives that they held 
[concealed] in their hands, gave him a deadly 
wound in the region of the heart and then took to 
flight. The marquis, falling at once from his horse, 
rolled over — a dying man. One of the murderers 
was cut down on the spot ; the other at once betook 
himself to a church, but, being torn out, was 
sentenced to be dragged through the middle of the 
city till life was extinct. Before his death he was 
diligently questioned at whose prompting he had thus 
acted, and with what purpose. He confessed to 
have been despatched for this very object a long 
time previously. They had undertaken the deed on 
the motion of and in befitting obedience to the 
command of another — a fact which was plainly true. 
For these young men had been in the marquis' 
service for a long time, on the look out for a good 
moment for committing this crime. They declared 
themselves to have been sent by the old Man of* 
Musse, who judged the marquis worthy of death, and 
had ordered him to be slain within a fixed period. 
For, you must know, the old Man of Musse has all 
men, whom he judges unworthy of life, cut off in 
the same way. Indeed the old Man of Musse,f in 

* ue.^ the Old Man of the Mountain, chief of the Assassins. 
See note G. 

t Probably for Massiad, a great stronghold of the Assassins, 
lying east of Tortosa ; or possibly for Alamut. See Notes G & H. 



izb THE OLD MAN OF THE MOUNTAIN. 

accordance with hereditary custom, has very many 
noble boys brought up in his palace. These he has 
instructed in all prudence and learning', and versed 
in different tongues to the intent that in every nation 
they may be able to comport themselves at ease 
without an interpreter. The faith of these folk is 
very cruel and obscure ; and its disciples are trained 
up to its fuU apprehension with the greatest care and 
pains. Then the old Man has those whom he deems 
to be of full age called into his presence, and 
enjoins them, for the remission of their sins, to 
cut off any powerful man or tyrant whom he signifies 
ta them by name. For the execution of this service 
he hands them, each one, a sharp knife of terrible 
length ; and they, applying themselves most earnestly 
to the iul/iment of his mandate, sel forth without 
any delay until they reach the tyrant designated. In 
his service they remain until the time of accomplish- 
ing their business comes. And it is their hope by 
such service to merit celestial glory.* And of this 

• The enormous influence lliat Ihe Old Man of the Mounlain 
WIS supi>osed to exert over his devotees cannot be bettti illus- 
trated than by the famous media.>val slury lold by Eriioul as lo 
how count Henry of Champagne paid him a visit on his return 
from Armenia. "When the Lord of the Assassins knew that 
the count was coming he went to meet liim .... and led 
him through his lands and his castles. Now it liapt that one 
day they were riding by one of his castles that liad a lower, fair 
and liigli, and in each loo]>hok were there two oicn in white 
garments Then said the Lord of the Assassins, ■ Sire, your 
raen would never do for you what mine do for me.' And the 
count made answer, ' Sire, may be 'tis so.' Then tried aloud 
the Lord of the Assassins and two of the men who were at Ihc 



CHAR GES A GAINST RICHARD, 227 

sect were those who so nefariously cut off the 
marquis. 

But the marquis, already at his last gasp, was 
gently carried by the hands of his men ta the palace. 
They, walling him round, grieved and wept incon- 
solably because their time of joy had been so brief. 
After receiving the last sacraments the marquis 
enjoined his wife to keep strict ward over the 
city of Tyre and not to yield it up to any man 
except to king Richard or to his own heir in the 
kingdom by right of hereditary succession. Then 
he died and was buried at the Hospital with vehe- 
ment lamentation. Thus was the happiness of those, 
who but now were rejoicing so keenly, cut short; thus 
did the lordship, so long desired, vanish without 
having been enjoyed. 

In the confusion that now ensued there rose 
a rumour among the French (who fancied they 
could conceal their own wickedness by such in- 
ventions), to the effect that king Richard had 
wrongfully contrived the marquis's death and had 
hired these two assassins for the purpose.* O shame- 
less envy, that is always carping at what is better 
than itself, gnawing away at what is good, and 
striving to darken all noble achievements if so be it 

loopholes flung themselves down and brake their necks ; at 
which the count marvelled, saying that, of a surety, he had no 
man who would do so much for him. Then said he to the count, 
* Sire, if you wish it I will make all the others leap down.' And 
the count made answer that he had no such desire." See Note H. 
* This charge is repeated by many other writers of the time. 
See below pp. 



/ - 1 



228 CONRAD'S WIDOW, QUEEN ISABELLA, 

cannot utterly extinguish them. Nor were these 
jealous folk satisfied with thus defaming king Richard 
in th^ Holy Land ; they went so far as to send a 
message to the king of France bidding him, now that 
the marquis had been slain, be on his guard against 
the assassin-servants of the Old Man. For, they 
continued, king Richard had sent four sectaries of 
this creed to France for the purpose of murdering 
the king. .... 

When the marquis had been buried, the French 
who were pitched in their tents outside the city 
met together. They were almost ten thousand 
in number and, after having taken consultation, 
sent an envoy to the marquis* wife bidding her 
deliver up the city to them without delay, in order 
that they might hold it for the king of France. 
She made answer that she would give it up, as her 
lord had bidden her, to king Richard, when he 
came to see her, and to no one else. " For," 
she said, ** there is no other man who has worked 
so hard to rescue the land from the Turks and to 
restore it to its former liberty. He ought to dispose 
of the kingdom because he is more valiant than 
any one else." 

At this reply the French were very wroth ; but, 
whilst they were thus striving to get hold of the 
city, lo I count Henry, not a little astonished at 
learning of what had happened, came to Tyre. 
Now, as soon as ever the people saw him in their 
midst, sent there as if by God, they chose him 
for prince and lord ; and, coming up to him, began 



AND HENRY, EARL OF CHAMPAGNE. 229 

to beg him most earnestly to assume the crown 
and marry the marquis* widow, upon whom the 
kingdom ought to devolve by right of hereditary 
succession. To their prayers the count replied that 
in this business, to which it seemed God was calling 
him, he would act according to the advice of the 
king his uncle ; whereupon, without any delay, 
envoys were sent oif to king Richard, telling him 
how the marquis had been so foully slain, and 
how the people had duly elected [count Henry]. . 

Assassination of the marquis of Montferrat 

(French account). 
Emouly 289-90. Erodes^ xxvi., 12, 13.* 

It chanced one day that a merchant vessel, belong- 
ing to the land of the Assassins, came to Tyre ; 
and the Marquis, who was greedy of gain, sent 
and took of their goods what he pleased. The 
merchants then disembarked and made complaint 
to the Marquis, telling how they had been 
robbed in his port and praying him by God to give 
them back their own. The Marquis made answer 
that they should not have their things back, but had 
better look to the safety of what was left them. On 
seeing this, the merchants said they would complain 
to their lord; and the Marquis replied that they 
might go and complain wherever they liked. 

* The unbracketed passage is from Emoul ; the other para- 
graphs from one or other of the various other continuations of 
William of Tyre. As these later paragraphs only differ infini- 
tesimally from the original narrative, I have chosen them in 
preference to Emoul, because here and there they give little 

touches that this author has omitted. 

x6 



230 THB STORY OF MURDERED MERCHANTS 

[Then said Bernard du Temple to the Marquis : 
" I will give you a full quittance of these folk ; so 
that no word about them shall ever be heard again." 
And thereupon he had them drowned in the sea — ^a 
thing which, however, could not be concealed from 
the Old Man.] 

[Now when the Lord of the Assassins knew that the 
Marquis had taken his men and his goods he sent to 
the Marquis for their restoration. The Marquis 
replied that he would not give them back. Then 
sent the Lord of the Assassins a second time warning 
the Marquis that if restoration was not made he 
would have him slain. Then went the Lord of the 
Assassins and bade two of his men that they should 
go to Tyre and slay the Marquis. Accordingly they 
went, and reaching Tyre became Christians. One 
of them entered the service of the Marquis, while 
the other dwelt with Balian, who had queen Mary to 
wife.] 

[Now it came to pass one day that Isabel, the 
wife of the Marquis, had gone to the baths, and 
the Marquis would not eat till she had bathed. 
Then the Marquis became aware that she was staying 
too late, and because he was a-hungered he got on 
his horse with two knights accompanying him, in- 
tending to eat with the bishop of Beauvais* if he had 
not yet eaten.] 

[But when he arrived the bishop had already 
eaten. Then said the Marquis : "Sir bishop, I 
came to eat with you ; but, as you have already 

* See Note p. 156. 



AND HOW THEY WERE AVENGED. 231 

eaten, I will return home." The bishop replied that, 
if he would stay, he would give him plenty to eat ; but 
the Marquis, answering that he would not tarry, went 
back. Now, when he was come out from the door 
of the archbishop's house, which is close to the 
Change, and when he was in the middle of the 
narrow road, on either side thereof was there a 
man sitting. And, as he came towards these two men, 
they rose to meet him, and one of them, advancing, 
shewed him a letter, and, as the Marquis reached out 
his hand to take it, he drew a knife and smote him 
through the body, as did the other also who had 
leapt on the horse's croup. The latter, stabbing the 
Marquis, in the side struck him dead. He was buried 
in the Hospital of St. John. These things took 
place in the year of Our Lord's incarnation, 1192.] 

Letter from the Chief of the Assassins. 

William of Newburgk, ii., 457, Roger of Wendover, iii., 75. 

In these days there came to the princes of Europe 
letters from the Old Man of the Mountain. Now 
by this name does the chief of a certain Eastern 
people — ^the Hansesii — call himself. And he bears 
this title not by reason of his age, but for his wisdom 
and influence. . . Now these same letters were 
writ in Hebrew, in Greek, and in Latin characters ; 
moreover they were drawn up not with ink — a sub- 
stance little used of this people — but in murex-blood, 
as was evident by the writing itself. And, you must 
know, that a certain trustworthy man declared to me 
how he had seen and read these letters at the time 



%$% 4 FORGED LETTER. 

they were solemnly presented to the kmg of the 
French at Paris. Their tenor was as follows : — 

Moger of Wendcmer^ iiL, 75. 

To Limpold, duke of Austria, the Old Man of the 
Mountain sendeth greeting : Seeing that many kings 
and princes heyond the sea accuse Richard, king and 
lord of the English, concerning the death of the 
Marquis, I swear, by God who reigneth for ever and 
by the law we follow, that he had no hand in his 
death. This is the true cause of the Marquis's death : 

[The letter then proceeds to tell how the Marquis 
had slain and robbed an " Assassin " sailing in a ship 
of Sattalie and driven into Tyre by stress of weather. 
The "Old Man" sent demanding vengeance and 
recompense which Conrad refused, throwing the 
blame of the transaction on Reginald of Sidon. A 
second messenger, Edrisi by name, Conrad would 
have drowned had not ** our friends " at Tyre hurried 
out of the city]. 

And from this hour did we long to kill the Marquis 
and sent two of our brethren to Tyre who slew him 
openly and almost in the presence of the whole 
people. This was the ground of the Marquis's 
death, and we tell you, of a surety, that in this deed 
Richard had no share, and that men have done him 
a wrong (in saying that he had). Know also that we 
slay no man after this fashion for any reward or 
money, but only if he have injured us first. Know 
too that we have writ these letters in our house, at 
our fortress of Messiac^ in the presence of our 

* This is doubtless the castle of Massiad, the great stronghold 
oi the Western branch of the Assassins. See note p. 226. 



THE NE W KING OF JER USALEM, 2$$ 

brethren, mid- September. And we have sealed them 
with our seal in the year from Alexander 1500.* 

[The letter as given by William of Newburgh is to the same 
effect, but with less detail and more of vague generalities. Both 
letters are, of course, to be considered as forgeries, though they 
are interesting evidence of the extent to which these charges 
against Richard had poisoned men's minds.] 

Circ. 1, May, 1192. — K. Bichard agrees to earl 
Henry's election to the crown of Jerusalem. 

Itin. Ric. v., 27. 

Now whilst king Richard in those days was pur- 
suing the Turks in the plains of Ramleh, the envoys 
from Tyre appeared before him . . . with their 
news. The king, on hearing of the marquis* death 
remained speechless for a long time, being, as it 
were, stunned at so strange and unexpected a kind 
of death. But he was rejoiced at the election of his 
nephew to the kingly rank, knowing full well that his 
own followers had desired it keenly. ** Seeing that, by 
the unalterable decrees of fate, the marquis left this 
world, as you state, what advantage will excessive 
mourning bring to the living } I agree to the election 
of Henry with all my heart, and indeed do urgently 
desire that, by God's will he may rule over the 
kingdom after we have got full possession of it. As 

* This dating is a feeble attempt at imitating a system of 
chronology common in the Byzantine Empire, but misunderstood 
by the forgers of this document. The era of Alexander dates 
from the great conqueror's death, i.e.^ 12 Nov., 324 B.C. Hence 
the year 1 194, if we may suppose this to be the date of the 
forgery in question, should be 1519. 



254 ^^^^ ^^S MARRIAGE TO 

regards his marriage with the marquis' widow I offer 
no advice ; for the marquis himself got her unjustly 
in her former husband's life time, and so committed 
adultery with her. But let the count take the king- 
dom. I grant him the lordship of Acre city in 
everlasting seizin, with all appertaining thereto. 
Tyre, Joppa, and the whole land which by God's 
grace we are going to acquire. Bid him from me 
join our expedition as quickly as he can and bring 
the French with him ; for I have determined to take 
Darum by force, if indeed any Turks there shall 
venture to resist me." Having made this reply the 
king returned to Ascalon. 

After hearing the king's answer the envoys re- 
turned to the count at Tyre. Then gladness revived 
once more and all people rejoiced. And now, those 
who surrounded the count began persuading him to 
marry the heiress of the realm ; but he refused, fearing 
to incur king Richard's displeasure. Yet, for all this, 
the French and the great lords of the realm urged 
on the match, on the plea that it would strengthen 
the general position. By their endeavours it came 
to pass that the marchioness, of her own accord 
came up to the count and offered him the keys of the 
city ; whereupon, at the instance of the French, who 
were anxious to push things on, the count Henry and 
the marchioness were solemnly married before the 
church in the presence of many clerks and laymen. 
Those who persuaded the count to this action are 
believed not to have had much difficulty ; for there 
is no trouble in compelling a man to go the way 



QUEEN ISABEL, 235 

he wishes. The nuptials were celebrated with regal 
splendour. All rejoiced at the realization of what 
all had desired ; but the French were exultant. The 
Normans too were equally well pleased ; for the 
count was nephew both to the king of France and 
the king of England. Thanks to this agreement, 
men began to hope for more prosperous times ; and 
for the patching up of old discords. When the 
marriage was over the count sent men to take charge 
of Acre, Joppa, and the other cities and castles of 
the land . . . after which he issued an order 
bidding the whole host set forth without any delay 
for the expedition against Darum. 

1192, May 22.— K. Bichard takes Darum. 

Itin.^ Ric, v., c. 28. 

About the time when the marquis was slain at Tyre, 
messengers kept coming to king Richard and begging 
him to return home. Of these messengers some 
used to assert that things were all right, others that 
the land of England was on the point of being 
seized ; some persuaded the king to return, others 
to bend all his energies to gaining possession of the 
land of pilgrimage to which he had come. With 
their conflicting accounts his mind was so confused 
that he was quite at a doubt what course to take. 
But he could gauge the mind of the king of France 
by his previous knowledge, as the proverb says, ** He 
who has a bad man for his neighbour is sure to find 
something wrong in the morning." 

In the interim while count Henry and the French 



lib THE MILITARY ENGINES PUT UP 

at Acre were getting ready for the siege at Darum, 
king Richard, who hated sloth, issued from Ascalon, 
and despatched his stone-casters (after having had 
them taken to pieces) towards Darum by ship. Hav- 
ing appointed men to guard Ascalon, . , he set 
forth and arrived at Darum Castle* on a certain 
Sunday.t having only his personal attendants with 
him. His own tent and those of his comrades were 
fixed not far from this castle ; but, owing to his scanty 
numbers, it was uncertain from what side it would be 
best to begin the siege, seeing that so small a host 
could not encompass the whole fortress, .... 
Wherefore, they settled down together in a certain 
plain near the town. The Turks, holding the efforts 
of so tiny an army cheap, made a sally and then, 
after worrjing our men for a while as it were with 
challenges to fight, finally betook themselves within 
their stronghold, shot fast the bolts of their gates, 
and prepared to defend themselves. Just then the 
stone-casters came up in the ships. These, all dis- 
jointed as they were, the king and his nobles shoul- 
dered bit by bit, and, not without perspiration, carried 
on foot for almost a mile, as we ourselves saw. At 
last, when they were all pieced together, set up, and 
assigned to their proper guards, the king in person 
undertook to work one against the principal 
tower. The Normans had another ; and the men 
of Poitou a third. All three they plied for the 
destruction of the fortress. The Turks were in 

■ Darum is aboul 2o miles from Ascalon. See nott ji. 2i8. 
t- May i;. 



FOR THE SIEGE OF D ARUM. 237 

despair at the sight of such imminent destruction ; 
but for all this they made manful efforts at defence. 
Night and day, without intermission, did the king 
have the stone-casters worked. 

Now in the castle of Darum there were seventeen 
towers of great strength and well furnished withal. 
Of these one was taller and stronger than the others, 
being also girt externally -by a deeper moat. More- 
over, on one side it was constructed of regularly- 
placed stone, on the other it was protected by the 
natural rock. But a coward fear now seized upon 
this perfidious race of not being able to defend 
themselves efficaciously or even to make good their 
escape. The king made his miners dig secretly 
beneath the earth, thus breaking up the pavement 
and making a gap in the wall. Meanwhile the 
stone-casters had kept plying away at one of the 
Turkish mangonels on the chief tower and had broken 
it up, to the great distress of the enemy. . . . 

Their position was already insecure, when suddenly, 
by the aid of fire and the king's stone-caster, a gate 
was burst open. . . Then three Saracens came out 
to the king begging for peace and offering to yield 
up the fortress and all they possessed there if only 
their lives were spared. The king, who would not 
accept these terms, bade them defend themselves 
as best they could ; and, on their return, his stone- 
caster was worked more vigorously than ever. Just 
after, a certain tower, which had already been under- 
mined by the king's diggers and been battered 
with incessant blows, collapsed with a terrible crash. 



238 AFTER THE FORTRESS HAS FALLEN 

Our men then followed up the Turks, slaying them 
as they made for the chief tower, before reaching 
which however, in accordance with their most abomin- 
able plan, they hamstrung all their horses to prevent 
their being of any use to their enemies. Our men 
valiantly entered the tower, the first to force his way 
in being Seguin Barrez with his man-at-arms, Ospiard ; 
the third was Peter de Garstonia. After these came 
very many others whose names are now lost. 

The first man whose banner was erected on the walls 
was Stephen de Longchamp ; the second the count of 
Leicester, the third Andrew de Chavigni, and the 
fourth Raymond son of the Prince.* The Genoese 
too and the Pisans set up their banners of various 
shapes upon the walls. Thus were our banners set 

up and those of the Turks cast down 

Those Turks whom our men found holding out 
on the battlements they hurled down into the ditch 
there to be dashed to pieces. The number of Turks 
slain in the different parts of the castle was sixty. 
Those who had taken refuge in the tower, seeing that 
they were lost . . . surrendered themselves to 
perpetual slavery on the Friday before Whit-Sunday.f 
This they did the more readily because one of their 
most powerful emirs, Caisac by name, who had been 
appointed to guard the fortress, had failed to bring 
them help. Now, when Darum was taken, almost 

* i.e.^ of Boamund III , Prince of Antioch. This Raymond 

is doubtless the eldest son of Boamund Til , whom Raymond II., 

prince of Tripoli, wished to make his successor in 11S7. See 

Genealogical Table II. 

t i.t'., 22 May, iiy2. 



THE FR^:NCH arrive. 23Q 

forty Christian captives were found in chains ; these 
were set free. On the Friday* night the king made 
his men keep watch over the Turks who were still 
in the Tower till early on the Saturday morning. 
Then on Whitsun Eve the Turks, coming down from 
the Tower at the king*s command, had their hands 
bound so tightly behind their backs with leathern 
thongs that they roared for pain. They were three 
hundred in number, not reckoning little children and 
women. Thus, before the French came up, with 
the aid of his own men only did king Richard nobly 
get possession of Darum after a siege of four days. A 
hard matter did our men find it to achieve this 
without the French ; but it was a feat of arms all the 
more glorious for this reason. 

When Darum was taken, up there came in great 
haste count Henry with the French and the duke of 
Burgundy, hoping to assist at its capture ; but the 
affair was entirely over before they arrived. The 
king went out to meet the count, and with great joy 
led him into the fortress. He also now, in the 
presence of very many [chiefs], gave him this fortress 
and all belonging to it, as the first-fruits of the 
kingdom. Then they all tarried in Darum for the 
great festival of Pentecostf; after which, on the Mon- 
day, they left soldiers to guard the fortress and set out 

for Ascalon, passing through Gaza and FurbiaJ on the 

* The text says ** on Saturday night." 

t i.e., 24 May, 1192. 

X According to Dr. Stubbs probably Herbia between Ascalon 

and Gaza. On the ordnance map Herbia is about 8 miles N. of 

Gaza, 4 S. of Ascalon, and from 2 to 3 miles from the sea. 



240 BAD NEWS FROM ENGLAND. 

way, at which last place the king abode for three 
days. The rest, however, proceeded to Ascalon, 
where the French were keeping Pentecost. . . . 



1192, Circ. May 30.— E. Bichard resolves to stay 

in the Holy Land. 

Itm. Ric.i V. 28. 

[On his way from Danim to Ascalon Richard at Furbia receives 
news that Cay sac is fortifjring the Castle of Figs y and on his way 
there reaches the Canebrake of Starlings. Here he stays the 
night of May 28 ; and next day, finding the Castle of Figs, 
empty, returns to the Canebrake for another night, when,] 

At the Canebrake of Starlings there came an envoy 
to the king. This envoy was named John of Alen^on, 
and he had been despatched with news of how Eng- 
land was disturbed by earl John, the king's brother, 
who, without paying any regard to the advice of the 
queen, his mother or of others, was acting after his 
own will. Messengers were also passing between 
him and the king of France, and things had already 
gone so far that, unless means were taken for bridling 
this treason, England would very soon be lost to the 
king of England. On hearing these things the king 
was troubled, and, after long and silent consideration as 
to what was the best course for him to pursue, at last said 
that he really must go home lest he should be stript 
of his ancestral soil and the kingdom of his fathers. 
But before the king's resolution was fully known 
certain people were going about and saying " that 
the king was about to depart"; but others said, "No, 
he will persevere to the end ; uncertain rumours will 



WILL RICHARD RETURN? 241 

not call him away from the completion of so pious a 
work, seeing that his departure would diminish our 
chances of conquering the land, and would not 
consort with his honour." 

Now, being of different minds as regards king 
Richard's departure, the chiefs and leaders of the army 
— French, Normans, English, Poitevins, Angevins, 
men of Maine meeting together bound themselves 
by a pledge to advance against Jerusalem without 
any delay, whether the king stayed or went away. 
When this resolution was made known to the army, 
there was joy beyond bounds ; all people rejoiced 
in common, rich and poor, mean and mighty. Nor 
was there any one in the army who did not, accord- 
ing to his means, show some outward signs, as a 
testimony to the joy of his heart. Wherefore, right on 
till midnight, numerous lamps were burning and bands 
of singers went about noisily trolling various kinds of 
songs. 

The while in wakeful glee 
They mark night's watches flee. 

Only the king's mind was troubled by anxious 
cares, as he revolved many plans, till tired out 
by the weight of his thoughts, he sought his 
couch in angry mood. Yet for all this, at this time, 
at the beginning of June, the whole army was of one 
mind and eager to advance. 



242 THE POITBVIN CHAPLAIN 



June 8.— At Beit Jibrin the king is reproached by 
one of his chaplains for thinking of going home. 

Itinerarum v., c. 42, p. 358. 

From the Canebrake of Starlings* the king and his 
army passed down through the plain to Ibelin,t a for- 

* The Cannetum Stumellorum is mentioned in William of 

Tyre (xxi. c. 23) as being 12 milliaria from Mongisart, near 

Ramleh. It seems to correspond to Bohadin's El Hesy and 

must have lain between Darum and Medjdel Yaba. From 
William of Tyre we learn that it was a marshy place where 

the routed Saracens, after their defeat at Ramleh in Nov., 

1 1 77, flung away their arms, so that they might be of no 

use to the Christians. Dr. Stubbs would identify it with the 

Wady El Hesy. On Gu^rin's map the El Hesy is marked as 

joining the River of Ascalon from the East some 9,000 metres 

from the embouchure of the latter stream ; but in the Ordnance 

Survey map the name is extended to the whole valley of the 

river from the seashore for about 20 miles inland. Speaking of 

the Wady Hesy as marked on his map Gu^rin says : — 

It is bordered with chalky rocks and filled with reeds, through 
the midst of which runs a slightly bitter stream. 

This part of the Wady is about 30 miles S.W. of Ramleh 
and 10 N. E. of Gaza. 

t Ibelin of the Hospitallers must be carefully distinguished 
from the Ibelin of p. 207. The former is identified with Beit 
Gibrin, about 14 miles N. W. of Hebron, 20 miles E. of Ascalon, 
and 25-26 N.E. of Gaza. The village stands some 850 feet 
above the level of the sea ; and there are remains of a Crusading 
fortress with walls in one part 8 or 9 feet high. Guerin noticed 
ruins of an old church. It is supposed to occupy the site of the 
old Eleutheropolis, and in the immediate neighbourhood are a 
remarkable series of caverns scooped out of the chalk. Like 
Ibelin and Castle Amald it was built by the united efforts of the 
patriarch and the nobles as a protection against the Egyytian 
foragers from Ascalon (c. 1 136 A.D.). It was a post of immense 



CALLS TO THE KING'S REMEMBRANCE 243 

tress belonging to the Hospital near Hebron. Anna, 
the mother of Mary the mother of God, is said to 
have been born in a valley close at hand. . . . 
Here the army were pestered with certain very small 
flies, called cincennellce^ that flit about like sparks of 
fire. The neighbouring district was filled with these 
insects, which set upon us in the most pertinacious 
fashion, stinging, and that very sharply, the hands, 
neck, throat, forehead, countenance — in fact any 
exposed part of the pilgrim's person. These 
stings were promptly succeeded by a very rancorous 
swelling, so that all who had been stung looked as if 
they were lepers ; and men could scarcely guard 
themselves against this most grievous visitation by 
fitting veils to their heads and necks. Nevertheless, 
exhilarated by their hope and their mutual pledge of 
proceeding towards Jerusalem, they deemed that all 
adversities should be borne bravely. Only a wave of 
care distressed the king because of the news he had 
heard. 

One day a certain Poitevin chaplain, by name 
William, was deeply grieved at the sight of Richard 
sitting with downcast eyes in solitary meditation 
within his tent ; but, knowing the king to be enraged 
at the news of the envoys, he dared not address him, 
and thus unburden his mind of its weight. So, 
weeping most bitterly, he kept his pious eyes fixed 

strength, situated '^'^ circa radices montium incampestrium initiOy" 
and some twelve milliaria from the last named town. (Will. 
of Tyre, xiv. 22.) William of Tyre identifies it with Becrshcba 
the old southern limit of the Holy Land. 



244 GOD'S FORMER MERCIES 

upon the king and said nothing. When the king 
gathered from his attitude that he was desirous of 
speaking, he called the chaplain up and said, "Lord 
chaplain, I adjure thee by thy oath of fealty to tell 
me, without any concealment, the cause why you are 
thus weeping, if perchance I am in any way to 
blame." To him the chaplain made answer, with 
low voice and tearful eyes, " I will not speak before 
I am assured that you will not be wroth with 
me for what I say." The king then with an oath 
promised him impunity, on which the chaplain, 
taking courage, began : 

"Lord king, all men, especially those who have 
most regard for your honour, reproach you for your 
haste to return home. May God forbid that uncertain 
rumours should turn you aside from acquiring this 
desolate land. This indeed would be to your eternal 
shame. Let not the splendour of so bright a beginning 
be dimmed by too hasty a return; let not after 
generations reproach you for having meanly departed, 
leaving your work incomplete. . . . Remember 
Lord King what things God has already done for thee 
in prospering memorable acts such as no king of 
thy age has ever surpassed in number or in glory. 
Remember, O king, how, when thou wast earl of 
Poitou, thou hadst no neighbour who did not yield to 
your strength ; remember the confusion of the 
Braban9ons, whom thou so often routedst with a little 
band. Remember how gloriously thou didst drive 
the count of St. Giles from the siege of Hautefort ; 
how thou didst receive possession of thine own realm 



AND PRESENT TERROR OF THB SARACENS. 245 

without use of shield or helm ; remember how man- 
fully thou didst conquer Messina, utterly crushing the 
Greek race that dared to war against thee. Remember 
how God enriched thee at the conquest of Cyprus — 
an enterprise which, before thee, no one ever dared 
to undertake : how thou didst subdue it in fifteen 
days and with God's assistance didst take the emperor 
prisoner ; remember the destruction of that splendid 
ship near Acre harbour with the drowning of its 
eight hundred men and its serpents. Remember 
how thou didst reach Acre just in time to receive its 
surrender; and thy recovery from the Arnaldia of 
which so many other chiefs died. Remember 
how God has entrusted this land to thy care ; how its 
safety rests on thee alone now that the king of 
France has gone off so meanly. Remember the 
Christian captives whom you freed at Darum. . . 
. . . But why mention single occurrences. . . 
. Remember how, from the moment of leaving 
the western world, thou hast stood out as a conqueror 
and how before thy feet enemies have fallen prone 

and been consigned to chains Already 

does the Soldan dread thee, already are the recesses 
of Babylon struck with amazement ; already does 
the valour of the Turks fear thy approach. What 
more ! All men say commonly that thou art the 
father of all, the patron and champion of Christen- 
dom, which, if deserted by you, will lie exposed to 
the plunder of her enemies." 



17 



246 RICHARD DECLARES HE WILL SI A Y. 

Jiuie 4. — ^Richard promises to stay till Saster, 
1198, and returns to Ascalon preparatory to 
advancing against Jerusalem. 

While the chaplain was thus speaking the king 
remained quite silent, as also did those who sat with 
them in the tent. By this speech the king's heart 
was changed . . . and lo ! on the morrow at 
the ninth hour he turned back with all his army 
and settled outside the city of Ascalon in the 
orchards, every man believing that he was now really 
on the point of departing in all speed. But, having 
changed his mind by God's grace and the chaplain's 
speech, the king told count Henry his nephew and 
the duke of Burgundy, that no messenger or news 
or complaint should call him from the land before 
Easter. Accordingly on the 4th June, that is in 
Trinity week — sending for his herald, Philip, the 
king bade him notify through the whole army, that 
he would certainly remain till Easter. He also bade 
ever}'one get himself ready for sieging Jerusalem 
according to his means. 

Then, at the herald's voice, all men began to 
rejoice as a bird at dawn of day. Without delay 
they equipt themselves, got things ready for the 
journey, and with outstretched hands called out ** We 
praise thee O God, and give thee thanks because we 
shall now see thy city in which the Turks have dwelt 
so long." . . . Moreover the humbler part of 
the crowd, urged on by hope, fastened bags of food 
round their necks, declaring that they were well able 
to carry a month's provision. So kc(^nly desirous 
were they of advancing towards Jerusalem. 



THE ADVANCE TO LA TROON I47 

June 7— 12. —1192. — K. Richard and the army 
march towards Jerusalem, and camp at Beit 
Ntiba for the second time. 

[The army then marches to Blancheguard, where it stays from 
June 7-9, on which last day it starts for Toron of the Knights. 
On June 10 Richard starts for Castle Amald. On June nth 
the French come up and the whole army sets out for Beit Niiba, 
there to await count Henry, whom Richard has sent to call up 
the loiterers at Acre.] 

The king and the army stationed outside Ascalon, 
being now quite ready for the march, issued from 
Ascalon on the Octave of Holy Trinity,* and with 
early dawn set out for Jerusalem. . . . On the 
morrow June lof after breakfast the army moved 
from Toron J towards Castle Arnald,|| to the right of 

* Sunday, 7 June, 
t i.e.f on Wednesday, June 10. 

X Identified with Latroon, i mile S.W. Amwas and 3 miles 
S.W. of Beit-Niiba. There are ruins of a mediaeval fortress and 
the position is a strong one, some 800 feet above the level of the 
sea and commanding the road to Jerusalem. In mediaeval folk- 
etymology El-Athroun or Latroon became CastrumBoni Latronis 
or the village of the good thief who was crucified with Jesus. 

II Castrum Amaldi is apparently the same as Albert of Aix's 
Castle Amulf, which this writer describes as lying near Beit-Nuba 
in the mountain districts between Ramleh and Jerusalem. It is 
probably now represented by Khurbet El Burj. These ruins 
stand nearly 900 feet above the level of the sea, commanding 
the old road to Jerusalem which runs less than a mile off below 
the hill. They are 3 J miles N.(W.) of Beit Nuba, 4 J N.E. 
of Amwas, and some 9 miles (S.) W. of Ramleh. See note 
p. 176. William of Tyre (xiv. 8) says that Castle Amald was 
built about the beginning of king Fulk's reign (c. 1133 A.D.) 
by the patriarch and the citizens of Jerusalem to guard the way 



248 AND BEIT-NUBA. 

which place, on some rising ground, the king ordered 
his tents to be fixed. Next day the French came 
up, and all the army set out for Betenopolis,* where 
it stayed 'a considerable time waiting for the return of 
count Henry, whom the king had sent to Acre to bring 
up the people who were living there at their ease. For 
this cause the whole army had to wait a month or 
more at the foot of the mountain which the pilgrims 
cross on their return from the Holy City. On Friday, 
the morrow of St. Barnabas,f as the king at early mom 
went out as far as the fountain of Emmaus,J and, 
finding certain Turks unprepared, he fell upon them 
and slew twenty. He also took Saladin's herald pri- 
soner. This herald used to proclaim Saladin's edicts. 
Him the king spared. He also took three camels, 
horses and mules, and very fine Turcomans. || . . He 

to Lydda and the sea. Like Ibelin of the Hospitallers it was 
constructed **in descensu montium, in primis auspiciis cam- 
pestrium." The stronghold gets its name probably from the 
gallant Crusader, Amulf of St. Omer, whose unhappy fate 
Albert of Aix relates under the year 1106 a.d. (ix. c. 52). 

♦ See note p. 199. 
t i.e. on June 12th. 

X Emmaus, identified with Amwas, 2J miles (S.) E. of Beit 
Nuba. It is probably not the Emmaus of Luke. Amwas 
contains ruins of a Crusading church probably constructed on 
the foundations of an earlier one dating from Byzantine times, 
when Emmaus was known as Xicopolis. 

II The Turcomans (old French Turquemaii) were the best war 
horses of the French knights of the Hoi, Land. So in the 
Temple Statutes (xii. and xiii. centuries) we read of the blaster 
of the Temple that he may have four beasts, apjiarently for his 
^'eneral use, " and he may also have two lads and one Turque- 



RICHARD'S FIRST VIEW OF JERUSALEM. 249 

pursued the Saracens over the mountains, until 
following one of them into a certain valley, he 
transfixed him, causing him to fall dying from his 
horse. On his overthrow the king looked up and 
saw afar off the city of Jerusalem.* 

How King Ricliard would not even look upon the 
Holy City wluch he might not free from Faynim 
hands. 

A Legend of the Thirteenth Centxiry. 

yoinville, c. 108. 

[When King Louis IX. was at Jaffa he was told that the 
Soldan would grant him a safe conduct to visit Jerusalem if he 
cared to do so. A council was called to consider the proposal 
which was ultimately rejected on the analogy of the following 
anecdote, then related of King Richard I. After hearing 
this narrative St. Louis refused to set eyes on a city he 
could not rescue from the hands of the Saracens. There is no 
reason why this legend should not be based on fact ; but as it 
only makes its appearance more than fifty years after King 
Richard's death it is impossible to feel sure of the details.] 

When the great king Philip left Acre for France 
he let his folk all remain in the camp with duke 
Hugh of Burgundy, the grandfather of the duke who 



man^ who is to be kept in the caravan. And when the Master 
shall ride from one land to another the Turqueman is to be led 
on his right by a squire." So too the commander was allowed 
** one Turqueman and one good ronsin " in addition to his four 
beasts. 

• If Richard had pushed his pursuit far enough to come 
within sight of Jerusalem he had probably reached Neby Samwil, 
the Mons Gaudii of the Crusaders, which stands up over 2,900 
feet above the level of the sea, some 5 miles N.W. of Jerusalem. 
It is only 8| miles (S.) E. of Beit Nuba. 



150 AND A THIRTEENTH CENTURY LEGEND. 

has lately died. Now, whilst the duke was tarrying 
at Acre and king Richard with him, there came news 
how that they might take Jerusalem on the morrow 
if they willed it ; for all the Soldan's chivalry had 
gone to Damascus byreason of a war which [Saladin] 
had with another prince. So they set out their men, 
the king of England and his followers forming the 
first battalion, the duke of Burgpundy with the king 
of France's men the second. 

Whilst they thought to take the town there came 
word from the duke's camp that he would go no 
further; for the duke of Burgundy was turning back 
because he would not have it said that the English 
had taken Jerusalem. Now, whilst men were thus 
talking, there came one of the king's knights to him 
crying out, " Sire, sire, come hither and I will shew 
you Jerusalem." But, when the king heard these 
words, he cast his coat of arras before his eves. 
And he wept tears as he called .upon our Lord : 
" Fair Lord God, I pray thee not to let me see thy 
Holy City, if so be that I may not deliver it out of 
the hands of thy enemies." 

And they told king [Louis] this storj' for an en- 
sample : [for they argued] that, if he who was the 
greatest of all Christian kings were to accomplish his 
pilgrimage without delivering the city, all the other 
kings and pilgrims who might come after him would 
hold it enough to do their pilgrimage as the king of 
France had done his, and so would take no thought 
for the deliverance of Jerusalem. 



SALADIN'S TERROR. 251 

c. June 12.— Saladin's Terror. The Discipline of 

the Religious Orders. 

Itin. Rtc, V. c. 50. 

Now when the Turks, who dwelt in Jerusalem, 
heard from the fugitives that king Richard was 
approaching they were terribly afraid, so much so 
that, had the king at that moment advanced in full 
force, the Turks would assuredly have forsaken 
Jerusalem and left it for the Christians. . . . 
Even Saladin had called for his best horse and given 
orders to be furnished with a fleeter destrier, so 
that he might flee from the face of king Richard, 
whose coming he dared not await. 

On the same day while the king was occupied as 
above, two hundred Saracens, coming down from 
the heights towards the tents of the French, threw 
the whole army into confusion before they were 
themselves routed. For, first of all, they slew two of 
our attendants, who had gone out to seek fodder for 
the mules ; and, hearing the cries of these two, the 
French, the Templars, and the Hospitallers sprang 
forth upon the Turks, who offered a brave resis- 
tance. . . . On this occasion a certain knight 
performed what would have been an illustrious act 
of valour had it not involved the breaking of the 
rule of his* order. . . . He was a Hospitaller, 

* Cf. the Rule of the Templars (ed. Curzon, p. 243) on which the 
military rules of the Hospitallers are said to have been modelled : 
"If a brother on an expedition pricks forward without leave and 
harm comes of it, he is liable to lose his habit. But if he sees a 
Christian in peril of death and his conscience moves him to go to 
the rescue he may do so." 



r 



THE TOQ-VALOROUS HOSPITALLER. 

Robert de Bruges by name. This knight in his 
eagerness to engage, having passed by the royal 
standard, set spurs to his noble horse and came to 
the king, contrary to all rules of discipline deserting 
his fellows, and nas thus hurried alone against the 
enemies before the advance of the other Hospitallers. 
Coming up from the opposite part of the field he 
attacked in full career a certain well-armed Turk 
with his lance. Despite the strength of his armour 
the Turk fell to the ground pierced through the 
body so that the lance stood out behind. . , . 
At that moment all our men advancing at full speed 
set upon the enemy. 

Then Gamer, the master of the Hospital, bade 
the aforesaid Robert de Bruges descend from his 
horse and await his punishment. Then did this 
brother obediently return from the battle field to 
the tt;iil, and thcie stayed (.ill llic noble and lui^hty 
men of the army fell on their knees before the 
Master Gamer and begged pardon for Robert's fault. 
Now did each side, straining every nerve, fight on 

with doubtful success and our men 

had already begun to waver under the fatigue of 
war, when to ! by God's good providence the count 
of Perche heard the din of conflict and came up. 
He, however, was not of much avail ; and, unless the 
bishop of Salisbury had quickly advanced with his 
squadron, the French would have been routed on 
that day. 



THE RANSOM OF KARA^KUSH. 253 

The release of Earakush. and El Meshtub. 

From Abulfaragius's Chronicon Syriacum (translated by P. J. 
Bnins and G. G. Kirsch), p. 431. Leipzig ^ 1789. 

At the capture of Acre the Franks took two Arab 
lords prisoners, Bar Meshtub and Kara-kush the 
Eunuch. The latter was a Roman (/>., a Greek ?) 
by nation, and Saladin had sent him into Africa 
where he took many cities. Then he returned into 
Egypt and built there a wall which remains to this 
day and is called by his name. Now this man was 
chief of the Arab host in Acre ; and when the French 
bargained that he should pay the 8,000 ^(fwar/V for his 
liberty, he asked Bar Meshtub at what rate he was 
to be redeemed. Then said the Franks: **At 30,000 
denarii,^^ To which Kara-kush made answer : ** I, 
too, will pay 30,000 ; for Bar Meshtub shall not give 
30,000 denarii and I only 8,000." At this the Franks 
laughed and took 30,000 denarii from him. And other 
tales are told of this Kara-kush to the same effect ; 
and a certain poet wrote a whole book about him and 
published it after his death. 

April-May, 1192.— Civil War among the Saracens 

Mnders Saladin' s policy. 

Boh^ dirty 296. 

It was on Thursday, the first of Jomada II.,* that 
Saf-Addin Al Meshtub recovered his liberty and 
reached the Holy City. The Sultan was with his 
brother Al Adil when he saw this emir enter 
suddenly. At sight of him he felt the keenest 

♦ i.e.t 14 June, 1192, which, however, is a Sunday. Probably, 
we should read 1 Rebi4 II., <>., Thursday, 16 April, 



25+ AL-MANSUR'S mSUBOMD/.VAT/Ofl,- 

joy, rose to embrace him, and, afier having ihe 
hall cleared, held a conversation with him, ask- 
ing his visitor what the enemy were doing and 
what he thought of the projected peace. From 
Al Meshtub Ihe Sultan now leamt that the king 
of England had not a word to say about it. The 
same day the Sultan sent off a despatch to his son 
Al Afdal bidding him cross the Euphrates and seize 
upon the provinces occupied by Al Manaur the son 
of Takl-ad-din, For this prince had offended the 
Sultan and, fearing his displeasure, had just broken 
out into open rebellion. He had, however, succeeded 
in engaging the interest of Al Adil, whom he begged 
to intercede in his favour. This intercession dis- 
pleased the Sultan, who became exceedingly wrath 
at being opposed by members of his own family, and 
all the more that one of those who justly dreaded 
punishment should dare to demand the confirmation 
of the pardon he asked for by an oath. 

It was this that prevented the king of England from 
conduding-the peace; for the dissensions thai had just 
broken out in the Sultan's family seemed likely to 
trouble the sources of war and oblige his enemy to sub- 
mit to any terms. . . On 6 Rabia II.* Joseph 
brought a message from the marquis. " An arrange- 
ment," said he, " is on the point of being concluded 
between the marquis and the Franks, and if it is 
concluded soon the Franks will depart for their own 
land. . ." Accordingly the Sultan, who was greatly 
concerned at the course of events in the East, fearing 
* I.e., Tuesday. : I April. 



ENCOURAGES RICHARD TO CONTINUE WAR. 255 

to see Al Mansur make alliance with Bectimor,* made 

haste to accept the marquis* proposals 

Wherefore he had an act embodying these conditions 

drawn up and despatched it by Joseph on 9 Rab. Il.f 
[Al Adil at last succeeded in getting the Sultan's pardon for 
his great nephew Al Mansur. But even then, when the docu- 
ment was already drawn up, he pressed for his brother's signature 
so urgently that Saladin in anger at such demands tore up the 
schedule (May 14). Bohadin himself was used as the inter- 
mediary in this business, and when Saladin finally consented to 
pardon his great-nephew was despatched to gather the opinions 
of the emirs serving under Al Afdal, who collected them before 
the envoy. Bohadin did his message, and then] 

The emir Hossam replied in these words : " We 

are the Sultan's slaves and servants . . . [yet] 

it is impossible for us to carry on two wars — one 

against the Musulmans and the other against the 

infidels — at the same time. If the Sultan wishes us 

to fight with the Musulmans let him allow us to 

to make peace with the infidels ; then we will cross 

the Euphrates and fight, but it must be under his 

eyes. If, on the other hand, he wishes us to continue 

the Holy War, let him pardon the Musulmans and 

grant them peace.*' All the assembly approved this 

answer. Then the Sultan let his anger relax and drew 

up a fresh act, confirmed by his own oath and sign 

manual. . . . On 8 Jomada I. (May 22) Al Adil 

set out to conclude this business and assure Al 

Mansur.J 

* Lord of Khelat on the Euphrates. 

t i.e.y Friday, 24 April. 

X Al Malec-al-Mansur Mohammed was Taki-ad-Din's son and 

succeeded his father as lord of Hamah. He died in Feb., 122 1, 

and was the great grandfather of Abul-feda, the greatest of che 

Arabic historians (1273-Oct., I33i» A.D.). 



r 



II 

156 CRUSADING PROVISIONS ^ THEIR ESCORT 



/tin. Ric., V. 

On the seventeenth of June, St. Botolph's Day, 
Wednesday, our caravan laden with victuals and 
other necessaries left Joppa for the army. Frederick 
de Viana was appointed to escort it in the place 
of count Henry who should have protected the rear, 
but had been sent to Acre. So Frederick asked 
Baldwin de Carron and Clarenibald de l^IontChablon 
to help guard the caravan that day and preserve 
us from straggling. But, as they marched along 
without due caution, they paid the penalty of their 

carelessness For lo ! not far from 

Ramleh the Turkish horsemen, leaping out from 
the cover of the hills, rushed upon our rear, eager to 
outrace one another. Those who had the fleetest 
hoisss cat iheir waj' tlirough our rearguard and 
Baldwin [de] Carron was unhorsed. He, however, 
immediately drew his sword and defended himself 
against his assailants. In the same conflict Richard 
D'Orques and Theodoric were also unhorsed. But 
Baldwin continued to fight bravely on foot till his 

men got him another horse As often 

as the Turks laid any one low, his, comrades bear- 
ing up against the crowd made him remount and 
very valiantly gave one another aid. Indeed, with 
such a multitude of Turks closing round our men, 
it was no wonder if the bravest warriors got un- 
horsed. And, moreover, the javehns of the Turks 
flew so thickly that they wounded the horses and 
made them very weak, 



ATTACKED BETWEEN JAFFA <5r» BEITNUBA. 257 

And lo ! Baldwin was unhorsed a second time, 
whereupon he bade one of his men-at-arms dismount 
and hand him his horse. Baldwin remountedj and at 
once saw the head of his follower cut off, although this 
warrior had borne himself very stoutly so long as 
he was mounted. Thus did our men stand their ground 
defending themselves. Philip, Baldwin's comrade, 
who distinguished himself more than all the rest, 
was taken prisoner, and with him the Turks were 
carrying off Richard D'Orques* brother, a most valiant 
warrior. . . . Moreover, Clarembald de Mont 
Chablun, on seeing the numbers of the Turks in- 
crease, forsook his men, and took to headlong flight. 
On this the conflict was renewed most flercely; Baldwin 
was unhorsed a third time and now was so battered 
with clubs as to be rendered almost helpless. Then, 
jammed close by the increasing crowd of enemies, 
he called out with a loud voice to that most valiant 
soldier Manasses de Insula, who was then harrying 
all the Turks, " O, Manasses are you too forsaking 
me ? " On hearing his voice, Manasses flew swiftly 
to his rescue. Still closer thronged the Turks, all too 
many for this pair of warriors, and while they were 
struggling against innumerable foes, Manasses also 
was hurled from his horse ; and, as he lay pros- 
trate, he was so cruelly battered with their toothed 
iron clubs, so mauled and so bruised, that one of his 
legs was cut clean through to the marrow. Thus were 
Baldwin and Manasses weighted down by the hostile 
throng, and all the while their own men were igno- 
rant what had become of them. 



258 THE EARL OF LEICESTER RESCUES IT. 

At this moment lo 1 God sent the valiant earl of 
Leicester as their champion and liberator, though he 
too was unaware of their position. Now the earl, 
coming on in full career, unhorsed the first Turk he 
fell in with ; whereupon Anscon, Stephen de Long- 
champ's comrade, cut off the [fallen warrior's] head 
and flung it away. Stephen too bore himself man- 
fully in every stress. And lo 1 our men increased 
while the courage of the Turks ebbed away, till they 
were put to flight and driven to the mountains in 
headlong haste. Then our wounded were gently 
lifted from the ground and set on horses and brought 
down to the army. I have deemed this day's 
achievements worthy of special note, and thus have I 
told, among other things, how the Earl of Leicester 
routed the Turks. 

Now on the day of St. Alban, which is the third 
day before the festival of St. John the Baptist,* while 
the army was staying at Betenopoiis, it received con- 
solation from a report that reached the king.f For to 
the king there came a most holy abbot, wliose very 
features proclaimed his sanctity. He was abbot of 
St. Elias, and had a flowing beard, white hair, and 
a reverend countenance. This man told the king 
that he had been keeping a fragment of the Holy 
Cross hidden away for a long time past, and 
[intended to keep it] till by God's aid the Holy 
Land should be clear of the Turks and restored 
• i.e., Monday, June 22, 

t Ffom Ro!;i;r nf Wen.li.i lt il wcmkl ^mx, tli.il tliis liermit 
livud ;il Ntby Samuil. 'six note ]). I^t}. 



A FRAGMENT OF THE TRUE CROSS, 259 

to its former condition. He declared that he was 
the only person who knew where this treasure lay ; 
that Saladin had many times pressed him closely, 
and narrowly questioned him, seeking by the most 
cunningly contrived interrogations to become pos- 
sessed of his secret. He had nevertheless always 
put off the tyrant with deceitful words ; and, when 
Saladin had given orders for him to be bound with 
thongs, the abbot stoutly asserted that he had lost 
the cross when Jerusalem was taken, and so had 
deceived his tormentor. On hearing this the king 
with a large host at once set forth to the place of 
which the abbot spoke ; and thence brought back 
the Holy Cross with due reverence and delight to the 
army quarters, where the people eagerly kissed it 
with the utmost devotion and pious tears. 

1192, c. June 22. — King Richard is advised to give 
up the hope of besetting Jerusalem, and the army- 
resolves to go and attack Cairo. 

Itin.y Ric, vi., i. 

Now when men had been adoring this Holy Cross 
for some time with no little joy at possessing it, the 
common folk began to complain again, saying "Lord 
God, what will come to us ? Shall we ever get to 
Jerusalem ? What more shall we do } Shall we 
[manage to] hold out to the end of this pilgrimage .?'* 
And there was much murmuring and complaint, 
whereupon the king and the great men met together 
to consult as to the expediency of advancing or not. 
Certain of the French advocated an advance ; for 
to them this seemed the most advisable course. 



26o REASONS /iir NOT Advancing an yERUSALEAf. 

The king however answered that it was impossible 
for him to do so. 

"You will not find me" he said, "leading the 
people in such a way as to lay myself open to 
reprehension or shame. Truly it would be the mark 
of an unwary man if I were to lend myself to any 
such folly. But, if you see fit to attack Jerusalem, 
I will not desert you ; I will be your comrade 
though not your lord ; 1 will follow but I will not 
. lead. Saladin knows everything that is done in 
our army, he knows our capacity and our strength. 
We are far off from the coast, and if Saladin 
should come down into the plain of Ramula with 
his host and cut off our provisions by guarding* 
the ways would not this, I ask you, be our utter ruin? 
Then however it would be too late for repentence. 
Besides, the circuit of Jerusalem, so far as we hear, 
is very large and, if our little hast were to'attempt 
to close it in on every side, our numbers would not 
suffice for the siege and the protection of those who 
bring up our stores. Besides, if I were to saiunior 
any such imprudence while I was leader, and if any 
misfortune befell us, I alone should be charged with 
rashness, and be reckoned responsible for the 
danger of all. Moreover I know for certain that 
there are some here (and in France too) who are most 
eager for me to act rashly, and lay myself open to 
some dishonouring charge. For these reasons I do 
not think fit to show any hurry in the conduct of 

• i.i:., so as to prevent jirovisions being brouj;lit uj) to Beit 
Nuba by way of Joppa ami Ranileh. 



THE DECISION OF THE yURORS. 261 

such difficult affairs. Besides we and our people 
are strangers, entirely ignorant of the district, its 

roads and its passes Therefore I 

think it better to proceed on the advice of the 
natives who, we may be sure, are eager to get back 
to their old possessions, and who know the country. 
It seems fit to follow the advice of the Templars 
and the Hospitallers — as to whether we shall advance 
to the seige of Jerusalem or to siege Babylon, Bey- 
rout, or Damascus. If we adopt their advice our 
army will no longer be, as it now is, torn apart by 
such great dissensions." 

Accordingly at the king's suggestion it was agreed 
to follow without any gainsaying whatever should 
approve itself to twenty sworn jurors. Then there 
were elected for the decision of this matter five 
Templars, five Hospitallers, five native Syrians be- 
longing to the land, and five French nobles. These 
twenty, after having met and consulted together, 
replied that it would certainly be best to advance to 
the seige of Babylon [Cairo]. To this decision the 
French, when they heard it, offered a persistent 
opposition, declaring that they would not move 
except against Jerusalem. When the king heard of 
the obstinacy and disloyalty of the French he was 
troubled, and said * If the French will agree to my 
advice, and consent to advance to the seige of Cairo 
as the jurors have decided, why ! I will lend them 
my Acre fleet with all its fair equipments to carry 
food and whatever they want, so that the army may 
march in perfect confidence along the coast. I 



262 KING RICHARD'S SVSIAN SPIES. 

will also, at my own cost, maintain seven hundred 
knights and two hundred sergeants for the expedition 
in God's name. Moreover, if any one has need of 
my help in money or anything else that I have, let 
him be assured that I will hbera]ly supply his needs." 



Then king Richard gave immediate orders that they 
should meet at the tents of the Hospitallers and make 
careful enquiries as to what each man could contribute 
for the conduct of the siege and how many men he 
could maintain. Accordingly they met there, and 
the chief men promised along with others that they 
would be at great expense for the siege — as did also 
those who had little in their treasure- stores. But in 
such doubtful circumstances it seemed a very indis- 
creet thing to aim even at beginning the siege of 
Jerusalem after the jurors had pronounced against it. 

Now, while they were anxiously engaged in seeing 
how far each man could assist in the siege, Bernard, 
the king's scout, came up with some other spies, 
who were all natives of the land. They were clad in 
Saracen garb and came from the direction of Egypt 
— differing in no respect, so far as appearance went, 
from the Saracens. Thus they were able to study 
the position of the Saracens at ease and keep the 
king informed thereon. No one spoke the Saracen 
tongue better than they ; one of them indeed having, 
in return for his service in this way, formerly received 
from king Richard loo silver marks. These scouts 



TWENTY MILES BY MOONUGHl. 263 

bade the king start at once with his people and cut 
off the caravans that were coming from Babylon 
[Cairo], promising to conduct him there. The king, 
being greatly delighted at this news, sent to the 
duke of Burgundy, inviting him to come up quickly 
with his Frenchmen. This he did and the French 
also, but on the understanding that they should 
receive the third part of the booty. The king 
consented, whereupon they set forward at once — 
about 500 well armed knights, as was reckoned. The 
king led 1,000 lightly-armed serving-men at his own 
cost. 

The king went before all the rest and, as the 
day was now closing, they advanced all night beneath 
the splendour of the moon to Galatia,* where they 
rested a space while they sent to Ascalon for victuals. 
Meanwhile, until the servants, who had been sent 
for provisions, returned, they kept an armed watch. 
Now it chanced that, from the moment when our 
folk first began to move in the matter of the caravans, 
a scout told the whole affair to Saladin in Jerusalem, 
mentioning how he had seen king Richard hastening 
in the direction of the caravans. Thus was the 
secrecy of our plan revealed, and Saladin at once 
sent out 500 choice Turks to the rescue. They 
were armed with reed weapons and with bows, 
and, when they had joined those who originally had 

* Possibly to be identified with Khurbet Jelediyeh, 6 miles 
(S.) W. of Tell es Safi and 12 (N.) E. of Ascalon. There 
are ruins of an old castle here. See also Guerin, II., 85. It 
is about 10 miles N. of Tell el Hesy, on a hill some 250 feet 
above the level of the sea. Galatia is however, more probably, 
Keratlyeh. See Note F. 



16+ THE SPIES OUT AGAIN. 

charge of the caravans, they made up a total of 7,000 
horsemen, without counting the numerous footmen. 

While Richard and his people were at Galatia a 
spy came up telling him how one of the caravans 
was passing through the " Round Cistern." This 
caravan he advised the king to seize at once, while 
holding back {the main body of) his troops. " Who- 
ever," he went on, "gtts this caravan will have a 
very large booty." But, as this spy belonged to the 
land, the ting would not put absolute trust in him, 
but sent out a certain Bedouin and two Turcople 
servants whom he had dressed up so as to look like 
the Bedouins. These he despatched to find out the 
truth of this information. They, going out by night, 
passed over the hills from which they could get the 
best views until they caught sight of some Saracens 
on a lofty site. Now these Saracens were themselves 
spies, lying in wait for passers-by. 

When our Bedouin approached them stealthily, 
they asked him who he and his companions were : 
whence they were coming and whither they were 
going. Our Bedouin, nodding to his comrades that 
they should not speak a word for fear of being 
betrayed by their accent, made answer that he was 
returning from the parts of Ascalon, to which city he 
had gone on the look out for booty. 

To him one of the Saracens made reply: "Nay, thou 
hast come to lay snares for us ; for thou livest with 
the king of England." The Bedouin answered, 
"Thou liest," and, with the words, set off hurriedly in 
the direction of the other caravans, while the Turks 



A SECOND NIGHT-MARCH FROM 265 

pursued with bows and reed weapons until they 
were too tired to follow any further. But our 
spies, finding the report about the caravans to be 
true, returned to the king in haste with the news 
that he might certainly capture the caravans if he 
only set out at once. On hearing this, the king gave 
his horses a little food and set forth in haste with his 
own people. All that night did they march till they 
reached the place where the caravan had pitched 
with its guards resting round it. Not far from this 
spot the king and his comrades paused while arming 
themselves and forming their line. The king was in 
the front rank and the French in the rear. Then the 
king, by his herald, forbade any one to set about 
plundering ; they were all to strive manfully to pene- 
trate and shatter the Turkish ranks. 

Now, when it was already day, a spy came 
up at headlong speed telling the king that the 
caravan was making preparations to move on at 
earliest dawn ; for its guards had got note of the 
king's intended attack. Hearing this the king at 
once sent forward his cross-bowmen and archers 
to delay the Turkish march by sham challenges 

whilst our ranks were drawing 

near in due order and with what speed they could. 
Seeing this the Turks betook themselves to the spur 
of a neighbouring hill and drew up their forces in 
squadrons, but with less arrogance than usual. Then 
while the Turks were hurling their darts and arrows, 
thick as dew, against our forces as they pressed on, 
and while the caravan was still resting in one place, 



and 1 



266 TEL EL HESY TO TEL-KHUWEILFEH, 

the king, dividing his army, fell upon them suddenly, 
piercing through and thoroughly routing their first 
squadron. Then all took to headlong flight as harea 
before dogs. The caravan remained behind whilst 
our men, dealing slaughter indefatigably to right aw! J 
left, did not cease in the pursuit till the Turks 1 
everywhere dead on the parchin 

Nobly did the royal troops fight; most vigorously too 
did the French display their wonted prowess. More- 
over king Kichard shone forth with a more illustriotia 
record than all the rest, none of whom could be 
compared to him. Borne aloft on his horse he was 
carried against the enemy with signal valour; his 
ashen shaft gave way beneath his ceaseless onsets 
till, being made, as it were, rotten with blood, it 
shivered into bits. Then, without delay, he bran- 
dished his sword and thundered on, threatening, 
overthrowing, taking prisoners, mowing down some, 
cutting off others, cleaving men from the top of the 
head to the teeth. No kind of armour was strong 
enough to withstand his blows. . . . 

Thirty Turks in their flight turning round swooped 
down upon Roger deTooney, slaying his horse beneath 
him and almost capturing [the knight] himself. His 
comrade Jocelin of Maine came up to rescue Roger 
from their hands, but was also thrown from his horse 
at once. Thereupon Roger de Tooney came up, and 
defending himself bravely, all on foot as he was, set 
his friend free. JMeanwhile our men arrived and 
with them the earl of Leicester, laying about him to 
right and left: Gilbert Malcman with four comrades. 



WHERE THE CARAVAN IS PLUNDERED, 267 

Alexander Arsic, and some other comrades almost 
twenty in all. There also came up Stephen de 
Longchamp who conferred a great service on Roger 
de Tooney by bringing him a horse, on whose back 
he might extricate himself from the middle of the 
Turks. Then was the slaughter renewed, the 
heavens thundered, the air was bright with sparks 
struck from the swords. The ground reeked with 
blood, dismembered corpses were everywhere : lopt 
off arms, hands, feet, heads, and even eyes. Our 
men were hindered in walking over the plain by the 
corpses of the dead Turks, so thickly were they 
strewn about ; and the bodies, which they had just 
dismembered, caused our men to stumble. . . . 
There was the Turks' pride ground down, their arro- 
gance abolished, and their boldness suppressed. 
With such prowess did our men capture the caravan. 

[The spoils consisted of spices, gold, silver, silks, purple robes, 
arms of every kind, richly wrought pillows and tents, hides, 
bladders (for carrying water), and cinnamon, sugar, spice, pepper, 
barley, wheat, flour and wax. There were also taken 4,700 
camels, and mules and asses beyond number. Thirteen hundred 
Turkish horsemen were cut off, without reckoning the foot.] 

23 June, 1192.— Saladin's grief at the capture of 
the Caravan by the Christians. 

Bohddiny 307, 

This caravan had originally been divided into three 
parts, of which the first escorted by a band of Arabs 
and the troops of Al Adil had taken the road of Al 
Carac. The second, also escorted by Arabs, had 
been led by the road which crosses the desert. The 



268 SALAD/N, IN HIS DISTRESS, BLOCKS 

third wfts that seized by the enemy. . . It was an 
event most shameful to us ; never for a long time 
had Islam expiirienced such a disaster. . According 
to one report which reached us the enemy had about 
a hundred knights slain, according to another only 
ten. Only two persons of any consequence were 
slain on our side. . . I have heard it said by one 
of those whom the enemy made prisoner that on this 
same night a rumour was spread among the Franks 
that the Sultan's army was drawing near. On hearing 
this they took to flight, leaving their booty behind. 
Later on, learning that the alarm was false, they 
returned to their prey. During their absence several 
of their Mussulman prisoners managed to escape ; 
and among them the man of whom I speak. I asked 
him how many camels and horses he thought the 
enemy had taken, and he replied "About 3,000 
camels and nearly as many horses." This terrible 
event happened on the morning of Tuesday, 1 1 
Jomada II.* 

On the evening of that day I was seated near the 
Sultan when one of the young Mamelukes attached 
to his stables brought him news of what had 
taken place. No news ever caused him keener grief 
or troubled his heart more. I did my best to console 
him, but he would hardly listen to me. The enemy 
rejoined themainbodyonFriday. 16 Jomadall.-t . , 
Then they carried their tents to Beit-Nflba and deter- 
mined to march on Jerusalem in all seriousness. . . 
• i.e., on 24 June, wliich. however, was a Wtdncstlay in 1191, 
t,>., syjunc. 



UP THE WELLS ROUND JERUSALEM. 269 

They posted a body of troops at Lydda to guard the 
road by which their convoys passed, and despatched 
count Henry to bring all the troops that Were to be 
found in Tyre, Tripoli, and Acre. The Sultan, on 
hearing their intention of advancing against Jeru- 
salem, divided the ramparts of the city amongst his 
emirs with orders to get everything ready for a siege. 
He took care also to corrupt all the water in the 
vicinity of the Holy City, to block up the springs, to 
destroy the cisterns, and fill up the wells. So there 
was not left in all the neighbourhood a single drop 
of drinking water ; such was the energy with which 
he worked. It is well known that near Jerusalem it 
is impossible to sink pits for drinkable water, as the 
ground is nothing else than a huge mountain made 
up of exceedingly hard rock. The Sultan also sent 
orders into all his provinces for his troops to hurry up. 

July 1-2.— Bohadin and the Sultan. 

Bohadifty 311, 

On the night preceding Thursday, 19 Jomada II. 
the Sultan called together his emirs. With them 
came Abu al Heja* the fat, a man who could scarcely 
move and had to keep seated in an arm chair. . . 
The Sultan bade me pronounce a discourse to en- 
courage them to persevere in the Holy War. . . . 
Amongst other things I said, **When our Holy 
Prophet suffered tribulation his companions swore 

♦ Abu al Hcja Hossam Ad-Din had been commander of the 
garrison ol Acre before Al Meshtub. According to Ibn Alathyr 
he had just brought up the troops from Egypt. 



1-ja BOHADIN AND THE OA TH OF FIDELITY. 

an oath to fight for him till death. Here is an 
example that wf ought to imitate above al! other 
people. Let us unite then in the Temple and there 
take an oath lo support one another till death. 
Such an action may perhaps be rewarded by the 
repulse of the enemy." The whole assembly ap- 
proved my advice and promised to cany it out. 

The Sultan remained silent for some time, in 
the attitude of a man who is thinking, and all 
the bystanders respected his silence. At last he 
broke out with these words : " Praise be to God 
and a blessing on his messenger. Know that 
to-day you are the only army and the sole stay of 
Islam. Consider hoxv the bJood, tlie wealth, the 
children of the Musulmans are placed under your 
protection, and that, among all the true believers, 
you only are capable of opposing such enemies as we 
have before us. If you give way, which God forbid, 
the enemj will gradually possess himself of the 
country as easily as a man can roll up a parchment, 
and you will be responsible, for you have undertaken 
to defend it. You have received money from the 
public treasure, and it is on you that the safety of 
the Musulmans everywhere depends. I have said." 

Saf Ad-din AI-Meshtub then took up the word. 
"Lord," said he, " we are your slaves and servants. 
You have heaped benefits upon us, you have raised 
us in rank and enriched us with gifts, whilst we have 
nothing to offer in return except our heads ; and 
these we place at your feet. There is not one of us 
— I swear it before God — who will cease to aid you 



THE EMIRS ADVISE SALADIN 271 

SO long as life lasts." The whole assembly made the 
same declaration, and this oath revived the spirit 
and quieted the heart of the Sultan. He then had 
them served with the ordinary repast, after which 
they withdrew. . . In the evening we resumed 
our service with the prince, as was customary, and 
watched part of the night with him. But he was 
not at all in a communicative mood. Then we said 
the last prayer together. 

Now, as this was the signal for every one 
to withdraw, I was going out with the rest, when 
he called me back. Accordingly I came and stood 
upright before him while he asked me if I had 
heard the latest news. I answered ** No ; " on 
which he said, ** To-day I have received a com- 
munication from Abu al-Heja the fat from which I 
learn that, at a meeting of the emirs in his house, I 
have been blamed for listening to your advice about 
the siege and for consenting to let ourselves be shut 
up in the town. They say there can be no advan- 
tage in this and that, so closed up, they will undergo 
the same fate as the garrison at Acre. . . It would 
be better to risk a pitched battle. Then if God 
grants us the victory we shall become masters of all 
the enemy possess. If we are beaten we shall it is true 
lose the Holy City, but we shall have saved our 
army." . . . Now the Sultan bore towards Jeru- 
salem an affection such as you can hardly imagine ; 
for which reason such a communication caused him 
much pain. This night, the whole of which I passed 
with him, was one of those when we remained 



t-ji TO ABANDON JERUSALEM. \ 

together to watch and pray. The letter he had- ' 
received contaim^d the following passage : . 

" If you wish us to stay in the Holy City stay witb. 
us yourself, or at least leave a member of your family | 
there ; for the Curds will never obey the Turks any i 
more than the Turks will obey the Curds." 

It was then decided that the Suhan should leave ' 
his grand-nephew Meji Ad-din, son of Ferrukh-Chah* 
and lord of Baalbec. It was at first suggested hat 
the Sultan should let himself be closed up in the 
dty ; but he had to renounce this project because 
of the danger to Islam that might result from it. 

At daybreak I found him still watching ; and, 
feeling compassion for him, I begged him to take an 
hour's rest. I then went off to my own house ; but I 
had scarcely got there before 1 heard the Mueddin 
[crier of the mosque] call to prayer, and I had only 
just time to snatch up what was necessary for the 
ablution as day was beginning to appear already. 

Now, as I was in the habit of sometimes making my 
morning prayer with the Sultan, I went off to him 
and found him renewing his ablution. After we had 
prayed together I said to him : " An idea has struck 
me ; may I lay it before you ? " He replied " Speak." 
" Your highness," I then proceeded, " is over- 
whelmed with cares such as you can hardly support. 
Now that earthly means fail address yourself to 
• Eizz-ad-din Ferrukh-Chah, son of SaladLn's brother, Chah- 
an-Chah, was perhaps the most imslcd of b.iladin's wairiors in 
the early days of his rule, before the conquest of Aleppo. 
SaladiQ made him lord of Damascus, where he died Sept., 1 182. 
Like Takt-ad-diu, he was a poel. 



SALADIN'S PR A YER 273 

God, the All Powerful. To-day is Friday, the 
luckiest day in the week, the one on which every 
prayer is heard, and we are here (in Jerusalem) in the 
most propitious place. Let the Sultan do his ablu- 
tions, let him distribute alms in secret so that no 
one may know whence they come, and let him offer 
a prayer of two recas between the addn and the ikama. 
Thus shall he address himself to the Lord in a low 
voice, confiding to him the direction of all his affairs 
and avowing his own helplessness. . . Perhaps 
God will have pity on you and hear your suppli- 
cation." 

Now the Sultan was a sincere believer in all the 
dogmas of our faith, and was wont to submit himself 
absolutely to the precepts of the Divine Law. We 
then left him and, when the hour of divine service 
arrived, I prayed at his side in the mosque of Al 
Aksa and saw him make two recas, prostrating himself 
at the same time and calling upon the Lord in a low 
voice, while the tears ran down upon his prayer- 
carpet. When the prayer was over the faithful 
withdrew. In the evening I resumed my customary 
service at his side, and lo there came up a despatch 
from Jordic who, at that time, was commanding the 
advanced guard. In it the Sultan read these words : 
"The whole army of the enemy came out on horseback 
to post itself on the top of the hill ; it then returned to 
its camp, and we have sent out spies to know what is 
going on " 

On Saturday morning* there came a second despatch 

♦ ue., July 5. 



174 ^ND ITS ANSiVER. 

of which the following is a sumiuary : "Our spy 
has come back and tells us that there is dissension 
among the enemy, some of whom desire to push on 
to the Holy City whilst the others are for returning 
into their own territory. The Franks insist upon 
marching against Jerusalem, They say, ' It was to 
rescue the Holy City that we left our own country, 
and we wil! not go home before we have taken it.' 
To this the king of England made answer : ' The 
enemy has corrupted all the springs till there is 
absolutely not a drop of water left in the neighbour- 
hood of the town ; where then shall we water our 
horses?' Some one sugg;ested that they could get 
water at Tckoua, a river that runs about a parasang's 
distance from Jerusalem. ' How,' said tlie king, 
' shall we manage to water our beasts there ? ' ' We 
will divide the army in two parts,' was the answer, 
' of these one part shall go out on horseback to the 
water while the other shall stay by the town to carry 
on the siege. So the army shall go once each day 
to Tekoua.' To this suggestion the king made 
answer : ' As soon as one division has gone off with 
its beasts for water the garrison will make a sally 
upon those that are left, and then it is all over with 
the Christian host.' 

" At last they decided to choose three hundred 
persons of influence, who were to deliver their 
powers to twelve individuals. These twelve were to 
choose three others to settle the question. The 
night," continued the despatch, "was spent waiting 
for the decision of the triumvirate." 



CRlfSADJERS RBTREA T FROM BEIT-NUBA, I7S 

Next morning, 21 Jornada II.* they moved off in 
the direction of Ramleh agreeably to the decision. 
. . The Sultan, on hearing this, got on horseback 
with his troops and all witnessed the most lively joy. 
And yet, as he knew the enemy to have plenty of 
camels and other beasts of burden, he had fears 
for Egypt, a land that the king of England had 
many times shewn an inclination to invade. 

Negotiations begin again with. Richard and Earl 
Henry, but are broken off. c. 6 July— 10 July, 1192. 

Bohddin, 316. 

Now the Sultan, freed from his cares by the retreat 
of the enemy, had the envoy from earl Henry brought 
in to hear his proposals. This man was introduced 
and, after receiving leave to set forth the object of 
his mission, spoke as follows : — 

Earl Henry says thus : " The king of England has 
given me all the towns along the coast and I have 
them in my hands. Deliver up to me then my other 
towns that I may make peace with you and be as one 
of your children." 

At these words the Sultan was so wroth that he 
was on the point of using violence against the mes- 
senger. He had made him stand upright before him in 
order to cut off his head, when the man said : ** Wait 
a moment ; I have only a word to say. The count 
demands what part you will give him now the whole 
land is in your possession." The Sultan then repri- 
manded the envoy and had him led forth. 

♦ i.e., July 4. 



276 THE NEGOTIATIONS BEGIN AGAIN 

Then on 23 Jomacia II.* there came from the 
Franks Haj Joseph, Al-Meshlub's friend. He said 
that the king of England had sent for him and 
count Henry and, after clearing the hall, had spoken 
to him as follows : " You must say to your 
friend on my part, ' We have both of us lost 
strength, and the best thing we can do is to put 
an end to this bloodshed. Do not imagine that it is 
the weakness of my resources that makes me suggest 
this ; it is to the advantage of both sides. Be medi- 
ator between the Sultan and me ; but do not let your- 
self be deceived by the retreat I have just made. 
When the Ram goes back it is only that it may 
strike the harder." " The king sent two persons with 
the Haj to receive Al-Meshtub's reply. 

The ostensible object of this communication was 
to negotiate the liberty of Beha-ad-din Kara-kuah. 
but in reality it was about the treaty of peace. The 
Haj informed us that the Franks had left Ramlah 
for Jaffa, and that they were too weak to undertake 
any expedition. Al-Meshtub, who had been brought 
up from Neapolist to hear the message, replied 
as follows ; " We will make peace with count Henry 
in his quality of lord of Acre ; for this city has been 
given him. As regards the other towns terms must 
be arranged between the king of England and us." 

On Friday, the 27th {i.e., July 10), the Prankish 

ambassador returned along with Haj Joseph. 

" Here," said he, " are the very words of the 

" i.e., Monday, July 6. 

t- Nabl&s .It Shechem, some 30 inLk-s N. of Jeruaiilein. 



WHILE RICHARD IS AT JAFFA. 277 

king, /.^., of the king of England — * I desire to 
merit your affection and friendship. I have no 
wish to play the Pharoah over this land any more 
than I suppose you have. You must not make 
all your Musulmans perish nor I all our Franks. 
Here is count Henry, my sister's son, whom I have 
put in possession of all these countries, and now I 
put him and his army at your disposal. If you invite 
him to accompany you on an expedition to your 
Eastern provinces he will obey.' The king also said 
* Many monks and men of religion have begged 
churches of you and you have granted their petitions 
generously. And now I ask of you to give me 
a church. As to what displeased you in my former 
communications with Al-Malec Al-Adil I renounce 
them and entertain them no more. If you will give 
me a farm or a village, I will accept it and give you 
an equivalent.' " 

[Saladin answered thus — his council having advised him to be 
conciliatory :— ] 

** Since you address us in so conciliatory a way, 
and since one good turn deserves another, the Sultan 
will regard your nephew as one of his sons ; and you 
will soon learn how he has treated this prince. To 
you he grants the greatest of churches, the Church of 
the Resurrection, and he will divide the rest of the 
country with you. The sea-coast towns that you 
already hold you shall keep ; the fortresses that we 
have m the mountain regions shall remain ours ; 
while what lies between the mountains and the sea 
coast shall be divided between us. Ascalon and its 



19 



278 THE DISPUTE AS TO 

neighbourhood shall be ruined and belong to neither. 
If you wish to have some villages from us you shall 
have them. What I objected to most up till now 
was the matter of Ascalon." 

On the 28th* — the day after his arrival — the 
ambassador left us, completely satisfied. After his 
departure we heard that the Franks had started 
for Ascalon on their way towards Egypt. An am- 
bassador also came to us from us Kotb-ad-din,t the 
son of Kalij Arslan, bringing us this message from 
his master : ** The pope has taken the road for Con- 
stantinople at the head of a multitude whose numbers 
God only knows." Here the ambassador added that 
he had himself slain twelve knights on the way. 
** Send me," continued the prince, ** some one to 
whose care I may commit my kingdom ; for I am not 
strong enough to defend it myself." But the Sultan 
gave no credence to this communication and did 
not trouble himself about it. 

[On 1 2th July Richard demanded the right of putting 20 
soldiers in the citadel at Jerusalem ; but his envoy, by word of 
mouth, said that the king gave up all his claims on the Holy 
City. Richard sent a couple of falcons as a present to Saladin.] 

The Sultan convoked his emirs to advise on his 
reply, and they determined to answer that the king 
had no right over Jerusalem except that of pilgrim- 
age. The ambassador having then demanded that 
no impost should be levied on the pilgrims, we 

* i.e.y Saturday 11 July. 
+ Soldan of Iconium or Roum, son of Kalij Arslan II, 
(1156 to Au(,mst 1 192). Kotb-ad-din had sup})laiitcd his father, 
whom however he hardly survived. 



ASCALON, DARUM AND GAZA, 279 

saw by this that he was no longer in agreement with 
us. As regards Ascalon and the places round it 
they must be absolutely destroyed. But when the 
ambassador observed that the king had spent much 
money on these fortifications Al Meshtub said to 
the Sultan, ** Let him keep the cultivated fields and 
the villages as an indemnity." To this the Sultan 
agreed, but he insisted on the demolition of AI 
Darum and other places. . . As to the other towns 
and their dependencies the Sultan agreed to leave the 
Franks all that lay between Jaffa and Tyre, adding, 
** Every time there is a dispute regarding the posses- 
sion of a village we will divide it." . . . The 
Sultan gave the envoy rich presents for the Franks 
in exchange for those they had sent him. And 
everyone knows that in a matter of presents nobody 
could surpass him, so great were his heart and his 
liberality. 

Late in the night preceding 3rd Rajab \i,e, that 
of July 14] the Haj Joseph returned with the king's 
ambassador, and on Thursday morning the 3rd* 
. . . delivered his message. "The king begs you 
to leave him these three places [Ascalon, Darum, 
and Gaza]. Of what importance can they be in 
the eyes of so powerful a prince as you ? The king 
insists on this concession merely because of the 
ill-will shewn by the Franks, who will not consent to 
their being surrendered. He has entirely given up 
Jerusalem . . except as regards the church of the 
Resurrection. Leave him then the towns in question 
♦ i,e, on July 15, which however was a Wednesday. 



l8o FAILURS OF TMB NSGOTidTlONS, 

and let there be a general peace. The Franks will 
keep all they now hold from Danim to Ascalon, you 
will keep all that is now in your hands. Then every- 
thing will come right of itself and the king will be 
able to depart. Otherwise the Franks will not let 
him go and he will not be able to resist them." 

See the canning of this accursed man ; who to 
gain his ends at one time would employ soft language, 
at another violence. Although he saw that he was 
obliged to depart he persisted in the same line of 
conduct. God alone was able to protect the Musul- 
mans against his malice. Never have we had to 
meet the hostility of a subtler or bolder man than he. 

On receiving this message the Sultan called his 
emirs together. . . Here is the substance of their 
reply: . . . "As to the Ullages that the king 
demands we do not care about them, but the Musul- 
mans will never consent to ^-ield them. As to the 
fortifications of Ascalon let the king take Lydda, a 
village in the plain, to indemnify him." It was on 
Friday morning, 4 Rajab,* that the ambassador took 
his leave.. . On the 7th Haj Yussuf returned alone 
and told us the king had said to him, "It is impos- 
sible to let one stone of the fortifications of Ascalon 
be pulled down ; we cannot let such a thing be said 
of us in the countrw The limits of the two countries 
are well fixed and admit of no discussion." 

After this communication the Sultan made prepa- 
rations against the enemy, intending to show by 
vigorous action his determination to continue the 
war if need be. 

♦ i.e.^ 16 July, really a Thursday. 



THE CAR A VAN-SPOILS DIVIDED. 28 1 

1192, Circ. 27 June— 27 July.— King Bicliard and 
tlie Army retreat. Saladin attacks Joppa. 

Itin.f Ric. V. 

Then the king and the army returned to near 
Bethaven which is four miles from Joppa, and there 
they divided the booty. Thence they proceeded 
on the next day to Ramula. Meanwhile count 
Henry came to Ramula from Acre, leading with 
him the men he had brought from that city. From 
Ramula all together set out to Betenopolis, whence 
they first started. . . . There the king in his 
munificence distributed his camels among those 
knights who had stayed behind to guard the army on 
the same scale as to those who had taken part in the 
expedition. In this he imitated that most valiant 
warrior king David. He also divided all the asses 
among the serving-men. Then was the army so 
replenished with camels, asses, and other beasts of 
burden that they could scarcely be kept together. 
People gladly ate the flesh of young camels after 
roasting it and stuffing it with lard ; for it was white 
and pleasant enough to the taste. But before long, 
after the distribution of the beasts of burden, the 
people grew dainty and complained that these camels 
ate up too much barley, and so raised grain beyond 
its previous price. At the same time the old cry 
and complaint was renewed about the delay in 
advancing against Jerusalem 

[The Turks had now stopt up the streams near Jerusalem ; it 
was midsummer — about St. John the Baptist's day — and there 
was no water to be found within 2 miles of the city.] 



28l RICBARD, TBS SOim^WRITBR. 

' For these causes it was decided not to besiege 
Jerusalem at that time. But when the army knew 
that it was not to be led against Jerusalem, each man 
in his sorrow and bitter distress began to curse the 
delay and the [blasting of the] hopes he had enter- 
tained. Men kept declaring that they only wished 
to live long enough for the Christians to gain 
Jerusalem, and for the holy places to be wrested 
from the hands of the Infidels. . . . Nor is it a 
thing to be wondered at that the pilgrims had 
borne all these misfortunes, as it were to no purpose; 
and that, for all their sorrow, things did not prosper 
with them. For, whenever the army was advancing 
anywhere, about evening the French would gather 
into one body and, turning aside from the rest 
of the host, would settle by themselves for the 
night in a separate place, as though they were 
too good company for the others. Nor were they 
content merely with separating company, but quarrel- 
ling amongst themselves, they used to inveigh one 
against the other. . And, moreover, above all other 
things of this kind Henry duke of Burgundy, led on 
by the arrogant prompting of an evil soul, or perhaps 
by envy had a song composed and sung publicly. 
The words of this song were shameful, and such as 
ought not to have been given to the public if those 
who wrote it had had any sense of shame left in 
them ; for it was sung not only by men, but by 
women who surpassed men in their licence. But, 
in devoting itself to such unseemly frivolities, this 
people only revealed its true character; and it 



DEGENERACY OF THE CRUSADERS SINCE 283 

was clearly seen what its real disposition was, 
for we know streams are turbid or clear in 
accordance with the nature of their source. After 
this scurrilous composition had been disseminated 
over the army, the king, being greatly annoyed, 
deemed it advisable to take vengeance in a similar 
way. So he strung together himself a few lines 
about [his detractors], a work which involved no 
great strain on his powers of invention because he 
had such copious material ; nor could any objection 
be taken to his answering so many trumped-up 
scandals with a few plain truths. 

Now there can be no doubt as to the illustrious deeds 
of king Richard, whom his rivals so enviously attacked 
when they despaired of detracting from his prowess. 
For the pilgrims of those days were not such as those 
in the expedition when our people took Antioch by 
force of arms — a period we still hear sung of in the 
" Gestes "* about the famous victory of Boemund, of 
Tancred, Godfrey de Bouillon and other noble 
chiefs of highest renown. They indeed won glorious 
victories ; their deeds now flow as food from the 
mouth of the story-tellers; God gave them the 
reward for which they had toiled because they served 

♦ The allusion here is to the great mediaeval Chanson de Geste 
on the Siege of Antioch written by Richard the pilgrim who 
himself took a part in the first Crusade. This poem was written 
in assonanced verse. Only a few stanzas of the original poem 
remain ; but it exists in a later form — still in assonanced 
verse— as it was re-written for a later generation towards the end 
of the twelfth century by one, Graindor of Douay. It has been 
edited by M. Paulin, Paris. 



l84 THB DAYS OF GODFREY. 

Him out of no faint heart ; and He glorified their 
splendid achievements with immortal memory. 

After the taking of the caravan the army stayed for 
a few days at Betenopolis [Beit-Niiba], much sad- 
dened because the advance towards Jerusalem was 
given up, and they might not visit the Lord's 
sepulchre though only four miles off. . . . After- 
wards setting forth they reached a spot between St. 
George* and Ramula where they rested for the night 
— ^the French fixing their tents on the left, the king 
and his people on the right. On the morrow they 
also journeyed in two divisions; and at night, on 
the 6th July, they camped at Casel Medium^ where 
some left the army on account of their poverty and 
departed to Joppa. 

Now when Saladin learnt that we had determined 
to retreat his hopes revived, and he sent his swiftest 
messengers without delay bearing letters signed with 
his ring, for all the emirs and chiefs that owned his 
sway. Moreover he called upon all who were willing 
to receive his pay to come to him at Jerusalem at once. 
Nor was there any delay ; there promptly assembled 
20,000 armed Turkish horsemen, without reckoning 
an immense host of foot soldiers, such as could not 
easily be numbered. . . . Thus the army returned 
to Acre, unspeakably saddened and amazed at its 
immeasurable misfortune in that God did not yet 
deem it worthy of a fuller favour. . . . 

♦ ?>., Lydda. 



t 

If 



)li is 



f^., V. 

Uadin 

rtroys 

goes 

r ad 

Vcre 

and 

nues 



gat 
ost, 
ore 
>ng 
;wo 
ear 
in- 
ice 
.nd 
to 
to 
mt 
en 
wn 



IS- 



286 ALBBRIC OFRMBIMS THB CRAVEN WARDBR, 

tians were driven back into the castle tower. Alas, How 
miserable then was the slaughter of the sick, whom the 
Turks, as they lay everywhere ailing in the houses, 
put to death in the most terrible ways. Such men 
cut off in such numbers are surely deemed martyrs. 
Some of our men fled before the fierce attack of the 
Turks down to the very beach. Meanwhile the 
Turks went routing out all the houses, plundering 
the grain, and pouring out the wine after staving in 
the vessels that contained it. Part stormed the chief 
tower of the castle ; others pursued the fugitives as 
they fled for safety to the ships. On this occasion 
many of the rear were cut off. There Alberic of 
Rheims, whose business it was to guard the castle 
had fled, in the hope of sailing off in a ship. Shame 
upon him ! Excessive fear shewed him to be 
a craven ; and his own comrades who had held 
out, reproving his cowadice and trying to rekindle 
his courage, recalled him and drove him by violence 
into the tower. Then, when he saw nothing but 
danger around him, he said : " Here then we must 
die for God since we can do nothing else." . . . 
The beseiged would certainly have been over- 
powered by the violent onset of the Turks had there 
not, by God*s grace, chanced to be present in the town 
the lately created patriarch. He, having his wits 
sharpened by necessity, sent a message to Saladin 
and begged Saphadin to procure a truce for the 
tower on the understanding that, if aid did not come 
before the ninth hour next day each survivor 
should pay Saladin lo besants of gold. The 



KING RICHARD HEARS OF THE DANGER 287 

women were to pay five, and the children three. As 
a pledge for the faithful observance of those condi- 
tions the patriarch offered himself and other noble- 
men as hostages. Saladin agreed and there were 
handed over together wilh the other hostages Alberic 
of Rheims, Theobald of Treies, Augustin of London, 
Osbert Waldin, Henry de St. John, and certain 
others whose names we do not recollect. All these 
were afterwards led captive to Damascus (as might 
have been expected, when they gave themselves up 
as hostages) ; for the besieged had already conceived 
some hope of being relieved by the king, to whom 
they had sent when Saladin first came up. 

Meanwhile, as king Richard was at Acre hastening 
his preparations for returning home — he had already 
received leave of departure from the Templars and 
the Hospitallers, together with their blessing ; and 
had also sent forward seven of his galleys with an 
armed band to Beyrout, from which town he was 
to set sail — when he was on the point of embarking 
and was consulting with his men in his tent about 
these very preparations for his departure, intending 
to start on the morrow, lo ! there appeared before 
him in great haste the envoys from those who were 
being sieged in Joppa. These now stood before the 
king with rent garments, telling how the Saracens had 
seized Joppa and all that was in it. They recounted 
also how the few people who yet survived were being 
sieged in the tower and would certainly be lost 
according to the terms of the treaty unless they 
had immediate aid, The king, on hearing of the 



«88 OF JAFFA AND STARTS BY SEA, 

perilous state of things, pitied their distress and 
broke short the words of the envoys in the middle of 
their pleading, " God (yet) lives and with his 
guidance I will set out to do what I can." 

He then made the herald ifnmediately proclaim that 
the army should rouse itself for a fresh expedition. 
The French, however, did not think fit to honour the 
king with a reply, but continued asserting proudly that 
they would not go with him any further — ay, and they 
spake true, for to them there soon happened a 
miserable death, so that, neither with him nor with any 
one else, did they march on another expedition. But 
those of every land, whose hearts God had touched and 
whom tribulation had made pious, hastened to go 
with the knights — ^to wit, the Templars, the Hos- 
pitallers, and many other stalwart knights. These 
all set out for Caesarea by land. But the noble king, 
taking his life in his hands, advanced by sea ; and 
with him there went the earl of Leicester, Andrew de 
Chavigni, Roger de Sathya, Jordan de Humeth, . . 
. . . . ; also the knights of Pr^aux and many 
other famous warriors, besides the Genoese and 
Pisans. Those who started for Caesarea stayed 
there some time, as if they were besieged by Saladin ; 
for they learnt that Saladin had set ambushes. By 
reason of this they had no clear path, since the son 
of Assasise /'st'cj kept a strict watch along the roads 
from Caesarea to Arsuf. 

Moreover, a contrary wind bore down against 
the king's ships and kept them stationary at Cayphas 
— whither they had put in — for three days. The 



AND AIDS IT. 289 

king, hardly brooking such delay, called out with 
a deep sigh, " Lord God, why dost thou detain us ? 
Consider, we pray thee, our necessity and devotion." 
Nor was there any further stoppage ; but, with God's 
good will, a favourable wind blew up from behind 
and brought the fleet smoothly and safely to the port 
of Joppa in the deep gloom of Friday night. The 
term fixed for the payment of the redemption money 
was the ninth hour of the Saturday following, and 
according to the terms of the agreement the whole 
people was to be delivered up if no succour came. 
Now mark the faithless faith and perfidy of these 
perfidious men ; from the very dawn of the Saturday 
— that is, the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula* — the 
Turks began pestering the besieged to make the 
payment. And notwithstanding the fact that they had 
been compelled to commence the payment from very 
early in the morning and continue it right up to the 
ninth hour, yet for all this the Turks, more savage 
than the beasts and lacking in all humanity, began 
cutting off the heads of those who were bringing in 
the money. They had already cut off seven men's heads 
and flung them pell mell into a certain ditch, when 
those who still survived in the tower, hearing of what 
had occurred and utterly cowed by terror began to 
lament with tears and wails of grief. . . . But, 
pleased to behold such steadfast victims, the Divine 
Kindness had already sent a champion to free the 
survivors ; for lo ! already was the king's fleet seen 
in the harbour and already were the king's knights 
arming themselves for the fray. 

♦ /.<?., August I. 



290 A DBSPBRATB LEAP. 

Meanwhile, when the Turks learnt that the king^s 
galleys and ships were putting in to shore they rushed 
down to the beach in bands. . . . The seaside 
swarmed with their hosts so that there was no spot 
left empty. The Turks did not wait for the new 
comers to reach land but flung their missiles into the 
sea against the ships ; while their horsemen advanced 
as far as they could into the water for the purpose of 
shooting their arrows with greater effect. Then the 
king, massing his ships together, took counsel, saying: 
'* My fellow comrades, what are we to do ? Shall 
we not push on against this cowardly crowd that 
holds the shore ? Shall we deem our lives of more 
value than the lives of those who are now perishing 
because of our absence ? What think you ? " In 
reply, some said that the attempt would be vain with 
so many thousand enemies on the beach. 

Meanwhile the king, who had been scanning all 
things with a curious eye, caught sight of a certain 
priest who was throwing himself from the land 
into the sea in order that he might swim up. 
This man, when taken on board the galley, with 
panting breath and beating heart, spake as follows : 
** O noble king, those who still survive are longing 
for thy arrival. They are oppressed by the brandished 
swords of yonder butchers and stand with out- 
stretched necks like sheep for the slaughter. As- 
suredly they will perish at once unless, by thy means, 
divine aid reaches them." To him the king answered, 
** Is there then anyone left alive ? And where ? '* 
To this the priest replied, ** Yes, my lord, in front of 



RICHARD AND HIS FOLLOWERS LAND, 291 

yonder tower are they hemmed in and like to perish." 
On hearing this the king said, ** Then, even though it 
please God, on whose service and under whose 
guidance we have come to this land, that we should die 
here with our brethren, let him perish who will not 
go forward.*' Then the king's galleys were thrust 
on towards the shore and the king himself, 
though his legs were unarmed, plunged up to his 
middle into the sea and so, by vigorous efforts, gained 
the dry land. Next to the king landed Geoffrey du 
Bois and Peter des Pr6aux ; and all the others followed, 
leaping into the sea with the intention of proceeding 
afoot. They boldly set upon the Turks who were 
lining the beach. 

The king laid the enemy low everywhere with a cross- 
bow he had in his hands, . . and carried on the 
pursuit till the whole shore was cleared. . . The 
king was the first to enter the town by a certain stairway 
which he had chanced to see in the houses of the Tem- 
plars. He entered alone and found three thousand 
Turks plundering all the houses and carrying off the 
spoil. Consider the courage of this invincible king ! 
For immediately on entering the city he had his banners 
displayed on the highest parts of the walls so that 
the besieged Christians in the tower might see them. 
They, on seeing it, took heart and snatching up their 
arms came down from the tower to meet their 
deliverer, who with unsheathed sword pressed on, 
slaying and maiming his foes as they fled from before 

his face Indeed, the king pursued them 

beyond the city, thinking it well to follow up his 



292 THB SARACBNS DRIVEN <^UT OF JAFFA. 

victory lest, perchance, anyone should say that he had 
spared the enemies of Christ's cross when God had 
delivered them into his hands. Truly never did any 
man hold half-heartedness in greater hatred. 

Now at this time the king and his followers had 
only three horses. And what were these among so 
many ? Moreover out of all the " Gestes " of the 
ancients, and out of all the tradition of those who 
tell stories or write books from the most remote 
times, there never was a warrior of any creed who 
bore himself so nobly as king Richard did that day. 
. . . . Saladin hearing of his arrival . . . • 
fled like a hunted hare or other timid animal ; tearing 
up his tents in haste, he put spurs to his horse and 
hurried away lest king Richard should catch sight 
of him. But the king and his comrades pressed on 
the pursuit, slaying and laying low. The king^s 
cross-bowmen too wrought such carnage among the 
steeds of the fugitives that for more than two miles 
the Turks fled away in the deadliest terror. Then the 
fearless king gave orders to pitch his tents in the 
very place whence Saladin had a little before torn up 
his. 

[Next day (Sunday, Aug. 2), Monday and Tuesday are spent 
in repairing the walls of Joppa. Count Henry came up in a 
galley, having left the main body of his troops at Caesarea.] 

Thus, when, with God's aid, the Turkish army 
was driven back by our little host, Saladin called up 
his noblest emirs and complained to them thus : 
**Who is it, pray, that works us this disturbance .'^ 
Has the whole armv of the Christians returned 



MR CAMPS OtfTSlDM TUM TOtvM. 293 

from Acre to conquer and destroy our people thus." 
. . . To him certain men of perverse mind who 
had knowledge of our condition made answer. " O 
Lord, it is not as you imagine. They have no 
horses nor beasts of any kind saving only three 
horses which that marvellous king of theirs found in 
Joppa. And he in person can, I think, be easily 
captured, because worn out with fatigue, he is now 
lying down in his tent almost unattended. Could 
he be seized the end of all our labours would be 
attained." Then there went forth among the Turkish 
army this speech — that it was an eternal disgrace for 
so great an army and so many thousand warriors to 
have been routed by so small a band. 

26 July— Aug. 1.— The Saracen accotint of the siege 

of Jaffa. 

Bohddiny 323, etc. 

[Meanwhile Al Malec Ad-Daher, Saladin*s favourite son, the 
lord of Aleppo, had come up to help his father, July 17 ; Al 
Adil returned from beyond the Euphrates six days later.] 

The Sultan, learning that the Franks were moving 
on Beyrout, left Jerusalem on i oth Rajab for Gibeon.* 

On Sunday, 25 July,t the Sultan set out for Ramlah 
and halted on the hills between this town and Lydda 
a little before noon. ... On the morrow, very 
early, he mounted his horse and set out for Yaziir J 

♦ Al Jib (2,530 feet above the level of the sea) lies about 5 
miles N. W. of Jerusalem. It is about 23 miles from Ramleh 
and Ludd. 

t 13 Rajab, i.e. 25 July, which, however, was really a Saturday. 

X i.e. Yazur in the plain country about Jaflfa, from which town 

it lies about 3} miles S.E. It is about 7 miles from Ludd and 

8 from Ramleh. 

20 



294 SARACEN ACCOUNT OF THE SIEGE. 

and Beit-Jibrin {sic) with a light escort. After examin- 
ing the town of Jaffa, from this height he returned to 
the place where he had halted [near Ramleh], Then 
at a conference with his counsellors he decided, 
with their unanimous consent, to lay siege to Jaffa. 
On Tuesday morning, 15 Rajab,* . . a little 
before noon, the Sultan camped before the walls of 
this town. His army was arranged in three divisions. 
Of these the right and left wings rested on the sea. 
. . . The Sultan was in the centre. Al Malec 
ad Daher commanded the right ; Al Malec al Adil 
the left. The remaining troops were placed between 
the two wings. On the 1 6th the attack commenced. 
. . . The Sultan drew up his troops and had his 
mangonels set up before the weakest part of the 
ramparts near the Eastern gate ; then he sent 
forward his miners to begin their work upon the 
wall. . . Their excavations were to extend from 
the part north of the Eastern gate as far as the 
flanked angle that covered the curtain.f This part 
of the wall had been already destroyed by the 
Musulmans at the first siege, but the Franks had 
restored it. . . . On Rajab 16 the Musulmans, 
seeing envoys coming and going, lost the ardour that 
had animated them, and began to fight faintly, giving 
themselves up to laziness as their way is. But then 
the miners, who had just finished their excavations, 
began to fill them up [with combustible matter] by 

♦ i.e. 27 July, which was a Monday. 

t In fortification a curtain is the stretch of wall between two 
bastions. 



A BREACH IN THE WALL, l^S 

order of the Sultan. Then the mines were set on 
fire and so half the curtain fell. The enemy, how- 
ever, knowing beforehand what place would be fired, 
had piled up behind this point a great heap of wood, 
to which, on the fall of the curtain, they set fire, thus 
making it impossible to enter by the breach. 

[On Friday the i8th the curtain was attacked vigorously, 
Saladin himself taldng part in the onset.] 

Scarcely had the second hour of the day come 
when the curtain fell with such a crash that every 
one thought the end of the world had come. There 
was only one cry heard, "The curtain has fallen." 
. . . Then a cloud of dust and smoke rose from 
the ramparts that had just fallen. The sky was 
overcast. The sun lost its light, and none of the 
besiegers dared enter the breach and breast the fire. 
But when the cloud, as it cleared away, let us see the 
rampart of halberds and lances that now took the 
place of what had fallen, closing up the breach 
so well that not even the eye could pierce it — then 
indeed it was a terrible sight to note the courage, 
the fearless aspect, and the cool precise movements 
of the enemy. . . I myself saw two men standing 
on the ruins and repelling all who attempted to clear 
the breach. One of them a stone from a mangonel 
hurled back within the enclosure, whereupon his 
comrade at once took his place, thus exposing him- 
self to the same fate which overtook him in the 
twinkling of an eye. 

[The besieged then sent to Saladin offering terms: they would 
exchange knight against knight, Turcople against Turcople, &c.] 



296 TBS TOWN IS TAKEN 

The envo3rs perceiving the ardour of the fight, 

which raged more hotly than a strong flame» prayed 
the Sultan to stay the combat while they returned to 
their place. To this he made answer, '' I cannot 
prevent the Mussulmans from continuing; go/ find 
your own folk as best you can and bid them withdraw 
into the citadel, leaving the town to the Mussulmans; 
for nothing will now prevent them forcing their way 
in." . . Our men, entering the town . . found 
a great booty : cloths and grain in abundance . . • 
and even the remains of the spoils taken from the 
Egyptian caravan. The treaty of peace was accepted 
on the Sultan's terms. 

On the afternoon of Friday, ever a day of good 
omen, the Sultan received a letter . . . from Acre 
. . . announcing that the news of the siege of Jaffa 
had made the king of England abandon his design of 
going against Beyrut, and determined him to bring 
succour to the besieged town. On hearing this the 
Sultan determined to bring the business to a con- 
clusion as soon as possible by making the enemy, 
who had now no hope, deliver up the citadel, whose 
fall appeared imminent. . . 

Now I was one of those who insisted on the 
necessity of making the enemy come out of the 
citadel so that we might occupy it before the gar- 
rison received reinforcements. Such also was the 
Sultan's desire, but his troops, overpowered by 
wounds, heat, and fatigue, . . were incapable of 
stirring and little inclined to obey him. He did not 
cease to urge them on till a late hour of the night. 



BUT NOT THE CITADEL. 297 

when, recognising that they were quite worn out, he 
mounted his horse and went off to his own tent near 
the baggage. His attendants rejoined him, and I 
went off to rest in my own tent ; but I could not 
sleep because of my apprehensions. 

At daybreak [Saturday] we heard trumpets sounding 
from the side of the Franks, and learnt that their 
succours were coming up. The Sultan then sent for 
me and said : 

** Beyond a doubt reinforcements have arrived by 
sea, but there are enough Mussulman troops along 
the bank to stop their disembarking. Go and find 
Al Malec Ad Daher* and bid him post himself outside 
the south gate ; you will have to enter the citadel 
and make the Franks come out ; you will take pos- 
session of all the wealth and arms you find there, 
and make an inventory with your own hand." . . 
Accordingly I set out and reached Ad Daher's quar- 
ters ; he was with the advanced guard on a hill near 
the sea, and was sleeping in his coat of mail and his 
cazaghand] — all ready for the combat. May God 
recompense these warriors who toil for Islam ! 
Wakened by me, he got up, though still half asleep, 
mounted his horse and, while going to the place the 
Sultan bade him, heard me explain my mission. 

I then went with my followers into Jaffa and, on 
reaching the citadel, ordered the Franks to come out. 
They answered they were going to obey, and began 
their preparations for leaving. 

* Saladin's son from Aleppo, 
t Explained as tela multiplici insuta lorica. See Note D. 



298 BOHADIN SEES THE APPROACHING FLEET 

Saturday, Aug. 1, 1192.— Bicliard relieves Jaffii. 

BoMdin^ 337. 

[It was necessary however for Boh&din to expel the Mussulman 
soldiers from the town if he would prevent the Franks from 
being massacred as they came out of the citadel. This process 
occupied time, and Bohadin began to fear the reinforcements 
would come up. So] 

Coming to the citadel gate, near where Ad-Daher 
was, we made forty more men issue with their 
horses and women. These we sent off; but those 
who were still inside the fortress . . . conceived 
the notion of resisting us. Those who were already 
outside had been under the impression that the ships, 
just come up, were very few and would be unable to 
help them ; they did not know that the king of Eng- 
land was there with all his people. . . But, when 
the fleet drew nearer and they could count thirty-five 
vessels, those who were still in the citadel took 
courage and gave evident tokens of intending to 
recommence hostilities. 

Seeing things take this turn I descended from the 
elevation I stood on and went off to warn Jordic, 
who was with his troops below, that the besieged 
had changed their mind. A few moments later I 
was outside the town and with Al Malcc Ad Daher ; 
the besieged had just got on their horses, made a 
sally from the citadel and, charging our men in a 
body, had driven them from the town. . 

The Sultan, to whom his son Al -Nlalec Ad-Daher 
sent m(^ off with the news, bade his herald call to 
arms. . . Our soldiers, running up from all parts, 



OF RICHARD OUT AT SEA, 299 

entered the town, driving the enemy back into the 
citadel. These last, finding the disembarkation of 
their allies delayed, and deeming death inevitable, 
were in such fear that they charged their metropolitan 
and their chaplain — a man of enormous stature — to 
carry their excuses to the Sultan and beg for peace 
on the same conditions as before. . . This delay 
in disembarking was due to the look of the town ; for 
[the new comers] saw the Mussulman banners flying 
everywhere, and feared that the citadel was already 
taken. The noise of the waves, the shoutings of the 
combatants, and the cries of " There is no God but 
one, God is great,^^ prevented those in the fleet from 
hearing the calls of their co-religionists. . . This 
fleet was composed of over fifty vessels, fifteen of 
them being swift galleys, including the king's. . . 
Then one of the besieged, recommending himself 
to the Messiah, leapt from the height of the fortress 
into the harbour. He reached ground without harm, 
as there was sand beneath. Then running towards 
the edge of the sea he got into a galley that came up 
to take him in. He was then carried to the king's 
galley and explained to him how things really stood. 
Thereupon the king, on hearing that the citadel still 
held out, made quickly for the shore, and his galley, 
which was painted red . . and had a red bridge, 
from which there floated a red banner, was the 
first to disembark. In less than an hour the 
other galleys had all done the same — everything 
taking place under my eyes. The enemy then charged 
the Mussulmans, scattered them, and drove them out 
of the harbour. 



300 HE CARRIES THE NEWS TO SALADIN. 

Now, as I was on horseback, I galloped off to 
carry the news to the Sultan, whom I found with the 
two envoys before him. He actually had in his hand 
the pen with which to write the letter of grace [they 
were asking for]. I whispered in his ear what had 
happened, while he, without writing, began talking 
to them, so as to distract their attention. Some 
moments after, seeing his Musulmans arrive, fleeing 
before the enemy, he called his troops to horse, had 
the envoys seized, and gave orders to carry off the 
baggage and the merchant booths to Yazur. 

The king of England came up to the place occupied 
by the Sultan during the siege . . . [where] 
some of our Mamelooks came to visit him and had 
several talks with him. The Chamberlain Abu Bekr 
then received an invitation to the king's quarters, 
where he found .... several Mamelooks of 
high rank, whom the king treated with extreme 
affability and who often gathered round him. . . . 
All these people were collected in his presence and 
were listening to him as he chatted with them in 
tones sometimes serious and sometimes jesting. 

** This Sultan," he said, among other things, " is 
truly a wonderful man. Islam has never had on this 
earth a sovereign greater or more powerful than he. 
How then is it that my mere arrival has frightened 
him away. By God ! I am not come here with my 
armour on and with the intention of fighting ; see I 
am wearing only ship-shoes instead of proper boots. 
Why then have you gone off ? " 



THE NEGOTIA TIONS RESUMED, 30 1 

Then he went on : "By the great God, I thought 
he would fail to take Jaffa in two months, and there 
he has taken it in two days ! " Then, turning to 
Abu Bekr, he said, ** Salute the Sultan on my part 
and tell him that I beg him in God's name to grant 
me the peace I ask for. It is absolutely necessary to 
put an end to all this ; my country beyond the sea is 
in a very bad state. It advantages neither myself 
nor you that things should continue in this state." 
Then the envoys left him and Abu Bekr presented 
himself before the Sultan to tell him what the king 
had said. This took place on Saturday evening, 
1 9 Rajab.* 

The Sultan, with the advice of his council, replied 
as follows : ** You began by demanding peace on 
certain conditions, and then the negotiations hinged 
on Jaffa and Ascalon. Now, seeing that Jaffa is in 
ruins, be content with all that lies between Tyre 
and Caesarea." 

Abu Bekr carried this letter to the king and 
returned with a Frank envoy : ** The king replied 
as follows. It is the rule among the Franks that 
when a man gives a town to another the latter 
becomes the supporter and servant of the giver. 
Now, if you give me these two towns, Jaffa and 
Ascalon, whatever troops I shall place there will 
be always at your disposition, and if you have need 
of me I will hasten to your side and put myself 

* Bohidin's days of the month or of the week are wrong 
throughout this narrative of the siege of Jaffa. Saturday was 
Aug. I. 



302 SALADIN REFUSES TO LEAVE ASCALON 



\ 



under your orders. And you know with what exacti- 
tude I fulfil my duties." 

[Saladin then proposed to give Richard Jaffa and to keep 
Ascalon for himself. Envoys still passed to and fro, and on 
Sunday, Aug. 2, a Frank ambassador came with the king's 
thanks for the cession of Jaffa, but with renewed petitions for 
Ascalon.] 

This envoy was by the Sultan's order received with 
great honour. . . He added that if peace was 
concluded in six days the king, having no reason for 
spending the winter in Syria, would return to his own 
land. The Sultan answered on the spot as follows : 

"It is absolutely impossible for us to give up 
Ascalon, and the king will in any case have to pass 
the winter here. He has got possession of all these 
towns, and he knows well that, if he goes away, they 
cannot help falling into our power — a thing that, 
please God, will happen even if he should stay here, 
as stay he must. If it seems an easy thing to him to 
pass a winter here — away from his family and a two 
months' journey from his own land — an easy thing, I 
say, to him at a time when he is still in the vigour of* 
youth, at an age when men delight in pleasures; 
how much easier will it be for me to pass not only 
the winter but the summer here. I am in the centre 
of my own countr}\ I have my family and my 
children round mc, and I can get all I wish. More- 
over I am now an old man and have lost taste for 
the ])leasures of this world. I have had my fill of 

* There was really a difTerence of about seventeen years 
between the aj^es of Saladin and Richard : the former at this 
time being about fifty-two, the latter about thirty-five. 



IN RICHARD'S HANDS. 303 

them in times past ; now I have renounced them. 
The troops that I have by me in winter are replaced 
by others in summer. Lastly, I believe myself to be 
accomplishing the highest act of devotion in acting 
as I do. I shall not cease to pursue the same line of 
conduct till God grants a decisive victory to whom he 
wills." 

5 August, 1192. — King Richard attacked by the 

Turks. 

Itin.y Ric. vi., c. 18. 

On the morrow, which was a Sunday,* the king 
anxiously saw to the reparation of the walls ; so too 
on the Monday and Tuesday till the inhabitants had 
some kind of a fortification, and the breaches were 
mended, though without cement or lime. But there 
was still an innumerable host of Turks threatening 
in the neighbourhood. Meanwhile a certain evil 
race of Saracens, called the Menelones [Memlooksjf 

* i.e., Aug. 2. 

t The Mamlooks, or regular troops, belonging to the Sultan, 
and trained up to war from childhood. The English or French 
writer is mistaken in thinking the word is confined to any one 
race. Cf. William of Tyre^ xxi. c. 23, in his account of the 
battle of Ramleh (Oct., 1177) : — 

** Moreover, of these chosen warriors there were a thousand 
clad with yellow garments over their chain-mail. This was 
Saladin's colour and to them was specially assigned the ward of 
his body. For the satraps and chiefs of the Turks, whom in 
the Arabic tongue they call emirs, are wont to nurture up youths, 
whether bom of their handmaidens, bought of the strangers, or 
taken in battle. These they diUgently instruct in all that 
pertains to military discipline ; and when grown up give them 



304 THE MORNING SURPRISE 

of Aleppo and theCordini,(Curds ?) met in conference. 
They deemed it a deep reproach to have deserted 
Joppa before so small a band — and one that had 
no horses too ; wherefore they felt convicted of 
cowardice and sloth, and bound themselves arro- 
gantly with an oath to seize Richard in his tent and 
deliver him to Saladin, from whom they would 
receive a large reward. Meanwhile count Henry 
came in a galley from Caesarea, where the rest of 
our army was unwillingly detained by reason of the 
Turkish ambushes. Out of his whole host the king, 
in that moment of emergency, was not able to muster 
more that fifty-five knights and a stout body of foot 
soldiers, balisiarii, sergeants, Genoese, Pisans and 
others — some two thousand all told. Of horses, 
though he gathered them in from all sides, he had 
but 15, good and bad. 

Meanwhile the enemies were making preparations 
for seizing the king while unarmed and off his guard. 
At midnight the aforesaid Menelones and Cordini 
set out by bright moonlight, taking coupsel on the 
way as regards the best mode of action. O hateful 
march of perfidious men ! Enemies are deliberately 
plotting the seizure of Christ's duteous knight while 
he lies sleeping. Many armed men are rushing 

pensions and large possessions proportioned to their desserts. 
Moreover, in the dubious issue of battle, these troops have the 
care of their lord's person and on them he rests, in no small 
degiee, his hope of gaining the victory. Such men, in their own 
tongue, do they call Mamelucy 

The Cordini are probably Kurds — a race to which Saladin 
belonged by origin. 



ON RICHARD'S CAMP NEAR yAFFA 305 

down to seize one unarmed man as he lies suspecting 
no evil. They were already not very far from the 
king's tent — when lo, God, who neglects not 
those who stay their hopes on him, sent a spirit of 
contention among these Cordini and Menelones. The 
Cordini said, ** You Menelones will have to go on foot 
to seize the king and his people, while we keep 
watch on horseback to cut off their flight towards 
the camp." But the Menelones made answer, ** It is 
rather your business to go on foot, for we are nobler 
than you. We are content with that kind of warfare 
that rightly belongs to us. This foot service is your 
concern." 

Whilst they were thus obstinately contending 
which should be the greater, there was a delay in 
their march, and, when at last they had agreed 
to accomplish this piece of treachery together, as 
they were rushing forward headlong the first glimmer 
of dawn appeared, that is of the morning of Wednes- 
day* after the feast of St, Peter ad Vincula, 

But God, taking caie lest the unbelieving should 
surprise His own champion while asleep, inclined the 
mind of a certain Genoese to go forth into the neigh- 
bouring plains at dawn. As he was returning he heard 
with astonishment the neighing of horses and the 
tramp of men, and saw the gleam of helmets against 
the distant sky. Thereupon, hastening back to the 
camp, he called out with a loud voice time after 
time, that the whole host should take up arms at 
once. The king, on hearing this hubbub, leapt up 

* t.^., Aug. 5th. 



306 FOILED BY A WAKEFUL GBNOBSB. 

from his bed in alarm, put on his impenetrable 
mail-coat, and bade wake his comrades. 

Lord God of strength ! who is there that so sudden 
a clamour would not have affected to some degree 
at least: while enemies are rushing on men who 
are unprepared, armed men on those unarmed, in- 
numerable warriors on very few, and these few unable 
to put on their clothes or armour owing to lack 
of time ? For these reasons the king and many 
others went forth to fight with unprotected eyes ; 
some even without breeches, and, lightly armed with 
whatever they could snatch up, hurried forth — ready, 
if need were, to continue fighting, maybe with 
unprotected thighs, the whole day long. And, 
while our men were thus anxiously preparing, 
the Turks came up. The king mounted his horse, 
and when on the point of setting forth had only 
ten horsemen with him, whose names follow : 
Count Henry, the earl of Leicester, Bartholomew 
de Mortimer, Ralph de Malo-Leone, Andrew de 
Chavigny, Gerard de Furnival, Roger de Sacy, 
William de Stagno, Hugh de Neuville, a most valiant 
sergeant, and Henry the German, who was the 
king's standard bearer. These alone had horses ; 
and even of these, some were mean, weak, and unused 
to arms. 

Now was the battle warily drawn up in lines 
and squadrons, over each of which was set a prefect 
to preserve discipline. The knights were set nearest 
the sea on the left not far from St. Nicholas' church, 
since in that direction the Turks were coming up in 



RICHARD'S TACTICS. 307 

the greatest numbers. ... To receive their 
fierce charge our men posted themselves as best they 
could, placing the right knee on the ground so as to 
get a firmer hold, and keeping the left knee bent. 
Their left hands held their shields before them ; 
their right hands grasped a lance whose head was 
fastened in the ground, whilst its iron point was 
presented towards the enemy as he rushed on with 
deadly vigour. The king, like the skilful tactician 
he was, put a crossbow-man between every two 
of these shield men ; another crossbow-man was set 
close by the first so as to keep the bow in quick work 
— ^it being the duty of one man to stretch the bow 
and of the other to keep discharging it. This 
arrangement was of no small advantage to our men, 
and did not a little harm to the enemy. . . . 
The king, running hither and thither, encouraged his 
men to be brave, and reproached those whose 
courage was failing through fear. " There is no 
chance of flight," he said ; "and, since the enemy have 
already seized on every place, to attempt it would be • 
to court death. Hold out then stubbornly, for it is 
the duty of men to triumph bravely or to die 
gloriously. Even if martyrdom threatens we ought 
to receive it with a thankful mind. But, before we 
die, while life remains, let us take vengeance yielding 
God thanks for granting us the martyr's death we 
have longed for. This is the true reward of our 
toils — the end at once of life and battles." 

Scarcely had he finished his speech, when lo I 
the hostile army rushed upon us headlong in seven 



3o8 THE BANNER OP THE BLAZONED LION. 

divisions, of a thousand horsemen each 

Lo ! the king, looking back afar, saw that the noble 

earl of Leicester . had been unhorsed. Whereupon 

the unconquered king rescued him, as he was fighting 

manfully, from the hands of his assailants and helped 

him to remount his horse. Oh ! how fiercely did 

the battle now rage ! while the Turks rush on towards 

the royal banner with its blazoned lion, more eager 

to slay the king than a thousand other warriors. 

Then in the stress of this conflict the king saw Ralph 

de Malo-Leone being carried off captive by the Turks: 

upon which, flying at full speed to his rescue, he 

compelled the Turks to let him go On 

that day might you have seen the king sla3dng 

innumerable Turks with his gleaming sword: here 

cleaving a man from the crown of his head to his 

teeth, there cutting off a head, an arm, or some 

other member. Indeed, so energetically did he 

exercise himself that the skin of his right hand was 

broken owing to the vigour with which he wielded 

his sword. 

And lo ! while the king was toiling with such 

incredible valour there came swiftly up to him a 

certain Turk upon a foaming steed. He had been 

sent by Saphadin de Archadia, Saladin's brother,* 

* Ernoul tells this story somewhat differently. According to 
him, Saladin heard that Richard was within the tower of Jaffa 
and had no horse. Thinking this a disgrace to such a king, he 
sent one of his sergeants, with a charger for Richard's service. 
Richard, mistrusting the gift, thanked the messenger, but would 
not mount before assuring himself that there was no guile in the 
matter. Accordingly he made one of his own sergeants mount. 



AL-ADIVS CHIVALRY. 309 

a man of a most generous character and worthy 
to be compared with the very best of our men, were 
it not that he was an unbeliever. Now this Saphadin 
sent two splendid Arabian steeds to the king as 
a token of his admiration for his valour. These 
steeds he earnestly prayed the king to accept and 
mount; for at that time he seemed to need them 
sorely. If (ran Saphadin's message) by divine grace 
the king should issue from this awful peril in safety 
he might bear this service in mind and recompense 
it as seemed best. These horses the king accepted 
and afterwards made a most splendid return for them. 
O virtue rare and praiseworthy though in an enemy ! 
Thus a Turk and an enemy thought fit to honour 
the king because of his valour ; and the king, not 
refusing the gift, declared that in so urgent a moment 
he would accept many such horses even from a fiercer 
foe. 

Then the battle was renewed with vigour; in- 
numerable warriors poured down upon our little 
band .... till it could no longer sustain the 
weight of battle ; our galley-men fled away shame- 
fully in the galleys by which they had come ; and, 
being the only ones who secured their own safety by 

This was done, and the spirited steed, refusing to obey the bit, 
carried its rider off to the Saracen camp. *' And right shame- 
fast was Saladin when the horse returned. And he bade get 
ready another and sent it." In the Estoire d^Eradesy as might 
be expected from the somewhat romantic turn it generally gives 
events, it is Saphadin who sends the horse and it is plainly stated 
that it was done with intent to deceive. The story, however, in 
the main is the same as Ernoul's. 

21 



3IO RICHARD CLEARS JAFFA OF THE ENEMY 

running away, they were also the only ones who lost 
the praise due to firm valour. Meanwhile there 
ipse a great cry from where the Turks were now 
seizing the town. For they had begun to enter from 
every side in the hopes of cutting o£f any of our 
party whom they might find there. On hearing this 
the king hurried up at the head of his crossbow-men, 
but with only two knights. In a certain street he met 
three Turkish horsemen most splendidly attired and, 
rushing on like a king, he slew them and thus became 
master of two horses. The other Turks whom he 
found offering resistance in the town he drove off 
with his sword till they were so frightened that they 
scattered, seeking for an exit in vain. Then the 
king ordered the breaches in the walls to be filled up 
and set guards to keep the city from attack. 

Having settled matters in Ascalon, the king 
hurriedly rode down to the galleys near the shore, 
and by the force of his arguments heartened the 
trembling fugitives for battle. At his words they all 
returned to the combat, ready to receive with thank- 
fulness whatever fate God should assign them. So, 
leaving five men to protect each galley, the king 
returned to the field, bringing no slight assistance to 
his struggling little army In the mean- 
while our men, not beholding the king anywhere, 
conjectured with trembling hearts that he, whom 
they could not see, had perished 

But what can we think of the king — one man hedged 
in by many thousand foes : to record his deeds would 
cramp the writer's finger joints and stun the hearer's 



LIKE AN ALEXANDER OR A ROLAND, 3 1 1 

mind. What need* for many words? The strength 
of Antaeus in the story was renewed by contact with 
the earth ; and yet Antaeus perished in the long run. 
The flesh of Achilles, who had been dipt in the 
Stygian waves, is said to have been impenetrable to 
weapons ; but he too died, being smitten in his only vul- 
nerable part. Alexander of Macedon, whose ambition 
prompted him to subdue the whole world, achieved 
great wars it is true, but it was by an innumerable 
band of chosen soldiers. That most valiant of men, 
Judas Macchabeus, of whose doings all people tell, 
after many wonderful exploits, fell when deserted by 
his own followers, fighting with his scanty host 
against many thousand aliens. But king Richard, 
hardened to war from his youngest years, — Richard 
to whom Roland* himself cannot be compared — abode 
unconquerable and unwounded in accordance with 

the divine decree In the fury of his 

wrath his valour rejoiced at having found material on 
which to expend itself. Wherever he turned, the 
sword in his mighty right hand devoured flesh, and 
if he found himself alone the more eagerly did he 

press on to the battle 

Amongst many other illustrious deeds, with one 
blow of wonderful force, he slew a certain emir, 
who surpassed his fellows in height and in the 
splendour of his apparel. This emir, vaunting 
much and reproaching his comrades with their 
cowardice and want of energy, had put spurs to 

♦ For these allusions to the great mcdiajval chansons de Geste 
sec note pp. 6, 137, 283. 



3 1 2 SALADIN MOCKS HIS WARRIORS. 

his horse and galloped up to overthrow the kmg, 
who, receiving him with his sword, cut off his 

head, his shoulder, and his right arm 

The king's body was everywhere set thick with 
javelins, as a hedgehog with bristles^ so too his 
horse was covered with innumerable arrows that istuck 

to its harness Moreover, the number of 

Turkish horses that lay dead all over the plain is said 
to have exceeded 1500; while of the Turks them- 
selves more than 700 perished, and that too without 
their carrying the king oflf as a present to Saladin, 
according to their boast. 

Now, while the Turkish army had drawn off from 
our men, whom the divine mercy had thus preserved 
from harm, Saladin is said to have taunted the 
arrogance of his men by enquiring, *' Where are those 
who are bringing me Melek Richard as my prisoner ? 
Who was the first man to seize him ? Where is he, 
I say, and why is he not brought before me ? " To 
which a certain Turk, who came from the very 
extremities of his empire made answer, " Know, 
king, for a surety that this Melek of whom you 
enquire is not like other men. In all time no such 
soldier has been seen or heard of: no warrior so stout, 
so valiant, and so skilled. In every engagement he is 
first to attack and last in retreat. Truly we tried hard 
to capture him but all in vain ; for no one can bear the 
brunt of his sword unharmed ; his onset is terrible ; 
it is death to encounter him ; his deeds are more 
than human." 

Now from the fatigue of this day and the stench 



RICHARD FALLS ILL A T JAFFA, $ 1 3 

of the bodies which made the air corrupt king Richard 
and our army were much distressed, and fell ill to 
such an extent that they almost all died. 

1192. Aug. — K. Richard's negotiations with Saladin. 

Ittn. vi., c. 26. 

Meanwhile Saladin sent word to the king that he 
was coming to seize him if he dared await his 
approach. To this the king made awswer that he 
would certainly wait for him. . . . But the king, 
considering his own illness and the stress of circum- 
stances, sent count Henry to Caesarea with a request 
that the French there would come to him and help 
to guard the land. He sent word also abont his 
illness and Saladin's message. But the French were 
unwilling to give him even a little help. . . . 
and he would have perished unless he had secured a 
truce, which some of these very French were the 
first to blame him for making. What else could he 
do ? Was his position safe with so few men and 
those few sick, among such swarming hordes of 
Turks ? It was more prudent, at that time, to have 
dismantled Ascalon than to run the risk of an en- 
gagement. For, if the enemy had captured the 
king as he lay sick on his couch, Ascalon would 
have been easily seized, nor would Tyre and Acre 
have long remained in safety. 

Then the king, anxious as to his health, ordered 
his kinsman Henr}-, the Templars, and the Hos- 
pitallers into his presence. To them he made 
known his illness, and declared that he must le^.M^ 



3X4 AND DETERMINES TO MAKE A TRUCE. 

Joppa on account of its weakness and insalubrity. 
Some of these he enjoined to keep a watch over 
Ascalon ; others he bade remain and guard Joppa ; 
he himself would return to Acre that he might be 
cured by medicine, for no other plan was feasible. 
Then, with one heart and one voice, they all gainsaid 
his proposals, declaring that they could not keep 
guard if he were away. So they rejected his pro- 
posals and walked with him no more. Now the 
king's mind was worried by this reply, and the 
estrangement of his own followers caused him the 
bitterest grief. Then after long hesitation. . . . 
seeing that all were deserting him and that no one 
had the slightest care for the common weal he issued 
* proclama;tA5«3L^ collect all who were willing to 
take his pay. Th^iU^pon, without any delay, 2000 
foot soldiers and 50 knftehts came in. But now the 
Jcmg s sickness grew worsej^iid he began to despair 
of all recovery. . . . Soh?*? thought it better to 
ask for a truce than to go away^^^^^^S: the whole 
land to be laid waste as all the o?*^^^^ ^^^ ^^'^^ 
when they went off by crowds in thei/^^ ^^^P^' 

The king then in his perplexity senV' ^ "^^^sage to 

Saladm's brother Saphadin, beggino-V^^i"^ to secure 

the best terms he could. Saphadin'^aV^^^ ^^ ^^^^ 

generosity, deeming the king worthyX''^^ honour, 

procured a truce on the following condiA'^^'''''- ^'^• 

Ascalon, which had always been a standinV"^ ""^""^^^ 

to baladin s power, was to be dismantled ^^'' ^^' ^^ 

to be refortified till three years had eCeSw^ 

Easter next. After three vears A«..i. "f^'^^^^ch 



years Ascalon should 



8-0 



HE RETURNS TO HAIFA AND FORBIDS 315 

to the most powerful party, />., whoever could get it. 
(1). Saladin granted the Christians free and peace- 
able possession of Joppa and its whole neighbour- 
hood, shore and heights. (3). There was to be 
inviolable peace between Christians and Saracens, 
and each side was to have free passage everywhere, 
and right of access to the Holy Sepulchre without 
any payment and with full liberty to carry on com- 
merce over the whole land. . . . 

The king now sent word to Saladin and told him, 
in the hearing of his satraps, that he only asked a 
truce for three years with the intention of going 
back home where he would collect money and 
troops with which to rescue Jerusalem from Saladin's 
sway. To Richard's envoys Saladin made answer 
that his regard for king Richard's valour and 
nobleness of character was so great that he would 
rather lose the land to such a man, if lose it he 
must, than to any other prince he had ever seen. 
. . . . Then when the truce had been reduced 
to writing and confirmed by oaths, the king departed 
to Caiphas,* as best he could, in order that he might 
there be healed of his illness by medicine. 

Meanwhile the French had been enjoying their 
ease at Acre, and getting ready for returning home. 
Yet, for all the bitter fault they found with the truce 
just concluded, they agreed among themselves that 
they ought to complete their pilgrimage by a visit to . 
the Holy Sepulchre before seeking their own land. 
Now the king remembering their slackness (in not 

• Haifa at the foot of Carmd, See Note p. 138. 



3 1 6 THE FRENCH TO VISIT JER USALBM. 

helping to recover Joppa) and his former difficulties, 
sent word to Saladin and his brother Saphadin ask- 
ing them to allow no one to visit the Holy Sepulchre 
without letters from himself and the count Heniy. 
The French were much put about at this, and seeing 
that they would profit little by a longer stay, set out 
for their own land not long after, carrying nothing 
back with them except the memory of the quarrel 
due to their ingratitude. The king on hearing of 
their departure had a proclamation made by herald 
that all who wished it might now visit the Lord's 
Sepulchre and bring back their offerings to help in 
completing the walls of Joppa, instead of leaving 
them there. 

The gluttony of the English Crusaders. 

Rich, of Devizesy 68. 

The king of England had now completed* his 
second year in getting possession of the region round 
Jerusalem, and yet from none of his own lands had 
he received any help. Nor had his one brother, John 
count of Mortain, nor his justices, nor his remaining 
magnates seemed even to think about sending him his 
dues nor about his return. Yet did the Church make 
prayers to God on his behalf without intermission. 
[All this time] in the Land of Promise the king's army 
was daily diminishing. . . * And, since it seemed 

• This of course is an over-statement ; as Richard had only 
been in the Holy Land one year and four months when he de- 
parted. The reckoning in the text is perhaps made from the 
time of his leaving England in the spring of 1190. 



ENGLISH GL UTTONY. 3 1 7 

that all must die, each one had to choose whether he 
would die in peace or in war. On the other hand the 
strength of the pagans grew greatly and their boldness 
waxed with the misfortunes of the Christians, while 
their army was reinforced at regular intervals. More- 
over to them the air was that of th^ir native land, the 
place their fatherland, their labour was health, and 
scanty provision was as medicine. To the Neustrians 
[Normans] however all that was an advantage to the 
enemy was mischievous. If our men were to live 
too sparingly just once in a week they would feel the 
effects of this for the next seven. 

A mixed crowd of French and English used to 
banquet [together] ; and, no matter what the price 
of things, so long as the money lasted they banqueted 
daily with splendour and, saving the respect due to 
the Frenchmen, I may add, nausea. But, for all 
this, they kept up the memorable English custom and 
with due devotion drained their goblets dry, even 
though the trumpets were sounding to horse and the 
drums beating. The country merchants who brought 
food into the camp wondered, even when they had got 
accustomed to it, and could scarcely believe that they 
saw truly when one people, and that few in numbers, 
consumed three times as much bread and a hundred 
times as much wine as what supported many Gentile 
peoples each innumerable. . . Such want followed 
this great gluttony that men's teeth could scarcely 
spare their fingers when their hands offered their jaws 
less to swallow than usual. 



3 1 8 A STOR V OF RICHARD'S ILLNESS 

"Sing Bichard'B illnesa. Ssfadin's love for Mm. 

Rich. a/Devias, 69- 
The king lay very sick on his couch ; the typhus 
continued, and the leeches were whispering about 
the greater semi-tertian fever. They began to 
despair, and from the king's house the [same] wild 
despair spread over the camp. There were few 
amongst many thousands who did not meditate 
flight, and the utmost confusion of ■ dispersion or 
surrender would have folIowed,had not Hubert Walter, 
the bishop of Salisbury, quickly called a council. 
Strong argiraients were brought forward to prevent 
the army from melting away till a truce has been got 
from Saladin. All the armed men [said Hubert] 
must stand in array more closely than their wont and 
a threatening con m h rd 

fear with a lying p f 1 N was to 

speak of the king 11 1 h my h Id 

learn the secret of 1 g rr 

Meanwhile the m d w h k as 

was his wont, a rt g ISlTd Sldn's 
brother, an old so i r} rf d nd 

one whom the ki g m m j nd m ce 

had won over to h d Wh h k g nints 
received him with I gl h 1 nd Id 

not admit him to p h h h m h dr 

" By the interpret p ^ rr w, 

nor am I ignorant of the cause. My friend your 
king is sick, and it is for this reason ye close the 
door against me." Then, bursting into tears, "0 
God of the Christians," he said, " if thou indeed be 



AND AL^ADIVS LOVE FOR HIM, 319 

God, thou canst not suffer such a man and one so 
needful to die so early. . . ." More things he 
wished to say, but his tongue, failing him for grief, 
would not suffer him to speak more, but resting his 
head upon his hands he wept bitterly. 

The duke of Btirguxidy dies. The treastire of the 

French and Germans. 

Rich, of Devizes y 74. 

While Richard lay sick at Jaffa it was announced 
to him that the duke of Burgundy was grievously ill 
at Acre. That was the critical day of the king's 
[illness], and his fever was driven off through his 
delight at this news. Then straightway raising his 
hands the king prayed, saying : ** May God destroy 
him because he was unwilling to help me to destroy 
the enemies of our faith, although he had long been 
fighting at my expense." On the third day the duke 
died ; and, when this was known, the bishop of Beau- 
vais with all his men left the king and hastened to 
Acre. . . When he had returned to France my 
lord of Beauvais* secretly whispered in the ear of his 
king that the king of England had despatched two 
assassins into France to slay him. Troubled at this 
news the king, contrary to the custom of the land, 
set choice guards to keep his body safe ; moreover 
he sent envoys with gifts to the emperor of Almain 
[Germany], and anxiously inclined the imperial mind 
against the king of England. Accordingly it was 

♦ For Philip, bishop of Beauvais, see Note p. 156. A few 
years later he was Richard's prisoner. 



320 KING RICHARD'S ENEMIES. 

enjoined by imperial edict that all cities and all 
chiefs of the empire should receive the king of Eng- 
land with arms if he should come to their lands on 
his return from Judea and present him [to the em- 
peror] live or dead. . . All obeyed the emperor's 
bidding ; and most carefully of all that duke of 
Austria whom the king of England had put to shame 
at Acre. 

6 Aug. — 2 Sept. 1192.— The Sultan's move upon 

Richard's camp at Jaffa failing, peace is made 

at last. 

Bohddin, 357, etc. 

At the beginning of the night he [Saladin] set out, 
preceded by some Arabs who served as guides, and, 
journeying till morning, arrived in the neighbourhood 
of [Richard's] camp. On learning that it consisted 
of only about a dozen tents he conceived the idea of 
seizing it, and made a vigorous charge against the 
enemy. But the Franks displayed such resolution in 
the presence of death that our troops . . had to 
retreat. . . I was not present in this business, 
thanks to God ! But I have heard from a man who 
was that the enemy had only seventeen horsemen 
according to the largest calculation and only nine 
according to the smallest. Their foot soldiers did 
not reach a thousand ; others say only three hundred, 
while others again give a higher figure. 

[Between Aug. 7 and Aug. 22 troops come up from Mosul, 
from Eg}'pt, and finally Taki-ad-din's son, El Mansur, so lately a 
rebel. On Saturday, Aug. 7, Richard's envoy went back to 
Jaffa ; for the negotiations were still continuing at this last date. 
Then about Tuesday, Aug. 25 :] 



SALADIN'S COURTESY TO RICHARD. 321 

The Sultan, seeing all his troops assembled, and 
calling his counsellors together, spoke as follows : 
** The king of England is very ill, and it is certain 
that the Franks are on the point of embarking for 
their own country. . . Here we have the enemy 
overpowered by God*s might. My opinion is that we 
should surprise Jaffa if possible ; or else we might 
make a night march and fling ourselves against 
Ascalon." . . During [all] this time the king 
did not cease to send messengers to the Sultan to 
procure fruit and snow, for during the whole course 
of his illness he had a great longing for pears and 
peaches. The Sultan never failed to supply them ; 
for he hoped, thanks to these frequent messengers, 
to get the information he needed. And indeed he 
thus learnt that there were at the most only three 
hundred knights in the town, or according to another 
reckoning only two hundred ; he also learnt that 
count Henry was busily engaged in trying to persuade 
the French to remain with the king; while they, with 
one mind, were resolved to cross the sea. He was 
also told that the enemy was neglecting to repair the 
walls of the town and spending its energy solely on 
putting those of the citadel in good order. . . . 
Having had his information confirmed in this manner, 
on Thursday morning {i.e. Aug. 27) the Sultan ad- 
vanced towards Ramleh, where he pitched his camp 
towards noon. The body of troops that had been 
charged to make incursions [into the enemy's terri- 
tory] then sent him the following message : 

" We have advanced towards Jaffa. The enemy 



322 THB TEBMS OF TSB TREATY 

only sent about a hundred knights against us, aad 
of these the greater part were only mounted cm 
mules." ... 

Soon after the chamberlain Abu Bekr arrived 
[from Richard, who had just sent for him]. A 
messenger accompanied him, bearing the- king's 
thanks to the Sultan for the snow and fruits 

[Richard now begs Al Malec Al Adil to get the Sultan to 
leave him Ascalon, which he only wants to keep up his reputatioii 
before the Franks. Or at least let the Sultan pay ior the 
expenses incurred in fortifying Ascalon. Saladin tells his 
brother he is wearied of the war, and will conclude peace if 
only Ascalon is renounced, 28 Aug. There were still, however, 
disputes as to how far Richard had disowned his previous datms, 
and late on Sunday, 31 Aug. (sic), he sent word to say that he 
had never specifically abandoned his demand for compensatioiL] 

" But," said the king, " if I have I will not revoke 
my word. Tell the Sultan on my part that it is well ; 
I accept the treaty, throwing myself on his gene- 
rosity and acknowledging that if he does anything 
further in my favour it will be sheer kindness on his 
part." 

[Saladin's] ambassador returned after the last 
prayer of Monday, and a convention was drawn up 
according to which peace was made for three years 
from the date of the document, that is from Wednes- 
day, 2 Sept., 1 192. Ramleh and Lydda were to be 
left to the Franks. . . . The Sultan judged it 
best to make peace because his troops had suffered 
so much, and because their means were exhausted. 
He knew also how eager they were to return home, 



CONFIRMED BY THE KING. 323 

and he did not forget the ill-will they had shewn 
before Jaffa in refusing to obey his order for an 
attack. . . . One of the articles of the treaty 
provided for the destruction of Ascalon, in the over- 
throw of which city the enemy's troops were to assist 
ours. For they feared that if we received the city in a 
good state we should not destroy it. . . . [But] 
we feared th'at this conference, like preceding ones, 
was but another of the king's ordinary stratagems 
to gain time. . . . 

When Al Adil [Saladin's envoy] reached Jaffa, 
they made him enter a tent outside the town. The 
king was informed of his arrival, and, ill as he was, 
had him brought in along with the other members 
of the embassy, and on receiving the leaf on which 
the treaty was written said : ** I haven't strength to 
apprehend its meaning ; but I declare that I make 
peace and confirm it by giving you my hand." The 
envoys then met count Henry, the son of Barezan, 
and the other members of the council, and explained 
to them the substance of the treaty. When all its 
terms had been accepted, even to the division of 
Ramleh and Lydda, it was determined to confirm it 
by oath on Wednesday morning.* The Franks said 
they could not do this at once because they had 
eaten, and it was their custom to take oaths fasting. 

Accordingly on Wednesday, Sept. 2, the members 
of the embassy were called into the king's presence. 
He gave them his hand, whilst they, on their side, 

♦ i.e.^ Sept. 2. 



324 RSyOlCINO ON SOTMSIBSS. 

bound themselves to him. He excused himself from 
swearing on the plea that sovereigns never did so — 
an excuse which satisfied the Sultan. The bystanders 
then took their oaths between the hands of count 
Henry .... assisted by Balean,* the son of 
Barezan and the lord of Tiberias. The Hospitallenf, 
the Templars, and all the Frankish leaders -gave in 
their adhesion. . . . On the following morning, 
Sept. 3, the king's ambassador was presented to the 
Sultan, and, taking his noble hand, declared that he 
accepted the terms of peace. He and his colleagues 
then demanded that Al Adil, Al Afdal, Ad Daher, 
&c., and all the other chiefs whose territory bordered 
on that of the Franks should take an oath to observe 
this peace ; [and] the Sultan promised to send a 
commissary to these districts to receive the oath. . 

It was truly a day of rejoicing when the peace was 
proclaimed ; and God only knows the boundless joy 
CO which the two people gave themselves up. Yet it 
is well known that the Sultan had not made peace 
entirely of his own accord. As regards this, in one 
of our talks he said to me : ** I fear to make this 
peace, because I know not what will happen to me. 
Should I die, the enemy would renew their strength, 
and they would be quite capable of issuing from the 
territory we have left them to repossess themselves 
of what we have taken from them. You will yet see 
each one of these princes on the height of his own 
stronghold. May I not die so long as the. Musulmans 
are exposed to perish." 

* Balian and Barezan [i.e., Barisan or Balisan) are really the 
same words. For Balian of Ibelin see note p. 223. 



THE ACCOMPLISHED PILGRIMAGE. 325 

Such were his very words ; but he saw that peace 

was advantageous for the moment God 

saw that the peace could not but be favourable to 
us ; for the Sultan died soon after its ratification. 
Had he died during actual warfare Islam would have 
been in great danger. Thus it was, by God's special 
grace and in accordance with Saladin's general good 
fortune, that he was able to conclude the peace 
himself. 

The dread of king Richard. 

Erodes y xxvi. 10. 

Whilst the king of England dwelt at Ascalon and 
Jaffa he ever held himself ready for battle, and was 
so dreaded that the fear of him was in the heart and 
mouths of the Saracens. Insomuch that when their 
children wept they would say to them " Be quiet — 
the king of England is coming ! " And if their 
horses started they would jestingly say ** Is the king 
of England in front of us then ? '* 

1193, Sept.— Under the truce three bodies of 
pilgrims visit Jerusalem safely. 

Itin. Ric. V, 

Before setting out the people was divided into 
three bodies ; and to each body there was given a 
leader: Andrew de Chavigny leading the first and 
Ralph Taissun the second and Hubert bishop of 
Salisbury the third. The first body set out under 
Andrew with the king's letters, but owing to their sins 
they only just missed experiencing the gravest 



22 



3«6 THE SLUGGARD KNIGHTS. 

disasters on the way. For in their journey they 
came to Ramleh plain whence they sent mes* 
sengers to Saladin signifying how they had arrived 
with king Richard's letters and begging a safe 
passage and return. The men appointed to this 
mission were noble and capable ; but their character 
was well nigh ruined by their sloth. Their names 
were William de Rupibus, Gerard de Fumival, and 
Peter de Pratellis. When they reached Toron of the* 
Knights they stayed there so that Saphadin might 
protect their further progress. 

Now, whilst tarrying there, they all slumbered and 
slept till, as sunset drew on, the rest of their com- 
pany, on whose behalf they had been sent forward, 
passed them by. 

Then the main body, proceeding along the road in 
due order, had already crossed the plain and was near- 
ing the hill district when lo, as Andrew de Chavigny 
and his fellows looked back they saw the envoys 
hastening after them. On learning this the host 
halted in the greatest terror and some called out: 
** Lord God be our aid or we perish and are as sheep 
for the slaughter. . . Evening is at hand ; we are 
unarmed and nigh unto death." Then, having sharply 
rebuked the envoys because of their sloth, they once 
more sent them forward with orders to hasten. The 
envoys now reached Jerusalem and found 2,000 
Turks or more dwelling in tents outside the city. 
Having discovered Saphadin they laid their case 
before him and he sharply rebuked their leaders* 

* See note p. 2^1 . 



THE TURKS DESIRE VENGEANCE 327 

folly, saying that they did not value their life at 
a straw if they thus pressed on among their enemies, 
at nightfall, without anyone to lead or protect 
them. While Saphadin and our envoys were thus 
talking together, just at sunset the main body 
of the pilgrims came up unarmed and in disarray. 
The Turks watched them passing by with fierce eyes 
and countenances that witnessed to the anger of their 
thoughts ; and, by reason of this, even the bolder 
men among us would then have preferred to be at 
Tyre or Acre, whence they had started. That night 
the pilgrims spent in the utmost fear near a certain 
mountain not far from Jerusalem. 

On the morrow the Turks came before Saladin, 
praying him on their knees for leave to avenge on 
these Christians the death of all their fathers, 
brothers, sons, and other relatives, who had been 
slain at Acre and elsewhere. To consult on this 
matter Saladin called a council of his chiefs. Mestoc, 
Saphadin, Bedreddin,* and Dordernusf were present 
and decided unanimously to give the Christians free 
passage and return. ** It would," they said to 
Saladin, ** be highly detrimental to our honour if, by 
our duplicity, the treaty between thee and the king of 
England should be broken. For thus would the 

♦ Probably Bedr-ad-Din, Governor of Damascus. 

t Bedr-ad-Din Dolderim was lord of Tell-Bacher (Txirbessel) 
once the great stronghold of the Courtenays west of the 
Euphrates. According to BohSdin he had come to jom Saladin 
with a crowd of Turcomans first of all the emirs soon after the 
fall of Darum. 



328 BUT TBBTR CBIEFS REFUSE IT TMMM. 

word of the Turks, which should be kept with nations 
of every creed, be reckoned worthless^— and rightly 
so." Accordingly Saladin ordered his followers to see 
to the safety of the Christians both as they entered and 
as they left the city. At his own request Saphadin 
was appointed to ensure the full observance of this 
injunction ; and so, thanks to his care, in freedom 
and peace did the pilgrims visit the Lord's sepulchre 
— ^which they had so long desired to see. Whereupon, 
having met with the most generous treatment and 
finished their pilgrimage, they returned gladly to Acre. 
On their return, between Castle Amald and Ramlah, 
they met the second division of the pilgrims under 
Ralph Teissun. Now Saladin, as we have said, had 
set his people to guard the roads when the pilgrims 
began their journey towards Jerusalem ; and so, 
thanks to this, we passed along without let or hin- 
drance, and after crossing the mountains came to 
the Hill of Joy* unharmed. From this spot we could 
see the city of Jerusalem afar off ; wherefore, as is 
the wont of pilgrims, in great delight we fell down 
upon our knees and rendered humble thanks to God. 
From the same place we also saw the Mount of 
Olives. Then the whole body set forth eagerly; 
but those who had horses hurriedly forestalled the 

* The Mons Gaudii of mediaeval literature, whence pilgrims 
got their first view of Jerusalem. It is generally identified with 
Neby Samwil, from 4 to 5 miles N.W. of Jerusalem. This hill, 
which commands one of the finest views in Palestine, rises over 
z^goo feet above the level of the sea. Jerusalem itself is barely 
2,600 feet. 



AT THE TOMB OF OUR LORD. 329 

Others in their eagerness to kiss the Lord's Tomb. 
Moreover, according to the account of three knights, 
who thus lode ahead of the main body, Saladin 
allowed them to kiss and worship the true Lord's 
Cross which formerly used to go to the war. But 
we footmen in the rear saw what we could, viz,y the 
Lord's Tomb, at which we made our offerings. And, 
finding that the Saracens were in the habit of carrying 
away our gifts, we placed little there, but divided our 
presents among the French and Syrian captives 
whom we saw there in chains, toiling at the tasks 
assigned them. Thence, turning to the right, we 
came to Mount Calvary where our Lord was crucified 
and where the stone was on which His cross 
was fixed in Golgotha. After having kissed this 
place, we came to the church that lies on Mount 
Zion, towards the left of which is the spot whence 
Mary the blessed Mother of God left this world for 
the Father. After gazing our fill here with tear- 
filled eyes we hastily ran on to see the holy table 
where Christ condescended to eat bread and, after 
just kissing it, we departed all together without any 
delay. For it was not safe to walk about except in 
bands because of the snares set by that profane race. 
Indeed, if the pilgrims wandered about by threes or 
fours the Turks drew them off* secretly to the entrances 
of the crypts and there strangled them. Next we 
hastened to the sepulchre of the blessed Mother of 
God in the middle of the valley of Jehosaphat, near 
Siloe, and kissed it with devotion and a contrite 
heart. Then, in some peril, we entered the m^v^ 



J JO THE BISHOP AND THE SULTAN. 

chamber in which our Lord and Redeemer is said to 
have been, kept on the night preceding his crucifixion. 
After gazing here with tearful eyes, we departed in 
haste, grieving no little at the way in which the 
Turks, who drove us off, had profaned those sacred 
sites by stabling their horses there. Then we left 
Jerusalem and came to Acre. 

The third body, led by the bishop of Salisbury, was 
not far off Jerusalem when Saladin sent out a com- 
pany to meet the bishop and conduct him with due 
honour to the Holy Places. To this bishop, on 
account of his uprightness, his reputation for wisdom 
and his wide renown, Saladin sent, offering him a 
house free of cost. But the bishop refused on the 
ground that he and his company were pilgrims. 
Then Saladin bade his servants shew all kinds of 
courtesy to the bishop and his men. Saladin also 
sent him many gifts of price and even invited him to 
a conference in order to see what kind of a man he 
was in appearance. He had the Holy Cross shown 
him and they sat together a long time in familiar 
conversation. On this occasion Saladin made 
enquiries as to the character and habits of the king 
of England. He also asked what the Christians said 
about his Saracens. To him the bishop made answer, 
" As regards my lord the king, 1 may say that there 
is no knight in the world who can be considered his 
peer in military matters, or his equal in valour and 
generosity. He is distinguished by the full posses- 
sion of every good quality. But why waste words ? 
In my opinion — putting as>\de>jo\\x %\tcs» — if anyone 



IN PRAISE OF BOTH PRINCES. 3 3 1 

could give your noble qualities to king Richard and 
his to you so that each of you might be endowed 
with the faculties of the other then the whole world 
could not furnish two such princes." 

At last Saladin, having heard the bishop, patiently 
broke in : "I know the great valour and the bravery 
of your king well enough ; but, not to speak too 
severely, he often incurs unnecessary danger and is 
too prodigal of his life. Now I, for my part, how- 
ever great a king I might be, would much rather be 
gifted with wealth (so long as it is alongside of 
wisdom and modesty) than with boldness and 
immodesty." Then, after a long interview by means 
of an interpreter, Saladin bade the bishop to 
request any gift he liked and it should be granted 
him. For this offer the bishop gave many thanks, 
begging to have a space of time — till the morrow — 
granted him for deliberation. Then, on the next 
day, he begged that two Latin priests and two Latin 
deacons might be permitted to celebrate divine 
service with the Syrians at the Lord's sepulchre. 
These priests were to be maintained out of the 
offerings of the pilgrims. For, in visiting the Lord's 
Sepulchre, the bishop had found only the services 
half celebrated after the barbarous fashion of the 
Syrians. He made a similar request for Bethlehem 
and Nazareth. This was a great petition to make, 
and, as is believed, one very pleasing to God. When 
the Soldan consented, the bishop, in accordance with 
his request, established priests and deacons in each 
place, thus inaugurating a fitting service to God, 



332 THE RANSOM OF WILLIAM DBS PRBAUX. 

where there had been none before. Then having 
received leave to depart from Jerusalem the party 
returned to Acre. 

1192, Oct. 9.— Bichard leaves the Holy Land axid 

sets sail from Acre. 

Now some people in their foolish talk were wont 
to say that the pilgrims had done very little good in 
the land of Jerusalem because they had not freed the 
city. Such speech, however, was only ignorant 
babble of men without knowledge. But we deem 
ourselves worthy of credence, for we saw and ex- 
perienced all the sufferings and trials of these 
pilgrims. . . . And we know for certainty that at 
the siege of Acre and afterwards in the city itself there 
perished more than 300,000 pilgrims owing to illness 
and famine. Now who can doubt as to the salvation 
of such good and noble men who heard service daily 
from their own chaplains ? 

Meanwhile king Richard^s fleet was being got 
ready ; all things necessary, both arms and stores, 
were being prepared and put in order for the passage 
home. Then the king, out of pure generosity and 
regard for his noble character, set free ten of his 
noblest captive Turks in exchange for William des 
Pr^aux, who had formerly been taken prisoner in 
mistake for him. Now the Turks would gladly have 
paid a large sum of money might they only have 
been allowed to keep William ; but the magnanimity 
of the king disdained to be tarnished by any such 
bargain. 



RICHARD' SPRA YER ON LEA VING PALESTINE. 333 

All things being now ready, the king, when on 
the point of embarking, thought fit to take heed 
that not the slightest matter should be left un- 
attended to, lest his fair fame could be im- 
peached. And so, by herald's voice, he had all 
his creditors called up and paid in full. 

On St. Michael's day* the two queens, Berengaria 
queen of England, king Richard's wife, and Joan, 
formerly queen of Sicily, king Richard's sister, went 
aboard at Acre. On St. Denis's dayf Richard went 
aboard ready to return to England. When the royal 
fleet set sail how many sighs broke out from pious 
hearts, how freely flowed the tears from people's 
eyes } . . . With what bitter lamentations and 
sobs were the voices of the mourners heard crying, 
** O Jerusalem, thou art indeed helpless, now that 
thou art reft of such a champion. If by any chance 
the truce is broken, who will protect thee from thy 
assailants in king Richard's absence .? " Whilst all 
men were reiterating such sad prognostications the 
king, whose health was not yet fully restored, set sail 
with the prayers of everyone. And all night long the 
vessel went on its course by starlight, till, as the 
morning broke, the king, looking back with pious 
eyes upon the land behind him, after long meditation 
broke out into prayer : ** O Holy Land, to God do I 
entrust thee. May He, of his mercy, only grant me 
such space of life that, by his good will, I may bring 
thee aid. For it is my hope and intention to aid 

♦ i.e.y Sept. 29. 
t i,e.y Friday, Oct. 9. 



334 DUKB LEOPOLD OF AUSTRIA 

thee at some fatme time." And, with this prq^CTy he 
urged his sailors to display full sail so that they 
might make a speedier course. 

The caxuies of the Duke of Austria's enmity sgttlnst 

Sichard. 

Ansbert^ ed. Dobrowsky^ 1827. p. 114. 

Now as [king Richard] was tanying on foot near 
Vienna with only two followers, the duke's spies 
found him in a vile plight. And the illustrious duke of 
Austria, seeing that he had many and grievous charges 
against the king, deemed that he had been deli- 
vered into his hands by Divine judgment. Neverthe- 
less he treated him honourably, beyond his deserts, 
and ordered him to be kept in his castle of Tyemstein, 
near the Danube. One strong reason for the duke's 
conduct was that the king had treated him with scorn 
at the siege of Acre ; another that he held captive 
Isaac, prince of Cjrpras, and his wife, both of whom 
were akin to [Leopold] ; another that he suspected 
[Richard] of having slain Conrad, his aunt's son. 

Matt. Paris f ii., 384. 

About this time [c. June 1192] came the Duke of 
Austria to Acre. . . And when his marshals, 
going ahead, had made choice of a resting-place and 
prepared the things that were necessary for him, 
there came up precipitately a certain knight belonging 
to king Richard's train, a Norman by race. Now 
this man, who, after the manner of his tribe, was 
over- brimming with pride, declared that he had a 
better right to this abode \\vaiv ^.xv^ ow^ ^\.%^, For to 



AND HIS BANNER, 335 

him and his comrades he declared it had been 
assigned on their first arrival. And there was much 
quarrelling, till the din of it reached the king's ears. 
Now he, being over- well disposed to the cause of the 
Norman, waxed wroth with the duke's train and for- 
getting the God-like moderation of " I will go down* 
and see," gave a headstrong, unseemly order for the 
duke's banner to be cast into a cesspool. 

And when the duke knew of this and how that he 
had been deprived of his abode and basely insulted 
by Norman jesters, he brought his grievance before 
the king, from whom however he could get no justice. 
Whereupon, being scorned by an earthly king, he 
turned him to the King of Kings and invoked the 
Lord God to whom vengeance belongs. And soon 
after he hastened home being shamed and in con- 
fusion ; and there was no little shame to king Richard 
by reason of this thing later on. 

King Bicliard's Shipwreck and Capture. 

Ralph of Coggeshally 51. 

Whilst the king Richard, after this incredible 

victory, was staying for six weeks at Joppa, a certain 

baleful disease born of the air's corruption settled 

upon him and almost all his men to their great 

damage; for, with the exception of the king, to 

♦ The allusion is of course to the destruction of Sodom and 
Gomorrah ; ** And the Lord said. Because the cry of Sodom 
and Gomorrah is great and because their sin is very grievous, / 
will go down now and see whether they have done altogether 
according to the cry of it which is come unto me." — Genesis 
xviii. 20, 21. 



336 REASONS FOR R/C^TARITS RETURN. 

whom the Lord granted a safe recovery, as many as 
were stricken with the illness died off quickly. Then 
king Richard, seeing that his treasure which he had 
been distributing to his knights with too liberal a 
hand was beginning to fail ; seeing,, too, that the 
army of the French and other strangers whom he 
had hired and kept with him for a year at his own 
expense wished to go home ; seeing that his own 
army was gradually growing less, owing partly to 
engagements with the enemy and partly to the 
baleful sickness, whilst the number of his foes in- 
creased every day, took counsel of the brethren of 
the Temple and the Hospital, as well as of the 
leaders who were with him. He was minded to go 
home at once with the intention of returning with 
greater store of knights and treasure. To this he 
pledged himself with an oath, giving security also. 
And there was an additional reason in the news as to 
how his brother, earl John, whom he had left in 
England, was plotting to subdue that country, and 
had already deposed his chancellor on the pretext 
of tyranny. 

So in the autumn, when his ships were ready and 
his affairs all duly arranged, king Richard, the 
lady, queen Berengaria, his sister Joan, queen of 
Sicily, and his nobles, together with the army, 
crossed the Mediterranean. As they were setting 
off by the just judgment of God there sprung up 
unusual tempests. Some suffered shipwreck, and 
barely got to shore wil\\ X\vfe \o?>'s, ol ^K\ \.\sfc.v: v^ealth 



THE SHIPWRECK OF THE FRENCH 337 

after their ships had been battered to pieces ; but 
a few reached their intended harbour in safety. 
Those who escaped the perils of the sea found 
hostile ranks rise up against them everywhere on 
shore. They were pitilessly taken prisoner, robbed, 
and soon burdened with a heavy ransom. They had 
no place of safety left, just as if land and sea had 
banded together against the fugitives of God. 
Whence it was sufficiently clear that God was wrath 
at their return before completing their pilgrimage. 
For he had intended to magnify them greatly in 
that land, after a short season [of trial], by subduing 
all their enemies and handing over to them the land 
on whose behalf they had undertaken so toilsome 
a pilgrimage. For in the very Lent after their 
departure the enemy of the Christian faith, the 
invader of the land in question, to wit Saladin, 
ended his life by a miserable death. Now had they 
been present at that time they might easily have 
seized the whole land, seeing that the sons and kins- 
men of Saladin began to quarrel among themselves. 
But king Richard, after being tempest -tossed 
with some of his comrades for six weeks (during 
which time sailing towards Barbary, he had come 
within three days of Marseilles), learnt by fre- 
quent reports that the count of St. Giles* and all 

♦ Raymond V., count of Toulouse from 1 1 48-1 194, was the son 
of one crusader Alfonso- Jordan (died 1148 A.D. in Palestine, 
poisoned, as the report went, by his kinswoman Eleanor, then 
queen of France and afterwards queen of England) and grandson 
of another, the famous Raymond, the hero of the conquest of 
Jerusalem and Antioch. Raymond's wife was Constance, the 
sister of Louis Vn., and so he was uncle by laama."^^ \a'^\Sss5^ 
Augustus. 



338 A STORM DRIVES RICmOtD ^ ZMU^ 

the princes through whose lands be was about to pass 
had banded together against him, and were laying 
snares for him everywhere. Accordingly he noade np 
his mind to go home secretly by way of Dutch- 
land [Germany] and, turning his sails, at last reached 
the island of Corfu. There he hired two beaked pirate- 
vessels. For you must know the pirates had dared 
to attack the king's ship but, on being recognised 
by one of the sailors, had entered into a league 
with [Richard]. The king, knowing their bravery 
and boldness, went on board with these pirates, 
taking with him also Baldwin de Betun, master 
Philip, the king's clerk, and Anselm, the chaplain, 
who brought us word of all these things as he 
saw and heard them. 

Certain brothers of the Temple also went with 
him, and they all landed on the coast of Sclavonia 
near a certain town called Gazara,* from which 
place they at once sent a messenger to the near- 
est castle begging a safe conduct from its 
lord, who chanced to be the marquis's nephew. 
Now, on his return, the king had brought three 
precious stones, to wit three rubies, from a certain 
Pisan, to whom he paid 900 besants for them. 
One of these while on board he had set in a 
gold ring, and this ring he sent to the lord of 
the castle by the aforesaid messenger. This mes- 
senger, when asked by the castle-lord for whom 

♦ Zara, on the coast of Dalmatia, which ten years later became 
so famous in the events which, led up to the conquest of Con- 
stantinople. 



''HUGH THE MERCHANT'' AND HIS RING. 339 

he was seeking a safe conduct, made answer that it was 
for pilgrims returning from Jerusalem. Thereupon 
the lord asked for their names, to which the mes- 
senger replied : ** One of them is called Baldwin de 
Betun ; but the other, who has sent you this ring, 
is called Hugh the merchant." Then that lord, 
having regarded the ring for a long while, rejoined : 
" Nay, he is not called Hugh but king Richard," 
adding, " though I have sworn to take prisoner all 
the pilgrims coming from those parts, and to receive 
no gift at their hands, yet by reason of the noble 
gift and the lord who sends it as a gift of honour to 
me whom he does not know, I will return him 
his gift and give him free leave to depart." 

So the messenger, returning, brought back this 
news to the king, who, with his comrades, trembling 
greatly, got their horses ready in the mid of night, 
stealthily quitted the town and, in this fashion, set 
out through the land. For some time they proceeded 
without molestation. But the lord we have spoken 
of before sent out a spy to his brother, bidding him 
seize the king when he reached his territory. When 
the king had entered the city where this lord's 
brother dwelt, the latter called in a very faithful 
follower, Roger de Argenton, a Norman by 
birth. Now, to this man, who had dwelt with him 
for twenty years and married his niece, he gave 
orders to take special note of the houses where 
pilgrims were in the habit of lodging and to see, if by 
any chance, he could discover the king through his 
speech or any other sign. This lord made his 



340 A LOYAL.ifQMU». . 

follower promise of half his city if he cotild intercept 
the king. So this Roger, routing and enqviriiig at 
every inn, at last found the king, who, after long 
attempts at hiding his personality, in the end yielded to 
the earnest prayers and tears of his dutiful questioner 
and confessed what rank he held. Upon this IRoger, 
anxious for his safety, gave him a very g6odly 8ti^&d» 
begging him take to flight secretly and withoiit any 
delay. After this, returning to his own lord, Roger 
said that the talk about the king's coming was an 
idle rumour. [The strangers, he added,] were 
Baldwin de Betun and his comrades, who were on 
their way back from their pilgrimage ; upon which 
the lord, mad with rage, gave orders for all to be 
arrested. 

Meanwhile, the king, leaving the city stealthily, in 
the company of William de Stagno and a certain lad, 
who could speak German, journeyed three days and 
nights without food. Then, being hard pressed by 
hunger, he turned aside to a certain town called Ginana 
[} Vienna], near the Danube in Austria, a place where 
— ^to put the finishing stroke to all his woes — ^the duke 
of Austria was then staying. Thither the king's boy 
came to make a purchase ; and, as he offered more 
besants than he should have done and comported 
himself with overmuch state and pomp, he was seized 
upon by the citizens. On being asked who he was 
he made answer that he was the servant of a very rich 
merchant, who would reach that city in three days. 
Then, being set free, he returned secretly to the 
king's rctvo'dU telling the Viivg viW V\va.\, Ivdd happened 



THE IMPRUDENT PAGE, 34 1 

ging him to flee at once. But the king, after 
eat hardships at sea, was eager to rest a few 
n this city. Now when this lad went [more 
han was safe] to the public market, he chanced 
on the day of St. Thomas the Apostle* 
lently to carry his lord the king's gloves under 
t. The magistrates of the city, learning this, 
the boy a second time and, after many and 
tortures, threatened to cut out his tongue 
he confessed the truth quickly ; till he, con- 
d by torments he could not bear, told them 
ings really stood. Whereupon the magistrates, 
arrying the news to the duke, surrounded the 
retreat and demanded that he should yield 
own accord. 

King Bichard was taken Captive (French 

Account). 

Ckron, d* Emoulf 296. 

:n [king Richard] had made truce with the 
ns he had his ships and his galleys fitted out 
len with provisions and people. Then he put 
rd his wife and his sister and the emperor of 
* wife (the emperor himself had died in prison) 
peror*s daughter, his knights, and his sergeants. 
;ame he to the Master of the Templef and said : 
! know well that all folks do not love me, and 
' well that, if I cross the sea in such a manner 
e recognised, I shall reach no place where I 

♦ i.e.f Dec. 21st, 1192. 
J Master of the Temple, Robert de Sabloil, was, as we 
n above, probably an Englishman. 



34* l^ WUA T GUISE TUB DUKE 

nhall not be liable to death or captivity. Now I pray 
you, for the love of God, that you give rac certain of 
your knights and your serving- brothers to accompany 
me in a galley, and after we have reached lanii to 
conduct me in peace to my own country as though 

The Master said that he would willingly do so. 
Then secretly he got knights and sergeants ready and 
made them go on board a galley ; after which the king, 
taking leave of count Henrj-, the Templars, and the 
men of the land, at even entered the galley wherethe 
Templars wore. He also bade farewell to his wife 
and his own train ; the one party going one way and 
the other another. But the king of England couid 
not do things so secretly as to escape detection ; 
or as to prevent [an enemy] entering the galley with 
him to secure his apprehension. And [this enemy] 
went with him till he landed and further yet. . . - 

\Vhi;n tli:; Templars and the king of lingland haJ 
arrived [at Aquilea] they purchased sufficient con- 
veyances, and mounting them proceeded by way of 
Germany. And he who had got abroad to secure the 
king's apprehension was with them still. And he 
accompanied them till they rested in one of the Duke 
of Austria's castles in Germany. And it chanced 
that the Duke of Austria was then at the castle. 

Now, wlien he who was pursuing the king knew thai 
the Duke was in the castle, he came to him and said: 
" Sir, now is the chance of doing yourself a good turn. 
Thekingof]Cnglandis lodged in this town: take hei'd 
that he dims not escape." The Diikc was greatli 



OF AUSTRIA FOUND THE KING. 343 

delighted at hearing this news, for some folk say that 
the king had done him shame in the army before Acre. 
Accordingly he bade his people close the castle gates ; 
and putting on his own arms made his men don theirs 
and went to the inn where (the king) was resting, 
taking with him the man who had brought the news 
that he might identify the king. 

Now it was told the king of England how they 
were coming to the house to seize him ; and in his 
surprise he knew not what to do. Wherefore he took 
a mean jacket and threw it over his back to disguise 
himself and so entered the kitchen, and sat down to 
turn the capons at the fire. 

Then the Duke's men entered the house and made 
search here and there, but only found the Temple 
folk and those who were attending to the food in the 
kitchen. Then he who had betrayed the king entered 
the kitchen and saw the king turning the capons as we 
have said. Then he went up to him and said to him 
** Master, get up; too long hast thou tarried there 
already." Then he said to the duke's knights, " Sirs, 
behold him here and take him." And they laid 
hands on him and took him and put him in prison. 

4 March, 1193.— The death of Saladin. 

Bohadin^ p. 349. 

[On Wednesday, 4 Nov., 1192, Saladin returned to Damascus. 
On Nov. 24 Al-Adil came up from Crac and for some days the 
two brothers hunted together, Saladin' s two sons, Al Afdal and 
Ad Daher joining in the sport. Bohadincame up from Jerusalem 
on Tuesday, Feb. 16, 1 193, and next' day went to pay his respects 
to the Sultan, whom he found surrounded by a crowd of officials. \ 



344 SALADIN ANiyHIS CmLDRMN. 

Now, when he learned that I was thete, he had 
me in before the others and rose up to meet me. 
Never before had his features expressed such joy at 
seeing me ; and, as he pressed me in his arms, his 
eyes filled with tears. May God have mercy on 
him ! . • . . 

On Thursday he sent for me once more, and I 
found him seated on a bench in the garden with his 
little children round him. He asked if anyone was 
waiting an audience, and, on hearing that there were 
some envoys from the Franks, . . he gave orders 
for them to be brought in. One of his little children, 
[afterwards] the Emir Abu Bekr, for whom he had a 
great affection and whom he used to pet and play with, 
was there also. Now when the child caught sight of 
these folks, with their clean-shaven chins, their close- 
cut hair, and their strange apparel, he was afraid and 
began to cry. On this, the Sultan excused himself 
to the envoys and dismissed them without hearing 
what they had to say ; then, speaking to me in his 
usual kindly way, he said : ** Have you had anything 
to eat to-day ? " adding : " Help yourself to what is 
by you." 

The attendants then brought him milk-rice and 
other light food, of which he partook, but, as it seemed 
to me, without much relish. During the last days 
he had given up receiving people on the plea that it 
caused him pain to move ; and, of a truth, he was 
suffering from fulness and some other ailment, not to 
mention his extreme lassitude. 

When we had done caUw^ W vx'sV.vivi vvwi if I had 



THE LOST CAZAGHAND. 345 

brought any news of the caravan, and I told him how 
I had passed a part of it on the road. " If the roads 
had not been so muddy," I added, "they would have 
been here to-day; but they are sure to come to- 
morrow." He then said that he would go out to 

meet them On this I withdrew, though 

not without noticing that he no longer possessed his 
old elasticity of spirit. 

On Friday morning [Feb. 19] he set out on horse- 
back and I, leaving the baggage, made haste to join 
him just at the time he met the caravan. In the 
caravan there were Sabek-ed-din and Karaja*l- 
Yaruki whom, with his customary respect for old 
men, he received kindly. Al Afdal, who now came 
up, drew me aside to say a few words. I noticed 
that the Sultan was not wearing his cazaghand or 
wadded coat, without which he never rode out. It 
was a splendid sight this day, for the townsfolk had 
crowded out to meet the caravan and to see the 
Sultan. Then I was unable to restrain myself any 
longer, and made haste to rejoin him and tell him 
how he had forgotten his cazaghand. He seemed 
like a man waking from a dream and asked for this 
garment ; but the master of his wardrobe could not 
be found. 

Now this seemed to me a serious thing, and I 
augured ill of it, saying to myself " The Sultan asks 
for a thing he has been in the constant habit of 
wearing, and lo ! they cannot find it." Then, turning 
towards him, I asked if there was no other less 
crowded way into the city. He axi^v^ex^^'C'cv"^'*^^'^^ 



J46 A PLSASURBLSSS 

was, and took a path leading between the gardens 
leading towards Al Moneibe. . . . This was the 
last time he went out on horseback. 

In the evening he felt extremely weak, and a little 
before midnight was seized with a bilions fever. • • 
On Saturday morning ... I entered his room 
along with the Cadi Al Fadel* and his son Al Malec 
al Afdal.. We had a long interview with him, and 
though at first he began to complain of the bad 
night he had passed, he afterwards found a certain 

amount of pleasure in talking to us At 

noon we withdrew, leaving our hearts behind us. He 
bade us go and share the repast at which his son Al 
Afdal was going to preside. . . I made my way 
into the great south hall, where I found the table 
laid out and Al Afdal in his father's place. Unable 
to bear the sight I went off without even taking my 
seat; and several people seeing Al Afdal in his 
father's place shed tears and augured ill. 

[Saladin's phyridan in chief was absent.] 

On the fourth day of his illness the doctors bled 
him, . . . and from that moment his ailment 
grew worse. . . . On the sixth day we set him 
on a seat and put a pillow behind his back. Then 
we gave him a cup of warm water to drink. . . . 

* Rahim Ali Abd ar Rahmun (i 135-1200) was bom at Ascalon. 

After the fall of the Fatimites he entered Saladin's service. 

After this prince's death he retired from public life ; but came 

forward a few years later with advice during the disputes between 

Saladin*s children. His despatches were considered models of 

their kind, A volume oC tViem \s s\S;\. ^xt?.etN^^. 



GRIEF IN DAMASCUS. 347 

This he tasted and found too hot ; upon which they 
gave him another. But this was too cold. Howbeit 
he showed no anger against the slave, merely 
saying, " Great God, is there no one here that can 
warm water properly?" As for the Cadi Al Fadel 
and myself, we went out shedding many tears ; and 
he said to me, ** See what a noble soul the Musul- 
mans are going to lose. By God ! any other man 
would have flung the cup at his servant's head." 

On the ninth day he became extremely weak and 
unable to take his medicine. The whole town was in 
a stir and the trembling merchants had already begun 
to pack up their goods in the bazaars. It is impossible 
to give an idea of the grief that everyone felt. Each 
evening Al Fadel and myself passed the first third of 
the night together [(?) in prayer] and then went to 
the palace gate. If we could enter the sick man's 
room we would look at him for a moment and then 
withdraw. If the door was shut we could only 
gather news. On our return we used to find a crowd 
of folk waiting for us, eager to form some idea of the 
state of the Sultan's health from the expression of 
our features. 

• ••••••# 

On the tenth day (at night) we went to the gate of 
the palace and found Jemal Ad Daula Ikbal there. 
At our request he entered the sick man's room to see 
how he was. Afterwards he sent us word that there 
was still some sign of life in the two legs. For this 
news we thanked God and prayed the prince to ija^^ 



34^ THB SULTAN'S LAST ^WORENS. 

his hdnds over the other parts of thei body' Jutd^see if 
they too presented signs of transpiration^ He 
returned to tell us that they were caveied with 
perspiration, on which we went off with somewhat 
lightened hearts. . i 

Next morningv the 26 of Sa&r, . • .} iwe «eie 
told that the perspiration had been Ho copioiis as lo 
pass over the mattrass and the mats even- to: the 
ground. The dryness of the body, however^ had 
increased so much ... that the physicians had 
lost all hope. 

[Next evening Al Afdal begged Bohftdin and Ids Moid to 
spend the evening by the Sultan's bedside. They, however, 
reused to do so, and a certain sheikh, Aba Jiafer, watched theie 
** in case God should that night call the sick man into his pre- 
sence. This holy man stationed himself between the Sultan and 
the women folk who surrounded the bed, and began to repeat 
the profession of faith and bid him think on God." Bohkdm 
and Al Fadel then went off " ready to give their lives to save the 
Sultan's,'' and Abu Jiafer was left reciting passages fix>m the 
Koran all night at the sick man's bedside.] 

From the ninth day of the fever the Sultan had 
lost his wits, and they only returned at intervals. The 
sheikh told us what follows : As I was reciting the 
Koran I came to this passage : ** He is a God besides 
whom there is no God ; he knows both what is visible 
and what is invisible " ; and I heard him utter these 
words, "It is truth." Thus he had a moment's wake- 
fulness at the most opportune moment — a token of 
God's great favour towards him. 

The Sultan's death took place after the hour of 
ii3or/}jng prayer Wednesday a*] '^^^.i^x^^i^^ ^.,H, With 



THE LEGEND OF HIS DEATH, 349 

dawn the Cadi Al Fadel hastened to the Sultan's house 
where I too had arrived ; but the Sultan's soul had 
already appeared before the kindly justice of God. 
I have been told that at the moment when the sheikh 
Abu Jiafer had finished saying the words : ** There 
is no other God than He ; in Him have I set my con- 
fidence " the sick man smiled ; his features lit up and 
he surrendered his soul to God. 

Never since the death of the four first caliphs — 
never since that time have religion and the faithful 
received such a blow as that which lighted on them the 
day the Sultan died. 

▲ Western Legend concerning Saladin's funeral. 

Vincent of BeauvaiSy Spec. Hist. xxix. c. 54 and Franc. 

Pippinus ap. Muratoriy vii. 816. 

Thus did Saladin die in the 1193rd year from 
that in which the Word left his royal abode [for 
earth]. And, as he lay dying he called his standard- 
bearer to him and charged him, saying : Do thou, 
who art wont to bear my banner in the wars, carry also 
the banner of my death. And let it be a vile rag — 
which thou must bear through all Damascus set upon 
a lance, crying : 

" Lo, at his death the King of the East could take 
nothing with him save this cloth only." 

And thus he died. 



APPENDIX. 

ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHORS CITED AND 

BOOKS QUOTED. 

ITINERARIUM PEREGRINORUM. 

The Jtineranum Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi is the 
chief European account of the Third Crusade. After a minute 
examination of all the evidence that could be collected, Dr. 
Stubbs in 1864 came to the conclusion that this work is tie pro- 
duction of a certain Richard, canon of the Holy Trinity in 
London. Richard, we learn of Nicholais Trivet, a Franciscan writer 
of the early fourteenth century, *' wrote an itinerary of this king 
in prose and verse.*' Trivet then proceeds to quote (i) a phrase 
from the preface to the Itinerarium, and (2) the exact words in 
which the author of the Itinerarium^ as now preserved and 
translated in this book, describes Richard's character and per- 
sonal appearance. From such evidence it would seem that Trivet 
in this passage was alluding to our Itinerarium^ which in this 
case can hardly fail to be the production of Richard of the Holy 
Trinity, despite the fact that one MS. refers it to Geoffrey Vinsauf. 

This Richard of the Holy Trinity, according to Dr. Stubbs, 
is probably to be identified with " Richard de Templo," who 
was elected prior of the Holy Trinity in 1222 A.D., and died 
perhaps about 1250. His name, if the De Templo is not a sur- 
name, would seem to imply that he was a Templar ; in which 
case he was perhaps only a chaplain and not a knight of that 
order. 

The writer of the Itinerarium^ whoever he may have been, 
declares in his prologyxi^ that he wa^ ayi e;^^-m\.xv!t'5>'5v\!Ck Nissa '^kscl'^ 



352 ABFSKDIZ. 

he natrates, and that he has written them ont i^iile tlief ivoe 
still *' warn) " in his menuny. He excuses his want of liuixfeikal 
grace on the ground that he jotted down his stoiy in the din of 
war, and be bids the reader remember that it was while engaged 
on the campaign that he wrote : ** auditor noveiit noB in caatds 
foisse com scripsimns." This passage Dr; Stubbs has iaAttipfiBtBd 
to mean that he made hasty notes for his wodc dating the 
Crusade itself, and afterwards worked these notes np into tile 
daborate treatise as we now have it. The work itadf, in Dr. 
Stubbs' opinion, was certainly composed in Latin and not in 
French. 

The Itinerarium is divided into six books of which the first is 
devoted to the expedition of Frederic Barbarossa and the si^ 
of Acre down to Lent 1191. Book 11. conducts Riduurd on 
his way through f ranee, along the coast of Italy to Sicily ; 
narrates his stay in this island, his departure and the conquest of 
Cyprus. Book III. continues the narrative down to the departnre 
of Philip Augustus (Aug. ist 1191). Book IV. reaches to the 
time when Richard was camped at Beit-Niiba (to 3 Jan. 1193); 
Book V. to the second camp at Beit-Niiba (June) ; and Book 
VI. to the king's arrival in England after his captivity. It is 
evident from the passage quoted on pp. 15 and 16 that the writer 
reached Messina in August 1190, but he has concealed neariy all 
other traces of himself in a garb of superfluous rhetorical orna- 
ment which renders his work, considering its intrinsic interest, 
one of the most wearisome even of mediaeval histories. So in- 
veterate is its rhetorical exaggeration that he might well seem to 
have set before himself as a " lex Scrip toris " never to use one 
word where he could possibly use ten. Competent critics, how- 
ever, reckon him a very good writer so far as mere style goes. 
(Ed. Stubbs, RoUs Series, Vol. 38a., London 1864.) 

CARMEN AMBROSII. 

In the opinion of Dr. Stubbs, as given above, the Itinerarium 

was written originally in Latin and not in French, though this 

editor even in 1864 admitted that the hasty notes on which he 

supposed it to have been based m\^l \i^Nfe\>e,eQ.*Yi\XsAda^?ra. in 



APPENDIX. 353 

the latter tongue. But the work, as it is now preserved, could 
not possibly, he contended, be a translation from the French or 
even a free rendering of a French history. On the other hand, 
as Dr. Stubbs himself pointed out, there was the distinct assertion 
of the author of the Chronicon Terrae Sanetae that the story of 
Richard's expedition was to be found fully treated in the book 
which the prior of the Holy Trinity at London caused to be 
translated out of French (ex Gallica lingua) into English. Trivet 
also, as noticed above, declares the author of our Itinerarium^ 
from which he quotes, to have written his work both in prose and 
verse'. Hence the only way to reconcile the statements of Trivet 
and the author of the Chronicon is to assume that the Itinerariutn 
was based on a French poem — a theory which a remarkable 
discovery of the last few years has rendered highly probable. 

In 1873 ^^ entirely new light was thrown upon the question 
by MM. Gustave Monod and Gaston Paris. These scholars 
drew attention to a late thirteenth century MS. the value of 
which, though it had long been known to exist in the National 
library at Paris, they were the first to appreciate. 

This MS. written in seven-syllabled rhyming couplets of 
French verse turned out to be an account of Richard I.*s Cru- 
sade, and at a first glance was seen to correspond to Books 
II. -VI. of the Itinerarium, Its author more than once discloses 
his name, Ambrose; and from his calling the Normans his 
ancestors it would seem that he was a Norman by birth, or at 
least by origin. He is probably to be identified with a certain 
Ambrose, one of the king John's clerks who in the English Rolls 
receives a payment for singing a hymn at king John's second 
coronation [Oct. 2, 1200]. 

There can be no doubt that the Itinerarium is based upon the 
Carmen Amhrosii^ or vice versa. The close resemblances of the 
two narratives can be explained on no other supposition. Of the 
two alternatives, even if we set aside Trivet's evidence, there 
need be no hesitation in embracing the first. The Itinerariutn 
is plainly a rhetorical exercise, and is from this point of view 
distinctly a development of the simple rhymes of the Norman 
poet. Again, where the two writers raakt «k^ ^\x'asyB.\ft"^««s.- 



354 APPBMDnt. 

selves, the author of the IHnerarmm uses the vagoe ** wr "^a 
strikmg contrast to the direct use of the first penon gtngnlar 
which we find in Ambrose. Cf. the passage quoted on p^ 4i<A 

From these remarks it will be seen that thereare deoftcnts of 
truth in the statements made both by the author of the Ckt'mtte§m 
Terra Sanctm and Nicholas Trivet. For, as we Junre jut 
shewn, the Itinerarinm is closely related to a French- poem. 

There still however remains the problem as to how a vnlcr 
who was so plainly amplifying and embellishing an eaiUer 
work could possibly speak of the Itinerarium as drawn iqp amid 
the din of camps. The full solution of the difficulty must be left 
till we have the edition of the whole poem promised us by MM. 
Monod and Paris. Till then it would seem either (i) that 
Richard de Templo, if he be the authcn* of the litngraruim, was 
uttering a deliberate falsewood or (2), we must assign to Am- 
brose not only the French original but also the Latin tranalatiaii. 
The latter alternative seems preferable, and indeed is in 
closer consonance with the words of the Chromcon Terrm 
SanctcSf which does not say that the Prior of the Holy Trinity 
translated his work but caused it to be translated fex GalUca 
lingua in Latinum fecit transferri). It is well however to 
notice that the writer of the Itinerarium appears to have reached 
the Holy Land along with Archbishop Baldwin (see page 18 and 
Itin, p. 115) in Sept. 1 190; whereas Ambrose (seep. 41) was 
still in Sicily at Christmas. 

Dr. Stubbs has recorded his opinion that there is no di£feienoe 
of style between the earlier and later books of the Itinerarium, 
This is a very delicate topic on which to touch ; but, to the pre- 
sent editor, it seems indisputable that the later books (perhaps 
even including the second itself) are written with far more rhe- 
torical display than the first. They may possibly be the work 
of the same author, but they are far more verbose than the earlier 
one. Now, as the preface, in one MS. at least, belongs to this 
first book only, there is nothing to prevent us from holding that 
the writer is there offering his apology for I he somewhat blunt 
and, as he would think, inartistic style of these early chapters 
which he may actually have v;nUei:v/m v\\vi\\ 'wt'sX "vvytvix^ dvixiug 



APPENDIX. 355 

the siege of Acre. Later, when he completed his history and 
touched up the entire narrative, he may not have been unwilling 
to allow his original preface to stand for an introduction to the 
whole work, as a kind of apology for any short-comings and an 
assurance to his readers that they had not yet got the best he 
was capable of giving them. If this be so, the Itinerarium in 
its present form holds towards the original first book and the 
Song of Ambrose much the same position as Baldric of Ddl 
holds to Tudebode, or the author of the Gesta Francorum among 
the historians of the first Crusade. (Ed. Pertz Scriptores Rerum 
Germanicarum, vol. xxvii., Hanover, 1885.) 

ERNOUL*S CHRONICLE. 

The monumental Historia de rebus transmarinis in which 
William of Tyre traces the history of the Latin Kingdom of the 
East from the days of the first Crusade, breaks off abruptly at 
the end of 1183, three years and a half before the battle of 
Hittin. William's great work, the historical masterpiece of 
mediaeval literature, was written in Latin ; but the theme was of 
suclv surpassing interest that before forty years had passed away 
it was continued by a certain Emoul, who, in his early life, 
had been squire to the great Palestine Lord, Balian of Ibelin. 
Under the direction of this Emoul, who had shared in the 
romantic adventures of his liege before the battle of Nazareth 
(May, 1 187), the story of the Kingdom was carried on from 
the point where William ceases to about the year 1228. This 
continuation is written in French and, thus, is the first attempt 
at telling the story of one of the great kingdoms of Latin Chris- 
tendom in its own tongue without the aid of rhyme. Of Emoul 
nothing more is known ; but his history, though full of a most 
romantic charm, such as attaches to no other historical work ot 
the time, is strictly speaking the work of a contemporary, and, in 
its French sympathies, is a priceless reflection of the anti-English 
sentiment that seems to have actuated most of the warriors of 
the third crusade. (Ed. by the Comte de Mas Latrie for the 
Societe de Thistoire de France, Pahs 1%T\^\ 



35^ AFPKNDIX. 

LI IJVRES ERACLES. 

It is uncertain iHietlier William of Tyre's faiataij had beca 
tarned into French before the compowtioB of Enml^ oos* 
tinnation ; bat the probability is in hnaat of Ibis Iq^potfaajs; 
otherwise it is difflcnlt to see nHiy the latterwoifc was not at 
least trantiated into Latin at the time cf its first appeannoe. 
This difflcnlty is removed if we imagine Enool's Chranide to 
have been written fen* the purpose of carrying down to the year 
1228 a narrative of the history of the Hoiy Land, that had ahroidy 
been turned from Latin into old Frendh. Otherwise we most 
suppose Emoul to have written independently^ in which case 
some third person may have conceived the idea of prefiiing to 
his chronicle a Romance version of William's great woik. 

The French translation of William of Tyrewithitscootinnations 
by Emoul, Bernard the Treasurer, and other anonymons writcn 
towards the middle or end of the thirteenth centnry, were dtsa 
regarded as one work. In this form they are tl^ Cknmiftu 
d^Outremer quoted by Jouville. They are also known under die 
title of the Estoire d'Era^les^ from the opening words of die 
French translation of William of Tyre, * L^ andennes Eslpiies 
dient que Eracles.' 

It has seemed desirable in the selections made for this volume 
from the Chronique d'Outremer to distinguish the contemporary 
authority of Emoul from the more legendary form bis narrative 
has assumed in certain * remaniements ' of the Ckromqu4 
d^Outremer. Accordingly, whatever is taken from Emoul with* 
out alteration is assigned to him ; whereas the later accretions 
are headed Estoire d'Eracles to mark that they are by no means 
to be regarded as absolutely historical. 

As a whole the Chronique d^ Out renter (excluding the trans- 
lation from William of Tyre) is one of the most charming works 
in the French language. Its delicious simplicity, its delight in 
action, the innocent credulity with which it will give two versions 
of the same story almost in the same page, even its undisguised 
pariisanHhip — diW impress Uic reader as a far more serious history 
would fail to do. That peT\\aps ^\v\c\v m^SLxV&W. avi\.^\Q.m ^most 



APPENDIX. J57 

all other historical literature of the century is that it is the work, 
not of a clerk, but of a layman. Ernoul, in this respect, if in no 
other, ranks with Joinville and Villehardouin and Henry of 
Valenciennes. (Ed. Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, His- 
toriens Occidentaux, vol. ii., Paris, 1859.) 

BOHADIN. 

Beha-ed-Din (Behi-ed-Din Abu'l-Mehasen ibn Sheddid) was 
bom at Mosul 6 March, 1145, ^^^ ^^^^ *t Aleppo 8 Nov., 1234. 
He devoted himself to the study of the Koran at an early age, 
and was still quite young when he knew the sacred volume by 
heart. He has left us an interesting account of the teachers 
under whom he studied. By 30 June, 1 165 he had been autho- 
rised to teach. Some years later he went to Bagdad, but in 
569 A.H. (12 Aug. 1173-1 Aug. 1174) returned to Mosul as 
professor. In 583 (13 Mch 1188— i Mch. 1188) he made the 
pilgrimage to Mecca, and on his way back was summoned to 
Saladin's presence. A little later he presented himself before 
Saladin at the siege of the Castle of Curds with a treatise on the 
Holy War. Saladin dissuaded him from carrying out his inten- 
tion of retiring from the world, and received him into his service 
Jom. I, 584 A.H. (June- July, 1188.) He was appointed cadi at 
Jerusalem. After Saladin*s death he was employed as an inter- 
mediary between the Sultan's sons. At first he refused Ad-Daher*s 
offer to make him cadi of Aleppo, but accepted the office a Uttle 
later. At Aleppo he was occupied in establishing a legal school 
and, having no children, he was able to spend his considerable 
wealth in buildings for the study of Mohammedan law. In the 
latter years of his life he received his future biographer Ibn 
KhalliQan among his pupils ; but he was at this time too old to 
do more than exercise a general supervision. Ibn Khalli9an 
draws a pleasing picture of theaged man — '* feeble as a fallen bird " 
and so weak that he had to keep the same seat in winter and 
summer alike. In winter a brazier of burning coal was always 
at his side ; but even thus he could not drive away the cold. 
"When we were near him," says Ibn Khallii^an, "the heat \ise.<L 
to inconvenience us much, but he didnol percevNt \V,^o r\c^^^-*j'^'5. 

•2-\ 



35B AfVRNmx. 



body with age. It wis onfy after gpcat dflEbitf tint he ooold 
rise op to pny, and even then he had mndi trooble to keep him- 
self npri^t. Once I noticed his legs irfiile he was at prayer; 
they were so flesfalesB that they looked like iod&" He died 8 
Nov., 1234. (Ed. HisL des Croisade^, Historiens OricvitaBX, 
ynL ni., Paris 1884.) 

ANSBERT. 

Frederuk BaiiMiossa's Cnisade has been rdated hy tar oon* 

temporaries, all of whom took part in the expedition. OiAntbert 

nothing is known except that he appears to have been a priest, 

and certainly accompanied the emperor's army on its march all 

the way from the borders of Hungary to the banks of theCjrdnns. 

Ansbert's Histona de Expeditume Frederid Imperttoris was 

' discovered in the year 1824 by Joseph Dietrich, in later fife the 

director of the Catholic School at Leipzig. In the oom:8e of tibe 

preceding centvry it.had been stolen or lost from the Ubraiy to 

which it belonged and had £dlen into the hands of certain Jews, 

who sold it to a sm-geon at Postdberg in Bohemia. This surgeon 

)kad already begmi to destroy the MS., when Dietrich heard of 

its existence and commimicated his discovery to Joseph Dob- 

rowsky. Dobrowsky recognised the MS. from his friend's 

description, secured it from destruction, and published it at 

Prague in 1827. The MS. in question appears to date from the 

late twelfth or early thirteenth century. (Ed. Dobrowsky, 

Prague 1827.) 

PIPE ROLLS. 

The Rolls which contain the accounts of the Royal Exche- 
quer date, as a continued series, from the early years of Henry 
IL, though there is one roll belonging to 31, Henry I. Of 
these accounts three copies were made -one for the treasurer, 
one for the chanceUor, and one (the Pipe Roll) for the king. 
The Pipe Rolls, so called from their being rolled up in the 
form of a pipe, are preserved almost complete from the year 
1 155. They are now being published (down to the year 1200) 
by the Pipe Roll Society. (The document printed in this volume 
is taken from Sir Henry James' Facsimiles of National MSS.y 
I. p. ig.) 



API>ENDIX. 359 

EPISTOL^ CANTUARIENSES. 
This series of letters passing between Canterbury, Rome, 
and elsewhere in the latter part of the I2th century, extends from 
1 185-1 199. The collection seems to have been made in the 
early days of the next century, possibly by that sub-prior 
Reginald whom the monks elected as successor to Hubert 
Walter in 1205. The ^[S. belongs to the * earliest part ' of the 
same century. (Edition Stubbs, Rolls Series, Vol. 38 b., London 
1864.) 

THOMAS RYMER. 

Rymer, Thomas (1641-1713), bom in Yorkshire, and educated 
at Cambridge and Gray*s Inn, was appointed Historiographer 
Royal in 1692. It was almost immediately after this that, 
under the patronage of Lord Somers and Lord Halifax, he 
began to publish the state papers from the original documents 
preserved in the royal archives. The documents printed are 
nominally limited to the negotiations with foreign powers, 
though some latitude must be allowed to this description. The 
early edition of this work extends to twenty volumes folio and 
embraces the period between iioi and 1654. (The edition used 
in this volume is the enlarged one of London 18 13.) 

BENEDICT OF PETERBOROUGH. 

The chronicle which goes under the name of this writer extends 
from the Christmas of 11 69 to Easter, 1192. According to Dr. 
Stubbs' theory it is a strictly-speaking contemporaneous docu- 
ment for the years 1172 to 11 77 — the period at which the first 
issue of the original work seems to have ended — and also, in all 
probability, more or less contemporaneous from 1 180 to the end. 
It is assigned to Benedict, abbot of Peterborough, on the insuffi- 
cient authority of a MS. which is headed " Gesta Henrici II. 
Benedicti Ahhatis*^ (Cotton MS. Julius A xi). This superscrip- 
tion is however probably more than half a century later than the 
MS. itself, and is to be explained by the words of a thirteenth 
century writer, Robert of Swaftham, who tells us tkat Be.\^ft.<i^J:^.^ 
abbot of Peterborough (i 177-1193) " caMse^ xcvass^ Xs^Oas* \ft>sR. 



360 AFmiDlX. 



copied ont** for the monartic Bhmy. Amongst diese was tlie 
" GesU Regis Henrid SecnndL" Tims Benedict seems mcnly 
to hare had a copy made of a MS. that abeady existed and o£ 
iduch there is no leaaon to sof^iose that he was the author. 
On the -whole Dr. Stnbhs is inclined to see in the first sectioii of 
thiswoik an aday tation of the Tri- C ohim m s-^-tL treatise inidiidi 
Richaid Fitz-Neal, the king's tieasaicrfiom 1159-1198, diew«p 
an annoal accoont of the most important oocmxcnioes in ''^g'** 
ecclesiastical, regal, and legal affiurs. The passages xdating to 
the first Crusade, more espedaiily the joomal of Richard's pro- 
gress from Lyons to Messina, probably embody the informatian 
contained io some Cmsader's joomal, or news brought home 
to England before the return of the expedition. 

Of the principal MSS. one (Cotton Julius, A. xL) endmg in 
1 177 seems to represent the earliest form of. the work; while 
others {e.g", MS. Cotton Vitellius, £ xvii.) represent it as con- 
tinued down to 1 192. The latter MS. has been serioosty 
damaged by fire, though fortunately not before it had been most 
carefully copied out by Wanley. It was of course on a copy of 
the later edition of the Ggsta Henrici that Roger of Howden 
based that part of his chronicle which extends from 11 70-1 192. 
Dr. Stubbs' edition of Benedict has superseded all others. 
(Rolls Series, vol. 49 b, London 1867.) 

ROGER OF HOWDEN. 
Roger's Chronicle extends from the opening of the eighth 
century to the year 1201. Down to 1 148 this work is a mere 
compilation from Simeon of Durham, Heniy of Huntingdon, 
&c. From this point to 1170A.D., though partly based upon 
the Chronicle of Melrose, it is mainly the writer's own account 
of the events of these years interspersed with not a few documents 
relating to the Becket quarrel. From 11 70-1 192 Roger's 
chronicle is a reproduction of the so-called Benedict of Peter- 
borough with alterations, excisions, and additions. From 1192 
to 1 201 it is an original work in the strictest sense of the word. 
Roger of Howden took his name from Howden, a small town 
in the East Riding of YotksYi\ie,\Yvxi^oTL^tO\i^» He was 



APPENDIX. 361 

one of the clerks employed in the service of Henry II. at least as 
early as 1 1 74, when he was with the king in France. In [1175] 
he was sent on royal business to Galloway and in 1189 was one 
of the Justices Itinerant for the forests. He was thus pre- 
eminently fitted for the great work to which he apparently 
devoted the closing years of his life. Most of the extracts given 
in this book are from Roger of Howden, whose Crusading 
narrative has been chosen in preference to the original on which 
it was based. Of two such closely-related documents it seemed 
best to rely chiefly on the later and not the earlier. 

As with * Gesta Henrici'* so also with Roger of Howden, 
Dr. Stubbs* Edition for the Rolls series has superseded all others. 
(Rolls Series, vol. 51c, London 1870.) 

RIGORD. 

Rigord or Rigold was a native of Languedoc, where this name 
is found in the Xlllth century. He is possibly the Bemardus 
Rigordi ynhosG name is in the necrology of the abbey of St. Denis 
under May 5. As he tells us he was already getting old in 1 205, it 
has been inferred that he was bom about 1145 a.d. He was a 
physician before he became a member of St. Denys, somewhere 
about the year 1190, when he would have unequalled opportu- 
nities for collecting the material for the great work he had begun 
at least ten years before, at his abbot's request, he gave it to the 
world and presented a copy to the king himself early in 1196. 
He issued Uiree editions of his work. These seem to have been 
issued about the years 1196, 1200, and 1206. (£d. Bouquet's 
Recueil, vol. xvii, Paris 17 18.) 

WILLIAM LE BRETON. 

William le Breton appears to have been bom between 1165 
and 1 1 70 A.D. He was thus almost of exactly the same age as 
Philip Augustus, whose exploits he has celebrated in his two 
great works "The History of the Life and Deeds of Philip 
Augustus " (prose) and the " Philippeis " in verse. William is 
said to have studied at Nantes. Later in life he b^c9sa<&^\^^^^ 



$6t AFBWaXOOL 

dark or chaplain, and followed this king on mora tludioMft^xpe- 
ditkm. He was also tutor to one of Philip's natural ddkbcB, 
and seems to have died in or after 1224. 

The Hisiioria continues Rigotd's woik mentiofied above, aid 
extends to 1219 ; the concluding part thence to 1225 ^ ^ wadL 
of an anonymous monk of St Denys. .The Philippeiii % Xatki 
hexameta: epic in xn. books, is dedicated to 'StaS^fffm aoa, 
alluded to above, then a boy some fifteen years <dd. (Ed. 
Bouquet's RecneQ, vol. xni., Paris 1718. The beat editioa of 
the Philippeis is that of H. Delaborde, Soc. de THist. de France, 
Paris, 1885.) 

RALPH OF COGGESHALL. 

Ralph, abbot of Coggeshall (on the Blackwater, near C(d- 
chester, in Essex), from 1207 to 1 2 18, is the author of a Latin 
chronicle which extends from the year 1066 to 1223 or 1224. 
This chronicle is a very meagre collection of facts till 11 17 aj>. 
With this year however they became much fuller. The writer 
gives a great number of details relative to the third Crusade, 
some of which, such for example as that telling how the Sjrrian 
woman in Jerusalem kept king Richard posted up in all that 
was going on within the city, are to be found nowhere dse. 
This incident is perhaps mere legendary gossip; but the account 
Ralph gives of the loss and recapture of Joppa (Aug. 1 192) is, 
on the whole, as important as either of those given in this book. 
It was drawn from the lips of Hugh de Neville, who was present 
in the battle. More vjduable still is Ralph's account of the 
king's adventures after leaving the Holy Land. This narrative 
too, as will be seen from the text, our author drew from the 
(probably verbal) account of Anselm, the king's chaplain, who 
accompanied Richard on his voyage home, and, as it seems, 
wrote a history of this king which is now, however, unfortunately 
lost. Of the facts of Ralph's life hardly anything is known. 
He is said to have resigned his office owing to ill-health, but the 
date of his death has not been ascertained. 
Kal\)h. of CoggeshaU's Chronicon Angltcanumy like Richer's 
History and Sigebert's CViroxude, *\^ oi^e ol xJaa tovK^^oaXxN^^j. 



APPENDIX. 363 

speaking few mediaeval histories of which the author's autograph 
is preserved. In the parts relative to Richard's captivity the 
original MS. (Cotton Vespasian, 8 x.) has inserted an appeal to 
Anselm*s authority in the margin ; and the many erasures and 
additions here are doubtless due to the author himelf, who availed 
himself of the occasion furnished by the chaplain's visit, to make 
his narrative fuller and more correct. A thirteenth century writer 
tells us that Anselm, the king's chaplain, " regis comes ubique 
intus et foris," wrote the Acta of Richard the First ; as also, 
according to the same authority, did Milo, abbot of le Pin, the 
king's almoner. (Ed. Rolls Series, vol. 66, Jos. Stevenson, 
London, 1875.) 

RICHARD OF DEVIZES. 

Richard of Devizes, the author of the Chronicon de Rebus 
Gestis Ricardi prtmiy regis AnglicSy was monk of the priory of 
St. Swithin at Winchester. Hardly anything is known as to 
the details of his life. His chronicle which extends from 
Richard's coronation to the end of the Third Crusade, is a short 
but very valuable accodnt of this king's reign. His narrative of 
crusading matters preserves a few facts that are told by no other 
English historian ; unfortunately, however, he is very fond of 
rhetorical embellishments, such as the long speeches he puts into 
the mouths of his heroes. There is an air of stagey romance in 
this part of his work which, perhaps unjustly, causes the reader 
to distrust his authority wherever it is not confirmed by other 
evidence. The Chronicon was most likely written before the 
king's death ; and possibly, unless it be unfinished, before the 
king's return from captivity. (Ed. Jos. Stevenson, English IJist. 
Soc. London 1838.) 

IBN ALATHIR. 

Abu'l-Hasen AH ibn al-Athir was the son of Abu'l-Kerim 
Mohammed Athir ed-Din, who was governor of Djeztrat ibn 
Omar in Mesopotamia, for Kotb-ad-Din Maudoud, the son of 
Zengy and brother of Nuradin, the famous ruler of Damascus 
and Aleppo. Abu'l Hasen Ali was bom 12 May, 1160. M. 
ahout the age of twenty he went to M.osv^mOa.YCv&^'aSiasx^'wA. 



0- Ah 



364 

was is the cicy at ihe time of SiUHlia*s siege (Feb. 1186]. 
MosdI bt- dtvoled himsi^ir la htitondl and other sttuBe^ bol mit 
to Ihe entire ne|;lect of public aflairs. He was often seal to tbc 
Caliph of Bagdad, anil in 1 188'9 accompanied the pdnce of 
Slndjar to the Holy War. He naal thus kave been an eye- 
witOCKS of the state of things in Spia towards the bef|;iniiing el 
the mege of Acre- Fiom ibispoiDl dH his death he aj^ieantu 
have given himself up to letter;. He can be traced at Mosul, it 
Aieppu (where the Aiminian eiumch T<^bnl — who was ibn 
ruling in the name uf SalBilio's little grandson AJ Ualecal Aiii. 
the son of that Ad-Daher who figures so frequently in Bohidin— 
wan his patron), at Damascns, and again at Mosul, where he di(d 
in Shaban 630 A.U. (i J May-io June, IZ3J). 

Of IbnAJ-Athir's two chief works one isBhi«loty of the Atabccs 
of Mosul, i.e. an account of the doings of Zengy and his desccud- 
anlg. This work is of great impoilance in Cnisadiag hiiloiy. 
more especially as the recollectiona of the writer's own failw 
cttcndcd back to early days of Frank conqnest in the EasL It 
was given to the world in isn. More noteworthy still is bij 
Breat Mohammedan history, -which embraces the whole petiol 
from the creation of the world to the year of the Hegira 6]8 
{y Nov. IZ30— 28 Oct. izji). This great ^-ork was compilnl 
under the protection of Loulon (ob. 1259), who ruled at Moaul 
first asmini.sterof Naser ad-Din Mahmoud [Zengy's last desert- 
dant,] and afterwards in his own name. Upon this great worV, 
one of the glories of Arabic historical literaltut, Abnlfctli 
based his own history to a great extent. (Rec. des Hist, dct 
Croisades, Historicns Orientaux, vol. 11. pt. I, Paris, 1S87.) 

WILLIAM THF LITTLE [PARVUS] OF NEWBURGH. 

William the I-illle [Pan-ns] of Newburgh, canon of the -\ugns- 
tinian [irioiy of Bridlington in Yorkshire, was according to his 
Inleiil irditor burn in 1 [3b, and died probably in 1 198. Of hb 
life ihiTeiiptactk.illy nothing known. His great work, Zfutwu 
Renim AnglLariim, extends nominally from 1066 to 1 198, is 
uri|;lLi.i11y written by the author; the continuation reaches to 119!- 

W'iltiaoi of Newburgh, liki; his namesakes of Malmesbury and 



APPENDIX. 365 

of Tyre, is among the few mediaeval historians who are not mere 
chroniclers. For Richard's Crusade he borrowed from the 
Itinerariumy and probably from the lost work of Anselm, the 
king's chaplain, alluded to on p. 363. (Ed. Howlett, Rolls Series, 
vol. 82, London 1884.) 

RALPH DE DICETO. 

Ralph de Diceto was perhaps a Frenchman by birth, and pro- 
bably bom between 11 20 and 11 30. Dr. Stubbs thinks that he 
may have been a kinsman of Richard de Belmeis, bishop of 
London, from 1108 to 1127, or of Richard de Belmeis II., also 
bishop of London (1152-1162), and nephew of his namesake. 
This latter prelate appointed Ralph de Diceto to the archdea- 
conry of Middlesex as soon as he himself became bishop. At 
that time he was styled " magister," and had probably studied 
at Paris, a city which he visited at later periods of his life. In 
the great Becket quarrel he appears to have sided with the king, 
and in 1180 was made dean of St. Paul's. In this capacity he 
caused the Domesday of St. Paul's, or survey of the estates of 
the chapter of his cathedral to be drawn up (1181 a.d.) He 
was a great collector of saints* relics, and gave not a few books 
to the capitular library. Dr. Stubbs considers that he died 
between March, 1202 (the date when the Imagines ends) and 25 
March, 1204, on which day Alan was already dean of St. Paul's 
— most probably on 22 Nov., 1202. 

Ralph's two chief historical works are (i) Abbreviationes 
Chronicoruniy a series of chronological jottings ranging from the 
birth of Christ to 1147 A.D., and (2) Imagines Historiarum, a 
chronicle of (mainly) English history from 1 148-1202. 

As the friend of Richard de Belmeis, Gilbert Foliot, and 
William Longchamp, Ralph de Diceto must have had abundant 
opportunities for acquiring the knowledge of contemporary events 
he was afterwards to weave into his Imagines Hisioriarum,. The 
earlier part of this book is based on Robert de Monte, whose 
chronological blunders Ralph has carefully followed. But this 
indebtedness is very shght indeed. Ralph's accovssiS. oS. ^^^^ 



366 APPBNDIZ. 

third Cnisade would doubtless be diedced by, if liot founded on, 
the reports brought home from the Holy Land by bit **aplahi^ 
William de Hauteville, of whose piety and devotfon to the poor 
we read in the text. (Ed. Stubbs, Rdls Series, yoL 68b| Londcm 

1884.) 

JEAN, SEIGNEUR DE JOINVUXE. 

Jean, lord of JomviUe [1224-1317], was a vassal of Theobald 
rv., Count of Champagne. He accompanied Louis IK* on his 
Crusade 1249, and was with him, taking his pay both in Egypt 
and Syria. His great work, the ^istqr^ of St. Lams, was begun 
towards the end of his life in 1305, and dedicated to LoaiBle 
Hutin, afterwards Louis X. So far as Richard I. is coocemed 
it probably represents the stories current within fifty years of this 
king's death. (Ed. N. De Wailly, Paris 1874.) 

ABULPHARAGIUS. 

Abulpharagius, or Bar-Hebrseus, Bishop of Aleppo, a Jew by 
descent, was bom at Malatia (Melitene), in Armenia. At the 
age of twenty he was consecrated Bishop of Graba. Later in 
life he was appointed to the See of Aleppo, and in 1266 he 
became Primate of the Eastern JacoMtes. He died in 1286, 
One of the most learned men of his age, Abnlpharagius wrote a 
History of the World from the Creation in Syriac and in Arabic. 
The vsdue of his works as they reach his own time is very con- 
siderable. They have been translated into Latin by Dr. Pococke 
(Oxford 1663), and partly by Bruns and Kirsch. The quotations 
in the text are from the latter (vol. ii., Leipsic 1788). 

VINCENT OF BEAUVAIS. 

Vincent of Beauvais (c. 1190-c. 1264) was a Dominican, and 
probably belonged to the house of the order whence he draws 
his name. He was appointed reader or librarian to Louis IX., 
and had some share at all events in the education of one or more 
of Louis* children. His great work the Speculum ]Majus is an 
attempt to combine the w\vo\e \ea.TmTv^ oC the thirteenth century 
into one. It was probably intended to \ie ^N\dfcd\w\ft Vssa TgwXa. 



APPENDIX. 367 

Speculum Naturale (Natural History, Science, &c.), Speculum 
Doctrinale (a practical treatise on the various arts, &c.), Speculum 
Historiale (a history of the world from its creation to the author's 
own days, c. 1250), and Speculum Morale (a treatise on Divinity). 
Only the three first treatises are however due to Vincent. The 
fourth, as now extant, is from the pen of a late contemporary. 
(Ed. Venice 1591.) 

ROGER OF WENDOVER. 

Roger of Wendover probably derives his surname from Wen- 
dover in Buckinghamshire. He was precentor in the abbey of 
St. Al|)ans, and in later life prior of the dependent house of 
Belvoir. From this latter office he was deposed on a charge of 
wasting the property of the house perhaps about the year 1 2 19. 
According to his continuator Matthew Paris he died 6 May 1237. 
His great work, entitled Chronica sive Flores Historiaruniy 
extends from the Creation of the World to the year 1235 a.d. 
That part of the whole which treats of English history from the 
landing of the English in Britain (447 a.d.) to 1235 has been 
printed by Mr. Coxe for the English Historical Society. He is 
of course a very important authority, as he gets near his own 
age J but his account of the Crusade is mainly drawn from Ralph 
of Coggeshall, the Itinerarium, Roger of Howden, or Benedict, 
&c. He has, however, a few details seemingly peculiar to him- 
self. (Ed. Coxe, Eng. Hist. Soc, London 184 1.) 

MATTHEW PARIS. 

Matthew Paris, the greatest of English chroniclers, became a 
monk of St. Albans, 21 Jan. 121 7, and seems to have died 
about May 1259. As stated above his Chronica Majora is a 
continuation of Roger of Wendover. It reaches to the year 
1258. The record of his life belongs to another period. For 
the Third Crusade he has followed Roger ; but the story of the 
duke of Austria's banner is an addition of his own ; though the 
same tale in a slightly varied form is to be fo^Tvd. Va. BaOk»^ 'sR^ 
IDeyizes. (Ed, Luard, Rolls Series, l-oxvdon \%•\^-'^1i^ 



368 AFPBNDDL . 

C^SAR OF HEISTERBACH. 
Caesar of Hdsterbach (near Bonn) was bom aboat ii8o^ 
and was brought up at the monastery whence be draws his 
name. He also studied in Paris, and retomed to HeisteriMdi 
about I2I0. He was a Cistercian by profesaon. His best 
known work, " Dialogi de MiracoHs," is divided Into twche 
books, each of which is devoted to anecdottis Htn s tnilife of 
certain religious topics -conversicm, contrition, confiasioii, &e. 
These dialogues have often preserved interesting details of 
manners and customs though, as their title would imply, they 
are full of the miraculous. Caesar appears to have died about 
1240 A.D. (£d. Jos. Strange, Cologne 1851.) 

FRANCISCUS PIPPINUS. 

Franciscus Pippinus, a native of Bologna, was probably bom 
in the latter half of the thirteenth centuxy. He was a Domini* 
can friar. History and geography are very largely indebted to 
his labours. He translated the Italian version oif Maxco P6k> 
into Latin ; wrote an account of his travels in the Holy Land 
(whither he was sent about 1320) ; translated William of Tyre, 
Emoul and Bernard the treasurer into Latin ; and compilcMl a 
history of times nearer his own age, from 1 176 to 13 13 a.i>. 
(£d. Muratori, Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, Vol. VII., Milan 

1725.) 



NOTES. 

NOTE A.— MEDIEVAL COINAGE. 

The solidus, besant or numisma, was originally a gold piece of 
which, according to Constantine's orders, 72 went to the Roman 
pound. Thus each solidus would weigh about 72 grains. From 
the days of the Merovingians, who struck gold irientes^ till the 
middle of the thirteenth century there was, practically speaking, 
no gold coinage in Western Europe ; such gold coins as passed 
current being the besants of the Greek empire. If we overlook 
the unimportant issues of Roger II. of Sicily (ob. 11 54) and that 
of Frederick II., gold coinage begins in West Europe with^onVw 
of Florence (weighing about 54 grains each) struck in 1252. 
Five years later Henry III. issued a gold penny weighing about 
45 grains, and equal to 20 silver pennies ; but the city of London 
petitioned against the innovation, and the gold coin was soon 
withdrawn. Ninety years later (1343) Edward III. coined the 
first English ^on« weighing 108 grains, or double the Florence 
florin. Half florins and quarter florins were struck at the same 
time. The florin was to exchange against 6 shillings. Next 
year the new florins were supplanted by the nohUy weighing 
about 138 grains and equivalent to 6s. 8d. of the current silver 
money. Louis IX. began the new French gold coinage with a 
golden denarius^ worth loj solidi (Toumois). 

From the days of Charlemagne to the thirteenth century the 
silver denarius of c. 24 grains was the coin currently used for the 
payment of all debts. But the solidus or shilling continued to 
be used as a money of account. Sums were thus heckoned in 
solidi but actually paid in denarii. Twelve denarii went to the 
solidus and twenty solidi to the pound. But large sums were 
settled by weight, the fineness of the silver being always liable 
to be tested by fire. 



370 NOTSs; 

of the methods of receiviag and noftddlB^pllJfiteeilts it'lAtol^ 
Exchequer in the latter half of th« twdEftktitotiiry; ' Wlietf tibe 
sheri£f brought in the chest oi: bag <k>ntaliitiig Mi Mk-ltt^ tte 
treasury, it was emptied on the table and thorong^y mBiBfi ^ 
that the denaHi, good and bad MHkie, MAvht'^afiUh^dlM^ 
buted throughout the heap. f1ram«hisli«i^44-folW'(bf;5iS 
denarii) were counted out, put ihto a seilKtete'li6GNdj^tadfe''ii4d^ 
was sealed with the sheriff's seJEa, 2A A pittewaldmL'^ttfjihm iti 
being tampered with. Lfiter on these forty-four HtMl' wcic 
handed to the fusar or refiner, who proceeded to petfoMi Us 
duty in the presence of representatively of th^' sheriff iiaid tlie 
crown. Twenty solidi {i,e, 246 out of the 518 denarii) >wefe 
melted till the silver was separated ivdmlfae 6io^ The siWcr 
was then weighed against the standard treasury pound. NottnaSfy 
this Standard Pound shoidd exactly balante die residting sHiier 
after the assay just made ; but, if the silver did not' weigh as 
much as it should, enough denarii were added lo tiie ateayed 
metal to turn the scale. T?ie fineness of the whole payment 
made by the sheriff was reckoned according to the result of this 
test. Thus if the ftisor had added ten denarii before the pure 
sUver balanced the Standard Pound, every 240 denarii paid by 
the sheriff was counted as only 230. It seems howev^ that, at 
all events in pa3ring away money, the treasury might allow itself 
a margin of six denarii ; and, so long as no more than 246 denarM 
went to the Standard Pound, discharged its dues at the rate of 240 
to the ;f . After the money had been counted in the treasury every 
hundred solidi (z.e. 1,200 denarii or ;f 5) were put up by them- 
selves in a wooden case (vasum ligneum) ; while twenty of these 
va^a lignea {i.e. ;^ioo or 2,000 solidi =ing 24,000 actual <i>nanV) 
were packed up in a larger case called a forulus or * pouch.' 
These ybrw/i straptand sealed with the royal seal were deposited 
in the treasure vaults or in boxes [archce)^ to which there could 
be access but by duplicate or triple keys. 

Of Arabic coins the chief were the gold dinar ^ weighing about 
65 grains; and the silver dirhem^ weighing about 43 grains. For 



NOTES. 371 

purposes of comparison it may be well to note that the modem 
sovereign weighs a little over 123 grains. 

The twelfth century mark was not a coin, but a money of 
account, like the solidus. It was } of the pound whether gold 
or silver. 

The white money in the text would seem to represent newly 
stamped coin that had been made of assayed silver and so was 
of true weight and quality ; but, as no coinage of Richard I. is 
known to numismatists, it is perhaps only the ordinary coin with 
the Treasury addition of 6d. in the £ ; for in the Xllth century 
the Treasury used to pay money in two ways (i) with the ordi- 
nary coin then current, and (2) in the same manner but with an 
additional 6 denarii for every £, The latter payments in the 
Rolls are entered as so many < li. bl.' (libra blanca or livres 
blartchesj. 

The pound of Paris and the pound of Tours, though both 
divided into solidi and denarii, stood to one another in the pro- 
portion of 25 : 20. 

NOTE B.— ON THE ESNECCA REGIS. 

The Esnecca in the text is probably the special vessel reserved 
for royal use. Under Henry II. the treasury had standing orders 
to pay 1 2d. a day to the * captain of the royal ship which we call 
Esnecca * : * liberatio naucleri, custodis sciUcit navis regiae quam 
esneccam dicimus.' (Dialogus de Scaccario, c. 6). See also Pipe 
Rolls of this reign. The name of Richard' s esnecca was probably 
Trenchemery or *The Sea Cleaver' ; and its captain was Alan 
Trenchemer ; for in Peter Langtoft (as Englished by Robert of 
Brunne), more than a hundred years later, we read, in the 
incident of the capture of the great Saracen vessel : 

The Kinges owen Galeie, he called it Trencthemere 
That was first in weie, and com the ship fulle nere. 

When Richard was released from prison, he went to Antwerp, 
and there found a number of ships waiting to meet him. 
Rejecting all other service, however, he entered the 'galley 
of Alan Trenchemer, that therein he might with greater 



17* Ncn«9. 

ease make bis wajr. between tbe idflads* ■ Bnt,. aa eadi ni^ 
came on, be left tbis gaUey and' went aboard a great and ^eiy 
fair ship, wbidi bad come from tint Mand ■oCKi^ and lay dieie 
fortbenigfat. Witbt]ieday,bowbdt,bevetaniedtotiieg«Ilegr.' 
From tbis passage it is evident tbat Ricbazd bada ipedai Eking 
finr Alan Trencbemer's vessd. Not a ftwpag^maits sre oidcnd 
to Alan Trendiemer, in connection witbtbe Ssmctm fl^figi^. In 
tbe RotuH Curiae dming tbe conneof RkhanPsielgft; and tiine 
is at least one dmilar entry mider John. (Rot. Ndnn^ Ed. Hndy, 
p. ii8, sub. aun. 1203). Soutbamptcm seems to bave been tbe 
Eng^sh port where the Esneeea Regis usually put up. 

NOTE C— TOPOGRAPHY OF ACRE. 

Acre lies partly on a tongue of land jutting out into the aea 
towards tbe south-east. It is placed on tbe western coast of Pales- 
tine on the edge of a large plain some so miles long by from one to 
four broad, which extends from Ras-en-Nakureb on the north, 
to Mount Carmel on the south. Owing to its pontion tbe great 
walls lay towards the east on the land side. About a mile to tbe 
east of the old city walls rises the hill Tel £l-Fokbkbfir, tbe Mons 
Turo of the Crusading Chroniclers, some 100 feet above tbe level 
of the sea. Here at the beginning of the siege king Guy fixed 
his tents. The Turris Maledicta stood in the middle eastern 
wall at the N.E. comer just where the fortifications turned west 
for a space before once more bending round north to the sea. The 
tower of Flies, against which Philip Augustus directed bis efii^ts, 
lay out in the harbour towards the S.W. parts of the town. 

Saladin's headquarters were at the hill of Ayfidiyeh, which 
rises (to a height of some 65 feet above the level of the sea) about 
5 miles E. of the city. His troops were spread N.W. to tbe sea 
and S.W. as far as the Kishon. 

A mile south of the city the river Belus (Nahr-en-N'amein) joins 
the sea after a northerly course of a few miles. The river 
Kishon (Nahr El-Mukutta) reaches the sea from the S.E. about 
a mile E. of Cayphas. 

Shefa. Amr lies 9 or 10 miles E. of Haifa and about the same 
distance S.E. of Acre. 



NOTES. 373 

NOTE D.— ON MEDIEVAL WARFARE, &c. 

The Frankish fortifications of Syria, in the twelfth and thir- 
teenth century, are among the most remarkable series of buildings 
ever constructed. 

Generally speaking, the town itself was surrounded by single or 
double walls. Of these the outer walls and works went by the 
name of antemuralia or barbican. In front of these lay the moat 
(vallum yfossatumj . Not imfrequently, as in the case of Darum 
and perhaps Tiberias too — the walls surrounding the towns were 
somewhat weak ; but, where there was a citadel or castrum perched 
upon some natural or artificial height, it was strengthened with 
aU the engineering science of the age. Other towns, such as Acre, 
had no special castrum^ and in these cases it may be that the town 
itself was fortified with extra care. Acre, at all events some 
twenty years after the great siege, was surrounded by two walls 
of almost equal strength, separated from one another by a space 
of some 120 feet. This space between the two walls was, like 
the primitive pomoerium of ancient Rome, in some cases laid out 
in gardens. The Foss of Acre lay beyond the outer waU, and 
was, as far as can be gathered from the present lay of the land, 
something under 150 feet wide. In the great mountain castles 
this foss was often dug out of the solid rock, in which case, as at 
Sahyoun, in North Syria, its width may have been 50 feet. In 
other instances, as at Darum, the moat was wholly (or partly) 
faced with stone. At regular intervals along the town walls 
there were great and strong towers. Along the walls of Darum 
there were 17, at Ascalon 53, at Antioch, so the First Crusaders 
reckoned, no less than 450. 

The walls themselves were in many cases of greater thickness 
and height than would at first be imagined. Dr. Tristram found 
the walls of Reginald of Chfitillon*s castle, at Kerak, (see p. 165; 
27 feet thick in one place at least ; at Athlit they are 16, and at 
Belvoir near Beisan (see p. 169) 9. The towers of Antioch are 
80 feet high; so are the ruins of Montfort ; while, in some places, 
the walls of Kerak rise over a hundred. 



374 KOTBS. 

ARMOUR. 

The knight of this period wore a coat of ring-maii, geiien% 
known bythe nameof the brume; braigney or hawbetk. Under* 
neath th^ he wore a long-sleeved tnmc, or Nidud (in later times 
called the gambaism), of leather or wadded 8tn£^ wldch was the 
sole protection of the nnmounted soldier. This gumdpisim 
doubtless corresponds to the CasBaghand of our text ^. S97). 
In the elerenth centoiyand eaily twelfth the bnmeOf or hmigne^ 
consisted of small plat^ of mail, sewn or naUed npon a leathon 
gromid. It was loose fitting, descended bdow the knees, and 
covered the back of the head and the neck also. It was some- 
times furnished with sleeves ; but was not worn with a belt. The 
hawberk was a dose fitting iobe of interlacing ring-work, which 
continued to develope itself till the end of the twdfth century, 
by which time it was the *' grand hawherk " that appears on the 
later seal of Richard I. This grand hawberk was not sewn upon 
any ground, but simply formed of int^oddng rings. It comprised 
more than one robe ; for, while the lower half covered the legs 
and reached up as far as the waist, the upper part protected the 
neck, the arms, the hands, and the body, descending below the 
thighs in somewhat looser fashion to the knees. The hawberk 
was cloven behind so as facilitate horsemanship. Over the haw- 
berk the knight in the east wore a coat of arms, a long, sleeveless 
tunic of linen or silk, often broidered or painted with his bearings. 
The shield was, generally speaking, heater or kite shaped, and 
was suspended round the neck by a strap. It had a boss on 
the outside, and was made of wood, covered on the exterior 
with leather, strengthened with metal bands. In the thirteenth 
century a helmet of iron or steel-plate protected the head ; and 
this hdmet, more or less supplanting the earlier ring-mail hood 
of the hawberk, was topt with a small cone-shaped cap, from 
which there depended a narrow iron-plate (the nasal) to protect 
the nose. 

WEAPONS. 

The knight bore a horseman's lance, some twelve feet long, 
and a broad sword, short sword lapeTm^x.^ ^^mt. The chief 



NOTES. 



375 



weapon of the foot soldier was the cross-bow — which Anna 
Comnena describes as a **real devilish" weapon. itfOFfiuM orrois 
laufAwiov (x. c. 8). Richard did not disdain to use this arm 
himself (see p. 291). The Saracen bows were often made of 
horn or bone, as Albert of Aix notes. Among weapons peculiar 
to the infidels were the reed spears and, to some extent, the 
mace, studded with (iron) teeth. 

MILITARY ENGINES. 

These have been noticed in the text. Perhaps the most 
graphic description of the moveable castrum is to be found in 
Anna Comnena' s account of the siege of D3aTachium (XIII. 
c. 3). The ropes with which the castrum is represented as being 
girdled (p. 88) were used like net-work, to deaden the shock of 
the great stones hurled from mangonels or stone bows. 



NOTE E.—THE MOHAMMEDAN CALENDAR. 

The Mohammedan system of chronology starts from 15 July 
622 A.D., the year of the Hegira or Mahomet's flight from Mecca. 
The Mohammedan, year consists of 354 days, and is divided 
into twelve months, of alternately 29 and 30 days.. Out 
of every cycle of 30 years eleven add an extra day to their 
last month, thus making the number of days for these years 355. 
The following is a calendar for the years of the Hegira 587-89, 
intended to illustrate the dates in Bohadin and other Arabic 
chroniclers quoted. 



No.o/aays. /^-/"^ 



Muharrem 30 

haphar 2q 

Kabia 1 30 

Rabia li 29 

Jornada 1 30 

Jornada 11 29 

Kajab 30 

Shaaban 29 

Kamadin 30 

Shawall 29 

Dulkaada 30 

Dalheg^ia 29 

[And in intercalary 
y&in 30 days.] 



29 Jan. 

28 Feb. 

29 March 
28 Apnl 
27 May 
26 June 
25 July 
24 Aug. 
22 Sept. 
22 Oct. 
20 Nov. 
20 Dec. 



1191 



I* 



Begins in 
A.H.siSon 

iSjan^ 1 192 
17 Feb. 
17 March 
16 April 
15 May 
14 June 
13 July 
12 Aug. 
10 Sept. 
10 Oct. 

8 Nov. 

8 Dec. 



Begins in 
A .H. 589 on 

7 Jan. 1193 

6 Feb. 

7 March „ 
6 April „ 



\ 



\ 



37^ HOTBS. 

NOTE F. — ON CERTAIN DISPUTED SITES IN 
RICHARD'S MARCH FROM ACRE TO JAFFA; 
AND BEIT-NUBA TO KHUWElLFEH. 

Of the other places mentioned in Richard's march the Canl 
of the Nanrow Ways is probably the Athlit, ^ Bak$ S.W. cf 
Haifa. Captain Condor, however, for leasoDS yrt^xAk I can 
hardly comprehend, would identify both the Casal and Caphar- 
naum with TantUra, 6^ miles S. of Athlit and 7-8 miles N. of 
Caesarea. Merla, according to Capt. Condor, is perhi^s the 
modem £1 Mezra'a, where a strong crusading tower still remains 
in ruins beside the main road here tiaversed. The Bombrac of 
p. 178 the same traveller would identify with the modem Ibn 
Ibrak (see map). The Yazur of p. 290 is 3} miles S.E. of Jaffii 
and 7 miles N.W. of Ludd. 

Dr. Stubbs' identification of Galatia with Keratiyeh, 23.njles 
S.W. of Beit-NCLba, is on the whole to be preferred to that given 
in the foot note. In favour of Jeledtyeh may be urged its 
comparative proximity to Ascalon, whence the army was expect- 
ing its provisions; but, on the other hand,, it is very much out 
of the direct line of march from Ramleh to Tell Khuweilfeh, 
where as we learn from Boh&din Richard plundered the caravan. 
Boh&din makes Richard spend the first night of the expedition 
at Tell-es-Sfifi, 10 miles E. of Ascalon and 15 miles S.W. of 
Beit-Niiba, from which place he started. From Tell-es-S&fi he 
passed on to El Hesy, a distance of b^ mUes, if in this we may 
recognise Tell-el-Hesy. From Tell-el-Hesy he made his second 
night march to Tell Khuweilfeh, which lies 14 miles to the S.E. 
As the crow flies Tell Khuweilfeh is about 34 miles S.W. of 
Beit-Niiba and about 51 S.E. of Ascalon. At Keratiyeh there 
are remains of walls and a square tower from twenty to thirty 
feet high ; there are also ruins of an old fortress and church on 
the slopes and top of Tell Khuweilfeh. 

Keratiyeh lies to the W. of the direct route from Tell-es-Sfifi 

to Tell-el-Hesy, 8 miles S.W. of the former, 6 J miles N. of the 

latter, and 20 miles N.W. of TeU Khuweilfeh. Dr. Stubbs 

strives to harmonise the two accout\ls>j ^jviV^^x^^-aX-^^Oaard 



NOTES. 377 

came to Keratiyeh (where he spent the first night, i.e, that of 
Saturday, June 20) by way of Tell-es-Safi. At the latter place 
he may have left his foot while he pushed forward to Kerattyeh 
with the horse. At Keratiyeh he spent the next day (Sunday, 
June 21) "received the first report of the spies and sent them 
out again." On Monday he moved to Tell-el-Hesy, where the 
spies brought him their second report, after which a night march 
brought him to the caravan on the Tuesday morning. 

NOTE G.— ASSASSINS. 

The Mohammedans are divided into two great sections, the 
Simnites, followers of tradition^ who recognise the Caliphs of 
Damascus and Bagdad, and now the Sultan of Turkey, as the 
legitimate successors of Mahomet and the Shiites who, rejecting 
their authority, hold for MaHomet's true successor his nephew and 
son-in-law. All and the Imams his successors. The Shiites or 
followers of Ali soon split up into minute sections. Of these none 
was more famous than that of the Ismailites, who drew their name 
from Ismail, a descendant of Ali in the latter half of the ninth 
century. About the same time a certain Persian, Abdallah, 
conceived the idea of turning the new doctrines to a political 
end. Under the assumption that all religions were true and all 
false he established a secret society divided into various grades. 
Each grade, in ascending order, was taught the comparative 
worthlessness of preceding knowledge till the neophytes reached 
the final one, which, according to some authorities, inculcated 
the indifference of all actions and a creed whose practical results 
could be hardly distinguished from blank Atheism. 

A descendant of Abdallah established himself in Africa about 
the year 909 a.d. He pretended to be a descendant of Ali, and 
his third successor Moizz li din Allah founded the dynasty of 
the Fatimites, who ruled Egypt from about 960 a.d. to 1199. 
In the latter half of the eleventh century another Persian, Hasan 
ben Sabeh, after a life of unprincipled adventure, became an 
Ismailite and for a time settled in Egypt, whence he was before 
long banished for his share in a political intrigue. Returning 
home he soon settled himself (,10^"^ m \}cLfc 'vcK^xfe^asii^'t ^'a.'^RSs. 



37« HOW*. 

of Alanmt, (the Vnltiive's Kest)» aottOi of 1^ -Ca^int S€ft» 
lidiere the descendants of his wnmediate siiccseflsor nded for it 
centmy and a half^ tfll they were oveithiowtt hgr the ^faag/fii 
prince Hnlaga (i 256 A.D.). It is to this section of tfaelsnawQitQi 
(bunded by Hasan that the name A.SMtshi or TTsiTiirfiln,. tirw^^ 
^aUrSf was s^plied,. because « drag pcepan4 from this pl«a|| 
which is the great Frendunan's famUigrtM^ waa latd dwisf 
the initiation of members or to nerve them for any eatnoidaNuy 
effort. 

Hasan's influence was political rather tiian religioas; his 
teaching enforced a blind obedience to the grand master's com- 
mands ; and, for nearly two hundred years, the Ismailites became 
the terrorof East and West. His devoted sectaries, assured that 
death itself was but the gateway to Paradise, never hesitated to 
execute their leader's mandate. Nether private friendship nor 
public greatness interfered with his plans; and Hasan ordeved 
the murder of his old schoolfellow Nizam-al-Mulk, the great 
vizier of Malik Shah, just as lightly as his followers in a later 
generation murdered caliphs in their tents or hurled themselves 
in succession against Saladin in his camp. 

Early in the twelfth century the Assassins began to multiply 
in Sjnia. By purchase or conquest they became masters of a 
ring of fortresses east of Tortosa among the mountains of 
Lebanon. Their first prior in Syria died about 1 169, and was 
succeeded by the famous Sinan, Saladin's enemy, ^o, as it 
seems, sent the celebrated embassy to Amalric I. of Jerusalem, 
offering to become a Christian if released from his tribute to the 
Templars. Sinan seems to have introduced fresh tenets into his 
creed; he threw off the authority of his nominal lord at Alamut, 
and in later days is said to have declared himself an incarnation 
of the Deity. He died in September, 1 192. Eighty years later 
the great Syrian fortresses fell before the Mamlook Sultan of 
Egypt. Massiaf was taken 1270; Kadmous and Katif had 
fallen by July, 1273. In Persia Hulagu had already done his 
best to exterminate the Assassins; but in Syria Beibars contented 
himself with their political subjection. Fifty years later (1326) an 
Eastern traveller, Ibn Batutah, ioMtid l\it Ism^S^Ve^ \K3aa5aiting 



NOTES. 579 

their old castles in the Lebanon. He tells us the Egyptian calif 
of that time did not scrapie to use the Ismailites against his 
enemies, and, to this day, a few thousands of the sect hang round 
the rains of their old fortresses. 

More than twenty-five years ago it was discovered that a 
group of sectaries in Bombay— the Khodjas — ^were Ismailites, 
and paid a tribute of j^50,ooo a year to their religious chief Aga 
Khdn. He was the son of Khaltloull&h, who in the latter half 
of the eighteenth century was chief of the Ismailites of Persia ; 
and his pedigree goes back to Hasan 'Ala I^ikrihissalllm, the 
grand master of the Assassins in the middle of the twelfth centuiy. 
In 1875, when the Prince of Wales was meditating his tour in 
India, Aga Kh&n wrote him an English letter with his own 
hand begging to be honoured with a visit ; and the possible 
successor of Richard Coeur de Lion accepted the hospitality of 
the descendant of the grand master of the Assassins, then living 
as a private gentleman in India and passionately addicted to 
racing and field sports. Aga Kh&n's son has several times 
ridden as a gentleman jockey in Bombay. (See M. St. Guyard's 
''Un Grand Maitre des Assassins au temps de Saladin," Revue 
Asiatique, Apr. -June 1877, VH. Series, vol. ix., pp. 324-489.) 

NOTE H.— ON THE LEGEND OF THE OLD MAN OF 

THE MOUNTAINS. 

A curious parallel to this story of devotion to aonan's leader 
may be read in Ibn Batuta, a Mohammedan who travelled in the 
£ast c. 1326 A.D. : 

I one day saw in the assembly of this prince (t.^., the king of 
MqI Java, in S.E. Asia) a man with a knife in his hand, which 
he placed upon his own neck ; he then made a long speech, not 
a word of which I could understand. He then firmly grasped 
the knife, and its sharpness and the force with which he urged 
it were such that he severed his head from his body, and it fell 
on the ground. I was wondering much at the circumstance, 
vhen the King said to me : ** Does any among you do such a 
thing as this?" I answered, **1 never saw one do so." He 



3^ Kossa, - 

smiled and said : "TtotooraefvaiEtidDao'oateiiaMfarloftfto 
ns" . ^ . One irbo had bean pnumi at tlie awMiailjIi tbJA 
Aie thai the ^leechthemanaBade'WBaadeGianiliDnof hte lowft 
to the Sultan, and that on that account he had UBed Umadi; 
/tuf as his father had deme fmr 0» f Mt r afUmpmam^ -CaVt 
asid his grandfather for ths Kmifs.gifauifUhir^ 

Ihe account of the iUaainna ghen in the teal uMiidjealnddia: 
with that which was cnmnt in Europe dminsr the JUIitii and 
XlVth centuries. Marco Po&o's descripdcm (cC 1300 A.D.) la 
as follows. I bonxyw Colonel Yule*s trandation of this writer^ 
and incorporate passages from his Tcrsiim of Friar Odoric, iriia 
travelled in the East c. 1322 a.d. 

[" The Old Man was called in their language Aloadin. He 
had caused a certain valley between two mountains to be enclosed 
and had turned it into a garden— the largest and most bcantifiil 
that ever was seen, filled with every variety of fruit. In it there 
were erected pavilions and palaces, . . all covered with gilding 
and exquisite painting. And there ware runnels, too, flowing 
freely with wine and milk and honey and water ; and numbers 
of ladies and of the most beautiful damsels in the world who 
could play on all manner of instruments and sung most sweetly 
and danced in a manner that it was charming to behold. For 
the Old Man .... had fashioned [the garden] after the 
description that Mahomet gave of his Paradise. . . And 
surely enough the Saracens of those parts believed that it was 
Paradise."] 

[" And when the Old Man found any youth of promise he 
caused him to be admitted to his Paradise.**] [" And he would 
introduce them into his garden some four or six or ten at a time, 
having first made them drink a certain potion which cast them 
into a deep sleep, and then causing them to be lifted and carried 
in. So when they awoke they found themselves in the Garden. 
When therefore they awoke and found themselves in a place so 
charming they deemed that it was Paradise in very truth.**] 

["And when [the Old Man] desired to cause any king or 

baron to be assassinated ... he called on the oflScer who 

was set over that Paradise to se\ecV. somt oxkfc N^Vck ^^ most 



NOTES. 381 

fitted for the business and who most delighted in the life led in 
that Paradise of his. To this young man a certain potion was- 
given which immediately set him fast asleep; and so in his sleep 
he was carried forth from that Paradise. And when he awoke 
again and found himself no longer in Paradise he went into such 
a madness of grief that he knew not what he did. And, when 
he importimed that Old One of the Mountain to let him back 
into Paradise, the reply was : * Thou canst not return until thou 
shalt have slain such a king or baron. And then, whether thou 
live or die, I will bring thee back into Paradise again.' And so, 
through the youth's great lust to get back into his Paradise he 
got murdered by his hand whomsoever he list. And thus the 
fear of the Old One was upon all the kings of the East, and they 
paid him heavy tribute.'*] 

With these accounts compare the interesting Chinese nar- 
rative given by Chang Te — a Chinese envoy sent by the Great 
Khan Mangu to his brother Hulagu in 1259. Though much 
shorter, this accoimt hardly differs from that quoted above» 
Chang Te, however, adds a curious touch. ** The Mulahi {i,e. 
Assassins) sent their emissaries secretly to the countries which 
had not yet submitted, with orders to stab the rulers. It was 
the same also with the women," According to Chang Te the 
Assassins had 360 mountain fortresses when Hulagu reduced 
them in 1256. For Chang Te's travels see Bretschneider's- 
Chinese Mediaeval Travellers, I. p. 136. 

NOTE I.— ON THE KNOWLEDGE OF ARABIC 
AMONG THE CRUSADERS. 

Henfrid of Toron, who figures as Richard's ambassador to- 
Saladin, was probably well acquainted with Arabic. His mother's 
father was Lord of Kerak and Syria Sobal — a district where 
Arabic must have been practically the only tongue spoken. His 
father-in-law, Reginald of Chatillon, had spent years in a Saracen 
prison ; and his grandfather Henfrid II. of Toron, who was bound 
by intimate ties of brotherhood to one of Nuradin's great emirs, 
seems to have understood this language (William of Tjn-e xvi. 
:. 17). The Saracens themselves speak with admiration of tbisr 



j8s montK 



-die Mofaaamiecbnis m a provob to ligBify bia w if and nffitey 
^«Ua (P- ^5)> »d Sdafiii lifanadf nccivBd lorigMiood at Hi 
Imid (lUn. Hie, /., c ^ with fHddi CIL W. of T;, sd, e, 7). 

It is plain that the ofliceof mteip i €ln or ** dio e o Mian,** kBOwa 
ilo the Egyptians a»ooo ^rcan bdbni was noognlaed hf tte 
Franks. William Drogomaaos owned a faooae at Jcnnalan 
-ander Folk of Anjon (aj>. 1135), and i^;ned a dmterha 1144 
(Cart of fitofy Sepnldue^ Nob. 80 and 8a). Another docamsBt 
ihews OS the dragomanaidp as a kind of fendal fief. Clanr 
•of HeistertxCi^ seems to imply that, before 6ie fidl of Jernaalem ia 
1187, itwascnstcnnaryfor Saracen chiefii to he hnnig^t i^i among 
'Chiistian Fkanks and noble Fkanks among Saracen chiefe ftr the 
sake of learning the two languages. In Baldwin IIL's retreat 
to Gadara a Christian knight negotiated with the enemy "because 
he could spcsk Saracen wtXL ** (W. of T. xvL, c 12). William 
of Tyre midonbtedy knew Arabic wdl, as his wcnks were to a 
large extent based upon Arabic MSS., whidi King Amahic had 
collected for him. Even so early as the first Cmsade one chronider 
teDs US that Tancred understood this language ; and, when it was 
necessary to make terms with Kerbogha before Antioch, the 
besieged Christians made use of one ** Arluinus Drogamundus^'* 
.a knight, to bear their final challenge (Tudebode L, iv.). 

If they had not picked up a tongue commonly spdcen on their 
own estates, many great Prankish l<nds must have learned it 
•during long years of captivity. For example, Reginald of Sidon, 
who figures in this book, could speak and perhaps read Arabic. 
Boh&din tells us that he was so fond of history that he employed 
.an Arabic reader to explain the passages he did not understand. 
It is probably, on this account, that we find him acting as 
•Conrad's envoy to Saladin. 

NOTE K.— ON THE DECAPITATION OF THE DEAD. 

This common Eastern practice appears lasted till the very 

end of the Crusades, even among the most cultivated of Moham- 

jnedan princes. At the ftnaX sVe^e oi Kcx^'m\i^\, Abulfeda*s 



NOTES. 383 

cousin, £l-Modaffer, the prince of Hamah, after defeating a body 
of Franks, cut off the heads of the dead, slung them round their 
horses* necks, and sent horses and heads as a present to the 
Sultan of Egypt. 

NOTE L.— ON BEARDS. 

The mediaeval knight of the 12th century did not, as a rule, 
wear a beard, though the * barba prolixa ' was one of the dis- 
tinguishing features of Templars. Orderic Vitalis has a curious 
story, shewing how in his day it was regarded as a sure sign of 
extreme effeminancy, and almost of heresy, in a man if he did 
not shave. 

This chronicler tellshow the sight of theiong-haired and bearded 
courtiers of Henry I. moved the indignation of Serlo bishop of 
Seez, who preached an eloquent sermon against this new fashion 
before the king and his nobles in the church of Charenton. * * Their 
long beards,'* he told his audience, ** made them look like goats 
and bristly Saracens rather than Christians ; and St. John had 
foretold these effeminancies in his Revelation." After finishing 
his discourse the good bishop whipped out a pair of scissors and 
called upon the king to show an example of decency. Henry, 
in a fit of sudden penitence, sacrificed his royal beard ; the earl 
of Mellent and all the other nobles followed suit, " treading 
their dearly-loved locks under foot." 

The view taken by Christians of the Eastern custom of 
wearing a long beard comes out very characteristically in William 
of Tyre's story of Baldwin of Edessa (afterwards Baldwin II. 
of Jerusalem) and his father-in-law, Gabriel of MeUtene. Bald- 
win, wanting money to pay his stipendiary knights with, led 
them down to this town on a visit. After some days had 
elapsed, his followers appeared before Gabriel, sa3ring they must 
have their money or some ample security for its speedy payment ; 
and as the son-in-law was impecunious, the father-in-law must 
pledge his credit. He asked, by an interpreter, what security 
they would require, and was told his beard. ** On hearing this 
he was struck all of a heap ; for it is the fashion with EastettL 



3«4 

fijIks^Greefci snd otiiflr matkam aiats-'-to toadL tiMr 
with all care. And tbef Ittld it linr the gittttest alMme aod 
ignominy that a inan can oflfothcM to loae a «B|^ hag 
beazds." It was to no pui poee that Gabcid. appealed to Ui 
. son-in-law and finally he redeemed his faeaid liy a payment of 
50,000 Michdiatm, Strangdy cnoiigh» howeter, Bddvin L» 
Baldwin li., and FnUc, the first three Mngs of jrcniaBlan» al 
wofe beards. 

The Saracen pcnnt of ^dew com^ ont well in BQUdin^ 
description of Henfiid de Tcnron : << I saw this yonng man on 
the day iidien the peace was concluded. He was indeed 
beantifol to look at, but he had his heard shaved in accordance 
with the fiishion of his nation." See too, in the last extract 
from Boh&din, where Saladin's little child begms to ay at 
seeing the strange Franks with their fi>reign dresses and ahsfcn 
fiices. 

In the earlio- 1 ith century Chansons de Geste, not only Charles 
the Great wears his beard long but his knights also. Thus m 
the Chanson de Roland, in the Baligant Episode, L 3084-3095, 
and 1. 3315-3319— 

** Behold the pride of France that all men praise ! 
Right proudly rides the Emperor to war. 
He Cometh last with that good bearded folk. 
Over their mail coats they have cast their beards. 
That are as white as snow that lies on ice." 

So in 1. 1823 Ghienes, the traitor earl, who is always described 
as exceedingly handsome and careful of his personal appearance 
and dress, is shown with beard and moustaches, and in 1. 209 
the Emperor speaking to Naimes swears— 

" By this my beard and this moustache of mine." 

Roland himself wears a beard, 1. 2283. But in the Bayeux 
tapestry of c. 1 100 the Normans are mostly clean shaven, while 
the English wear moustaches but no beards save the holy King 
Edward, who wears hair and beard long. 

The curious in this matter may consult Rodolph Glaber (Book 
III. sub finem) as to ihe mtroduc^on. ol xXi^^asJcJw. oC rearing 



NOTES. 385 

short hair and of shaving ' like actors ' into northern France 
about the year 1000 a.d. ; the difficult passage at the end of 
Grcoflfrey of Vigeois (c. 1185 A.D.) ; and, above all else, James de 
Vitry*s invectives against the Latins of the Holy Land for adopt- 
ing the Eastern custom. Guibert of Nugent tells us that, at 
the night capture of Antioch (1098 A.D.), the Latin Christians 
hoped to distinguish their fellows from the Turks by the absence 
of beards ; but the long siege had not afforded opportunities of 
shaving to the Frank knights and hence in the darkness not a 
few perished. 

NOTE M.— ON THE BATTLE OF ARSUF. 

It is almost impossible to get a clear idea of the details of 
this battle from the account given in the Itinerarium, If, how- 
ever, we turn to Bohfidin we can make out a fairly vivid picture 
of the engagement as a whole, though perhaps one that is not, 
in some minute points, quite in harmony with that of the 
Frankish writer. The following is Bohiadin's account of the line 
of march adopted by the Crusaders " as I saw it myself and 
learnt it from some French prisoners and the merchants who used 
to visit their camp.** 

The infantry was divided into two great sections, of which 
one marched along the sea shore and relieved the other when it 
grew too tired to support the attacks of the Saracens. This 
second section was stationed near the hills that fringed the coast 
and no very great distance from the water. Between these two 
sections marched the mounted warriors who never left this middle 
position except to charge. " The infantry, drawn up in front of 
the cavalry, held itself firm as a wall — each man being clad in a 
jerkin of thick felt and a coat of mail. I saw some of them 
with ten arrows fixed in their back and yet marching along at 
their ordinary pace without quitting the ranks." 

The cavalry was divided into three bodies : in the van went 
the king of Jerusalem (Guy) accompanied by the troops of his 
own realm ; in the centre went the king of England and the 
king of France, [a mistake for the duke of Burgundy] ; the 
rear was formed of another troop of horse under ** the sons oC 



j86 

die lady of TnxAu/' i^ Ibi^ of TStmrn wad 

(see Gen. TaUe V). Bi tiie ccatre of tiie anuf wm **a or 

sanDoanted bjra tower es fais^ata ■dHntet*' finm viicli He 

staadaid flootecL 

Sodi, accofding to BobiAi, liw tiie diqioBtioK crf^ tkeiSa^ 
tian tioops on tlie mardi townds Joppa, Thm watda d He 
aatbor d tlie Uttnemrmm woold, licmcfcr, aeot to waf^ Art 
Ridiaitl modified liB anaageBMOt on tiie day ot* tiie greiitlM^ 
agaiiut iHddi, lioiwevcr, nmst be set tiie fint Oat BohldM 
account of the engagement hsdf is consistent widi liis own 
arrangement rather than with that of die J^imenaHum. 

When the battle commenced Boliadin was with die centre, 
and the combat evidendy opened by an attack on tlie Moham- 
medan rig^t wing; in other words, with a charge fiom the 
Christian rear-gnaid, where the foot opened their lines to let the 
cavalry pass through. Again it seems evident that, after the 
batde had opened with the engagement of die two rear-goards, 
as Bohftdin deaiiy saw, the two vans were the next to come into 
the contest. Such appears to be the plain inference from the 
Christian account as well as a fair deduction from Bohidin's 
statement that when the centre was routed, he thou^t it best to 
flee to the left wing, which was nearest him. But, by the time 
he got there, it was already more utterly defeated than the ri^t. 
All this agrees very well with the liinerarium^ from which it 
would appear that the English and Norman troops (i>., 
Boh^n's centre) were the last to jdn batde. 

NOTE N.— ON THE CAUSES OF THE FAILURE OF 

THE THIRD CRUSADE. 

Though the failure of the Third Crusade may at first seem 
strange, its causes are perhaps not difficult to understand. 
The defection of Philip, the quarrel for the crown, the national 
rivalries that had gone far to wreck the two previous Crusades, 
all precluded vigorous action. Had Richard been able to advance 
on Ascalon some weeks earlier, as he doubtless intended to have 
done, the whole coast south o^ Acre would probably have fallen 
into Ins hands without a blow ; so di^tatlcii^N<c»>iJBL<t^«3c^R«sv!s. 



NOTES. 387 

at the fall of this city. Probably a second tactical mistake was also 
made in not pushing on for Ascalon at every hazard after the battle- 
of Arsuf. Such at all events seems to have been the opinion of so 
capable a general as Conrad of Montferrat who, according to- 
Ibn Alathir, reproached the king keenly for this neglect : at the 
very rumour of its projected destruction, he urged, Richard ought 
to have hurried up and saved a town which the Sultan could not 
defend, and which, if once destroyed, Richard must well have 
known he would have to rebuild. * By Christ's truth,* concluded 
Conrad, ' had I been near thee, Ascalon would be in our hands- 
this day and that without the loss of a single tower.' 

Again there seems to be little doubt that had Richard marched 
boldly on Jerusalem in the early part of June, ug2 it would have 
fallen. But it is more doubtful whether he would have been 
able to retain it. The great crowd of warriors, having fulfilled 
their vows and worshipped at our Lord's tomb, would have 
hurried home, taking no thought for the defenceless land. Nor 
could the Holy City have itself held out long after their departure.. 
The feudal poHty which, five years before, had proved too weak 
to defend the state could not have been reorganised in a few 
weeks or months. It was a sound instinct which taught the 
Crusaders that the true way to the reconquest of Palestine was 
across the Delta of the Nile. Their ancestors had acquired the 
Holy Land and held it at a time when Damascus and Cairo were at 
variance ; directly the valleys of the Orontes and the Nile acknow- 
ledged one lord the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem fell. Whether 
any Crusading force could have been mustered strong enough not 
only to conquer but to garrison Egypt while its fellows pushed 
on against Jerusalem is uncertain ; but so long as the wealth, 
the fertihty and the fleet of the Lower Nile were at the disposal 
of the Sultan of Damascus, Aleppo and the further East, no 
Christian power could hope for the permanent possession of 
Jerusalem. 

NOTE O. 

The following account of the capture of the caravan from the 
lips of an eye-witness is worth preserving. 

Ibn Alathir, 11. p. 61. 

One of our iriends whom we had sent to tg^V mAnjVo N^-as^- 



388 NOTES. 

with this caravan told me as follows : ** When the Franks fell 
on us we had just put up our packages to resume our march. 
They flung themselves upon us and attacked us fiercely. I flung 
away my packages— for I had a number of packages belonging 
to someone else— and began to climb the hill. A troop of 
Franks came up with us and seized the packages that I had been 
in charge of. For my own part I was about a bowshot ahead 
and they did not reach me. So I escaped with what I had by 
me and continued my way not knowing in what direction I was 
going ; when, all of a sudden there rose before me a huge build- 
ing set on a mountain. I asked its name and they told me 
* Karak.* And there I went and, later, returned safe and sound 
to Jerusalem.'* This same man left Jerusalem in perfect safety ; 
but, on reaching Bozaa not far from Aleppo, he was seized by 
brigands. He had only escaped one death to perish at the 
moment when his danger seemed over. 

NOTE P.— ON THE COUNT OF ST. POL, &c. 

Hugh rV., Count of St. Pol, is said to have succeeded his 
father Anselm in 1 1 74. Villehardouin tells us how he took part 
in the fourth crusade, was one of the envoys to the Venetians, 
and shared in the Conquest of Constantinople, where he died of 
gout almost immediately after the taking of the city [1205 A.D.J. 

Stephen of Tumham, or Marzai, seems to have been Henry 
II. *s seneschal or treasurer in Anjou. On Richard's accession 
he was flung into prison at Winchester till he would deliver the 
royal treasure (;f45,ooo) and castles. According to Dr. Stubbs 
he was sheriff" of Wilts, and justice in ejTC in 10 Richard I. 
( 1 198-9). Richard of Devizes calls him a man ^'^ magnus et 
potenSy singulariter ferus et dominus domini.^^ He had led 
Berengaria back to England by way of Rome (i 192-4). 

Baldwin, advocate of Bethun, was one of the hostages for 
King Richard's release in 1194. Next year he was created Earl 
of Albemarle after marrying Hawisa, the widow of William de 
Forts (see note p. 9). He is said to have died 13 Oct. 12 13. 



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I. of Antioch. 

Agnes d.=ALi 
ofLouisVII. 
of France. 
See Table II. 



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PTTS. d. of Raymond 1. 

of Antioch. 
See Table II. 



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tJ70. STRAND, LONDON. 

6NGLISH HISTORY FROM CONTEM- 
PORARY WRITERS. 

F. YORK POWELL, M.A. 



pin 1Qn>o volumes, averaging 200 pages, wilh iriuctrfttloni 
neatly bound in cioth, cut flush, 1&.; or cloth uneil 

edges, 1b. 3d. 

ALREADY PUBLISHED. 

' ISDWAKI} III. AND HIS WABS (1327-1380),' 

KxliacU Irani Ihe. Chronicles of Froissurt, ^ebi 
Knighton, Adam of Murimuth, Robert of Avesbury, The 
Chionicle of Laucrcost, the Slate Papers, elc. Arranged ach 
cdileO b)- W. J. ASHLBV, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln Coilegt, 
OxfotJ. 
THE MISRULE OP HENRY III (1236-1251). 

iiKtracts Irom Ihe wrirings of Matthew i'aria, Robert Grossetestc, 
Adnni of Marsh, elc. Selected and arranged by the Ro, 
W. H. Hin-TON. M.A., Fellow of St. Johc's College, Oifoii 

STRONGBOWS CONQUEST OF IRELAND. 

TmitslatiOQi bom the Works of Gerald of Barti, Roger of 
How/aen, Benedict of Peterborough (Richard Fiti-Ne«l|, 
William ol Newhury, Ralph of Diasay, Robert of St. Michaelt 
Mount, Gervase of Canterbury, Ralph Niger, and Gervaie ol' 
Tilbury, The Archives of Dublin, The Annals of Boyle, Tin' 
Anglo-Norman Poem on the Conquest known as "Regan:" 
and Extracts from O'Donovnn's versions of the Annals of tbt 
Four Mastvs and of the Annals of Iniiisfallen, 
I'ersion of the Annals of Loch Ci, Mageoghcgan's 
Ihe Annals of Clonmacnoiie, and other contemporary records j 
liy FnAKClff PIERRF.CONT ftKB.SK«.\J,"V\.,tv,\'i.*».-i. Masli 

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extracts 
Idin, the 
edited bjr